Taoism 9004174532, 9789004174535

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Taoism

Religious Studies in Contemporary China Collection Series Advisor

Vincent Goossaert

VOLUME 2

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.nl/rscc

Taoism Edited by

Mou Zhongjian Translated by

Pan Junliang and Simone Normand

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2012

This book is the result of a co-publication agreement between The Ethnic Publishing House and Koninklijke Brill NV. These chapters were translated into English from the original (Dangdai zhongguo zongjiao yanjiu jingxuan congshu: Daojiao juan) with financial support from China Book International. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Taoism / edited by MouZhongjian ; translated by Pan Junliang and Simone Normand. p. cm. — (Religious studies in contemporary China collection ; v. 2) “This volume gathers together English translations of seventeen articles originally published in the People’s Republic of China between 1947 and 2006, and republished together in 2008 as part of an edited volume of representative works in PRC Taoist studies”—Introd. ISBN 978-90-04-17453-5 (hardback :alk. paper) 1. Taoism. I. Mou, Zhongjian, 1939– BL1925.T42 2012 299.5’14—dc23 2011041578

ISBN 978 90 04 17453 5 (hardback) ISBN 978 90 47 42799 5 (e-book) Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................ Vincent Goossaert Taoist Studies: Past and Present. A Retrospective and Perspective Analysis of Taoist Studies over a Hundred Years ........................................................................ Qing Xitai

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From Yiqie daojing to Zhonghua daozang—A Retrospective of the Study of the Taoist Textual Heritage .................................... Wang Ka

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The Apocryphal Jia Section in Taipingjing Chao 太平经钞 [Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace] .............................. Wang Ming

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Lao-tzu, the Tao of Lao-tzu, and the Evolution of Taoism— The Cultural Significance of the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians 老子化胡说” .............................. Hong Xiuping

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Cao Cao and Taoism ................................................................. Li Gang

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The Taoist Concept of the “Six Heavens” ............................... Wang Zongyu

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Cheng Xuanying and the Study of the Twofold Mystery ........ Tang Yijie

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From the Fundamentals of Philosophical Taoism to the Inner Alchemy of Religious Taoism ................................................ Zhang Guangbao

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“Follow and Oppose 顺逆” in Taoist Inner Alchemy and Its Contemporary Interpretation ............................................ Ge Guolong The Quanzhen School and the Culture of Qilu Region .......... Mou Zhongjian The Revival of the Longmen Branch of the Quanzhen School in the Qing Dynasty ............................................................... Chen Bing The Impact of the Taoist Morality Book Taiwei xianjun gongguoge 太微仙君功过格 [Register of Merits and Demerits of the Divine Lord of Great Tenuity] ............................................. Chen Xia

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Abnegating Killing and Cherishing Life .................................... Li Yuanguo

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Taoist Philosophy on Environmental Protection ....................... Yin Zhihua

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Study of the Medical Elements in Taoist Healing: The Use of Talismans and Incantations ................................ Gai Jianmin

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A Comparative Study of the Ritual of the “Three Great Purities”, the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation”, and the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation”—Similarities and Differences between the Taoist Rituals of the Cantonese Region and of the Jiangnan Region ..................................................................... 309 Chen Yaoting The Theatrical Character of Taoist Rituals .............................. Liu Zhongyu

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Index .............................................................................................

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INTRODUCTION Vincent Goossaert This volume gathers together English translations of seventeen articles originally published in the People’s Republic of China between 1947 and 2006, and republished together in 2008 as part of an edited volume of representative works in PRC Taoist studies.1 The volume originated in a collaboration between the Minzu Press in Beijing, which published that edited volume, and Brill; I was honored to be invited to read it and write an introduction. While only part of the volume edited by Professor Mou was selected for translation in the present project, the aim remains the same: showcasing representative works of Taoist studies in mainland China, including early articles that were widely influential although they may now be superseded in some aspects by more recent research. Most of the major scholars of Taoist studies in the PRC are represented in this anthology, and many of them have never had any of their work translated into any Western language before; it is hoped that the present volume will draw readers to their scholarship and inspire them to read their books and articles in Chinese. Taoist studies have been developing rapidly both in China and the West since the 1980s,2 but along different paths;3 while Chinese scholars are quoted and discussed in Western-language publications, it would be useful for students and for scholars in other fields to understand how Chinese scholars approach the study of Taoism on their

Mou Zhongjian 牟钟鉴, ed. Dangdai Zhongguo zongjiao yanjiu jingxuan congshu, Daojiao juan 当代中国宗教研究精选丛书 道教卷 (Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2008). 2 This growth has resulted in the creation of several specialized scholarly journals, notably Taoism: Religion, History and Society (bilingual English and Chinese, est. 2009), Journal of Taoist Studies (English, est. 2008), and Daojia wenhua yanjiu 道家文化研究 (Chinese, est. 1992), in addition to journals published by Taoist institutions (national headquarters and regional branches of PRC Taoist associations; Taoist journals in Hong Kong and Taiwan). 3 The perceived need among Chinese scholars of Taoism to better understand Taoist studies in the West has resulted in a large project of translating representative works from Western and Japanese languages into Chinese; the resulting collection, entitled Daojiaoxue yicong 道教学译丛, is directed by Professor Zhu Yueli 朱越利. 1

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own terms. For this reason, this volume is intended less as a collection of new research in the field, than as a general introduction to Chinese scholarship. The translations were done by Pan Junliang and Simone Normand, who deserve praise for their work, as translating Chinese scholarly articles is a notoriously difficult task. Chinese scholars assume a solid knowledge of classical culture from their readers, and thus allude to and quote liberally from a wide variety of sources; Western readers not immersed in Taoist studies often find these allusions and quotes difficult to grasp, and thus translation often requires clarification. Quotations from the classics, easily done in Chinese, require hard philological work to be rendered satisfactorily in English. Last but not least, a good deal of the Taoist technical vocabulary, particularly in the realm of self-cultivation, defies translation, as it is squarely based on multiple meanings (poetical, physiological, mystical ). Faced with such challenges, the translators have striven to render the style and inspiration of the authors while respecting sinological standards in all technical aspects yet keeping the Chinese style for references in footnotes. Taoist Studies in China The development of the field of Taoist studies in the PRC is explained in detail in Qing Xitai’s contribution in this volume. It would be useful to outline here the larger context for the development of this field. Taoism is one of the five recognized religions in the PRC; the Taoist association was established in 1957 and again in 1980 after the Cultural Revolution, which had disbanded all religious institutions.4 It is Taoism as defined and recognized by the government through the Taoist association that constitutes the proper object of study by academics; this stands in contrast to other parts of the Chinese world, such as Hong Kong and Taiwan, where normative definitions of Taoism are different, and studies of it are thus also different, more attuned to contemporary situations, Taoist ritual, and connections with local cults. 4 On the political context for religion and religious studies in the PRC, see Vincent Goossaert and David A. Palmer, The Religious Question in Modern China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011). See also Yang Fenggang, “Between Secularist Ideology and Desecularizing Reality: The Birth and Growth of Religious Research in Communist China,” Sociology of Religion 65, no. 2 (2004): 101–19.

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The major institutions for Taoist studies have been the Institute for the Study of World Religions 世界宗教研究所 at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (established in 1964), which has a group for Taoist studies (est. 1981), and several universities that began to develop centers for Taoist studies in the 1980s. The University of Sichuan was one of the earliest (1980) and remains a major center, attracting graduate students and running publication programs. As a whole, and over the course of a generation (thirty years), the field has grown both quantitatively and qualitatively at an amazing speed, and the vibrancy and quality of present-day scholarship is admirable when we consider the near void it developed from in the early 1980s. University centers for Taoist studies (and for religious studies in general ) most often originate from and are linked to philosophy departments. This explains their strong emphasis on textual studies, but they have begun to increasingly extend their gaze to alternative approaches.5 Scholars of religion in the PRC have an advisory role to the government in matters of religious policy. Yet they also often work with confessional institutions; it is not rare for scholars of Taoism to teach in training programs for clerics within temples. Thus, scholars are often well acquainted with the present-day situation of institutional Taoism, and are sympathetic to the demands of Taoist institutions for more social and political space; a gradual trend toward more empathy for Taoists is visible in their writings, especially when comparing scholarship from the 1980s, 1990s, and the present. A number of articles in this anthology should be read with this agenda in mind, as they were written more or less explicitly with the aim of arguing that specific aspects of Taoist culture, such as inner alchemical self-cultivation or salvation rituals for the dead, are not mere “magic” but represent a coherent, sophisticated vision of the world; are worthy of being considered as precious elements of Chinese mainstream culture; and should thus be respected and preserved, rather than suppressed, reformed, or just treated as relics of the past. In this context, while the scholars represented here are all noted for focused, in-depth studies of specific aspects of Taoist studies, they have also authored more wide-ranging pieces that draw on the whole

5 For another, earlier survey of Taoist studies in China, see Ding Huang, “The Study of Taoism in China Today,” in Livia Kohn, ed., Taoism Handbook (Leiden: Brill, 2000): 765–91.

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of Taoist literature from antiquity to the present, and that show the relevance of the tradition as a whole to contemporary issues. Taoist ethics, their focus on social harmony and respect for the environment, have been a topic of particular interest, with scholars arguing that Taoism has long heralded values now upheld by the government and large parts of society, and pleading on this basis for a larger place for Taoism in the contemporary intellectual and political scene. Scholars in the field regularly meet at conferences to discuss the adaptation of Taoism to modernity, where they both plead for the relevance of Taoism to contemporary society and are encouraged to identify those elements of the Taoist tradition that should be emphasized. The chapters by Li Yuanguo (on respect for life) and Yin Zhihua (on the environment in Taoist philosophy) in this volume speak directly to this type of scholarship, as does Chen Xia’s chapter on a twelfth-century morality text, which sees it as a forerunner of the modern turn to secularizing and popularizing Taoist ethics. In this political and intellectual context, Taoist studies is a field strongly oriented toward textual studies and the history of Taoist thought. This is the background of almost all of the scholars represented in this volume. There are also historians, art historians and archeologists, sociologists, and anthropologists interested in Taoism, and, even more importantly, folklorists and scholars of popular literature and/or performing arts (music, opera, storytelling), who have worked with living Taoism in rural China, doing extensive fieldwork and collecting large amounts of material. Many important articles and books have been published, either in Taiwan or in the PRC itself, on Taoism in the context of local religious life, and documenting present-day ritual. These are not represented in the present anthology, because such works are considered by Chinese scholars as belonging to a separate field. Major Trends in the Field of Taoist Studies in the PRC The major task for Chinese scholars of Taoism since the field began to develop in the 1980s has been to establish the textual legacy. Before the 1980s, most of the sources in the Taoist canon, Daozang 道藏, were left untouched, as scholars focused on texts also known elsewhere. Wang Ming’s work on the Taipingjing 太平經 (known to exist from other sources, but only extant in fragments in the Daozang) was a major

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pioneering effort, and inspired later generations of scholars; this is why it was included in the present anthology, even though it is the only chapter to date from before the 1980s. During this period, a very large part of the scholarship was also devoted to the classic texts of Laozi and Zhuangzi; this line of enquiry has remained alive, as represented here in Hong Xiuping’s chapter, which discusses Laozi’s (Lao-tzu) role in later self-definitions of Taoism. Starting in the 1980s, in parallel and occasionally in cooperation with similar Western efforts,6 most of the scholars in the field have taken part in large-scale collaborative projects aimed at producing research tools that will allow the next generation to fully use the Taoist textual legacy, notably the Daozang: dictionaries of Taoism; analytical handbooks of the Daozang; publications of extra-canonical sources; a general history of Taoism based on a first survey of these sources; and a first modern punctuated edition of the canon, the Zhonghua Daozang 中華道藏 (2004). Qing Xitai’s chapter details this process, which radically changed the situation in which, thirty years ago, scholars lacked any knowledge about most of the Taoist scriptural legacy. Wang Ka, from the Institute for the Study of World Religions, has been a key force behind the Zhonghua Daozang, and his chapter summarizes his view of the work done to understand the Taoist textual legacy as a whole. Many of the other articles translated here have been by-products of this huge collective effort to chart the tradition and identify major schools, moments of historical change, and elements of continuity across time and space. Parts of the huge legacy of Taoist texts explored during this process have been particularly favored for closer examination. Liturgy and ritual have so far not been much studied, especially when compared to Taoist studies elsewhere in the world, but scholars such as Liu Zhongyu (see his chapter on Taoist ritual and opera), who previously specialized in Taoist philosophy and literature, are now turning to ritual. Chen Yaoting’s article, which compares different liturgies for the same death ritual, represents an innovative approach that explores liturgical texts not only for their underlying doctrinal foundations, but

6 Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen, eds., The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang (Daozang Tongkao 道藏通考), 3 vols. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004); see also Fabrizio Pregadio, ed., Encyclopaedia of Taoism (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2008).

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also as products of social practice. Gai Jianmin’s chapter examines a rapidly developing field, namely the interconnections between Taoism and medicine, as he discuses Taoist ritual healing. Self-cultivation has received relatively more attention. The chapters by Zhang Guangbao (on the philosophical basis for inner alchemy) and Ge Guolong (on the notions of with the flow/against the flow in inner alchemical theory) both exemplify Chinese research on the corpus of self-cultivation texts that strives to define the underlying “philosophy of life” at work in this tradition. Because the Quanzhen 全真 School of Taoism (which has been the main, albeit not unique, transmitter of self-cultivation texts and techniques) is now dominant in institutional Taoism in the PRC, and because it is quite often viewed by scholars and intellectuals as more ethical, spiritual, culturally refined, and thus more compatible with “modernity” than other Taoist Schools, it has received a large share of scholarly attention. Mou Zhongjian’s chapter on Quanzhen Taoism in the context of Shandong local culture exemplifies such scholarly affinity with this particular form of Taoism; it also hints at a recent and important trend in the field, that of writing local histories of Taoism, which allows scholars to go beyond excessively ideal-typical, if not outright idealized, representations of Taoism independently of actual local contexts. Finally, another scholarly orientation well represented in the present anthology is the study of major figures, ideas, and movements in the historical development of Taoism and its interplay with Confucianism and Buddhism. Chen Bing’s classic article on the renewal of the Quanzhen School of Taoism in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is a good example of how Chinese scholars of Taoism tend to deal with issues of historical change by focusing on state policies and doctrinal evolutions. For a much earlier period, that of the turn of the third century AD, Li Gang’s chapter looks at Taoism from the angle of its connections with imperial rule. Tang Yijie’s chapter deals with the Tang-period Chongxuan 重玄 movement, admired by Chinese scholars as the summit of Taoist philosophy and the fruit of its intense interaction with Buddhism. Wang Zongyu’s chapter is maybe the most theological of all, inasmuch as he explores, through the key concept of “six heavens” 六天, the inner logic of early Taoist representations of Heaven, Hell, good, and evil.

TAOIST STUDIES: PAST AND PRESENT.1 A RETROSPECTIVE AND PERSPECTIVE ANALYSIS OF TAOIST STUDIES OVER A HUNDRED YEARS Qing Xitai Taoism is China’s indigenous religion and it has a very long history. It was born in China more than 1,800 years ago and was nourished within traditional Chinese culture. As one of its principal pillars, it is closely interwoven into all cultural fields. During its long development, it exercised influence over politics, the economy, philosophy, literature, art, music, painting, architecture, chemistry, medicine, pharmacology, self-cultivation regimen, and Qigong, and helped to form and develop ethics, mores, national relations, national mentality, national character, and national cohesion. Certain influences are not negligible today in the Chinese lifestyle and cultural structure. Lu Xun said “The root of China is located in Taoism.” This phrase is a scientific generalization of the role and function of Taoism in traditional Chinese culture. In this chapter, we will examine Chinese studies of Taoism in three parts, dealing first with the past then with the present and lastly with the future. A Retrospective Analysis The historical period we are referring to spans the twentieth century up through the Cultural Revolution, from 1900 until December 1978, when the policy of Economic Reform was decided in the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee. We consider the period from 1900 to the foundation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 as the first stage of the development of Taoist studies and from the foundation the PRC to the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1978 as its second stage. During the Cultural Revolution all social science

1 Originally published in Zhongguo zongjiao yanjiu nianjian 中国宗教研究年鉴. Beijing: Religious Culture Publishing House, 2003.

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studies were suspended, including those on Taoism. This period cannot be considered an independent stage in the development of Taoist studies and will be presented briefly in the second stage. The first stage is considered the budding period, the second the “pioneering period,” and the ten years of the “Cultural Revolution” an independent period of interruption. The first and second stages should not be kept distinct, however, because both are the starting points of Taoist studies. These two stages belong to the same foundational stage of Taoist studies and their essential characteristics are, on the whole, identical. We therefore study them together in this chapter. This extended foundational period of Chinese Taoist studies, covering nearly eighty years, shows us the difficulties that Chinese Taoist studies encountered in their initial period, when they were brutally interrupted for a long time. The studies were officially opened up in the last twenty years of the twentieth century, after being neglected for the first eighty years. This was mainly due to the prejudice of Chinese scholars who, for a long time, considered Confucianism as the sole representative of traditional Chinese culture, and Taoism as a folk superstition, with no theoretical system, that deserved to be eradicated. Han Yu first sustained this idea and Su Shi later took it up. This opinion is still very much alive among certain circles. Influenced by this preconception, many people despised Taoism and undermined it in the extreme. Without substantial studies to support it, the value of Taoism was underestimated. Consequently, a strange phenomenon occurred whereby the quality of Chinese Taoist studies fell behind those made by their Western counterparts. At that time, although articles and books—some of high academic value—were written by a few Taoist scholars and remain valuable documents on Taoism, only a few scholars devoted themselves to the studies in question. Both the investment in and the results of these studies were meager, compared with other disciplines like philosophy, history, and even Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam. No institutes were formed to study Taoism thoroughly. This situation lasted from the beginning of the twentieth century until the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1978. Let us now turn to the principal characteristics of this first period (1900–1949). In this period, only a few historians and philosophers, like Liu Shipei, Wen Dujian, Tang Yongtong, Wang Ming, Meng Wentong, Chen Guofu, Chen Yinke, Xu Dishan, and Fu Qinjia, engaged in their own research, studying Taoist culture very perfunctorily, but never specializing in Taoism. In compiling the names of

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works and authors on Taoism, we found that only about 160 scholars had studied Taoism over a half-century period. Theirs were spontaneous and sporadic efforts, with no plan to study Taoism methodically. On the whole, despite numerous subjects, the studies were focused on the sources of the Taoist Canon, the history of ancient Taoism, and Taoist inner alchemy. There were altogether only about 200 articles and ten books. We have classified these works into eight categories, which we will now introduce: First, on the Taoist Canon, the first work was Liu Shipei’s Du Daozang ji 读道藏记 [Remarks on the Taoist Canon] (published in 1911 in Guocui xuebao 国粹学报 [ Journal of Chinese Quintessence] vol. 7, nos. 1–5). Published in 1935 in Guoxue jikan 国学季刊 [Quarterly of Sinology] (vol. 5, no. 1), Tang Yongtong’s Du Taipingjing suojian 读太平经所见 [Remarks on the Scripture of Great Peace] is the first thesis on the Scripture of Great Peace. In compiling Daozang zimu yinde 道藏子目引得 [Combined Indexes to the Authors and Titles of Books in Two Collections of Taoist Literature] (published in 1935 by the Harvard-Yenching Institute of Yenching University in Beijing), Wen Dujian corrected some errors in various reference books of the Taoist Canon both in Chinese and in foreign languages. Published in 1949 by Zhonghua shuju, Chen Guofu’s Daozang yuanliu kao was a detailed study of the formation and evolution of the Taoist Canon and had a significant influence on Chinese and foreign scholars. Annotations, collations, and verifications of particular scriptures included Hu Shih’s Tao Hongjing de Zhengao kao 陶弘景的真诰考 [Studies of Tao Hongjing’s Zhengao] published in 1935 in Cai Yuanpei xiansheng liushiwu sui lunwenji 蔡元培先生六十五岁论文集 (下) [Essays Dedicated to the 65th Anniversary of Cai Yuanpei (vol. 2)], and Wang Guowei’s Changchun zhenren xiyouji jiaozhu 长春真人西游记校注 [Collation and Annotation of Changchun Zhenren Xiyouji], published in 1937 by Wenzhan ge. Meng Wentong compiled Laozi Cheng Xuanying shu 老子成玄 英疏 [Cheng Xuanying’s Commentary on Lao-tzu] and wrote articles such as “Jiaoli Laozi Cheng Xuanying shu xulu 校理老子成玄英疏叙录” [Descriptive Notes of Collation of Laozi Annotated by Cheng Xuanying], “Jijiao Laozi Li Rong zhu ba 辑校老子李荣注跋” [A Postscript to the Compilation of Lao-tzu Annotated by Li Rong], “Zuowang lun kao 坐忘论考” [Studies on Zuowang Lun], and “Chen Bixu yu Chen Tuan xuepai— Chen Jingyuan Laozi Zhuangzi zhu jiaoji fu Chen Tunan xuepu 陈碧虚与陈抟学派—陈景元老子、庄子注校记附陈图南学谱” [Chen Bixu and Chen Tuan School—Notes on Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu Annotated

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by Chen Jingyuan published together with the Intellectual Chronicle of Chen Tunan], which were published in 1948 in the Tushu jikan 图书集刊 [Bulletin of Sichuan Library] (no. 8). Wang Ming wrote the following articles: “Lun Taipingjing chao jiabu zhi wei 论太平经钞甲部之伪” [The Apocryphal Jia Category in Taipingjing Chao], “Zhouyi cantongqi kaozheng 周易参同契考证” [Collation of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi], “Huangting jing kao 黄庭经考” [Studies of the Scripture of Yellow Court], and “Laozi Heshang gong zhangju kao 老子河上公章句考” [Studies of Lao-tzu Annotated by Heshang Gong], which were published in 1948 in Shiyusuo jikan 史语所 集刊 [Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica] (nos. 18, 19, and 20) and Guoli Beijing daxue shizhounian jinian lunwenji 国立 北京大十周年纪念论文集 [Essays Dedicated to the Tenth Anniversary of Beijing University], respectively. All these works were ground-breaking masterpieces. Second, works on the history of Taoism include Chen Minggui’s Changchun Daojiao yuanliu kao 长春道教源流考 [The History of the Taoist School founded by (Qiu) Changchun], published in 1921–1922 in Yazhou xueshu zazhi 亚洲学术杂志 [ Journal of Asian Studies] (nos. 2–4), Fu Qinjia’s Daojiao shi gailun 道教史概论 [A Panorama of the History of Taoism] and Zhongguo Daojiao shi [A History of Chinese Taoism] (published by the Commercial Press in 1933 and 1937, respectively), Xu Dishan’s Daojiao shi [A History of Taoism] (first volume published by the Commercial Press in 1934), Chen Yuan’s NanSong chu Hebei xindaojiao kao 南宋初河北新道教考 [The New Taoist Schools formed north of the Yellow River during the early Southern Song period] (published by Fu Jen Catholic University in 1941), Liu Jianquan’s Daojiao zhenglüe 道教征略 [An Essay on Taoism] (published in 1948 in Tushu jikan, nos. 7–8), and Wang Chongmin’s Laozi kao 老子考 [Studies on Lao-tzu] (published in 1927 by Beijing Zhonghua tushuguan xiehui). Among the valuable articles on Taoist history are Chen Yinke’s “Tianshi Dao yu Binhai diyu zhi guanxi 天师道与滨海地域之关系” [The Relationship Between the Heavenly Master School and the Coastal Region] (published in 1933 in the Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica, vol. 3, no. 4), Li Simian’s “Daojiao qiyuan zakao 道教起源杂考 [Studies on the Origins of Taoism] (published in 1941 in QiLu Xuebao 齐鲁学报 [The Bulletin of Qi Lu]), Chen Yuan’s “Li Zhichang zhi zunian 李志常之卒年” [The Date of the Death of Li Zhichang] (published in 1943 in Fu Jen Sinological Journal, nos. 1–2), Meng Wentong’s “Wanzhou xiandao fensanpai kao 晚周仙道分三派考” [Studies of the

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Three Schools of Immortality in the Late Zhou Period] (published in 1949 in Tushu jikan, no. 8), and Wang Ming’s “Lun Laozi yu Daojiao 论老子 与道教” [Studies on Lao-tzu and Taoism] (published in 1948 in the Central Daily News weekly 中央日报). These articles have been considered reference works of great value to this day. Third, works on Taoist philosophy included Xu Dishan’s two articles “Daojia sixiang yu Daojiao 道家思想与道教” [Religious Taoism and Philosophical Taoism] and “Daojiao zhi genben sixiang ji qi duiyu rensheng de taidu 道教之根本思想及其对于人生的态度” [The Essential Philosophy of Taoism and Its Attitude with Regard to Life]. The former was published in 1927 in the Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies, (no. 2), while the latter was published in 1935 in Dushu jikan 读书季刊 [Reading Quarterly] (vol. 1, no. 2). Yao Congwu’s “JinYuan Quanzhen jiao de minzu sixiang ji qi duiyu rensheng de taidu 金元全真教的民族思想及其对 于人生的态度” [Nationalism and Its Attitude in Regard to Life in the Quanzhen School in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties] and JinYuan Quanzhen jiao de minzu sixiang yu jiushi sixiang 金元全真教的民族思想与救世思想 [Nationalism and the Universal Salvation in the Quanzhen School in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties] placed a high value on Taoist ideas. The former was published in 1939 in Zhishi zazhi 治史杂志 [History Studies Journal] (no. 2), while the latter was published in 1946 by Sichuan Qingchengshan changdaojing shushe. Other works included Wen Yiduo’s Daojiao de jingshen 道教的精神 [The Spirit of Taoism] in his Wen Yiduo quanji 闻一 多全集 [The Complete Works of Wen Yiduo] (published in 1948 by Kaiming shudian), Huang Jigang’s “Xiandao pinglun 仙道平论” [A Study of the Way of Immortality] (published in 1941 in Yayan, vol. 1, no. 2), Yu Xun’s “Zaoqi Daojiao zhi zhengzhi xinnian 早期道教之政治信念” [Political Beliefs in Early Taoism] (published in 1942 in Fu Jen Sinological Journal, vol. 12, nos. 1–2), and Yi Junzuo’s “Daojiao jiaoyi de jiantao yu pipan 道教教义的检讨与批判 [Review and Criticism of Taoist Doctrines] (published in 1943 in Wenhua xianfeng 文化先锋 [The Pioneer of Culture], vol. 2, no. 22). In addition, there were introductions to specific deities by folklorists, such as Pu Jiangqing’s “Baxian kao 八仙考” [Studies on Eight Immortals] (published in 1936 in Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, vol. 11, no. 1), Yu Daoling’s “Xuanwu zhi qiyuan ji qi tuibian 玄武之起源及其蜕变” [The Evolution of Xuanwu] (published in December 1947 in Shixue jikan 史学集刊 [History Studies bulletin], no. 5), Wen Yiduo’s “Shenxian kao 神仙考” [Studies on the Immortals] and “Siming kao 司命考” [Studies on the Controler of Life] (in Wen Yiduo quanji published in 1948 by Kaiming

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shudian), Liang Sheng’s “Zaoshen de yanjiu 灶神的研究” [Studies on the Stove God (published in 1926 in Eastern Miscellany, vol. 23, no. 24), Yang Kun’s “Zaoshen kao 灶神考” [Studies on the Stove God (published in 1944 in Sinology, no. 1), Luo Xianglin’s “Bixia yuanjun 碧霞元君” [The Mount Tai Goddess] (published in 1929 in Minsu 民俗 [Folklore], vol. 69/70, no. 24), He Cijun’s “Wenchang dijun kao 文昌帝君考” [Studies on Lord Wenchang] (published in 1936 in Yijing 逸经 [Lost Scriptures], no. 9), and Zhou Guoting’s “Tang daojiao kao zhi Yuanshi tianzun 唐道教考之元始天尊” [Studies on Taoism in the Tang Dynasty —Heavenly Worthy of Original Beginning] (published in 1939 in Jingshi 经世 [Governance], vols. 47–48). Fourth, on Taoist music, there was Chen Guofu’s “Daojiao lüegao 道教略稿” [An Essay on Taoism] in his Daozang yuanliu kao (published in 1949 by Zhonghua shuju). Fifth, on Taoist alchemy, there were Cao Yuanyu’s “Ge Hong yiqian zhi jindan shilüe 葛洪以前之金丹史略” [A Brief History of Taoist Alchemy before Ge Hong] (published in 1935 in Xueyi 学艺 [The Art of Study], no. 14), Lao Gan’s “Zhongguo dansha zhi yunyong ji qi tuiyan 中国丹砂之运用及其推演” [The Use and Evolution of Chinese Cinnabar] (published in 1938 in the Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica, vol. 7, no. 4), Xue Yu’s “Daojia xianyao zhi huaxue guan 道教仙药之化学观” [A Chemical Approach of Taoist Alchemy] (published in 1942 in Xuesi 学思 [Study and Thought], vol. 1, no. 5), and Huang Sufeng’s “Woguo liandanshu kaozheng 我国炼丹术考证” [Studies on Chinese Taoist Alchemy] (published in 1945 in the National Medical Journal of China, no. 31). In 1932, Wu Luqiang translated Zhouyi cantongqi (with Tenney L. Davis, a student of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology), and in 1935, the chapters “Jindan 金丹” and “Huangbai 黄白” of Baopuzi neipian. Later, Chen Guofu worked with Tenney L. Davis to publish Baopuzi neipian de shizhi ji xianyao 抱朴子內篇的释滞及仙药 [An Explanation of Zhi and the Elixir of Baopuzi neipian] in 1941, and Jieshao Chen Zhixu de Jindan dayao 介绍陈致虚的金丹大要 [An Introduction of Chen Zhixu’s Essential on Cinnabar] in 1942. Sixth, on inner alchemy and self-cultivation regimen, there were Jiang Weiqiao’s Yinshizi jingzuo fa 因是子静坐法 [Master Yinshi’s Meditation Method] (published in 1914) and “LaoZhuang zhi yangshengfa 老 庄之养生法” [The Regimen of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu] (published in 1934 in Qinghe zazhi 青鹤杂志 [The Green Crane Journal], vol. 22, nos. 16–17). Chen Yingning wrote Sun Bu’er nügong neidan cidishi zhu 孙不二女功内

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丹次第诗注 [An Annotation of Sun Bu’er’s Poem on the Procedures of Female Alchemy] in 1926, Lingyuan dadao ge baihua zhushi 灵源大道歌白话注释 [An Annotation in Modern Chinese of the Great Tao of Divine Source Song] in 1938, and Huangting jing jiangyi 黄庭经讲义 [Lecture on the Scripture of Yellow Court] in 1941. Zhang Songgu wrote Danjing zhinan 丹经指南 [A Guide to Scriptures of Inner Alchemy] in 1925. Ding Fubao edited Jingzuo fa jingyi 静坐法精义 [Essential Meditation]. Yang Jing’an wrote “Daojia de yanshou yu changsheng 道家的延寿与长生” [The Prolongation of Life and Longevity in Philosophical Taoism] published in 1943 in Gujin 古今 [Ancient and Modern] (vol. 3, no. 18). Seventh, on Taoist temples, there were Chen Guofu’s “Daoguan kaoyuan 道馆考原” [Studies on the Evolution of Taoist Temples] and “Louguan kao 楼观考” [Studies on the Louguan Temple] in his Daozang yuanliu kao, published in 1949 by Zhonghua shuju. There were also Huang Zhongqin’s “Song Shenxiao yuqing wanshou gong bei 宋神霄玉清万 寿宫碑” [The Stele of Shenxiao Yuqing Wanshou Temple of the Song Dynasty] (published in 1930 in Yuli suo zhoukan 语历所周刊 [The Institute of History and Philology Weekly], vol. 10, no. 118), Cai Shou’s “Song Shenxiao yuqing wanshou gong zhaoshi kaoshi 宋神霄玉清万寿宫诏石考释” [Studies on the Imperial Stele of Shenxiao Yuqing Wanshou Temple of the Song Dynasty] (published in 1936 in Guoxue lunheng 国学论衡 [Debates in Sinology], no. 5), Yang Daying’s “Longhu shan Shangqing gong kao 龙虎 山上清宫考” [Studies on Shangqing Temple on Longhu Mountain] (published from December 1936 to March 1937 in Guanghua daxue banyuekan 光华 大学半月刊 [Kwang Hua University bimonthly], vol. 5, nos. 3–6), Luosang pengcuo’s “Beiping Baiyun guan daoxue yuanyuan kao 北平白云观 道学渊源考” [Studies on the Evolution of Taoist Study in the Baiyun Temple in Peking] (published from December 1935 to October 1936 in Zhengfeng banyuekan 正风半月刊 [The Zhengfeng Bimonthly], vol. 1, no. 24; vol. 2, no. 1; and vol. 3, nos. 1–3). Eighth, a number of journals were published. Among them were the bimonthly Yangshan 扬善 [The Promotion of Good] and monthly Xianxue 仙学 [The Study of Immortality]. The former published 99 issues between its founding on 1 July 1933 and August 1937. The latter, also called Xianxue yuebao 仙学月报 [The Study of Immortality Monthly], was created in January 1939 and ceased publication in August 1941 after the appearance of its 32nd issue. The founder of this monthly was Zhang Zhuming, who was the last manager of the Yihua Group in Shanghai, and the editor-in-chief was Chen Yingning.

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Chinese Taoist studies in their second period bore the same characteristics as in their first. Only a few scholars, nonspecialists in Taoism, studied Taoism in addition to their own specialities. Scholars like Wang Ming and Chen Guofu, who had already studied Taoism in its first stage, became leading scholars in Taoist studies in their second stage. But even the scholars who studied Taoism as a sideline to their own specialities were few. They could not form study groups. Their work was spontaneous and sporadic and did not offer any coherent goals or direction. In addition, these scholars were often influenced by ultra-left ideology and regarded the studies of Taoism as taboo. Few people paid attention to Taoist studies at the time, which could be aptly described by a quotation of Li Qingzhao’s famous verse: “seeking and seeking, a feeling of desolation.” The studies of Chinese scholars dropped so far behind those of their Western counterparts that on the occasion of the first international Taoist studies conference, which was held in Bellagio in September 1968, and the second, which was held in Japan, no scholar from China was present among the numerous foreign scholars. At that time, it was said that “the origin of Taoism is in China, while the center of Taoist studies is in the West.” This was felt to be an abnormal and regrettable situation although some academic works were published during that period and some scientific articles were presented at conferences, for example, Wang Ming’s Taipingjing hejiao 太平经合校 [A Complete Critical Edition of the Taipingjing] published by Zhonghua shuju in 1960; some of Tang Yongtong’s articles on the history of Taoism and Taoist classics; some of Yuan Hanqing’s articles on Taoist inner alchemy; and Zhongguo Zhexue shi 中国哲学史 [A History of Chinese Philosophy], edited by Ren Jiyu, including some chapters on Taoism. In all, about 50 articles and a very small number of books were published. This second stage of Taoist studies was shorter than the first (only 17 years, excluding the Cultural Revolution), so the number of works produced was less. We will briefly introduce these works, using the same categories as before: First, on the Taoist Canon, besides his Taipingjing hejiao, Wang Ming also wrote Dunhuang guxieben Taipingjing wenzi canye 敦煌古写本太平经文字 残页 [The Remaining Pages of the Ancient Manuscript of the Scripture Great Peace in Dunhuang] and Taipingjing mulu kao 太平经目录考 [Studies on the Catalogue of Scripture of Great Peace], which supplemented his Taipingjing hejiao. The revised and enlarged edition of Chen Guofu’s Daozang yuanliu kao included four new appendices: Daoyue kao lüegao 道乐考略

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稿 [An Essay on Taoist Music], Nanbeichao Tianshidao kao changbian, 南北 朝天师道考长编 [An Outline of the Heavenly Master School in the Southern and Northern Dynasties], Zhongguo waidan huangbaishu kaolun lüegao 中国外 丹黄白术考论略稿 [An Essay on Chinese Taoist Laboratory Alchemy], and Shuo Zhouyi cantongqi yu neidan waidan 说周易参同契与内丹外丹 [Studies on the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi and Taoist Inner and External Alchemy]. There were also Rao Zongyi’s Laozi xiang’er zhu jiaojian 老子想尔注校笺 [A Collation on Lao-tzu Annotated by Xiang’er] (published in 1955 by Hong Kong University Press), Tang Yongtong’s “Cong Yiqie daojing shuodao Wu Zetian 从一切道经说到武则天” [The Taoist Canon and Wu Zetian] (published in Guangming Daily 光明 日报 on 21 November 1962) and “Du Daozang zhaji 读道藏札记” [Remarks on the Taoist Canon] (published in 1964 in Lishi yanjiu [Historical Research], no. 3), and Chen Yingning’s “Laozi wushizhang yanjiu 老子 五十章研究” [Studies on 50 Chapters of Lao-tzu], “Nanhua neiwaipian fenzhang biaozhi 南华内外篇分章标旨” [An Abstract of each chapter of the Chuang-tzu], and “Lun Siku tiyao bushi Daojia xueshu zhi quanti 论四库提要不识道家学术之全体” [On the “Summary of the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries” ignoring part of the Taoist Studies], all three published in 1964 in Daoxie huikan (no. 4). Second, on the history of Taoism, there were only a few articles written by Chinese scholars, including Chen Yinke’s “Cui Hao yu Kou Qianzhi 崔浩与寇谦之” [Cui Hao and Kou Qianzhi] (published in 1950 in Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies, no. 1), Tang Changru’s “Fan Changsheng yu Bashi ju Shu de Guanxi 范长生与巴氏据蜀的 关系” [The Relationship Between Fan Changsheng and the Rule of the Ba Clan in Sichuan] (published in 1959 in Historical Research, no. 11), Yu Songqing’s “Laozi yu Daojiao 老子与道教” [Lao-tzu and Taoism] (published in Guangming Daily on 25 May 1962), “Daojiao de qiyuan he xingcheng 道教的起源和形成” [The Origin and Formation of Taoism] (published in 1963 in Historical Research, no. 5), and “Zhongguo de fengjian jieji tong Daojiao de guanxi 中国的封建阶级同道教的关系” [The Relationship Between Chinese Feudal Class and Taoism] (published in Renmin Daily on May 10, 1964), and Meng Wentong’s “Daojiao shi suotan 道教史琐谈” [An Essay on the History of Taoism], completed on 30 August 1958 but not published until 1980 in Zhongguo Zhexue 中国哲学 [Chinese Philosophy], which should nonetheless be considered a work of this period. In this period, Chinese scholars focused their studies on the Great Peace School, Zhang Lu’s regime, the relationship between ancient Taoism and the peasant revolutions, and the relationship between the

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feudal ruling class and Taoism. A heated debate ensued, which was centered on the political thought in the Scripture of Great Peace. Yang Kuan, Hou Wailu, Zhang Qizhi, Yang Chao, Li Xueqin, Xu Zhi, and Yuan Liangyi, in their respective works, stressed the revolutionary content of the Scripture of Great Peace, while Rong Sheng and Fan Wenlan refuted their analysis. Xiong Deji and Yu Songqing debated this question. Wang Ming expressed his opinion in the preface of Taipingjing hejiao. On Taoist philosophy, there were Wang Ming’s “Shilun Yinfu jing ji qi weiwu zhuyi sixiang 试论阴符经及其唯物主义思想” [An Essay on the Scripture of Hidden Talisman and Its Materialism] (published in 1962 in Philosophical Researches, no. 5), Yang Xiangkui’s “Lun Ge Hong 论葛洪” [Studies on Ge Hong] (published in 1961 in the Journal of Literature, History and Philosophy, no. 1), and Tang Yongtong’s “Kou Qianzhi de zhuzuo he sixiang 寇谦之的著作和思想” [Kou Qianzhi’s Works and Thoughts] (published in 1961 in Historical Research, no. 5) and “Kangfu zhaji size 康复札记四则” [Four Reading Notes on Convalescence] (published in June 1961 in Xin jianshe 新建设 [New Construction]). Scholars also wrote about Taoist religious thought in their studies on the Great Peace Scripture and the history of ancient Taoism, works that cannot be introduced here. Fourth, on Taoist inner alchemy, there were important works produced during this stage, like Yuan Hanqing’s Zhongguo huaxueshi lunwenji 中国化学史论文集 [Essays on the History of Chinese Chemistry] (published in 1956 by Sanlian Publishing Company), Zhang Zigao’s Zhongguo huaxueshi gao (gudai zhibu) 中国化学史稿(古代之部) [History of Chinese Chemistry (A Chapter on Ancient Times)] (published in 1964 by Science Press), Feng Jiasheng’s Huoyao de faming yu xichuan 火药的发 明与西传 [The Invention of Gunpowder and its Exportation to the West] and Liandanshu de chengzhang yu xichuan 炼丹术的成长与西传 [The Evolution of Taoist Alchemy and Its Introduction in the West] (published, respectively, in 1954 by Huadong People’s Press and in 1957 in Zhongguo kexue jishu faming he kexue jishu renwu lunji 中国科学技术发明和科学技术人物 论集 [Essays on Chinese Scientific Inventions and Scientists] by Sanlian Publishing Company), Wang Kuike’s “Zhongguo liandanshu zhong de jinxie he huachi 中国炼丹术中的金液和华池” [ Jinye and Huachi in Chinese Taoist Alchemy] (published in 1964 in Kexueshi jikan 科学史 集刊 [History of Science], no. 7), and Yuan Hanqing’s “Cong Daozang li de jizhongshu kan woguo liandanshu 从道藏里的几种书看我国炼

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丹术” [Studies on Chinese Taoist Alchemy in the Scriptures in the Taoist Canon] (published in 1954 in Chemistry, no. 7). Yuan Hanqing’s “Tuijinle liandanshu de Ge Hong he tade zhuzuo 推进了炼丹术的葛洪和他的著作” [Ge Hong, Who Promoted Taoist Alchemy, and His Works] (published in 1954 in Chemistry, no. 5), Xu Keming’s “Yanjiu huaxue de xianquzhe ji woguo gudai de liandanjia Ge Hong 研究化学的先驱者——记我国古代的炼丹家葛洪” [Ge Hong, Chinese Ancient Alchemist and Pioneer of Chemistry] (published on 31 May 1962 in Workers Daily), and Chen Manyan’s “Woguo gudai huaxuejia Ge Hong 我国古代化学家葛洪” [The Story of a Chinese Chemist: Ge Hong] (published on 19 August 1962 in Xinhua Daily), introduced Ge Hong’s achievements in ancient chemistry. Chen Guofu’s “Zhongguo huangbaishu shilüe 中国黄白术史略” [A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Alchemy] (published in 1954 in Chemistry, no. 12), Zhu Sheng’s “Yixue shang danji he liandan de lishi 医学上 丹剂和炼丹的历史” [Alchemical Treatments in Medicine, and the History of Alchemy] (published in 1956 in The Medicine Magazine of China, no. 6), Yu Shenchu’s “Zuguo liandanshu yu zhiyao huaxue de fazhan 祖 国炼丹术与制药化学的发展” [The Evolution of Chinese Taoist Alchemy and Pharmaceutical Chemistry] (published in 1957 in the Zhejiang Journal of Traditional Chinese Medicine, no. 8), Zhang Zigao’s “Liandanshu de fasheng yu fazhan 炼丹术的发生与发展” [The Origin and Evolution of Taoist Alchemy] (published in 1960 in the Journal of Tsinghua University, vol. 7, no. 2), and Xie Haizhou’s “Youguan Gong ji qi liandan de lishi 有关汞及其炼丹的历史” [The History of Mercury in Taoist Alchemy] (published in 1963 in Haerbin zhongyi 哈尔滨中医 [Harbin Journal of Traditional Chinese Medicine], no. 3), dealt with the history and evolution of Taoist inner alchemy. Yuan Hanqing’s “Zhouyi cantonqi shijie liandanshi shang zuigu de zhuzuo 周易参同契—世界炼丹史上最古的著作” [Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi—The Most Ancient Work in the World History of Alchemy] (published in 1954 in Chemistry, no. 8), Wang Zhanyuan’s “Zhouyi cantongqi de zhexue sixiang 周易参同契的哲学思 想” [Philosophy of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi] (published on 13 October 1961 in Guangming Daily), and Li Junfu’s “Lun Zhongguo gudai liandanshu Cantongqi 论中国古代炼丹书参同 契” [Cantongqi: A Chinese Ancient Alchemy Book] (published in 1963 in the Journal of Xinxiang Teachers College), examined the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi.

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Fifth, on inner alchemy, the work of scholars focused on the theory and practice of Qigong. These works included Xu Jihe’s “Qigong xueshuo de tanyuan 气功学说的探源” [The Origin of Qigong Theory] (published in 1962 in the Jiangsu Journal of Traditional Chinese Medicine, no. 5), Liu Guizhen’s Qigong liaofa shijian 气功疗法实践 [The Practice of Qigong Treatment] and Neiyanggong liaofa 内养功疗法 [The Inner Healing Practice Treatment], Chen Tao’s Qigong kexue changshi 气功科学常识 [The General Scientific Knowledge of Qigong], and Yang Jianxing’s Qigong ziliao 气功自疗 [Self-Treatment in Qigong] and Qigong zhexue 气功哲学 [Philosophy of Qigong]. Sixth, on Taoist medicine and self-cultivation regimen, Ge Hong, Tao Hongjing, and Sun Simiao have drawn particular attention. Works introducing Ge Hong’s medicine include Jiang Jingbo’s “Jindai da yixuejia Ge Hong 晋代大医学家葛洪” [Ge Hong: The Great Medical Scientist in the Jin Dynasty] (published on 24 May 1957 in Xinhua Daily), Kuang Heling’s “Jindai yixuejia Ge Hong dui zuguo yixue de gongxian 晋代医学家葛洪对祖国医学的贡献” [The Contribution to Chinese Medicine of Ge Hong, a Medical Scientist in the Jin Dynasty] (published in 1959 in the Traditional Chinese Medicine Journal, no. 9), Cai Jingfeng’s “Jindai yixuejia Ge Hong 晋代医学家葛洪” [A Medical Scientist in the Jin Dynasty: Ge Hong] (published on 6 January 1963 in the Chinese Health Journal). Works introducing Tao Hongjing included Wang Ming’s “Tao Hongjing zai gudai yixue shang de gongxian 陶弘景在古代医学上 的贡献” [Tao Hongjing’s Contribution to Ancient Medicine] (published on 11 October 1954 in Guangming Daily), Xie Tianxin’s “Woguo jindai de yaowuxuejia Tao Hongjing 我国晋代的药物学家陶弘景” [Tao Hongjing: A Chinese Pharmacologist in the Jin Dynasty] (published in 1960 in Haerbin zhongyi, no. 8), Shang Zhijun’s “Cong Zhenglei bencao suoyin ziliao kan Tao Hongjing dui Bencaoxue de gongxian 从证类本草所 引资料看陶弘景对本草学的贡献” [Tao Hongjing’s Contribution to Herbalism through the Texts Quoted in the Zhenglei Bencao] (published in 1963 in the Yaowuxue tongbao 药物学通报 [Pharmacological Bulletin], no. 6). Works introducing Sun Simiao included Dayu’s “Yaowang Sun Simiao 药王孙思邈” [Sun Simiao: the King of Medicine] (published on 28 August 1961 in the Workers Daily), Fang Zhao’s “Sun Simiao Tangdai weida de yixuejia 孙思邈—唐代伟大的医学家” [Great Medical Scientist of Tang Dynasty Sun Simiao] (published on 31 August 1961 in the Beijing Daily), Li Jingwei’s “Sun Simiao zai guyixue shang de weida de gongxian 孙思邈在古医学上的伟大的贡献” [Sun Simiao’s Great Contribution

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to Ancient Medicine] (published in 1962 in the Traditional Chinese Medicine Journal, no. 2), and Ma Kanwen’s “Tangdai mingyi Sun Simiao guli diaocha ji 唐代名医孙思邈故里调查记” [Research on the Native Village of the Famous Doctor of the Tang Dynasty Sun Simiao] (published in 1954 in the Chinese Journal of Medical History, no. 5). Seventh, on Taoist music and art, Yang Yinglan’s Zongjiao yinyue Hunan yinyue pucha baogao fulu zhiyi 宗教音乐—湖南音乐普查报告附 录之一 [Religious Music—Appendix to the Report on Hunan Music] (mimeographed in 1958 by Minzu yinyue yanjiu suo 民族音乐研究所 and published in 1960 by Yinyue Press), collated music, gathered and edited music books, and analyzed the lyrics of Taoist music in the Hunan Hengyang region. There were also Suzhou Daojiao yishu ji 苏州 道教艺术集 [The Taoist Arts of Suzhou] (mimeographed in 1957 by Zhongguo wudao yishu yanjiuhui 中国舞蹈艺术研究会), and Yangzhou Daojiao yinyue jieshao 扬州道教音乐介绍 [An Introduction to Taoist Music in Yangzhou] (edited and mimeographed by Yangzhoushi wenhua weiyuanhui wenhuachu 扬州市文化委员会文化处 in 1958). Taoist studies developed within institutions like the Research Institute of the Chinese Taoist Association, of which Chen Yingning was the director and Wang Weiye the assistant director. Founded in November 1961, this institute dealt with the collection and collation of Taoist documents and the compilation of the History of Chinese Taoism. As far as Taoist publications were concerned, the Daoxie huikan was founded in August 1962 and appeared only sporadically. It ceased publication in 1969 after only four issues. The period of the Cultural Revolution, from 1966 to 1976, was characterized by ultra-left ideology. Studies on Taoism halted completely for ten years, producing hardly any publications. On the other hand, Taiwanese and Hong Kong scholars on Taoism produced many publications, which deserve to be introduced here. First, concerning the Taoist Canon and reference books, the Taiwanese scholar Xiao Tianshi’s Daozang jinghua 道藏精华 [The Essence of the Taoist Canon] series was printed continually—from 1965 to 1977—by Ziyou Press. This series collected together more than 800 Taoist scriptures, which were classified in 17 original volumes and two supplementary volumes. The American scholar Michael Saso converted to Taoism in Taiwan. He made use of his Taoist master’s documents to edit ZhuangLin xu daozang 庄林续道藏 [Zhuang-Lin Taoist Canon], in 25 volumes and four parts, which was published in 1974 by Cheng-Wen

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Publishing. There were also Chen Zhibin’s WuLiu xianzong baihua yi 伍柳仙踪白话译 [A Translation in Modern Chinese of the Divine Traces of Wu (Shouyang) and Liu (Huayang)] (published in 1975 by Quanzhenjiao Press), Dai Changyuan’s Xianxue cidian 仙学辞典 [A Dictionary of the Study of Immortality] and Daoxue cidian 道学辞典 [A Dictionary of Taoist Studies] (published in 1962 and 1971, respectively, by Zhenshanmei Press), and Li Shuhuan’s Daojiao yaoyi huida daquan 道教要义回答 大全 [Collection of Answers to Questions on the Essence of Taoism] (published in 1972 by the Ching Chung Taoist Association of Hong Kong). Second, on the history of Taoism, there were the Taiwanese scholar Sun Kekuan’s SongYuan Daojiao zhi fazhan 宋元道教之发展 [The Evolution of Taoism in the Song and Yuan Dynasties] (published in 1965 by Tunghai University), Yuandai Daojiao zhi fazhan 元代道教之发展 [The Evolution of Taoism in the Yuan Dynasty] (published in 1968 by Tunghai University), Hanyuan daolun 寒源道论 [The Study of Hanyuan on Taoism] (published in 1977 by Linking Books), “Tangdai Daojiao yu fazhan daolun 唐代道教与发展导论” [An Introduction to Taoism and Its Evolution during the Tang Dynasty] (published in 1974 in the College of Liberal Arts Journal, no. 1), “Tangdai daojiao yu zhengzhi 唐代道教与政治” [Taoism and Politics in the Tang Dynasty] (published in 1975 in The Continent Magazine, vol. 5, no. 2), as well as Du Wangzhi’s Rufodao zhi xinyang yanjiu 儒佛道之信仰研究 [A Study on the Beliefs of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism] (published in 1968 by Huaming shuju 华明书局), Zhou Shaoxian’s Daojia yu shenxian 道家与神仙 [Taoism and the Immortals] (published in 1970 by Chung Hwa Book), Chen Zhibin’s Master’s thesis Quanzhen xianpai yuanliu 全真仙派源流 [The Evolution of the Quanzhen School] (completed in 1974 at the National Taiwan University), Nan Huaijin’s “Yuandai Quanzhendao yu Zhongguo shehui 元代全 真道与中国社会” [The Quanzhen School and Chinese Society in the Yuan Dynasty] (published in 1962 in Xin Tiandi 新天地 [New World], vol. 1, no. 6), Qian Mu’s “JinYuan tongzhi xia de xin daojiao 金元统治下的 新道教” [New Taoism in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties] (published in 1966 in Rensheng 人生 [Life], vol. 31, no. 3), Jin Zhongshu’s “Lun BeiSong monian zhi chongshang daojiao 论北宋末年之崇尚道教 (上，下)” [Official Support for Taoism at the end of the Northern Song Dynasty (Parts 1, 2)] (published, respectively, in The New Asia Journal in 1966, vol. 7, no. 2, and in 1967, vol. 8, no. 1, Shi Yihui’s “Daojiao zai Taiwan fenbu yu xianzhuang 道教在台湾分布与现状” [The Distribution and Current Situation of Taoism in Taiwan] (published in 1967 in Nanying xuebao 南瀛 学报 [The Journal of Nanying], no. 12), Fang Yonghui’s “Tangdai huangshi

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yu Daojiao guanxi zhi yanjiu 唐代皇室与道教关系之研究” [Studies on the Relation Between the Tang Imperial Family and Taoism] (published in 1968 in Ching Feng, nos. 18, 19), Li Shutong’s “Tangdai de zhengjiao guanxi 唐代的政教关系” [The Relationship Between Politics and Religions in the Tang Dynasty] (published in 1967 in the Journal of the National Taiwan Normal University 师大学报, no. 12), the revised edition of Liu Boji’s Tangdai de zhengjiao shi 唐代的政教史 [The History of Politics and Religion in the Tang Dynasty] (published in 1974 by Chung Hwa Book), and Ding Huang’s “Tang Gaozu Taizong dui furui de yunyong ji qi dui Daojiao de taidu 唐高祖太宗对符瑞的运用及其对道教的态度” [The Use of Auspicious Signs and Attitudes toward Taoism of Emperors Tang Gaozu and Taizong] (published in 1975 in Lishi xuebao 历史学报 [ Journal of History], no. 2). Third, on Taoist rituals, the Taiwanese scholar Liu Zhiwan wrote a series of reports and articles, including “Taoyuan xian Longtan xiang jianjiao jidian 桃园县龙潭乡建醮祭典” [The Offering Ritual in Longtan Village of Taoyuan County] (published in 1973 in Zhongguo dongya xueshu yanjiu jihua weiyuanhui nianbao 中国东亚学术研究计划委员 会年报 [The Annals of the Chinese East Asia Research Project Committee], no. 10), and “Taibei xian Zhonghe xiang jianjiao jidian 台北县中和乡 建醮祭典” [The Offering Ritual in Zhonghe District of Taipei County] (published in 1973 in the Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology of Academia Sinica, no. 33). His “Taibei xian Shulin zhen jianjiao jidian 台北县树林镇建 醮祭典” [The Offering Ritual in Shulin Town of Taipei County], “Taoyuan xian Zhongli shi jianjiao jidian 桃园县中坜市建醮祭典” [The Offering Ritual in Zhongli Town of Taoyuan County], “Jiaoji shiyi 醮祭释义” [A Definition of the Offering Ritual], and “Xiuzhai kao 修 考” [Studies on the Taoist Fast Ritual] were published in 1974 in the Special Edition of the Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology of Academia Sinica (no. 22) and collected in his Taiwan minjian xinyang lunji 台湾民间信仰论集 [Essays on Taiwan’s Popular Religions] (published in December 1983 by Linking Books). Fourth, Taiwanese scholars published an academic monthly, Daojiao wenhua 道教文化 [Taoist Culture], which promoted traditional Chinese culture. The contribution of Taiwanese scholars filled the gaps in Taoist studies in China. All the works mentioned so far are a retrospective of the studies on Chinese Taoism. Wang Ming wrote, in the preface to the four-volume History of Chinese Taoism, that the basis of Chinese Taoist studies was not well-established before the foundation of the PRC. Indeed, that was not only the situation for studies on the history of Taoism, but

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also on other aspects of Taoism. The real development of studies on Taoism began after the Cultural Revolution, a period that we will refer to as the “present stage” of the development of Taoist studies and that we will examine in the following section. Present Situation The Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee in December 1978 put an end to the Cultural Revolution and laid down the politics of the Economic Reform. Hereafter, the situation changed dramatically. With order coming out of chaos in all fields, with the production of research work and the flourishing of science, Taoist studies were put on their agenda by the Chinese Communist Party and the government. It attracted their attention and support, and thus could develop fully. Chinese Taoist studies thus entered a new phase, called the stage of “total development.” This was a stage of rapid growth, breaking new ground in a number of directions. First, special national institutions were created to study Taoism. With the government’s approval, a research group of Taoist studies was founded within the Institute of World Religions of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in 1979, and the Institute of Religions, with Taoism as its main interest, was created at Sichuan University in 1980. Their equivalents were founded within other institutions (such as East China Normal University and Xiamen University). The foundation of academic institutions went together with the emergence of scholars specializing in the study of Taoism, which made it possible to study Taoism using scientific tools. The previous phase of spontaneous and individual research, unlikely to promote larger projects, was a thing of the past. The Institute of Religious Studies at Sichuan University was one of the first research centers for Chinese social sciences and specialized in religion, now a key discipline on a national level. This important new strategy, adopted by the government to promote Taoist studies, had a strong impact. Second, projects on Taoist studies were officially included in the national program of philosophy and social sciences. From the Sixth Five-Year Plan onward (1981–1985), their number increased every year. These projects were supported by state funds, which was without precedent in the history of China. For example, A History of Chinese Taoism (four volumes), produced by the Institute of Religious Studies

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at Sichuan University, was a key project from the Sixth Five-Year Plan to the Eighth Five-Year Plan, 1991–1995. The History of Taoist Ideas has been a national key project from the Ninth Five-Year Plan (1996–2000) to The Tenth Five-Year Plan (2001–2005). Third, the Institute of World Religions at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the Institute of Religious Studies at Sichuan University were authorized to award Master’s and doctoral degrees in religion, and admit postgraduates in Taoist studies. Growing numbers of young scholars of Taoism with Master’s degrees and Ph.D.s gave new strength to Taoist studies. Some of them made their mark and their work became the backbone of further research. Fourth, scholars whose work engaged with Taoism emerged in great numbers from many faculties, Party schools, research institutions, and other organizations across the country. They carried out extensive research on many aspects of Taoism from within their own disciplines. The number of these scholars was even greater than that of scholars purely specializing in the study of Taoism. With these two types of scholars at the forefront, the study of religions took shape on a nationwide scale. The emergence of their work, although largely outdistanced by that on Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam in terms of quality and quantity, was remarkable compared to the standard of the works released before the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee. I believe this forefront will be reinforced and developed by upcoming generations of young scholars. Fifth, the Chinese Taoist Association created the Institute of Taoist Culture in 1989 and the Chinese Taoist College in 1990 and, at the same time, reinforced internal personal training and research. Some local Taoist associations also carried out studies on Taoism on a local scale. The cooperation, reciprocal respect, and communication between Taoist believers and scholars gave considerable new strength and depth to studies on Taoist culture as a whole. At the local level, many regions created some extensive research organizations such as the Hubei Taoist Institute, Quanzhou City’s Taoist Culture Institute, the Chinese Lao-tzu Institute of Luyi, and the Sichuan Lao-tzu and the Chuang-tzu Institute. The foundation of these institutes had a significant role in the promotion and expansion of studies on Taoist thought. Sixth, the variety and number of conferences held on Taoism enabled scholars not only to communicate the results of their research, but also to enliven that research itself. These conferences, held by the

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above institutions or Taoist associations or both on a national or local scale, welcomed participants from across the strait. Scholars and Taoist believers strengthened their ties and exchanged their knowledge through these conferences. They joined forces in order to promote Taoist culture. There were also several cross-strait and international conferences on Taoist culture. The cross-strait conferences on Taoist culture were held either by China, Taiwan, or both. The conferences gathered together a dozen participants, at first, to one or two hundred scholars later on. With the development of Taoist studies, the content of the conferences became richer and more varied. The conferences showed the study of Taoism as a branch of religious studies that had gained the position it deserved. They helped establish that Taoism originated in China, and that Taoist studies had their origin there, too. We will introduce the main conferences next: 1. “The Taoism and Chinese Traditional Culture Conference,” held in the winter of 1987 in Chengdu by the editorial department of Philosophical Researches, the Institute of Religious Studies at Sichuan University, and the Institute of Philosophy and Culture at the Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences, with about 50 participants from across the country. 2. “The Taoist Culture Conference,” held in September 1989 in Beijing by the Chinese Taoist Association, with 35 participants, most of whom Taoist scholars, joined by some non-Taoist scholars. 3. “The National Taoist Culture and Contemporary Cultural Construction Conference,” held in October 1990 in Xiangfan of Hubei by 11 organizations, including the Hubei Institute of the History of Philosophy, the Hubei Taoist Institute, the Hubei Academy of Social Sciences, and the School of Philosophy of Wuhan University, with 67 participants who presented some 51 different papers. 4. “The Cross-Strait Taoist ideas and Culture Conference,” held in August 1992 in Xi’an by the Institute of World Religions of the Chinese Academy of Social Science and the Taiwanese Institute of Chinese Religious Philosophy, with 55 participants from across the strait. 5. “The Wudang Mountain Chinese Taoist Culture Conference,” held in October 1992 on Wudang Mountain in Hubei by the Institute of Taoist Culture of the Chinese Taoist Association and the Wudang Taoist Association, with more than 70 participants from all over the world.

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6. “The Xi’an Chinese Taoist Culture Conference,” held in October 1992 in Xi’an by the Xi’an Taoist Association, Xi’an Eight Immortals Palace, and the Institute of Taoist Culture of Chinese Taoist Association, with more than 50 scholars from all over the world, some of them Taoists. 7. “The Conference on Philosophical Taoism, Religious Taoism, and Chinese Culture,” held in November 1994 at Sichuan University by the Institute of Religious Studies at Sichuan University, the Institute of Chinese Philosophy and Chinese Culture of Beijing University, and the Ching Chung Taoist Association of Hong Kong, with more than 150 scholars from across the world, some of them Taoists. 8. “The Cross-Strait Taoist Culture Conference,” financed by the president of the editorial department of Taoist Culture Gong Qun and held by Gong Qun and Gong Pengcheng in December 1994 at the National Chung Cheng University, with more than 100 scholars from across the strait. 9. “The International Conference on Taoist Culture,” held in August 1996 in Beijing by the Department of Philosophy of Beijing University and Hong Kong Taoist College, with more than 150 participants from all over the world. 10. “The Lu Mountain Chinese Taoist Culture Conference,” held in August 1998 by the Institute of Taoist Culture of the Chinese Taoist Association, the Taipei Cultural Three Purities Palace, and the Fairy Cave of Lu Mountain, with more than 50 scholars from across the strait, some of them Taoists. 11. “The 2nd International Conference of Taoist Culture,” held in December of 1998 in the Yellow Dragon Temple of Luofu Mountain of Guangdong by the Department of Philosophy of Sun Yatsen University, the Institute of Chinese Philosophy and Chinese Culture of Beijing University, Hong Kong Taoist College, and the Religious Studies Institute of the Chinese Department of Sun Yatsen University, with more than 100 participants from Australia, Austria, Belgium, China, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Korea, The Netherlands, Singapore, Taiwan, and the United States. 12. “The 2nd Cross-Strait Taoist Studies Conference,” held in March 1999 at NanHua University in Taiwan by the Graduate Institute of Religious Studies of the College of Humanities of Nanhua University, with more than 100 scholars from across the strait.

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13. “The 20th Anniversary of the Institute of Religious Studies of Sichuan University and International Conference on Taoist Studies and Chinese Traditional Culture,” held in October 2000 in Chengdu by the Institute of Religious Studies at Sichuan University, the Chinese Great Tao Culture and Education Foundation, and the Institute of Taoist Culture of Wawu Mountain in Hongya County, with more than 130 participants, some of them Taoists, from China, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, Macao, Singapore, Taiwan, and the United States. Seventh, many journals devoted to Taoist studies were created. In addition to Studies in World Religions, published by the Institute of World Religions of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, which had articles on Taoist studies in almost all of its issues, there was Religious Studies, created in 1989 by the Institute of Religious Studies at Sichuan University, which was circulated internally at first and published at large from its seventh issue onward. It is today a key journal on Chinese social sciences. There are also Daoyun 道韵 [The Sound of the Tao], published once or twice a year by Xiamen University and the Chinese Great Tao Culture and Education Foundation; Chinese Taoism, published by the Chinese Taoist Association; Shanghai Daojiao 上海道教 [Shanghai Taoism], published by the Shanghai Taoist Association; Shaanxi Taoism, published by the Shaanxi Taoist Association; Fujian Daojiao 福建道教 [Fujian Taoism], published by the Fujian Taoist Association; Hebei Daojiao 河北道教 [Hebei Taoism], published by the Hebei Taoist Association; and Daojiao wenhua yanjiu 道家文化研究 [Studies on Taoist Culture] and Hong Dao 弘道 [The Promotion of the Tao], published by the Hong Kong Taoist College. The number of these journals reflects the scope and strength of Taoist studies. Eighth, a large number of monographs, memoirs, reference books, and popular reading material on Taoism have been published, and more than 1,000 papers have been presented. The topics dealt with in these works are numerous. Some of them are valuable contributions to Taoist research. Among these works were not only the posthumous books of an older generation of scholars such as Chen Yuan, Meng Wentong, Wang Ming, and Chen Guofu, but also many works by a new, younger generation of scholars. The quantity of the works in Taoist studies of that most recent period is incomparable with the two previous stages. Taoist studies spanned over 80 years in its first two periods, while the present stage has lasted about 20 years. The

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quality of the most recent period is incomparable, which is a sign that a profound change is occurring in the development of Chinese Taoist studies. First, works on the Taoist Canon included Daozang tiyao, of which Ren Jiyu is the editor-in-chief (published in 1991 by the China Social Sciences Press), Chen Guofu’s Daozang yuanliu xukao (published in 1983 by Mingwen shuju 明文书局), Zhu Yueli’s Daojing zonglun (published in 1991 by the Liaoning Education Press), Daojiao yaoji gailun 道教要籍 概论 [The Conspectus of Taoist Essential Scriptures] (published in 1992 by Beijing Yanshan Press), Daozang fenlei jieti 道藏分类解题 [A Classification and Explanation of the Titles in the Taoist Canon] (published in 1996 by Huaxia Press), Ding Peiren’s Daojiao dianji baiwen 道教典籍百问 [A Hundred Questions on Taoist Scriptures] (published in 1996 by Jinri Zhongguo Press), Qing Xitai and Guo Wu’s Daojiao Sanzijing zhushi 道 教三字经注释 [An Annotation on the Taoist Three-Character Classic] (published in 1993 by Sichuan University Press), and Tian Chengyang’s Daojiao zhishi baodian 道教知识宝典 [A Treasury of Taoist Knowledge] (published in 1995 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House). There were also some works on the compilation of extra-canonical Taoist scriptures, including Zangwai daoshu 藏外道书 [Extra-canonical Taoist Texts], compiled by Hu Daojing, Chen Yaoting, Duan Wengui, and Lin Wanqing and published from 1992 to 1994 by Bashu shushe. Works on Taoist stele inscriptions included Daojia jinshi lüe, compiled by Chen Yuan, collated and supplemented by Chen Zhichao, and published in 1988 by Cultural Relics Press; and BaShu daojiao beiwen jicheng 巴蜀道教碑文集成 [A Collection of Taoist Stele Inscriptions in Sichuan], edited by Huang Haide and published in 1997 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House. Works on particular scriptures included Zhou Shiyi and Pan Qiming’s Zhouyi cantongqi xintan 周易参同契新探 [New Studies on the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi] (published in 1981 by Hunan People’s Publishing House), Wang Ming’s Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi 抱朴子內篇校释 [A Critical and Commented Edition to the Inner Chapters of the Baopuzi] (published in 1980 by Zhonghua shuju) and Wunengzi jiaozhu 无能子校注 [A Collation and Annotation of Wunengzi] (published in 1981 by Zhonghua shuju), Yang Mingzhao’s Baopuzi waipian jiaojian 抱朴子外篇校笺 [A Collation and Annotation of Baopuzi waipian] (published in 1991 by Zhonghua shuju), Wang Mu’s Wuzhenpian qianjie 悟真篇浅解 [A Simple Explanation of Wuzhenpian] (published in 1990 by Zhonghua shuju), Tianxian jindan xinfa 天仙金丹心法 [The Mental

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Method of the Inner Alchemy of Heavenly Immortals] (annotated by Song Fei and published in 1990 by Dongfang Press), Xinyi Yangxing yanming lu 新译养性延命录 [A New Translation of Yangxing yanming lu] (translated and annotated by Zeng Zhaonan and published in 1997 by San Min Book), Hu Fuchen’s WeiJin shenxian Daojiao Baopuzi neipian yanjiu 魏晋神仙道教—抱朴子内篇研究 [The Taoism of the Immortals in the Wei and Jin Dynasties—Studies on Baopuzi neipian] (published in 1984 by People’s Press), Laozi Daodejing Heshanggong zhangju 老子道德经河上公 章句 [An Annotation of Heshanggong on Tao Te Ching] (punctuated and collated by Wang Ka, and published in 1983 by Zhonghua shuju), Laozi zhigui 老子指归 [The Essential Meaning of Lao-tzu] (punctuated and collated by Wang Deyou and published in 1994 by Zhonghua shuju), Zhong Laiyin’s Changsheng busi de tanqiu daojing Zhengao zhimi 长生不死 的探求—道经之谜 [The Search for Longevity—The Enigma of the Taoist Scripture Zhengao] (published in 1992 by Wenhui Press), Wang Ping’s Taipingjing yanjiu 太平经研究 [Studies on the Great Peace Scripture] (published in 1995 by Wenjin Press), Taipingjing zhushi 太平经注释 [An Annotation on the Great Peace Scripture] (edited by Luo Chi and published in 1996 by Southwest China Normal University Press), Yu Liming’s Taipingjing zhengdu 太平经正读 [The Correct Reading of the Scripture of Great Peace] (published in 2001 by Bashu shushe), Ma Xueliang’s Yiwen Quanshanjing yizhu 彝文劝善经译注 [A Translation and Annotation of Quanshanjing in Yi Language] (published in 1986 by Zhongyang minzu xueyuan Press), Zhu Senpu’s Xuanzhulu jiaoshi 玄珠录校释 [A Collation and Annotation of Xuanzhulu] (published in 1989 by Bashu shushe), Ren Farong’s Daodejing shiyi 道德经释义 [An Annotation of the Tao Te Ching] (published in 1988 by Sanqin Press), Zhouyi cantongqi shiyi 周易参同 契释义 [An Annotation of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi] (annotated by Ren Farong and published in 2000 by Fung Ying Seen Koon of Hong Kong), Cao Zhenyang’s Daodejing zhujie 道德 经注解 [An Annotation of the Tao Te Ching] (published in 1993 by Dalian Publishing House), and Zhao Yumin and Zhao Lin’s Laozi Daodejing qianjie 老子道德经浅解 [A Simple Explanation of the Tao Te Ching] (published in 2002 by Zhongzhou guji Press). Second, on the history on Taoism, works of general history included Zhongguo daojiao shi (four-volume edition), edited by Qing Xitai and published in 1988, 1992, 1993, and 1995 by the Sichuan People’s Publishing House. A revised edition was published in 1996 by the same publishers, and the traditional characters Chinese edition was published in 1997 by Zhonghua daotong Press of Taiwan. Other works

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included Zhongguo daojiao shi (one-volume edition) (edited by Ren Jiyu and published in 1990 by Shanghai renmin Press), Zhongguo daojiao shi (updated edition with two volumes) (edited by Ren Jiyu and published in 2001 by China Social Sciences Press), Daojiao shi 道教史 [A History of Taoism] (written by Qing Xitai and Tang Dachao and published in 1994 by China Social Sciences Press), Zhonghua daojiao jianshi 中华道教 简史 [A Brief History of Chinese Taoism] (written by Qing Xitai and Tang Dachao and published in 1996 by Zhonghua daotong Press), Zhongguo daojiao fazhan shi lüeshu 中国道教发展史略述 [A Brief Introduction of the Evolution of Chinese Taoism] (written by Nan Huaijin and published in 1988 by Laogu wenhua shiye gongsi 老古文化事业公司), Zhongguo daojiao fazhan shigang 中国道教发展史纲 [An Outline of the Evolution of Chinese Taoism] (written by Liu Feng and Zang Zhifei and published in 1997 by Wenjin Press), Jianming Zhongguo daojiao tongshi 简明中国道 教通史 [A Brief History of Chinese Taoism] (written by Qing Xitai and published in 2001 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House), Daojiao shilüe 道教史略 [A Brief History of Taoism] (edited by Qing Xitai and published in 2000 by Hong Kong Taoist College), Daojiao lungao 道教 论稿 [Studies on Taoism] (edited by Wang Jiayou and published in 1987 by Bashu shushe), and Zhongguo lidai mingdao 中国历代名道 [Prominent Taoists in Chinese History] (a collective work published in 1997 by Jilin jiaoyu Press). Works on specialized history (dynastic history, history of schools, history of local Taoism) included WeiJin Nanbeichao shiqi de daojiao 魏晋 南北朝时期的道教 [Taoism in the Wei, Jin, Northern, and Southern Dynasties] (written by Tang Yijie and published in 1988 by Shaanxi shifan daxue Press and Dongda tushu gongsi of Taiwan), NanSong Jin Yuan de daojiao 南宋金元的道教 [Taoism in the Southern Song, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties] (written by Zhan Shichuang and published in 1989 by Shanghai guji Press), Dangdai Zhongguo daojiao 当代中国道教 [Contemporary Chinese Taoism] (written by Li Yangzheng and published in 1993 by the China Social Sciences Press), Dangdai daojiao 当代道教 [Contemporary Taoism] (written by Li Yangzheng published in 2000 by Dongfang Press), Daojiao zai haiwai 道教在海外 [Taoism Overseas] (written by Chen Yaoting and published in 2001 by Fujian renmin Press), Tianshi dao 天师 道 [The Heavenly Master School] (edited by Guo Shusen and published in 1990 by Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press), Tianshidao shilüe 天师道史略 [A Brief History of the Heavenly Master School] (written by Zhang Jiyu and published in 1990 by Huawen Press), Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao 中国龙虎山天师道 [The Heavenly Master School of

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Chinese Longhu Mountain] (edited by Zhang Jintao and published in 1994 by Jiangxi People’s Publishing House), Zhang tianshi 张天师 [The Heavenly Master Zhang] (written by Zhang Zehong and published in 1999 by Bashu shushe), Tianshidao ershisizhi kao 天师道二十四治考 [Studies on the Twenty-Four Dioceses of the Heavenly Master School] (written by Wang Chunwu and published in 1996 by Sichuan University Press), Louguandao yuanliu kao 楼观道源流考 [Studies on the Evolution of the Louguan School] (written by Wang Shiwei and published in 1993 by Shaanxi renmin Press), Quanzhen daozu Wang Chongyang zhuan (written by Guo Wu and published in 2001 by Fung Ying Seen Koon of Hong Kong), Ming Qing Quanzhenjiao lungao 明清全真教论稿 [Studies on the Quanzhen School in Ming and Qing Dynasties] (written by Wang Zhizhong and published in 2000 by Bashu shushe), Jingmingdao yanjiu 净明道研究 [Studies on the Jingming School] (written by Huang Xiaoshi and published in 1999 by Bashu shushe), Sichuan daojiao shihua 四川道教史话 [The History of Taoism in Sichuan] (written by Li Yuanguo and published in 1985 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House), Wudang daojiao shilüe 武当道教 史略 [A Brief History of Wudang Taoism] (written by Wang Guangde and Yang Lizhi and published in 1993 by Huawen Press), Chang’an Zhongnanshan daojiao shilüe 长安终南山道教史略 [A Brief History of the Taoism of Chang’an and Zhongnan Mountains] (written by Fan Guangchun and published in 1998 by Shaanxi renmin Press), Daojiao yu Yunnan wenhua Daojiao zai Yunnan de chuanbo yanbian ji yingxiang 道教与云南文 化—道教在云南的传播、 演变及影响 [Taoism and Yunnan Culture— Propagation, Evolution, and Influence] (written by Guo Wu and published in 2000 by Yunnan University Press), Wawushan daojiao wenhua 瓦屋 山道教文化 [Taoist Culture of Wawu Mountain] (edited by Li Houqiang and published in 2000 by Sichuan minzu Press), Xianggang yu Aomen zhi daojiao 香港与澳门之道教 [Taoism in Hong Kong and Macao] (written by Huang Zhaohan and Zheng Weiming and published in 1993 by Jialüe shanfang youxian gongsi), and Taiwan daojiao yuanliu 台湾道教 源流 [The Evolution of Taoism in Taiwan] (written by Lai Zongxian and published in 1999 by Zhonghua daotong Press). Third, on Taoist philosophy, works on Taoist thought or the history of Taoist thought included Zhongguo daojiao sixiang shigang 中国道 教思想史纲 [An Outline of the History of Taoist Thought, parts one and two] (written by Qing Xitai and published in 1980 and 1985 by the Sichuan People’s Publishing House), and a supplement written by Qing Xitai and published in 1999 by the Sichuan People’s Publishing

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House, WeiJin shenxian daojiao 魏晋神仙道教 [The Taoism of the Immortals in the Wei and Jin Dynasties] (written by Hu Fuchen and published in 1989 by People’s Press), Daojiao tonglun jianlun daojia xueshuo 道教 通论-兼论道家学说 [An Overview of Taoism, Including Philosophical Taoist Studies] (edited by Mou Zhongjian, Hu Fuchen, and Wang Baoxuan and published in 1991 by Qilu shushe 齐鲁书社), Daoxue tonglun daojia daojiao xianxue 道教通论-道家道教仙学 [An Overview of Taoism: Philosophical, Religious, and Self-Cultivational Taoism] (written by Hu Fuchen and Lü Xichen and published in 1999 by Social Sciences Academic Press), Handai daojiao zhexue 汉代道教哲学 [Taoist Philosophy in the Han Dynasty] (written by Li Gang and published in 1994 by Bashu shushe), Daojiao zhexue 道教哲学 [Taoist Philosophy] (written by Lu Guolong and published in 1997 by Huaxia Press), Zhongguo chongxuanxue 中国重玄学 [The Chinese School of Double Mystery] (written by Lu Guolong and published in 1993 by Renmin Zhongguo Press), Daojiao zhexue 道教哲学 [Taoist Philosophy] (written by Lü Pengzhi and published in 2000 by Wenjin Press), Daojiao yu chaoyue 道教与超越 [Taoism and Transcendence] (written by Xu Zhaoren and published in 1991 by The Chinese Overseas Publishing House), Yizhuan yu daojia sixiang 易传与道家思想 [The Tradition of the Book of Changes and Taoist Thought] (written by Chen Guying and published in 1996 by Sanlian Publishing Company), Yixue yu daojiao sixiang guanxi yanjiu 易学与道教思想关系研究 [Studies on the Relationship between the Book of Changes and Taoist Thought] (written by Zhan Shichuang and published in 2001 by Xiamen University Press), Yixue yu daojiao fuhao jiemi 易学与道教符号揭秘 [The Book of Changes and Taoist Symbols] (written by Zhan Shichuang and published in 2001 by Cathay Bookshop), Chaoyue xinxing ershi shiji Zhongguo daojiao wenhua xueshu lunji 超载心性—20世纪中国道教文化学术论集 [Transcending Nature—Essays on Twentieth-Century Chinese Taoist Culture] (written by Zhang Guangbao and published in 1999 by China Radio and Television Publishing House), Daodejing de shiyong jiazhi zhexue bufen 道德经的 实用价值 [The Practical Value of Tao Te Ching (Chapter on Philosophy)] (edited by Chen Linsheng and published in 1993), Ge Hong lun 葛洪论 [Studies on Ge Hong] (written by Wang Liqi and published in 1997 by Wunan Book of Taiwan), Haixia liang’an daojiao wenhua xueshu yantaohui lunwen 海峡两岸道教文化学术研讨会论文 [Articles from the Cross-Straits Conference on Taoist Culture] (parts one and two, edited by Gong Pengcheng and published in 1987 by Student Book of Taiwan), and Di’erjie Haixia liang’an daojiao xueshu yantaohui wenji 第二届海峡两岸

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道教学术研讨会文集 [Papers of the 2nd Cross-Straits Conference on Taoism] (parts one, two, and three, edited by Zheng Zhiming and published in 2000 by Religious Culture Publishing House). Works on the relationship between the three religions included Tang Dachao’s MingQing zhiji daojiao sanjiaoheyi sixiang lun 明清之际道 教“三教合一”思想论 [Syncretism in Ming and Qing Dynasties], published in 2000 by Religious Culture Publishing House. Fourth, works on Taoism and Chinese culture included Daojiao yu Zhongguo chuantong wenhua 道教与中国传统文化 [Taoism and Traditional Chinese Culture] (edited by Qing Xitai and published in 1990 by Fujian renmin Press), Daojiao yu Zhongguo chuantong wenhua (ChineseEnglish edition, edited by Qing Xitai and published in 1996 by Zhonghua daotong Press of Taiwan), Daojiao wenhua xindian 道教文化新典 [A New Anthology of Taoist Culture] (traditional Chinese edition, edited by Qing Xitai and Zhan Shichuang and published in 1996 by Zhonghua daotong Press of Taiwan, simplified edition published in 1999 by Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House), Daojiao yu Zhouyi 道教与周易 [Taoism and the Book of Changes] (written by Liu Guoliang and published in 1994 by Beijing Yanshan Press), Dao xian ren 道·仙·人 [The Tao, Immortals and Humans] (written by Chen Yaoting and Liu Zhongyu and published in 1992 by the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press), Zhongguo daojiao wenhua toushi 中国道教文化 透视 [A Perspective on Chinese Taoist Culture] (written by Liu Zhongyu and published in 1990 by Xuelin Press), Daojiao yu zhuzi baijia 道教 与诸子百家 [Taoism and the Hundred Schools of Thought] (written by Li Yangzheng and published in 1989 by the Chinese Overseas Publishing House), Daojiao wenhua cidian 道教文化辞典 [A Dictionary of Taoist Culture] (edited by Zhang Zhizhe and published in 1994 by Jiangsu guji Press), Daojia yu minzu xingge 道家与民族性格 [Taoism and the National Character] (written by Lü Xichen and published in 1996 by Hunan daxue Press), and Tian Chengyang’s Xianxue pinglun 仙学评论 [A Commentary on Immortality Studies], Xianxue rumen 仙学入门 [An Introduction to Immortality Studies], and Zhongguo daojia xiuyang xue 中国道家修养学 [Chinese Taoist Self-Cultivation], all published in 1997 by Religious Culture Publishing House. Collections of articles included Wang Ming’s Daojiao he daojiao sixiang yanjiu 道教和道教思想研究 [Studies on Taoism and Taoist Ideas] (published in 1988 by China Social Sciences Press) and Daojia yu chuantong wenhua yanjiu 道家与传统文化研究 [Studies on Taoism and Traditional Culture] (published in 1995 by China Social Sciences Press), Qing Xitai’s Daojiao wenhua xintan 道教文化新探 [New Studies

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on Taoist Culture] (published in 1988 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House), Qing Xitai’s Churao ji 刍荛集 [Essays of a Woodman] (published in 1997 by Bashu shushe), Zhongmiao zhimen daojiao wenhua zhimi tanwei 妙之门—道教文化之谜探微 [The Gate to All That Is Subtle and Wonderful—Deciphering Taoist Culture] (edited by Xiao Shafu and Luo Chi and published in 1991 by Hunan jiaoyu Press), and Daojiao wenhua mianmian guan 道教文化面面观 [A Panorama of Taoist Culture] (edited by Ma Xisha, Wang Ka, and Lu Guolong and published in 1990 by Qilu shushe). Fifth, works on Taoist ethics included Li Gang’s Quanshan chengxian—Daojiao shengming lunli 劝善成仙-道教生命伦理 [Becoming Immortal Through Morality—The Taoist Ethics of Life] (published in 1994 by the Sichuan People’s Publishing House), Jiang Sheng’s Han Wei LiangJin Nanbeichao daojiao lunli lungao 汉魏两晋南北朝道教伦理论稿 [Essays on Taoist Ethics in the Han, Wei, Western Jin, Eastern Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties] (published in 1995 by Sichuan University Press) and Zongjiao yu renlei ziwo kongzhi Zhongguo daojiao lunli yanjiu 宗教与人类自 我控制—中国道教伦理研究 [Religions and Human Self-Control—Studies on Chinese Taoist Ethics] (published in 1996 by Bashu shushe), MingQing daojiao lunli ji qi liubian 明清道教伦理及其流变 [The Evolution of Taoist Ethics in the Ming and Qing Dynasties] (written by Jiang Sheng and Guo Wu, et al. and published in 1999 by the Sichuan People’s Publishing House), Chen Xia’s Daojiao quanshanshu yanjiu 道教劝善书研究 [Taoist Morality Books] (published in 1999 by Bashu shushe), and Quanshanshu jinyi 劝善书今译 [Translation in Modern Chinese of Morality Books] (translated by Tang Dachao and Zeng Chuanhui, et al. and published in 1996 by the Chinese Social Sciences Press). Works on the relationship between Taoism and literature, art and aesthetics included Zhan Shichuang’s Daojiao wenxue shi 道教文学史 [A History of Taoist Literature] (published in 1992 by Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House), NanSong JinYuan daojiao wenxue yanjiu 南宋金元道教文学研究 [Studies on Taoist Literature in the Southern Song, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties] (published in 2001 by Shanghai wenhua Press), Shengming lingguang daojiao chuanshuo yu zhihui 生命灵光—道教传说与 智慧 [The Halo of Life—Taoist Legends and Wisdom] (published in 1993 by Chung Hwa Book of Hong Kong), and Daojiao shushu yu wenyi 道教术数与文艺 [Taoist Divination and Arts] (published in 1998 by Wenjin Press of Taiwan), Wu Weimin and Jiang Jianyuan’s Daojiao wenxue sanshitan 道教文学三十谈 [Thirty Essays on Taoist Literature] (published in 1993 by Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press),

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Li Fengmao’s Liuchao SuiTang daolei xiaoshuo yanjiu 六朝隋唐道类小说 研究 [Studies on Taoist Novels in the Six Dynasties, the Sui, and the Tang] (published in 1986 by Student Book of Taiwan), Zhongguo xianhua 中国 仙话 [Chinese Legends of the Immortals] (edited by Zheng Shiyou and Chen Xiaoqin and published in 1990 by Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House), Mei Xinlin’s Xianhua shenren zhijian de mohuan shijie 仙话—神人之间的魔幻世界 [The Legends of the Immortals—The Magic World between Gods and Humans] (published in 1992 by Sanlian Publishing Company), Luo Yongling’s Zhongguo xianhua yanjiu 中国仙话研究 [Studies on Chinese Legends of the Immortals] (published in 1993 by Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House), Yang Guangwen and Gan Shaocheng’s Qingci bixiao daojiao wenxue yishu 青词碧箫—道教文学 艺术 [Green Declarations and Green Flutes—Taoist Literary Art] (published in 1994 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House), Liu Shouhua’s Daojiao yu minsu wenxue 道教与民俗文学 [Taoism and Folk Literature] (published in 1993 by Beijing Yanshan Press) and Daojiao yu Zhongguo minjian wenxue 道教与中国民间文学 [Taoism and Chinese Folk Literature] (published in 1994 by Wenjin Press of Taiwan), Huang Zhaohan’s Daojiao yu wenxue 道教与文学 [Taoism and Literature] (published in 1994 by Student Book of Taiwan), Sun Changwu’s Daojiao yu Tangdai wenxue 道教与唐代 文学 [Taoism and Literature in the Tang Dynasty] (published in 2001 by Renmin wenxue Press), Zhong Laiyin’s Su Shi yu daojia daojiao 苏轼与 道家道教 [Su Shi, Philosophical Taoism, and Religious Taoism] (published in 1986 by Chung Hwa Book of Taiwan), Zhang Songhui’s HanWei Liuchao daojiao yu wenxue 汉魏六朝道教与文学 [Taoism and Literature in the Han, Wei, and Six Dynasties] (published in 1996 by Hunan Normal University Press) and TangSong daojia daojiao yu wenxue 唐宋道家道教与 文学 [Philosophical Taoism, Religious Taoism, and Literature in the Tang and Song Dynasties] (published in 1998 by Hunan Normal University Press), Huang Shizhong’s Tangshi yu daojiao 唐诗与道教 [Tang Poetry and Taoism] (published in 1996 by Lijiang Publishing House), Shang Shiduo’s Daojia sixiang yu HanWei wenxue 道家思想与汉魏文学 [Taoist Ideas and Literature in the Han and Wei Dynasties] (published in 2000 by Beijing Normal University Publishing House), Zhan Shichuang’s Daojiao yu xiju 道教与戏剧 [Taoism and Theatre] (published in 1997 by Wenjin Press of Taiwan), Gao Nan’s Daojiao yu meixue 道教与美学 [Taoism and Aesthetics] (published in 1989 by Liaoning People’s Publishing House), Zhan Shichuang’s Daojiao meishu shihua 道教美术史话 [A History of Taoist Art] (published in 1992 by Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House), Wang Yi’e’s Daojiao meishu shihua 道教美术史话 [A History of Taoist

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Art] (published in 1994 by Beijing Yanshan Press), Pan Xianyi’s Damei buyan daojiao meixue sixiang fanchou lun 大美不言—道教美学思想范畴 论 [True Beauty Without Saying A Word—A Definition of Taoist Aesthetics] (published in 1997 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House), and Gou Bo’s Daojiao yu shenmo xiaoshuo 道教与神魔小说 [Taoism and Novels on Deities] (published in 1999 by Bashu shushe). Seventh, works on the Taoist beliefs in deities included Zhongguo minjian zhushen 中国民间诸神 [The Chinese Folk Pantheon] (edited by Zong Li and Liu Qun and published in 1987 by Hebei renmin Press), Zhongguo shenxian daquan 中国神仙大全 [The Chinese Pantheon] (edited by Leng Li and Fan Li and published in 1990 by Liaoning People’s Publishing House), Huang Haide’s Tianshang renjian daojiao shenxian puxi 天上人间：道教神仙谱系 [Men in Heaven: The Taoist Pantheon] (published in 1994 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House), and Daojiao xinyang yanjiu 道教信仰研究 [Studies on Taoist Beliefs] (edited by the Institute of Religious Studies at Sichuan University and published in 2000 by Zhongguo daotong Press of Taiwan). Eighth, works on Taoist inner alchemy and techniques included Zhongguo gudai huaxueshi yanjiu 中国古代化学史研究 [Studies on the History of Ancient Chinese Chemistry] (published in 1985 by Beijing University Press), Meng Naichang’s Daojiao yu Zhongguo liandanshu shi 道教与 中国炼丹术史 [Taoism and the History of Chinese Alchemy] (published in 1993 by Beijing Yanshan Press), Zhouyi cantongqi kaobian 周易参同契 考辨 [A Collation of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi] (published in 1993 by Shanghai guji Press), Wandai danjingwang Zhouyi cantongqi sanshisijia zhushi jicui 万代丹经王三十 四家注释集萃 [A Collection of Thirty-Four Kinds of Annotations on the King of Alchemical Scriptures—the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi] (edited by Meng Naichang and Meng Qingxuan and published in 1993 by Huaxia Press), Zhang Jueren’s Zhongguo liandanshu yu danyao 中国炼丹术与丹药 [Chinese Taoist Alchemy and Alchemical Drugs] (published in 1981 by the Sichuan People’s Publishing House), Jin Zhengyao’s Daojiao yu kexue 道教与科学 [Taoism and Science] (published in 1991 by the China Social Sciences Press), Zhu Yaping’s Daojia wenhua yu kexue 道家文化与科学 [Taoist Culture and Science] (published in 1995 by Zhongguo kexue jishu daxue Press), Chen Guofu’s Zhongguo waidan huangbaifa kao 中国外丹黄白法考 [Studies on Taoist Laboratory Alchemy] (published in 1997 by Shanghai guji Press), Rong Zhiyi’s Zhongguo liandanshu kaolüe 中国炼丹术考略 [Studies on Chinese Taoist Alchemy] (published in 1998 by Sanlian Publishing Company), and Zhongguo daojiao

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kexue jishushi HanWei liangJin juan 中国道教科学技术史 [A History of Chinese Taoist Science and Technology (Chapter on Han, Wei, Western Jin, and Eastern Jin Dynasties)] (edited by Jiang Sheng and Tang Jianxia and published in 2002 by Science Press). Ninth, works on Taoist inner alchemy included Li Yuanguo’s Qigong jinghuaji 气功精华集 [An Essential Collection of Qigong] (published in 1987 by Bashu shushe), and Daojiao qigong yangshengxue 道教气功养生学 [The Taoist Regimen of Qigong] (published in 1991 by Sichuan Lexicographical Publishing House), Daojiao zhengpai danfa jingxuan 道教正派丹法精选 [A Selection of Taoist Orthodox Inner Alchemy] (compiled by Wang Mu and published in 1989 by Zhongyi guji Press), Chen Bing’s Daojiao qigong baiwen 道教气功百问 [A Hundred Questions on Taoist Qigong] (published in 1989 by Jinri Zhongguo Press), Zhongguo fangshu dacidian 中国方术 大辞典 [A Dictionary of Chinese Taoist Techniques] (published in 1991 by Sun Yat-sen University Press), LaoZhuang cidian 老庄词典 [A Dictionary of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu] (edited by Dong Zhi’an and published in 1993 by Shandong Education Press), Jindan 金丹 [The Golden Elixir] (written and edited by Wang Erfeng and Xiaozhou and published in 1989 by the Chinese Women’s Publishing House), Wang Songling’s Zhongguo qigong de shi li fa 中国气功的史、理、法 [The History, the Logic, and the Doctrine of Chinese Qigong] (published in 1989 by Huaxia Press), Wang Qingyu’s Michuan daojia Yijinjing neidangong 秘传道家易筋经内 丹功 [Inner Alchemy: The Art of Taoist Esoteric Yijin Scripture] (published in 1990 by Renmin tiyu Press), Daojia qigong baodian 道家气功宝典 [The Treasury of Taoist Qigong] (edited by Zhou Xiaoxue and published in 1990 by Shanxi kexue jiaoyu Press), Neidan yu chanding daofoyi qigong dianji xuanjie 内丹与禅定—道佛医气功典籍选解 [Inner Alchemy and Chan Meditation—An Explanation from Selected Books of Taoist, Buddhist, and Medical Qigong] (edited by Zhang Rongming and published in 1991 by the Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House), Shi Dalang’s Daojiao neidan yangshengxue gaiyao 道教内丹养生学概要 [An Outline of the Taoist Regimen of Inner Alchemy] (published in 1992 by Hong Kong Taoist College), Ren Farong’s Huangdi yinfujing shiyi 黄帝阴符经 释义 [An Annotation of the Yellow Emperor’s Scripture on the Hidden Talisman] (published in 1992 by Sanqin Press) and Zhouyi cantongqi shiyi 周易参 同契释义 [An Annotation of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi] (published in 1993 by Xibei daxue Press), Daozang nannü xingming shuangxiu migong 道藏男女性命双修秘功 [Esoteric Sexual Practice in the Taoist Canon] (published in 1994 by Liaoning guji Press), Du Xianchen’s Neidan tanmi 内丹探秘 [Exploring the Secrets of Inner Alchemy]

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(published in 1994 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House), Zhou Ruming’s Zhongguo Antangshan daojia neigong neidan shu 中国安堂山道家 内功内丹术 [Taoist Inner Alchemy of Chinese Antang Mountain] (published in 1994 by Sichuan keji Press), Shesheng zongyao yu shuangxiu yaoji 摄生 总要与双修要集 [The Essence of Life-preserving Regimen and Sexual Practice] (published in 1995 by Hainan guoji xinwen chuban zhongxin 海南国 际新闻出版中心), Ji Douyong’s “Neidanxue 内丹学” [Studies on Inner Alchemy] in Guoxue tonglan 国学通览 [A Panorama of Sinology] (published in 1996 by Qunzhong Press), Wang Mu’s Neidan yangsheng gongfa zhiyao 内丹养生功法旨要 [The Essence of Inner Alchemy and Self-Cultivation Regimen] (published in 1990 by Zhonghua shuju), Hu Fuchen’s Daojiao yu xianxue 道教与仙学 [Taoism and Immortality Study] (published in 1991 by Xinhua Press), Zhang Guangbao’s JinYuan quanzhendao neidan xinxingxue 金元全真道内丹心性学 [Spirituality and Inner Alchemy of the Quanzhen School in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties] (published in 1995 by Sanlian Publishing Company), and Ma Jiren’s Daojiao yu liandan 道教与炼丹 [Taoism and Inner Alchemy] (published in 1997 by Wenjin Press of Taiwan). Tenth, works on the Taoist medical regimen and environmentalism included Bian Zhizhong’s Zhongguo daojiao michuan yangsheng changshoushu 中国道教秘传养生长寿术 [Chinese Taoist Esoteric Techniques of Self-Cultivation Regimen and Longevity] (published in 1987 by China Reconstructs Press), Chen Yingning’s Daojiao yu yangsheng 道教与养生 [Taoism and Self-Cultivation Regimen] (published in 1989 by Huawen Press), Daojia yangsheng miku 道家养生秘库 [A Secret Treasury of Taoist Self-Cultivation Regimen] (edited by Hong Jianlin and published in 1991 by Dalian Publishing House), Hong Pimo’s Fodao xiuxing yangshengfa 佛道修性养生法 [Buddhist and Taoist Self-Cultivation Regimen] (published in 1991 by Shanghai wenhua Press), Li Yuanguo’s Zhongguo daojiao yangsheng chaoshoushu 中国道教养生长寿术 [Chinese Taoist Techniques of Self-Cultivation Regimen and Longevity] (published in 1992 by Sichuan keji Press), Zhang Qin’s Daojiao lianyang xinlixue yinlun 道教炼养心理学引 论 [An Introduction to Psychology in Taoist Inner Alchemy] (published in 1999 by Bashu shushe), Daojia yangshengshu 道家养生术 [Taoist Self-Cultivation Techniques] (edited by Chen Yaoting, Li Ziwei, and Liu Zhongyu and published in 1992 by Fudan University Press), Li Yuanguo’s Daojiao yangshengfa 道教养生法 [The Taoist Self-Cultivation Regimen] (published in 1993 by Beijing Yanshan Press), Meng Naichang’s Daojiao yu Zhongguo yiyaoxue 道教与中国医药学 [Taoism and Chinese Medicine] (published in 1993 by Beijing Yanshan Press), Zhu Heting’s Zhongguo michuan baodian 中国秘传宝典 [The Chinese Esoteric Treasury] (published in 1994 by

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Yazhou yishu Press), Wang Qingyu and Kuang Wennan’s Daoyi kuimi daojiao yishu kangfushu 道医窥秘—道教医术康复术 [The Decyphering of Taoist Medicine—Rehabilitation Techniques in Taoist Medicine] (published in 1994 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House), and Gai Jianmin’s Daojiao yixue daolun 道教医学导论 [An Introduction to Taoist Medicine] (published in 1994 by Zhongguo daotong Press of Taiwan) and Daojiao yixue 道教医学 [Taoist Medicine] (published in 2001 by the Religious Culture Publishing House). Eleventh, works on Taoist music included Zhongguo Wudangshan daojiao yinyue 中国武当山道教音乐 [Taoist Music from Wudang Mountain, China] (edited by teachers and students from the Wuhan music school and published in 1987 by Zhongguo wenlian Press), Yuxi daoren Min Zhiting chuanpu quanzhen zhengyunpu ji 玉溪道人闵智亭传谱：全真 正韵谱辑 [The Music Score of Yuxi Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology of Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen School] (recorded, transcribed, and edited by Shi Xinmin, Zhou Zhengxi, Wang Zhongren, Xiang Siyi, and Liu Hong and published in 1993 by Zhongguo wenlian Press), Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao yinyue 中国龙虎山天师道音乐 [The Music of the Heavenly Master School from Longhu Mountain] (recorded, transcribed, and edited by Shi Xinmin, Zhou Zhengxi, Wang Zhongren, Xiang Siyi and published in 1993 by Zhongguo wenlian Press), Wang Chunwu and Gan Shaocheng’s Zhongguo daojiao yinyue 中国道教音乐 [Chinese Taoist Music] (published in 1993 by Xinan jiaotong daxue Press), Cao Benye and Pu Hengqiang’s Wudangshan daojiao yinyue yanjiu 武当山道教 音乐研究 [Studies on Taoist Music from Wudang Mountain] (published in 1993 by the Commercial Press, of Taiwan), Pu Hengqiang’s Daojiao yu Zhongguo chuantong yinyue 道教与中国传统音乐 [Taoism and Chinese Traditional Music] (published in 1993 by Wenjin Press of Taiwan), Daojiao yinyue 道教音乐 [Taoist Music] (written by Shi Xinmin, Zhou Zhengxi, Wang Zhongren, and Xiang Siyi and published in 1994 by Beijing Yanshan Press), Zhongguo daojiao yinyue shilüe 中国道教音乐史略 [A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Music] (written by Cao Benye, Wang Zhongyi, Gan Shaocheng, Liu Hong, and Zhou Yun and published in 1996 by Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi in Taiwan), Shanghai Baiyunguan shishi keyi yinyue yanjiu 上海白云观施食科仪音乐研究 [Studies on the Ritul of Feeding Hungry Ghosts: Ritual Music of Shanghai Baiyun Temple] (written by Cao Benye and Zhu Jianming and published in 1997 by Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi), Liu Hong’s Suzhou daojiao keyi yinyue yanjiu 苏州道教科仪 音乐研究 [Studies on Taoist Ritual Music of Suzhou] (published in 1997 by

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Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi), Zhan Renzhong’s Laoshanyun ji Liaodong Quanzhendao qiyue yanjiu “劳山韵”及辽东全真道器乐研究 [Studies on the Music from Lao Mountain and the Instrumental Music of the Quanzhen School of Eastern Shandong] (published in 1997 by Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi), Wudang yun 武当韵 [The Music of Wudang Mountain] (written by Wang Guangde, Wang Zhongren, Liu Hong, Zhou Yun, and Yuan Shuyan and published in 1997 by Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi), and Pu Hengqiang’s Shensheng liyue zhengtong daojiao keyi yinyue 神圣礼乐—正统 道教科仪音乐 [Sacred Ritual Music—Orthodox Taoist Ritual Music] (published in 2000 by Bashu shushe). Twelfth, works on Taoist rituals, talismans, and techniques included Min Zhiting’s Daojiao yifan 道教仪范 [Taoist Ritual Standards] (published in 1990 by China Taoist College) and Daojiao yifan Zhongguo chuantong yishi yinyue yanjiu jihua zhiyi 道教仪范—中国传统仪式音乐研究 计划之一 [Taoist Ritual Standards—One of the Projects on Chinese Traditional Ritual Music] (published in 1995 by Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi), Zhang Zehong’s Bugang tadou daojiao jili yishi 步罡踏斗—道教祭礼仪式 [Pacing the Big Dipper—Taoist Ritual] (published in 1994 by the Sichuan People’s Publishing House), Jitan chanyin 祭坛颤音 [Vibrato on the Altar] (published in 1996 by the Sichuan People’s Publishing House), Zhang Zehong’s Daojiao zhaijiao keyi yanjiu 道教 醮科仪研究 [Studies on Taoist Rituals] and Daojiao zhaijiao fuzhou yishi 道教 醮符咒仪式 [Studies on Taoist Talismans, Incantations and Rituals] (both published in 1999 by Bashu shushe), and Liu Xiaoming’s Zhongguo fuzhou wenhua daguan 中国 符咒文化大观 [A Panorama of the Culture of Chinese Talismans and Incantations] (published in 1995 by Baihuazhou Literature and Art Publishing House), Wang Yucheng’s Daojiao fayin lingpai tan’ao 道教法印令牌探奥 [Taoist Seals and Command Tablets] (published in 2000 by Religious Culture Publishing House), and Min Zhiting and Zhang Zehong’s Daojiao liyi 道教礼仪 [Taoist Liturgy] (published in 2000 by Hong Kong Taoist College). Thirteenth, more general works and reference books on Taoism included Zeng Zhaonan and Shi Yanfeng’s Daojiao jichu zhishi 道教 基础知识 [Taoist Basic Knowledge] (published in 1988 by Sichuan University Press), Zhongguo daojiao jichu zhishi 中国道教基础知识 [Chinese Taoist Basic Knowledge] (edited by the Taoist Study Group of the Institute of World Religions of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and published in 1999 by the Religious Culture Publishing House), Zhongguo daojiao fengmao 中国道教风貌 [The Style and Features of Chinese

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Taoism] (edited by the Chinese Taoist Association and published in 1999 by the Religious Culture Publishing House), Zhu Yueli’s Daojiao wenda 道教问答 [Questions and Answers on Taoism] (published in 1989 by Huawen Press), Li Yangzheng’s Daojiao gaishuo 道教概说 [Introduction to Taoism] (published in 1989 by Zhonghua shuju), Daojiao shouce 道教 手册 [Handbook of Taoism] (edited by Li Yangzheng and published in 1993 by Zhongzhou guji Press), Lu Guolong’s Daojiao zhishi baiwen 道教知识百问 [A Hundred Questions on Taoism] (published in 1991 by Foguang Press of Taiwan), Guo Wu’s Daojiao lishi baiwen 道教历史百问 [A Hundred Questions on Taoist History] (published in 1995 by Jinri Zhongguo Press), Daojiao changshi dawen 道教常识答问 [Questions and Answers on Taoism] (published in 1994 by Jiangsu guji Press), Daojiao yu daoxue changshi 道教与道学常识 [Knowledge of Taoism and Taoist Studies] (edited by Qing Xitai and published in 1997 by Zhonghua daotong Press of Taiwan), Zhongguo daojiao 中国道教 [Chinese Taoism] (in four volumes, edited by Qing Xitai and published in 1994 by Shanghai zhishi Press), Zhonghua daoxue tongdian 中华道学通典 [A Reference Book of Chinese Taoist Studies] (edited by Wu Feng and Song Yifu and published in 1994 by Nanhai Press), Daojiao dacidian 道教大辞典 [A Large Dictionary of Taoism] (edited by Min Zhiting and Li Yangzheng and published in 1994 by Huaxia Press), Zhonghua daojiao dacidian 中华道教大辞典 [A Large Dictionary of Taoism in China] (edited by Hu Fuchen and published in 1995 by China Social Sciences Press), and Daojiao xue 道教学 [Taoist Studies] (written by Zhu Yueli and Chen Min and published in 2000 by the Contemporary World Press). Additional works include Zongjiao cidian 宗教辞典 [A Dictionary of Religions] (the section on Taoism, edited by Ren Jiyu, under the supervision of Qing Xitai, and published in 1981 by Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House). In 1998, Ren Jiyu expanded Zongjiao cidian into Zhongjiao dacidian 宗教大辞典 [The Great Dictionary of Religions] and published the section on Taoism as Daojiao xiaocidian 道教小辞典 [A Short Dictionary of Taoism] in 2000 with the Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House. There was also the section on Taoism in Zhongguo dabaike quanshu zongjiaojuan 中国大百科全书·宗教卷 [An Encyclopedia of China, Section on Religion] (edited by Qing Xitai and published in 1988 by Encyclopedia of China Publishing House). In May 1990, the Encyclopedia of China Publishing House published a volume on Taoism entitled Zhongguo dabaike quanshu xuanji daojiao 中国大百科全书选辑·道教 [A Selection of Articles on Taoism from the Encyclopedia of China].

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Fourteenth, works on Taoism translated from foreigh languages include Noritada Kubo’s Daojiao shi 道教史 [A History of Taoism] (translated by Xiao Kunhua, first published successively in Religious Studies, nos. 1, 3, and 4 republished in 1987 by Shanghai Translation Publishing House), Fukui Kōjun’s Daojiao 道教 [Taoism] (in three volumes, translated by Zhu Yueli et al. and published in 1990 and 1992 by Shanghai guji Press), and Anna K. Seidel’s Chronicle of Taoist Studies in the West: 1950–1990 西方道教研究史 (translated by Jiang Jianyuan and Liu Ling and published in 2000 by Shanghai guji Press). This same book was translated by Lü Pengzhi and others and published as a series of articles in Religious Studies under the title of Xifang daojiao xianjiu biannianshi 西方道教研究编年史. This list of more than 200 works is my own personal selection, with its own limitations. This number is already considerable, without accounting for the current increase of more than ten works per year. The content of these works exceeds that of the first two periods in length and quality. The number of published papers on Taoism during the last 20 years has exceeded 1,000, with about 50 articles per year on average being published. The scope of the subjects is wider. Some of them attain the same high academic level as that of the books published on Taoism. However, due to space limitations I could not take into account all the published works and deeply regret this fact. In conclusion, Taoist research, over the last 20 years, has made a qualitative and quantitative leap compared to the two preceding periods of its development. We should not forget to mention the Taoist Canon, published by the Cultural Relics Press, Shanghai shudian 上海 书店, and the Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, and the traditional thread-bound and compact editions of Zangwai daoshu and Daozang jiyao 道藏辑要 [Collected Essentials of the Taoist Canon]. The publication of these collections of Taoist volumes has facilitated the expansion of Taoist studies. The eight categories within Taoist studies listed above show that since the Economic Reform, Chinese Taoist studies have entered a new era. Not only have dedicated research institutes and training centers been created, but also specialised journals have been published. Research teams composed of both scholars who specialise in Taoism and scholars from other fields, and of older and younger generations, took shape and developed. They used to their advantage the thousandyear-old roots of Chinese culture together with their predecessors’

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pioneering work, and the contributions of their foreign counterparts. They made phenomenal progress. They overcame many difficulties, broke new ground in many fields, and achieved fruitful results. The vitality of the research, the scope of the content, and the abundance of the results have drawn the attention of international scholars. Today, Chinese Taoist scholars are often invited to participate in international conferences abroad and many foreign scholars often come to China to study or participate in conferences. Chinese Taoist studies have gained an international reputation. Looking to the future, we are full of confidence. However, we have to realize that Chinese Taoist studies, although they have progressed through a complicated and arduous process, are still in their infancy. The extent of these studies is wide and requires investigation from many different angles. We have come a long way, but there is still a long way to go for more Chinese scholars, especially from a younger generation, to achieve greater success. A Perspective Analysis I would like to make a general remark on the future of Taoist studies. In my opinion, the next objective of Chinese Taoist studies should focus on in-depth development of the existing basic knowledge that has already been gathered, and more specifically: First, interdisciplinary studies should be launched to expand the extent of Taoist studies. The existing studies on Taoist philosophy, literature, ethics, self-cultivation regimen, science, music, art, aesthetics, language, and archaeology, and on the relationship between Taoism and Chinese minorities need to be deepened to produce more systematic and high-level works. At the same time, studies on the relationship between Taoism and politics, Taoism and Confucianism, Taoism and Folklore, and so on should be initiated to produce better-quality works. Studies on the comparison between Taoism and other religions should be carried out systematically so as to promote Taoist culture. Second, studies on local Taoism should be widened. Currently, there are only a few works, including Wudang daojiao shilüe, Chang’an Zhongnanshan daojiao shilüe, Xianggang yu Aomen zhi daojiao, and Taiwan daojiao yuanliu. Dedicated studies should be carried out to broaden the scope of such research.

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Third, studies on Taoist Schools should be considered. So far, these include only Tianshidao shilüe, Louguandao yuanliu kao, and Jingmingdao yanjiu, and a few other works. More Taoist Schools should be studied thoroughly, using the research that has already unearthed a number of interesting elements. Fourth, the study and collation (including annotation, punctuation, and translation into modern Chinese) of Taoist books should be extended. Some Chinese publishing houses have paid attention to these studies and published some annotated and translated Taoist books. Nevertheless, there are a few publishers, such as Zhonghua shuju, which systematically put the publication of these studies on their agenda but made slow progress and could not meet the increasing demand. The scope of such studies therefore needs to be widened. Fifth, studies on Taoist doctrines should be the focus of our attention. Currently, there are a few books and articles on this subject. But we need scholars to study them systematically from a religious angle. These studies are at the core of the past and present of Taoist studies. Thus, they are not only indispensable to correct the prejudice of some scholars who believe Taoism does not have its own body of doctrines, but they are also important to help Taoism meet the development of modern Chinese society. Sixth, works by foreign scholars on Taoism should be widely translated and published. This mission is indispensable to Taoist studies despite the preliminary stage of its data collection, because Taoism has been the focal point of studies on an international scale. Japanese and French scholars have studied Taoism for more than 100 years. Scholars from England, Germany, and the United States are catching up, and their publications are extensive. In addition, they have paid attention to the collection and accumulation of primary sources and thoroughly used them. We have translated only a few of their results. Only Xiao Kunhua and Zhu Yueli translated some of their work, but the could not meet the increasing demand. It will be harmful to our in-depth study of Taoism if we do not change our strategy. So this work needs to be carried out with some urgency. On the other hand, we should also translate our important works of Taoist studies into foreign languages and promote them abroad in order to accelerate the communication between Chinese and foreign scholars and together improve the level of Taoist studies. So far, only David C. Yu has translated the first volume of Zhongguo daojiao shi, a

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four-volume edition that I edited and that was published in 2000 by University Press of America. Although the original author’s name was ommited on both book cover and copyright information, this publication was still a good start, in spite of the breach of copyright. We hope more people commit themselves to this work in order to facilitate the cooperation of Chinese and foreign scholars who are promoting Taoist culture. If there are inadequacies in this introduction, criticism and correction from my readers will be welcome. I am willing to discuss and correct any of the inadequacies found in this work. October 2002, Canada

FROM YIQIE DAOJING TO ZHONGHUA DAOZANG— A RETROSPECTIVE OF THE STUDY OF THE TAOIST TEXTUAL HERITAGE Wang Ka The Three Teachings, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism constitute the core of traditional Chinese culture. Taoism is the only religion that is native to China. As we know, all the major religions, such as Christianity, Buddhism, Islam, and Hinduism, possess their own longstanding traditions and complete canons of scriptures, hence their classification as ‘canonical religions.’ This is the case with Taoism, which, in its formation and evolution, gathered together a large quantity of scriptures called the Taoist Canon. These scriptures are important components of the Chinese cultural heritage and are precious historical documents that elucidate the evolution of Chinese ancient religions, philosophy, literature, science, and folklore. This chapter will review the studies and collation of Taoist scriptures. The Origin of the Taoist Scriptures The Taoist community took shape in the middle and late periods of the Eastern Han Dynasty (about the second century AD) but found its origin in ancient Taoist thought and magic before the Eastern Han Dynasty. So the origin of the Taoist scriptures precedes the formal creation of the Taoist community. According to the “Treatise on Literature” in the Hanshu, which was written by Ban Gu during the Eastern Han Dynasty, there were 47 different titles for a total of 1,198 chapters written on Taoism and on the belief in Immortals from antiquity to the Western Han Dynasty. Besides these writings there were other titles concerning the Yin-Yang School, Confucian teachings on the Changes, Mohism, the School of Military thought, the Miscellaneous Schools, mathematics (astronomy, the five elements, and divination), various techniques (medicine, sexual practice), among others, altogether over 200 titles for a total of about 4000 chapters. These ancient works have been lost for the most part. The texts that have come down to us, such as the Lao-tzu, the Chuang-tzu, the Huainanzi, the Mo-tzu 墨子,

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the Sunzi bingfa 孙子兵法 [The Art of War], and the Huangdi neijing 黄帝 内经 [The Yellow Emperor’s Inner Canon], were collected in the Taoist Canon and constitute the earliest works in the canon. As Taoism developed during the Eastern Han Dynasty, some early Taoist scriptures appeared that were compiled by Taoists and magicians, including the Scripture of Great Peace, Lao-tzu Annotated by Heshang Gong, Lao-tzu Annotated by Xiang’er, and the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi. Of these, the Scripture of Great Peace— produced most likely during the rule of Emperor Shun of the Eastern Han (AD 126–144)—with its 170 chapters, is a “divine book,” which expresses the ideas of the sorcerers and magicians of the period. As the foundational scripture chosen by Zhang Jiao, the leader of Great Peace Taoism, it was one of the key texts for the formation of early communal Taoism. Considered by the Taoist believers at the end of the Han Dynasty as a classic scripture to recite every day, the Tao Te Ching is believed to have been commented on by Zhang Ling (or by Zhang Lu), the patriarchs of the Taoism of Five Bushels of Rice, who wrote Lao-tzu Annotated by Xiang’er. The latter explained Lao-tzu in the light of Taoist ideology and supported the cult of the Most High Old Lord, and the observance of Taoist rules and regimen towards transcendence. This scripture is a keystone of Taoism. Taoist scriptures multiplied during the Wei and Jin dynasties. The Taoist scholar Ge Hong, in the chapter “Xialan,” in the Baopuzi, recorded 204 Taoist scriptures for a total of 679 chapters, and 56 kinds of registers and talismans, for a total of 620 chapters, the two categories adding to 1,299 chapters. The Taoists of the Wei and Jin dynasties treasured their scriptures and did not make them accessible to the public. The scriptures that Ge Hong quoted have been lost for the most part, except for a few that have been handed down. During the Southern and Northern dynasties, a large quantity of Taoist scriptures, including the Shangqing 上清 [Highest Clarity], Lingbao 灵宝 [Numinous Treasure], and Zhengyi fawen 正一法文 [Texts of the Law of Orthodox Unity] corpi appeared and became widespread. They were then gathered into a collection. In the seventh year of the Taishi reign of the Song Dynasty (AD 471), Emperor Ming asked the Taoist Lu Xiujing to compile the Sandong jingshu mulu 三洞经书目录 [Catalogue of Scriptures of Three Caverns], which included 1,228 chapters of Taoist scriptures, prescriptions, and talismans, of which, 1,090 chapters were already circulating. In the fourth year of the Putong reign of Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty (AD 523), secretary Ruan Xiaoxu compiled

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the Xiandao lu 仙道录 [Notes on Immortals and Taoists], as an addendum to the Qilu 七录 [Seven Registrations], in which 425 titles for a total of 1,138 chapters of Taoist scriptures were classified in four categories: Rules, Ingestion of Elixir, Sexual Practices, and Talismans. Some of those Taoist scriptures of the Southern Dynasty, most of which were recent scriptures of The Highest Clarity School, the Numinous Treasure School, and the Heavenly Master, are still kept in today’s Taoist Canon. As for the Northern Dynasty, according to the “Treatise of Buddhism and Taoism” in the Weishu, during the reign of Emperor Taiwu of the Northern Wei Dynasty, Kou Qianzhi, a Taoist from Song Mountain declared that a god had given him the Yunzhong yinsong xinke zhijie 云中音诵新科之诫 [Precept Scripture of the New Code, Recited in the Clouds], consisting of 20 chapters, and the Lutu zhenjing 箓图真经 [The Perfect Scripture on Talismans and Charts], composed of about 60 chapters, and several medical prescriptions. In the first year of the Shiguang reign (AD 424), Kou Qianzhi arrived in the capital, Pingcheng, presenting the scriptures to the imperial court. As a pious believer of Taoism, Yuwen Yong (Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou Dynasty) paid particular attention to the collection and classification of Taoist scriptures. According to Zhen Luan’s Xiaodao lun 笑道论 [A Discourse on Laughing at the Dao], the emperor asked the Taoists of Xuandu Temple to compile the Catalogue of Xuandu, made up of 6,363 chapters classified in five categories—Scriptures, Biographies, Talismans, Charts, and Essays on Taoism. Of these, however, only 2,040 chapters were genuine, while more than 4,000 were apocryphal chapters, which were often used by the Taoists of the time to compete with Buddhist monks who possessed a larger number of sutras. Emperor Wu of the Zhou Dynasty not only asked Taoists to collate Taoist scriptures, but also to take charge of the compilation of an exhaustive Taoist reference book, the Wushang biyao 无上秘要 [Esoteric Essentials of the Most High]. As an important document for the study of the beginning of Taoism, it quoted and classified about 300 kinds of Taoist scriptures of the Han, Wei, and Six dynasties. The Suichao daoshu zongmu 隋朝道书总目 [The Catalogue of Taoist Scriptures of the Sui Dynasty], in four volumes, was compiled after the unification of China. According to the “Treatise of Books,” in the Suishu 隋书 [The Book of Sui Dynasty], in the third year of the Kaihuang reign of Emperor Wen of the Sui Dynasty (AD 583), the secretary Niu Hong was able to collect and collate the scriptures. He then compiled

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the catalogue of the Taoist scriptures and Buddhist sutras gathered in the imperial Buddhist temple, classifying the Taoist scriptures into the following categories—Rules, with 301 titles for a total of 908 chapters; Ingestion of Elixir, with 46 titles for a total of 167 chapters; Sexual Practices, with 13 titles for a total of 38 chapters; and Talismans, with 17 titles for a total of 103 chapters—a grand total of 377 titles and 1,216 chapters. The beginning of the circulation of Taoist scriptures, that is, the period from the Eastern Han Dynasty to the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern dynasties witnessed the multiplication of Taoist scriptures. These scriptures were catalogued, examined according to their sources, and classified. But they were not all collected in one particular Taoist Canon. The History of the Compilation of the Taoist Canon The Taoist Canon is a general collection of all the Taoist scriptures. According to modern scholars, the first Taoist Canon took shape under the reign of Emperor Gao and Empress Wu at the beginning of the Tang Dynasty. It was called Yiqiejing 一切经 (“Comprehensive collection of scriptures”) or Yiqie daojing at that time and was similar to its namesake Yiqie jing of the Buddhist Canon. The formation of the Taoist Canon or Yiqie daojing may have been influenced by contemporary Buddhism. Chinese Buddhist scriptures had first been called “Zhongjing 经” or “Yiqiejing,” and afterward “Jingzang 藏经” or “Zangjing,” sometimes just “Zang 藏” for short. The term “Dazangjing” (Buddhist Canon) appeared at the end of the Southern and Northern dynasties and the beginning of the Sui Dynasty. “Zang” is the Chinese translation of the Sanskrit “Pitaka,” which means the box or case used to preserve things. Ancient Indian monks used boxes to preserve sutras written on leaves. China had an ancient tradition of preserving classic books in golden cabinets and stone rooms, which were called “preservation rooms 藏室.” So the Chinese translation “Zang” for the Sanskrit “Pitaka” was close to the idea of preserving sutras. In order to distinguish itself from the collection of Buddhist sutras, which was called “Yiqiejing” or “Buddhist Canon,” the collection of Taoist scriptures was called “Yiqie daojing” or “Taoist Canon.” In chapter two, “Compilation of Scriptures,” in the Taoist scripture Sandong fengdao kejie yingshi 三洞奉道科戒营始 [The Foundations of Rules

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and Precepts for Worshipping the Tao According to the Three Caverns] from the beginning of the Tang Dynasty we find the following text: All scriptures must be collected in two kinds of canon, the Complete Canon and the Separate Canon. For the former, all the scriptures will be gathered and called “The Canon of the Precious Scriptures of the Three Caverns.” For the latter, each of the Three Caverns and Four Supplements should be considered as a canon in itself. The first is “The Canon of the True Scriptures of Great Cavern,” the second “The Canon of the Precious Scriptures of Mystery Cavern,” the third “The Canon of Immortal Scriptures of Spirit Cavern,” the fourth “The Canon of the Scriptures of Great Mystery,” the fifth “The Canon of the Scriptures of Great Peace,” the sixth “The Canon of the Scriptures of Great Purity,” and the seventh “The Canon of the Scriptures of Orthodox Unity.” Each category should be given a title in order to be distinguished one from the other.

That means there were two methods for preserving the Taoist scriptures. The first collected all the Taoist scriptures in a Complete Canon, called “The Canon of the Precious Scriptures of the Three Caverns,” while the second classified the Taoist scriptures in the “Three Caverns and Four Supplements,” totalling seven categories, each category being considered as one canon.1 Instructions for making the “Zang” were included in chapter three, “Ritual Tools,” in the Foundations of Rules and Precepts for Worshipping the Tao According to the Three Caverns: The outside of the Jingzang should be lacquered and sandalwood should be used on its inside. Or the outside and inside could both be lacquered, or ornamented with jewelery, or painted with colors, or decorated

The “Three Caverns and Four Supplements” is a system of classification of Taoist scriptures according to which Taoist scriptures are classified in seven categories, including “the Authenticity Cavern,” “the Mystery Cavern,” “the Cavern of the Spirit,” “The Great Mystery,” “Great Peace,” “Great Purity,” and “Orthodox Unity.” According to chapter two of the Daojiao yishu 道教义枢 [Essential Doctrines of Taoism], written by the Taoist Meng Anpai at the beginning of the Tang Dynasty, the Three Caverns corresponded with major Taoist scriptures, the Authenticity Cavern category with the “Scriptures of the Highest Clarity,” the Mystery Cavern category with the “Scriptures of the Numinous Treasure,” and the Spirit Cavern category with the “Scriptures of the Three Emperors.” As to the Four Supplements, the Great Purity category supplemented the Spirit Cavern category with the scriptures on the ingestion of elixir; the Great Peace category supplemented the Mystery Cavern category with the divine book the Scripture of Great Peace; the Great Mystery category supplemented the Authenticity Cavern category with the Tao Te Ching and others and the Orthodox Unity category supplemented the other six categories with such scriptures of ancient Heavenly Master School as the Text of the Law of Orthodox Unity. This system took shape in the Southern and Northern dynasties and was followed from the Sui Dynasty onward, when the Taoist Canon was compiled. 1

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In this text the “Jingzang” refers to the painted and lacquered wooden cabinet in which scriptures were preserved. The Foundations of Rules and Precepts for Worshipping the Tao According to the Three Caverns provided instructions not only for making the Jingzang and for determining its size, but also for copying and binding the scriptures . The formation of the Yiqie daojing, or Taoist Canon, at the beginning of the Tang Dynasty signified that Taoism had integrated the Indian tradition into the Chinese tradition and developed its method of collecting and preserving its own scriptures. Under the Kaiyuan reign of Emperor Xuan of the Tang Dynasty, the Yiqie daojing was first compiled by the government. It had a total of 3,744 chapters. In the seventh year of the Tianbao reign (AD 748), the emperor ordered all the Taoists to transcribe the Yiqie daojing. Unfortunately, most of the Taoist scriptures were burned during the wars at the end of the Tang Dynasty. Among the remaining scriptures discovered in Dunghuang, some pieces might be part of the Tang Dynasty transcript of the Yiqie daojing. Under the Dazhong xiangfu reign of the Song Dynasty, Emperor Zhen ordered Zhang Junfang to take charge of the compilation of the Taoist Canon. The Treasure of the Celestial Palace of the Great Song then was compiled in the third year of the Tianxi reign (AD 1019), with 4,565 chapters. Extracting from the Tiangong baozang 天宫宝藏 [The Precious Canon of the Celestial Palace of the Great Song], Zhang Junfang also compiled the Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel, with 120 chapters, which is considered a “compact Taoist Canon” and an important document for studies on the circulation of Taoist scriptures during the Northern Song Dynasty. Under the Zhenghe reign, Emperor Hui of the Northern Song Dynasty again ordered the collection of Taoist scriptures that were collated by Taoists, including Yuan Miaozong and Wang Daojian. The printing blocks were carved in the city of Fuzhou, and copies were printed in Dongjing as Wanshou daozang 万寿道藏 [The Taoist Canon of Wanshou], with 5,481 chapters. This was the first time that the

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entire Taoist Canon was printed using printing woodblocks. It was taken away by the Jurchen during the Jingkang period war, and has since been lost. However, some characters with omitted strokes were used to avoid the taboo names of the Song emperors in the scriptures collected in the Taoist Canon of the Ming Dynasty edition, which could thus stem in part from copies of the Southern Song Dynasty edition. In the fourth year of the Dading reign (AD 1164), Emperor Shi of the Jin Dynasty ordered the printing blocks for the Taoist Canon of Wanshou to be moved from Bianjing (now Kaifeng) to the Shifang Datianchang Temple in Zhongdu (presently the Baiyun Temple in Beijing). In the first year of the Mingchang reign of Emperor Zhang (AD 1190), the head of the Tianchang Temple, Sun Mingdao, was ordered to compile the Dajin xuandu baozang 大金玄都宝藏 [The Precious Canon of Mystery Capital of the Great Jin Dynasty], made up of 6,455 chapters. It was soon burnt in a fire at the Tianchang Temple. There is however a Jin Dynasty edition of the Literary Anthology of Panxi preserved in the Department of Rare Editions of the National Library of China. The scriptures of the Jin Dynasty edition are said to be preserved somewhere in Shanxi Province, although this remains to be verified. In the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Taizong of the Yuan Dynasty (AD 1237), a suggestion made by the Taoist Song Defang of the Quanzhen School to compile and print the Taoist scriptures was approved. These scriptures, with more than 7,800 chapters, were printed in the third year of the reign of Empress Naimazhen (AD 1244) and called the Precious Canon of Mystery Capital. In the eighteenth year of the Zhiyuan reign of Emperor Shizu (AD 1281), the defeat of the Taoists in the debate with Buddhist monks led to the burning of the printing blocks for the Taoist Canon. Many classic Taoist scriptures were thus lost. Today, the only remaining texts from the Yuan Dynasty canon are the Scripture of Wind and Dew of Great Clarity and Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel. In the tenth year of the Zhengtong reign (AD 1445) of Emperor Yingzong of the Ming Dynasty, the 43rd Heavenly Master Zhang Yuchu compiled the Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign. In the thirty-fifth year of the Wanli reign of Emperor Shenzong of the Ming Dynasty, the 50th Heavenly Master, Zhang Guoxiang, compiled the Xu Daozang 续道藏 [A Supplement to the Taoist Canon]. This canon included more than 1,470 titles in 5,485 chapters, and was preserved in 512 boxes, which were numbered using the successive characters from the

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Thousand Character Classic. This Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign was printed many times during the Ming and Qing dynasties and conferred to Taoist temples across the country. In the year Gengzi of Emperor Guangxu’s reign (AD 1900) during the Qing Dynasty, the printing blocks for the Ming Dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon were burnt during the invasion of the Eight-Nation Alliance in Beijing. The copies of the Taoist Canon preserved in local Taoist temples were also lost for the most part. Only the one preserved in the Baiyun Temple in Beijing remained largely intact and has been kept until today in the Department of Rare Editions of the National Library of China. In the early years of the Republic of China (AD 1923–1926), the Hanfenlou publishing house in Shanghai published 350 copies of the Taoist Canon from the Baiyun Temple edition, in a thread-bound version in 1,120 volumes. In 1977, the Taiwanese publishing house Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi published a hardcover version in 60 volumes. In 1988, the Cultural Relics Press, Shanghai shudian, and Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House jointly published a hardcover version in 36 volumes. In addition, the Taiwanese publishing house version collected 15 kinds of lost Taoist scriptures from the Ming and Qing dynasties, while the Mainland Chinese version included a few corrections to gaps in the Baiyun Temple edition. The Collation of Taoist Scriptures in Modern and Contemporary China From its last compilation in the Ming Dynasty until today, there has not been a new official edition of the Taoist Canon in over 400 years. However, some independent compilations of Taoist scriptures have been made. During the reign of Emperor Jiaqing of the Qing Dynasty (1796– 1820), Secretary Jiang Yuanting compiled and printed the Collected Essentials of the Taoist Canon, including 173 titles. In the 32nd year of Emperor Guangxu’s reign (1906), He Longxiang and Peng Hanran reprinted it for the fourth time in the Temple of Two Immortals in Chengdu, with 287 titles in 245 volumes, of which 114 titles had not been collected in the Ming Dynasty edition. During the Republic of China, Ding Fubao compiled the Daozang jinghua lu 道藏精华录 [The Essence of the Taoist Canon] in 10 volumes, including 100 titles, of which several had not been collected in the

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Ming Dynasty edition. There were a number of other compilations, including the Fanghu waishi 方壶外史 [The Untold History of Master Square Pot], the Daoyan wuzhong 道言五种 [Five Kinds of Taoist Discourses], the Daoshu shierzhong 道书十二种 [Twelve Kinds of Taoist Scriptures], the Gushuyinlou cangshu 古书隐楼藏书 [A Collection from the Ancient Hidden Pavilion of Books], the Jiyizi zhengdao mishu 济一子证道秘书 [The Secret Book of Jiyizi, Who Realized the Tao], the Lengyuan xianshu 楞园仙书 [The Divine Book of Leng Park], the Daoshu quanji 道书全集 [A Complete Collection of Taoist Scriptures], the Daoguan zhenyuan 道贯真源 [The True Origin of the Tao], the Daojing miji 道经秘集 [A Collection of Secret Taoist Scriptures], the Daotong dacheng 道统大成 [The Great Accomplishment of Taoist Lineage], the Xianshu miku 仙术秘库 [A Stock of Secret Divine Arts], the Daozang xubian 道藏续编 [A Supplementary Collection of the Taoist Canon]. A complete catalogue can be found in the Zhongguo congshu zonglu 中国丛书 综录 [A Comprehensive Descriptive Catalogue of Book Collections]. The Taiwanese Taoist scholar Xiao Tianshi began collating Taoist scriptures in the 1950s and compiled the Essence of the Taoist Canon of which 17 series and two supplementary series were published, with more than 800 texts. Most of them concerned Taoist inner alchemy and self-cultivation regimen. Many are Taoist scriptures in old editions, rare copies, and manuscripts that had not been collected in the Ming dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon. They were published by Taiwan ziyou chubanshe 台湾自由出版社 in 75 volumes in a hardcover version and 104 volumes in a paperback version. A complete catalogue can be found in Taoist Culture (vol. 5, no. 12). The American Taoist scholar Michael Saso compiled the ZhuangLin Taoist Canon in 25 volumes and four categories, a collection of Taoist scriptures on talismans and rituals, some of which are rare manuscripts. From 1989 to 1994, Taoist scholars led by Hu Daojing and Chen Yaoting, compiled the Extra-Canonical Taoist Texts, which was published by the Bashu shushe publishing house in Sichuan, in 36 volumes containing 1,042 Taoist scriptures, including those written in the Ming and Qing dynasties that were not included in the Ming Dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon. The manuscripts were discovered in modern times, hidden among the people and among the works of modern and contemporary scholars on Taoism. Examples include the manuscripts Yuji jinxiang 玉笈金箱 [The Jade Book in the Golden Box], Daojia shiji 道家 诗记 [Notes on Taoist Poetry], and Dacheng jinshu 大成金书 [The Golden Book of Great Accomplishment] of the Ming Dynasty edition, preserved in

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the Shanghai Library, and the Guangcheng yizhi 广成仪制 [Ritual Norms of Master Guangcheng], preserved on Qingcheng Mountain in Sichuan. In 1999, Tang Yijie, Ding Huang, and Zhang Guangbao edited the Daoshu jicheng 道书集成 [Collection of Taoist Books] in 60 volumes published by the Jiuzhou tushu chubanshe 九洲图书出版社 in Beijing. In 2006, Wang Ka and Wang Guiping edited the Sandong shiyi 三洞 拾遗 [The Newly found books from the Three Caverns] in 20 volumes published by Huangshan shushe 黄山书社 of Anhui. Some of the Taoist scriptures collected in these two works are precious ancient versions preserved in the Institute of History and the Institute of World Religions of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and cannot be found in either the Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign or the Extra-Canonical Taoist Texts. For example, the Daotong yuanliu 道统源流 [The Evolution of Taoist Lineage] and the Jueyun benzhi daotong xinzhuan 觉云本支道统薪传 [The Genealogy of the Jueyun Branch of the Orthodox Lineage] are key documents for the study of the Taoist Longmen School of the Qing Dynasty and cannot be found in other Taoist collections. The aforementioned Taoist collections, compiled from the Ming Dynasty until the modern times, provide abundant material for the study of Taoism and should be considered as main sources if the Taoist Canon of China is to be collated and supplemented more extensively in the future. The Collation of Documents Related to Taoism Apart from the collections of the Taoist Canon mentioned above there exist many other documents related to Taoism. The important works on the collation of these documents are the following: 1) Lost ancient Taoist scriptures Many ancient Taoist scriptures have been found during the last several decades thanks to archaeological discoveries. In the 1950s, the Wind and Dew of Great Clarity (preserved now in the Department of Rare Editions of the National Library of China) was found in a pile of wastepaper in the Cathay Bookshop. It is the remaining part of the Yuan Dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon Among the silk texts and bamboo slips discovered in 1973 in the Mawangdui tombs of Changsha, there was a large number of works from the Han Dynasty on the philosophy of the Huang Lao School and its medical regimen,

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including the silk texts of Lao-tzu, the Chart of Physical Training 导引图, and the Prescriptions for Nourishing Life 养生方, and bamboo slips of books on sexual practices, which are recorded in the Silk Books from a Tomb at Mawangdui published by the Cultural Relics Publishing House. In 1973, the bamboo slips of the Wenzi 文子 were discovered in the tombs of the Han Dynasty in Bajiaolang of Dingzhou in Hebei. In the 1980s, the bamboo slips of the Book of Exercises 引书 and the Prescriptions for Nourishing Life 养生书 were discovered in the tombs of the Han Dynasty in Zhangjiashan of Jiangling in Hubei. In the 1990s, the bamboo slips of the Lao-tzu were discovered in the tombs of the Chu Kingdom in Guodian. These works of the ancient Huang Lao School and Immortality School make up for a part of the lost scriptures recorded in the “Treatise on Literature,” in the Hanshu, and provide valuable information on the origins of early Taoism. 2) Archaeological material From the 1950s on, archaeologists have found in tombs about 200 tomb-quelling texts (also called zhu-dispelling texts); land-purchase certificates; text records of burial items; and inscriptions by magicians of the Han, Wei, and Six dynasties that were meant to dispel guilt and calamity among the living as well as the dead. These texts are very important for studies on the origins of early Taoism and Taoist talismans and rituals. Some items and inscriptions concerning Taoist beliefs were also found in tombs dating from the Tang dynasty to the Qing dynasty. These new materials drew the attention of many scholars, who later published on them. In 2004, the Thread-binding Books Publishing House published the Zhongguo daojiao kaogu 中国道教 考古 [The Archaeology of Chinese Taoism], the most complete work in this field, written by Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin from Sichuan University who collected and collated many Taoist archaeological documents and examined them in the light of the Taoist Canon. 3) Taoist scriptures of Dunhuang In the twenty-sixth year of Emperor Guangxu’s reign in the Qing Dynasty (AD 1900), a large number of manuscripts of ancient scriptures was found in the Dunhuang caves. More than 800 Taoist scriptures were transcribed. These ranged from the Southern and Northern dynasties to the Tang Dynasty and included Taoist philosophy, rituals, reference books, critical essays, poetry, and prose. Of these, the manuscripts of the Laozi huahu jing 老子化胡经 [The Scripture on

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Lao-tzu’s Conversion of the Barbarians], the Xiang’er Commentary on the Laotzu, and the Catalogue of the Scripture of Great Peace make up for some lost parts of the Taoist Canon. Chinese and foreign scholars have published many articles and books since the discovery of the Taoist scriptures of Dunhuang. The Japanese professor Ōfuchi Ninji collected the Taoist manuscripts of Dunhuang, from library collections in China and overseas (Europe, Japan), to write his Catalogue on the Taoist Scriptures of Dunhuang 敦煌道经·目录编 (published in 1978 by the Fukutake Publishing Co., Ltd.). This book collected 496 Taoist scriptures from Dunhuang whose names, sizes, papers, dates of transcription, and styles were examined in detail by the author. In 1979, Ōfuchi Ninji published the Pictures and Photos of the Taoist Scriptures of Dunhuang 敦煌 道經·图录编. My Dunhuang daojiao wenxian yanjiu 敦煌道教文献研究 [Studies on the Taoist Documents of Dunhuang] (published in 2004 by the China Social Sciences Press), which recorded more than 800 of the Dunhuang Taoist scriptures (with serial numbers), is the most complete reference book on the subject so far. 4) Metal and stone inscriptions There is much valuable information concerning Taoism to be found in the metal and stone inscriptions of all periods. The famous scholar of the Republic of China Chen Yuan collected Taoist stone inscriptions to compile the draft of the Brief Introduction of Taoist Stone and Metal Inscriptions. In the 1980s, Chen Zhichao, after editing Chen Yuan’s draft, published it in 1988 with the Cultural Relics Press. This book included 1,538 Taoist inscriptions from the Han, Wei, and Six dynasties to the Ming Dynasty and is the most complete collection on Taoist metal and stone inscriptions to date. In 1997 the Bashu shushe published the BaShu daojiao beiwen jicheng 巴蜀道教碑文集成 [A Collection of the Taoist Stone Inscriptions in Sichuan] compiled by Long Xianzhao and Huang Haide. In 2005, the Beijing University Press published Wang Zongyu’s Jin-Yuan Quanzhenjiao shike xinbian 金元全真教石刻新编 [A New Collection of Stone Inscriptions of the Quanzhen School of the Jin and Yuan Dynasties]. Scholars have recently shown keen interest in the collecting and collating of Taoist inscriptions. Their work is expected to be released in the years to come. 5) Documents on Taoist history A great number of documents on Taoist history, Taoist figures, rituals, catalogues, temples and sacred mountains, and legends are preserved

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in historical records, local records, reference books, literary collections, unofficial histories, literary notes, novels, dramas, and the like. These historical materials are difficult to find because they are scattered and need to be collated. Chen Yingning, with the collaboration of the Research Institute of the Chinese Taoist Association, compiled the Daojiaoshi ziliao 道教史资料 [Documents on the History of Taoism] (published in 1991 by Shanghai guji chubanshe). Its texts were drawn from the Twenty-Four Histories 二十四史 and the Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government 资治通鉴. Such collections of primary documents should be continued. 6) Taoist scriptures preserved among the people From the Ming and Qing dynasties on, Taoism was popularized. There were numerous Taoist manuscripts, ritual scriptures, secret instructions on inner alchemy and self-cultivation regimen, spiritwriting texts, and morality books preserved among the people. Many of them were not collected in the Taoist Canon. The French Taoist scholar Kristofer Schipper collected thousands of Taoist folk manuscripts of which an electronic version has been recently completed. Wang Qiugui, of the Academia Sinica, has also published the folk Taoist ritual texts he has collected. These rich materials come from fieldwork and have drawn the attention of Chinese and foreign Taoist scholars. 7) Ethnic minorities and Taoist scriptures Taoism, from its foundation, has formed a indissoluble bond with the primary beliefs of such ethnic minorities in Southwest China as the Tujia, Yi, and Yao people. Some Republican-period scholars (like Xiang Da and Meng Wentong) have already studied the interaction between Taoism and the beliefs of these minorities. However, they were unable to pursue their studies for lack of documents. In May 2006, the third international conference—“Taoism and the Contemporary World: Taoist Cultivation in Theory and Practice”—brought us good news. According to the paper that Lucia Obi presented at the conference, “Taoist Aspects of Yao Ritual Manuscripts in the Bavarian State Library,” this library possesses and preserves 2,776 manuscripts of the Yao people, of which 867 are written in Chinese, dated between 1720 and 1980. The catalogue of these manuscripts has been completed. They include some scriptures from the Taoist Canon, ritual texts, and secret incantations, and concern Taoism for the most part.

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Those Taoist texts of the Yao people, preserved in Germany, are very important for the study of the evolution and propagation of Taoism among the Yao people from the Ming to the Qing dynasties. As far as I know, there are a few Japanese students who have recently been to Guangxi Province to collect texts on the fusion of the Taoist Qingwei School rituals and divination practice, using chicken bones, of the Yao people. This kind of fieldwork should be continued and more documents should be collected. 8) Taoist scriptures that have been preserved overseas Over time, Taoism spread from China to neighboring countries like Vietnam and Korea, where Taoist scriptures circulated. There are Taoist scriptures preserved in the libraries of Seoul University, Yonsei University, the Korean University, the HanNom Institute in Hanoi, Princeton University, Kyoto University, and the Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises. The Taoist scriptures preserved in Korea include some precious editions, which were not collected in the Taoist Canon and were written and translated by Koreans. Korean scholars are said to be compiling the Korean Taoist Canon. The HanNom Institute in Hanoi and some French and Dutch institutes have a large number of ancient texts and stone inscriptions in Chinese or in HanNom (Vietnamese written in Chinese characters). Among them are many texts on Taoism, according to the Yuenan hannan wenxian mulu tiyao 越南汉喃文献目录提要 [Descriptive Notes on the Catalogue of the Documents in HanNom in Vietnam] edited by Liu Chunyin and Wang Xiaodun and published in 2002 by the Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy of the Academia Sinica. These ancient texts are essential to study both Taoism and Sino-foreign cultural exchanges. 9) Documents related to Buddhism Throughout its evolution, Taoism maintained a close relationship with Buddhism. They had heated debates; assimilated each other’s doctrines, rules, and techniques; and were aware of each other’s evolution. Therefore, among the large number of Buddhist documents, there are many that concern Taoism, such as the Hongming ji 弘明集 [A Collection to Promote Buddhism and Expound Its Teaching], the Guang Hongming ji 广弘明集 [A Supplementary Collection to Promote Buddhism and Expound Its Teaching], the Ji gujin fodao lunheng 集古今佛道论衡 [A Collection of All Buddho-Taoist Debates], the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧传 [The Biography

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of Eminent Monks], the Xu Gaoseng zhuan 续高僧传 [A Supplement to the Biography of Eminent Monks], and the Zhiyuan bianwei lu 至元辨伪录 [Notes on the Distinction of Falsity from Truth in the Zhiyuan Reign]. There are also some apocryphal Buddhist sutras that were influenced by Taoism. In spite of the close attention scholars have paid to these important documents on Taoist history and the Buddhist-Taoist relationship, the Buddhist texts on Taoism have not yet been collected and collated. Works and Reference Books on the Taoist Canon The study of the Taoist Canon began in the Ming and Qing dynasties. Bai Yunji of the Ming Dynasty wrote the Daozang mulu xiangzhu 道藏 目录详注 [Detailed Comments on the Catalogue of the Taoist Canon], and the famous scholar of the Qing Dynasty, Liu Shipei, wrote Remarks on the Taoist Canon. More works and reference books by Chinese and foreign scholars on the Taoist Canon have been produced in the last ten years or so. Studies on the Evolution of the Taoist Canon by Chen Guofu and the Daojiao jingdianshi lun 道教经典史论 [Remarks on the History of the Taoist Classics] by Yoshioka Yoshitoyo are outstanding works on the evolution of the Taoist textual legacy. Zhu Yueli’s General Remarks on the Taoist Canon is a more recent work of interest. The compilation of the catalogue of Taoist scriptures began in the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern dynasties. The works on bibliography of the Tang, Song, Jin, and Yuan dynasties noted many Taoist scriptures that still existed at that time. For example, the chapter on literature in the Tongzhi 通志 [A Comprehensive (Treatise on) Politics and Regulations] by Zheng Qiao, written in the Southern Song Dynasty, with 3,700 chapters including more than 1,320 titles of Taoist scriptures, is the most complete of the works on Taoist bibliography written by non-Taoist scholars. Taoist Books in the Libraries of the Sung Period: A Critical Study and Index, written by the contemporary scholar Piet van der Loon, is a very important work on Taoist bibliography. The scriptures in the Taoist Canon are arranged randomly, making it inconvenient for scholars to consult. Working on the Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign, the modern scholar Wen Dujian compiled the Collected Essentials of the Taoist Canon, the Daozang quejing mulu 道藏缺经目录 [A Catalogue of the Lost Scriptures of the Taoist Canon], and the Combined Indexes to the Authors and Titles of Books in Two Collections of Taoist Literature, which includes a catalogue of the Taoist Canon and indices of the

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scriptures, authors, and historical documents, which is a more practical reference book when consulting the Taoist Canon. The Taiwanese hardcover edition, The Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign, was published with a volume of the contents and index that can be used to consult the Taoist Canon in its sutra-binding, Hanfenlou, and Taiwanese versions. The Comprehensive Descriptive Catalogue of Book Collections includes an index of the Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign, the Collected Essentials of the Taoist Canon, and the Essence of the Taoist Canon. Japanese and French scholars have also compiled an index of some Taoist scriptures. For example, working on 45 kinds of documents, Ōfuchi Ninji and Ishii Masako compiled the Catalogue and Index of the Taoist Scriptures Quoted in the Documents from the Six Dynasties, Tang, and Song Dynasties, a major reference book for the study of the titles and dates of ancient Taoist scriptures. The Daozang suoyin 道藏索引 [Concordance to the Taoist Canon] (published in 1996 by the Shanghai shudian) compiled by Kristofer Schipper and Chen Yaoting includes an index of five versions of the Taoist Canon. The scriptures collected in the Taoist Canon are heterogeneous. Their dates of compilation and the names of their authors are often unclear and their contents cannot easily be identified from their titles. In the 1980s, the Taoist study group of the Institute of World Religions of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences compiled the Descriptive Notes on the Taoist Canon (of which Ren Jiyu is the editor-in-chief ) in the style of the Summary of the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries. This book, which briefly introduces the dates of compilation, authors, and summaries of the scriptures collected in the Ming Dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon, helps readers understand the heterogeneous contents of the Taoist Canon. Some imperfections of this book were corrected in the The Great Dictionary of Chinese Taoism edited by Hu Fuchen. Kristofer Schipper’s Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang, published in 2005, is a new work in this field. The Compilation of the Taoist Canon of China Since the Ming and Qing dynasties, Taoism stagnated and the collations of Taoist scriptures were not as rich as those from the Tang and Song dynasties. The Taoist Canon has never been compiled anew since the end of the Ming Dynasty. The dynastic governments supported the compilation of the Taoist Canon to show off their governance, merits,

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and achievements, while the Taoist leaders did it in order to build an authoritative religious system and win their followers’ recognition. For Taoist believers, the Taoist Canon is a sacred book. But from a broader perspective, it is also the precious heritage of traditional Chinese culture. Of the world’s great civilizations, China has preserved the most complete documents. When the conditions of political stability and economic prosperity are met, the collection and collation of documents can be carried out. Among the books on Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, the Buddhist Canon, and the Taoist Canon are the highlights. After the disastrous “Cultural Revolution,” from the 1980s onward, China allowed the resumption of Taoist activities. Thus, Taoist studies gained momentum. After gathering strength for over a decade, some scientific institutes working with both younger and older generations of scholars appeared and studies of Taoist scriptures were carried out. Thus, the conditions to recompile the Taoist Canon were met. In 1996, a project for the compilation of the Taoist Canon of China was initiated by the Chinese Taoist Association, the Institute of Taoist Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and the Huaxia chubanshe, to collate and recompile the Ming Dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon. Next, the extra-canonical Taoist scriptures should be compiled for a Supplement to the Taoist Canon of China. With the efforts of more than one hundred scholars across China, the seven-year-long first phase of the project was successfully completed in 2003, resulting in the publication of 48 volumes. The 49th volume, containing the index, was finished after my work of three years, and has been published in 2007. The Taoist Canon is a huge collection of more than 5,400 chapters and 60,000,000 characters. Not only has its volume exceeded that of the Twenty-Four Histories by more than 3,000 chapters, but it also comprises ancient documents written in very different styles. It was very difficult to collate it following modern academic criteria. The different stages and the difficulties in compiling of the Taoist Canon of China are listed below: 1) Lost scriptures found again An enormous number of secret instructions, ritual texts, morality books, and lost scriptures were discovered through archaeological field work after the Ming Dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon had been compiled. These documents needed to be classified, collated, and collected in the new Taoist Canon of China. With the completion of such a work

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in mind, 1,476 titles and 5,485 chapters of the scriptures collected in the Ming Dynasty edition were collated. Except for three duplicates, all of these scriptures were collected in the Taoist Canon of China. However, in the Ming Dynasty edition, sometimes one scripture was divided into several independent scriptures or several different scriptures made up one scripture. To resolve potential editorial problems such circumstances had to be taken into account in the new edition. The number of chapters and volumes of the scriptures differs slightly, therefore, between the Ming Dynasty edition and the new edition. Some Taoist scriptures collected in the Taoist Canon of the Tang, Song, Jin, and Yuan dynasties editions that were lost or were incomplete in the Ming Dynasty edition have been recently recovered. For example, the silk texts of the Lao-tzu, the Taoist manuscripts of Dunhuang, and the remaining pages of the scriptures from the Jin and Yuan dynasties’ print editions—about a hundred in all—were discovered at modern archaeological sites. Those which had not been collected in the Ming Dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon and those which offer an interesting variant have been collected in the present edition, together with the scriptures of the Ming Dynasty edition mentioned above, amounting to 1,526 titles. 2) Punctuation and proofreading The Ming Dynasty edition of The Taoist Canon was badly compiled, proofread, and printed. Some characters are wrong or were omitted, while some images are blurred or incomplete. The modern photo printing version is more blurred than the original block print version and is difficult to read. By considering the Hanfenlou version, the Xinwenfeng version and the Cultural Relics Press version as original texts, the compilers of the Taoist Canon of China corrected the omitted or erroneous characters and provided explanatory notes. All the texts are punctuated according to contemporary criteria of ancient book collation. 3) Format The titles in the Ming Dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon were not divided into different categories. The characters were all the same size. The texts and comments were often confused. The format did not conform to modern criteria. All these factors make their reading difficult. On the other hand, the present edition is typeset and printed in

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three styles (normal texts, annotated texts, and ritual texts), five levels of title are distinguished, and three kinds of fonts (12 pt song, 12 pt fang, and 9 pt song). The tens of thousands of talismans or pictures in the original edition were digitized. These modern techniques allow for easier reading. Each scripture is catalogued to facilitate research. Each scripture is described by title, number of chapters, author, date of compilation, and original text. For those scriptures that have several chapters, a list of chapters is added to help the work of researchers. 4) Reclassification and rearrangement The classification of Taoist scriptures was based on the system of “The Three Caverns and Four Supplements” from the Tang Dynasty. All the Taoist scriptures are classified in the Authenticity Cavern, the Mystery Cavern, the Spirit Cavern, the Great Mystery, Great Peace, Great Clarity, and Orthodox Unity—seven categories altogether. This classification made research difficult for certain readers who did not know Taoist doctrines and history well. Moreover, although the Ming Dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon inherited the system of the “Three Caverns and Four Supplements,” its confusing arrangement did not correspond to the early style of the Tang Dynasty. Even for Taoist scholars, research on the canon was made difficult. On the other hand, the Taoist Canon of China applies modern academic criteria, while respecting the traditional corpus system. The categories of the “Three Caverns and Four Supplements” are retained, but all the scriptures are reclassified according to their contents, dates of compilation, and schools in the True Scriptures of Three Caverns, the True Scriptures of the Four Supplements, Taoist Essays, Taoist Techniques and Arts, Taoist Rituals, Taoist History and Biography, and Index—seven categories in 49 volumes in all. It is more practical edition than the Ming Dynasty edition. 5) New catalogue and index As mentioned above, modern scholars have compiled several reference books to aid research on the Taoist Canon, but the problem of searching specific items has not been radically resolved. The 49th volume of the Taoist Canon of China is a new general catalogue and index, which enable the search of five versions of the Taoist Canon, and the previous index has been kept. The Titles Quoted in the Scriptures Collected in the Taoist

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Canon, the most complete work so far, was also compiled in order to help scholars when studying the evolution of Taoist scriptures. Except for some inevitable errors and controversies in punctuation and classification, the Taoist Canon of China is a well-elaborated and practical book that conforms to academic criteria. The publication of this book promotes studies on Taoism and traditional Chinese culture. From the Yiqie daojing of the Tang Dynasty to the new Taoist Canon of China, the collection and collation of Taoist scriptures spanned more than 1,500 years. The publication of Taoist Canon of China is not only an event for the Taoism of the new century, but also an important achievement in the collation of ancient books.

THE APOCRYPHAL JIA SECTION IN TAIPINGJING CHAO 太平经钞 [EXCERPTS FROM THE SCRIPTURE OF GREAT PEACE]1 Wang Ming In Fan Ye’s “Xiang Kai zhuan” 襄楷传 [The Biography of Xiang Kai] in HouHan shu 后汉书 [History of the Later Han], Xiang Kai is described as recommending to the emperor what he called the “divine book (revealed to) Yu Ji” or Taiping qingling shu 太平清领书 [Book of Great Peace, binded in blue], later known among Taoists as Scripture of Great Peace. This scripture is divided into ten sections jia, yi, bing, ding, wu, ji, geng, xin, ren, and gui: each section is composed of 17 chapters, for a total of 170 chapters. The Scripture of Great Peace included in the Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong reign of the Ming Dynasty is fragmentary and incomplete, with only 57 chapters. The jia, yi, xin, ren, and gui sections have all been lost. The remaining sections are missing several chapters. There is also the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, which was compiled by Lüqiu Fangyuan of the Tang Dynasty who excerpted passages from the Scripture of Great Peace and divided it into ten sections ( jia, yi, bing, and ding, etc.), each section including one chapter. In comparing the Scripture of Great Peace with the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, we find their contents have a lot in common. Except for the jia section, which is of unknown origin, all the sections in the Scripture of Great Peace and the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace correspond on the whole to their ancient Han versions despite probable rewritings and alterations. The jia section in the Scripture of Great Peace was completely lost. We do not know who supplemented it in the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace. Maybe the text was lost for a long time and Lüqiu Fangyuan borrowed from other Taoist texts to complete it. Or the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace might have been written by Lüqiu Fangyuan himself, taking inspiration from the other parts by

1 Published originally in the Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica, No. 18, 1947.

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Section

jia

yi

bing

ding

wu

ji

geng

xin

ren

gui

No. of pages

7.5

16

27.5

17.5

15

30

42.5

19

19

13

the Scripture of Great Peace. Someone else might have made up this section from other Taoist scriptures in order to complete the book. But these two hypotheses remain difficult to prove. In the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, in the Taiping part of the Taoist Canon, we note that the jia section is the least prominent, with only seven pages. We will list the number of pages of each section in the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace in order to compare them. Whoever supplemented the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace made a great effort to pass it off as genuine, despite the small number of pages of the jia section. But, we find most of the text has its origin in the Lingshu ziwen 灵书紫文 [Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits] and is pieced together from the Shangqing housheng daojun lieji 上清后圣道 君列纪 [The Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter (Heavens) of Highest Clarity]. The Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits seems to be the general title of a series of books. In the Taoist Canon, the Huangtian shangqing jinque dijun lingshu ziwen shangjing 皇天上清金阙帝君灵书紫 文上经 [The Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of the Highest Clarity Thearch, Lord of the Golden Portal] (hereafter called Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits) is classified in the category of main texts 本文类 in Spirit Cavern canon 洞神部; the Taiwei lingshu ziwen xianji zhenji shangjing 太微灵书紫文仙忌真记上经 [Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected, from the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of Great Tenuity] (hereafter called the Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected) is classified in the category of precepts 戒律类 in the Authenticity Cavern canon 洞真部; and the Taiwei lingshu ziwen langgan huadan shenzhen shangjing 太微灵书紫文琅玕 华丹神真上经 [Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence, from the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of Great Tenuity] (hereafter the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence) is classified in the category of rituals in the Authenticity Cavern canon. The summaries of these three scriptures can be read in the jia section in the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace. There is also the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity, which is classified in the category of histories and genealogies 谱箓类 in the Mystery Cavern canon 洞玄部 and signed by Wang Yuanyou, a disciple of the Green

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Lad Lord 青童君 of the Eastern Palace of Fangzhu. We do not know who the Green Lad Lord was. He is said to have been the Eastern Duke 东王公. The Secret of the Saint Lord from the Scripture of Great Peace 太平经圣君秘旨 in the last chapter of the Scripture of Great Peace tells us it was transmitted by the Saint Lord of Great Peace 太平圣君 to Prime Minister Green Lad Lord. The Green Lad Lord rules Fangzhu Mountain situated in the Eastern Sea, which is why he is called Green Lad Lord of Fangzhu.2 Green Lad Lord is also called Prime Minister Green Lad Lord because he is the prime minister of the Saint Lord of Great Peace. The various names all refer to the same person. Since the Secret of the Saint Lord from the Scripture of Great Peace, which propagates the method of Keeping Unity 守一, consists of excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, it must have been compiled after the latter was circulated. The Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity’s compilation must postdate that of the Secret of Saint Lord from the Scripture of Great Peace and its contents are very dissimilar to the Scripture of Great Peace. I suspect the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected, and the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence, mentioned above, originally belonged to the same book, the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits.3 They took their actual form following the loss of the original texts. 2 Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 历世真仙体道通鉴 [Chronicle of Immortals Attaining Tao], chapter 6, biography of the Duke of Wood. 3 Chapter 664 of the Taiping yulan 太平御览 [Imperial Readings of the Taiping Era], quoting the Jinque shengjun zhuan 金阙圣君传 [Biography of Lord of the Golden Portal] “the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits is also called the Wulao baojing 五老宝经 [Precious Scripture of Five Elders]. Who possesses it can be liberated from the body, who practices it can attain the Tao.” In fact, there is no Biography of the Lord of the Golden Portal in the Taoist Canon, but there is the Precious Scripture of Five Elders under the title Precious Scripture of Five Elders of Authenticity Cavern, High Jade Emperor, Grand Cavern, and Female Unique Saint Text, with 58 pages, which is classified in the Orthodox unity canon. Its contents, which differ from the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected, and Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence, refer to the Real Scripture of Grand Cavern 大洞真经. In its Table of Contents of Tao Te Ching of Nine Heavens and Great Reality, the phrases “the Tao of the Lord of Upper Scene, Emperor Li Zhen of Great Peace, and Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Golden Portal” (p. 19) and “this Mysterious and Rich Method of Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence with Five Stones and the Precious Scripture of Five Elders and Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of Lord of Nine Mysteries, Unique Female Sage of the Latter [Heavens], and Gold Flower of Grand Cavern” can be compared with the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace. According to Tao Hongjing’s Zhenling weiye tu 真灵位业图 [Diagram of Ranks for the Spirits], it was the Elder of Upper Real Saint City of Five Elders who wrote the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits.

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The most obvious fragments in the Excerpts were taken from the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence. The first sentence opens with “first, fast in forest and mountain for 40 days.” It is easy to see that this phrase was taken from a previous text. As to the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity, their contents are related to the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits. For example, it cites the Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of the Highest Clarity Thearch and the Golden Portal. It appears that when the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity were compiled, the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits was still unaltered. We will first examine the compilation date of the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity, and then examine the fact that the jia section in the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace copied from the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity. The Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace includes at least the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected, and the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence (hereafter called three scriptures). The jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace also stems from the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity. In order to clarify the compilation date of the three scriptures and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity, we will examine them to find their analogies. In my opinion, the three scriptures and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity were not compiled before the Jin Dynasty. Here are my arguments: 1. It is written in the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits that “the one who commits a serious crime will be interrogated by the Three Officers 三官,” the one who commits a small crime will be deprived of some years of his life. In the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity there live the Three Officers of the Tai Mountain. It is written in the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence, “[w]hen he is alive, he will be tormented by fire and water. After dying, he will be tortured by the Three Officers.” “The Three Officers” has by that time become a common expression. The title of Three Officers appeared for the first time with the Five Bushels of Rice School 五斗米道 of Zhang Heng. The author of the

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biography of Zhang Lu in the Weishu quoted the Dianlüe when he wrote that when ghost soldiers interceded for patients, “they wrote the name of the patient and his confession in three reports. Then they sent one to Heaven, by throwing it on a mountain, buried a second one in the ground, and threw the last one into water. They called them the Handwritten Letters to the Three Officers 三官手书.” Zhang Heng founded the Five Bushels of Rice School during the Guanghe reign of Emperor Ling of the Eastern Han (AD 178–184). Then (his son) Zhang Lu ruled the Ba and Han regions for 30 years before his surrender in the twentieth year of the Jian’an reign of Emperor Xian (AD 215). Five years later, the Wei dynasty succeeded the Han and proclaimed the Huangchu reign era. The title of the Three Officers became popular at the turn of the Han and Wei Dynasties. As an eminent Taoist scholar in the Jin Dynasty, Baopuzi (Ge Hong) was highly knowledgeable. He recorded the titles of Taoist scriptures in his chapter “Xialan” 遐览篇, where we find neither the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits nor the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity. Presumably, the three scriptures and Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity were written by Taoists in later times. 2. It is written in the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits that “there are palaces of the Three Origins in the body. The Palace of the Upper Origin is situated in the Niwan 泥丸, the Palace of the Middle Origin is situated in the center of the Scarlet House 绛房, while the Palace of the Lower Origin and the Cinnabar Field is situated three inches beneath the navel. The fourth rule, according to the Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected, prohibits uncleanliness and impoliteness, which lead to the loss of the soul and the essence of man, and the production of (body-devouring) worms in the Three Palaces. The Palaces of the Three Origins are also quoted in Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity. (The Palaces of the Three Origins are also called the Three Cinnabar Fields.) The Huangting neijing jing 黄庭内景经 [The Scripture on the Internal View of the Yellow Court] refers to “jing (essence) and qi are subtle in the Three Fields” and “withdraw the purple and embrace the yellow to enter the Cinnabar Field.” The Upper Cinnabar Field is called the Niwan. The Scripture on the Internal View of the Yellow Court refers to the god of the brain as Jinggen and as Niwan, his other name. According to tales and legends, the Emperor of Fusang transmitted the Scripture of the Yellow Court to Wei Huacun of the Jin Dynasty.

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In fact, Wei Huacun wrote it. The chapter “Xialan” in the Baopuzi, recorded the Scripture of the Yellow Court but not the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits nor the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity. Maybe the three scriptures and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity were written after the Jin Dynasty. 3. It seems the method of clicking one’s teeth appeared for the first time at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Under the Jian’an reign, in his report to Cao Cao, which is recorded in chapter eighty-one of the Qianjin fang 千金方 [Precious Prescriptions], the magician Huangpu said, “one who drinks the spring of jade and clicks his teeth every day will be strong, will look well, will get rid of the Three Worms 三虫, and will strengthen his teeth.” It is written in the chapter Zaying, of the Baopuzi, “when asked how to strengthen one’s teeth, Baopuzi answers, you should nourish them with Flow Pond 华池 and soak them with Liquor 醴液. In the morning, click your teeth 300 times. Then they will be never become loose.” In the chapter Yangsheng, of the Yanshi jiaxun 颜氏家训 [Admonitions for the Yan Clan], it says, “I always had toothaches, my teeth were loose and almost fell out. When I ate things that were cold or hot, I felt a great pain. After reading how to strengthen my teeth in the Baopuzi, which recommends clicking the teeth 300 times in the morning, I practiced it for several days, and my toothaches were cured.” If we cannot be sure of the authenticity of Huangpu’s words, Yan Zhitui’s text concerning Baopuzi’s way of strengthening teeth is certainly believable. The Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, which often quoted the phrase “clicking one’s teeth thrice,” may have been circulated after Baopuzi’s way of “clicking teeth.” Those are the proofs that the three scriptures and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity were compiled after the Jin Dynasty. Now we will examine the apocryphal borrowings of the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace from the three scriptures and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity. When the author of the Scripture of Great Peace quoted classics, he never gave the references to his quotations. The Green Lad transmits the twenty-four secrets noted in the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits orally. The first part of the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits has many analogies with the jia section of Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace. We will compare them as follows:

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Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of the Highest Clarity Thearch, Lord of the Golden Portal

Jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace

The Green Lad Lord of Fangzhu Eastern Palace in the Eastern Sea fasts in the Yellow Chamber of the Golden Portal for three years. One day, in his wagon of floating clouds, (carried by) three deities, and green clouds, wearing a green cape with a flying dragon with streamers on it, he goes to the Golden Portal of the Highest Clarity Thearch, following thousands of immortals from Mulberry Forest. There are Four Emperors in the Golden Portal. On their left, there is the Sage of the Latter [Heavens], who lives in the Palace of Red Pearl, Jade Terrace, and Grand Vacuity, with thirteen thousand maids and immortals. The fierce dragons, thundering tigers, and beasts that scratch the sky keep the port safe. Thousands of boas occupy the beams and wall. Flying horses, birds, and eagles peck and claw. They display their forces in the court. The power spreads and the light illuminates the eight directions. Wind puffs out the black flag and lifts the awning. Jade trees emit sound and jade grasses play music. Everyone plays the chant of cloud and phoenixes sing the song of Qingtai. Imperial concubines chorus and eagles and phoenixes dance. The Green lad arrives. He bows and says facing the North. . . .

The Green Lad Lord of Eastern Flower, Jade Protection, and Master of High Star fasts in the Yellow Chamber of the Palace of Cold Fantastic Cinnabar for three years. One day he goes to the Golden Portal of the Highest Clarity Thearch. There are Four Emperors in the Golden Portal. On their left and right, there is the Lord of the Tao of Great Peace who lives in the Golden Flower of the Chamber of Peaceful Jade of the Palace of Authenticity Cavern, Jade Terrace, and Grand Vacuity, with fifteen thousand maids and immortals. The fierce dragons, thundering tigers, and beasts that claw the sky take the position of attack with their poison and keep the port safe. Thousands of boas inhabit the beams and wall. Flying dragons, birds, and eagles peck and claw. They display their forces in the court. The power spreads and the light illuminates the eight directions. Wind puffs out the black flag and lifts the awning. Jade trees emit sound and jade grasses play music. Everyone plays the chant of cloud and phoenixes sing the song of Xuantai. Imperial concubines chorus and unicorns and phoenixes dance. A Celestial Melody is played eight times and chorused in all directions. Green Lad, creeping and praying, transmitts orally twenty-four secrets, as noted in the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits.

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These two texts have many analogies. The most remarkable is the sentence taken from the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits “There are Four Emperors in the Golden Portal. On their left, there is the Sage of the Latter [Heavens]” was transformed into “There are Four Emperors in the Golden Portal. On their left and right, there is the Lord of the Tao of Great Peace” in the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, which links it to the Scripture of Great Peace. The change made here is too obvious to be denied. Apart from the obvious borrowings from Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the jia section of Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace also took some parts from the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity as follows: Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity

Jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace

1. At the age of five, he already loves the Tao and transcendance. His tongue is the pen of a ready writer. He often smiles at the sun and sighs at the moon. He observes the brightness of Yang and the deficiency of Yin. Then he conserves the celestial soul, exercises the terrestrial soul, keeps the embryo, treasures the spirit, holds back the essence, restrains the blood, fixes the saliva, and solidifies the muscles. He learns to swallow the light, drink the clouds, and eat the celestial grasses. At the age of twenty, he has a charming appearance. He leaves his family and transcends this world. 2. The Later Saint Peng’s name are Guangyuan and Xuanxu. His other names are Dachun and Zhengyang. He is also called Li Pengguang. As a follower of the Tao, he was born in the time of the Human Emperor and called the Lord of Great Tenuousness, Left Reality, and the Protector of the Emperor.

1. At the age of five, he often smiles at the sunrise and sighs at the waning moon. He observes the waxing brightness of Yang and the waning deficiency of Yin. Then he conserves the celestial soul, harmonizes the terrestrial soul, keeps the embryo, treasures the spirit, holds back the essence, supplies the blood, fixes the saliva, and solidifies the muscles. At the age of seven, he learns to swallow the light, drink the clouds, and eat the root of the sun. At the age of twenty-seven, he has a charming appearance. Then he leaves this world and embraces transcendence in order to free the people. 2. The Great Tutor of Later Saint Lord Li’s name is Peng. He learnt the Tao from Lord Li and is called the Left Reality of Great Tenuousness. In the time of the Human Emperor, he was called Lord Tao, Protector of the Emperor. He is designated to control and teach people. He rules the Terrace of Fantastic

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Table (cont.) Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity

Jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace

He was mandated to control the people. Named The Great Tutor of Lord Li, he rules the Terrace of Fantastic and Upper Light of the Palace of Northern City Wall and Great Tenuousness. Lord Peng changes his name every two thousand five hundred years. He travels in the Grand Vacuity and the Eight Oceans, to the edge. Even deities rarely see him in person. 3. The Green Lad Lord of The Palace of Fangzhu, Upper Minister of Later Saint Lord Li Original Lord of Northern Extremity of The Palace of Taidan, Upper Protector of Later Saint Lord Li Real Lord of Great Simplicity of The Palace of Baishan, Upper Tutor of Later Saint Lord Li King Lord of All Realities of The Palace of Xicheng, Upper Secretary Later Saint Lord Li

and Upper Light of the Palace of Northern City Wall and Great Tenuousness. He changes his name every two thousand five hundred years. He travels in the Grand Vacuity and the Eight Oceans, to the edge. Even deities rarely see him in person.

3. same as text to the left.

The second part of the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity corresponds on the whole to that of the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, except for a few differences. In the first part, the texts are almost identical. In the third part, the names of the four assistant ministers are the same. In chapter five of Du Guangting’s Daode zhenjing guangshengyi 道德真经广圣义 [Amplification of the Imperial Commentary on the Tao Te Ching] it said that, “When Lao-tzu was born, three suns appeared in the East, and nine dragons spouted water to wash his body. His family name is Li, which came from the name of Li Valley. His name is Xuanyuan and also Ziguang. As the descendant of The Jade Emperor and The Most High, he is the assigned Grand Master of Longevity, King of Nine Mysteries, Later Saint, Golden Postal, and Lord of Grand Unity, Orthodox Reality, and Great Peace.” These phrases are all quoted by the first

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and second page of the jia section in the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace. Only the order of the sentences is different. The third page of chapter five of Du Guangting’s Deduction of Imperial Commentary on the Tao Te Ching quoted the Scripture of Great Peace. If this legend of Laotzu’s birth also came from the Scripture of Great Peace, the author would certainly have cited the source. But Du Guangting did not write that these phrases came from the Scripture of Great Peace, and the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace followed Du Guangting’s text. Maybe the miracle of Lao-tzu’s birth was only a legend made up by magicians of the Tang Dynasty, a legend that seems to have borrowed from the biography of Buddha, because the “nine dragons spouting water” is indeed one of the miracles of the birth of Buddha.4 The miracles of Buddha’s birth were told in the Puyao jing 普耀经 [The Sutra of Universal Brightness], translated by DharmarakÉa in the Western Jin Dynasty. So the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace cannot be considered as a work dating from before the Jin Dynasty. Most of the twenty-four secrets of the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits told in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace can be found in the three scriptures and were quoted by Tao Hongjing’s Zhengao 真诰 [The Declarations of the Perfected], which all quoted the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits as their source, but not the Scripture of Great Peace. It is thus clear that the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace copied not only from the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity, but also the Scripture of Great Peace. We list the twenty-four secrets of the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits used in the jia section in the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace below and underline their presence in other scriptures in order to trace their sources. 1. Really memorize and understand and naturally remember (instructions) 2. Know in detail the taboos for immortals and memorize them and never forget

There are taboos for immortals in the Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected See also the Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected

4 Tang Yongtong, HanWei liangJin Nanbeichao fojiaoshi 汉魏两晋南北朝佛教史 (A History of Buddhism from the Han to the Southern and Northern Dynasties). Changsha: Commercial Press, 1938, Chapter 5.

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Table (cont.) 3. Research fly root and swallow the essence of the sun 4. Eat the talisman of brightness

5. Eat moon light

6. Eat the talisman of Yin life 7. Restrain the three celestial souls 8. Control the seven terrestrial souls 9. Wear the talisman of imperial principle 10. Eat the cinnabar of efflorescence 11. Drink yellow water

12. Drink backwater 13. Eat a metal ring 14. Eat the brain of a phoenix 15. Eat pine and pear

See also the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence See also the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence See also the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits (Esoteric Biography of Han Emperor Wu: method to invite yellow water and moon light) See also the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence See also the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence See also the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence See also the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence, and the Declarations of the Perfected See also the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence and the Declarations of the Perfected See also the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence and the Declarations of the Perfected See also the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence and the Declarations of the Perfected See also the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence, and the Declarations of the Perfected

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Table (cont.) 16. Eat plum and date 17. Drink soup

18. Be guarded by white silver and purple gold

19. Eat fine clouds 20. Fabricate white silver and purple gold 21. Fabricate guards 22. Eat bamboo 23. Eat breast of swan 24. Wear the talisman of five gods

See also the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence See also the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence, and the Declarations of the Perfected See also the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence, and the Declarations of the Perfected See also the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence and the Declarations of the Perfected 5 See also the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence 6

There are many subsidiary questions concerning the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits. For example, the twenty-four secrets either come from the three scriptures or the Declarations of the Perfected or the sources cannot be determined. If the jia section of Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace refers to “the oral transmission of the twenty-four secrets noted in Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits,” the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits is most certainly incomplete. In the current Taoist Canon, the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected, and the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence are three independent scriptures. But if we examine them together, they appear to come from the same book, the

5 The phrase in the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence is “elixir method of aquatic Yang and green reflect,” whereas the Declarations of the Perfected has just “aquatic Yang and green reflect.” 6 The phrase in the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence and the Declarations of the Perfected is “become true silver” and “become purple gold,” which may refer to the twentieth secret, “fabricate white silver and purple gold.

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Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits.7 However, the latter is not the simple sum total of the three scriptures. First, some of the twenty-four secrets of the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits quoted in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace cannot be found in the three scriptures (for example, eat fine clouds, fabricate white silver and purple gold, fabricate guards, eat bamboo, eat the breast of a swan, and wear the talisman of five gods). Second, in the chapter “Zhenmingshou,” of the Declarations of the Perfected, there are seventeen methods used for becoming an immortal in the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, including the Scripture of Celestial Rules, the Seven Origins, and the Flying Step; the Divine Methods of Seven Transformations and the Scripture of Seven Turns; the Thirty Nine Chapters of the True Scripture of the Great Cavern; the Ten Secrets and Eight Gifts of the Hidden Book of the Great Cinnabar; the Three Pictures of the Celestial Portal; and the Movement of Seven Stars. The Notes of Fetal Essence and Transformation of Nine Cinnabars, Nine Red Colorful Talismans Sealing Mountain and Falling Sea, Golden Liquid, Divine Cinnabar, and Hidden Ganoderma of Taiji, Secret Talisman of Five Phases Calling Celestial Souls and Summoning Terrestrial Souls, and Bent Simple Secret and Prose to Call the Demons of Nine Heavens, cannot be found either in the three scriptures or in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace. So the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits included in the three scriptures and the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace are incomplete. The Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits appears to be a collection of scriptures, chosen from Taoist classics, which date back from between the Jin Dynasty and the Later Liang Dynasty. Only the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits quoted in the Declarations of the Perfected includes many complete scriptures, like the Scripture of Celestial Rules, the Seven Origins, the Scripture of Divine Methods and Seven Transformations, and the Thirty Nine Chapters of True Scripture of Grand Cavern, showing the rich variety of its contents. Nevertheless, the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, quoted in the Declarations of the Perfected and other Taoist books, cannot be found in the Baopuzi. So its compilation must have postdated that of the

7 For example, the Ten Taboos for Immortals, quoted in the Scripture and Secret of Practice of Highest Clarity 上清修行经诀, come from the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, according to the commentary. Nevertheless, we can find the Ten Taboos for Immortals in the current Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected but not in the Scripture and Secret of Practice of Highest Clarity.

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Baopuzi. The Taoist scriptures noted in the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits might be works from the period between the Jin Dynasty and the Later Liang Dynasty, postdating the compilation of the Baopuzi. As we have shown above, the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits was compiled after the Jin Dynasty, and the apocryphal jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace was written with the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity as its starting point. Now we will prove that the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace cannot have been a part of the Scripture of Great Peace through an analysis of its discussion of cinnabar and talisman, its style, and its vocabulary. First, the Scripture of Great Peace did not mention Taoist alchemy. “Eat cinnabar of efflorescence” and “eat metal ring,” quoted in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, are incompatible with the Scripture of Great Peace, and might have been copied from the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits. The cinnabar of efflorescence, yellow water, backwater, and metal ring can be found in the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence. The Declarations of the Perfected confirms our hypothesis. Second, in the Scripture of Great Peace, the only type of talisman mentioned is the ‘variant characters,’ fuwen 复文. The talismans noted in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace are probably copied from the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits. The fu character 符 in the historical records of the Han and the Later Han Dynasties, in expressions such as “tiger fu,” “transmission of fu,” the bronze tiger fu, and “envoy carring a bamboo fu,” always means tally or symbol, that is, an authenticated sign of bureaucratic authority. The fu in the apocrypha, like the ‘prosperity fu of the river chart,’ or the ‘red fu of the river chart” are auguries, that is, signs of an incoming change of government. In my opinion, fu has three meanings: the first is tally or contract, which is cut into two parts. As a physical sign of government, it is written and stamped without any abstract mystique attached to it. The second is augury. As the sign of the future Emperor, who receives the celestial mandate, it is a kind of strategy adopted during a dynastic transition. For example, Wang Mang and Liu Xiu all fabricated divine auguries in order to take power. This kind of fu was considered the sign of celestial will and was used for deluding people and as a political tool. The last is the Taoist talisman that is used for chasing ghosts, treating illnesses, communicating with gods, and prolonging life.

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Baopuzi said, “all talismans are transmitted by gods.”8 Xiao Yingsou of the Song Dynasty said, “physical talismans are formed by physical characters, whereas the abstract ones are numinous breath.”9 The physical character is identical to the tally or symbol of the Han Dynasty, while the mystery and strangeness are dedicated to abstract “numinous breath,” which is often expressed by some signs resembling characters. Professor Tang Yongtong believed there were two origins of Taoist talismans: one was variant characters and another was tallies. The variant characters are the original writing of the talisman, which resembles Seal Script 篆. Although they were no longer characters, their origin as characters could be recognized. In addition, they were less complex than later talismans. The chapters from one hundred and forty to one hundred and seventy of the current Scripture of Great Peace were all written in variant characters. The Numinous Talisman of Brightness, the Talisman of Life in Yin, the Talisman of the Great Symbol in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace can all be found in the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence. The Talisman of the Great Symbol can also be found in the Declarations of the Perfected, which says, “the way of immortals includes the Talisman of Celestial Great Symbol to unify the original breath.” This quotation is noted in the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits. Logically, the talismans in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace were not originally in the Scripture of Great Peace. There were some fu in the Scripture of Great Peace, like the Talisman of Shortening Life and the Talisman of Prolonging Life in chapter one hundred and ninety, “Secret of Four Auspiciousnesses and Four Inauspiciousnesses,” which were all elementary talismans made by superimposing variant characters ( fuwen). The strokes of the “Numinous Talismans of Taoist Scripture,” listed in the Thirty Six Venerable Scriptures of the Most High—Scripture of Jade Clarity Heaven 太上三十六部尊经玉清境经,10 are clear and simple. One of these talismans, for example, is written thus: at the top, the character zhong 中; in the middle, the character xi 西; and at the bottom, the character yong 用. These three characters are unified as one and Chapter “Xialan.” Yuanshi wuliang duren shangpin miaojing neiyi 元始无量度人上品妙经内义 [Essence of the Excellent Scripture of the Upper Chapters on Limitless Salvation of Original Beginning]. 10 Taoist Canon, Mystery Cavern. 8 9

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resemble the variant characters in the Scripture of Great Peace. Page two of the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace notes, “writing celestial talismans with cinnabar brings back essences. The talisman should be swallowed. It is auspicious when the characters can be seen through the stomach; all evils will be driven away.” The so-called celestial talisman is probably made of something like variant characters. The cinnabar writing takes cinnabar as a character. As to celestial talisman and cinnabar writing, it is, in my mind, probably what was written in chapter ninety-two, “Formula for Writing the Repeated Character of Ultimate Cavern to raise the qi and dispel the worms,” and in chapter hundred and eighty, “Nineteen Important Secrets” of the Scripture of Great Peace as “swallow the characters of cinnabar writing to heal.” The origin of Taoist talismans goes back to Zhang Ling (biography of Liu Yan in HouHan shu). Then Zhang Heng and Zhang Jiao used talismanic water to heal people. The variant characters were the origin of the Zhang family talismans which later evolved into more complicated and more mysterious forms.11 Third, in terms of content, we have already showed that the golden cinnabar and talismans of the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace do not correspond to the ideology of the Scripture of Great Peace. In terms of form, the style of the jia section in Excerpts from the

11 Chen Panchang, on the basis of the Controlling Inauspiciousness to Drive Ghosts Away in eight volumes (mentioned in Yao Zhengyu’s Critical edition of the Bibliographic section of the Hanshu) and Liang Yusheng’s Pieji, has argued that Zhang Ling was not the initiator of talismans. However, the Controlling Inauspiciousness to Drive Ghosts Away has been long lost and we know very little about its contents. It seems to me it is a kind of mysterious incantation, because incantations preceded talismans. The opinion of Liang Yusheng is unfounded and cannot be taken seriously. In the “Biographies of Magicians” of the HouHan shu, written under the reign of Emperor Zhang, it notes that a certain Shouguang Hou could drive all the ghosts away. But people did not know what technique he used. It seems that from the Emperor Shun’s reign on, talismans started to circulate and became common. As to Qu Shengqing, who used talismans in cinnabar writing to drive ghosts away and Fei Zhangfang, who was killed by demons because he had lost his talismans, the dates of their stories cannot be determined with precision but they may be traced back to the end of the later Han Dynasty. In the Liexian zhuan 列仙传 [Biographies of Immortals], it says, “[w]hen Juanzi went fishing, he caught a fish, in the belly of which he found a talisman.” This book is believed to have been written by Liu Xiang of the Han Dynasty. It was thought to have been written by a magician of the Wei or Jin dynasties under the name of Liu Xiang. I prefer to date it from the reigns of Emperor Huan and Ling of the later Han Dynasty. I gave further explanations in my Collation on Token of the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi.

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Scripture of Great Peace is different from that of the Scripture of Great Peace. In the jia section of Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace it says: Precious scriptures, talismans, pictures, and the numinous techniques of the three dynasties of high antiquity were hidden in a jade box guarded by divine functionaries. Their transmission required rituals to be performed and traveling demanded chosen days. Transmission strategies and established codes were applied to seed-people 种民. Those who could not observe them could not be seed-people. The new dynasty had been established, but the pure antique custom was a thing of the past. The sign of the Huangping era disappears and there are disasters everywhere. After the Shanghuang era and from year Three-Five, wars, plagues, and catastrophes follow one another. All these happen because of the people who have vicious hearts and a negative attitude. They abandon the five virtues, let loose their six desires, conduct themselves with violence, attack each other, respect their inferiors while neglecting their superiors, and confuse the noble with the vulgar. All these lead to the disorder of the Two Polarities, the deviation of the Seven Stars, the aberrant emergence of the Three Powers, and the prosperity of evils. Gods fight demons and numerous talented people die. People do not repent despite the calamities that take place continuously. All kinds of evils are rife.

The literary style of these jointed, rhyming, and parallel phrases is similar to that of the Six Dynasties but not to that of the Scripture of Great Peace. For example, in chapter thirty-six, “The Three Needs and the Method of [Dealing with] Auspicious and Ominous Events” of the Scripture of Great Peace it says that: It is a shame you are so stupid! You were foolish before, but it has become worse! I am no good. If you call yourself no good, what are we supposed to say when common men go astray? This is really being no good! If the Heavenly Master would only explain things to me, foolish and dumb as I am! Well, all animals live as men do, in the dispensation of Heaven and Earth and Yin and Yang. They also share the same needs—two big ones and one that is smaller. What do you mean? When animals first received the dispensation of Yin and Yang, they all exhaled and inhaled, took in the qi of what is as it is, and did not yet know eating and drinking. In the course of time, when they moved away from their roots, the great Tao began to shrink and Heaven’s qi could no longer watch over them, so they became hungry and thirsty. Thus, Heaven provided them with drink and food. It also became necessary to continue the dispensation of Yin and Yang. So there are male and female animals, and generation after generation they continue to bring forth offspring. If one cut off their food and drink, and if they were no

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Also in chapter hundred and eight, “Formula for Disasters, Diseases and Hiding,” we find the following text: Heavenly Master, how can we know the book allows the practice or not, and how can we know it will go away? You want to know? I will show you with the example of disease and disasters. When one practices it, but gets ill, that means Heaven will hide it. When one escapes it, but gets ill, that means Heaven will practice it. Why explain it twice? Because Heaven lets the qi of the four seasons circulate to nourish all beings as it will. If a being wants to appear, but one hides it, it will be very inauspicious. If a being wants to escape and hide itself, but one exposes it, it will also be very inauspicious. There will be a big calamity if we disobey the celestial will. You want to understand Heaven. Heaven likes practice. So do not use divination concerning this.

These vulgar, incomprehensible, and prolix phrases, couched in a style that is radically different from the style of the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, can be found everywhere in the Scripture of Great Peace. So it seems to me that the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace was written after the Eastern Jin Dynasty. Fourth, the proper nouns used in Taoist and Buddhist texts in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace differ from those found in the Scripture of Great Peace. The term “seed-people,” for example, can be found only in the jia section of Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace: The ancient and the contemporary worlds have similarly a beginning and an end. With virtuous beginning and vicious end, it goes through the cycles of prosperity and decline, success and failure. The suffering of Yang Nine and Hundred and Six signifies the completion of the circle, which will be followed by great destruction. The world will turn into chaos and people will decline. Only those who have done good survive as seed-people. The intelligence of seed-people is not homogeneous. They still need a lord and master. The master is a saint and the lord has intelligence. Their enlightenment gives them longevity and their practices lead to sainthood. That is why they are called the seed-people, which means long-living saints.

12 Translator’s note: this translation is copied from Barbara Hendrischke, The Scripture on Great Peace—The Taiping Jing and The Beginnings of Taoism. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006, p. 122.

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The Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity state: The Saint Lord nominates dukes and marquises, according to the ability of each. With ranks he rules the seed-people.

Also: One who has done good will be one of the seed-people. A Taoist novice will become an immortal envoy. One who realized the Tao will be an immortal functionary.

The meaning of “One who has done good will be one of the seedpeople” corresponds to the phrase used in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, “only those who have done good will survive as seed-people.” The apocryphal borrowings of the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace from the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity as we have shown above, is confirmed here. Books that quoted the “seed-people,” such as the Wuyue zhenxing tufa 五岳真形图法 [A Method of Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains], Shi Xuanguang’s Bianhuo lun 辨 惑论 [An Essay on Analyse of Doubts], Tao Hongjing’s Declarations of the Perfected, and the Treatise of Buddhism and Taoism of Weishu, all date from after the Jin or Liu-Song Dynasties, except for the Method of Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains. The latter began to circulate from Middle Antiquity, magicians transmitting it from generation to generation until the Jin Dynasty, when it was compiled as a formal book.13 The Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains were likely tampered with many times, and several versions circulated, including versions of the diagrams, their preface, and essays on the preface. The author of all these works is believed to be Dongfang Shuo, which does not appear to be possible. The author of the Preface and Method of Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains 五岳 真形图法并序14 is Baopuzi, who is writing on the method of Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains transmitted by his master Zheng. The phrase in the chapter, “Ritual Prose for Receiving the Diagrams,” “I shun evil to follow the good and hope to be one of the

Lushan Taiping xinguogong Caifang zhenjun shishi 庐山太平兴国宫采访真君事实 [True Records on the Perfect Lord Investigator of the Palace of Great Peace and Prosperous Country of Mountain Lu], chapter six, “Jade Records of the enfeoffment of the God.” 14 Yunji qiqian 云笈七签 [Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel], chapter 79. 13

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seed-people” corresponds to the phrase in the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity, “one who has done good will be one of the seed-people.” The “Ritual Prose for Transmitting the Diagrams” and “Ritual Prose for Receiving the Diagrams” of Method of Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains were likely written by a magician in the Jin Dynasty. The jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace used not only the late Taoist proper nouns, but some Buddhist terms as well. For example, “original present 本起,” “The Three Realms 三界,” “Ten Directions 十方,” and “receive a prediction from the Buddha that one will achieve perfect enlightenment in the future 受记,” can be also found in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace. The miracle of the birth of the Old Lord, quoted in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, is probably a borrowing from the biography of Buddha, as shown above. The jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace distinguishes itself from other sections by using many Buddhist proper nouns. As it quoted the story in the book of Zhu Fahu, it cannot be considered as a work produced before the Western Jin Dynasty. On the whole, the later the Taoist scripture is, the more numerous the borrowings from Buddhist sutras it contains. It seems logical that Xuanyi of the Tang Dynasty said the book of Yu Ji did not quote many Buddhist sutras. On the other hand, the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace was clearly influenced by Buddhism. So it is a late Taoist work. In chapter forty-nine of the “Diagrams of Three Ones Explicated by Nine Scriptures 九经所明三一图表,” of Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel (Yunji qiqian), it says, “sixth, Three Ones of Great Peace, think of the spirit, keep the spirit in mind, sing the spirit, all these come from the first chapter “Technique of Self-Divination 自占盛衰法.” The chapters one to seventeen of the Scripture of Great Peace, the first book of the Great Peace section of the Taoist Canon, were lost for a long time. When the Taoist Canon was recompiled under the Zhengtong reign of the Ming Dynasty, the ten chapters of the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace were taken to complete the Scripture of Great Peace, which had lost its first ten chapters. However, ten chapters of the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace correspond to seventeen chapters of the Scripture of Great Peace. The first chapter of today’s Scripture of Great Peace is lost, while the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace did not record the original text. If the Three Ones of Great Peace, according to “the Diagrams of Three Ones Explained by Nine Scriptures” in the

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Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel, comes from the first chapter, “Technique of Self-Divination,” it might be the first chapter of the Scripture of Great Peace.15 The “Technique of Self-Divination” is similar to such titles found in the Scripture of Great Peace as “The Technique of Unifying Yin and Yang and Following the Tao,” “The Technique of Keeping the Unique Light,” “The Technique of Distinguishing Poor and Rich,” and “The Technique of Strengthening Oneself and Dismissing Calamity,” whose style cannot be found in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace. It seems the first chapter, “the Technique of Self-Divination,” quoted in the Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel, comes from the original first chapter of the Scripture of Great Peace.

15 The Taipingjing mulu 太平经目录 [Catalogue of the Scripture of Great Peace], discovered in Dunhuang and now kept in the British Museum, confirms that there is a “Technique of Self-Divination” in the first chapter.

LAO-TZU, THE TAO OF LAO-TZU, AND THE EVOLUTION OF TAOISM—THE CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE “LEGEND OF LAO-TZU CONVERTING THE BARBARIANS 老子化胡说”1 Hong Xiuping Lao-tzu was one of the most illustrious figures in the history of ancient Chinese philosophy and the founder of philosophical Taoism. It was he who first put forth the “Tao” as the ultimate philosophical category and laid a foundation for a new stage of Chinese philosophy. After the Han Dynasty, Lao-tzu’s philosophy was linked to religious Taoism, which made him its founder and deified him. From its foundation onward, religious Taoism inherited and developed the theory of philosophical Taoism. Historically, religious Taoism evolved through the conflicting and integrating movements between indigenous Confucianism and foreign Buddhism, but especially through its relationship with the latter. Taoism strongly emphasized the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” in order to honor Lao-tzu. This exaggeration reflected the complex relationship between Taoism and Buddhism and the resulting impact on its evolution. 1. Whether Lao-tzu’s Taoist philosophy is at the origin of Chinese culture and philosophy is still a matter of dispute.2 But it is undeniable that philosophical Taoism, together with Buddhism and Confucianism, was a fundamental component of Chinese culture. Which features of Lao-tzu’s philosophical Taoism stood out, however, among the many other philosophical schools to place it on a par with Buddhism and

Published originally in Nanjing daxue xuebao 南京大学学报, no. 4, 1997. See Chen Guying’s Lun daojia zai Zhongguo zhexueshi shang de zhugan diwei 论道家 在中国哲学史上的主干地位 [On the Central Position of Taoism in the History of Chinese Philosophy], in Zhexue yanjiu, no. 1, 1990 and Li Cunshan’s Daojiao zhugan diwei shuo xianyi 道家主干地位说献疑 [My Doubts Regarding the ‘Central Position of Taoism’ Thesis], in Zhexue yanjiu, no. 4, 1990. 1 2

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Confucianism? In my opinion, the answers can be found in the particular angle from which Lao-tzu observed life and the universe, and in the philosophy he built from the concept of the “Unity of Heaven and Man.” At the core of Taoist belief was the theory of the Tao, induced by Lao-tzu from the universal relationship between Heaven, Earth, and Man. The Tao has no physical existence, but is the abstract basis of all existence. On the temporal plane, it covers the past, present, and future of all existence. On the spatial plane, it covers all evolution and the transformation of Heaven, Earth, and Man. As the origin of the existence and evolution of nature and man, the Tao is immeasurable and invisible. Its existence precedes that of all others and it exists in all things. It is as omnipresent as “Existence 有” and transcendental as “Non-existence 无.” “By being without desire, you can experience wonder. But by having desire, you experience the way. Both spring from the same source but differ in name. This source is called ‘Mystery.’ Mystery upon Mystery, the womb gives birth to all beings.”3 The original, transcendental, and eternal nature of the Tao, and the contents of the concept, both complex and vague, made it widely open to interpretation within religious Taoism. The Tao as nature defined all the practices of religious Taoism. Nature and non-action were the two main features of the Tao. While nothing is done, nothing is left undone. Heaven, Earth, and Man shared the same Tao, which “communicated all.”4 Since the Tao of Man followed the Tao of Heaven, Man should be natural and remain non-active. Lao-tzu for that reason criticized kindness, righteousness, and all actions saying, “when the Tao is not followed, kindness and righteousness appear. When intelligence and learning are exalted, pretentiousness emerges.”5 He believed that “when the Tao is lost in a person or country one must resort to righteousness to rule society. When righteousness is lost, one has to use morality. When morality has been abandoned there is only ritual to govern society. But ritual is only the outer clothing of true belief; reaching this point is being near to chaos.”6

3 4 5 6

Lao-tzu, chapter 1. Chuang-tzu, chapter “Qiwu lun”. Lao-tzu, chapter 18. Idem, chapter 38.

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Another interpretation is that, in times of great change, Lao-tzu promoted the Tao to criticize kindness, righteousness, and all actions. This notion showed not only the relationship between the parallel development of philosophy and the world, but also the different reactions of philosophical Taoism and Confucianism when facing the collapse of traditional rites. Confucianism set great value by traditional culture and rites. So it insisted on “completely overcoming selfishness and keeping to propriety” and tried to strengthen the teaching of ethics to promote moral sense, reconstruct the social order, and build an ideal world. On the other hand, philosophical Taoism thought that rites destroyed nature and the origin of man. It advocated keeping away from the sages; from wisdom, kindness, and righteousness; and returning to simplicity and reality by observing the rules of nature in order to realize a free spiritual life. Xunzi accused Chuang-tzu of “being blinded by nature and ignoring man.”7 This quotation was often cited to undermine Taoist philosophy. This criticism was to some extent apt, since philosophical Taoism did not insist on ethics and human sociability. However, it would be inexact, or at least partial to conclude from this that philosophical Taoism neglected human life. The basis of Lao-tzu’s philosophy was “nature,” while laying emphasis on the “human.” It was based on “nature” because it consisted in “looking for a reliable principle for human life on a spiritual level.”8 Lao-tzu said, “There are four supreme forms in the universe; man is one of them,”9 which shows how greatly he valued the human being. Confucianism put man’s social character first and foremost, and then ethics, whereas philosophical Taoism emphasized man’s natural character, followed by personal freedom and independence. In terms of purposeful actions, Confucianism advocated participating in the affairs of the world and “becoming a sage” and therefore followed the theory of “cultivating individual moral character, ruling the family in harmony, bringing order in the nation, and establishing peace throughout the universe” and of the “inner sage and outer king.”10 Conversely, philosophical Xunzi, chapter “Jiebi 解蔽.” Yan Shi’an, Zuowei xinyang tixi de yuanshi rujia daojia 作为信仰体系的原始儒家 道家 [Ancient Taoism and Confucianism as Belief Systems], in Nanjing daxue xuebao, no. 4, 1993, p. 109. 9 Lao-tzu, chapter 25. 10 Hong Xiuping, Cong sanjiao guanxi kan chuantong wenhua de renxue tezhi 从三教关 系看传统文化的人学特质 [Humanity in Traditional Culture, seen from the Perspective of the 7 8

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Taoism advocated escaping the world, returning to reality, and getting rid of social and moral restrictions. As Lao-tzu wrote, “Man is subject to the laws of the earth, the earth is subject to the laws of the universe, the universe is subject to the laws of the Tao, and the Tao is subject to the laws of its own nature.”11 Lao-tzu’s philosophy of life was not passive. “When the Tao is not followed, kindness and righteousness appear” was the theoretical principle for returning to reality while the concepts of “nature” and “non-action” were a tortuous way suggested by Lao-tzu to reach his goal. Taoist philosophy contained profound views on the nature of human civilization, its alienation, and the price it had to pay for its evolution. Lao-tzu’s philosophy was largely developed in the pre-Qin period and many schools were created; for instance, the philosophical Taoism of Jixia, which put forth the theory of essence and energy ( jingqi 精气); the Yangzhu School, which honored “life and cherished the self ”; and the Taoism of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu, which integrated Legalism and the School of Names. As to Chuang-tzu’s School, which developed the theory of transcendence, it was always regarded as the most representative School of Taoism after the Wei and Jin dynasties. In the Warring States period, many philosophical schools influenced one another, as noted in the Yizhuan.12 Philosophical Taoism influenced other schools and in turn absorbed theories from them, especially Confucianism. From the Xunzi and Yizhuan to the Confucianism and Taoism of the Han Dynasty to Wang Chong’s Lunheng, the interaction between Confucianism and Taoism became more and more frequent. In this context, the Arcane Learning of the Wei and Jin dynasties combined the two philosophies of life for the first time. The Arcane Learning is reputed to have consisted of “pure conversation” and to have been abstract in its analysis of phenomenon and noumenon. In fact, the theory of the Arcane Learning was based on actual society and life. It was a theoretical attempt to study social harmony and human nature in that particular period. The main purpose of that attempt was to explain Confucianism through Taoism

Relationships between the Three Teachings], in Zhongguo chuantong sixiang wenhua yu nianyi shiji guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwen xuanji 中国传统思想文化与廿一世纪国际学术研讨会论 文选集. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1992. 11 Lao-tzu, chapter 25. 12 Yizhuan, chapter “Xici xia 系辞下.”

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and integrate Confucianism into Taoism. The Arcane Learning was based on the Taoist philosophy of nature and integrated into it the Confucian ideal of society and life. According to it, those rites that did not correspond to human nature should be abolished and replaced with those that followed the Tao. The adepts of the Arcane Learning believed that there was a contradiction between human nature and life in society. To resolve this contradiction theoretically, the best strategy for the Arcane Learning was to combine Lao-tzu’s philosophy about nature with Confucian rites. In this way, the lack of theories of life in philosophical Taoism was made up for and the syncretism of Taoism and Confucianism was theoretically founded. From then on, Chinese culture was based on Confucianism assisted by Taoism and Buddhism. The specialists of the Arcane Learning discussed terms such as “Existence and Non-existence,” “noumenon and phenomenon,” “action and non-action,” “oneness and multiplicity,” and “signifier and signified” through the commentaries on the Lao-tzu, Chuang-tzu, and Yijing. Lao-tzu’s existentialism was developed into an ontology in the Arcane Learning. If the Arcane Learning could be called neo-Taoism and considered as the new form of Lao-tzu’s philosophy, there was no philosophical Taoism officially represented by one school in particular that succeeded it. On the other hand, it survived and grew within religious Taoism. After the Southern and Northern dynasties, Taoism, which was often cited alongside Confucianism and Buddhism, encompassed both religious and philosophical Taoism. 2. While the Arcane Learning of the Wei and Jin dynasties developed Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu’s philosophies about natural life by integrating Confucianism, religious Taoism interpreted this philosophy in the religious context with its belief in immortals. From its birth, the attitude of religious Taoism toward Confucian ethics differed from that of philosophical Taoism because of different historical and social contexts. Although Taoist religious philosophy shared Confucian ethical norms such as loyalty and filial piety, its ultimate purpose remained achieving immortality by relying on the theory of nature put forth in philosophical Taoism. While scholars agree that philosophical Taoism and religious Taoism are bound into an inextricable relationship, they diverge on how

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to interpret this relationship. For me, this relationship did not lie in the deification of Lao-tzu in religious Taoism; or in the historical documents according to which Lao-tzu preached on the Louguan terrace in the Qin state and wrote the Tao Te Ching at Yin Xi’s request before going with him to the west; or in the mysticism in Lao-tzu (and even Chuang-tzu)’s philosophy, which could be exploited by religious Taoism; but in the theories based on Lao-tzu’s philosophy as expressed in religious Taoism. Despite the miscellaneous sources of religious Taoism such as the ancient magic arts, popular sorcery, Mohism, and the School of Yin and Yang, the philosophical Taoist theory of realizing transcendence by following nature was undoubtedly the core of all theories and practices of religious Taoism. The theory of immortality in religious Taoism was developed from the theory of longevity using Lao-tzu’s philosophy on nature and life. Philosophical Taoism aimed at attaining longevity through a specific regimen, while religious Taoism aimed at achieving immortality, which involved a religious belief in salvation. To attain this goal, religious Taoism not only invented a series of deities as models, but also advocated all kinds of Taoist practices. Despite the difference of method between those practices, they all originated from Lao-tzu’s theory of the “Unity of Heaven and Man.” The practitioners were encouraged to realize transcendence by conforming to nature. For religious Taoism, the human body was a microcosmos in communication with the Cosmos. In the same way, human beings could be unified with Heaven and the Tao and become eternal and immortal through the practice of the laws of nature. Religious Taoism believed that its practice followed the same pattern as the evolution of Heaven and Earth.13 In fact, this was only the religious interpretation inspired by the philosophical Taoist theory of following nature as a model. A question should be answered here. Was religious Taoism closely linked to philosophical Taoism because it had deified Lao-tzu and his philosophy, or did religious Taoism deify Lao-tzu as its founder because it was based on Lao-tzu’s philosophy? In my opinion, both hypotheses are possible, but the latter seems more convincing. It is generally acknowledged that Lao-tzu’s concept of the abstract Tao and the legends about Lao-tzu in historical documents foreshadowed his deification. However, when religious Taoism was founded,

13

Peng Xiao, Zhouyi cantongqi fenzhang tong zhenyi 周易参同契分章通真义.

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there were men whose lives could have been made into legends more convincingly than Lao-tzu’s and whose theories were more mystical than his. Why then was Lao-tzu chosen as the founder of religious Taoism? The origin of religious Taoism included magic arts and the Taoism of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu, which was very popular, as noted in the dynastic histories that claim for instance that “Emperor Huan of the Han Dynasty was a follower of the Taoism of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu”14 and that “Zhang Jiao was a follower of the Taoism of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu.”15 But why did religious Taoism not consider him as its founder? Moreover, the Yellow Emperor was said to be “superior to all others.”16 Why did religious Taoism not resort to him to contend with Confucianism? Like Laotzu, who wrote the Tao Te Ching, the Yellow Emperor was said to have written the Book of the Yellow Emperor.17 Nevertheless, despite his high status in religious Taoism and the many Taoist scriptures written under his name, the Yellow Emperor was not acknowledged as its founder. I believe that the reasons why Lao-tzu was acknowledged as the founder can be found in the evolution of philosophical Taoism and its social status in the Han Dynasty. But the most important reason was that religious Taoism and philosophical Taoism had the same purpose, which was to attain transcendence. So it was theoretically inevitable that religious Taoism chose Lao-tzu as its founder and that Lao-tzu’s philosophy would provide rich resources for its development. “All Taoist scriptures announced that their belief was based on the Tao, which was believed to be the origin and ruler of the universe. It was omnipresent and eternal. The universe was born from the Tao. The Original qi was born from the universe. The Original qi evolved and created Heaven and Earth, Yin and Yang, the four seasons, and

Hou hanshu, chapter “Wanghuan zhuan 王涣传.” Idem, chapter “Huangpu song zhuan 皇甫嵩传.” 16 Chuang-tzu, chapter “Daozhi 盗跖.” 17 In the chapter “Yiwen zhi 艺文志,” in the Hanshu, many books ascribed to the Yellow Emperor were cited, including Huangdi taisu 黄帝泰素, Huangdi yinyang 黄帝 阴阳, and Huangdi neijing 黄帝内经. There were several kinds of Book of the Yellow Emperor in philosophical Taoism. These Books of the Yellow Emperor had already been lost by the Eastern Han Dynasty. But I think that if the Yellow Emperor had been regarded as the founder of religious Taoism, these books would have been kept among the texts pertaining to religious Taoism. In 1993, four silk texts were discovered at Mangwangdui. They are believed to be an important part of the Books of the Yellow Emperor. 14 15

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the Five Agents. Then all things were born.”18 This statement demonstrates that religious Taoism inherited and relied on the cosmogony of philosophical Taoism. From Wang Chong’s Lunheng to the Laozi bianhua jing 老子变化经 [Scripture of Transformation of Lao-tzu] at the beginning of the Eastern Han Dynasty to the Laozi xiang’erzhu at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, not to mention Li You’s Hanguguan ming 函谷关铭 [Inscription of Hangu Pass], Wang Fu’s Laozi shengmu bei 老子圣母碑 [Stele of Lao-tzu’s Holy Mother], and Bian Shao’s Laozi ming 老子铭 [Inscription of Lao-tzu], all these texts described Lao-tzu as a Perfect Man, at one with the Tao. Later Taoist scriptures all followed this pattern. For example, Ge Hong said in the preface to the Tao Te Ching: “[t]he Old Lord follows the model of nature. He was born before Great Non-existence and causality. He lives from the beginning to the end of the world. He is unlimited and eternal.” The Louguan Taoist School played an essential role in the process of the deification of Lao-tzu in religious Taoism. Its theories, such as “nature gives birth to the Tao” and “nature is the basis of the Tao,” also insisted on the concept of “nature” found in philosophical Taoism. In my opinion, during the controversy with Taoism, Buddhism always tried to distinguish philosophical Taoism from religious Taoism, using the former and attacking the latter;19 but it could not really separate them because of their inextricable relationship—Even though we as scholars still need to distinguish them since we can not hold a tradition of learning and a religion on a same level. 3. Religious Taoism was closely bound to Lao-tzu’s philosophical Taoism and its development was related to Confucianism and Buddhism,

18 Li Yangzheng, Daojiao gaishuo 道教概说 [An Introduction to Taoism]. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989, pp. 215–16. 19 Distinguishing religious Taoism from philosophical Taoism was the principal strategy Buddhism employed to attack Taoism, which had existed in China prior to Buddhism. In Mouzi’s Lihuo lun 理惑论 [Correction of Errors] it days, “Buddha and Lao-tzu both emphasized non-action.” Although it identified itself with philosophical Taoism, it attacked practices such as fasting and self-cultivation regimens to attain longevity that were promoted by religious Taoism. The same strategy could be found in Dao’an’s Erjiao lun 二教论 [On the Two Teachings (Budhism and Taoism)]: “[t]oday’s Taoists are followers of Zhang Ling’s demonic Taoism, which has nothing to do with Lao-tzu.” See Hongming ji, chapter 8.

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particularly to the latter as their relationship was characterized by constant conflict and integration. Through the relationship between Taoism and Buddhism, we can learn more about the relationship between religious Taoism and philosophical Taoism, which was at the core of the controversy between Buddhism and Taoism. Historically, Taoism and Confucianism were indigenous and their relationship was peaceful on the whole. In the conflict with Buddhism, Taoism even considered Confucians as followers of the same Tao in order to fight off the new alien religion. The conflicts and controversies between Taoism and Buddhism never stopped and even grew fiercer in their competition for the same religious spheres of influence. However, we should adopt a dialectical standpoint regarding the conflict and integration between Buddhism and Taoism, through which Taoism developed continually. This conflict and integration were always so closely interwoven that they could not be distinguished. This interconnection expressed itself in two ways. First, conflict and rejection were part of the process of integration and conversely. A remarkable example was the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians,” which, when it first appeared, intended both to incorporate Buddhism into Chinese culture and to belittle Buddha by considering him as inferior to Lao-tzu. The Buddhist reaction oward this legend therefore changed in different times and in different circumstances. We will come back to this point later in this chapter. Second, conflict would often facilitate integration and integration could in turn deepen the conflict. Historically, Buddhism clung to philosophical and religious Taoism at the beginning of its propagation in an attempt to survive and develop itself in China. Religious Taoism, in the early years of its foundation, considered Buddhists as followers of the same Tao as its own and took advantage of Buddhism in order to expand. After a period of mutual use and absorption, both gathered strength and their conflicts reached a climax. Sometimes they could no longer tolerate each other. Several violent conflicts took place between Buddhism and Taoism during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, and that led to bloodshed and transformed the religious struggle into a political one: they were the result of the bitter quarrel in the beginning of the collaborative development between Buddhism and Taoism under the Han, Wei, Western Jin, and Eastern Jin dynasties. This integration and mutual use were realized through constant conflicts. Taoism often engaged in conflicts with Buddhism under Lao-tzu’s banner and allied itself with Confucianism in order to reject Buddhism

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under the pretext that there was a difference between the Chinese and alien traditions and that Buddhism did not follow the same rites and moral precepts. Buddhists criticized the vulgarity of Taoism by drawing a line between religious and philosophical Taoism. It particularly derided the Taoist study of alchemy, its use of drugs, its belief in the ascension to Heaven and in the Immortals, and its pernicious encouragement of peasant revolutions known as “rebellions in the name of Tao.”20 Rejection by Confucianism and Taoism on the pretext of the difference between a Chinese and alien tradition drove Buddhism to mingle with Confucianism and Chinese culture. Furthermore, this attack on the part of Buddhism, which distinguished philosophical Taoism from religious Taoism, made the latter embrace Lao-tzu’s theory and develop it in order to construct its own metaphysical system. Taoism also absorbed Buddhist speculative theories, practices, and commandments to perfect its own theological system and integrated Confucian ethics further to “clarify and reorganize Taoism.” In addition, it tried to counterbalance its drawbacks and develop itself into a more elitist and more theoretical system so as to draw a sharp distinction with original Taoism. It was unusual for Buddhism and Taoism to see that their conflicts had actually hastened their interpenetration, but they evolved constantly in a way that could be considered dialectically. We will now further explore the question of the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” in the context of the relationship between Buddhism and Taoism. The legend represents the deification of Laotzu by Taoism and from another standpoint reflects changes in the Buddhist-Taoist relationship and the development of Taoism. When talking about the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians,” people are inclined to link it directly to the conflicts between Buddhism and Taoism. But in my opinion, we should put some distance 20 Dao’an of the Northern Zhou Dynasty said in his Erdao lun that “as to alchemy and drugs, practices of consuming cloud and eating jade, ascension to Heaven and transformation into Immortals, release from the body, and transformation of forms, they all violate Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu’s original principles. Although these practices became popular, they do not correspond to the Tao. . . . In addition, Taoist magical arts are bad and impure. They regard the grinding of teeth as a celestial drum, saliva as elixir, horse faeces as divine firewood, and mice as magic drugs. How can we reach the Tao with these magical arts?” He added that “they rebelled in the name of Tao. The demoniac Tao of the Yellow Turban has caused much mischief to the Han Dynasty. Sun En, who sought immortality, put the Jin Dynasty in danger. They have brought calamity to the country and to the people.”

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between the legend itself and the conflict and at the same time differentiate the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” from the Laozi huahu jing 老子化胡经 [Scripture of Lao-tzu converting the Barbarians]. The latter, which made use of the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” was the product of the conflicts between Buddhism and Taoism, whereas the former at first took on a cultural aspect by trying to harmonize Buddhism and Taoism. According to the existing documents, the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” had already been widely circulated at the end of the Han Dynasty. Emperor Huan of the Han Dynasty offered sacrifices in the palace to Buddha, the Yellow Emperor, and Lao-tzu together. His minister Xiang Kai, in the ninth year of the Yanxi Reign (AD 166), sent in a memorial to oppose this practice, mentioning that “someone said Lao-tzu went to barbarian regions and transformed himself into Buddha.” (I) heard that the cults of Buddha, the Yellow Emperor and Laotzu were established in the palace. This Tao is pure and simple and advocates non-action. It loves life and hates killing. It promotes the restriction of desire and the abstinence from luxury. Now Your Majesty has not abstained from addictions and desires and you have meted out punishment without proper consideration. Since Your Majesty does not obey the Tao, how can Your Majesty be blessed? Some said Lao-tzu went to the barbarian regions and transformed himself into Buddha. Buddha never spent three nights under the same mulberry tree lest the attachment would come in time. That is the extremity of faith. The deities offered him a beautiful woman. Buddha said “that is nothing more than a leather sack full of blood.” Then he did not give her a second look. Buddha kept the unity (守一) like this so that he could reach the Tao. Now Your Majesty has beautiful women and can enjoy good fare. How can Your Majesty aspire to the Tao of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu?21

Here, Xiang Kai placed the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu on a par with Buddha. He believed they all advocated purity, non-action, the restriction of desires, and opposed killing. It seemed to him that the reason why Buddha could follow the Tao was that he managed to “keep the unity.” These descriptions show that in the Han Dynasty Buddhism was considered as a branch of the magical arts of Taoism of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu and people accepted it as a part of traditional Chinese culture. The Taoists (including those of the

21

Hou Hanshu, chapter “Xiang Kai zhuan 襄楷传.”

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Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu Taoism) began to deify Lao-tzu by fabricating many stories about the transformations of Lao-tzu. For example, Wang Chong in the chapter “Daoxu,” of his Lunheng [Balanced Discourses], said: People believe that the Tao of Lao-tzu can save them. This Tao is peaceful and tranquil and stands for keeping energy and cultivating qi. . . . By practicing it, Lao-tzu became immortal and survived hundreds of generations.

Wang Fu, during Emperor Huan’s reign, in his Laozi shengmu bei, noted: Lao-tzu is what we call the Tao. He was born before Non-form, acts before the Supreme Origin, and practices in the time of the Supreme Pure Being.

Other Taoist scriptures, such as the Laozi bianhua jing which describes the birth of Lao-tzu, appeared later.22 The “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” appeared under those circumstances and referred to far-fetched historical records that said Lao-tzu went to the West in his later years and “no one knew his end.” In the chapter “Xirong zhuan 西戎传,” of his Weilüe, Yu Huan of the Wei Dynasty of the Three Kingdoms further interpreted the sentence “Lao-tzu went to barbarian regions and transformed himself into Buddha”: The version of the story in the Sutra of Buddha was different from that in the Chinese Scripture of Lao-tzu. According to the former, Lao-tzu went through the Hangu pass toward the West. He went to India and taught the barbarians. Buddha was in fact another name for his disciples.23

Then Buddha became Lao-tzu’s disciple. Afterward, the Taoists often made use of the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” to attack and play down Buddhism. Especially after the fabrication of the Laozi huahu jing by Wang Fu of the Western Jin Dynasty, this legend was consistently made prominent by the Taoists. Until the Yuan Dynasty, there still was an intense dispute on that subject between

The fragments of the Laozi bianhua jing gathered in the 18th volume of the Zhonghua daozang describe Lao-tzu’s many births under different names from the antiquity of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors. According to the research of some Japanese scholars, this scripture dates from between the first year of the Yongshou reign and the eighth year of the Yanxi reign of Emperor Huan (AD 155–65) of the Han Dynasty. 23 See the comments in the chapter “Dongyi zhuan 东夷传” of Wei shu 魏书 of Sanguo zhi 三国志. 22

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the Taoism of the Quanzhen School and Buddhism, which led to the banning and burning of this scripture. The “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” was evidently not created to belittle Buddhism, because it implied a shared origin with Buddhism. Since Lao-tzu transformed himself into Buddha and Buddha issued from Lao-tzu, Buddhism and Taoism followed the same path and were integrated in the same Chinese cultural system. Buddhism was no longer considered an alien culture. At that time, Buddha received offerings alongside the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu, the Buddhist concept of “nirvana” was compared to Lao-tzu’s “nonaction,” and Buddhism was regarded as a branch of the Taoism of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu. The attempt to integrate Buddhism into Chinese culture through the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” found its source in the unifying character of Chinese culture, in particular its ethnical self-centered character and its trend to see the world as one system. Thus, Chinese tradition was favorable to the implantation of Buddhism. In Mouzi’s Lihuo lun it says that “Buddha and Lao-tzu both emphasized non-action,” which showed that in the beginning Buddhists were trying to position themselves as holding the same concepts as philosophical Taoism. For that reason, Buddhism may have tolerated the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” at the beginning of its implantation in China. One Japanese scholar believed that “the legend of Lao-tzu turning into Buddha or Lao-tzu converting Buddha was an expedient strategy for implanting Buddhism in China. Maybe it was invented by Buddhism.”24 This remains to be proved. Nevertheless, it should be useful to distinguish the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” from the Laozi huahu jing. The latter was born of the conflict between Buddhism and Taoism, whereas the former demonstrated the tolerance of Chinese culture toward the alien Buddhist culture. This legend was also favorable to religious Taoism, which regarded Lao-tzu as its founder because the legend implied that Lao-tzu was superior to Buddha. Once Taoism was sufficiently strong and independent and the expansion of Buddhism threatened its development, Taoism certainly used it to fight back. In the beginning, Buddhism used Lao-tzu’s philosophy against ancient religious Taoism and

24 Kamata Shigeo, Jianming Zhongguo fojiaoshi 简明中国佛教史 [A Brief History of Chinese Buddhism], translated by Zheng Pengnian. Shanghai: Shanghai Translation Publishing House, 1986, p. 39.

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magical arts.25 Once Buddhism had gained a firm footing in China, it was no longer willing to rely on philosophical Taoism and began to refute this legend. After the Wei and Jin dynasties, there was a heated controversy about the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians,” which opposed Taoism to Buddhism. To fight this legend, the latter put forward that “Lao-tzu was the disciple of Buddha”26 by inventing a story according to which Buddha sent his three disciples, Confucius, Yan Yuan, and Lao-tzu, to China to preach.27 The invention of the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” was likely linked to the idea of orthodoxy in Chinese culture. From antiquity onward, the Chinese considered their country the center of the world and named it the “country of the center.” With a certain sense of cultural superiority they called other people barbarians. At the end of the period of “Contention of a Hundred Schools of Thought” and the foundation of a unified country, the concept of unity promoted by the Chunqiu [Spring and Autumn Annals] became a kind of collective unconscious of the Chinese. To “govern the world and rule China,”28 all kinds of schools were divided into orthodox and unorthodox schools of thought. Yet, the latter were not treated as heretical schools and were not eradicated. Official ideology tolerated and controlled other philosophical schools. Even Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, who adopted Dong Zhongshu’s strategy of “making Confucianism the official ideology,” did not banish other philosophical schools such as Taoism. This is an important feature of Chinese politics. The same strategy was applied to deal with foreign cultures, however different from Chinese culture. Gu Huan’s Yixia lun 夷夏论 [Treatise on Chinese Culture and Foreign Cultures] was a good example and the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” was part of this strategy.

According to Mouzi, Buddhism believed man was mortal and immortality was a heterodox concept. He added: “the legends of the immortals are highly demagogic. Besides, they are imaginary and illusory. For that reason the Great Tao does not abide by them.” “There are thousand of methods for fasting. However, none of them is effective. Stupid people longing for longevity follow this practice. How pitiable they are!” See Hongming ji, chapter 8. 26 Zhengwu lun 正诬论. See Hongming ji, chapter 1. 27 In the Qingjing faxing jing 清净法行经 it says: “Buddha sent three disciples to convert the Chinese, the Bodhisattva Rutong, called Confucius in China; the Bodhisattva Guangjing, called Yan Yuan in China; and Mahakasyapa, called Lao-tzu in China.” This text was quoted in Dao’an’s Erjiao lun. 28 Hanshu, chapter “Lu Jia zhuan 陆贾传.” 25

CAO CAO AND TAOISM Li Gang The relationship between Cao Cao and Taoism can shed light on the complex relationship between emperors and Taoism in history, their utilitarianism in regard to Taoism, and their spiritual life. Politics and the Military The reason why Cao Cao was very much aware of the relationship between religion and political-military affairs was that he faced grave religious problems (more precisely with Taoism), which could eventually lead to the fall of his regime if mismanaged. In the 3rd year of the emperor Xian’s Chuping reign (AD 192), of the Eastern Han Dynasty, Cao Cao incorporated more than 300,000 soldiers who had surrendered to him and over one million people, women and men, from the Yellow Turban Army (huangjin jun) from Qingzhou city. With its elites he built an army called the Qingzhou soldiers (Qingzhou bin), who would be the main forces helping Cao Cao to seize territories, vanquish adversaries, and lay the strong foundations of his regime. In the 20th year of the Jian’an reign (AD 205), Cao Cao defeated Zhang Lu’s army in Hanzhong, integrating it within the ranks of his army, thus reinforcing his political and military strength. Furthermore, according to the Chronicle of Li Te in the Jinshu (The Jin History), “When the emperor Wu of the Wei Dynasty (i.e., Cao Cao) conquered the Hanzhong region, Li Te’s grandfather turned to him with more than 500 families of whom most had been ancient believers of the ‘Five Bushels of Rice’ Taoism 五斗米道.” With the increase of his military force, Cao Cao had to face the numerous Taoist believers of “Great Peace” and of “Five Bushels of Rice,” who had been incorporated into his armies. How to deal with them became a crucial point if he wanted to stabilize the army’s morale, strengthen its fighting ability, and eventually seize power. Cao Cao’s general strategy toward Taoism was, on the one hand, to win its supporters to his side to expand this military force and, on the other hand, to control it rigorously to prevent it from causing disturbances on the political plane.

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In order to achieve this, Cao Cao chose two tactics, first attacking then placating the Yellow Turban and Zhang Lu’s armies and finally incorporating them. During the war with the Yellow Turban Army, the latter sent Cao Cao a letter saying: “When you were in Jinan, you destroyed the altars of all popular religions. Your ‘Tao’ was identical to the Central Yellow Supreme Unity’s (Zhonghuang taiyi). It looks as if you have known the Tao before, but you are confused now.”1 The phrase “When you were in Jinan, you destroyed popular religions’ altars” was a reference to the end of the Guanghe reign of the emperor Lin of the Eastern Han Dynasty (AD 178–184), when Cao Cao, as the governor of Jinan, “prohibited all illicit cults,” “destroyed all places of worship,” and “forbade officials and people to offer sacrifice to these popular gods.” Hence, “evildoers ran away and the teachings and policies were applied in this county which lived peacefully from then on.” It seemed to Taoist believers of the “Great Peace” that Cao Cao’s behavior, in prohibiting all illicit cults, resembled their “Tao” of the Central Yellow Supreme Unity. So they considered Cao Cao to be someone who understood the “Tao of Great Peace” and told him that the Han’s mandate was destined to come to its end and the Yellow Family would be established on the throne and that Cao Cao’s abilities and strength wouldn’t allow him to stop this change. They hoped Cao Cao could help them to overthrow the Han dynasty and establish the Yellow family’s dynasty in its stead. When he had read the letter, Cao Cao scolded its senders. Yet he “gave the Great Peace army many opportunities to surrender.” In the end, the Great Peace Army yielded to Cao Cao. In the 1st year of Jian’an’s reign (AD 196), “The Yellow Turban of Runan and Yingchuan, led by He Yi, Liu Pi, Huang Shao and He Man, each at the head of several tens of thousands of men, first gave in to Yuan Shu’s appeal to join him and later went over to Sun Jian. In the second month of that year, Cao Cao attacked and defeated them. He Yi finally surrendered with his army to Cao Cao after Liu Pi and Huang Shao were beheaded.”2 So Cao Cao incorporated another Yellow Turban Army in addition to Qingzhou’s army. Why did the Yellow Turban Army surrender to Cao Cao and not to other warlords? Among other reasons, they probably believed that Sanguozhi, the “Biography of the Emperor Wu” and the annotation quoted in the Weishu, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000. The author of the Baopuzi has also praised Cao Cao for “prohibiting illicit cults.” 2 Idem. 1

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Cao Cao had “destroyed the altars of popular religions” and “apparently had understood their ‘Way’.” Cao Cao’s former treatment of the religious issues was evidently the main reason why he could integrate the Yellow Turban Army into his own forces. Against Zhang Lu, Cao Cao employed the same strategy: threaten with force before summoning him to surrender. In the chapter “Biography of Zhang Lu,” of the Sanguo zhi, it says, in the 20th year of Jian’an’s reign (AD 215), Taizu attacked Zhang Lu. He arrived at Yangping Pass passing through San Pass and Wudu. Zhang Lu wanted to surrender. However his brother Zhang Wei disagreed and resisted with ten thousand soldiers. Taizu won the battle and conquered the Shu region. Hearing of the defeat, Zhang Lu had once again the intention of surrendering. But he was stopped by his minister Yan Pu who said: ‘now if we yield to Cao Cao’s threat, we will have less merit. We had better join the borderlands people under Du Huo and then surrender. We will have more merit.’ Zhang Lu accepted this advice. Before leaving, his entourage was going to burn down his treasure hold. Zhang Lu stopped them saying: ‘I wanted to surrender. Now I take just evasive action. The treasure belongs to the country. Do not be malicious by destroying it.’ Taizu appreciated this action and sent someone to express his sympathy. Zhang Lu then surrendered with all his family. Taizu conferred on him the title of General Zhennan and Marquis of Langzhong and gave him ten thousand families. The five sons of Zhang Lu and Yan Pu were all conferred the titles of marquis. Zhang Lu’s daughter married Taizu’s son. When Zhang Lu died, he was given the posthumous title of “Marquis Yuan” and his son inherited his title and property.

This story was also mentioned in the chapter “Biography of Liu Yan,” in Houhan shu, and the following phrase was added: “when Zhang Lu returned to the Chinese heartland (zhongguo), Cao Cao treated him as a special guest.” Pei Songzhi commented on this passage: “although Zhang Lu’s intention was good, he surrendered only after being defeated. It was exaggerated to have conferred his sons the title of marquis and to have given him ten thousand families.”3 In fact, this was Cao Cao’s strategy to integrate Taoist forces. Before that, “in March of the 16th year of Jian’an’s reign (AD 211), Cao Cao sent Zhong Yao to attack Zhang Lu, who occupied the Hanzhong region.

3 Sanguo zhi, annotation on the “Biography of Zhang Lu,” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000.

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Gongsun Yuan and others joined Zhong Yao’s army.”4 Cao Cao’s real opinion in regard to Taoism can be perceived in the next passage: “on their way to attack Zhang Lu, Cao Cao and his army arrived in the Hanzhong region. The mountains were arduous to climb and food was scarce. Cao Cao said: ‘it is only a demonic country and it will not cause me any trouble.’”5 It is not surprising to see that Cao Cao considered Zhang Lu’s Taoism as “demonic” and attacked him several times, and at the same time married his daughter to Zhang Lu’s son. This story is an example of the flexibility of Cao Cao’s strategy. Moreover, Cao Cao’s strategy towards Great Peace Taoism had an impact on Zhang Lu’s attitude. Sun Quan sent an envoy to tell Liu Bei: “evil Zhang Lu rules the Ba and Han regions as Cao Cao’s spy and intends to attack Yizhou.” Liu Bei, who intended to attack the Shu region, answered: “Zhang Lu is not sincere and not really loyal to Cao Cao.”6 This dialogue tells us that Sun Quan and Liu Bei all knew of Zhang Lu’s intention to join Cao Cao’s camp. According to the Xiandi zhuan 献帝传 [Biography of the Emperor Xian], quoted in the annotation of the chapter “Biography of the Emperor Wen,” in Sanguo zhi, “people disagreed with Zhang Lu and wanted to join Liu Bei’s camp. Zhang Lu was angry and said: ‘I would rather be Cao Cao’s servant than Liu Bei’s guest.’ He sounded very determined and that was not without reason.” This story showed Zhang Lu’s partiality for Cao Cao. To account for the favor of the Wei Dynasty toward Zhang Lu, Hu Shi suggested: “Zhang Lu ruled people with demonic Taoism. People were pleased with his politics and he ruled the Ba and Han regions for 30 years. After his kingdom had been conquered, most of the people there were probably displaced to the West, the Shaanxi and Gansu regions. The highly valued social status of Zhang Lu’s family, which probably followed the ‘Iron Contract’ and the ‘Welcome Rite,’ ensuring the inheritance, might be due to the importance attached by the Wei rulers to the influence on society of Zhang Lu’s Taoism.”7 This hypothesis is right to some extent. According to the Erjiao lun 二教论 [Essay on the Two Religions], composed by the Buddhist monk Dao’an, “Zhang Jue and Zhang Lu dressed in yellow because of the

Idem, “Biography of the Emperor Wu.” Idem, “Biography of Liu Ye.” 6 Idem, “Biography of the Ancient Emperor.” 7 Yang Liansheng lunwenji 杨联陞论文集, annex 1 “Hu Shi xiansheng laixin 胡适先 生来信”. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1992, pp. 86–87. 4 5

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prediction that the future emperor would be dressed yellow. When Cao Cao took power, he also changed the color of his clothes from red to yellow.”8 It was possible that Cao Cao had been under the influence of Taoism and used it. The second of Cao Cao’s tactics was to build a network to take control of Taoism. The Taoist leaders seemed to enjoy special privileges, but in fact were under house arrest. Some rebel Taoists even ran the risk of being killed.9 Cao Cao appointed Hao Mengjie to instruct all magicians. Hao Mengjie was a native of Shangdang: “A date pit in the mouth, he could live five or ten years without eating. He could also hold his breath half a year, motionlessly, as if he were dead. He was married, he was prudent, and looked like a gentleman. Cao Cao appointed him to supervise all magicians.”10 Moreover, Cao Cao invited Taoists of influence like Gan Shi, who was capable of attracting a great many magicians. Cao Zhi said in Biandao lun 辩道论 [Essay on the Debate on the Tao]: “the reason why we gather magicians in the Wei kingdom is that we are afraid that they would spread fallacies to deceive people. We gather them under our control and prohibit this practice. Gan Shi is old but looks young. That is why he attracts magicians. However his speech is full of fine words that mean nothing. He is just like Xu Fu to Qinshihuang and Ruan Da to the emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty.”11 This passage shows that Cao Cao’s aim in convening magicians was not to achieve longevity or immortality, but to prevent them from deceiving people like the leaders of the Yellow Turban Rebellion. Along this tactical line, famous Taoists like Gan Shi “knew they were paid like ordinary officials, never recompensed without merit, and had no chance of traveling to the sea and islands. Then they never dared to say something special.”12 The tragedy of Qinshihuang and the emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, who longed for longevity, was Guang hongming ji. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991, vol. 8, p. 146. Lu Xun said: “Cao Cao was a great literati and knew that gathering literati and magicians under his control would prevent them from causing trouble.” See Lu Xu quanji 鲁迅全集, vol. 1, “Eryi ji WeiJin fengdu ji wenzhang yu yao ji jiu zhi guanyi 而已集 魏晋风度及文章与药及酒之关系.” Wulumuqi: Xinjiang renmin chubanshe, 1995, p. 785. 10 Houhan shu, “Fangshu zhuan” (Biographies of magicians).” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965. 11 Guang hongming ji. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991, vol. 5, p. 124. 12 Sanguo zhi, “Fangji zhuan” (Biographies of magicians) and the annotation on it, Zhonghua shuju, 2000. 8 9

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not repeated for Cao Cao. Taoists like Gan Shi dared not curry favor from emperors like Xu Fu and Ruan Da. Although Cao Cao intended to learn a self-cultivation regimen from these magicians, he was more conscious of its importance than Qinshihuang and the emperor Wu in this regard. According to the chapter “Biographies of magicians” of the Houhan shu, “Cao Cao, followed by about a hundred officials, went to the suburbs. Zuo Ci prepared only a liter of alcohol and a pound of meat but satisfied the hunger of all the officials. Cao Cao was surprised and looked for the secret. Finally he found out that all the stocks of meat and alcohol had disappeared. Unhappy, Cao Cao wanted to kill Zuo Ci. The latter walked through a wall and disappeared.” Hua Tuo’s story was noted in the same book: “Hua Tuo had a quick temper and felt ashamed to practice medicine as a profession. One day he was homesick and asked Cao Cao to let him go home on the pretext of his wife’s illness. Hua Tuo overstayed and refused to return to the court despite several summons from Cao Cao. Angry, the latter ordered an investigation and discovered the illness of Hua Tuo’s wife was fake. Then Hua Tuo was arrested and confessed after interrogation. Xun Yu begged for leniency thus: ‘Hua Tuo is an outstanding doctor. I beg your mercy.’ Cao Cao denied him clemency and had him killed.” In the 4th year of Jian’an’s reign (AD 199), Cao Cao reported to the throne: “previously, I attacked the Henei region and conquered several villages. The captured inhabitants said: ‘there was a man-god, Song Jinsheng, who ordered villages to be guarded by dogs instead of men. If people did not obey his order, they would hear the sound of armies in the night and find tigers’ footprints in the village the next morning.’ I sent General Lü Na to capture Song Jinsheng and kill him.”13 As a warning to others, Cao Cao killed without mercy the magicians who were suspected of harming the regime or disobeying his orders. As to Zhang Lu and his people, Cao Cao gave them special privileges and at the same time took several measures to gain control over them. A skeptic, he displaced Zhang Lu to north and left Xiahou Yuan and Zhang He to guard the Hanzhong region in order to supervise the Taoist leaders. According to the chapter “Biography of Zhang

13 Cao Cao ji 曹操集, “Yanhuo Song Jinsheng biao 掩获宋金生表.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 20.

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Ji,” in the Sanguo zhi, Cao Cao displaced Zhang Lu’s people, about ten thousand families, to Chang’an and the region of the capital.14 In the chapter “Biography of He Qia,” of the Sanguo zhi, we find: “After Taizu defeated Zhang Lu, He Qia advised displacing the people to save costs. Taizu did not accept this at first, but followed his advice later.” As we know, Zhang Lu’s kingdom was a political and religious regime. Most of the people were Taoist followers. Once they were displaced under Cao Cao’s control, ruling them and preventing imposters from deceiving people became a real issue. So Cao Cao made every effort in this regard. He put some influential magicians (including Zhang Lu) under house arrest in the name of “special treatment” in order to cut off their links with their disciples. This tactic was effective. On the other hand, after the Taoism of Great Peace and the Taoism of the Five Bushels of Rice joined Cao Cao, his political and military power was strengthened. His religious policy proved attractive to Taoists. Obviously, Cao Cao was wiser than Liu Bei and Sun Quan in his dealing with the relationship between Taoism, politics, and the military. In brief, concerning Cao Cao’s way to power, Taoism was an unavoidable question. Cao Cao answered this question with measures that satisfied Taoist soldiers and the people of occupied cities. Self-Cultivation Regimen In the chapter “Biographies of magicians” in the Houhan shu, we find: “From emperor Wu onward, the emperors of the Han Dynasty loved magical arts. All magicians scrambled for the favor of the court.” The Wei regime inherited this tradition. According to the chapter “Biography of Zang Tao,” in the Songshu, “from the foundation of the Wei Dynasty, the emperors loved pets, literature was ignored, and magical arts were praised.” We believe “magical arts” included self-cultivation regimen. Among several previously lost medicine books discovered at the Mawangdui site, are Quegu shiqi fang 却谷食气方 [Method for Refraining from Grains and Ingesting Qi] and Daoyin tu 异引图 [Charts of Circulating Energy], which both show the importance of immortality techniques

14 Chen Yinke believed Kou Qianzhi’s ancestors had been displaced at this time from the Hanzhong region to the north. See Chen Yinke shixue lunwen xuanji 陈寅恪史 学论文选集. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1992, pp. 193–94.

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under the Han Dynasty. During the period of the Three Kingdoms, breathing exercises and techniques evolved. Hua Tuo believed the human body must exert itself. That was why ancient immortals exercised their joints to prevent them from aging. Hua Tuo invented the “Five-Animal Exercises 五禽戏” as a substitute for breathing exercises. Since these methods were linked to Taoist immortals, they were also called the “magical arts of immortals,” which enabled rulers, including Cao Cao, to follow such regimen. Zhang Hua wrote, in chapter five of his Bowu zhi 博物志: “the emperor Wu of the Wei Dynasty admired immortality regimen and had some knowledge of medicine. He invited magicians such as Zuo Ci and Hua Tuo to the court.”15 Pei Songzhi quoted this passage in the “Biography of the Emperor Wu” of the Sanguo zhi, adding “he was used to eating wild Pueraria lobata and drinking more or less poisoned wine.” In addition, Cao Cao wrote the Sishi shizhi 四时食制 [Food of the Four Seasons] to study the link between food and longevity. Unfortunately, most of this book was lost.16 It is beyond doubt that Cao Cao admired the Taoist immortality regimen. The magicians that Cao Cao convened under his rule included Wang Zhen of Shangdang, Feng Junda of Longxi, Gan Shi of Ganling, Hua Tuo of Qiaoguo, Bu Shi of Henan, Fei Zhangfang of Runan, Xi Jian of Yangcheng, Zhao Shengqing of Henan, Lu Nüsheng, Dongguo Yannian, Tang Zha, Leng Shouguang, Zhang Diao, Zuo Ci, Su Zixun, and Xiannu Gu. But what magical arts did they possess? According to the Dianlun 典论, quoted in chapter five of the Bowu zhi, “Gan Shi, Zuo Ci, and Dongguo Yannian observed the sexual practices of Lord Rongcheng. Cao Cao invited them and learned about efficient practices. Taoist Master Liu Qing learned how to make ‘Original Method of the Yunmu jiuzi’ medicine. He disappeared when he was 300 years old. The emperor Wu was used to taking this efficient medicine.”17 “Huangpu Long met the ‘Taoist on the Green Buffalo,’ Feng Junda, who told him of the method of self-cultivation according to which ‘one should practice temperance in sex and do suitable exercise; avoid eating fatty, acidic, and salty food; reduce anxiety, happiness, and anger; refrain from hunting and prevent ejaculation; keep the energy in autumn and winter. This method was proved efficient Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980, chapter 5, p. 61. The remaining text is quoted in the chapter “Yu Huangpu Long lin,” of the Cao Cao ji. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, pp. 66–67. 17 Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980, chapter 5, p. 65. 15 16

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by emperor Wu.”18 According to the Gaodao zhuan 高道传 [Biography of Eminent Taoists], quoted in chapter 15 in Sandong qunxian lu 三洞群 仙录 [Record of the Immortals of the Three Caverns], “Feng Heng, whose public name was Junda, often sat on a green buffalo. Hence his name was the ‘Taoist on the Green Buffalo.’ If people were sick, whether Feng Heng knew them or not, he gave medicine or acupuncture and moxibustion. People were healed immediately. The emperor Wu consulted him on the method of self-cultivation. Feng Heng answered: ‘often exercise your body and control your appetite. However the exercise and the control should not be excessive. Do not eat fatty, acidic, and salty food. Reduce anxiety, happiness, and anger. Refrain from hunting. Eliminate energy in spring and summer and keep it in autumn and winter. Then you will attain the Tao.’ ” These two passages are different, but both dealt with Feng Junda.19 Cao Cao wrote, in his “Letter to Huangpu Long”: “I heard that you are more than 100 years old and your strength has not been diminished. Your hearing and eyesight are normal and your eyes have a high color. It is outstanding. Can you tell me your method for self-cultivation? If you agree, you can show me in secret.”20 It was written in the chapter “Biographies of magicians” in the Houhan shu, that “Gan Shi, Dongguo Yannian, and Feng Junda were all magicians and observed the sexual practices of the Lord Rongcheng. They drank urine, hung themselves upside down, kept their energy, and talked rarely about longevity. They were all recruited by Cao Cao, who consulted their self-cultivation methods and practiced them. Feng Junda was also called the ‘Master of the Green Buffalo.’ They were more than 100 or even 200 years old.” “Wang Zhen was about 100 years old and his face radiated light, as if he was less than 50 years old. He wrote: ‘I traveled to all the famous mountains. I practice breathing exercises and swallow saliva. But I do Idem, p. 62. According to the Hanwudi neizhuan quoted in the chapter “Biographies of magicians” of the Houhan shu, “Feng Junda was a native of Longxi. At first he ate rhizoma coptidis for about 50 years. Then he entered the Niaoju Mountains and fed on mercury for about 100 years. When he returned to his hometown, he looked 20 years old. He often sat on a green buffalo. Hence his name the ‘Taoist on the Green Buffalo.’ If people were sick, whether Feng Heng knew them or not, he gave them medicine or acupuncture and moxibustion. People were healed immediately. When he heard Lu Nüsheng had got the Picture of the Five Mountains, he asked for its transmission for years, but was always refused. Lu Nüsheng just taught him temperance. When Feng Junda was more than 200 years old, he lived in the Xuanqiu Mountain.” 20 Cao Cao ji, “Yu Huangpu Long lin.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, pp. 66–67. 18 19

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not refrain from sexual activity.’ As to Meng Jie, a date pit in his mouth, he could live five or ten years without eating. He could also hold his breath half a year, motionlessly, just like the deceased.” According to the Dianlun, quoted in the chapter “Biographies of magicians” in the Houhan shu, “Xi Jian of Yingchuan knew how to refrain from eating rice and taking Tuckahoe. Gan Shi of Ganling was good at breathing exercises and had a youthful appearance. Zuo Ci of Lujiang knew self-cultivation. They were all recruited into the army.” Hua Tuo was considered to be immortal by his contemporaries.21 Taizu heard of his reputation and invited him to visit. Taizu had headaches and suffered from vertigo. By using acupuncture, Hua Tuo alleviated his illness immediately.22 The texts above showed Cao Cao had convened magicians not only from a political need, but also from his interest in self-cultivation regimen and longevity. The magical arts he admired, such as breathing exercises, taking medicine, sexual exercises, and self-cultivation, were all taught by magicians. Cao Cao’s opinion of Taoist arts was not fixed. He had viewed them with skepticism in his early years and followed them in his later years. For him, the ultimate object of the Taoist regimen was to lengthen life and the object of longevity was to realize his political ideals. Cao Cao lamented: “How pitiful people are. They are deceived by legends of immortals.”23 He advocated “prohibiting any discussion of auspicious or inauspicious omens in the army.”24 He said “he did not believe in fate.”25 Before he reached the age of 50, Cao Cao kept his distance from Taoist arts. In his later years, he gradually came to admire knowledge of drugs and self-cultivation and expressed it in a poem: “The Tao of the immortals is secret and profound. One should concentrate. The heart should be at peace but should never fall asleep. Retire from the world and meditate. Heaven will give energy. He who longs for immortality rides on a chariot of clouds conducted by a white deer and arrives at Heaven’s door. He asks for the divine medicine, he receives it kneeling, and greets the god. In this way, the Tao will come spontaneously.”26 Houhan shu, “Biographies of magicians.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965. Sanguo zhi, “Biographies of magicians.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000. 23 Cao Cao ji (Buyi补遗), “Shanzaixing 善哉行.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 219. 24 Idem, “Sunzi zhu 孙子注,” p. 117. 25 Idem, “Rang xian ziming benzhi ling 让县自明本志令,” p. 42. 26 Idem, “Qichuchang 气出唱,” p. 1. 21 22

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Cao Cao was different from Qinshihuang and emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, however, who feverishly sought divine medicine, and some emperors of the Tang Dynasty and the Song Dynasty, who died from having taken medicine.27 Yang Sheng’an of the Ming Dynasty stated his admiration for Cao Cao: “Cao Cao was very intelligent, completely different from some emperors of the Tang Dynasty, who died from having taken cinnabar.”28 He was more reasonable than many emperors with regard to life. He wrote: “all things have their end; even the sage is no exception.”29 “The divine turtle lives long, but its life comes to an end, too. He who rides a serpent and a cloud will finally be burned to ashes.”30 “I lift my cup and sing a song, for who knows if life be short or long. Man’s life is but the morning dew, past days many, future ones few. Melancholy my heart begets. Rises from sorrows I cannot forget.”31 On the other hand, he believed: “although life is decided upon by Heaven, he who follows the regimen can attain longevity.”32 Although the life of a human being is limited by nature, he can prolong his lifespan with some effort. He did not believe that Chisong zi and Wang Qiao had attained the Tao, but had just lived longer than others. “How eternal Heaven and Earth are! The life of a human being is shorter. People say Lao-tzu is forever young and Chisong zi and Wang Qiao attained the Tao. I have not heard they attained the Tao, but just lived longer than others.”33 He frequently expressed his wish for longevity: “One should remain silent to keep his energy. Then he will live long. . . . The host must propose a toast to wish his guests longevity. Attain permanent happiness before thinking of descendants. I wish the host will live as long as Heaven.”34 “I desire the divine medicine to live for a hundred thousand years.”35 “Hundred thousand years” was an exaggerated expression of the author who longed not for an illusory immortality, but for real longevity. To meet this objective, Cao Cao not only took medicine and practiced 27 Paradoxically, Cao Cao was admitted into the Taoist pantheon. In the Zhenling weiyetu of Tao Hongjing, “Cao Cao, in the name of Emperor Wu of the Wei Dynasty, Grand Tutor, and Northern King,” was put in the seventh place. 28 Sheng’an waiji 升庵外集. “Shishuo bu 史说部,” vol. 40. 29 Cao Cao ji, “Jinglie 精列,”. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 2. 30 Idem, “Buchu Xiamen xing 步出夏门行,” p. 11. 31 Idem, “Duange xing 短歌行,” p. 5. 32 Idem, “Buchu Xiamen xing,” p. 11. 33 Idem, “Qiuhu xing 秋胡行,” p. 8. 34 Idem, “Qichuchang,” pp. 1–2. 35 Idem, “Qiuhu xing,” p. 8.

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breathing exercises, but also meditated: “I meet Chisong zi and Xianmen who gave me the secret method of preserving my energy. I take divine herbs and drink liquid elixir. I walk with a cane and wear a hat. I leave the world behind and travel in the universe. I walk quickly in the wind. I live long but never forget my faults.”36 These poems tell us that Cao Cao’s interest in Taoist arts was based on his desire for longevity. Taoist arts were the method used to become immortal. According to Taoism, life can be prolonged so long as one follows the practices correctly and perseveres. For example, according to the Shennong jing 神农经 [Scripture of Shennong], “the best medicine can lengthen life, for example, the Five Stones are used for purifying the body whereas the Six Divine Herbs are used for prolonging life. The medium-quality medicine enables the cultivating of the self: for example, Albizzia julibrissin Durazz is used for forgetting anger, whereas Hemerocallis fulva is used for forgetting worries. The inferior-quality medicine allows for healing: for example, rhubarb is used for relaxing the bowels, whereas angelica is used for relieving pain.”37 Medicine can treat illness and prolong life. That was why Cao Cao admired it. Cao Cao had headaches that were considered as a case of “illness of reversed qi.” He always prepared water for dipping his head in. Before his death, he would have angelica soup. So in his later years, Cao Cao needed Taoist arts to improve his poor health. But what was Cao Cao’s real objective when practicing Taoist arts? The answer can be found in his political ambition. Indeed, even in his later years, Cao Cao had political ambitions, as he himself wrote: “an old steed in the stable still aspires to gallop a thousand li; an old man may still cherish high aspirations.”38 However, life is short and Cao Cao felt sorry to be unable to fulfill himself. On the one hand, he believed “sages rush when guests call, so at their feet the empire does fall.” On the other hand, he “cannot forget the melancholy.”39 He “cannot stop aging and his remaining days are numbered; at the same time health and intelligence are lost forever.”40 Some scholars noted that in certain poems, Cao Cao expressed his sadness at the shortness of life and his desire to find sagely ministers who could help

36 37 38 39 40

Idem, “Moshang sang 陌上桑,” p. 5. Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980, chapter 4, p. 48. Cao Cao ji, “Buchu Xiamen xing.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 2. Idem, “Duange xing,” p. 5. Idem, “Qiuhu xing,” p. 8.

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him achieve his dreams of becoming emperor. In fact, Cao Cao preferred political exploit to longevity. He wrote “I do not worry about time going by, but about the political situation of the country.”41 This kind of worry led Cao Cao to resort to a Taoist regimen, which was only a means for Cao Cao to achieve his ambitions. Literature Was there a link between Cao Cao’s literary achievements and Taoism? The answer is positive. His poetry about immortals, especially in its vivid imagination, had an unquestionable link with Taoism. Several specialists of literature have argued that the style of Cao Cao’s poems in his early years was that of the “music bureau 乐府” and that these poems are about immortals. Their opinion might be wrong. As we showed above, Cao Cao did not believe in Taoism in his early years, but did in his later years because of the state of his health. So his poetry about immortals was the product of his belief in Taoist regimen in his later years. Poetry about immortals has a long history. It includes early pieces such as Qu Yuan’s Yuanyou 远游 and Lisao 离骚, the Xianzhenren shi 仙真人诗 of Qin times, and the Changge xing 长歌行 of the Han-time Music Bureau.42 After the Wei and the Jin dynasties, poetry about immortals developed. Before the Jian’an reign it could be classified in two categories: the first contained the poetry about immortals in the Chuci 楚辞, the second included the poems on immortals of the Han Dynasty. In the first category, the authors expressed their dissatisfaction with this world and aspired to be in Heaven. In the second category, the authors believed in the existence of immortals, desired their protection, and hoped to join them. Cao Cao’s style in his poems on immortals belonged to the latter. In these works, he expressed his ambitions and his worry about the situation of the country. In his commentary on Guo Pu’s poetry about immortals, Li Shan of the Tang Dynasty said: “on the whole the poetry about immortals is written to express rejection of this sullied world and the longing for the

Idem. It is traditionally considered that the changge (long songs) and duange (short songs) refered to the idea that the lifespan of a human (long or short) was predetermined and could not be changed according to one’s wishes. 41 42

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life of immortals. Nevertheless, Guo Pu’s texts expressed his own feeling. The subject of his texts was quite narrow, but the vocabulary was refined and the style was new. It is superb.”43 However, it was not Guo Pu, but Cao Cao who was the initiator of this style of poetry. Cao Cao’s poetry expressed not only his desire to “become immortal,” but also his philosophy, his view of the world, and his understanding of life. In fact, Chinese literature and philosophy are derived from the same origin. For the Chinese, the universe is a viable system bearing on the circulation of energy. Literature should be viable just like the universe. Chinese literati preferred to express feelings and emotions through physical things, Cao Cao being no exception. He praised life by describing Taoist immortals and expressed his desire for longevity. The image of immortals in his poems embodied eternal life and the wish to live as long as Heaven. In his poetry, Cao Cao entered the world of the immortals where limits were pushed and melancholy was dispelled. He “traveled on the rainbow and red clouds, climbed the Jiuyi Mountain, passed through the Jade Gate, crossed the Milky Way, and arrived in Kunlun Mountain. I met the Queen Mother of the West, Duke Father of the East, Chisong zi, and Xianmen, from whom I received the secret method of preserving energy.”44 With immortals, he “crossed the Kunlun Mountain, on the way to Penglai Island. I went to the Eight Extremities and met immortals. . . . I travelled to all famous mountains, slept on rocks, and drank from springs.”45 With immortals, he “moved on clouds, rode dragons . . . drank liquid jade, and enjoyed banquet all day long.” Moreover, goddesses “danced” for him. “Wine was accompanied by songs; everyone had a good time.”46 He “took divine herbs and drank liquid elixir. I walked with a cane and wore a hat. I left the world behind and traveled in the universe.” In his dream, he obtained longevity.47 But when he woke up, immortals had left for Heaven. “They cannot be caught up with. How sorry I am! From now on, I can not sleep any more and will feel melancholy.”48

43 Wenxuan, commented on by Li Shan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977, chapter 21, p. 306. 44 Cao Cao ji, “Moshang sang.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 2. 45 Idem, “Qiuhu xing,” p. 8. 46 Idem, “Qichuchang,” pp. 1–2. 47 Idem, “Moshang sang,” p. 2. 48 Idem, “Qiuhu xing,” p. 8.

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However, Cao Cao did not give up his quest for longevity. Lin Yutang noted: “the Chinese who live in this world have always a secret desire for longevity, except for some theorists.”49 Cao Cao was no exception. Even his desire was stronger, which was expressed through his poems on immortals, “by following immortals, one can obtain longevity”;50 “I desire the divine medicine that will enable me to live a hundred thousand years”;51 “One should close one’s mouth to keep one’s energy. Then one will live long”; “Living ten thousand years and having many children.”52 These verses reveal Cao Cao’s true sentiments and aim. Chinese literati are reputed to be sentimental about time and about life, Cao Cao being no exception. He sighed in the Shanzai xing: “gentlemen are always sentimental, only what they worry about is varied”;53 in the Buchu Xiamen xing: “I always feel melancholy and sorry.”54 But what for? The answer can be found in the Qiuhu xing: “How eternal Heaven and Earth are. The life of the human being is shorter, the four seasons alternate, so do days, suddenly one year is gone.”55 He observes in the Jinglie 精列: “from its birth, everything is doomed to go toward its end . . . even Sages such as the Duke of Zhou and Confucius could not escape from death and Yu the Great was buried in Huiji. So who can be eternal? Maybe gentlemen would not worry about this. One cannot stop age and remaining days are numbered.”56 What Cao Cao expressed was the same melancholy on the shortness of life. So how about making the most of this lifespan? Then we have the renowned Duange xing: “I lift my cup and sing a song, for who knows if life be short or long. Man’s life is but the morning dew, past days many, future ones few. The melancholy my heart begets. Comes from cares I cannot forget. Who can unravel these woes of mine? I know but one man . . . the god of wine!”57 However, wine deepens melancholy. Facing ephemeral life, one makes merry while he

49 Lin Yutang, Wuguo yu wumin 吾国与吾民. Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1990, p. 106. 50 Cao Cao ji, “Tangshang xing 塘上行.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 2. 51 Idem, “Qiuhu xing,” p. 8. 52 Idem, “Qichuchang,” pp. 1–2. 53 Idem, p. 10. 54 Idem, p. 11. 55 Idem, p. 8. 56 Idem, p. 2. 57 Idem, p. 5.

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can. This kind of sentiment could be already noticed in the “Nineteen Ancient Poems 古诗十九首”: “between heaven and earth our lives rush past like travelers with a long road to go. Let this measure of wine be our merriment; cherish it highly, without disdain.”58 “Man’s life is as brief as a sojourn; his years lack the firmness of metal or stone. Ten thousand ages come and go but sages and wise men discover no cure. Some seek long life in fasts and potions; many end by poisoning themselves. Far better to drink fine wine, to clothe ourselves in soft white silk”;59 “Man is not made of metal or stone; how can he hope to live for long? Swiftly he follows in the wake of change”;60 “Life, scarce a hundred years, holds millenniums of fears. Brief its noon, and long its night: Best then mingle darkness with light. Make merry while ye may: Wait not for another day.”61 Ruan Yu noted in “Qiai shi 七哀诗”: “youth goes away and never returns. Health cannot be found a second time. Times of happiness pass quickly. One will be dust in deep Hell and eternal night.”62 Wang Xizhi wrote in his preface to the Lanting ji 兰亭集 [At the Orchid Pavilion]: “‘Great indeed are life and death,’ said the ancient. Ah! What sadness!” It was written more clearly in the chapter “Yangzhu 杨朱” in Liezi 列子: “Enjoy life and forget death.” This opinion was shared by many literati at the end of the Han, the Wei, and the Jin Dynasty whose lives were threatened by war, plague, and political struggle. Even Cao Cao, intelligent as he was, was influenced by and immersed himself in poetry about immortals. This philosophy caused the notion of immortality to spread to all social classes. So in this context, it is not surprising to see the creation of Cao Cao’s poetry about immortals in close connection with Taoism. Lu Xun wrote that: “Cao Cao advocated the use of the “unconventional” style, which meant “voluntarism.” This style influenced literature and many pieces were elaborated in the same style. In his way, certain prejudices were overcome and a different philosophy from Confucianism was introduced into literature.63 Indeed, his “unconventional” style helped shake off the shackles of Confucian morals posed 58 Wenxuan, “Qingqing lingshangbai 青青陵上柏.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977, vol. 29, p. 409. 59 Idem, “Quche shang dongmen 驱车上东门,” p. 411. 60 Idem. 61 Idem, “Shengnian bumanbai 生年不满百,” p. 412. 62 Jian’an qizi shi jianzhu 建安七子诗笺注. Chengdu, Bashu shushe, 1990, p. 272. 63 Lu Xun quanji, “Eryi ji WeiJin fengdu ji wenzhang yu yao ji jiu zhi guanyi.” Wulumuqi: Xinjiang renmin chubanshe, 1995, p. 784.

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on literature during the Han Dynasty and gave rise to the Jian’an literature. “A different philosophy from Confucianism” was nothing other than Taoism, which can be perceived in Cao Cao’s works: “The bird flies high to the sky; how can it be ensnared? He who remains in peace, close to nature, how can he be attracted by reputation and wealth?”64 In the same poem, he introduced Lao-tzu’s philosophy: “when we have much, we show only a little. Only the virtuous man can attain his goal.”65 As these works show, Cao Cao was clearly influenced by religious Taoism and philosophical Taoism, especially his later works. If Cao Cao’s poetry about immortals had not been written, his works would not have gained such renown. About the features of Chinese literature, Lin Yutang wrote: “there are two categories in Chinese literature. The first is ‘moral preaching,’ which transmits truth and the Tao. The second is the expression of feelings.”66 Furthermore, the first transmitted Confucianism, whereas the second introduced philosophical Taoism, religious Taoism, and even Buddhism. In Cao Cao’s works, we can find the first two, but Buddhism is not present. According to Lin Yutang, “all literary works are the expression of the author’s heart. This can even be applied to speculative works. Only the works that come directly from the heart deserve to be remembered in eternity.”67 Cao Cao’s most important works concerned Taoism and feelings. It is impossible for scholars who study the political history of the late Eastern Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms not to take Taoism into account. Moreover, the study of the relationship between Cao Cao and Taoism sheds light on this obscure period. The study of Cao Cao’s use of the Taoist regimen enables us to know the practice of self-cultivation and the contribution of Taoism to ancient Chinese medicine. The influence of Taoism on Cao Cao can be seen in his works, which were neglected by early scholars. In brief, the study of the relationship between Cao Cao and Taoism helps us to understand politics, military history, medicine, and literature at the end of the Han Dynasty and the beginning of the Wei Dynasty.

64 65 66 67

Cao Cao ji, “Shanzai xing.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 10. Idem. Lin Yutang, Wuguo yu wumin. Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1990, p. 197. Idem, p. 198.

THE TAOIST CONCEPT OF THE “SIX HEAVENS” Wang Zongyu1 Origin of the Concept of “Six Heavens” The most ancient records of the “Six Heavens” in official history and Confucian classics that I found are Kong Yingda’s annotation of the Liji and Jiu Tangshu.2 In the chapter “Jiaotesheng 郊特牲” of the Liji it says: The word jiao 郊 [suburb], used by ancient Confucians, had two meanings. According to the Shengzheng lun 圣证论, jiao and the Round Knoll 圆丘 are identical, since there was only one Heaven. For Zheng Xuan, there exist Six Heavens, and jiao and the Round Knoll are different from them. Now I will analyze Zheng Xuan’s theory and answers, putting forth Wang Su’s theory. According to Zheng Xuan, there are Six Heavens. However, Heaven is the most venerable and should be unique. The reason why Zheng Xuan thought the Heavens were six comes from the creative characteristic of the unique and venerable Heaven through the system of the Five Agents. Five plus one is six.3

A report by the Master of Rite, Xu Jingzong, was quoted in the chapter “Treatise on Rites” in the Jiu Tangshu: In the seventh month of the second year of the Zhenguan reign, the Master of Rite Xu Jingzong with his assistants sent a report to the throne saying: according to the rules of cults and rites, and also Zheng Xuan’s theory of the Six Heavens, the sacrifice for the Highest Lord of Limitless

1 I would like to express my gratitude to Professor Kristofer Schipper of Leiden University, who is a great admirer of Chinese culture and who, with my tutor Tang Yijie, facilitated my research at Leiden University. He pointed out the significance of materials such as the Santian neijie jing and inspired my approach in this chapter. The interpretation and choice of documents, however, are solely my responsibility. 2 The Daojiao dacidian 道教大辞典 (Great Taoist Dictionary) published by Huaxia Press quoted the Xiaojing 孝经’s (Classic of Filial Piety) sentence “offer sacrifice to King Wen in the Hall of Light beside the Six Heavens and High Lord” for its entry on “Six Heavens”. However, for the same sentence in the Xiaojing annotated by Kong Anguo and Zheng Xuan and often quoted by historians before the Tang Dynasty, there was no “Six Heaven.” I wonder what is the source of the Daojiao dacidian. 3 Shisanjing zhushu 十三经注疏 (The Thirteen Classics, annotated), Peking, Zhonghua shuju, 1980, p. 1444.

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wang zongyu Heaven 昊天上帝 should be made on the Round Knoll; the sacrifice for the Responsive Lord of Great Tenuity 太微感帝 should be made in the Northern Suburb; the sacrifice for the Five Lords of Great Tenuity should be made in the Hall of Light. In my opinion, Zheng Xuan’s theory was founded on the apocrypha (wei 纬). What he called the Six Heavens were stars, whereas the Highest Lord of Limitless Heaven did not belong to the universe. So the authors of the annotations of the Yueling 月令 and Zhouguan 周官 insisted that the Highest Lord of Limitless Heaven, worshipped on the Round Knoll, was in fact Beichen yaoguibao 北辰耀瑰宝 [Bright Treasure of the Northern Star]. Having examined this theory, I find it does not hold. It was written in the Zhouyi: the sun and moon belong to the sky, all cereals and plants belong to the earth. There are stars in the sky and forms in the earth. It is very clear that stars are not the sky and plants are not the earth. We find in the Maoshi zhuan 毛诗传: the Original Qi is great and limitless, hence its name of Limitless Heaven. Here it is Green Heaven, which does not belong to the stars. Moreover, Heaven and Earth are separated, what we call the Two Polars. There is no second Heaven; how can there be six?4

From the texts above, the theory of the “Six Heavens” was a Confucian interpretation of official rites as put forth by Zheng Xuan. The aforementioned texts are no proof that Zheng Xuan initiated this theory; this name was only given by Wang Su to Zheng Xuan’s theory. Although, we cannot find the “Six Heavens” in Zheng Xuan’s annotations on the Xiaojing, Liji, and Zhouguan 周官 [Officials of Zhou], we can assume that Zheng Xuan proposed a similar theory as long as we understand its significance and examine it in historical sources. The sacrifice di 禘, which was dedicated to celestial gods by ancient emperors, existed for quite some time. Heaven was the ancestor of all the emperors and their clans. Zheng Xuan explained the significance of “di” in his annotation of the chapter “Dazhuan 大传” of the Liji: “this momentous sacrifice was to celebrate the birth of the ancestor, what we call the jiao Sacrifice to Heaven.”5 It certainly embodied some historical view of clan or government. This Heaven was called the Highest Lord of Great Heaven 皇天上帝 or the Highest Lord of Limitless Heaven in later times. The Five Emperors were also considered the ancestors of all emperors, who were probably born of historical ideas of clan or government. According to historian Xu Xusheng 徐旭生, the name “Five Emperors” did not appear until the early 4 5

Jiu Tangshu, Peking, Zhonghua shuju, punctuated edition, 1989, p. 823. Shisanjing zhushu, p. 1506.

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period of the Warring States era, and cannot be found in the Zuozhuan 左传, Guoyu, Lunyu, Mozi, or Mengzi.6 Even a long time after the appearance of the term, its significance remained doubtful. It referred at first to five legendary emperors called the “Five Personal Emperors.” The concept of the “Emperors of the Five Directions” developed from the theory of the Five Agents. We cannot be sure that the concept of the “Emperors of the Five Directions” was influenced by that of the “Five Personal Emperors.” According to the chapter “Fengshan shu 封禅书” (The Feng and Shan sacrifices) of the Shiji: The second year, Liu Bang attacked Xiang Ji in the East. After invading the Guanzhong region, he asked: in the Qin dynasty, which lord was the cult of the Highest Lord dedicated to? He was given this answer: to four lords. There was a cult of the White Lord, the Green Lord, the Yellow Lord, and the Red Lord. Liu Ban went on to ask: I heard there were five lords in Heaven. Why did you have only four? No one could give him an answer. Liu Bang said: I know. I am the fifth. Then he created the cult of the Black Lord and called it the “Northern Altar.” However, it was an official who was in charge of this cult in his place. Liu Bang recruited all the ritual officials of the Qin dynasty and created the post of Great Supplicator and Great Chancellor. The rules of the old rites were followed.7

This record showed not only that the cult of the Five Emperors in the Qin dynasty was still incomplete, but also that the Emperors of the Five Directions Liu Bang mentioned were not the same as the Five Personal Emperors. On this point, see the analysis made by Xu Xusheng.8 Nevertheless, if Liu Bang questioned the cult of the Four Emperors and transformed it into the cult of the Five Emperors, he was certainly influenced by the concept of the five directions. The rules of ancient Chinese imperial rites were based on the Confucian interpretation of the Qin and Han dynasties and later Confucian literati abided by them. However, the application of these rules was

6 Xu Xusheng, Zhongguo gushi de chuanshuo shidai, revised and enlarged edition, Peking, Kexue chubanshe, 1960, p. 19. 7 Shiji, Beijing, Zhonghua shuju, punctuated edition, 1982, p. 1378. Yang Kuan wrote: “the cult of the Five Colours and Five Emperors of the Directions appeared late in the Spring and Autumn Period.” See Gushi bian 古史辨, Kaiming shudian, first edition, 1941, vol. 7, p. 250. In mentioning this passage, Yang Kuan suggested Qin deduced Qinshihuang already knew the Five Lords. I find his suggestion inappropriate. 8 Xu Xusheng, Zhongguo gushi de chuanshuo shidai, p. 207.

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not precise. That is supported by the chapter “Fengshan shu” of the Shiji, which presented the rites from Shun 舜 and of the Zhou dynasty: “After he became Chancellor, the Duke of Zhou ordered the worship of Houji 后稷 with the jiao sacrifice beside the shrine of Heaven and of King Wen of Zhou in the Hall of Light beside the Highest Lord’s shrine. From Yu the Great onward, the cult of she 社 was established. Houji was in charge of agriculture, that was the reason why this cult had been established. As to the jiao and she sacrifices, they were even more ancient.”9 Ma Duanlin commented on the evolution of imperial rites under the Han dynasty and Sima Qian’s intention: “the Western Han dynasty inherited the rules of the jiao sacrifice of the Qin dynasty mixing it with magicians’ theories. Taiyi and the Five Emperors were worshipped together under the name of ‘Jiao Sacrifice for Heaven’.” Sima Qian wrote the chapter “Fengshan shu,” listing the cults under the Qin and Han dynasties that had not been in official documents. According to him, Shun was worshipped beside the Highest Lord and the Jiao sacrifice of the Three Ancient Dynasties was more ancient.10 As a historian, Sima Qian had probably no intention of describing this system of rites as a model for later dynasties, yet they took it as such. In “Fengshan shu” we are told that the sacrifice to Taiyi was established under the reign of Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty. Taiyi was the Heavenly Lord and the gods of the five directions were his assistants.11 Around the altar to Taiyi erected by Emperor Wu, the altars of the Five Emperors were installed in the five directions.12 The system of the “Six Heavens” was formed at that time. These six altars were dedicated to the gods and given the names that we have seen above in the apocrypha. Ma Duanlin commented: Ban Gu gave his chapter on rites the name of “Treatise of the Jiao Sacrifice” because in the Han dynasty people believed the sacrifice of the Three Ancient Dynasties had been dedicated to Taiyi and the Five Emperors and that there were Six Heavens. Then they followed Sima Qian and Ban Gu’s arguments and worshipped the six gods with the jiao sacrifice. Zheng Xuan, when he commented on these two rites, indicated each time the name of the emperor, if he was linked to the sacrifice to

Shiji, p. 1357. Wenxian tongkao 文献通考, chapter “Jiaosi kao 郊祀考”, Shanghai, Shangwu yinshuguan, 1936, p. 611. 11 Shiji, pp. 1386–1401. 12 Idem, p. 1394. 9

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Heaven. There was not one Heaven only or one emperor, so there was not one ancestor only worshipped beside Heaven’s shrines. Then he explained the jiao sacrifice now for one emperor, then for five emperors, and with one ancestor beside. This problem probably arose because he annotated the classics with the apocrypha and confused the Qin and Han dynasties and the Three Ancient Dynasties. However, the sacrifice to the Six Heavens was followed by the Han people, while the theory of the Six Heavens was advocated by Sima Qian and Ban Gu, so Zheng Xuan was not at the origin of this mistake. Zheng Xuan annotated the Liji thus: “the ancestors of kings were all born from the essence of the Five Emperors of Great Tenuity. The green one was called Lingweiyang 灵威仰, Chibiaonu 赤熛怒 was the red one, Hanshuniu 含枢纽 the yellow one, Baizhaoju 白招拒 the white one, and Zhiguangji 汁光纪 the black one. A jiao sacrifice was dedicated to them in the first month in order to honor them.” According to the Xiaojing, the jiao sacrifice was dedicated to Houji beside the shrine of Heaven and Lingweiyang, while the zong sacrifice was dedicated to King Wen of Zhou in the Hall of Light beside the Highest Lord and Five Emperors.13

In his annotation of Zheng Xuan’s annotation of the Xiaojing, Pi Xirui presented the idea of the lord with responsive powers being able to give birth. For him, the Responsive lord and the Emperors of the Five Directions were linked, but each had his own significant role.14 The idea of “being impregnated by Heaven, then giving birth to a human” could already be found in the Jiangyuan legend. Following the concept of the Five Agents, it was their essence that had an important role. The emperors’ ancestors were simply born of Heaven. This idea was often used to explain the origin of clans and their founders. Zhen Xuan perfectly understood the objective of Confucian sacrifice to Heaven. Annotating the sentence “there is no better action to honor one’s father than worshipping beside Heaven’s shrine,” he wrote, “Respect him when he is alive and worship him after he is dead.”15 For him, the Responsive emperors of the five Directions were linked to the five emperors of human origin. In his annotation of the chapter “Xiao zongbo 小宗伯” in the Zhouli 周礼 he wrote: “the Five Emperors included the green one called Lingweiyang, whose shrine is next to Taihao; the red one called Chibiaonu, whose shrine is next to Yan Emperor; the yellow one called Hanshuniu, whose shrine is next

13 14 15

Shisanjing zhushu, p. 1506. Pi Xirui, Xiaojing zhengzhu shu 孝经郑注疏, vol. 3, p. 4. Shisanjing zhushu, p. 1.

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to the Yellow Emperor; the white one called Baizhaoju, whose shrine is next to Shaohao; the black one called Zhiguangji, whose shrine is next to Zhuangxu.”16 The Confucian theory of the “Six Heavens” was evidently Zheng Xuan’s interpretation of the official rites studied in the apocrypha. He tried to reorganize the earlier official points of view on history and to create his own system. This interpretation can even be considered an overall interpretation of Confucianism after the “burning of the books and burying of the Confucians” during the Qin dynasty. Wang Su studied Zheng Xuan’s theory. He used the term “Six Heavens” to criticize the latter. Using his power as one of the emperor’s relatives, he abolished the sacrifice to the five celestial lords. But Zheng Xuan’s “Six Heavens” theory stood fast among Confucians. Henceforth, imperial sacrifices oscillated between Zheng Xuan’s theory and Wang Su’s, and the “Six Heavens” became the synonym for the sacrifice advocated by Zheng Xuan. More than a thousand years after the decline of the Han dynasty, the Song dynasty philosophers Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi, and Zhu Xi interpreted Heaven with the character li 理 and never mentioned the “Six Heavens,” which was gradually forgotten until the reign of Qianlong and Jiaqing in the Qing dynasty, when the revival of the Han philosophy allowed Confucians to rediscover it. Hang Shijun collected the theories of Han and Song philosophers on the “Six Heavens” in Xu Liji jishuo 续礼记集说 [Supplement to the Collection of the Commentaries on Liji], which can be used as a reference. Taoist Criticism of the “Six Heavens” We are told from the texts above that the “Six Heavens” referred to the system of bloody sacrifices from the Zhou dynasty onward and became the basis of Chinese official politics and ideology. The Confucian ritual system was based on it. The objects of sacrifice reflected official historical points of view from the Han dynasty, which also formed the “accumulated mainstream historiography of Chinese antiquity,” a hypothesis suggested by the Doubting Antiquity School 古史辨派. The first meaning of the Taoist “Six Heavens” had a Confucian origin; however Taoists endowed it with new meanings through their

16

Idem, p. 766.

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criticism. The most representative ancient Taoist scripture was the first juan of the Santian neijie jing 三天内解经 (Scripture of the Inner Explication of the Three Heavens). Written in the Liu Song dynasty, it undermined the “Six Heavens” and at the same time presented Taoist historical points of view and the characteristics of Taoist rituals. This scripture deals with the history of Lao-tzu’s preaching. After the birth of Lao-tzu from vacuity, he spread the concepts of xuan 玄, yuan 元, and shi 始—the three qi—and created the universe and beings. Then he preached the Tao of Non-action, the Tao of Buddhism, and the Tao of Purity and Simplicity in the time of Fuxi and Nüwua. After that, despite his multiple transformations, his preaching and profane official politics, also called the “Six Heavens,” were always in concordance before the end of the Han dynasty. According to the Santian neijie jing, when Lao-tzu preached the three Tao, “the governance of the Six Heavens was imposed and the three teachings were largely propagated. Lao-tzu was crowned emperor and given the role of national master. At that time, Fuxi was called Yuhua zi 郁华子, Zhurong 祝融 was called Guangshou zi 广寿子 . . . Lao-tzu transformed himself 9 times or 24 times a day. His multiple transformations were too numerous to be noted. By the time of King You of Zhou, Lao-tzu knew the governance of Zhou was about to decline. He disheveled his hair, faked madness, and left Zhou.”17 Thus, the divergence between Lao-tzu and the Six Heavens appeared during the Zhou dynasty. The history of the Zhou dynasty was described as follows: “in the time of Lower Antiquity, the moral values of society were worsening day by day. Evil was rife. People offered sacrifices to demons and did not distinguish the true from the false.” The scriptures, such as Tao Te Ching, Laozi zhongjing, and Taiping jing, that Lao-tzu preached after his departure from the Zhou were opposed to the governance of the Six Heavens. But Lao-tzu always wanted to put the Six Heavens in the right way. He sent Yu Ji, Li Wei, Wang Fangping, and Dongfang Shuo to help the Six Heavens do away with evil qi, but this was in vain. On the first day of the fifth month of the first year renwu of the Han’an reign (142 CE) he spoke with the Taoist Zhang Daoling in the grotto of Quting Mountain in the Shu region and then visited the Newly Appeared Most High of Great Governance of Kunlun. The

17 The Taoist scriptures quoted in this paper are all from the Hanfenlou edition. I will indicate the number of the volume or the page only exceptionally.

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latter said people were not afraid of reality but of evil demons; so he called himself Newly Appeared Most High. He conferred on Zhang Daoling the title of Master of Three Heavens and Equal Qi of Orthodox Unity of the Capital of Great Mystery and transmitted to him the Tao of the Covenant with the Powers of Orthodox Unity. At the same time, he abolished the system of the Six Heavens and the three Tao and imposed the system of the Three Heavens. All vanity was eliminated and simplicity was introduced in order to return to perfection and receive the rules and true scriptures from the Most High. This story from the Santian neijie jing tried to give a logical explanation for the origins of Taoism. The reason why the Old Lord decided to break away from the system of the Six Heavens was that in that system “humans mixed with demons” and this state of things reached its climax during the Han dynasty. According to the same scripture, “under the Han dynasty, evil ran wild, the qi of the Six Heavens became aggressive, the three Tao were mixed, malevolent qi filled the world, and shamans were revered. People abandoned the real to follow the false. They sang, danced, and killed domestic animals to offer sacrifices to demons.” The last two sentences were crucial criticism of the Six Heavens. The radical divergence between Taoism and the Six Heavens consisted in their attitudes toward blood sacrifices for the dead. According to the Santian neijie jing, the Old Lord, when he transmitted the Tao of the Covenant with the Powers of Orthodox Unity, established the “Orthodox Law of Three Heavens,” including “it is prohibited to offer sacrifices to other spirits; gods do not accept sacrifices and Taoist masters do not accept money. It is prohibited to have illicit sexual intercourse and to steal. When one treats patients, it is prohibited to drink wine or eat meat. People are only allowed to offer sacrifices to ancestors and parents during the five la 腊 days. The Orthodox Law of the Three Heavens does not allow the offering of sacrifices to the gods of the Earth, she and the Stove, zao 灶 in the second and eighth month.” This doctrine was called pure rule, qingyue 清约 in Taoism. The Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe 陆先生道门科略 (Abridged Codes for the Taoist Community by Master Lu Xiujing) clearly states: “[g]ods do not accept sacrifices and Taoist masters do not accept money. That is what we call the pure rule.” Similar rules can also be found in the Taishang zhengyi mengwei falu 太上正一盟威法箓 [Ritual Register of the Covenant with the Powers of Orthodox Unity from the Most High] and in scriptures of the

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Lingbao School.18 In the “Ten Commandments of High Grade” listed in the Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui zuigen shangpin dajie jing 太上洞 玄灵宝智慧罪根上品大戒经 [Scripture on the Great Precepts of the Upper Levels on Wisdom and the Roots of Transgression from Numinous Treasure of the Great High Cavern Mystery], the seventh was “it is prohibited to kill to offer sacrifices to the spirits of the Six Heavens”—see also Benxing suyuan jing 本行宿缘经 and Taishang dongxuan lingbao sanyuan yujing xuandu daxian jing 太上洞玄灵宝三元玉京玄都大献经 (Scripture of the Great Offering in the Capital of Mystery on (Mount) Jade Capital for the Days of the Three Principles). From the systematic presentation of Taoist historical points of view in the Santian neijie jing, we see the important role that ritual rules played in the Taoist doctrinal system. We can also find, through Taoist criticism of the Six Heavens, that this doctrine was in opposition to the Confucian ritual system from the Zhou dynasty, which used blood sacrifices, precious objects, and music.19 In fact, the hostility of Taoists toward blood sacrifice can already be found in the chapter “Neipian” in Ge Hong’s Baopu zi. To show the difference between Taoism and Confucianism, Ge Hong wrote, in the chapter “Mingben 明本”: “Confucians offer sacrifices to ask for benefits, whereas Taoists follow the right way to drive away evil.”20 The evil that Taoists wanted to drive away most likely included objects of Confucian sacrifice, because Ge Hong said spirits that enjoyed blood sacrifices belonged to “evil qi.”21 He noted the harm done in sacrifices in the chapters “Daoyi 道意” and “Qinqiu 勤求”: “the way to longevity 18 The ritual rules in these three scriptures are different. It was written in the Taishang zhengyi mengwei falu: “offer sacrifice to ancestors and parents in the five la days, to the Stove and the she on the same day of the second and eighth month. It is prohibited to offer sacrifice to other spirits.” It was written in the Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe: “the emperor offers sacrifice to Heaven; the three dukes offer sacrifice to the Five Great Mountains; the marquis offer sacrifice to mountains and rivers; people offer sacrifice to ancestors and parents in five la days, to the stove and the she on the second and eighth month. All other sacrifices are prohibited.” These two scriptures allowed the sacrifice to the stove and the she in the second and eighth month, but not the case of the Santian neijie jing which dated from the same period as the Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe. So there are probably some missing passages in the Santian neijie jing. Lu Xiujing’s permission of the sacrifice to the Six Heavens can be taken as a concession towards the central government. 19 Ōfuchi Ninji noticed this issue when studying the Dongyuan shenzhou jing. He gave the name “bloodless sacrifice” to this Taoist rule. See his Shoki no Dōkyō: Dōkyō shi no kenkyū 初期の道教-道教史の研究, Tōkyō: Sōbunsha, 1991, p. 525. 20 Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, Beijing, Zhonghua shuju, 1980, p. 170. 21 Idem, p. 76.

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is not to offer sacrifice to spirits” and “longevity relies on medicine instead of sacrifices.”22 His criticism of sacrifices offered by emperors of the Qin and Han dynasties, who were seeking to attain longevity, showed that these actions were not part of Taoism. However, his discussion was not coherent. Moreover, he confused the Taoist interdiction of sacrifices and the interdiction of sacrifices by the government, which made his opinion even less clear.23 Ge Hong’s arguments have been ignored because scholars have not paid attention to the different views of Taoism and Confucianism regarding sacrifices. It is clear that Ge Hong’s discourse about sacrifice was based on Taoist doctrines, which may have become official after the creation of a Taoist community. Compared with the Santian neijie jing and Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe, Ge Hong’s interpretation was more personal, but it still corresponded to the Taoist classics. His criticism of the Tao of Li 李家道, “which was not pure and simple,”24 provides us with new historical material that was different from the Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe and called our attention to the synonym for qing in qingyue 清约 and qingsheng 清 省. Moreover, his Taoist techniques for driving away “demons who enjoy blood sacrifice” was related to objects in the Confucian sacrifices criticized by Taoism.25 Although, in the chapter “Duisu 对俗,” Ge Hong said Taoism would not threaten the Confucian ritual system, the passages above and in the chapter “Duisu” showed Taoists were not allowed to offer sacrifices.26 Taoist criticism of blood sacrifice aimed in fact at sacrifices for the dead (except for ancestors). Taoist gods were transformed by qi, not like mortal bodies. Thus, they did not accept blood sacrifices. In the Santian neijie jing it says: “the Tao issued from non-existence, which was limitless and immense. There was no first impetus. Nature was born from vacuity and transformed itself into the Tao. The Venerable Man of Virtue was born before the Original Qi. He embodies the superiority

Idem, pp. 68, 233. Idem, p. 157. 24 Idem, p. 158. The text is: “there are also hundreds of heterodox Taoist Schools which advocate killing for blood sacrifice. Only the Tao of Li which follows Nonaction is better. However, the cost of its sumptuous offerings and food is high. It is not pure and simple and should be prohibited.” 25 Idem, p. 287. 26 Idem, p. 45. The text is: “If immortality can be realized by studying, immortals will fly to the sky, leaving this world and abandoning sacrifices, and ancestors will be hungry.” 22 23

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of the Tao and is called the Venerable Man of Virtue for that reason. Then there was the Most High Old Lord of Limitless Great Tao and Highest Three Heavens of Great Clarity and Mysterious Origin, the Celestial Emperor Lord of Virtual Venerable Man, the Lord of Immortal Capital of Nine Old Men, the Venerable Man of Nine Qi, millions of Taoist qi, one thousand and two hundred officials, and the Jade Emperor of Great Clarity. Petitions sent to Gods in Great Clarity (Heaven) nowadays are all addressed to such Pure Gods.” The objects of Confucian sacrifice were all dead men. Even legendary figures were regarded as men and accepted sacrifices after death. This was not the case for Taoism. In the Taishang laojun xuwu ziran benqi jing 太上老君虚无自然本起经 [Scripture of the Origins of the Void Spontaneity by the Most High Old Lord ] it says: “the Tao is non-existence. Thus there is neither sacrifice nor killing.” From the Santian neijie jing we are told that this idea of immortality rested on a body of doctrines. It is still difficult to know the degree of popularity of this Taoist doctrine in ancient Taoism. But the qi, the origin of immortals and humans, is a recurrent subject in Taoist scriptures and we can find its origin in ancient philosophical Taoism. It was prohibited to install icons in Taoist meditation halls. That showed the long history of this tradition. It is possible that Non-existence and Nature, advocated by ancient Taoist philosophers, sprang from a certain popular religious doctrine. This opposition between Confucianism and Taoism in terms of doctrine represented their historical points of view, which could be used for their religious purposes, as in the case of the Santian neijie jing. In the chapter “Xuanhua 宣化” of his Nanbeichao tianshidao kao changbian 南北朝天师道考长编, Chen Guofu quoted the Santian neijie jing, Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe, and other Taoist texts to describe the characteristics of Taoist rituals. Chen Guofu emphasized the important role of these texts in Taoist doctrine. Nevertheless, among these texts, only one record from Laozi xiang’er zhu indicated that Taoism prohibited sacrifices. Other texts focused their criticism on the spirits. These texts proved that the Lingbao and Shangqing Schools were all opposed to blood sacrifice. It is to be noted that Chen Guofu took this criticism as the opposition between “the old law of shamanism and the governance of the Six Heavens” and “the orthodox law of the Three Heavens.” In my opinion, the “Six Heavens” in the Santian neijie jing referred to Confucianism, even though it mentioned shamanism. Taoist criticism of the “Six Heavens” can be found in other important Taoist scriptures. Dadao jia lingjie 大道家令戒 [Commands and

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Admonitions for the Family of the Great Dao], for instance, cited a similar history to that of the Santian neijie jing: “[f ]rom the Yellow Emperor, people became deceptive. They rode on bulls and horses and used bribes to obtain official positions. Morality was undermined and finally disappeared under the reign of the Five Emperors. In the Three Periods of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, people sought profit. From the Spring and Autumn Period to the Qin dynasty, people murdered each other. The number of the dead was too large to be counted. That was due to their disbelief in the Tao. The Tao is the master of emperors forever, but emperors did not follow it. That was why they had to face the downfall of their power, exile, and death. The Tao honors human life. It was revealed at the end of the Zhou dynasty, observed in Langya 琅琊 province, and transmitted to Yu Ji. . . . From the Spring and Autumn Period onward, society was on the decline. The Han rulers received the celestial mandate with the help of the Tao. The scripture of Huangshi 黄石 was revealed and transmitted to Zhang Liang. The Tao is often transformed; who can recognize it? The foundation of the Han dynasty was the beginning of an apocalyptic period. People sought wealth and fought one another. The Tao left the people to their fate forever. Hence Heaven’s transmission of qi to the Newly Appeared Old Lord to rule people.” In the Nüqing guilü 女青鬼律 (Code of Nüqing for (Controlling ) Demons) it says: “[t]he Bottomless Spirit of High Heaven, his name is imperial among all spirits; he leads the spirits of all directions.” There also exist “the Spirits of Direct Talisman and Five Directions,” who are the Eastern Green Emperor, Southern Red Emperor, Western White Emperor, Northern Black Emperor, and Middle Yellow Emperor. They have no specific name, like “Lingweiyang.” So the Bottomless Spirit of High Heaven might be called the Highest Lord of Limitless Heaven, who is most certainly linked to imperial sacrifice because “his name is imperial.” The Nüqing guilü listed the spirits of the Six Heavens, which were worshipped from the Zhou dynasty as the Spirit of Five Great Mountains, Spirit of the Nine Rivers, Spirit of the Three Waters, Spirit of the Four Ditches, and Spirit of Jade and Soil of Great Heaven and High Lord. The presence of “the Spirit of Blood Sacrifice” reflected the Taoist opposition to blood sacrifice. The objects of sacrifice of the Six Heavens were henceforth put in the category of spirits. At the end of the fifth chapter of the Nüqing guilü there is the following rule: “do not offer sacrifices to ancient qi; neither call spirits.” The “ancient qi” referred to “beheaded generals,” whose souls have

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left the human qi. Another meaning of the “ancient qi” was a deity worshipped in imperial sacrifice. The Most High abolished the “Six Heavens,” which had once been in harmony with Taoism; so it was called “ancient qi.” In the Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing 太上正一咒鬼 经 [Collection of Incantation Spells for Exorcism of the Orthodox Unity, by the Most High] we find: “[a]rrest all evil spirits who enjoy blood sacrifices.” According to this text, if people ask for the safety of their family and happiness, they should invite deities and “generals” home so as to drive away the “spirits of blood sacrifice and ancient qi.” The Daoyao lingqi shengui pin jing 道要灵祇神鬼品经 [Scripture of Taoist Principal Deities and Spirits] quoted the Dongyuan jing 洞渊经 [Scripture of Cavern Abyss]: “[t]he Tao said: from Fuxi’s time, bodies of dead generals are deformed. Soldiers who died in war are numerous. There are special corpses whose bones are separated and heads are cut off. Some corpses have a body, but no head; some have feet, but no head; and some have a mouth, but no eyes. They are millions in number and travel to the mountains and rivers. They travel with Li Zi’ao on clouds to the sea and everywhere. They ride the wind and birds and catch chickens and dogs. They become demons and ask for blood sacrifices.” The author of the Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing criticized a certain “heterodox Tao,” noting “Eastern Heterodox Tao is Green Dragon, Southern Eastern Heterodox Tao is Fire Flame, Western Eastern Heterodox Tao is the White Tiger who roars, Northern Eastern Heterodox Tao is the Xuanwu whose tail falls, and Middle Eastern Heterodox Tao is the Yellow Emperor.”27 The official sacrifice to the Five Emperors of Great Tenuity was certainly criticized by the Taoism of the Heavenly Master. The Nüqing guilü and Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing are scriptures from that Taoist School. So the definition of the “Six Heavens” was provided by

27 The concept of “Five Emperors of the Directions” needs to be defined according to Taoist Schools. For example, the Dongxuan lingbao wulao shezhao beifeng guimo chishu yujue 洞玄灵宝五老摄召北鄷鬼魔赤书玉诀 referred to the five demons of directions including the “Demon Green Emperor,” the “Demon Red Emperor,” the “Demon Yellow Emperor” and the “Demon Black Emperor” which must be chased away. However, in the text, they are called also “emperors.” This scripture is a part of the first volume of Yuanshi wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu jing 元始五老赤书玉篇真文 天书经. The Lingbao titles of the Original Five Old Lords are in fact identical to the names of the Five Emperors of Great Tenuity. Although this scripture also criticized the “Six Heavens,” the “Six Heavens” was only a general reference, not a specific reference as shown in the Nüqing guilü and other scriptures.

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the Heavenly Master of Taoism. In Taoism the “Six Heavens” represented official politics and were the domain of demons. Influenced by the criticism of the Heavenly Master, many Taoist scriptures regarded the Six Heavens as the most obnoxious enemy. When Taoists preached and sent reports for killing demons, their final purpose was to eliminate the Six Heavens. Taoists created the Chu liutian yuwen santian zhengfa 除六天玉文三天正法 [Orthodox Law of Three Heavens and Jade Text for Eliminating Six Heavens],” a text now preserbed in the Taishang santian zhengfa jing 太上三天正法经 [Scripture of the Orthodox Law of Three Heavens and Most High] collected in the Taoist Canon.28 This scripture stated: “Taoists must follow the Orthodox Law of the Three Heavens and get rid of the evil of the Six Heavens.” Although in this scripture the notion of “Three Heavens” is hollow, not specific as the “pure rule” proposed by Lu Xiujing, it referred also to the politics of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties. The Shangqing canon also includes texts such as the Dongzhen taishang shenhu yinwen 洞真太上神 虎隐文 [Hidden Text of Divine Tiger of Most High from the Authenticity Cavern], Dongzhen taishang hufu zhenwen jing 洞真太上虎符真文经 [Scripture of True Text and Tiger Symbol of Most High from the Authenticity Cavern], and Dongzhen taishang shuo zhihui xiaomo zhenjing 洞真太上说智慧消魔真经 [Perfect Scripture of Wisdom Eliminating Demon Taught by Most High from the Authenticity Cavern], which all aimed to attack the Six Heavens. At the beginning of the Dongzhen taishang shuo zhihui xiaomo zhenjing it says: “[t]his scripture was used for driving away demons, curing patients, eliminating spirits, getting rid of the evil qi of the Six Heavens, and defeating all ghosts . . . demons of the Six Heavens trouble the truth with disease.” The function of these scriptures was “to drive away the qi of the Six Heavens” because they taught wisdom and were used for eliminating demons. “Wisdom can be used for driving away spirits. The golden talisman of the divine tiger (also called the great talisman of divine tiger, or the real talisman of golden tiger) is given (to adepts receiving this scripture) to attack the Six Heavens.” There

28 My argument is as follows: most of the Chu liutian yuwen santian zhengfa listed in Ōfuchi Ninji and Masako Ishii’s Daojiao jingdian mulu suoyin 道教经典目录索引 comes from the Taishang santian zhengfa jing. The most important argument is presented in the eighth volume of the Yunji qiqian in which we find the Chu liutian yuwen santian zhengfa but not the Taishang santian zhengfa jing in the category Shangqing. Obviously, these two scriptures are the same.

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were also other names linked to the Six Heavens such as the “Big Demon of Six Heavens” (in Jinpian hufu jing 金篇虎符经 and Shenhu yinwen 神虎隐文), the “Big Evil King of Six Heavens” (in Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing), and the “Big Demon King of Six Heavens” (in Taishang taixiao langshu jing 太上太霄琅书经 and Sanshijiu zhangjing 三十九章经). With the evolution of Taoist theories, the theory of the Taoist cycle was born and linked closely to its condemnation of the Six Heavens. According to Taoism, the cycle of the Six Heavens followed that of Fuxi and was created by the Most High who often sent perfect men to “help the Six Heavens get rid of evil qi.” In that time, the governance of Six Heavens had not met its end. The Newly Appeared Old Lord promulgated the Tao of the Covenant with the Powers of Orthodox Unity and Orthodox Law of Three Heavens and announced the end of the governance of the Six Heavens and the beginning of a new era. Those who followed this Tao would become seed people. Henceforth, the Six Heavens became synonymous with apocalypse. Its denunciation became a part of Taoist propaganda, which preached that Taoism corresponded to celestial will, created a new era, and saved people. The apocalypse of the Six Heavens was a recurrent subject in the scriptures of the Taoism of the Heavenly Master. One of the features of the apocalypse was that demons were sent by the Most High to inflict punishments. In the Zhengyi tianshi gao Zhao Sheng koujue 正一天 师告赵升口诀 [Oral Formula Taught by Heavenly Master of Orthodox Unity to Zhao Sheng] it says: “[t]he Most High said: now the world is on the decline and the old cycle will come to its end. People have been angry and disobedient for a long time. That is why I send calamity into the world causing millions of deaths.” Some of the content of the Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing was similar to that of the Nüqing guilü, which advocated casting spells on the demon’s name to fight it. The notion of apocalypse also existed in the Nüqing guilü, which preached “keeping from great calamity and escaping from disaster” and that the “world would be saved and people would become seed people” ( juan 5). This notion was not as developed as that in the Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing, however. Certainly, there was more than one interpretation of the demons of the Six Heavens. In the Taishang santian zhengfa jing it says: “[t]he Lord of Great Tao and Most High sent spirit soldiers to drive away evil men of the Three Generations.” This was a significant scripture, which criticized the

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Six Heavens using the theory of apocalypse. However, there was no idea of “sending calamity into the world,” which actually influenced the Taoist theory of the Six Heavens. The Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing was the product of this influence and indeed exaggerated it. This scripture states: “3,000 years after the reign of Fuxi, there was a big flood and half the people died. . . . After the fall of the Zhou and Qin dynasties, almost all the people died. In the Han and Wei dynasties, people lost their homes and half of them died.” ( juan 1) For the author, the governance of the Six Heavens was a terrible time. According to this scripture, there were also demons in the Six Heavens: “she gods in mountains and forests, popular spirits, dead generals, and unregistered ghosts come to help the king of the demons to harm people.” It would be pointless to look for proofs of the Six Heavens in this scripture because it was the product of Taoist ideology and the social situation at the end of the Western Jin dynasty. Apart from the “Devil King of the Six Heavens,” the “Devil King of the Three Heavens” and “Devil King of the Nine Heavens” were created in this scripture. By contrast, the sense of “apocalypse” of the Six Heavens was clearer in the Taishang santian zhengfa jing. The latter presented the same history as other Taoist scriptures, such as the Nüqing guilü, indicating the apocalyptic end of the Six Heavens and inevitability of the Orthodox Law of the Three Heavens and Jade Text for Eliminating the Six Heavens, which would get rid of devils. Whether the Six Heavens was always a demon world or, only after having received the Old Lord’s order, the kings of the Six Heavens rebelled and caused the Most High to send calamity into the world, in any case, apocalypse was one of the meanings of the term “Six Heavens,” as showed by “the Six Heavens fell and the Three Tao rise” (in the Sanshijiu zhenjing) and “the cycle of the Three Heaven is beginning and that of the Six Heavens is ended” (in the Dongzhen taishang badao minji jing 洞真太上 八道命籍经). As we showed above, the Six Heavens, which had originally been part of Confucian vocabulary and referred to a system of sacrifices, was attributed new meanings through Taoist criticism regarding official politics, and became a Taoist concept. In Taoism, its first meaning was domain of demons, the second was apocalypse, and the third was Hell. In the Taoist theory of Hell, demons of the Six Heavens were completely transformed and merged into the Taoist system, even though the original concept was still present.

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The Palaces of the Six Heavens in Fengdu and Elsewhere The Palace of the Six Heavens in Fengdu is referred to in many Taoist scriptures. The more precise descriptions are found in the Zhenggao, Dengzhen yinjue, Taishang dongxuan lingbao sanyuan pinjie gongde qingzhong jing 太上洞玄灵宝三元品戒功德轻重经 [Scripture of Measure of Merit according to the Precepts of Three Origins from the Numinous Treasure of the Most High Cavern Mystery], Daoji lingxian ji 道迹灵仙记 [Annals of Transcendant Immortals, (Abstracted) from the Traces of the Tao], Dongzhen shangqing kaitian santu qixing yidu jing 洞真上清开天三图七星移度经 [Scripture of Movement of Seven Stars and Three Pictures of the Creation of the Universe from Authenticity Cavern Highest Clarity], and Taishang dongyuan beidi tianpeng huming xiaozhai shenzhou miaojing 太上洞渊北帝天蓬护命消灾神咒妙经 [Perfect Scripture of Spirit Invocations for Protecting Life and Dispelling Disasters of Tianpeng and the Northern Emperor of the Great High Cavern Abyss].29 Some texts have a common origin and offer small variations in content. I am not an expert in examining the dates of Taoist scriptures. So this essay is based upon the Zhengao because it is the most complete and precise work and it will allow us to trace the origin of the concept of the Six Heavens within Taoism. In chapter 15, “Chan youwei 阐幽微” it says: The Luofeng Mountain is situated in the gui 癸 direction to the North. It is 2,600 li high and 30,000 li in perimeter. At the foot of the mountain, there is a cavern, 15,000 li inside. On the cavern and under it lie the chambers of the spirits. On the mountain there are six caverns in which there are six palaces, each being 1,000 li in perimeter. They are the palaces of the spirits of the Six Heavens. Above, there is the cavern of the eternal palace, in which lies the internal palace. The rules in those palaces are the same. The first palace is called Zhoujueyin tiangong 纣绝 阴天宫. To the east, the second is the Celestial Palace Taishaliangshizong 泰煞谅事宗天宫. The third is called the Celestial Palace Mingchengnaifanwucheng 明晨耐犯武城天宫, the fourth the Celestial Palace Tianzhaozuiqi 恬昭罪气天, the fifth the Celestial Palace Zonglingqifei 宗灵七非天 宫, and the sixth the Celestial Palace Gansilianyuanlü 敢司连宛屡天宫. They are the seats of the government of the Six Heavens of the spirits. The six palaces in the cavern bear the same names. If people know the

29 Xiao Dengfu presented some varying versions of the Six Palaces of Fengdu in his HanWei Liuchao fodao liangjiao zhi tiantang diyu shuo 汉魏六朝佛道两教之天堂地 狱说, Taiwan, Xuesheng shuju, 1988.

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wang zongyu names of the six palaces of the Six Heavens in Fengdu, they will not be harmed by demons.

The character feng 丰 has only two meanings: the capital of the Zhou dynasty and the Taoist Luofeng Mountain. It is also used as the personal name of the Marquis Feng, attributed to the descendent of King Wen of Zhou. The character feng in the historical documents from the Pre-Qin period to the Han dynasty stood for the capital of the Zhou dynasty. The same was found in the apocrypha and the Shanhai jing 山海经 [The Classic of Mountains and Seas] concerning Jiang Shang and Houji.30 The Zhou dynasty built its capital on the shore of the Feng River and then the character feng was created. The word “luofeng” appeared for the first time in the chapter “Duisu 对俗” in Baopu zi,31 in which it was the synonym of Hell. However, wedo not know why feng was linked to luo. Furthermore, “feng” had nothing to do with the Tai Mountain, which represented the origin of hell. Tao Hongjing commented on the aforementioned text: “hells are situated everywhere, in the Tai Mountain as well as in the sea or the ocean.” I have not found other texts that indicate the precise location of “luofeng” other than in the chapter “Chan youwei” of Zhengao. Yu Yue showed that Luofeng was in no way connected with Fengdu County in Sichuan, whose name was established only under the Ming dynasty.32 After examining the

30 There are two notes in the Shangshu dimingyan 尚书帝命验 concerning feng. According to one of these notes, “the jiazi day of the ninth month, a red sparrow flew into the Feng city with a red writing in the beak. It stopped in front of King Wen’s gate. King Wen greeted it and then went to the river Panxi where Jiang Shang was fishing. King Wen saluted him and said: you have been fishing for seven years. What have you caught? Jiang Shang answered: ‘I have found a piece of jade on which is inscribed: King Wen will receive the celestial mandate.’ Then he climbed up in his chariot and sat on the left. King Wen drove it in person and called him the ‘Master the Great Father’.” It was written in Shanhai jing: “the country of the Feng clan of Liuhuang has an area of 3,000 li and is surrounded by roads in four directions. In the centre of the country there is a mountain which is situated to the left of Houji’s tomb.” 31 Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, p. 46. 32 Yu Yue quoted a passage from Fang Chengda’s Wuchuan lu 船录 in chapter 16 of his Chaxiangshi congchao 茶香室丛钞: “the Fengdu County is situated in Zhongzhou. There is the Pingdu Mountain 3 li away from the county. According to the inscriptions found on the mountain, Wang Fangping of the Western Han and Yin Changsheng of the Eastern Han became immortals on this mountain. Yu Yue commented it thus: “the Pingdu Mountain of the Fengdu County is one of the 72 Taoist Blessed Fields and is the fine dwelling of Immortals. So it is difficult to understand why people take it as the dwelling of ghosts. After having read Wuchuan lu, I discover there has been a confusion about the Lord Yin, which could be the origin of this misunderstanding.

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original meaning of “feng,” we understand why in the Palaces of the Six Heavens there lived the Northern Great Lord Yan Emperor, the Lord of Great Dipper King Wu of Zhou, the Duke of Eastern Light Qi of Xia, the Duke of Western Light King Wen of Zhou, the Duke of Southern Light Duke Shao, the Duke of Northern Light Jizi of Wu. There are other interpretations for the Palaces of the Six Heavens in Taoist scriptures. But in my opinion, that of the chapter “Chan youwei” of Zhengao is the most pertinent, even though it may not be the most ancient one, because among the figures listed above, five are from the Ji clan, kings of Zhou, while “feng” was the capital of Zhou.33 Later, when “fengdu” became the Taoist term for Hell, the Ji clan had to share it with other spirits of the Six Heavens. In the Taishang yuanshi tianzun shuo beidi fumo shenzhou jing 太上元始天尊说北帝伏魔神咒妙经 [Scripture of Spirit Invocations Used by the Northern Emperor for Vanquishing Demons, as Spoken by the Most High Heavenly Worthy of Original Beginning], which was compiled after the time of Tao Hongjing, the description of the Palaces of the Six Heavens was even more exaggerated. For example, the spirits were described as “resembling the Three Kings and the Five Emperors and wearing ornaments.” The world of spirits in the Palaces of the Six Heavens was made up by gradually absorbing all kinds of Taoist beliefs and Chinese legends. It is hard to tell whether the descriptions in the chapter “Chan youwei” of Zhengao could express the whole belief about Fengdu. It would be very difficult to trace the origin of this belief, because terms such as “fengdu,” “beifeng 北丰,” and “luofeng” existed as synonyms for Hell in Taoist scriptures before the Southern and Northern dynasties. However, few of the Taoist scriptures were dedicated to the description of the evolution of this belief.34 The documents analyzed in this chapter can only explain the origin of the Palaces of the Six Heavens of Fengdu. Its evolution awaits further research. As to the hell of the Northern Pole, it has its own particular interpretation, nothing to do with the Fengdu area.” 33 Tao Hongjing underlined King Wen, King Wu, and Duke Shao, leaving aside Jizha. Perhaps he had another interpretation for Jizha’s origin. See Wang Ming’s Baopu zi, chapter “Duisu 对俗,” footnote 136 and Tao Hongjing’s commentary on “Xiang Liang 项梁” in his Zhenggao, chapter “Chan youwei.” 34 Xiao Dengfu classified the texts about the Palaces of Six Heavens of Luofeng in the Taoist scriptures of the Six Dynasties in four categories represented by four scriptures: Zhenggao, Fumo jing 伏魔经, Tianguan santu shangqing jing 天关三图上清经, and Sanyuan pinjie jing 三元品戒经. However his study was synchronic without a diachronic research of their origin.

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It is undeniable that Fengdu represented the whole of the Six Heavens. Nevertheless, Fengdu had not been conceived with the structure of the Palaces of the Six Heavens and the Six Palaces were not the same as the Palaces of the Six Heavens. In fact, the name “Palaces of the Six Heavens of Fengdu” was created by combining Fengdu, the Six Heavens, and the Six Palaces, all independent terms. It probably represented the Taoist conception of the Hell of the Three Officers. The Taishang dongxuan lingbao sanyuan pinjie gongde qingzhong jing, presented more than six palaces in the Hell of the Three Officers. In the chapter “Chan youwei” of Zhengao they included: Mingchengwucheng Palace 明晨武城宫, Naifan mingcheng Palace 耐犯明城宫府, Zhoujueyintian Palace 纣绝阴天府, Qifeitianzhao Palace 七非恬照府, Liangshi Palace 谅事府, Zonglingyintian Palace 宗灵阴天宫, Lianwanquanqu Palace 连宛 泉曲府, Taishajiuyou Palace 泰煞九幽府, and Zuiqixianchi Palace 罪气 咸池府. In the same scripture, there were also two palaces called Beifeng Palace 北丰宫 and Beifengdu Palace 北丰都宫 (called also Luofeng Palace 罗丰宫). Beifeng Palace was the right palace of the second degree of Middle Primordial, which had jurisdiction over the left Lianwanquanqu Palace, the right Taishajiuyou Palace, and the middle Zuiqixianchi Palace, which were also known as “the Three Palaces of Beifeng.” Luofeng Palace was the right palace of the third degree of Lower Primordial. In this scripture, the palaces were described around the Three Officers of Heaven, Earth, and Water or the Three Primordials (Upper Primordial, Middle Primordial, and Lower Primordial ). It can be seen that the six palaces in the chapter “Chan youwei” of Zhengao were not original and the Rites of Release from the Six Palaces of Fengdu of the Northern Emperor had not been formed yet at that time. The names of those palaces can not be found in the Benxing suyuan jing, a scripture from the Lingbao canon. However, the term fengdu represented a sort of palace: Those who do not believe my word will be sent to the Hell of the Three Officers. The Six Heavens and Three Worlds are ruled by the Northern Emperor, the King of Demons. They are situated in the great northern sea, on Luofeng Mountain, which is 2,600 li high and whose circumference is 30,000 li. There are palaces made of jewels outside and inside this great city, which control all demons. Now I will show you the names of these palaces. Those who recite them are safe from demons.

“The Six Heavens are the great kings of demons of the Three Worlds who rule the spirits of the Six Heavens.” Clearly, the Palaces of the Six Heavens of Fengdu were closely linked to the spirits of the Six

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Heavens. The common point of the text above and that of the chapter “Chan youwei” is the spirits of the Six Heavens and the Taoist rites of casting spells on demons, which were mentioned also in the Qixing yidu jing 七星移度经 [Scripture of the Movement of Seven Stars] and should be attributed to the Taoist School of the Heavenly Master. So the Hell of the Three Officers was certainly one stage of the evolution of the concept of Taoist Hell from the Palace of Fengdu to the Palace of the Six Heavens. An analysis of the Palaces of the Six Heavens of Fengdu will allow us to understand the text of the chapter “Chan youwei” and Tao Hongjing’s commentary on it. It is not hard to understand why the Palace of the Six Heavens was considered to be the palace of the spirits of the Six Heavens. However, we should analyze the part played by the spirit officers in it. According to the Santian neijie jing, the fall of the Western Han dynasty “was due to the heterodox belief of the rulers, who were lacking in assistants. So demons indulged in rebellious behavior, while the rulers became finally officers of the spirits.” The last sentence means that the Han imperial rulers became masters of Hell. The chapter “Chan youwei” listed some of the names of the officers of the spirits. They were all ancient emperors, ministers, or generals; none were Taoist followers. Commenting on the sentence “the King Wen became the Duke of Western Light and the Master of the Northern Emperor,” Tao Hongjing said: “even though King Wen and King Wu were reputed for their benevolence, they became officers of the spirits after death because not only had they killed but they had not believed in Taoism.” This commentary illustrated the opposition between Taoist deities and the spirits of the Six Heavens and Taoist opinion in this regard. Tao Hongjing believed that “Jiang Shang had killed too many people; that was why his name was noted down in the Hagiography. As to Shao En, who had exiled Gan Tang, he then became officer of the spirits forever.”35 According to Tao Hongjing, “not following the Tao” and “much killing” were the reasons Jiang Shang became an officer of the spirits. As to the officers of the spirits, their presence underscored the consistent Taoist standpoint as to “dead generals.” They served the government of the Six Heavens when they were alive, so they became officers of the spirits of the Six Heavens after they died. Again we 35 According to the Xuejin taoyuan 学津讨源 in the Congshu jicheng 丛书集成, there was a confusion between the characters bao 饱 and kui 魁, and mao 旄 and gui 鬼 in the text.

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find in the chapter “Chan youwei,”: “there are sixteen Officials of the Western Light who are in charge of all demons of blood sacrifice.” The texts above show that during the Six dynasties the legends of Fengdu inherited and developed the Taoist critical standpoint toward the Six Heavens despite the new interpretation on the spirits of the Six Heavens. The Palaces of the Six Heavens were in fact the sophisticated version of the Taoist concept of Hell, which was different from the ancient Chinese belief. In some Taoist scriptures, there was also the Hell of the Three Officers. I never could have a clear idea of why Taoism created the Palaces of Six Heavens separate from the Hell of Three Officers. In the Taishang dongxuan lingbao chishu yujue miaojing 太上洞 玄灵宝赤书玉诀妙经 [Wonderful Scripture of Red Writing and Jade Secret from the Numinous Treasure of the Great High Cavern Mystery], although the Three Officers were mentioned, it was the term “beifeng” that meant Hell. The Taoist concept of Hell was extensive. The names for Hell were numerous and not all of them were used to demonize the Six Heavens. Maybe “fengdu” was a proper Taoist term. Other appellations for Hell concerning the Six Heavens, such as the Tai Mountain, Haoli 蒿里, Five Mountains and Four Rivers, were from the beginning the objects of official sacrifices. Taoism integrated them into its own system in order to undermine the concept of the Six Heavens. The belief in the Hell under Tai Mountain had a long history and was widespread, according to ancient documents. This topic still needs to be further explored although Chinese and foreign scholars have studied it to some extent. A very important aspect of this topic is the relationship between this belief and Taoism, a relationship which has not yet been given a satisfactory explanation as far as I know.36 Existing scholarship has only examined a limited number of Taoist texts

Gu Yanwu’s Shandong kaogu lu 山东考古录 and Rizhi lu 日知录, chapter 30; Zhao Yi’s Gaiyu congkao 陔余丛考, chapter 35; Yu Yue’s Chaxiangshi congchao, chapter 16; Édouard Chavannes’s Le T’ai chan: essai de monographie d’un culte chinois: appendice Le dieu du sol dans la Chine antique; Sawada Mizuho’s Jigokuhen 地狱辨; Wu Rongzeng’s “Zhenmuwen zhong suojiandao de Donghan daowu guanxi” 镇墓文中所见到的东 汉道巫关系 in Wenwu, no. 3, 1981; Yu Yingshi’s “Zhongguo gudai sihou shijieguan de yanbian” 中国古代死后世界观的演变 in Yanyuan lunxue ji 燕园论学集 published in 1983 by Peking University Press. I do not want to criticize these scholars. In fact, I benefited greatly from the study of Édouard Chavannes and Sawada Mizuho. Wu Rongzeng’s article intended to discover the relationship between the belief of the Tai Mountain and Chinese philosophy. This is also my purpose. However they did not go further than Gu Yanwu on this question. 36

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on the evolution of this belief in Taoism, and since most of these texts are late, the question has only been further obscured. The concept of the Hell of the Tai Mountain was not created by Taoism. I am unable to prove that this belief was a sign of the resistance of the Qi and Lu regions’ local culture to the culture of Zhou. Nevertheless, I suppose it was the sign of popular resistance to official sacrifices and this popular standpoint was expressed in Taoism. The divergence between official and popular opinions lay in the fact that for the former, the Tai Mountain was the dwelling of deities whereas for the latter, the Tai Mountain was the dwelling of the dead. Later, literati did not feel at ease with this ideology—Yu Yue considered this belief preposterous.37 In fact, this belief had already been expressed by some earlier literati. In Lu Ji’s “Song of the Tai Mountain 泰山吟” it says: “Hell assembles all demons, whereas the divine house assembles all spirits.” All spirits meant the dead emperors who received sacrifices. We can find in the tomb-quelling texts of the Eastern Han dynasty the sentence “the quick belong to Chang’an in the west, whereas the dead belong to the Tai Mountain in the east.”38 By examining other historical documents, I deduced that this belief in the Hell of the Tai Mountain was created to oppose official sacrifices, and was not a convergence of the official opinion with the popular one. Taoism inherited this popular belief and emphasized its link to the Six Heavens. The “Bottomless Spirit of 37 Chaxiangshi congchao, chapter 15, entry “Naihe qiao 渿河桥”. “Today, when people talk about deities or demons, they think of the Tai Mountain. Although it sounds ridiculous, to some extent it may be reasonable. When we believe in Heaven, we offer it sacrifice. When we believe in Earth, we offer it sacrifice. That is the origin of the fengshan 封禅 sacrifice. According to the belief in deities, there is the King of Heaven. So the sacrifice is offered to the Tai Mountain to worship Heaven. According to the belief in demons, there is the King of Hell. So the sacrifices are offered to the small mountains beside the Tai Mountain such as Yunyun, Tingting, Liangfu, Gaoli etc . . . We can say demons belong to the small mountains such as Gaoli, but not the Tai Mountain. According to the ‘Biography of Guan Lu’ in the Sanguo zhi, ‘the Tai Mountain rules the dead, not the living.’ So at that time, there was a confusion in beliefs.” Yu Yue found that the official sacrifice lost its original significance by neglecting the popular interpretations of sacrifice. 38 This sentence is from Gu qiwu shi xiaolu 古器物识小录. There is another tombquelling text in Luo Zhengyu’s Zhensongtang jigu yiwen 贞松堂集古遗文: “the living belong to Chang’an whereas the dead belong to the Tai Mountain. The living and the dead should be separated. One can not disturb the other.” See Wu Rongzeng’s “Zhenmuwen zhong suojiandao de Donghan daowu guanxi.” Wu Rongzeng said the capital of the Eastern Han Dynasty was Luoyang, not Chang’an. So this belief came from the Western Han Dynasty. I think the concordance of these two texts show this belief was very popular at that time. The owner of this text was the emperor who received sacrifice in the Tai Mountain.

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High Heaven,” mentioned in the Nüqing guilü, was the spirit of the Tai Mountain, who “inhabited the water in the southeast corner of the Tai Mountain, the dwelling of all the dead.” In the “Catalogue of All Spirits from Lao-tzu,” quoted in the Daoyao lingqi shengui pin jing, it says: “[t]he governor of the Tai Mountain is called junhou 君后.” Those two texts are the only texts I could find on this belief. However, they are enough to undermine the real Taoist interpretation of the Hell of the Tai Mountain. Haoli was also called “li of the dead.” Like the Tai Mountain, it was regarded as the dwelling of souls. Historically, there was a controversy on “haoli 蒿里” and “gaoli 高里,” which remains an enigma. According to both the Shiji and the Hanshu, Emperor Wu of Han went to the Tai Mountain to offer sacrifices to Gaoli and Houtu 后土 in the first year of the Taichu reign (104 BCE).39 Here, gaoli was the name of a mountain. We have no proof to show that this gaoli is indeed haoli. But we can say that they were considered identical at the end of the Jin dynasty. Lu Ji wrote, in his “Song of the Tai Mountain”: “[t]he Tai Mountain is so high it reaches the sky. At the top, mist wreathes. There is a house in Liangfu 梁父 like the pavilion in Haoli. Hell assembles all demons, whereas the divine house assembles all spirits. Sing beside the Tai Mountain. It is the dynamic sound of Chu.”40 Yan Shigu was not satisfied with Lu Ji’s opinion. In his commentary on the Hanshu he said: “[t]his character gao means high. The li of the dead is called ‘Haoli’ or ‘Xiali 下里.’ The character hao means wormwood. Someone heard of the house of the deities of the Tai Mountain and Haoli nearby. Then people, including literati like Lu, confused gaoli for haoli. Today, in some books, the two characters are still confused with one another.” Yan Shigu’s commentary obviously represented the literati’s opinion and gave us an important clue: even in official books, gaoli and haoli were considered identical. Gu Yanwu studied this poem through Yan Shigu’s commentary. According to him, people started to consider those two characters as identical from the circulation of this poem onward. He said: “[i]n Lu Ji’s ‘Song of the Tai Mountain,’ Liangfu was compared to Haoli and from this, people believed it was the dwelling of demons. Hereafter, the altar of the shan

Shiji, p. 481, Hanshu, p. 199. Guo Maoqian, Yuefu shiji 乐府诗集, chapter 41, Beijing, Zhonghua shuju, 1979, vol. 2, p. 605. 39 40

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sacrifice offered by emperors was considered the temple for the King of Hell and Duke of demons.”41 We should be thankful to Yan Shigu and Gu Yanwu for pointing out an alternative, which indicated that there existed a popular force that opposed the official interpretation of Haoli. I have not found a Taoist explanation for the Hell of Haoli, which is an infrequently used term in Taoist scriptures. Perhaps, Taoism equated Haoli and the Tai Mountain without distinguishing the sacrifice to Heaven from that to the Earth. As a synonym for Hell, the Five Mountains and Four Rivers was a recurrent term in Taoist scriptures. However, I have not found any historical documents to explain the link between them. Regarding the Five Mountains and Four Rivers, which were, in the official view, worshipped as Hell, Taoism showed its opposition to official sacrifices. At the end of the previous section, I proposed an analysis of the Taoist concept of the Six Heavens on three levels. Since Taoism construed it as Hell this suggests that it regarded other religions as evil in order to assert its own identity.42 In the Taoist Hell, most of the demons were those of the Six Heavens. The term diyu 地狱 (Hell ) was probably created at the end of the Han dynasty. Even though we have no proof that this term existed before Buddhist sutras were massively translated into Chinese, a similar concept must have been in existence prior to that. In the Shuoyuan it says: “only the kin of the dead and those of prisoners ( yu) sit on the ground.”43 Yu had meant lawsuit before the Qin dynasty and meant prison in the Han dynasty. The Taoist Hell 41 See the entry “Bian Gaoli shan 辨高里山” in Gu Yanwu’s Shandong kaogu lu which quoted Wu Qingtan’s Shuoling 说铃. Gu Yanwu also said: “the term haoli can be found in ancient dirges in which it did not mean a location.” According to the entry “Bian Naihe 辨渿河” in the same book, the Naihe is situated on the left side of the Gaoli Mountain. The bridge over the Naihe is called the Bridge of the Naihe. It is said the soul could return if it crossed the bridge, then it sighs “What to do?” (which is homophonous with Naihe). This text showed that the Gaoli Mountain was really considered as the “li of the dead.” The Shuoling was quoted also in Kong Zhenxuan’s Taishan jisheng 泰山纪胜 which explained the significance of the imperial sacrifice “sheshou 社首” and showed sheshou was linked to haoli. According to the same book, literati did not like to refer to the jade talisman thrown by emperor Zhen of Song in the north west cavern of the Haoli Mountain because they found it ridiculous and could not explain it. Clearly, the belief in Haoli was opposed to the official religious system. The ancient literati’s failing to comment on this made it difficult for people to know the origin of Haoli. 42 Kristofer Schipper drew my attention to the fact that this Taoist strategy resembled the strategy used by Christianity at its beginning. 43 Shuoyuan, chapter 17 “Zayan 杂言.”

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had two meanings: dwelling of the dead and prison. So the dwellers of Hell were the dead rather than demons. Although in Taoist scriptures these two have not been strictly distinguished, we have to differentiate them in order to piece together Taoist doctrine. If the government of the Six Heavens worshipped dead emperors and generals as deities, it was convenient to take the Six Heavens as Hell. As Hell, it naturally had the function of arresting and interrogating criminals. That was probably the reason why there was the Hell of the Six Heavens and that of the Three Officers. Because of this function, the spirits of the Six Heavens were integrated into the Taoist pantheon. As Hell, the Six Heavens undoubtedly bore a negative aspect. Many ancient scriptures of the Shangqing and Lingbao Schools taught followers how to protect themselves from the demonic qi of the Six Heavens and become immortal (Shangqing tianguan santu 上清天关三图, Taishang dongxuan lingbao chishu yujue miaojing, and Yuanshi wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu jing 元始五老赤书玉篇真文天书经, for example). At the same time, if Taoists transgressed the rules, they would be sent to Hell. There were also the hells of Fengdu, the Tai Mountain, and Five Mountains and Four Rivers. The hell of the Six Heavens became little by little the place where people in general or Taoists in particular were interrogated. In the first and second juan of Yuanshi wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu jing, the Six Heavens was considered an adversary force: “Beifeng should be controlled and demonic qi should be suppressed.” However, in the third juan of the same scripture, the spirits of the Six Heavens, such as the “Duke of Beifeng,” were invited to assume the function of interrogator. “The Emissary of Taiyi and the Duke of Beifeng are sent into the world to examine the merits or demerits of people and deities. They are expected to report to their superior. The name of those who perform (prescribed) rituals and respect the Tao will be noted in the register of immortals. Spirits will be promoted if they gain merit. Human or ghost, if they transgress the rules, they will be sent to Hell. (. . .) The stars of the Dipper are harsh. They descend into this world together with the Five Emperors, Five Mountains and Four Rivers, the Lords of Jiang, Huai, He, and Ji Rivers, the Censor of Nine Ministries, Three Officers, and other deities on the earth. They travel the world to examine people and deities and finally report to Heaven.” In the same scripture, in the chapter on Taoist rituals, it says: “[a]ll immortals of the Five Mountains, lords of Four oceans, Beifeng, Three Officers, and all deities solemnly perform the ritual and respect the Tao. They gave great importance to the Tao to promote the perfection of Heaven.”

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Those texts cannot be simply regarded as contradictory because these three juan were probably compiled by different people and the third juan is apparently linked to the Laozi zhongjing 老子中经 [Scripture of the Center from Lao-tzu]. It seems logical that Hell or the spirits of the Six Heavens assumed the function of examination and were integrated into the Taoist system. But the process of forming Taoist doctrines was not so simple. In the Laozi zhongjing, the function of the Northern Star of Taiyi was to examine people’s merits and demerits. Nevertheless, it was not said to be identical with the Taiyi in official sacrifices. Did the people and the government have different interpretations of the Taiyi? Did Taoism distinguish them and transform them into the Northern Emperor? Was the Duke of Beifeng identical with the Taiyi and Northern Emperor? If we can discover answers to these questions through further study, we could explain how the spirits of the Six Heavens were integrated into the Taoist system. Taoism has really integrated the spirits of the Six Heavens into its own system, as we have seen in a number of Taoist scriptures. In the Taishang dongxuan lingbao benxing suyuan jing it says: “[t]here are degrees among immortals as among deities. The Six Heavens were the great king of demons of the three worlds who command the spirits of the Six Heavens. The great king of demons follows all deities of the most high. If Taoists attain their ultimate objective, the great king of demons will also be promoted.” In the Taishang Taixiao langshu jing 太上太霄琅书 经 [Scripture of Jade Book of Great Heaven by the Most High], quoted in the Daoyao lingqi shengui pin jing, it says: The Green Lad of Eastern Flower said ‘there are several kinds of demons— the heavenly demons, earthly demons, and ghostly demons. The great king of demons is the king of the demons of heaven and earth. He gained in his last life the merits that allowed him to become in this life the king of demons. He has the same virtue as Indra and they rule people together. He is under the command of the Jade Capital of the Most High and only the Heavenly Emperor is superior to him. When someone studies the Tao, he should be put through the question by demons. When he accomplishes the Tao, he should pass the same examination. Then he will be recommended to the Jade Capital.

So not only the spirits but also the administrations and palaces of the Six Heavens Hells were integrated into the Taoist system. At the end of this scripture, it says: “a hell like Fengdu was the lower place for immortals.” Since the spirits of the Six Heavens were integrated into the Taoist system, Taoists conceived the structure of Hell and the titles of the spirits as a very serious matter. It is said that juan 15 and 16 of

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the Zhengao conserved the concept of the hell of Fengdu that was created by Yang Xi and Xu Mi. These chapters can be seen as the result of the integration of the Six Heavens into Taoism. However, they emphasized the description of the structure of this hell yet neglected the theory. So their historical value is hard to assess. In juan 16 it says: “[t]he Queen Mother of the West appreciates my hard practice and the Northern Emperor of Fengdu praises my sincerity toward the Tao. They tell the God of Destiny and the Three Officers to give back my body and soul. Then I will become immortal.” The officers of the spirit in the chapter “Chan youwei” had two identities: they were at first souls of dead emperors and generals against whom Taoists would fight because of their demonic qi. At the same time, they were ordered, according to Taoist rules, to examine people’s merits and demerits. Through this mission, it was possible for them to become immortal. Juan 15 indicated that the Four Dukes of Light (Qi of Xia, King Wen, Duke Shao, and Jizha) “would all become immortal.” In this sense, the Palaces of the Six Heavens were no longer an external hell opposed to Taoist beliefs. There is a spell in juan 15: “I am a disciple of the Most High and go down to rule the Six Heavens. The Palaces of the Six Heavens are under my command and that of the Most High. I know the names of the six palaces. That is why I was given longevity. Who attacks me will be killed by the Most High.” The object of this spell was to prevent the attack of the demonic qi of the Six Heavens. The Palaces of the Six Heavens were under the command of the Most High. Inheriting this theory, Tao Hongjing classified the spirits of Fengdu on the seventh level in his Zhenling weiye tu, where Taoist deities, formed by qi, were attributed souls like humans. Is this a contradiction? How does Taoism maintain coherence between its different doctrines? The answers to such questions remain to be found. Some questions remain that were beyond the scope of this chapter. As reliable sources were lacking, this chapter focused on some particular points and did not offer a systematic analysis. I did not treat the question of whether the term “Six Heavens” later became one of the Taoist three worlds. I therefore welcome any response to my work. The only point that I can ascertain is the significance of the Six Heavens in Taoism and its popular nature. The popular nature of Taoism as discussed by scholars remains a vague idea and is often assimilated with “folklore.” I mentioned the opposition of Taoism to government, which was limited to certain aspects and certain times. But I have no intention of identifying it with its popular nature. To study Taoist

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history and philosophy, we have to stress the difference between their popular origin and the official religion, which was long ignored and derided. The sacrifices to ancient emperors and cults of ancestors were transmitted from generation to generation and constructed their own systems. Even today, they attract foreign people. The Confucian religious system is still dominant today and Taoism and other popular practices embody diversity. The traditions preserved in philosophical Taoism of the Pre-Qin era and religious Taoism of the Han era need to be understood together. Taoism should be put on an equal footing with Buddhism and Confucianism and not considered mere literature or folklore, but a religion complete with its own rituals and philosophy. In fact, Taoism and Confucianism committed themselves to replacing history with religious history. Even scholars of the Doubting Antiquity School, such as Gu Jiegang, did not negate the religious value of the Three Emperors and Five Kings.44 Nevertheless, the critical questioning of antiquity was erroneously applied in the study of religions, especially of Taoism. In fact, this imaginary history is not preposterous in the context of religious history, which is made up of unsubstantiated materials. In dealing for the first time with the historical material on religion, the Doubting Antiquity School left us an important heritage. My intention was also to treat these so-called “unsubstantiated” documents and I found it all the more necessary after reading the works of ancient scholars. Unlike Chinese scholars, many Western scholars stress the opposition between Taoism and the official ideology because they put forth the following hypothesis: Chinese society for a long time was divided into two opposing parts. This hypothesis leads them to reach a completely different conclusion from ours on the question of the nature of Taoism and its place in the history of Chinese culture. Chinese scholars still need time to clarify their opinions because of the geographical and linguistic challenges they face. Western scholars have studied some documents that Chinese scholars have ignored. I was influenced by them only a short time after my arrival in Europe. Yet I have still some doubts about their methodology and viewpoints, which I consider too extreme and I share the point of view of ancient Chinese scholars.

44 Gu Jiegang, “Sanhuang kao” 三皇考, in Gushi bian 古史辨, Shanghai, Kaiming shudian, 1941, volume 7, chapter 2, p. 51.

CHENG XUANYING AND THE STUDY OF THE TWOFOLD MYSTERY1 Tang Yijie The concept of “Twofold Mystery” comes from the phrase “mystery upon mystery 玄之又玄” in the Tao-te-ching. Its study developed gradually after the Jin Dynasty. In the remaining pages of the Dunhuang manuscript of Cheng Xuanying’s, Introduction to the Annotation on the Tao Te Ching, it says: When one explains and annotates the classic scriptures, one ought to know the beliefs they contain. Moreover, annotations highlight certain points more than others and so vary according to the time they belong to. Yan Junping’s Zhigui 旨归 centered on the Mysterious Vacuity as belief, Gu Huijun’s Tanggao 堂诰 on Non-action, Meng Zhizhou and Zang Xuanjing on Virtue, Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty on “Neither Existence Nor Non-existence,” and Sun Deng of the Jin Dynasty on the Twofold Mystery. Today, in spite of such different focuses, we consider Sun Deng’s work as orthodox, the Twofold Mystery as its subject, and Non-action as its basis. What we call xuan means “remote and profound,” and also “without obstacle.” Speech is remote and profound without obstacle or attachment. It is not attached to existence, or nonexistence. It is not attached to attachment, or non-attachment. There is no attachment in the ‘four negations’, that is what we call the Twofold Mystery. So it is said in the Tao Te Ching: “Mystery upon mystery—the gateway to manifold secrets.”

In this passage the author develops three ideas: first, annotators analyzed the classics according to their beliefs. The annotations on the deep significance of the Tao Te Ching are often different for that reason. Second, the author introduced the focal points of all the important annotations on the Tao Te Ching. He particularly refers to Sun Deng, who “had taken the Twofold Mystery as belief ” and had considered it as orthodox. Third, the author explained the “Twofold Mystery” by emphasizing that “[i]t is not attached to attachment, nor

1 Published originally in Tang Yijie, Weijin xuanxuelun jiangyi 魏晋玄学论讲义, Xiamen, Lujiang chubanshe, 2006.

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non-attachment. There is no attachment in the ‘four negations,’ that is what we call the Twofold Mystery.” Sun Deng lived during the Jin Dynasty. In Sun Deng’s biography in the Jinshu we find: “he was good at philosophy when he was young. He annotated the Lao-tzu, which was widely circulated.” The “Treatise of Bibliography” in the Suishu noted the Tao Te Ching, with two chapters annotated by Sun Deng. In chapter six, “The Ten Collated Taoist Scriptures,” of the Meng Wentong wenji 蒙文通文集 [Collection of the Articles of Meng Wentong], there are 17 annotations by Sun Deng on the Tao Te Ching under the title “Collated Annotations of Forty Authors from the Jin to the Tang dynasties on Lao-tzu.” Two of these 17 annotations are most important. The first is the annotation on the sentence “Tao gives birth to One” from the 42nd chapter: “The wonderful One lives in the great vacuity. The mysterious transformation helps the application of the Tao. So we call this process ‘birth,’ according to the origin.” The “wonderful One” means “Tao.” The Tao exists in the universe as a noumenon. The transformation of everything in the universe is the effect of the Tao. The first part of the phrase refers to the Tao as “noumenon,” while the second refers to the “application” of the Tao. Everything in the universe originates from the Tao, which we call “birth.” Obviously, Sun Deng is influenced by Wang Bi’s “Unity of the Noumenon and the Application 体用如一.” The Twofold Mystery is influenced by the “High Evaluation of Non-existence 贵无” (or “High Evaluation of the Mystery 贵玄”). The second is the phrase from the 43rd chapter: “the soft can conquer the hard, while Non-existence can replace Existence. Then we will know that the teaching of Non-action is beneficial to people.” “Nonexistence can replace Existence” is the “One Mystery,” which is beneficial to people. If we replace “from Non-action” with “Non-existence,” then we can grasp the origin of the Twofold Mystery learning. To reach the “Twofold Mystery” one must first go through the “One Mystery.” Relying on the work of Sun Deng of the Eastern Jin and of many Buddhist and Taoist scholars, Cheng Xuanying constructed the philosophical system of the Taoist Twofold Mystery at the beginning of the Tang Dynasty. We will briefly introduce the evolution from the Mystery study (or Arcane Learning, Xuanxue) of the Wei and Jin dynasties to the Twofold Mystery study of the Tang Dynasty.

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 151 The Mystery Study of the Wei and Jin Dynasties Was Developed from the Philosophy of the Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu in the Pre-Qin Period We find it important to explain the features of the evolution of the Mystery study because the Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties used an ontological point of view whereas the philosophy of the Han Dynasty employed a cosmogonical (an explanation of the origin of the universe) point of view. There are generally two categories of the cosmogonical themes developed in the Han Dynasty: the first dealt with how the universe evolved from its original state to Heaven, Earth, and all things. For example, in the chapter “Tianwen xun 天文训,” in the Huainan zi, it says, “The Grand Origin gave birth to Vacuity. Vacuity gave birth to the Universe. The Universe gave birth to the Vital qi. The Vital qi had its own boundaries. What was pure and light rose, forming Heaven while the heavy and impure fell, forming the Earth.” In the beginning, the universe existed in a coarse state, encompassing everything. Then time and space emerged from this chaos. Next, the undifferentiated substance (the Vital qi) was born, and afterward, things that could be defined came into being. The purer went up, becoming Heaven, while the heavy and impure went down, becoming the Earth. That was the genesis of the universe according to the Huainan zi. Numerous works of the Han Dynasty presented an analogous cosmogony. For instance, we find in the chapter “Goumingjue,” in the Xiaojing wei 孝经纬 [Apocrypha of the Classic of Filial Piety], “before the separation of Heaven and Earth, there were the Great Transformation 太易, Great Beginning 太初, Great Commencement 太始, Great Simplicity 太素, and Great Ultimate 太极, which we call the Five Phases 五运. The unity of form and symbol, we call the Great Transformation. The emergence of the Vital qi, we call the Great Beginning. The beginning of the formation of the qi, we call the Great Commencement. The transformation of form into substance, we call the Great Simplicity. The completion of substance and form, we call the Great Ultimate. The gradual transformation of the five qi, we call the Five Phases.” The Five Phases are the five stages of the development and transformation of the Vital qi: from unity to the primary beginning, the beginning proper, then the substance, and finally concrete things. Wang Chong had the same point of view when he wrote: “Heaven and

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Earth unified their qi and then things were born spontaneously and by chance” (chapter Wushi of the Lunheng) and “Heaven and Earth unified their qi and then everything was born spontaneously” (chapter Ziran of the Lunheng). That means the qi of Heaven and Earth were unified and then everything was born naturally. Wang Chong said that mainly to reject any teleology, and at the same time he explained that everything issued from the interaction of the Vital qi. This is one of the cosmogonical theories of the Han Dynasty. According to another theory, Heaven gives birth to everything with a purpose. For instance, Dong Zhongshu said in his Chunqiu fanlu: “Heaven is the lord of all gods” and “A father is Heaven for his son, Heaven is Heaven for a father. No one is born without the intervention of Heaven. Heaven is the ancestor of everything that cannot be born without the intervention of Heaven.” The chapter “Qianzaodu,” in the Yiwei 易纬, begins with quoting the Yellow Emperor as saying: “In antiquity, the hundred emperors created the universe and split open the chaos (separating Heaven and Earth), and then Fuxi 伏羲 was born. Fuxi knew Heaven cherished all beings, thus it created the fonts of all the creation.” That means Heaven, Earth, and everything was created purposefully by gods in Heaven. The Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties differs from the Han Dynasty philosophy in its method. It used not a cosmogonical approach but an ontological one to explain the origin of the existence of everything in the universe. The reasons for this ontological approach were multiple and included the decline of Confucianism, and changes in scholarship. All these engendered a new ideological trend, which we will not to discuss in this article. We will study only the theoretical questions raised by the Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties in its ontological point of view. The biography of Wang Yan, in the Jinshu, says: “under the Zhengshi reign of the Wei Dynasty, He Yan and Wang Bi, among others, followed Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu’s philosophy. Their argument was: Heaven, Earth, and all things have Non-existence (wu) as their root.” Obviously, He Yan and Wang Bi’s philosophy was based on Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu’s. Its basic argument is “taking Non-existence as the root,” in other words, “Existence (Heaven, Earth, and all things)” take Non-existence as their root. Wang Bi said: “the Tao is the name of Non-existence leading to all and from which all results. It is at rest,

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 153 without form and cannot be visualized, thus we compare it with the Tao.” The Tao cannot be expressed. We have to present it as Nonexistence. However, the Tao exists in all things. Nothing is realized without it. The name “Tao” is only used for practical reasons. It is eternal but has no substance, it is without form. That is why Wang Bi believed we had to use the word Non-existence to express the Tao. But how did Wang Bi support his argument? In his Laozi zhilue 老子指略 [Brief Presentation of the Lao-tzu], Wang Bi explained his argument of “taking Non-existence as the root” by analyzing the Lao-tzu exhaustively. He wrote that sounds include the five notes gong, shang, jue, zhi, and yu. A sound cannot be gong and shang at the same time. If it is square, it cannot be round at the same time. Only the “without sound” might include all sounds. Only the “without form” may create all forms. Thus, only unconstrained “Non-existence” can realize constrained “Existence.” The meaning of unconstrained “Non-existence” is explained by Jin Yuelin, who wrote that Lao-tzu’s Tao was “Existence that did not exist.” In other words, Wang Bi’s “taking Nonexistence as the root” meant Non-existence is the root and Existence is the end. That was the debate on “the root, the end, Existence, and Non-existence” of the Mystery study in the Wei and Jin dynasties. Why is it said that the Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties was a new form of Lao-tzu’s and Chuang-tzu’s philosophy? In my opinion, it was because when Wang Bi annotated the Lao-tzu, he explained its cosmogony from an ontological point of view. For instance, the phrase from chapter 40, “everything in the universe comes from Existence and Existence from Non-existence,” is annotated by Wang Bi thus: “everything issues from Existence (with form and image). The multiple Existence takes its shape from Non-existence (unconstrained or without form). If Existence is to be realized, it should return to its root, Non-existence.” Also, Wang Bi explained the phrase “The Tao gives birth to One. One gives birth to Two. Two gives birth to Three. Three gives birth to all” by saying “multiple things have multiple forms, but their origin remains the same.” How can we find the same origin to different things? We find it through “Non-existence without form or image.” According to Wang Bi, a common attribute must be found in multiple things with form and image. But it could not be realized by something with form and image, but by unconstrained “Non-existence.” In other words, the “particular” results from the abstract “universal.”

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The particular is empirical, whereas “Non-existence” without form or image is transcendental. Thus Wang Bi transformed the cosmogonical elements in the Lao-tzu into ontological elements. Such examples are too numerous to be cited, such as his annotations to the chapter “Fugua” in the Zhouyi and to chapter 38 of the Lao-tzu. As Wang Bi’s philosophy was based on the relationship between “Non-existence” and “Existence” and maintained that the former was the ultimate origin of the latter, he was considered as belonging to the School of “the High Evaluation of Non-existence.” In addition, Wang Bi maintained that the abstract “Non-existence” should be embodied by the particular “Existence.” He said “Nonexistence (without form or image) cannot be clarified by itself, but by Existence (with form and image). So at the extremity of Existence we can find its origin, Non-existence.” Apparently, Wang Bi’s philosophy dealt with the dialectical relationship between “Non-existence” (the universal ) as “noumenon” and “root” and “Existence” (the particular) as “application” and “end.” Therefore we call it the philosophy of the “unity of noumenon and application” and the “unity of the root and the end.” We also find in Wang Bi’s works his explanation of the relationship between “Non-existence” and “Existence” in “advocating the root and appreciating the end” and “keeping the mother and preserving the son.” However, Wang Bi’s philosophical system was not purely ontological. He kept some cosmogonical elements in his annotations on the Lao-tzu and the Zhouyi. For example, he annotated the phrase “These two are the same, yet, they diverge in nature as they issue forth” as follows: These two things mean the Beginning, the Mother. “Issued from the same mould” means “issued from the same Mystery.”. . . The Mystery means profound, silent, and without Existence, from which the Beginning, the Mother, issued.

The Mystery is the Tao, the ontological “wu” or “Non-existence” (which is not Existence). As “the beginning of Heaven and Earth” and “the Mother of everything” all result from the Mystery, the “noumenon” precedes “everything” that is born from it. That is why Wang Bi said, in his annotation to chapter 37 of the Lao-tzu, “everything is born from the Tao.” In fact, Wang Bi, like Lao-tzu, did not completely exclude the cosmogonical elements from his philosophy, which still comprised the idea of “appreciating the root and despising the end.” According to this idea, after everything resulted from the Tao, men

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 155 kept away from it. For example, they had their “personal desires” and “schemes” and deviated from the Tao. So they needed to appreciate the root and despise the end in order to return to the root. There was a contradiction in Wang Bi’s philosophy, however. His ontological “unity of the noumenon and the application” would lead to “advocate the root and appreciate the end,” whereas his cosmogonical “everything results from the Tao” leads to the separation of the root and the end, and to “cherish the root and despise the end.” Despite this contradiction in Wang Bi’s philosophy, its core was still the ontology of “taking Non-action as the root,” which was a new form of Lao-tzu’s philosophy. Wang Bi’s theory of “High Evaluation of Non-existence” emphasized the “unity of the noumenon and its application” and the “advocacy of the root and the appreciation of the end” by enhancing the universal and neglecting the particular. The Mystery study during the Zhengshi era, represented by Wang Bi and He Yan’s “High Evaluation of Non-existence,” split into two groups at the time of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove: one stressed nature and the universal more, advocating “the appreciation of the root and the contempt of the end”—Ji Kang and Ruan Ji’s philosophy—the other underlined the spontaneous birth of everything and the particular—Xiang Xiu’s philosophy. Wang Bi advocated the “unity of the noumenon and the application.” His idea was to let nature take its course and not to abolish social ethics. Ji Kang and Ruan Ji, on the other hand, were in favor of abolishing the end so as to return to the root, and advocated “going beyond social ethics and letting nature take its course.” According to Ji Kang and Ruan Ji, nature was an ordered and harmonious unity, like human society at its beginning. But artificial social ethics destroyed the “natural harmony.” As Ji Kang wrote in his Taishizhen 太师箴: How vast the Great Simplicity. The Yang shone and the Yin condensed. The Two Polarities fused, then the human being arose. In the beginning, people were naïve. They did plot and scheme. . . . At that time, everything was peaceful. The emperor Hexu passed away; Fuxi succeeded him. They were unassuming and without vanity. The Great Austerity was never damaged. Everything was prosperous. They never languished. Later, virtue faded and the Tao declined. Wit was favored and everyone privileged their kin. For fear of worsening the situation, moral criteria were established. Intrigue was rife and fussy rites were created. People gave themselves up to contention and lost their authenticity. They relied upon their force, showing no respect toward friends and teachers. They competed to protect their own interests.

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This excerpt shows how society alienates itself further and further from harmonious “nature” because of intrigues, selfishness, and disputes. So the “moral” as opposed to the “natural” should be abolished so that society can return to harmonious nature. Accordingly, everything should return to the undifferentiated state (wu). Ji Kang and Ruan Ji proposed “going beyond social ethics and letting nature take its course,” thus following Wang Bi’s theory of “the appreciation of the root and the contempt of the end.” The text mentioned above presented the evolution of the universe from nature to society. The following phrases in the Sheng wu aile lun 声无哀乐论—“Heaven and Earth unified their virtue then everything was born. The seasons succeeded one another and the Five Phases were realized”—and in the Da Zhuang lun 达庄论—“nature is a whole. . . . Prosperity and decline are the same. Everything changes, but is never lost”—show that Ji Kang and Ruan Ji’s philosophy is a kind of cosmology and that the development of Wang Bi’s theory follows “the appreciation of the root and the contempt of the end.” Xiang Xiu advocated the “fusion of Confucianism and Taoism” (see Xie Lingxun’s Bianzong lun 辩宗论) and believed there was no opposition between the “natural” and the “moral.” Obviously, his point of view developed from Wang Bi’s theory of “the appreciation of the root and the contempt of the end.” In his Nan Yangsheng lun 难养生论, Xiang Xiu criticized Ji Kang’s point of view in the Yangsheng lun 养生论, writing that there was no contradiction between the “logos of nature” and “artificial rites,” because “reality is shown in the image, the Tao is clarified by the particular. The Tao without the particular is just like a female without a male” (Xiang Xiu, as quoted in the annotation to the Liezi). Xiang Xiu believed that the Tao and its application were two faces of the same coin and that there was no contradiction between “nature” and “ethics.” Emphasizing the rationality of the particular, Xiang Xiu thought that the “spontaneous birth of everything” clearly refuted the “birth of everything from the Tao” and criticized the cosmogonical elements in Wang Bi’s theory of the “High Evaluation of Non-existence.” However, Xiang Xiu’s criticism was not on an ontological plane. He was indeed influenced by the theory of the “High Evaluation of Non-existence.” Zhang Zhan quoted Xiang Xiu in his Liezi zhu 列子注 [Annotation on the Liezi ]. For instance, about the phrase in the chapter “Tianrui,” “that which gives birth to others was not born, that which transforms others cannot be transformed,” he said:

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 157 This phrase could also be found in the Chuang-tzu. Xiang Xiu annotated it thus: my birth does not issue from my will, it is spontaneous. It is not the “thing” 物 that gives birth to others. (It is a non-thing) and it issues from nothing. My death is not caused by anything, but is a spontaneous death. It is not the “thing” that gives death to others. If it is a non-thing, it will not die. If that which gave birth was also born from something, if that which gave death also dies, it would die like a “thing.” Then what is the difference between it and a “thing?” That which is not born from something and who will not die may be the root of birth and death.

That which gives birth to birth cannot be a “thing.” It must be something different. A “thing” is issued from something and will die. Only a “non-thing,” which surpasses a “thing,” can be the transcendental root of birth and death. Xiang Xiu believed in both “the spontaneous birth of everything” and the transcendental root of birth and death, which contradicted one another in his philosophical system. Pei Wei, whose work came after Xiang Xiu’s, wrote the Chongyou lun 崇有论 (On Respect for Existence) to express his aversion toward a society that believed in the concept of wu. According to the Jinshu, Pei Wei, like Xiang Xiu, sustained the idea of “the spontaneous birth of everything” as opposed to “the birth of Existence from Nonexistence.” He advanced a clearer proposition than Xiang Xiu’s: the spontaneous birth is simultaneous with the appearance of the noumenon. The spontaneous birth of everything is linked to its existence as a noumenon. Pei Wei not only denied Wang Bi’s theory of “taking Non-existence as the root,” but also abandoned Xiang Xiu’s theory of “the transcendental root of birth and death.” On emphasizing the particularity of everything, Pei Wei said, in his Chongyou lun, “everything can be classified according to different categories. The distinction in form and image is the substance of everything.” Moreover, Pei Wei suggested that “the substance of the principle (li 理) is just Existence.” The principle (or natural rules), for him, is the what make things exist. Through these propositions, Pei Wei clarified the theory of “the spontaneous birth of everything.” However, he raised another question in his Chongyou lun when he wrote, “the ultimate Non-existence is issued from nothing. So the beginning of birth is spontaneous.” Although things are not issued from Non-existence, but are born spontaneously, birth has a beginning. Another question is raised in another version of the Chongyou lun, quoted in chapter 82 of the Zizhi tongjian: “ ‘what is before the beginning of birth?’ In the Jinshu, it says, ‘[t]he ultimate Non-existence is

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issued from nothing. So the beginning of birth is spontaneous. Spontaneous birth is based on the substance of Existence. If existence is discarded, birth will not be completed’.” Birth is marked by Existence, which distinguishes itself [according to the Jinshu jiaozhu 晋书斠注; in the Zhonghua shuju version, the phrase was “birth takes Existence as its substance”]. Non-existence is left by Existence. There is a different version of this passage in the Zizhi tongjian: “[p]hysical things emerge from Non-existence. But their birth is marked by Existence, which distinguished itself [the original annotation reads: ‘[w]hen the thing is not born, there is no distinction. When birth is caused, Existence appears also and distinguished itself from Non-existence’]. Non-existence is abandoned by Existence [the original annotation reads: ‘yi 遗 means abandon’].” If we read this passage as quoted in the Zizhi tongjian, the “beginning of birth” would be easy to explain: the universe was in a chaotic state before the birth of physical things. Although physical things are issued from things without form, the former leave the latter once they are born. Thus, physical things left the formless things. All physical things begin in birth. Before that, the universe was chaos without distinction. But this chaos did not contain the beginning of birth. Pei Wei thus faced the same contradiction as Xiang Xiu, between “the spontaneous birth of everything (Existence)” and “Non-existence (or things without form), which gives birth to everything.” Indeed, in the evolution of the Mystery study in the Wei and Jin dynasties, “Existence” and “Non-existence” were always the focal point of discussion. Guo Xiang said, in his preface to the Chuang-tzu, that he annotated it to clarify “the Tao of the inner Saint and outer King” and let everyone know that “there is no thing that creates things and the birth of things is spontaneous.” The latter part concerns “the Creator” and the relationship between “Existence” and “Non-existence,” while the former deals with the relationship between “the moral” and “the natural.” Guo Xiang constructed his philosophy around the denial that “Existence issued from Non-existence.” He believed everything was born spontaneously, because everything had its “own nature”: “everything has its nature and each nature has its limit” (annotation to the “Xiaoyao you” 逍遥游注 chapter). Everything has its intrinsic way of being, its own nature; and each such intrinsic nature has its limitations. Indeed, Guo Xiang emphasized the particular. If everything exists of its own nature, then things do not issue from anything. As Guo Xiang wrote, in his annotation to the “Qiwu lun” 齐物论 chapter:

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 159 “[t]here is no creator. Everything is born spontaneously.” Existence is not issued from Non-existence, as he wrote in the same chapter: “Is there a Creator or not? If there is not, how can things be created?” According to Guo Xiang, Non-existence is nothing. How can Existence be issued from Non-existence (annotation to the “Qiwu lun”)? Guo Xiang believed there was no beginning to the birth of everything: What preceded the things? I believed it was Yin and Yang that preceded the things, but Yin and Yang were already things. So what preceded Yin and Yang? I believed it was nature that preceded it, but nature is the nature of things. I believed then it was the ultimate Tao that preceded it, but the ultimate Tao was the ultimate Non-existence. Non-existence was nothing, so how could it precede nature? What, indeed, preceded the things? If things preceded the things, there would be no end. We would know that the birth of the things is spontaneous and induced by Existence. (Annotation to the “Zhibeiyou” 知北游 chapter)

Everything is “things.” There is nothing before the “things.” There is no beginning for the “things” (Existence), which is spontaneous and issued from nothing. Guo Xiang’s point of view was a refutation of the theory of the “beginning of birth” sustained by Pei Wei. Moreover, Guo Xiang believed that since all things were born spontaneously, their evolution was influenced only by their “nature.” They are selfsufficient and transform themselves, the phenomenon is called “selftransformation 独化.” Guo Xiang went on to say: He who attained [self-transformation] outwardly would not depend on the Tao. Inwardly, he would not be constrained by the self. Satisfied of his simplicity, he would enter the phase of “self-transformation.” The difficulties in life can be solved by self-transformation and self-sufficiency. If we were given life, why worry about it and make it artificial? (Annotation to the “Dazongshi” 大宗师 chapter)

This passage refers to someone who lives according to his own nature, which is not given by the Tao from the outside, nor found by the inner self. Without primary impetus, he lives spontaneously. “Selfrealization” means the Tao cannot be born, but realizes itself. Since it realizes itself, it would be useless to look for it. Everything is selfsufficient. If everything depended on the Tao from the outside, or was defined by the self on the inside, that could not be called “selfrealization.” Pei Wei believed that the existence of things depended on certain conditions—“Existence needs dependence”—whereas Guo Xiang believed everything existed free from external conditions. He wrote:

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Guo Xiang not only refuted the cosmogony of “the birth of Existence from Non-existence,” with his theory of “the spontaneous birth of everything,” but also refuted the ontological argument of “taking Non-existence as the root,” with his theory of “self-realization.” His philosophy might be called “the theory of non-Non-existence 无无论.” Its features differ from those of Wang Bi’s philosophy. Guo Xiang emphasized the self-sufficient existence of everything. He studied not the universal, but the particular. Two questions remain: Does everything have a universal character? Is the existence of everything determined by its “nature”? Having concluded our discussion of “there is no thing that creates things and the birth of things is spontaneous” and “Non-existence is nothing, so how can it precede nature?” we will now proceed to discuss “the Tao of the inner Saint and outer King.” In his annotation to the “Qiwu lun” chapter, Guo Xiang said: “[i]f someone stresses Non-existence, but knows nothing about non–Non-existence, he is still concerned with the meaning of what is right and wrong, and of likes and dislikes, which are a methodological way of avoiding contradiction. Nevertheless, the subject discussed at the time was the relationship between the ‘natural’ and the ‘moral’.” According to Guo Xiang, only “non-Non-existence” could resolve the contradiction between the “natural” and the “moral.” According to Chuang-tzu, he who lives outside of the world cherishes nature, whereas he who lives in the world advocates ethics, and they are not on the same plane (see the “Dazongshi” chapter). However, Guo Xiang insisted that no one could live totally cut off from the inner world and vice versa. By trying to erase the boundary between the “outer” and the “inner,” Guo Xiang wanted to unify the “natural” and the “moral” in order to clarify “the Tao of the inner Saint and outer King.” His theories, such as the “appreciation of Existence” and “non–Non-existence,” were the starting points he used to unify the “natural” and the “moral.” As he said in his Ying diwang 应帝王: “He who has no intention and lets himself be transformed should be king.” After this brief analysis of the evolution of the Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties, we have two remaining points:

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 161 (1) There is an inherent problem in the history of Chinese philosophy: The system of a given philosopher is often thought to be free of contradiction. All philosophical systems have their contradictions, however. Questions they have not resolved need to be further looked into. As a philosophical school, the Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties developed through the discussion about “Existence” and “Non-existence” and the resolution of its contradictions. (2) Each era has its favorite philosophical subjects. The Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties put “Existence” or “Non-existence” foremost, along with the relationship between being and the origin of being. Other subjects were connected to these. For instance, Wang Bi, who emphasized Non-existence, advanced the theory of “taking Non-existence as the root” and supported it with the theory of “taking the One to rule all,” in order to underscore the universality of everything. On the other hand, Guo Xiang, who stressed the importance of Existence, supported his theory with “the spontaneous birth of everything,” in order to privilege the particular. The history of philosophy should therefore focus on the primary philosophical subjects of each era. Furthermore, the history of philosophy cannot be considered the same as the history of ideology, the history of science, or the history of culture. Origin and Development of the Twofold Mystery Learning According to Du Guangting’s preface to Daode zhenjing guangshengyi (Amplification of the Imperial Commentary on the Tao Te Ching), there were more than 60 kinds of annotations to the Lao-tzu (Tao Te Ching) from the Han Dynasty until the Tang Dynasty. Most were written by Taoists or scholars who had an interest in Taoism. We find the same phenomenon in Meng Wentong’s JinTang Laozi guzhu sishijia jicun 晋唐老子古注四十家辑存 [The Collation of Forty Kinds of Ancient Annotations to the Lao-tzu from the Jin Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty].2 Why were 2 For Cheng Xuanying’s works, see Meng Wentong’s Annex 1 of the Jijiao Cheng Xuanying Daodejing yishu 辑校成玄英道德经义疏 in Meng Wentong wenji 蒙文通文集, vol. 6, Chengdu, Bashu shushe, 2001. See also Li Dahua, Li Gang, and He Jianming’s SuiTang daojia yu daojiao 隋唐道家与道教, Guangzhou, Guangdong People’s Publishing House, 2003.

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Taoists interested in annotations to the Tao Te Ching? In my opinion, they all wanted to make use of the Tao Te Ching, whose history could be traced back more than one thousand years, to construct a Taoist philosophical system that could compete with the Buddhist and Confucian philosophies. In Du Guangting’s Daode zhenjing guangshengyi, the contemporary annotations to the Tao Te Ching were classified according to their schools of philosophy: The venerable Tao Te Ching has many meanings. Its purport was explained differently by the scholars of different times. Heshang Gong and Yan Junping emphasized the importance of the governance of people. Songlin Xianren, Sun Deng of the Wei Dynasty, Tao Hongjing of the Liang Dynasty, and Gu Huang of the Southern Qi Dynasty emphasized the cultivation of the body. Kumārajīva, Buttocho of the later Zhao Dynasty, Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty, and Dou Lüe, the Taoist of the Liang Dynasty, all emphasized causality. The Taoists Meng Zhizhou and Zang Xuanjing of the Liang Dynasty; Zhu Rou of the Chen Dynasty; Liu Jinxi of the Sui Dynasty; and Cheng Xuanying, Cai Zihuang, Huang Xuanyi, Li Rong, Che Xuanbi, Zhang Huichao, and Li Yuanxing of the Tang Dynasty all knew the way of the Twofold Mystery. He Yan, Zhong Hui, Du Yu, Wang Bi, Zhang Si, Yang You, Mr. Lu, and Liu Renhui advocated Vacuity, Non-action, and the government of people. Each annotator’s understanding of the texts was clearly different.

Among the annotators quoted by Du Guangting, most were Taoists from the Southern and Northern dynasties. Their annotations shed light on the comprehension of the Lao-tzu at that particular time. However, in the JinTang Laozi guzhu sishijia jicun, only a few annotations by Taoists remain, which does not help further the analysis of their philosophy. Despite this difficulty, Meng Wentong collated the Daodejing yishu, written by Cheng Xuanying, who is considered the founder of the Twofold Mystery School. He constructed a Taoist philosophical system and founded the post-Tang Nature study of Taoist inner alchemy. This chapter will examine Cheng Xuanying’s Taoist philosophy. In the “Treatise on Literature,” in the Xin Tangshu 新唐书 [New History of the Tang], it says: “[t]he Taoist Cheng Xuanying annotated the Lao-tzu in two chapters, the Chuang-tzu in 30 chapters, commented on the Chuang-tzu in 12 chapters, and wrote the Daodejing kaiti xujue yishu 道德经开题序诀义疏 [Annotation on the Preface of the Tao Te Ching] in seven chapters. Cheng Xuanying, also know as Zishi, was a native of Shanzhou and lived in seclusion in Donghai. In the fifth year of the Zhenguan reign (AD 631), he was summoned to the capital and given

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 163 the title “Ritual Master of Xihua 西华法师.” During the Yonghui reign, he was exiled to Yuzhou. When Cheng Xuanying’s book was finished, Li Yuanqing, Prince Dao, sent the scholar Jia Ding to learn philosophy from him. Li Lishe, a native of Mount Songgao, wrote the preface for him. We noted only the Annotation to the Lao-tzu and the Commentary on the Chuang-tzu. He also took part in the debate between Taoism and Buddhism in the 21st year of the Zhenguan reign (AD 647). According to Daoxuan’s Ji gujin fodao lunheng 集古今佛道论衡 [Collection of the Debates between Buddhism and Taoism]: “In the 21st year of the Zhenguan reign, emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty ordered the translation (into Sanskrit) of the Tao Te Ching. Cheng Xuanying was one of the translators and debated with Xuanzang on the translation of the word “dao 道.” At first, the “dao” was translated as “moja 末伽 (marga).” This translation dissatisfied all the Taoists, who believed “this translation did not correspond to the ancient translation which had been “puti 菩提 (bodhi ).” Xuanzang said: “today we translate the Tao Te Ching under imperial order; we must take it very seriously and translate it carefully so as to shed light on its true meaning. Puti means ‘enlightenment,’ whereas moja means ‘way.’ The pronunciation and meaning of these Chinese words, which were translated from Sanskrit are clear. How dare you translate it arbitrarily and deceive the emperor?” Cheng Xuanying retorted: “[f ]otuo (buddha) means ‘enlightenment,’ whereas puti means ‘way.’ That was the current translation made by monks and laymen alike. Now you want to translate it by moja. How ridiculous it is!” Xuanzang then made another argument and finally the Tao Te Ching was translated as he wanted. From this debate, Cheng Xuanying showed his knowledge of Buddhism. According to Huiyuan’s Dasheng yizhang 大乘义章 [Doctrine of the Mahāyāna], “in a foreign language the Tao is called moja and translated by dao. The foreign word puti means also ‘Tao’ . . . moja is the Tao within Reason whereas puti is the Tao within the Effect.” Obviously, the dao in the Tao Te Ching could be translated by moja or puti depending on the context. Cheng Xuanying also debated with Xuanzang on the translation of the preface of the Tao Te Ching, written by Heshang Gong, which was ultimately not translated. However, as a Taoist, Cheng Xuanying showed his leanings toward Taoism and its importance in terms of social status and religious theory. The Zhuangzi shu, quoted in Guo Qingfan’s Zhuangzi jijie 庄子集解 [Collection of the Annotations to the Chuang-tzu], is the only work by Cheng

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Xuanying that has come down to us. According to its preface, “[a]s stupid as I am, I studied the Chuang-tzu from my childhood. I have dedicated myself to its study for thirty years. Following Guo Xiang’s annotation, I wrote my annotation in thirty chapters. Limited by my own ignorance, I have gained some knowledge. I dare not share it with people, but just want to enjoy myself.” Cheng Xuanying spent thirty years studying Guo Xiang’s Zhuangzi zhu and gained a thorough knowledge of it. His works also include the Daodejing yishu, collated by Meng Wentong, and the remaining pages of Daodejing shu kaiti in the Dunhuang manuscript version. The Yuanshi wuliang duren shangping miaojing sizhu 元始无量度人上品妙经四注 (Four Commentaries on the Upper Wondrous Scripture on the Salvation of Humanity, Preached by the Limitless (Pure One) of Original Beginning), collated by Chen Jingyuan of the Song Dynasty and collected in the Taoist Canon, quoted Cheng Xuanying’s annotations. There is also his preface to the Nanhua zhenjing shu 南华真经疏, collected in chapter 923 of the Quan Tangwen 全唐文. Meng Wentong noticed two annotations by Cheng Xuanying quoted in the Daoshu jijiao shizhong 道书辑校十种 (Ten Edited and Commented Taoist Classics). For the phrase from chapter 10 of the Tao Te Ching, “When Heaven gives and takes away, can you be content with the outcome?” Cheng Xuanying annotated: “Heaven is our mind. To be content means to be calm and yielding.” For the phrase from chapter 57, “The more knowledge is acquired, the stranger the world will become. The more laws you make, the greater the number of criminals there will be,” Cheng Xuanying annotated: “This is the natural law. The more taboos there are, the less harmony you live in. The more laws there are, the more power you lose. The more knowledge there is, the more criminal intentions there are. If you multiply the laws, you cannot eradicate crime.” Cheng Xuanying may have had other annotations to the Lao-tzu. In our opinion, these two quotations express his philosophy aptly. The theory of the Twofold Mystery is based on the quotation from chapter one of the Lao-tzu’s “mystery upon mystery.” According to the historical documents that have come down to us, the Twofold Mystery developed during the Southern and Northern dynasties. Sun Deng of the Eastern Jin Dynasty “constructed his theory on the basis of the Twofold Mystery” (quoted in Cheng Xuanying’s Daodejing xujue kaiti ). Buddhist monks like Zhi Daolin and Sengzhao also used the Twofold Mystery. This theory appeared to be more present in Taoism. Since Sun Deng’s Annotation on the Lao-tzu was lost, it is impossible

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 165 to discuss his philosophy of the Twofold Mystery. Nevertheless, Sun Deng’s uncle, Sun Sheng, wrote Laodan fei daxian lun 老聃非大贤论 [Lao-tzu Is Not a Saint] from which we may get a general idea of the “High Evaluation of Non-existence” and the “High Appreciation on Existence” as studied during the Eastern Jin Dynasty: Once Pei Wei advanced the theory of the “High Appreciation of Existence” and the “High Evaluation of Non-existence,” he was considered not to have achieved the Tao of Vacuity. Others thought that his arguments were weak. In my opinion, the theories of the “High Evaluation of Non-existence” and the “High Appreciation of Existence” did not capture the true significance of the Tao. The Tao is chaos. It has no form, does not change according to circumstances. . . . So the same analysis sometimes led to different comments on Non-existence and Existence. The same philosophy sometimes was given a different name. . . . Lao-tzu supported the present theory of Existence with the ancient Tao, whereas Pei Wei wanted to insist upon the present theory of Existence to refute the ancient Tao. Both philosophers failed to achieve the perfect Tao because they were limited by their own theories. (Guang Hongming ji 广弘 明集 [A Further Collection of Essays on Buddhism], chapter 5)

Sun Sheng criticized the supporters of the “High Evaluation of Nonexistence” and the “High Appreciation of Existence” theories and believed they had not achieved the perfect Tao and had been limited by their own theories. Did it mean we should overcome the opposition between “Existence” and “Non-existence” in order to attain “Neither Existence nor Non-existence 非有非无”? Or did Sun Deng’s philosophy of the Twofold Mystery comprise “Neither Existence nor Nonexistence”? These questions cannot be answered without new material. However, Sengzhao’s Buzhenkong lun 不真空论 [Against True Emptiness] aimed to refute the theories of the “High Evaluation of the Nonexistence” and the “High Appreciation of the Existence” so as to advocate “the middle way” of “Neither Existence nor Non-existence.” Wang Bi was concerned with “Non-existence,” Guo Xiang with “Existence.” Their theories were partial. Sengzhao found fault with three erroneous interpretations of “the Mādhyamaka (the middle way)” in his Buzhenkong lun, especially the partial theories of the “High Evaluation of Nonexistence” and the “High Appreciation of Existence.” According to him, the existence of everything (physical or spiritual ) was not real, so it could not be considered as “Existence.” Everything was engendered within the chain of causation, so it was not “Non-existence.” For instance, the illusory man is not a real man, but he exists. Sengzhao constructed his theoretical system in this way. This concept of

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“Neither Existence nor Non-existence” was the double negative that, in its turn, negated “Existence” and “Non-existence.” “Dharmas do not have their own nature” can be understood only when everything has been negated. Moreover, Sengzhao said, in his Niepan wuming lun 涅槃无名论 (On the unnamingability of the Nirvana): Beings are numerous, but their number is limited. However, even though we have intelligence, we cannot find out the number, to say nothing of the expanse of Non-existence and the kingdom of the Twofold Mystery in which the Tao is limitless. How can we fathom all these? It was noted in the Classics that he who studies gets something everyday, whereas he who practices the Tao loses something everyday. To practice the Tao is to exercise Non-action. Then, every day one loses something. This cannot be realized in one day. One must continue to lose until there is nothing more to lose.

Nirvana is translated into Chinese as “Non-action.” “The expanse of Non-existence” and the kingdom of the Twofold Mystery all mean nirvana in Buddhism. This excerpt shows that one must continue to lose until he reaches nirvana, the kingdom of the Twofold Mystery. Obviously, after having destroyed the old theoretical system, Sengzhao wanted to construct a new one, a message expressed in Chen Huida’s preface to the Collection of Articles Written by Sengzhao 肇论: The perfect cause is supreme wisdom, and the ultimate effect is only the nirvana. So finally the Twofold Mystery is opened; it is the dwelling of the saints.

A similar message is found in Yuankang’s annotation: The perfect cause is supreme wisdom” refers to the Wisdom Cannot be Known 般若无知论. The authentic cause of nirvana is nothing but wisdom, whereas the ultimate effect of wisdom is nothing but nirvana. “Finally the Twofold Mystery is opened” means even the cause and the effect have been negated. “Finally” means the Twofold Mystery is the last step. The wisdom is the first Mystery, while nirvana is the second Mystery. At first the author examined the absolute and the illusion, which referred to the first two notions, and later he mentioned the Twofold Mystery, which referred to the two later notions. This is obvious and does not call for further explanation. The Twofold Mystery refers to the phrase in the Lao-tzu “Mystery upon mystery—the gateway to the manifold secrets.” This phrase is borrowed to explain nirvana and the wisdom that all saints have reached. That is why the author called them the “dwelling of the Saints.”3

3

See also Qiang Yu’s and Cui Zhenzhe’s PhD dissertations under my direction.

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 167 If “the kingdom of the Twofold Mystery” refers to a certain level, the “Twofold Mystery” can be presented as a method centered on wisdom and nirvana. Yuankang meant that the four articles in the Collection of Articles Written by Sengzhao were organized in a progressive order. The first two dealt with the “absolute” and the “illusion,” the last two with the causality of enlightenment. In this causality, wisdom is the cause, while nirvana is the effect. Wisdom is the first mystery, while nirvana is the second, from which comes the “Twofold Mystery.” If there was only the mystery of wisdom, the end would not be attained. The second mystery of nirvana is necessary to complete the “Twofold Mystery” and to attain saintliness. By analyzing the excerpts above, we may ascertain that Sengzhao, who borrowed Lao-tzu’s “Twofold Mystery” theory, considered wisdom that eliminated illusion as the first mystery and nirvana leading to saintliness as the second. The study of Prajñā was prominent in Buddhism during the Eastern Jin Dynasty, whereas the study of nirvana emerged later, after the Song and Qi dynasties and reached its peak in the Liang Dynasty. The study of nirvana clearly succeeded the study of Prajñā. The nature of Buddha can be revealed after all illusions have been discarded, and nirvana can be attained through practice. “Eliminate the illusions and show the nature of Buddha” means eliminating all the obsessions in the world (including the obsession with “Existence” and “Non-existence”). Then the “Twofold Mystery” would be the way to attain nirvana. As to the question of “what is the nature of Buddha,” there were many explanations at the time. Baoliang, of the Liang Dynasty, classified them in ten categories. This question is beyond the scope of the present chapter, however. In any case, the development of Buddhism in China certainly inspired Taoism and had an impact on the generalization of the Twofold Mystery study in the Sui and Tang dynasties. In the works of the Taoist scholars of the Southern and Northern dynasties, many explanations were given of the “Twofold Mystery.” Some explained it as the “Twofold Heaven,” some as the perfection level, some as the Tao, and some as the “extremity of reason and nature.” In the Xuanmen dalun 玄门大论 [Great Arguments of the Mystery Study], written by an unknown author before the compilation of the Benji jing 本际经 [Scripture of the Original Ultimate], the “Way of the Twofold Mystery” was compared with the trinity of jing, qi, and shen (essence, qi and spirit). That marked the beginning of the combination of the “Twofold Mystery” and the “Tao of the Trinity 三一为宗.” On the other hand, in the Benji jing the objective of the sutra was said

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to “open the secret door of the Twofold Mystery using the most profound and wonderful method.” According to the author, the “Twofold Mystery” means to “eliminate all illusions” until “there will be nothing to eliminate” (chapter 8). “The Mystery is something that is attached to neither Emptiness nor Existence. If this Mystery is cleared, there will be nothing. That is why this method is called ‘the gateway to the manifold secrets of the Twofold Mystery’ ” (chapter 1). The Xuanmen dalun and Benji jing are all influenced by Buddhism. Both works had a direct impact on the generalization of the “Twofold Mystery study.” The “Twofold Mystery” comes from the phrase “Mystery upon mystery—the gateway to the manifold secrets” in the first chapter of the Lao-tzu. According to the same chapter, the “eternal Tao” cannot be described, but can be grasped through “Existence” and “Nonexistence.” That is why it was said, “[b]eing the same, they are the source, but the source remains a mystery. Mystery upon mystery, the gateway to the manifold secrets” (according to the silk manuscript version found at Mawangdui). Thus, the Tao can be comprehended only through “Existence” and “Non-existence.” Equally, “Existence” and “Non-existence” can be comprehended only through the Tao. Wang Bi emphasized “Non-existence” and used it to explain the Tao. He believed that “Non-existence” was “Existence” (pure being) and that the former was the origin and foundation of the latter. Guo Xiang emphasized “Existence.” According to him, “Existence” was engendered spontaneously, without origin. “Non-existence,” as “Non-being,” could not give birth to “Being.” Sengzhao advanced a theory of “Neither Existence nor Non-existence,” refuting both the “High Evaluation of Non-existence” and the “High Appreciation of Existence.” His Buzhenkong lun was based on the idea that “dharmas do not have their own nature” from the Mādhyamaka. However, if nothing has its own nature, what would be the origin of its existence? How would it be possible to become Buddha? So the nirvana study developed after the Mādhyamaka study, aiming to destroy all illusions. At the beginning of the Tang Dynasty, the Taoist scholars Cheng Xuanying and Li Rong used the “Twofold Mystery” to explain the Tao with the idea of “Reason 理.” This was a significant step in the development of Taoist theories. The philosophies of Cheng Xuanying, Li Rong, and other later Taoist scholars (such as Du Guangting) were all inspired by the “Twofold Mystery.” Cheng Xuanying said that his philosophy was built on the Twofold Mystery theory. So how did he explain the Twofold

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 169 Mystery? He said: “[t]he Mystery is profound and remote. Reason returns to it without attachment to Existence and Non-existence. No attachment to these two, that is what we call the Mystery” (chapter 1 of the Annotations to the Tao Te Ching). That is the first Mystery. He also said: he who desires is attached to Existence, while he who is without desire is attached to Non-existence. That is why the first Mystery was put forth to eliminate the two attachments. However, it is possible that the practitioners were attached to the first Mystery. So the second Mystery is used to prevent other attachments. Not only the practitioners must not be attached to attachment, but they also must not be attached to nonattachment. In this way the practitioners purify again and again, which is the method called Mystery upon Mystery. (chapter 1 of the Annotations on the Tao Te Ching)

This is the second Mystery. The first Mystery refutes the “High Appreciation of the Existence” and the “High Evaluation of Non-existence” in order to attain “Neither Existence nor Non-existence.” The second Mystery aims to negate even “Neither Existence nor Non-existence” so as to attain “no attachment to non-attachment,” because if practitioners were attached to Sengzhao’s theory of “Neither Existence nor Non-existence,” this would also be an attachment. After destruction, construction should follow. As in Buddhism in China, after the heyday of the study of the Mādhyamaka, came the emergence of the study of nirvana. Cheng Xuanying’s “Twofold Mystery” theory was no doubt inspired by the Buddhism of the Southern and Northern dynasties. After having refuted the attachments to “Existence,” “Non-existence,” and “Neither Existence nor Non-existence,” how did Cheng Xuanying and Li Rong construct their theoretical system of the “Twofold Mystery”? Wang Bi explained the “Tao” through “Non-existence,” while Guo Xiang conflated the “things 物” with “Existence.” Cheng Xuanying conflated the “Tao” with “Reason.” Furthermore, he explained and defined “Reason” as the “wonderful Reason of the Twofold Mystery,” “natural Reason,” “omnipresent and wonderful Reason,” and “true Reason.” The “wonderful Reason of the Twofold Mystery” meant positive Reason after the negation of the “Tao” as “Existence” (substance) and “Non-existence” (original nothingness). “Natural Reason” meant that Reason was not artificial. “The celestial Tao is natural Reason.” (annotation to chapter 47 of the Lao-tzu) “The true Tao is the natural Reason.” (annotation to the chapter “Tiandao,” in the Chuang-tzu) “The ultimate and mysterious Tao is natural Reason.

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Everything must follow it.” (annotation to the “Dazongshi” chapter in the Chuang-tzu) “Natural Reason” underscored the inevitability of the dharma. Cheng Xuanying explained the Tao primarily with the “omnipresent and wonderful Reason” and “true Reason.” The former meant that “Reason” was not substance; however, it was omnipresent and widely circulated, so it was not “vacuity and nothingness.” “Who comprehends the omnipresent Tao will certainly attain profound true Reason.” “Omnipresent Reason” is certainly “true Reason” and “true Reason” is nothing but “real Reason,” which is not false and exists forever. Cheng Xuanying’s explanation of the “Tao” with “Reason” was a great leap forward for Taoism on the theoretical plane. “Reason” was conceived as the omnipresent true Reason. The substance of the Tao was in this way ruled out, thus the Tao was “Non-existence.” The falsity of the independent Tao was also denied, thus the Tao was “non–Non-existence.” Finally the “non-nature” of the Tao embodied by “Neither Existence nor Non-existence” was excluded, thus the Tao became eternal and real. Clearly the “Twofold Mystery” was presented not only as a method, but also as the noumenon of everything (the noumenon of the universe). There were common points and differences between Cheng Xuanying’s ontological approach and Wang Bi’s. They both believed that the noumenon was the origin of all existence and explained it with the “Entity” and the “Application.” Wang Bi wrote: “[i]f one wanted to apply Non-existence, he could not take it as the Entity.” He underscored “Non-existence,” which made the “Application” depend on the “Entity.” Cheng Xuanying put forth “Reason” as the noumenon of everything, with what he called the “Entity of Reason,” and disclosed the secret of the “Application” of “Reason” with his “wonderful Application.” The most significant difference between Cheng Xuanying’s ontological approach and Wang Bi’s was that the latter took the indefinable “Nonexistence” as the noumenon of everything, whereas the former considered definable “Reason” (omnipresent true Reason) as the noumenon of everything, perhaps under the influence of Buddhism and Taoism, which developed during the Southern and Northern dynasties. In his annotation to the “Tiandi” chapter in the Chuang-tzu, Cheng Xuanying wrote: “the omnipresent Tao (omnipresent Reason) includes all, without limits. The Two Polarities depend on it to engender and everything is issued from it. It is nothing else but that which is the origin (noumenon) of things.” Furthermore, Cheng Xuanying suggested that the application of the “Tao” (or Reason) was the nature of all

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 171 beings. Cheng Xuanying said: “the Tao is the omnipresent wonderful Reason and the orthodox nature of all beings.” The “Tao” is the “Reason” of the existence of everything and the basis of the existence of the universe. The human being and other beings get their “orthodox nature” from the “Tao.” Perfect nature is the foundation of the existence of the human being. In other words, “nature” is the intrinsic quality of existence that the human being receives from the “Tao” (Reason). “Nature is the Reason of destiny.” (annotation to the “Zaiyou” chapter in the Chuang-tzu) “All beings have their own eternal nature and do not depend on others.” (annotation to the “Mati” chapter in the Chuang-tzu) How can man realize his “orthodox nature” (real and eternal nature) to attain the “omnipresent wonderful Reason,” in other words, go from the individual being to the universal being? According to Cheng Xuanying, the key to this question was the function of the “Heart.” The “Heart” (real and eternal ) is the soul of the human being’s spiritual activity. “The heart is the chief of the five internal organs and the dwelling of the spirits.” (annotation to the “Dashengshu” chapter in the Chuang-tzu) “The divine mansion is the dwelling of the spirit, a synonym of the heart.” (“Dechongfu” chapter in the Chuang-tzu) So “the use of wisdom depends on the heart.” (annotation to the “Dazongshi” chapter in the Chuang-tzu) Through the “Heart” one may cultivate oneself and “comprehend Reason and nature,” by eliminating desire, which “is contrary to Reason” and “causes the loss of nature.” Cheng Xuanying commented: “[t]he reason why human beings have lost their nature is that they are attached to the world. Only through purity and simplicity without desire, will true nature not be lost. That is what we call realization.” (annotation to the “Mati” chapter in the Chuang-tzu). “Man drowns himself in the material world and desire because man is born devoid of talents. If man possessed intelligence, he would not be attached in any way.” (annotation to the “Dazongshi” chapter in the Chuang-tzu) However, one can restore one’s “orthodox nature” through the practice of the spirit. “When the spirit becomes quiet, one can find one’s true nature” and attain the noumenon of the universe. That is what we call the “perfect combination of the universe and intelligence” (Unity of Heaven and Human) through which one attains the “Kingdom of the Twofold Mystery.” “Outside the universe, there is the origin of the nature of all beings and the kingdom of the ultimate way of the Twofold Mystery.” (annotation to the “Qiwulun” chapter in the Chuang-tzu)

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The “Kingdom of the Twofold Mystery” is the transcendental universe that surpasses the self and the world. Cheng Xuanying proposed the “ultimate comprehension of Reason and nature” as the way to the transcendental universe. Through the “Reason of the Twofold Mystery” Cheng Xuanying transformed the “real and eternal heart” into “real and eternal nature” (orthodox nature). “If man can be simple and unworried, he will achieve the real and eternal heart.” (annotation to the “Dechongfu” chapter in the Chuang-tzu) In this way, the ontological approach was transformed into a question about nature. Equally, Cheng Xuanying believed that through the “ultimate comprehension of Reason and nature” of the “real and eternal heart” and the “double negation” of the “Twofold Mystery,” which surpassed the theory of the negation, man could realize his “real and eternal nature” and attain the “Kingdom of the Twofold Mystery” through the “Reason of the Twofold Mystery.” In this way, the noumenon (Reason of the Twofold Mystery) and the universe would be one. According to the annotation to the “Xuwugui” chapter in the Chuang-tzu, “the universe of the ultimate Tao and the kingdom of the Twofold Mystery cannot be known even by the sacred heart nor be described even by the divine mouth. He who sought to know reality through wisdom and language, would be alienated from it.” Obviously, the “Twofold Mystery” is not only the method and the theory, but also the universe. As shown above, Cheng Xuanying’s philosophy was a perfect system revolving around the three concepts of “Reason,” “nature,” and the “heart.” As a philosophical system, Cheng Xuanying’s “Twofold Mystery study,” which transformed the ontological issue into the study of nature, was all-important. There was a similitude between Cheng Xuanying’s philosophy and Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. Was the evolution of Chinese philosophy inevitable from the ontological approach marked by the Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties to the study of nature marked by the Twofold Mystery study of the Tang Dynasty? Maybe it was because Chinese philosophy emphasized the spiritual universe and was focused on “intrinsic transcendence.” If Cheng Xuanying’s Twofold Mystery was such a philosophical system, it did not answer the question of Taoism as a religion, and thus was not a religious philosophy. As we know, the objective of Taoism was different from that of Buddhism. The latter sought nirvana, whereas the former longed for immortality and longevity. If Cheng Xuanying’s “Twofold Mystery study” was not only a philosophy, but also

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 173 a religious (Taoist) philosophy, his system would be constructed to support “longevity” theoretically. As we know, there was a close link between the Taoist quest for “longevity” and the theory of the “transformation of the qi.” The unity of jing, qi, and shen was considered the way to attain longevity. How did Cheng Xuanying deal with this question in his “Twofold Mystery study”? In order to adapt his system to the ultimate objective of Taoism, Cheng Xuanying introduced the idea of “qi” into his system. He wrote in his annotation to the phrase “The Tao gives birth to One. One gives birth to Two. Two gives birth to Three” in chapter 42 of the Lao-tzu: The Tao as the wonderful noumenon of everything is not physical and cannot be named. From the noumenon issues the form. The original qi is born and then transformed into Yin and Yang. The light qi of the Yang ascends and transforms itself into Heaven, whereas the heavy qi of the Yin descends and transforms itself into the Earth. The interaction of the two qi engenders the human being. All things are born after the birth of Heaven, Earth, and man.

In this paragraph, Cheng Xuanying took the “Tao” (Reason) as the origin (noumenon) of the “things.” “The natural Reason gives birth to all things.” (annotation to the “Qiwulun” chapter in the Chuangtzu) “The qi is the origin of the things.” (annotation to the “Zaiyou” chapter in the Chuang-tzu) Everything in the universe is issued from the “Tao” (Reason) through the “qi”—as the annotation to the “Qiwulun” chapter in the Chuang-tzu noted—“as the wonderful origin, the qi gives birth to all things.” The human being, composed of jing, qi, and shen, gets his “orthodox nature” from the “Tao.” If he cultivates himself and practices the “Tao,” he may return to the origin, be unified with the “Tao,” and finally attain longevity. For this objective, Taoism put forth the “double cultivation of nature and life.” The practice of nature aims to cultivate the heart, whereas the practice of life aims to cultivate the qi. But how can one return to the origin? According to Cheng Xuanying, one must “appreciate shen, cherish qi, strengthen jing, and practise the Tao. Do not despise your own body, it is called self-respect.” The practice of the Tao is the necessary condition to “appreciate shen, cherish qi, strengthen jing,” and finally achieve longevity. Cheng Xuanying, in his annotation to chapter 16 of the Lao-tzu maintained: “[ h]e who does not cultivate his nature, return to virtue, and meet the real and eternal Tao would always act with a false heart, make the karma alter with circumstances, and throw himself in the

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land of death.” Conversely, “he who keeps his heart at peace, may rediscover his real nature and return to the divine life.” As we have shown above, Cheng Xuanying’s philosophical system was founded on a cosmogony that supported his Taoist philosophy. Certainly, the question of whether this Taoist philosophical system could achieve Taoism’s ultimate objective—the lengthening of life— was always open, since Cheng Xuanying only constructed a Taoist theory to achieve the ultimate objective, but not a system of practice to realize it. We had to wait until the emergence of the “nature study of Taoist inner alchemy” and the elaboration of the practice of the “double cultivation of the nature and life” at the end of the Tang Dynasty and the Five Dynasties to see a new development of the Taoist theory and practice. The “study of nature in Taoist inner alchemy” deserves a more profound analysis; however, it is not the subject of the present chapter. In my opinion, the significance of Cheng Xuanying’s “Twofold Mystery study” is threefold. First, if we consider pre-Qin Taoism (Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu) as the first stage of the evolution of Taoist philosophy, and the Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties, which aimed to integrate Confucianism into Taoism as the second, the Twofold Mystery study of the Tang Dynasty would be the third, from which the Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties absorbed the main contemporary Buddhist Schools such as the Mādhyamaka study and nirvana study, and the NeoTaoism of the Southern and Northern Dynasties. To a certain extent, the Twofold Mystery embodied the syncretism of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Second, from the foundation of Taoism in the Eastern Han Dynasty, it always lost to Buddhism in the domain of philosophical theory, despite many scholars’ (such as Ge Hong, Kou Qianzhi, Gu Huan, and Tao Hongjing) fruitless efforts. There were two possible reasons. First, the Taoist philosophical system was not built upon the annotations to the Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, and the Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties. Second, the contemporary debate on philosophy was not paid much attention. Indeed, Taoist theory before the creation of the “Twofold Mystery study” had been poor. The “Twofold Mystery study” more or less overcame these two shortcomings. It proposed a significant method for the Taoist philosophical system by absorbing some philosophical theories of the Mystery study, Buddhism, and Taoist ideology of the Southern and Northern Dynasties,

cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 175 and annotating the Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu. The “study of nature in Taoist inner alchemy” was built upon it. The annotations to the Laotzu and Chuang-tzu were vital to understand the evolution of Chinese philosophy (the annotations to the Confucian and Buddhist classics deserve the same attention). Third, it used to be said that Neo-Confucianism, criticizing both Buddhism and Taoism, absorbed and transformed both. However, in the historical studies of Chinese philosophy, more attention was paid to the integration of Buddhism (the Chan and Huayan Schools) in Neo-Confucianism than of Taoism. The “Twofold Mystery study” explained the “Tao” with “Reason,” suggesting that “the Tao is the omnipresent Reason and the orthodox nature of all beings.” According to it, the “heart” was considered the subject of the spirit. “The heart is the chief of the five internal organs and the dwelling of the spirits.” Unity with the Tao was possible only through the “ultimate comprehension of Reason and nature.” This was its common point with Neo-Confucianism (especially the Cheng-Zhu School ). We should pay more attention to the relationship between Neo-Confucianism and the Twofold Mystery study in order to shed light on the intricate relationship between Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism.

FROM THE FUNDAMENTALS OF PHILOSOPHICAL TAOISM TO THE INNER ALCHEMY OF RELIGIOUS TAOISM1 Zhang Guangbao The “communion of the Tao and life” 生道合一 is a fundamental piece that Taoists must observe when developing their theory of the Tao. According to philosophical Taoism, as the logos, the Tao existed in everything in a particular way. In the world, only humans consciously investigated their existence. So in this regard, the significance of human life was not limited to the individual level. It was also a medium for the manifestation of the Tao, and given ultimate significance. The Tao revealed itself through human life and its manifestation was the human act of realizing and comprehending the Tao. Indeed, the “communion of the Tao and life” was a concept that could help humans shake off the shackles of egotism, realize the Tao, and give meaning to life. However, every single life is a union of body and soul. The “communion of the Tao and life” could be found not only on the spiritual level, but also on the corporeal. In this connection, religious Taoism inherited and developed the principle of ancient philosophical Taoism in its focus on the body. Through the cultivation of the jing 精 (essence) and qi, which composed the body, the Tao could be realized. Taoist inner alchemy was just the concrete manifestation of the “communion of the Tao and life.” Compared with the French phenomenologist Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s philosophy of the body, the Taoist way of realizing the Tao through the practice of the body composed of jing, qi, and shen might be the model of the ancient holist philosophy. The reason was simple. No matter how subtle the Tao was, those who practiced it observed it with the body. Descartes’ “cogito” and Hegel’s “absolute idea,” independent of the body, were only conceptions that issued from the physical human. There is a prevalent opinion according to which there exists a gap of principle between philosophical Taoism and religious Taoism. 1 Published originally in Daojia wenhua yanjiu 道家文化研究, Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 2006, no. 21.

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Certain people believe that the attention paid by religious Taoism to the body, ritual, and the gods went against the Tao and the philosophy of Chuang-tzu, who emphasized the spirit. Some even consider the elucidation of philosophical Taoism by religious Taoism a degradation. They think the evolution from philosophical Taoism to religious Taoism is not progressive. In contrast, religious Taoism’s obsession with the body shut out the light of the Tao. In fact, they didn’t notice that the “communion of the Tao and life” was the basis of both philosophical and religious Taoism. Its manifestations on the bodily and spiritual levels can be linked. This link can be found in philosophical Taoism, which already developed the notions of jing, qi, and shen and underscored the connection between them. Although Chuang-tzu used dreams, life, and death to establish his theory and explained the realization of the Tao in terms of awakening from dreams, he did not completely give up the importance of the body, as can be seen in the chapter “Dazongshi” in the Chuang-tzu. The evolution from philosophical Taoism to religious Taoism was a more complete manifestation of the Tao, rather than its degradation. We will now treat the relationship between the theory of “communion of the Tao and life” and Taoist inner alchemy. Realization of the Tao and Longevity The link between the realization of the Tao and longevity was the basis of philosophical Taoism’s theories. As one of the important Taoist philosophers, Wenzi has formulated this link with the phrase: “life is the Tao.”2 This opinion, shared by all pre-Qin Taoist philosophers, presented concisely the Taoist emphasis on life. The Tao, as the logos, exists transcendently in everything. Relying on this belief, Taoism constructed the universality and the transcendental character of the Tao. However, the Tao can be revealed only through human acts and life. Human life is characterized by a metaphysical significance that transcends the limited physical body.

“Dingzhou Xihan Zhongshan Huaiwang mu zhujian (Wenzi) shiwen” 定州西 汉中山怀王墓竹简（文子）释文 (An annotated edition of the text of the Wenzi on bamboo slips excavated from the Western Han tomb of King Huai at Zhongshan, Dingzhou), in Wenwu, 1995. 2

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Human life comprises both body and spirit. The attention paid by Taoism to the connection between the body and the Tao represented the ancient Chinese tradition of caring for life. From the founder of philosophical Taoism, Lao-tzu, Taoist philosophers outlined the genesis of the Tao, especially the connection between the body and the Tao, which could be found in Lao-tzu’s way of formulating his metaphysical theory. Lao-tzu constructed his theory of the Tao around two aspects. First, in exploring the origin of the universe and showing the genesis of the Tao, Lao-tzu established his cosmology. In Lao-tzu’s opinion, there were two levels of relationship between the Tao and the phenomenal world. First, everything embodied the Tao. The universality and the transcendental character of the Tao decided its omniconnection with everything. Second, in time, the Tao preceded and gave birth to the universe and everything. This cosmogological view of the Tao was the precondition for the theory of “communion of the Tao and life.” It was no accident that the Tao gave birth to the universe. On the contrary, it was determined by the genetic nature of the Tao. In brief, the universe was fated to be born by the Tao. This process was also the inevitable procedure by which the Tao manifested itself. Second, Lao-tzu emphasized life and the human body by showing that the Tao revealed itself through them. To borrow a term from Chan Buddhism, people need an “entrance”—life—to attain the Tao. This is why Lao-tzu continually repeated the question of life in the Tao Te Ching. Examples include the Tao of longevity in chapter 59, the phrase “[t]hose who embrace death will not perish, but have life everlasting” in chapter 33, and all kinds of recommended self-cultivation regimens in chapters 6 and 10, and such phrases as “[t]he spirit of emptiness is immortal. It is called the Great Mother because it gives birth to Heaven and Earth. It is like a vapor, barely seen but always present. Use it effortlessly.” “Nurture the darkness of your soul until you become whole. Can you do this and not fail? Can you focus your life-breath until you become supple as a newborn child? While you cleanse your inner vision will you be found without fault?” The theory and practice of the later Taoist inner alchemy were founded on the creative interpretation of Lao-tzu’s theory and self-cultivation regimen. In adopting Lao-tzu’s theory, later Taoist philosophers precised the generative nature of the Tao. For Chuang-tzu, the connection between life and the Tao was based on the spirit; however, he also considered the link between the Tao and body. For example, in the chapter “Dazongshi,” it says: “Fuxi got it and entered into the ‘mother

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of breath.’ The Yellow Emperor got it and ascended to the cloudy heavens. Zhuangxu got it and dwelt in the Dark Palace. The Queen Mother of the West got it and took her seat on Shaoguang. Nobody knows her beginning, nobody knows her end. Pengzu got it and lived from the age of Shun to the age of Five Dukes.” Thus, for Chuang-tzu, the realization of the Tao was inevitably linked to longevity (Pengzu) and immortality (the Yellow Emperor). This point of view was even clearer in the chapter “Zaiyou 在宥”: The essence of the Perfect Tao is deep and darkly shrouded; the extreme of the Perfect Tao is mysterious and hushed in silence. Let there be no seeing, no hearing; enfold the spirit in quietude and the body will right itself. Be still, be pure, do not labor your body, do not churn up your essence, and then you can live a long life. When the eye does not see, the ear does not hear and the mind does not know, your spirit will protect the body and the body will enjoy long life. Be cautious of what is within you; block off what is outside you, for much knowledge will do you harm. Then I will lead you up above the Great Brilliance, to the source of the Perfect Yang; I will guide you through the Dark and Mysterious Gate to the source of the Perfect Yin. Heaven and earth have their controllers, the Yin and Yang their storehouses. You have only to take care and guard your own body; the other things will of themselves grow sturdy. As for myself, I guard this unity, abide in this harmony, and therefore I have kept myself alive for twelve hundred years and never has my body suffered any decay.

In this passage, cultivation of the Tao was taken to be the same as cultivation of the body. Longevity was the product of a body impregnated with the Tao. Thus, the theory of “communion of the Tao and life” was actualized on the corporeal level. Moreover, Chuang-tzu encapsulated the transcendence of life through the realization of the Tao in “non-life and non-death.” This state resembled the “breaking the chain of life and death” of Buddhism. Nevertheless, Chuang-tzu adopted belief in the immortal, especially in his later philosophy in which he fixed the terminus in the Country of the Lord 帝乡: The true sage is a quail at rest, a little fledgling at its meal, a bird in flight who leaves no trail behind. When the world has the Tao, he joins in the chorus with all other beings. When the world is without the Tao, he nurses his Virtue and retires in leisure. And after a thousand years, should he grow weary of the world, he will leave it and ascend among the immortals, riding on white clouds all the way up to the Country of the Lord.3 3

Chuang-tzu, chapter “Tiandi 天地.”

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The belief in immortality revealed in this passage cannot be considered simply as Chuang-tzu’s later philosophy because similar traces can be found in other chapters, such as “Dazongshi.” According to the chapter “Rangwang 让王,” the essence of the Tao was embodied in the cultivation of the body and there was an inextricable relationship between the body and the Tao. The body was the direct manifestation of the Tao, whereas the country and the world were only indirect manifestations. “The Truth of the Tao lies in looking after oneself; its fringes and leftovers consist in managing the state and its great families; its offal and weeds consist in governing the empire.” A similar opinion can be found in the Lüshi chunqiu [ Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals] and was very popular with Taoist philosophers of the time, such as Wenzi: The great Tao is peaceful and not removed from body. Cultivate the body, then virtue will be true. Cultivate things, then virtue will be perpetual.4

These theories were the basis for the later Taoist inner alchemy, which emphasized the practice of the body. The author of the Guanzi shared this theory. His chapters “Baixin 白心” (Simple Mind), “Neiye 内业” (Inner Work), and “Xinshu shang 心术” parts 1 and 2 (Techniques of the Mind) were, in my opinion, works of pre-Qin Taoism. In these chapters, the precise relationship between the Tao and the body were introduced. For example, in the chapter “Neiye,” it says: The Tao is what fills in all forms. If one can not seize it, it will go and never return; even if it comes, it will not reside. It is inaudible, and suddenly, can be found in the heart. It is invisible, but one is born with it. Inaudible and invisible, but its way can be followed, that is the Tao.

According to this passage, people can seize the Tao through practice. As to the generative nature of the Tao, it was emphasized in these chapters of the Guanzi as well. For example, according to the chapter “Neiye,” even though the Tao can not be perceived by the senses, it rules human life. One who has the Tao will live, whereas one who loses it will die. “The Tao cannot be said by the mouth, seen by the eyes, or heard by the ears. Cultivate heart and body with the Tao. Life and death, success and defeat, all depend on it.” “One who follows

4

Wenzi, chapter “Shangde 上德.”

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the Tao strictly will obtain longevity.” Thus, the author of the Guanzi believed that practice of the Tao led to certain longevity. Respect for life was a typical feature of Chinese traditional culture. In the Yizhuan 易传 [Interpretation on the Book of Changes], it says “the great virtue of Heaven is life.” The instinct of life was described as an abstract spiritual character. With this character, Chinese people fought against nature for thousands of years and never stopped to develop and multiply. There was a Taoist School of self-cultivation that took longevity as a symbol of the realization of the Tao. The Taoists of this school explained the theory of “communion of the Tao and life” by establishing all kinds of concrete rules of self-cultivation practice. This school was probably linked to early medical practitioners. It was, perhaps, a syncretism of Taoism and medicine: The Yellow Emperor said: I heard there was in early antiquity the True Man who took hold of Heaven and Earth, grasped Yin and Yang, breathed vital energy, stayed alone, kept his spirit, and unified his body. Thus his endless life of the Tao was longer than Heaven and Earth. There was in middle antiquity the Ultimate Man. His virtue was pure and his Tao was complete. He accorded with Yin and Yang, and the four seasons. He left this world and kept his energy, traveled all over the world, and observed all directions. This was someone who prolonged his lifespan. He belonged also to the True Men.5

This passage borrowed such terms from Chuang-tzu as “True Man” and “Ultimate Man.” However, their images differed from those in the Chuang-tzu: “[w]hat do I mean by a True Man? The True Man of ancient times did not rebel against poverty, did not grow proud in plenty, and did not plan his affairs. A man like this could climb the high places and not be frightened, could enter the water and not get wet, could enter the fire and not get burned. His knowledge was able to climb all the way up to the Tao like this.”6 “The True Man of ancient times knew nothing of loving life, knew nothing of hating death. He emerged without delight; he went back in without a fuss. He came briskly, he went briskly, and that was all. He didn’t forget where he began; he didn’t try to find out where he would end. When he received something, he took pleasure in it; then he forgot about it and handed it back again. This is what I call not using the mind to

5 6

Huangdi neijing suwen, chapter “Shanggu tianzhen lun 上古天真论.” Chuang-tzu, chapter “Dazongshi.”

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repel the Tao, not using man to help out Heaven. This is what I call the True Man.”7 The chapter “Qiwu lun 齐物论” talked about the Ultimate Man. The Chuang-tzu insisted on the spiritual level, which was less present in the Huangdi neijing. The author of the latter illuminated the connection of the Tao and life and the generative nature of the Tao through the physical body. This theory was inherited by religious Taoism and became its basis. The Taoist School represented by the Huangdi neijing emphasized the transcendence of body and spirit. In contrast, Chuang-tzu’s theory of “equalizing life and death, before now and today” met with no sympathy from this school. For instance, in the chapter “Qi jiaobian dalun 气交变大论,” a passage of ancient scriptures was quoted to define the Man of the Tao: “[i]t was said in the ancient scriptures: the Man of the Tao knows Heaven, Earth, and human beings. Then he lives long.” In the chapter “Shanggu tianzhen lun,” it says: “those who knew the Tao in ancient times followed Yin and Yang and comprehended divination. They ate and slept regularly and rarely worked themselves out. So their body and spirit were perfected. At the age of 100, they left this world after having finished their lifespan.” The Tao was revealed internally, then in activated form, and filled their body. This was the forerunner of the cultivation of nature and life of Taoist inner alchemy. This theory found resonance in the Lüshi chunqiu: The ancient who had realized the Tao lived long; then they could enjoy limitless physical pleasures. Why? because it was pre-decided. Then people knew how to be sparse with their energy. When autumn is precociously cool, winter will be warm. If the rain is abundant in spring, there will be drought in summer. There is equilibrium for Heaven and Earth, and so for the human being.8

The different levels, spiritual or bodily, of interpretations of the “communion of the Tao and life” by Taoist philosophers have been unified in religious Taoism, especially the Taoist inner alchemy school of the Song and Yuan dynasties. Built on the Three Origins—jing, qi, and shen—Taoist inner alchemy emphasized the purification of the spirit and adopted the practice of the spirit into its system. For more information on this subject, see my JinYuan Quanzhendao xinxingxue 金元全 真道心性学 [Spiritual Cultivation in Quanzhen Taoism of the Jin and Yuan

7 8

Idem. Lüshi chunqiu, chapter “Qingyu 情欲.”

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Dynasties].9 Certainly, there was a clear difference between the spiritual cultivation of religious Taoism and the liberty of spirit of philosophical Taoism. The radical difference consisted in the obvious influence of Chan Buddhism in the former. Practice of Jing and Qi, and Realization of the Tao The omnipresent Tao exists in everything including man as a physical and limited being. If one wants to transform one’s natural given connection to the Tao into an enlightened self-conscious presence of the Tao, he needs a strict regimen of practice to remove the shadow that hides the Tao and reveal its original state. This practice to realize the Tao includes the enlightenment of the spirit and physical practice. According to ancient philosophical Taoism, these two levels had to be distinguished in theory, but integrated completely into one another in practice. The reason was simple: the concrete practice relied on the human body. Nevertheless, Taoist philosophers had a particular point of view in regard to the human body. They took it as a biological coherent entity and analyzed it with three basic elements: jing, qi, and shen. These three elements became two basic notions for philosophical Taoism and Taoist inner alchemy. Ancient Taoist philosophers created the notion of “jingqi” by linking jing and qi because they considered them to be one element. In the Tao Te Ching, jing was described as the existence of the Tao: “Even though the Tao is intangible and evasive, we are able to know it exists. Intangible and evasive, yet it has a manifestation. Secluded and dark, yet there is a jing within it. Its jing is very genuine. Within it we can find order.”10 Lao-tzu used jing for distinguishing the Tao and Vacuity. For Lao-tzu, jing was existence. Lao-tzu described it as huanghu 恍惚, which meant “intangible and evasive.” Thus, jing is not a descriptive scientific notion, but a transcendental philosophical notion. This notion of Lao-tzu’s has directly influenced the School of Chuang-tzu. According to the chapter “Zaiyou,” in the Chuang-tzu, jing was the substance of the Tao. Through

9 Zhang Guangbao, JinYuan Quanzhendao xinxingxue. Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1995. 10 Tao Te Ching, chapter 21.

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the practice of keeping shen and solidifying jing which filled the body, humans can merge with the Tao by passing the mystery gate: The essence of the Perfect Tao is deep and darkly shrouded; the extreme of the Perfect Tao is mysterious and hushed in silence. Let there be no seeing, no hearing; enfold the spirit in quietude and the body will right itself. Be still, be pure, do not labor your body, do not churn up your essence and then you can live a long life.

What kind of existence is jing? How did philosophical Taoism define jing on the basis of the Tao? Some useful glimpses can be found in the Guanzi, in the chapter “Neiye”: jing is the essence ( jing) of qi. Dong Zhongshu considered jing and qi to synonymous in his Chunqiu fanlu: “jing is the pure qi.”11 Guanzi believed jing was the source of qi and gave birth to qi: Jing exists and is born spontaneously. Its exterior is peaceful and prosperous and its great interior is the source of qi. If this source is inexhaustible, the body will be solid and the nine orifices will be open. Then man can travel all over the world. He will not be confused and will never meet calamity. His mind and body are perfected. He will not confront natural disasters or man-made calamities. He is what we call a Saint.12

He also said: Clean its abode with respect, and jing will come naturally. Concentrate yourself and ease your mind. Be serious and reverent, jing will come and reside. Get it and never let it go. Don’t be excessive in desire and restrain your mind. Concentrate your mind in it, everything then can be released.13

In this passage, jing has two meanings: as the source of human life, it has physical meaning; at the same time, it comes from outside of and is independent of the human body. Thus, the notion of jing in the Guanzi established the connection between physics and metaphysics. Moreover, the theory of “jing as the source of qi” had an important impact on ancient philosophical Taoism. The fixed notion of “jingqi” was created on the basis of the link between jing and qi: for example, the sentences “jingqi is collected” in the Lüshi chunqiu14 and “man is composed of jingqi” in the Huainan zi and the Wenzi. 11 12 13 14

Chunqiu fanlu, chapter “Tongguoshen 通国身.” Guanzi, chapter “Neiye.” Idem. Lüshi chunqiu, chapter “Jingshu 尽数.”

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The origin of the notion of “jing” was closely linked to the Tao. In the cosmogonic pattern, “The Tao gives birth to One. One gives birth to Two. Two gives birth to Three. Three gives birth to all things,” jing or jingqi was one of these stages. In other words, only through jingqi or the original qi, does the Tao give birth to all things and link physics and metaphysics. Ancient Taoist philosophers established their classical cosmogony on this basis, which was quoted in many Taoist works. For instance, in the Heguan zi it says: “so Heaven and Earth rely on the original qi and all things rely on Heaven and Earth. As to divinity, it relies on virtue.”15 Lao-tzu’s speech was quoted in the Wenzi: before Heaven and Earth were separated, there had been mysterious chaos. Then it became silent and pure. The heavy and impure part formed the Earth and the fine part formed Heaven. The four seasons were created and Yin and Yang took shape. Fine qi gave birth to human beings, while thick qi gave birth to insects. Hard and soft were unified, then all things were born. Jing and shen relied on Heaven; the skeleton was rooted in the Earth. Jing and shen passed their gate, whereas the skeleton returned to its root.16

These passages are all a sketchy outline of “the Tao giving birth to all things” through original qi—Heaven and Earth—all things (including human beings). On the other hand, the author of the Huainan zi discussed precisely the evolution of the universe from primitive to advanced and from chaos to manifestation in annotating the following passage from the chapter “Qiwu lun,” in the Chuang-tzu: There is a beginning. There is a not yet beginning to be a beginning. There is a not yet beginning to be a not yet beginning to be a beginning. There is being. There is nonbeing. There is a not yet beginning to be nonbeing. There is a not yet beginning to be a not yet beginning to be nonbeing. What we call “there is a beginning”: enclosed things haven’t been revealed except for a little sign. Shape hasn’t been taken. There is chaos and change will happen. What we call “there is a not yet beginning to be a beginning”: Celestial qi begins to go down while terrestrial qi begins to go up. Yin and Yang are mixed and full of the universe. Virtue is enclosed and harmony is covered. There is prosperity. Things will be influenced but there is not yet a sign. What we call “there is a not yet beginning to be a not yet beginning to be a beginning”: Heaven comprises harmony but does not yet go down. The Earth comprises qi but does not yet rise. There is silence and loneliness between

15 16

Heguan zi, chapter “Tailu 泰录.” Wenzi, chapter “Shishou.”

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existence and non-existence. Qi goes everywhere. What we call “there is being”: all things are prosperous. Plants grow with luxuriant foliage and spreading branches in leafy profusion. Animals fly or walk. They can be counted and perceived. What we call “there is nonbeing”: it is invisible. It is inaudible. It can’t be seized. It has no limit. It is very large. It can’t be hidden and measured. Its light can be seen everywhere. What we call “there is a not yet beginning to be nonbeing”: it envelops Heaven and Earth and nurtures all things. It is so large that there is nothing outside it. It is so small that there is nothing inside it. It has no space but gives birth to existence and non-existence. What we call “there is a not yet beginning to be a not yet beginning to be nonbeing.”17

We have to understand correctly the signification of “the Tao giving birth to all things”: this birth is not what we ordinarily understand as birth, such as a mother giving birth to her child. The birth of every concrete thing is realized by physical separation. Genesis is possible only when the child is separated from the matrix. Once the child is born, he will be isolated eternally from the matrix. This is not the case of the Tao, which is the matrix of all things and exists in them. Thus “the Tao giving birth to all things” is just the process through which the Tao manifests its intrinsic diversity. However, for Taoist philosophers, in this process, the Tao undergoes an evolution from a fine state to a coarse state. As the first manifestation of the Tao, jingqi is a wonderful form of existence. Thanks to the intermediary of jingqi, all things are born. Ancient Taoist philosophers constructed their system on the basis of this particular notion of genesis. They didn’t mechanically analyze things, but thought from the genesis of the Tao. According to them, the existence of everything was based on the Tao. At the same time, when things were separated from the Tao, they went against it. As a conscious being, man is part of all things. Nevertheless, he is able to interrogate the Tao and return to the Tao through practice, thanks to its reflection. Practice must follow the proper sequence. So practice can be realized only when it is based on jing—the original state of the Tao. In Taoist philosophers’ works, jing or jingqi were considered a wonderful existence. They believed jingqi existed in everything and was the source of vitality. A passage of the Lüshi chunqiu was dedicated to its wonderful function of bringing the dying back to life: “[w]hen jingqi gathers, it will work. If it works in a bird, the bird flies. If it

17

Huainan zi, chapter “Chuzhen xun 俶真训.”

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works in a beast, the beast walks. If it works in a pearl, the pearl is bright. If it works in a tree, the tree grows. If it works in a sage, the sage is intelligent. The arrival of jingqi enables flying with wings, walking with feet, eat with savour, nurture with growth, enlightenment with intelligence.”18 We find a similar philosophy in the Guanzi, which inspired Taoist spiritual practices: [t]he jing of things is vital. Underneath, it created five cereals and above it gave birth to stars. When it wanders on earth, we call it spirit. When it enters into someone’s body, we call him a sage. It is bright like in Heaven. It is far away like in an abyss. It is moist like in the sea. Suddenly it exists in the self. So this qi cannot be stopped by force, but can be settled by virtue. It cannot be called by sound, but can be received by music. Keep it with reverence and never lose it; that is what we call realized virtue. When virtue is realized and intelligence is manifested, all things can be obtained.19

Jing or jingqi as discussed in the Lüshi chunqiu and Guanzi is a kind of exterior existence and is the basis of the connection between the universe and all things. It exists in everything and favors prosperity. This wonderful generative function of jing is the concrete manifestation of the Tao, which gives birth to all things. However, jing cannot be perceived by human reason and sense organs. This shared feature of jingqi and the Tao led Taoist philosophers to describe the mysterious Tao as mysterious jingqi. However, jingqi is different from the Tao in terms of logos. In the original state, the unique Tao is activated from vacuity and loneliness and the production of jingqi is the result of this process. This is also a process of evolution from a fine state to coarse state. Having realized this, ancient Taoist philosophers wanted to return to the Tao through practice, transform the coarse state to a fine state, and finally realize the Tao through enlightenment of life. This is what we call realization of the Tao. An all-pervasive nature has been attributed to the jing by ancient Taoist philosophers. It was at the same time the shared matter existing throughout the universe and all things and the vital material of human life. The latter was the physical basis of Taoist practice. But what did ancient Taoist philosophers mean by jing? Was it different from the external jingqi? According to the Lüshi chunqiu, Huainan zi, and

18 19

Lüshi chunqiu, chapter “Jingshu.” Guanzi, chapter “Neiye.”

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Wenzi, there were two meanings of jing in philosophical Taoism. The narrow sense of jing was semen, called jing of Yan in the Mawangdui silk manuscripts. The broad sense was the vitality of human beings or things. For instance, in the Lüshi chunqiu it says: “running water is never stale and a door-hinge never gets worm-eaten because they move. It’s the same for the body and qi. If the body doesn’t move, jing will not flow. If jing doesn’t flow, qi will be blocked.”20 “The primordial thing is to care for the body and keep its great treasure. Take the new and get rid of the old, then there will be no blockage in the body. Vital qi is new, whereas evil qi should be cleaned out, then life will be prolonged. That’s we call the True Man.”21 Jing in these passages meant jingqi, which comprised human vitality. Ancient Taoist philosophers believed jingqi was the basis of life. Maintaining its circulation was the precondition for health: Everyone has 360 joints, nine orifices, five zang organs, and six fu organs. Skin must be tight, circulation must be free, bones must be strong, the mind must be peaceful, and jingqi must be active. Then disease will not stay and evil will not be born. Disease and evil are caused by the blockage of jingqi. So still water is dirty, the still tree gets worm-eaten, and still grass becomes rotten.22

In the Huainan zi it also says: “one commits hypocrisy because he looks for jing externally. Jing is exhaustible, whereas action is inexhaustible. Then the mind will be confused and the heart will err.”23 Here, jing meant the vitality of the human body. This kind of vitality can communicate with the universe’s vitality. According to the “Ten Questions” of the Mawangdui silk manuscripts, humans can acquire the universe’s vitality through practice: “the ultimate jing of the universe is born in no-sign, grows in no-form, is realized in no-body. He who achieves it will live a long life; he who loses it will die prematurely.” The author of the Wenzi believed that jing was key to transforming the human body and surmounting life and death. He said: Keep jing in the eyes, vision will be clear. Keep jing in the ears, hearing will be accurate. Keep jing in the mouth, words will be relevant. Keep jing in the mind, ideas will be active. So close four passes, there will be

20 21 22 23

Lüshi chunqiu, chapter “Xianji 先己.” Idem. Idem, chapter “Daxulan 达郁览.” Huainan zi, chapter “Chuzhen xun.”

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Obviously, Wenzi believed a human could become True Man through the practice of keeping jingqi. Taoist philosophers thought the real issue of keeping and absorbing jing was to maintain a peaceful mind. Jingqi is the ultimate fine existence and can be achieved by ordinary means. Only when we ease our mind, does jingqi come naturally. The practice of keeping jing is in fact a spiritual practice. This opinion can be found in the Huainan zi: For spirit and vitality, one who remains peaceful and is filled with them every day will become strong; one who is irritated and consumes them every day will become feeble. That is the reason why the sage nurtures his shen, eases his qi, pacifies his body, and moves with the Tao. In peace, he lets them go, whereas in urgency, he uses them. He lets them go as one puts down his clothes, while he uses them as one fires his weapon.25

Also, in the chapter “Taizu xun”: The Tao is to keep jing inside and keep shen in the heart. In peace and simplicity, the evil qi will not stop in the four limbs or the joints. If each pore is open, then the machine runs smoothly and all veins and nine orifices are harmonious. To put each spirit in its own place, is not only the result of kneading parts of the body or trimming hair.

This passage of the Huainan zi represented the philosophical Taoist theory: “keeping spiritual peace” was the unique way to realize the Tao. Although Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu did not discuss the means of sublimating jing, we can find in their writings on Taoist practices their confirmation that one can thus realize the Tao. In brief, as we have seen above, the notion of jingqi was open to more than one interpretation. The first was the cosmological signification in the context of the Tao. The second meant different levels in the human body. The jingqi in the human body could communicate with that of the universe. This was the remarkable representation of the Chinese own vision of transcendence and the theoretical basis for religious Taoism, especially Taoist inner alchemy. It proved there was an intrinsic link between philosophical and religious Taoism and that the latter has inherited the spirit of the former.

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Wenzi, chapter “Xiade 下德.” Huainan zi, chapter “Yuandao xun.”

“FOLLOW AND OPPOSE 顺逆” IN TAOIST INNER ALCHEMY AND ITS CONTEMPORARY INTERPRETATION1 Ge Guolong Introduction The theory of Taoist inner alchemy finds its origin in Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu’s works. Lao-tzu’s “Empty the self and embrace peace, return to the origin and retrieve nature” anticipates “he who follows remains mortal, he who opposes becomes immortal.” Most Taoist inner alchemy practitioners considered Lao-tzu as their founding master and adopted his theory of the “return to the origin.” They took the “return to the origin” and “who follows remains mortal, who opposes becomes immortal” as the starting points of the theory, even though Taoist inner alchemy was divided into southern, northern, eastern, western, and middle schools. The study of immortals means “to refine nature and return to the origin.”2 Considering the importance and universality of the “follow and oppose” concepts in Taoist inner alchemy, I will explore only the modern interpretation and theoretical basis of the idea of the “return to the origin”. Before examining the idea of “follow and oppose” in Taoist inner alchemy, we should at first analyse and clarify its meaning to avoid too literal an interpretation. “Follow” and “oppose” are not notional words. Their exact meaning cannot be drawn from their literal interpretation, but from the words and context in which they are found. Their meanings depend on “follow what” and “oppose what.” From the angle of the “noumenon,” there appears to be nothing to “follow” or “oppose.” The thing-in-itself 物自身 is a self-such (tathātā, in

1 Due to its length, the present paper was originally published as two articles: “‘Follow and Oppose’ in Taoist Inner Alchemy and its Contemporary Interpretation” was published in 1998 in Religious Studies, No. 3, while “ ‘Follow and Oppose’ in Taoist Inner Alchemy” was published in 2000 in Studies in World Religions, No. 4. But its reduction diminished its value. Hence this article in a new form. 2 Cuigong ruyaojing zhujie 崔公入药镜注解 [Commentary on Master Cui’s Mirror on the Admixture of Ingredients], in Hong Pimo’s Daozang qigong yaoji 道藏气功要集 [An Anthology of Qigong in the Taoist Canon], vol. 1, p. 75, Shanghai, Shanghai shudian, 1991.

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Buddhist terms) 如 and an organic whole with a universal interaction. “Follow and oppose” is the value or judgment of a cognitive person, and thus is relative. In the same frame of reference, “follow” and “oppose” appear to be a contradiction in terms. Follow means follow in one frame of reference, while oppose means oppose in another frame of reference. But in a different frame of reference, following something could mean oppose something else. So follow and oppose are not necessarily a contradiction in terms. The thing-in-itself is a synthesis of contradictions: following one thing will necessarily mean opposing another and in the end there is no contradiction. We will first consider “follow and oppose” in Taoist inner alchemy then give a modern interpretation of these concepts. Here “modern interpretation” means leaving aside the tradition of Taoist inner alchemy to reflect on and interpret them from a modern point of view. “Follow and Oppose” in Taoist Inner Alchemy 1. The ultimate aim of Taoist inner alchemy is to become a deity. However, the meanings of “deity” are many and Taoism’s idea of “deity” has evolved. The salient feature of a deity is “longevity” and “immortality,” between which, however, there is a radical difference. The “physical body” and the “formless true body” of the immortal must be distinguished. Longevity refers to a life relatively longer than that of common people. Forever caught in a “time frame,” it cannot attain ultimate transcendence. Indeed, hundreds or thousands of years are just the blink of an eye in the limitless flow of time. The immortals, by contrast, must transcend the contradiction between life and death to attain eternity. The Secret Instructions of Huanxu 涵虚秘旨 says “in antiquity there existed immortal spirits (shen 神) but no immortal body. If one’s shen is immortal, he can be called a deity.”3 We find in the Anthology of Central Harmony 中和集 “the main idea of the Quanzhen School lies in the two words ‘body and heart’. . . . What I mean by ‘body and heart’ are not the physical body and heart, but the invisible body and heart.”4 In the Twelve Kinds of Taoist Scriptures it says that “the

3 4

Li Xiyue, Hanxu mizhi. Beijing: China Renmin University Press, 1990, p. 59. Xu Zhaoren, Tianyuan danfa. Beijing: China Renmin University Press, 1990, p. 46.

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sacred embryo is formless and not physical . . . the sacred embryo is the Dharma body within the physical body.”5 The highest level of practice of Taoist inner alchemy considers the “union of shen and qi,”—the “original shen” returned to the essence of nothingness—as the highest goal, and takes “refining jing 精 into qi,” “refining qi into shen,” and “refining shen into xu 虚” as the steps to follow to attain the Tao. The method to “return to the origin” in Taoist inner alchemy, from postexistence 后天 to pre-existence 先天 was thus created. If “becoming immortal” means “attaining eternal transcendence,” such transcendence cannot come from mortals. There must be an ontological basis of transcendence to make immortality possible. Hence the strict distinction between “post-existence” and “pre-existence” made by Taoist inner alchemy. “Physical beings, born after the creation of Heaven and Earth, are not the best medicine because the physical is inferior and is not part of the Tao of pre-existence.”6 “Human beings, born after the creation of Heaven and Earth, are confined between Heaven and Earth and the physical world is mortal.”7 The post-existent beings are all mortals, thus cannot be the source of immortality. “So the saint took the pre-existent unique qi as cinnabar, refined the form into the unique qi, refined the qi into the shen, united the shen and the Tao, and returned to the form of the formless. Hence he could transcend Heaven and Earth and be independent of the rebirth.”8 The pre-existent unique qi is of transcendental origin. Someone who takes the pre-existent unique qi as the material for the creation of cinnabar and is united with the Tao, can “transcend Heaven and Earth.” As in the cosmological and ontological approaches, the distinction of transcendence between “post-existence” and “pre-existence” has two meanings. First, “pre-existence” means cosmogonical origin, the origin of the world of phenomena. The return from “post-existence” to “preexistence” means the return to the origin. Second, “pre-existence” means the ontological thing-in-itself of every phenomenon. The reversion from “post-existence” to “pre-existence” means the reversion from phenomenon to noumenon. However, in documents on Taoist inner alchemy, the distinction between the two meanings is not so clear-cut. For example, the meaning of “origin” includes that of “noumenon.” 5 6 7 8

Liu Yiming, Daoshu shierzhong. Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1996, p. 95. Daozang qigong yaoji, vol. 1. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1991, p. 113. Ibid., p. 213. Ibid., p. 214.

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The origin means tracing back in time the “mother of all phenomena”, while the noumenon means the logical search for the “root of all phenomena.” However, the inherent coherence of evolution in time and in logic means that the origin is only the noumenon. Indeed, in the Lao-tzu, the Tao unifies the origin and the noumenon. The Tao is at the same time the origin of everything and the transcendental noumenon. The meaning of the noumenon in Chinese philosophy is very subtle. It can be vague to those who analyse it and mysterious to those who know it. In Taoist inner alchemy, there are two main concepts which correspond to the noumenon, the Tao and the xu. The comprehension of these two concepts leads to the comprehension of other ontological concepts like “the wuji 无极,” “the Pre-Existent Unique qi,” and “the Great xu 太虚.” 2. The complete evolutionary pattern of the cosmos in Taoist inner alchemy “Form-jing-qi-shen-xu-Tao” is presented exhaustively in Tan Qiao’s Book of Transformations 化书: When the Tao is at rest, the xu is transformed into the shen, the shen into the qi, and the qi into the form. When the form is created, all are stopped in their development. When the Tao is in action, the form is transformed into the qi, the qi into the shen, and the shen into the xu. When the xu is lightened, everything starts to circulate. So ancient people looked for the cause of impediment and circulation and found the origin of the world. Forget the form to cultivate the qi, forget the qi to cultivate the shen, forget the shen to cultivate the xu. The unity of the xu and the shi 实 (phenomenal reality) is called the “Great Unity 大同.”9

The preceding paragraph sums up the two-way transformation that takes place between the cosmological xu and shi in Taoist inner alchemy. “The Tao at rest” represents the clockwise evolution of the cosmos from the “xu” to the “shi”—the process through which “the Tao gives birth to all” and “the xu is transformed into the shen, the shen into the qi, and the qi into the form”—while “the active Tao” represents the counterclockwise evolution of the cosmos from the “shi” to the “xu.” This latter is the reverse process of the “return to the origin” through 9 Tan Qiao, Huashu, eds. Ding Zhenyan and Li Sizhen. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1996, p. 1.

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“the transformation of the form into the qi, the qi into the shen, and the shen into the xu.” The clockwise evolution leads to “the creation of form so everything halts,” while the counterclockwise evolution leads to “the lightening of xu so that everything starts to circulate.” This quotation is the best commentary on the theory that “who follows remains mortal, who opposes becomes immortal,” which explains the essential concepts and theories of Taoist inner alchemy. We will now elaborate on the ontological theory of “follow and oppose” in Taoist inner alchemy. If we take “0” to represent the level of “the Tao” and “the xu,” “1” “the pre-existent unique qi” or the “original chaos unique qi,” “2” the dual level of “the shen and the qi” or “the yin-yang,” and “3” the triple level of “the jing (form), the qi, and the shen,” then the pattern “0-12-3 . . . all” can represent the clockwise evolution: “The Tao gives birth to One. One gives birth to Two. Two gives birth to Three. Three gives birth to all things.” The pattern “all . . . 3-2-1-0” can represent the counterclockwise evolution of “refining the jing into the qi, refining the qi into the shen, and refining the shen into the xu (Tao).” I classify the “jing,” (form) and “Tao,” (xu) in the same category, but the “form” is cruder and inferior to the “jing” (hence the stage of refining the form into the jing) while the “Tao” is subtler and superior to the “xu” (hence the stage when the xu is refined into the Tao). It cannot be said there are no differences between the “form” and the “jing,” the “Tao” and the “xu.” The form and the jing, however, belong to the physical level, whereas the Tao and the xu belong to the category of the formless noumenon. They should logically be classified in the same conceptual category because the differences between them are not so clear-cut. The terms used in Taoist inner alchemy are not strictly logical. Early Twofold Mystery 重玄 study placed emphasis on the “form,” leaving aside the “jing.” A passage in the Zongxuan xiansheng wenji 宗玄先生文 集 [Collected Works of Master Zongxuan] echoes another one from the Book of Transformations mentioned above: The xu accumulated, then the shen was born. The shen was activated, then the qi was engendered. The qi was solidified and gradually attached itself to the shen until the form was created. The form was created, then the shen lived within, the form created we call the human. So if we let it escape and flow we are just mortals. If we return to the origin we will become immortals. Thus we should summon perfection to refine the form. The purified form will be unified with the qi. Refine the qi with the Tao. The purified qi will be unified with the shen. If the body is one

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This excerpt examines the union between the form and the qi. The Book of Transformations emphasized the “transformation of the xu,” while underscoring the “union with the Tao.” However, they are both clear on the two directions of “follow and oppose.” The form in question is referred to in the context of the evolution of all things: it presents no logical difference with Taoist inner alchemy, even though the latter underlines the jing more than the form. Only Taoist inner alchemy emphasizes the practices in which the “form” becomes concrete in the “jing” and therefore are more direct and more precise. The significance of the “Tao” is clearly broader than the “xu.” The Tao in general encompasses xu, shi, existence, and nothingness. But the same applies to xu ontologically. They all mean the “existent context” and the “universal interaction” of all concrete phenomena, all things come from them and return to them. So the emphasis on the “Tao” or the “xu” in depends only on the style of writing and the context. There is virtually no difference. We can describe the evolution of the cosmos in the four stages of “jing,” “qi,” “shen,” and “xu.” “Jing, qi, shen, and xu” can be seen as a limitless series “from shi to xu.” They embrace and set off each other. The formless origin, xu (Tao), contains all possibilities. The clockwise evolution from the formless “xu” to the physical world is a deciphering process from “nothingness” to “existence” and from “xu” to “shi.” This process gradually limits the possibilities since the more physical the stage is, the more concrete things are. Differences are thereby created, and contradictions impede unions. So it is a process “from shi to obstacles.” Since they can transform themselves into each other, they possess an intrinsic homogeneity and come from the same origin (Tao or xu). Nevertheless, they have different functions in and impacts on the different stages of evolution. Only he who attains the stage of “returning to xu” can reach a state of vacuity, without meeting any obstacle, and thus reach transcendence. The clockwise evolution of “0-1-2-3 . . . all” is the process from “preexistence to post-existence” and of “transforming xu into shi and producing obstacles from shi.” In contrast, the counterclockwise evolution of “all . . . 3-2-1-0” is the process from “post-existence to pre-existence”

10 Collected works of Master Zongxuan, in the Taoist Canon, vol. 39. Taiwan, Yiwen yinshuguan, 1977, p. 31496.

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and of “returning to the xu from the shi and being enlightened through the xu.” Retuning to the origin and the formless xu through counterclockwise practices means returning from the limited to the limitless, and then attaining transcendence and eternity. Following the counterclockwise evolution things and humans are created in the postexistent Tao. Opposing, they become immortals and Buddha in the pre-existent Tao of the golden cinnabar.11 The practice of “refining the jing into the qi, refining qi into shen, and refining shen into xu” in Taoist inner alchemy is nothing but the counterclockwise evolution of “all . . . 3-2-1-0.” In the evolution of the “inter-transformation of xu and shi,” “qi” plays the role of intermediary. Objectively, the qi is a continuous physical existence without concrete form and resembles the xu. At the same time, the qi is the material that constitutes all specific existences and resembles the shi. Subjectively, the human is the synthesis of “the jing, the qi, and the shen.” The shen is the “xu” while the body is the “shi.” Qi is the link between shen and the body and plays an intermediary role through which shen influences the body and the body transforms itself into shen. Thus the qi has a very important function in Taoist inner alchemy. Indeed, its theory of “the double cultivation of nature and life 性命, the transcendence of shen and the body” is based on the emphasis on qi and answers the Buddhist idea of original nature and enlightenment. There is another cosmogonical pattern in Taoist inner alchemy: “wuji-Taiji 太极—yin-yang—Five Agents 五行-All”. But in the hermeneutic context of the present article, these two patterns are interchangeable. The wuji can be considered as “0 (xu),” the Taiji “1 (pre-existent unique qi ),” the yin-yang “2 (the two qi of yin-yang),” and the Five Agents “3 (the jing, the qi, and the shen).” In order to be more concise, we will leave aside the “wuji-Taiji” pattern. 3. The objective of the present paper is not to study in detail personal cultivation in Taoist inner alchemy. In this chapter, we will analyse personal cultivation through “transcendence by opposition” in reference to “follow and oppose.” As mentioned above, the ontology in Taoist inner alchemy is linked to the cultivation of “nature and life.”

11

Daozang qigong yaoji, vol 1. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1991, p. 165.

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The laws of the cosmos are also those of human life in Taoist inner alchemy. The growth of human life follows the clockwise evolution “from pre-existence to post-existence.” Taoist inner alchemy observes human life from the birth of the embryo and compares it with the evolution of the cosmos. According to Taoist inner alchemy, in correspondence with the evolution of “0 (xu)-1 (pre-existent qi )-2 (qi of yin-yang)-3 ( jing, qi, and shen),” human life originates from the Great xu. The father’s semen and the mother’s blood are combined in xu into the pre-existent qi. Jing, qi, and shen in the embryo combine to make a human being. Nature and life are united and placed in the pre-existent stage. Then the embryo grows. Shen and qi are separated and emerge from the embryo after ten months. This is what we call the boundary between pre-existence and post-existence. The pre-existent qi is hidden in the navel and then the breath of the post-existent qi is born. The pre-existent shen is hidden in the heart and then the post-existent shen of feeling, desire, and knowledge is born. Before birth, qi is ample and the embryo is complete. The form moves and the embryo splits, like rocks rolling down the mountain with a loud sound when they touch the ground. Nature and life are thus separated. Henceforth, they do not come together again.12 Pre-existence is from then on transformed into post-existence. At sixteen, jing, qi, and shen attain their climax. After that, desire becomes exuberant, strange thinking develops, and jing disperses while shen is deficient. So humans grow old and eventually die. That is the clockwise evolution of the natural life of human beings. In contrast, all the self-cultivation in Taoist inner alchemy is based on the counterclockwise practices from post-existence to preexistence, so the jing is not dispersed from the body and will be refined into qi. Shen and qi will be united and shen will be refined into xu. The ordinary clockwise evolution includes physiology (life) and psychology (nature). These two aspects are interrelated in reciprocal causality. It is the physiological dissipation of life’s energy ( jing and qi ). According to Taoist inner alchemy the energy of human life is limited. Its quantity determines human vitality. Taoist inner alchemy emphasizes the sublimation of “natural energy.” The energy of life can be taken as “natural energy” in a broad sense. Humans are born from “nature.” “Jing” is thus closely linked to semen, which is also the

12 Xu Zhaoren, Jindan jicheng 金丹集成. Beijing: China Remin University Press, 1990, p. 55.

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“essence” in the body. The practice of life 命功, of refining jing into qi, is essentially the sublimation of this “natural energy.” On the other hand, it is also a self-centered process of socialization. Humans forever seek the satisfaction of their desires, particularly sexual desire. “Desire remains in the mind, which is a slave to fame and wealth. Schemes and intrigues emerge endlessly.”13 The “practice of nature 性功,” which consists in refining shen into xu is essentially the natural cultivation of “turning away from feelings to return to nature.” “The original shen is pre-existent nature. It takes form when physical nature comes into being. The nature of the world will be preserved if we know how to go against this process.”14 Sexual desire is the post-existent epistemic shen, also called physical nature, while the original shen is called pre-existent nature. The core of the “practice of nature” is nothing but the return from the epistemic shen to the original shen and from physical nature to pre-existent nature. Accordingly, the counterclockwise practice for becoming immortal in Taoist inner alchemy combines “the practice of nature” and “the practice of life.” Physiology influences psychology, while the cultivation of life is the basis of the cultivation of nature. Psychology influences physiology, while the cultivation of nature leads to the cultivation of life. When common people refer to “follow and oppose” in the “practice of nature,” their view tends to “take substance from the outside” and their thinking turns to the outside. They have only the object of consciousness in mind and take it as an entity. In contrast, the practice of Taoist inner alchemy gives preference to “returning to the inner side and penetrating xu.” It does not concern itself with any object of consciousness and integrates itself into the limitless “consciousness of xu,” which is the origin of consciousness at one with the Tao. The practice of nature is the reversion from the obsession with the substance of consciousness to xu, the return to the infinity of nature. If qi is the physical medium created from the reciprocal transformation of xu and shi, in the practice of Taoist inner alchemy the application of consciousness is the fundamental mechanism that enables the counterclockwise evolution to proceed. The common element of all the practices is determined by the active application of consciousness. “The practice of the

13 Xu Zhaoren, Xiantian paijue 先天派决. Beijing: China Remin University Press, 1990, p. 27. 14 Wang Mu, Wuzhenpian qianjie 悟真篇浅解. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990, p. 231.

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heart is the primordial way of all the saints and immortals.”15 The “cultivation of nature” is no doubt the direct practice of consciousness as well as the “cultivation of life,” which works through the observation of consciousness. All the secrets of the practice of nature are, in brief, nothing more than vacuity and calmness. So according to the practice of the Taoist inner alchemy, the evolution of the ordinary person is “the dispersion of jing and the loss of shen.” Broadly speaking, it includes all physical and spiritual activities like selfishness and distraction, careerism, the seeking of a life of pleasure, all of which weaken jing and deplete shen by meeting the demands of desire. The counterclockwise evolution to immortality strives to keep jing and shen, and to obey the instinctive desire by giving up everything. The eyes see nothing, the ears hear nothing. The shen and the form fuse while the body and the heart are unified. Finally, we return to the origin, are unified with the Tao, and attain transcendence. “Follow and Oppose” in Taoist Inner Alchemy and Its Contemporary Interpretation 1. Hao Qin wrote in Longhudandao Daojiao neidanshu 龙虎丹道—道教内 丹术 [The Taoism of the Cinnabar of Dragon and Tiger—The Taoist Inner Alchemy] that Taoism claims that “the Tao follows the way of itself,” which means following the natural laws. However, the main point in the study of Immortals and Taoist inner alchemy is the study of longevity and immortality. That means “opposing to become immortal,” the exact opposite of the natural Tao. This is not only the core ontological theory of Taoist inner alchemy, but also the contribution of Taoist inner alchemy to the important reform and breakthrough in the traditional Taoist ideology.16

Many people believe that the theory of “opposing to become immortal” in Taoist inner alchemy is in opposition to that of “the Tao following the way of itself.” This is why they criticized the illusion of becoming immortal. As explained above, however, there exists an inherent Huang Yuanji, Leyutang yulu 乐育堂语录, p. 692. In Zangwai daoshu (ExtraCanonical Taoist Texts), vol. 5. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994. 16 Hao Qin, Longhudandao Daojiao neidanshu. Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House, 1994, p. 180. 15

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coherence between the theory of “opposing to become immortal” and the theory of “the Tao following the way of itself.” “The Tao following the way of itself ” means following not the nature of human desire but the nature of the Tao, despite human selfishness and alienation. In the highly socialized and material life, humans have developed the “strong ego” necessary to human growth, because with a child’s innocence a human being could not possibly adapt to society. However, a human encounters hardships and trouble. The harmony between the human body and the mind is lost. An opposition has arisen between man and nature, humans and society, and humans and their ego. The ensuing woe must be addressed within society at large. Taoism, by observing the alienation caused by human socialization, tries to return to nature, the source of the Tao. But this road to the origin cannot be reached naturally by ordinary people. It is not a gift of nature but an achievement through spiritual practice. This is a journey to go beyond oneself, a conscious evolution, which perfectly illustrates the meaning of the “counterclockwise practice to become immortal” in Taoist inner alchemy. As mentioned above, the objective of all the cultivation in Taoist inner alchemy is to attain non-action 无为 and be unified with the Tao. Vacuity, calm, and nature are at the heart of cultivation in Taoist inner alchemy. They do not contradict the counterclockwise practice to become immortal. “The Tao following the way of itself ” is the language on the “application level” that emphasizes the Taoist practice of the reversion to consciousness from shi to xu and from you to wu, while the “counterclockwise practice to become immortal” expresses the “existence level.” This existence level is the evolution directed against the un-nature of ordinary people who “follow their human proclivity and go against the Tao,” while the followers of the School of Immortality “follow the Tao and oppose the human.” So the objective of the “counterclockwise practice to become immortal” is only “the Tao following the way of itself.” However, philosophical Taoism only points theoretically in the direction of Taoist practice, while Taoist inner alchemy constructs a comprehensive system on the idea of the “return to the origin.” People may wonder how Taoist inner alchemy could elaborate this idea of “the refining of jing into qi, qi into shen, and shen into xu,” based on “action 有为” and full of the “artificialness,” which can be called “the Tao following the way of itself.” In fact if “the return to the xu and non-action” remain the ultimate objective of Taoist inner alchemy, the

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latter insists that the human is the synthesis of body and mind. The human mind is limited by the body. Man’s thought is induced by his body and therefore seeks illusion. How can human beings attain the spiritual return to the xu? To do so, they must surpass the boundaries of their body before attaining spiritual transcendence, hence the emphasis laid by Taoist inner alchemy on the practice of nature and life, the mind and the body. For Taoist inner alchemy, action in the practice of life is to attain non-action in the practice of nature. The necessity of action originates in the very limits of the physical body. If humans had enough wisdom to attain the level of non-action and the return to the xu directly, all the cultivation of action would be needless. It is the high-level practice of Taoist inner alchemy that teaches how to return to xu and enter the Tao directly. Chen Yingning distinguished the cultivation of the Tao and the ‘refinement of cinnabar’ (alchemy). He who practices the Tao can successfully return to preexistent nature and life from the post-existent shen and qi. There is no need to mention lead and mercury here. Only the cinnabar method of the three unities underlines them.17 The method to return to xu level of natural non-action in Taoist inner alchemy may differ from that of philosophical Taoism, but that does not mean the “counterclockwise practice to become immortal” and “the Tao following the way of itself ” are complete opposites. As mentioned above, the concept of “follow and oppose” cannot be understood literally. On the level of coherent non-action and the great Tao, there are neither following nor opposing; following and opposing should be surpassed. 2. In his introduction to An Essay on Cosmological Unity, Tang Yijie said “human cognition of the universe should start with the unity of the chaos, by going through the separation between the human and nature to finally reach holographic unity.”18 Zhang Shiying also made a distinction in Tianren zhiji 天人之际 [Between Heaven and Human] between two kinds of unity of Heaven and man 天人合一. One is the chaotic unity of Heaven and man before the separation of subjectivity and objectivity. Another is the high-level unity of Heaven and man after

Chen Yingning, Daojiao yu yangsheng. Beijing: Huawen chubanshe, 1989, p. 184. Wang Cunzhen and Yan Chunyou, Yuzhou quanxi tongyi lun. Jinan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1995. 17 18

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the separation of subjectivity and objectivity. Which one is the objective of Taoist inner alchemy? Is it to “regress” to the original chaotic state or “evolve” to the higher level of harmony? The first state is the state of nature, according to Feng Youlan, whereas the second is the state of the world. So is the “return to the origin” in Taoist inner alchemy the former or the latter? Feng Youlan wrote, in Xinyuanren 新原人 [The New Origins of Humanity], “man in the ‘world’ state knows he is in the ‘world’ state while man in the ‘nature’ state does not know it . . . . The Taoist point of view was not clear because they often confused the state of the world with the state of nature, and the original chaos of man in the state of nature and the unity of man and things in the state of the world.”19 Feng Youlan said that philosophical Taoism confused the state of nature and the state of the world because he believed that philosophical Taoism used the word “reversion” to explain the “return to the origin” and did not distinguish them in terms of logic. However, modern philosophers want to understand their predecessors using their own logic. The fact that the latter did not make the distinction does not mean they have not comprehended the world. The language used by philosophical Taoism and Taoist inner alchemy was not that of logic but was called “the phenomenology of the practice of the Tao 修道现象学.” Not only its expression of the distinction was insufficient, it also remains obscure. In our analysis “follow and oppose” are relative terms, as are “evolution” and “reversion,” depending on the context in which they are used. The language of the practice of the Tao is a language of wisdom full of paradoxes. Unlike scientific language, consisting of theories based on facts, it is a language of self-cultivation, which represents the truth of the “application level”: “Its clockwise words always seem counterclockwise” and “its wisdom always seems stupidity.” Its objective is not to give you rational knowledge but to lead you to attain the level of the cultivation of the Tao. The “counterclockwise practice to become immortal” and “the Tao following the way of itself ” are not opposites. The “return to the origin” is not synonymous with the regression to the original natural state, but the evolution to the highlevel unity of Heaven and man. We will now expand on that.

19 Feng Youlan, “Xinyuanren,” in Sansongtang quanji 三松堂全集, vol. 4. Zhengzhou: Henan renmin chubanshe, 1986, p. 636.

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At first, the human grows out of the chaos of the natural state. The human is never able to return to the lost Eden. “Human evolution is based on the fact that man has lost his original place—nature and he can never return, never go back to his animal form.”20 Man is socialized and cannot go back to the original chaos unless he becomes a fool and an animal. Human evolution gives man reason, without which he cannot survive. So strictly speaking, the state of nature is a logical starting point, but has no real existence in actual society. You can no longer find a human being living in a total state of nature. He who wants to return to the state of nature needs to transcend himself. He is more rational than ordinary people. He feels the pain of the separation and seeks higher harmony. The psychoanalyst Erich Fromm said “all religions look for a synthesis—that does not mean the return to the pre-individual and pre-consciousness chaos of Eden, but a synthesis on a new level. . . . The premise of this synthesis is the full development of human reason.”21 How can man want to return to nature to seek a synthesis if he has not been aware of the contradiction and the dilemma of existence? Taoist inner alchemy not only represents a quest for a synthesis but also has created a method built through long-standing research to reach it. It would be inconceivable if the high consciousness of synthesis were not realized. By using the language of self-cultivation, we can say the “regressing” practice of the subjective return to the origin is objectively the “evolution” to the higher life state. The return to the xu and transcendence of Taoist inner alchemy is not “degeneration” to the original chaos, but “evolution” to the unity of Heaven and man. 3. “In the whole of nature, the question of human existence is unique. Human beings left nature but they are still part of it. They are part god, part animal, partly limited and partly limitless. For them, the need to resolve the many contradictions of life, and to seek an increasing state of unity with nature is the source of human spiritual quest,

Huang Songjie, Fuluomu zhuzuo jingxuan 弗洛姆著作精选. Shanghai: Shanghai renming chubanshe, 1989, p. 273. 21 Erich Fromm, Chanzong yu jingshen fenxi 禅宗与精神分析, trans. Wang Leiquan et al. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1998, p. 113. 20

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passion, love, and anxiety.”22 Psychoanalysts have discovered that the human psychological world is very complex, with its numerous intrinsic contradictions and conflicts originating from the human conscience. Human beings are born as part of nature. But human beings were separated from nature when they emerged from their natural animal state and became alienated from nature. That is the problem of human evolution. The human ultimate impetus to live and the final objective of religion are to look for higher levels of unity with nature and go beyond themselves to evolve toward limitless harmony. Man is a miracle. When human beings awoke and became aware of the “self,” its mortal and limited existence in the vast universe,” they realized their own “nonentity.” All the pursuits and desires in life are fatal attempts to reach “nonentity,” to return to it. “Life is born of nonentity and will return to it.”23 Everything is impermanent. Where does the meaning lie? All religions are born from the question of “life and death.” The key to this question is that man can transcend himself and overcome his own limits. Who would feel the “nonentity” when human beings return to the origin of the limitless universe from which they were born, and where the self dissolves? When man is integrated into nonentity and the limitless universe, he reaches transcendence and eternity. The most important discovery made by psychoanalysis in the twentieth century was that of the “unconscious mind.” The human mind is not just the small segment seen on the surface. Beneath it there is a fathomless source. Nature is completely unconscious, while man is only partially conscious. Human behavior is not totally conscious. Man’s limitless unconscious mind, concealing potential resources, has not been fully exploited. However, man has been self-centered and has forgotten his true nature. The practice of Taoist inner alchemy is the exploitation of limitless human potential, the evolution from partly conscious human to completely conscious human, and the full bloom of human spiritual life! As mentioned above, the return to the origin in Taoist inner alchemy does not mean going back to original chaos, or chaotic unconsciousness, but evolving into complete consciousness. The “vacant consciousness 虚意识” is limitless consciousness and pure Huang Songjie, Fuluomu zhuzuo jingxuan. Shanghai: Shanghai renming chubanshe, 1989, p. 274. 23 Silivio Fanti, Weijingshen fenxi xue 微精神分析学, trans. Shang Heng. Beijing: Sanlian Publishing Company, 1993, p. 17. 22

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non-objectified consciousness, which is not filled with any conscious objects. The universe is full of this pure consciousness. The human consciousness has boundless possibilities. Taoist inner alchemy, differs from psychoanalysis, which emphasizes the treatment of the psyche, aiming at transcendence, and is based on the possibility of becoming immortal and the promotion of life. It is not based on the human level, to answer human questions, but on the immortal level, to reflect on the possibility of human evolution toward the ultimate transcendence. The freeing of human beings should be on the social and economic levels as well as on the level of the basic questions of life. The social level consists of seeking democracy and freedom, the economic level the satisfaction of material life, and the life level the resolution of the contradiction between human life and human pain (like birth, ageing, illness, and death). Taoist inner alchemy consists of resolving the intrinsic questions of life, looking for the ultimate relief, and fulfilling the potential of human life. It hardly touches upon social problems but underscores “how to become immortal.” Conclusion In Chinese philosophy, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism all seek to “transcend life.” The Confucian saint, the Taoist immortal, and Buddha all embody in a sense the self-cultivation of the “return to the origin” they all cultivate. So the present article is a general discussion and “follow and oppose” is a general philosophical question. It is written in the Buddhist sutra Dasheng qixin lun 大乘起信论: “by following this unique spiritual method we will open two doors. Why two? The first is the door to spiritual tathātā while the second is the door to spiritual life and death.”24 The door to spiritual life and death is the “clockwise” moving door of life and death whereas the door of spiritual tathātā is the “counterclockwise” door of the nirvana, the spiritual tathātā. Buddhist self-cultivation can be summed up as “the transformation of the puzzle into the awakening.” By following the “two attachments of the self and the dharma” we will have the “puzzle” of ignorance, whereas by following the “two emptinesses of 24 Gao Zhennong, Dasheng qixin lun lunshi 大乘起信论校释. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992, p. 16.

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the human and the dharma,” we will reach the “awakening” of the bodhi. Compared with the difficulty met by ordinary people, Buddhist self-cultivation also means to “come back to understand the truth” and return to the origin of vacuity. Mou Zongsan believed that the “one spiritual method to open two doors” in the Dasheng qixin lun had great significance. He wrote: “we can consider it as a common model which can be applied in a general way.”25 This model created the phenomenon and the noumenon, two worlds that include the sacred and the ordinary, two levels comprising all the ultimate philosophical propositions. We can also consider the question of “follow and oppose” as a general model in order to give it more significance. Broadly speaking, science looks for the “truth” in the “object” in the external material world. That is what we call “clockwise.” Religion looks for the “state” of the “subject” in the spiritual world. That is what we call “counterclockwise.” The state of “existence” is clockwise, whereas the state of “non-existence” is counterclockwise. Contemporary human civilization is dominated by science. People look for the truth in the external world and material well-being, insisting on the external world of “existence.” People take the physical material world as true. They cannot perceive the religious world and the Taoist world, thus they consider them to be illusions. In fact, substance coexists with vacuity, the same applies in the world of “existence” and the world of “non-existence.” The material world is substance and “existence” while the spiritual world is vacuity and “non-existence.” “Existence,” comprising vacuity, is no ordinary “existence,” while “non-existence,” comprising “existence,” is not really “non-existence.” The material comprises the spiritual on one side and the spiritual comprises the material on another. “Existence” and “non-existence” should be unified to compose a complete world. While on a clockwise quest, why should not people revert to the original counterclockwise?

25 Mou Zongsan, Zhongguo zhexue shijiujiang 中国哲学十九讲. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1997, p. 274.

THE QUANZHEN SCHOOL AND THE CULTURE OF QILU REGION1 Mou Zhongjian Developed in the north under the Jin and Yuan dynasties, Quanzhen was a new Taoist School. It sprouted in Shaanxi, was founded in Shandong, and finally spread all over China. Its creation and prosperity brought far-reaching innovation to Taoism, extensive changes to Taoist basic beliefs, symbolized a new stage in its development, was decisive in its evolution, and exerted a profound influence over Chinese society and culture. Quanzhen was the joint product of the cultures of the Guanlong and Qilu regions. If we compare its founder Wang Chongyang to a seed, cultivated in the culture of the Guanlong region, the culture of the Qilu region could be compared to the fertile soil in which the Quanzhen School germinated and grew. It then developed rapidly. The Quanzhen Seven Masters were all natives of the Jiaozhou region (Ninghai, Dengzhou, and Laizhou prefectures). They helped Wang Chongyang establish the new school and made the Jiaodong region its cradle. This was not accidental, but was brought on by the historical and cultural context of the times. Innovations in Taoist Philosophy Initiated by Wang Chongyang The history of the development of Taoism can be broadly divided into an earlier and a later stage. The earlier stage was represented by Ge Hong, who lived under the Western and Eastern Jin dynasties and sought longevity. In that stage, Taoists were aiming to “maintain intact one’s own original body” and “reinforce it with external means.” The practice representing that stage involved Taoist alchemy, using talismans and sacrifices. The Sui and Tang dynasties marked the watershed between the earlier stage and the later stage, which

1 Published originally in the Qilu wenhua yanjiu 齐鲁文化研究. Jinan: Qilu shushe, 2003, no. 2.

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was represented by the Twofold Mystery study developed by Cheng Xuanying and Li Rong. The idea of the “immortality of the body” was abandoned and spiritual transcendence became the focal point after Taoism had absorbed Buddhist philosophy. At the same time, Taoist laboratory alchemy underwent a decline, whereas Taoist inner alchemy was gaining momentum. The later stage was represented by Wang Chongyang and Qiu Chuji of the Quanzhen School who inherited the Taoist inner alchemy from Chen Tuan and Zhang Boduan of the Five Dynasties and the Song dynasty. They also created a new Taoist theory discarding the immortality of the body and turning to the conservation of “real nature” and spiritual salvation. The main concerns of the Taoists at that stage were “real nature in peace” and “becoming immortal with one’s yang spirit, yangshen 阳神.” The most representative practice of this stage was the “Double Cultivation of the Body and the Spirit” in Taoist inner alchemy. Wang Chongyang and Qiu Chuji not only possessed creativity, but also knew how to communicate and organize to make their school prosper. Later, even though Taoism was divided into the Quanzhen and the Zhengyi Schools, the former played a greater role. Among the Quanzhen Taoist branches, the Longmen Branch 龙门派, founded by Qiu Chuji, was the most representative. It has evolved until the present day. Thus, Wang Chongyang and Qiu Chuji rank highly in Taoism and Chinese culture. The innovation brought about by Wang Chongyang concerned the following aspects: 1. Transforming Taoism from a Religion that Worshipped Deities into the Way of Spiritual and Physical Salvation In a society where talismans, sacrifices, and Taoist alchemy were very popular, Wang Chongyang tried to elevate Taoist theory to the level of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu’s philosophies and to transform Taoism from a religion based on magic and rituals into a holistic spiritual practice. He advocated naturalism built on a calm, peaceful, and healthy life. This proposition is expressed in his poem “look for the transcendence in desire and wealth and seek elevation in rich food.”2 He explicitly

2 Chongyang quanzhen ji 重阳全真集, juan 1. This text and those quoted below are all found in the Taoist Canon: see Zhonghua daozang. Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe, 2004, vols. 26 and 27.

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put forth the concept of “transcendence” in the context of the Chinese language and asked people to let go of their daily worries caused by fame, gain, and desire so as to attain spiritual peace and freedom, which are the manifestation of “real nature (real self ).” He believed longevity in Taoism meant the immortality of real nature, not the immortality of the body, saying: “real nature will not be disturbed and all karmas will not be blocked. Come not; go not, that is what we call longevity and immortality.”3 “How stupid is the man who looks for immortality and wants to leave the world.”4 This was a great change in Taoist philosophy. Xu Yan of the Yuan dynasty indicated in Hao zongshi daoheng bei 郝宗师道行碑 [Stele of the Taoist Life of Master Hao] that Taoism had gradually lost sight of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu’s original purpose. After Wang Chongyang founded the Quanzhen School, which focused on discovering nature and the heart, discarding desires and emotions, enduring disgrace, and sacrificing oneself for others, the Tao of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu became the focal point once again. Indeed, Wang Chongyang turned to the concepts of “respecting the Tao and honoring Virtue” and “the Tao that imitates Nature,” found in philosophical Taoism, with the feelings of a religionist who wanted to save the world. 2. Promoting the Syncretism of the Three Religions From the Tang and Song dynasties onward, the syncretism of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism was enhanced. However, Taoism insisted on the difference between the three religions. Wang Chongyang supported the syncretism of the three religions on the ideas of equality and fraternity. He wrote: “the three religions all revolve around the real Tao, just like the three branches of a tree.”5 He urged people to recite the Buddhist classic Bore xinjing 般若心经 [Heart of Perfect Wisdom Sutra], the Taoist classic Tao Te Ching, and the Confucian classic Xiaojing. In the Jiaodong region he created five popular Taoist congregations and all bore the name of “three religions,” for instance, the “Congregation of the Seven Treasures of the Three Religions,” the “Congregation of the Jade Flower of the Three Religions,” and the “Congregation of the Equality of the Three Religions.” He

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Chongyang shou danyang ershisi jue 重阳授丹阳二十四诀. Chongyang lijiao shiwu lun 重阳立教十五论. Chongyang zhenren jinguan yusuo jue 重阳真人金关玉锁诀.

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believed “equality is the basis of the Tao and Virtue and the origin of Purity and Peace.”6 He considered equality superior to all and advocated dealing with the three religions and all beings with equality and benevolence. 3. Double Cultivation of the Body and the Spirit and the Precedence of the Spirit over the Body The “Double Cultivation of the Spirit” was the fundamental principle of the Quanzhen School and was called the real art. The combination of the real art and real practice—like sacrificing oneself for others, doing good, and accumulating virtue—was the only way to become immortal. The art of the spirit consisted in psychological training and the cultivation of shen, while the art of the body consisted in physical training and the cultivation of qi. Zhang Boduan of the Southern Quanzhen School insisted that “the body had precedence over the spirit,” whereas Wang Chongyang insisted that “the spirit had precedence over the body.” He believed that “the body is secondary to the spirit, which is essential.”7 The cultivation of the spirit also included the cultivation of the body and the main purpose was to “keep pure and peaceful in the mind for only that deserves to be called cultivation.”8 From then on, the Taoist inner alchemy of the Quanzhen School largely absorbed the Heart and Nature study of Confucianism and Buddhism to expand the “Double Cultivation of the Body and the Spirit.” The Real Cradle of Quanzhen: Three Cities of the Jiaodong Region Through long-term practice and meditation, at the age of about 50, Wang Chongyang finally perceived the essence of Quanzhen. Then he preached in his native city. He built the “Tomb of the Living Dead,” installing his name tablet as “Crazy Wang” and devoting himself to practice for three years in order to attract people’s attention. After that, he built a temple in Liujiang village where he continued to practice. In six or seven years, he made several Taoist friends and accepted several disciples. Although they wanted to help him develop his religious 6 “Sanzhou wuhui huayuan bang 三州五会化缘榜,” in Chongyang jiaohua ji 重阳 教化集, juan 3. 7 Chongyang shou danyang ershisi jue, juan 1. 8 Chongyang jiaohua ji, juan 3.

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school they had no power to do so. So Wang Chongyang burnt the temple and went east to look for new followers. Why wasn’t the Guanlong region, where Taoism was profoundly rooted, able to help Wang Chongyang develop his religion and attract disciples? It was largely due to local conservatism, which discouraged Taoists from welcoming new ideas. Taoism in the Zhongnan Mountain region flourished under the Sui and Tang dynasties as the starting point of the Louguan Taoist School. From the Song dynasty until the Jin dynasty, this school, which dominated local Taoism, instituted ever stricter rules, which was unfavorable to the creation of a new school. Although there were eminent masters of Taoist inner alchemy, such as Chen Tuan and Liu Haichan, they were interested in personal meditation rather than public preaching. So local people knew little about Taoist inner alchemy and the region was not favorable to Wang Chongyang’s wish to promote his new school. A well-read erudite, Wang Chongyang believed he could find followers in Shandong, where Taoism was traditionally popular, hence his choice of the Jiaodong region to develop his school. He wrote in his poem “Ti Zhongnanshan Zishenggong 题终南山资圣宫” (Composed in the Zisheng temple in the Zhongnan Mountains): “Zhongnan Mountain, Chongyang zi, leaving the Difei Mountain and the capital, passing by Lantian, Huayue, entering Nanjing (that is, modern Kaifeng), traveling to the islands, meeting good friends, and arriving at Penglai Island.” This itinerary decided his future career. The Bohai bay region was one of the birthplaces of Chinese Taoism. The constant mirages (on the sea), the flickering (immortals’ ) islands, and the navigational adventure off its coast aroused people’s curiosity and admiration. In the chapter “Fengshan shu 封禅书” of the Shiji it says: Kings Wei and Xuan of Qi and King Zhao of Yan have sent emissaries to look for the mountains Penglai, Fangzhang, and Yingzhou in the sea. These three sacred mountains are said to be in the Bo Sea. When people want to approach it, wind will push their boat away. Those who reach it say there are immortals and elixir there. The animals are all white; the palaces are made of gold and silver. When people see them from afar, they resemble clouds. Approaching, people find they are in fact deep in the water. When people want to land, wind pushes their boat away and it is impossible to set foot on these mountains.

After these kings, it was Qinshihuang’s turn to send Xu Fu, a native of the Qi region, with boys and girls to look for immortals who had disappeared forever in the sea. Qinshihuang also traveled to Cheng

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Mountain, Zhifu Mountain, and Jieshi, hoping to meet immortals and find elixir. Emperor Wu of Han was eager to become an immortal. The magicians he trusted, like Li Shaojun, Le Shaowen, Luan Da, and Gongsun Qing, were all natives of the Qi region. The popular worship of immortals in the Qin and Han dynasties later became the core of Taoism. The Tianguan li baoyuan taiping jing 天官历包元太平经 invented by Gan Zhongke of the Qi region and the Taiping qingling shu 太平清领书 transmitted by Gan Ji and Gong Chong of the Langya region were early Taoist classics. Moreover, the Huanglao study of the Guanzhong School, that belonged to the culture of Qi, and the Yin and Yang study created by Zhou Yan gave life to Taoism and helped it thrive. In the Jiaodong region, the resources were rich and accessible; education was developed; Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism were popular; there were many literati; and the tradition was not conservative. All these conditions were favorable to the development of a new Taoist School. Hardly three years after his creation of the new school in the Jiaodong region, Wang Chongyang attracted many young Taoists thanks to the school’s convenient location and his preaching strategy. Among them, there were seven qualified disciples: Ma Yu (Danyang), Tan Chuduan (Changzhen), Qiu Chuji (Changchun), Liu Chuxuan (Changsheng), Hao Datong (Guangyu), Wang Chuyi (Yuyang), and Sun Buer (Qingjing). Their class origins, experiences, and reasons for converting to Taoism differed. They were all gifted; longed for transcendence; had been influenced by the culture of the Qilu region and by Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism; and worked hard. Their charisma enabled them to enhance the reputation of the Quanzhen School. It would not have come into existence but for Wang Chongyang and the Seven Masters. In the seventh month of the seventh year of the Dading reign of the Jin dynasty (AD 1167), Wang Chongyang erected a temple for Ma Yu’s family, which he used for preaching and which he named the Quanzhen Temple. This was the first time that the name Quanzhen was given to his school. Thereafter, he also preached in the Yanxia Cavern on Kunlun Mountain and the Jiangshi Temple of Wendeng. At the same time, with the help of his seven disciples, Wang Chongyang created the five popular Taoist congregations in the three prefectures (of Eastern Shandong). In the eighth month of the eighth year of the Dading reign of the Jin dynasty (AD 1168), the “Congregation of Seven Treasures of Three Religions” was created in Jinghai. In

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the eighth month of the ninth year of the Dading reign of the Jin dynasty (AD 1169), the “Congregation of the Golden Lotus of Three Religions” was created in Jinghai. In the ninth month of the same year, the “Congregation of the Three Lights of the Three Religions” and “Congregation of the Jade Flower of the Three Religions” were created in Dengzhou. In the tenth month, the “Congregation of the Equality of the Three Religions” was created in Laizhou. These congregations attracted more than one thousand followers. Thence, the Quanzhen School had a founder, fundamental doctrines, members, an official organization, rules, and a number of followers, which all were essential to the creation of a great religion. The foundation of the five popular Taoist congregations in the three prefectures marked the rise of the Quanzhen School, which benefited from the conjunction of favorable factors: the war period of the Jin and Yuan dynasties, which was propitious for the creation of a new Taoist School, a good location, the Taoist tradition in the Jiaodong region, and the support of people, and finally the encounter between Wang Chongyang and his seven disciples. The Jiaodong Region as the Starting Point of the Quanzhen School After the creation of his new school in the Jiaodong region, Wang Chongyang, accompanied by Ma Yu, Tan Chuduan, Qiu Chuji, and Liu Chuxuan, spared no effort to preach in Henan and Shaanxi. He was conscious that the Jiaodong region, despite its favorable conditions for Taoism, was a marginal area in terms of politics, economy, and culture. In order to spread the teachings of the Quanzhen School, he had to preach in the central region of China. Henan, whose ancient name had been Zhongzhou, was a pivotal region, while Shaanxi remained, from the Han dynasty onward, the center of politics, where the economy and culture were highly developed. Even after the change of capital in the Song dynasty, it maintained its reputation. That was why Wang Chongyang chose those two regions to spread the teachings of the Quanzhen School. Wang Chongyang died in Bianliang and his disciples arrived in Shaanxi and preached in their master’s native region. Ma Yu and Qiu Chuji had lived there for a long time and had prospered. Ma Yu taught a great number of disciples from the Guanzhong and Longyou regions. Qiu Chuji, after a long practice, was invited by the general of the Jingzhao region, who was attracted

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by his reputation, to be in charge of the founder’s temple on Zhongnan Mountain. He made the Guanzhong region the national center of communication of the Quanzhen School. Tan Chuduan in Hebei and Henan; Liu Chuxuan in Guanzhong and Luoyang; Hao Datong in Hebei; Sun Buer in Shandong, Shaanxi, and Luoyang; and Wang Chuyi in Shandong; all seven masters preached in person and as a close-knit group, making the Quanzhen School a great transregional religion. Their success drew the attention of the Jin emperors. Wang Chuyi, Liu Chuxuan, and Qiu Chuji were summoned to the capital one after the other and received with courtesy. Despite a brief interdiction to preach, the Quanzhen School lived in concord with the Jin government. The seven masters always considered the Jiaodong region the rear base of the school, even after some of them went west to preach. They often returned to the Jiaodong region to rest and to administer the school. When the school was in difficulty, the force of its grassroots supported it and helped the school pull through. Wang Chuyi, who stayed in the Jiaodong region, played a key role in consolidating the base. He kept contact with the five congregations in the three prefectures, improved the relationship between the school and the Jin government, and expanded its influence among the literati. He was summoned three times to the capital, thus giving the school a political status. When Ma Yu preached in the Guanzhong region, the Jin government banned the Taoists from traveling and ordered them to return to their original cities. Ma Yu returned to the Jiaodong region and died in Youxian Temple in Laiyang. Liu Chuxuan returned to Lingxu Temple in Laizhou after having traveled in many regions. After twenty-one years of preaching in Shaanxi, Qiu Chuji returned to his native city of Qixiang, building the Taixu Temple in the second year of the Mingchang reign (AD 1191), when the Jin government prohibited Taoism. After that, he moved to the Haotian Temple in Laizhou. He had spent 18 years in the Jiaodong region before he was invited by Genghis Khan. Most of his competent disciples came from Shandong as well. But for the rear base of the Jiaodong region, the Quanzhen School would hardly have overcome all kinds of challenges and difficulties. Qiu Chuji’s Major Part in the Prosperity of the Quanzhen School Qiu Chuji played a major part in the promotion and prosperity of the Quanzhen School. His status and role in the school actually exceeded

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Wang Chongyang’s. He was admired by people because of his achievements on their behalf. After his arrival in Shaanxi, Qiu Chuji studied the Tao for six years in Panxi and seven years on Longmen Mountain. Chen Shike, in his Changchun zhenren benxing bei 长春真人本行碑 [Stele of the Biography of Changchun zhenren (Qiu Chuji)], wrote: “[t]he master lived in a cavern in Panxi. He begged for one meal a day and dressed in a coat, and was called for this reason Mister Coir Coat. He did not possess any furniture. He did not sleep for six years. Then he lived in seclusion for seven years on Longmen Mountain in Longzhou and practiced as before. His long-lasting practice gave him the appearance and perseverance of an immortal.” According to the Changchun zhenren xiyou ji, “he attained the Tao after having worked hard.” According to the Beiyou yulu 北游语录 [Recorded Sayings during a Voyage to the North], “he was the first to follow the Tao but the last to attain it.” These texts demonstrated the perseverance, intelligence, and power of Qiu Chuji. Wang Chongyang and Ma Yu insisted on peaceful practice, the Tao of non-action. After having succeeded to them as the leader of the movement, Qiu Chuji changed his preaching strategy and transformed the Tao of non-action into the Tao of action, as written in the Beiyou yulu, “keeping non-action and adapting action.” With this strategy to save the world, the school was well developed. The meeting between Qiu Chuji and Genghis Khan was an unprecedented occasion for the Quanzhen School to exert its influence on society and an opportunity to further its prosperity. In AD 1219, the Jin government and that of the Southern Song sent a number of emissaries to summon Qiu Chuji to the capital and the latter declined the two invitations. In the same year, on the way to conquer the west, Genghis Khan, who admired Qiu Chuji, sent his trusted aide Liu Zhonglu to invite Qiu Chuji to a meeting. This was an unprecedented political opportunity for the school and a serious challenge for Qiu Chuji because he was 73 years old, a critical age for setting out on travels. Genghis Khan was at the apex of his career, so it would have been very difficult to refuse his invitation. To save countless people who would suffer in the war, Qiu resolutely started on a dangerous and extremely long journey to the west with his 18 disciples and finally arrived at his destination after more than a year on the road. Qiu Chuji most certainly had a foreboding that China would be conquered by the Mongols and wanted to establish a good relationship with them to help the development of the Quanzhen

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School. Nevertheless, the essential reason that Qiu Chuji wished to meet Genghis Khan was to dissuade him from killing (Chinese civilians). Before departing, he wrote a poem for his Taoist friend in Yanjing: “[m]illions of people have suffered in the war for ten years. Most of them died. Last year, I received the emperor’s invitation. In spring, I will travel, braving the cold. I go despite a three-thousand-li journey and the people of Shandong will always be in my thoughts. Hope that those who survive will live in peace.”9 On the way he wrote: “I am going to meet the emperor, hoping to put a stop to the war.”10 These poems showed Qiu Chuji’s compassion for people and his will to oppose the war. The reasons why Genghis Khan invited Qiu Chuji were first that he admired him greatly; second, he intended to control the Han people through Qiu Chuji’s reputation and wisdom; and third, his eagerness for longevity. So when he met Qiu Chuji, his first question was on the politics of governance and the second was on the way to attain longevity. Even though Qiu Chuji’s answers did not necessarily satisfy Genghis Khan, his sincerity and frankness and intelligent words won Genghis Khan’s respect. In the chapter “Shilao zhuan 释老传” (Treatise on Buddhists and Taoists) of the Yuanshi 元史 (History of the Yuan) it says: Qiu Chuji repeated that he who wants to conquer the world cannot love killing. When Genghis Khan asked him about strategies of governance, Qiu Chuji answered “respecting Heaven and loving the people.” When Genghis Khan asked him about the way to attain longevity, Qiu Chuji answered “easing the mind and abstinence.” Genghis Khan loved those words. He addressed him thus: “you are sent by Heaven to enlighten me.” He asked his entourage to write down their conversation in order to transmit them to his descendants as maxims. Then he gave Qiu Chuji a tiger-talisman and an imperial edict. He called Qiu Chuji “Immortal” instead of using his real name.

This passage shows how this meeting between a strategist and a religious leader bore fruit because it was held in an atmosphere of compassion and reason. Indeed, Genghis Khan did not stop the war and went on killing. But he limited the massacre of civilians. We can say Genghis Khan conquered the western region with military force, while Qiu Chuji conquered Genghis Khan with religious force. In this way,

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Changchun zhenren xiyou ji, juan 1. Idem.

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Qiu Chuji accomplished a journey of peace and love. In the chapter “Shilao zhuan” of the Yuanshi it says: After having returned to the Yan region, Qiu Chuji asked his disciples to look for prisoners and survivors and free them in accordance with the imperial edict. In this way, 20,000 or 30,000 people were saved from the edge of death and slavery. People of Zhongzhou have praised him till today.

According to Buddhism, one receives more merits for saving a life than for building a seven-story stupa. Since Qiu Chuji saved tens of thousands of people, the merits that he earned were countless. That was another reason why the Quanzhen School became so popular and prosperous. On his return from the meeting, Qiu Chuji made the most of Genghis Khan’s trust and confidence to develop the Quanzhen School and extend its role in society. In Yanjing he founded congregations called “Equality,” “Evergreen,” “Numinous Treasure,” “Longevity,” “Light Perfection,” “Safe,” “Warding off Calamities,” and “Ten Thousand of Lotus” and made Yanjing the center of the school. In addition, he had temples built all over China. He preached and taught in public and the Quanzhen School was very prosperous at that time. Qiu Chuji once told his disciples: “from the beginning of Taoism, never has it been so prosperous before.”11 What was most remarkable was that Qiu Chuji did not thereafter become arrogant and went on with his work unassumingly. He never forgot to save people and kept the Taoist tradition pure and simple. Qiu Chuji’s western travels and his virtue were highly esteemed by contemporary scholars and later eminent Taoists. Chen Shike of the Yuan dynasty wrote in the Changchun zhenren benxing bei: Great Master Qiu practiced abstinence when he was alive and when he was dead, his body did not rot. He was an extraordinary person. But a Taoist master, he could convince the emperor and touch the people. If he had not had real virtue and sincerity, he would not have been able to do this. Qin Zhi’an wrote in The Orthodox Golden Lotus: when the Mongol army came, it seemed their horses would drink up the Yellow River and the noise of their arrows would cause the collapse of Hua Mountain. The Mongol soldiers killed all indiscriminately. The dead bodies reached up to the sky and the blood flowed like the sea. Fortunately, Master Qiu

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mou zhongjian accepted the invitation and met the emperor, whom he managed to dissuade. From then on, those who surrendered would not be killed. Hard labor and chores were cancelled and some slaves liberated. Half of the Chinese survived thanks to him. With his personal force, he released countless people from danger. His merits made him an immortal; he had no need for either cinnabar or elixir.

Qiu Chuji touched Heaven and dissuaded the emperor with his great compassion, courage, wisdom, and merit. His name and exploit will be remembered forever. As Lao-tzu said, “real longevity is immortality after death.” There were two great travelers to the west in Chinese religious history. One was the Buddhist monk Xuanzang of the Tang dynasty and the other was Qiu Chuji. The importance of the former’s travels lay in their resulting religious and cultural communication, while the latter’s lay in the religious force, which brought peace and saved people. The latter deserved more praise. The Prosperity of the Quanzhen School in the Yuan Dynasty Thanks to Its Eminent Disciples in the Jiaodong Region Qiu Chuji, due to his reputation, virtue, and long life, attracted more disciples than the other six masters. Most of them came from Shandong. One of the reasons why Qiu Chuji traveled to the west with his 18 disciples was to cultivate their nature and increase their knowledge to enable them to later on take over the leadership of the school. Qiu Chuji’s training proved successful. His disciples were really determined and reliable. For example, Yin Zhiping contributed a lot to the Temple of the Founder on Zhongnan Mountain after having taken charge of the school and was given the title of “Great Master of Purity and Harmony.” His Beiyou yulu was one of the important documents of the Quanzhen School. Song Defang was proficient in Taoist classics. He spent eight years collating and printing the Taoist Canon in the Xuandu Temple of Pingyang in Shanxi. He included the classics of the Quanzhen School, thus contributing much to Taoism. Li Zhichang recorded in detail the travels of Qiu Chuji to the west in his Changchun zhenren xiyou ji, which was an essential document for communication between China and foreign countries and the history and geography of the western region. Qiu Chuji’s disciples did not disappoint their master. After his death, they developed the school throughout China. What was even more remarkable was that they did not fight for power or wealth, but deferred to the head of the school. In this way, the

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school became more and more united and prosperous and managed to overcome the attacks against Taoism in the Yuan dynasty. The achievements of Qiu Chuji’s disciples and their disciples after them can be analyzed along three lines. First, they consolidated the key role of the Quanzhen School in the capital. The heads of the school, like Yin Zhiping, Li Zhichang, and Wang Zhitan, had excellent reputations for they were all the direct disciples of Qiu Chuji. Zhang Zhijing, Qi Zhicheng, and Sun Deyu were Qiu Chiji’s or Ma Yu’s disciples. They were all persevering, intelligent, and highly educated. Zhang Zhijing was a man of profound learning. After becoming the head of the school, he changed the tradition of the Quanzhen School by promoting the reading of classics among his disciples. Through the reading and the discussion of classics, he improved the quality of their teaching and preaching. After his death, many people, including both Taoists and laymen, from the capital or distant regions came to pay him homage. Influenced by the illustrious Qi Zhicheng, the Prime Minister An Tong assisted Emperor Shizu of the Yuan dynasty with the Tao. Even when he was dismissed, he kept calm. Every head of the school tried to reinforce cooperation with the Yuan government to consolidate the school’s status. Yin Zhiping and Emperor Taizong of the Yuan dynasty had a harmonious relationship, as did Li Zhichang and the three khans Ögedei, Güyüg, and Möngke. In the third year of the Zhida reign of Emperor Wuzong of the Yuan dynasty (AD 1310), the government conferred the title of “Emperor Lord” on the five founders of the school, the title of “Real Lord” on the Seven Masters, and the title of “Perfect” on the eighteen eminent masters. Yin Zhiping had the Baiyun Temple built and made it the temple of the founder of the Longmen Branch. After Li Zhichang became the head of the school, more than 100 Taoist temples were built in the region around the capital. Second, the Quanzhen School spread throughout China. The temple of the founder in the Guanzhong region attracted attention. When Li Zhichang was the head of the school, the Chongyang Temple had more than 5,000 rooms and about 10,000 Taoists attended it. The Quanzhen School continued to spread to northern and Eatsern China. Song Defang preached in Shanxi, Wang Zhijin and Ji Zhizhen in Panshan in Hebei, while Yu Tongqing preached in Fushan in Shandong. Moreover, the Northern Quanzhen School was imported into Jiangnan and merged with the Southern Quanzhen School. Hence, the

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Quanzhen School became popular in Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Hunan, and Fujian. Lu Dayou, Wang Zhenchang, and Zhang Shouqing preached on Wudang Mountain, while Huang Gongwang, Luo Pengtou, and Ding Yehe preached in Suzhou and Hangzhou. They were all experts in Taoist inner alchemy. The influence of the school could be traced even to Noerthwestern China. Song Dao’an had the Qixia Temple built on Abuhan Mountain when he accompanied Qiu Chuji to the west. It marked the beginning of the Quanzhen School in the Mongol region. Afterward, Zhang Zhisu preached in Baixi (presently the northern part of the Liaoning province). Li Zhichang had a Taoist temple built in Helin (presently Kharkhorin in Mongolia) by imperial decree. Wang Zhitan went 17 times to Kharkhorin from the capital to preach in favor of the development of the school in that northern border area. Third, the Quanzhen School integrated the doctrines and rituals of the Zhengyi School, which combined personal practice with the use of talismans and rituals. The Quanzhen could then serve society better and meet people’s needs. Chen Minggui said in the Changchun daojiao yuanliu: The Quanzhen School had not used talismans, neither had Wang Chongyang and Qiu Chuji nor other masters. However, some of their disciples, like Zhang Zhixuan, yielded to popular tradition and studied the Zhengyi School to make use of rituals. Afterward, the emperors of the Yuan dynasty ordered Zhang Zongyan, Zhang Liusun, and Wu Quanjie to perform rituals in Changchun Temple. Apparently, more and more Taoists of the Quanzhen School studied the Zhengyi School at that time. Zhang Shouqing was even trusted by the emperors Wuzong and Renzong of the Yuan dynasty because he knew Xiantian Taoism 先天之道. So many Taoist masters of Wudang Mountain were famous for their knowledge of the Zhengyi School. Nevertheless, they followed the personal practice of the Quanzhen School as well.

The cult of spirits and exorcist rituals were profoundly rooted in Chinese society. The Zhengyi School with its proficiency in rituals was very popular. If the Quanzhen School was not capable of meeting religious needs, it would lose the support of people and officials. So it was inevitable that it should integrate talismans and rituals into its system. Confucius said: “it is the human who develops the Tao, not the Tao which develops the human.” The key reason why the Quanzhen School could uphold its prosperity in the Yuan was the solid foundation built by Qiu Chuji and the tradition of salvation and abstinence

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kept by the disciples of the Seven Masters. At the end of the Yuan dynasty, the most qualified masters had died and the leaders started to seek power and wealth. The school’s reputation was seriously discredited. However, the Longmen Branch always kept its vitality. At the end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty, the Taoist master Wang Changyue used Qiu Chuji’s influence in society to revive the Longmen School. In the three cities of the Jiaodong regions, which had been its cradle, the Quanzhen School was in decline. On the other hand, Lao Mountain, relying on the reputation of the Seven Masters and Zhang Sanfeng who visited there and on its beautiful scenery, attracted numerous Taoists and became the new center of the Quanzhen School in Shandong from the Ming and Qing dynasties onward. Conclusion The culture of the Lu region, represented by Confucianism, rested on moral rules and reason and underscored its practical function. The culture of the Qi region, represented by Guanzi’s philosophy, consisted of a combination of rites and laws and emphasized syncretism and openness. These cultures were combined and developed in Shandong and after the Han dynasty spread throughout China, becoming the mainstream culture. The Quanzhen School flourished in Shandong and then spread throughout China. This was a revival of the culture of the Qilu region in new historical conditions and a new contribution to Chinese culture. The Taoists of the first generation of the school represented the characters of the Qilu culture: compassionate and loving people, determined and courageous, tolerant and gentle, and simple and pure. The Seven Masters of the Quanzhen School devoted themselves to helping others. They were intelligent, studious, and open. They studied under the direction of Wang Chongyang, setting aside all differences in their origins. They cooperated with other schools, despite being at variance with them. They had a moral influence on emperors, whatever their nationality. They preached all over China regardless of the differences between regions. All these were part of the essence of the Quanzhen School which became one of the two main schools in Taoism and in the three religions. Its eminent masters will be remembered forever for their achievements.

THE REVIVAL OF THE LONGMEN BRANCH OF THE QUANZHEN SCHOOL IN THE QING DYNASTY Chen Bing The Taoism of the Quanzhen School reached its apex under the Jin and Yuan dynasties. At the end of the Yuan dynasty, the school’s leaders appeared to be corrupt because of the long-lasting prosperity of their school. Nevertheless, the school still exerted a great influence on society. Taoism had been officially divided into the Quanzhen School and the Zhengyi School during the Ming dynasty. The imperial Ming family had preferred the latter, and so the former’s development was limited. During the Ming dynasty, few works were produced, there were few influential Taoist masters, and little progress was made in the doctrines of the Quanzhen School. The fall of the Ming dynasty and the founding of the Qing dynasty in its place gave rise to a dire national conflict. At the beginning of the Qing dynasty, the Han people bore the trauma of the invasion and felt ashamed to be forced to adopt barbarian dress and hairstyle. At that time, the social atmosphere favored the use of propaganda similar to that of the Jin dynasty under which the Quanzhen School had been founded. The Quanzhen School, with its belief in transcendence and immortality and its hermit-like lifestyle, provided a refuge for those who were at a loss and who still clung to memories of the Ming dynasty. Wang Changyue and other Taoist masters of the Longmen Branch seized this opportunity to spread its ideas. At that time, the Quanzhen School had been under attack by adherents of Neo-Confucianism for its obsolete theories and its corruption. It was difficult for the school to attain the same level of success it had enjoyed under the Jin and Yuan dynasties. However, it is reasonable to consider this a period of revival, following its decline under the Ming dynasty. Wang Changyue and the Transmission of the Longmen Branch during the Qing Dynasty Wang Changyue, as the leader of the revival of the Longmen Branch, was originally called Wang Ping and his Taoist name was Kunyang zi.

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He was a native of Changzhi County in Shanxi. He had been very ill in his youth and had been cured by the Taoist Zhang Mayi. From that point on he developed a great interest in Taoism. He traveled to famous mountains in search of the Tao, and on Wangwu Mountain he finally met the sixth-generation patriarch of the Longmen Branch and precept master Zhao Zhensong (also called Zhao Fuyang), who taught him the Taoist precepts, ritual techniques, and doctrines. He then left his master and traveled again. He became well-read in the classics of the three religions. He studied Taoist scriptures for many years, visited more than twenty Taoist masters, engaged in discussion with more than fifty persons, and became finally a precept master of the Longmen Branch of Taoism. In the twelfth year of the Shunzhi reign of the Qing dynasty (AD 1655), Wang Changyue left the Song Mountain, where he had lived in seclusion, to go to the capital and stayed at the Lingyou Temple for a short time. Soon after, he was engaged as the abbot of the Baiyun Temple, the erstwhile dwelling of the founder of the Longmen Branch (Qiu Chuji), and began to spread his teachings. The principal means Wang Changyue used to revive the Longmen Branch was the public transmission of Taoist precepts. At the beginning of the Quanzhen School, the precepts had been simple and had expanded freely. According to the Bojian xu 钵鉴续 (Sequel to the Examination of the Bowl ), Zhao Zhensong told Wang Changyue that the Taoist Longmen precepts were always transmitted secretly to one person only. For that reason, the people were left in ignorance and the precepts suffered a decline. Then he transferred his power to Wang Changyue and told him to preach and transmit the precepts as he saw fit. In the thirteenth year of the Shunzhi reign (AD 1656), the time finally came. Wang Changyue changed the Longmen’s tradition of secret transmission and installed an altar in the Baiyun Temple in the capital in order to transmit the precepts openly. He “performed the (initiation) ritual three times and initiated more than a thousand people.”1 In the second year of the Kangxi reign (1663), Wang Changyue went to the south, with his disciples Zhan Shouchun and Shao Shoushan, and transmitted the precepts in the Yinxian Temple near Nanjing, and in Huzhou and Hangzhou. He continued his travels to Wudang

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Jin’gai xindeng 金盖心灯, juan. 1.

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Mountain in Hubei and transmitted the precepts in the Yuxu Temple. Numerous people came to be converted. Wang Changyue’s public transmission of precepts won the support of the Qing government. According to the Bojian xu and Wanyan Chongshi’s Kunyang Wang zhenren daoheng bei 昆阳王真人道行碑 [Stele of the Taoist Life of Perfected Wang Kunyang], the Qing government praised Wang Changyue and conferred on him the title of “National Master.” He preached in the Baiyun Temple by imperial order and was awarded a purple robe three times. In the 45th year of the Kangxi reign (1706), Wang Changyue received the title of “Eminent Scholar of Embracing Unity.” A sacrificial Hall and a statue were built on his tomb by imperial order and officials were sent every year to offer a sacrifice on the anniversary of his death. Emperor Qianlong visited the Baiyun Temple twice and wrote poems, inscriptions for a stele, and couplets in Qiu Chuji’s praise. After the system of clerical certificates was abolished under Qianlong’s reign, the Longmen Branch developed more freely. Many of Wang Changyue’s disciples created their own sub-branches throughout China, especially in the Nanjing, Suzhou, Huzhou, and Taizhou regions. For example, Huang Shouzheng (Xutang) created the sub-branch of the Taiweilü Temple in the Hushuguan in Suzhou; Sheng Qingya, also called “Old Jinzhu,” created the sub-branch of the Tianzhu Temple in Jinzhuping in Yuhang; Tao Jing’an (Shouzhen) created the sub-branch of Yunchao on Jin’gai Mountain in Huzhou; and Shi Liangsheng (Daoyuan), also called the “Taoist Master of Iron Bamboo,” created his own sub-branch on Qionglong Mountain near Suzhou. Lü Yunyin (Shoupu), who preached on Guan Mountain near Suzhou, had the greatest success among Wang Changyue’s disciples. His disciples, like Qiu Yinyang and Qian Hanyang, created their own sub-branches in the Changchun Temple in Jiashan and in Wuxi. Tan Shoucheng (Xinyue) succeeded Wang Changyue as the Taoist abbot of the Baiyun Temple. He had thousands of disciples, according to the Liuxi waizhuan 留溪外传 [Unofficial Biography of Liuxi ]. Others, like Cheng Eshan, Huang Chongyang, Zhan Shouchun, Cheng Huayang, Lin Maoyang, and Jia Taixu, traveled all over the country to preach, or lived in seclusion. Sheng Changjing, who was Wang Changyue’s contemporary, lived on Mao Mountain in his later years and initiated Sun Shouyi (Yuyang) and Huang Shouyuan (Danyang). The latter also received the precepts from Wang Changyue and created the Dade guan sub-branch

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in Hangzhou. His disciple Zhou Tailang (Mingyang) had originally been Sun Shouyi’s disciple. After receiving the precepts from Huang Shouyuan, he studied for two years with Wang Changyue. Sun Shouyi’s disciple Fan Taiqing (also known as Qingyun zi, 1606–1748) was the Taoist abbot of the Tongbo Temple on Tiantai Mountain and had the Chongdao Temple built by imperial order. It was dedicated to Zhang Boduan. Fan Taiqing’s disciple Gao Dongli also studied with Zhou Tailang. Sheng Changjing’s sub-branch then merged with Wang Changyue’s. Zhou Tailang (1628–1711) was the most influential of the ninthgeneration Taoist masters of the Southeast Longmen Branch. He created the “Jingu dong” sub-branch in Hangzhou and had more than one thousand disciples. According to chapter three of the Jin’gai xindeng 金盖心灯 [Mind-Lamp Transmission on Jin’gai Mountain], the Longmen Branch, established in the north, became popular in the south thanks to Zhou Tailang’s efforts. Of his disciples, the most illustrious was Gao Dongli (Qingyu, 1721–1768), who in his later years succeeded Fan Taiqing as the Taoist abbot of the Tongbo and Chongdao Temples on Tiantai Mountain. Among his disciples, the most famous were Shen Yibing (1708–1786) and Min Yide (1758–1836). The former was also called “Qingyun zi” and was the most brilliant eleventh-generation Longmen master. He was the abbot of the Kaihua Temple in Wuxi and of the Dongxiao Temple on Dadi Mountain in Yuhang. Of his disciples, Chen Qiaoyun created the sub-branch of the Sanyuan Temple in Yuanhang, Zhou Tixia created the sub-branch of the Banchi Temple on Tong Mountain in Yuhang, and Fei Danxin created the sub-branch of the Kaihua Temple in Gui’anshe. Min Yide, whose original name was Xiaogen, was also known as Lanyun zi. He was Gao Dongli’s disciple at first and then Shen Yibing’s. In his later years he lived in the Chunyang Temple on Jin’gai Mountain and had many disciples. Gao Dongli’s other disciple was Fang Rongyang. Fang Rongyang’s disciple Wang Fengyang created the sub-branch of the Doumu Temple in Zhuangjiaqiao in Suzhou. Xu Qingyang, the disciple of Huang Shouyuan’s disciple Wang Yongning, created the sub-branch of the Jishen Temple in Hangzhou. Wang Changyue also had a disciple called “the Taoist Master of the Jizu Mountain” (?–1790) who practiced on Jizu Mountain in the Yunnan and created the sub-branch of the Heart of Xizhu (India) and Longmen 龙门西竺心宗. According to chapter six of the Jin’gai xindeng, the Taoist Master of Jizu Mountain claimed to be a native

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of Yuezhi 月支 and was called Yedaposhe. He came from India to Yunnan and lived on Jizu Mountain to practice Taoism. He was the master of the “Dipper Technique of Xizhu” and the Xiduo Arhat of the 100th generation of the “Xizhu xinzong” Branch. In the 16th year of the Shunzhi reign (1659), he went to the capital and met Wang Changyue. The latter gave him the name of Hang Shouzhong and asked him to practice his original technique. This story can be found in Wang Changyue’s Bojian. In the 55th year of the Qianlong reign (1790), Min Yide met him when he was traveling to Jizu Mountain. Min Yide transmitted the precepts of the Longmen Branch to him while he transmitted the “Dipper technique of Xizhu” to Min Yide. When he returned home, Min wrote the Dafan xiantian fanyin douzhou 大梵先天梵音斗咒 [Dipper Spells in Sanskrit of Anterior Heaven Great Brahma], in 12 chapters. Min Yide’s Gushu yinlou cangshu 古书隐楼藏书 [Books from the Hidden Library of Ancient Books] included the Chishi duoluoni jingfa 持世陀罗尼经法 [Dharani Sutra for Saving the World ] transmitted by Huang Shouzhong. This sutra was translated by Xuanzang of the Tang dynasty and belonged to Tantric Buddhism. The “Longmen xizhu xinzong” was born of a blending of the Taoist Longmen Branch and Tantric Buddhism. The members of this branch mainly practiced such Buddhist spells as the “Divine Spell of Guhyapada Vajra” and loved to use magical arts. Their behavior was often strange. For that reason, they were not considered as belonging to the orthodox Longmen Branch. From the Qing dynasty on, the Longmen Branch spread throughout China, even in Northeast, Northwest, Southwest, and South, which had not been greatly influenced by the Quanzhen School under the Yuan and Ming dynasties. For instance, the Taoist Guo Shouzhen (?–1673) of Liaoyang in Manchuria went to Shandong at the end of the Ming dynasty to study under the direction of Li Changming, a seventh-generation Taoist master of the Longmen Branch. After returning to Manchuria, he lived more than 30 years in seclusion in the Babao yunguang Cavern of Tiecha Mountain in Jiuding in Benxi. He was the founder of the Quanzhen School in Guandong (now Liaoning province). According to the chapter “Jiangcheng nianbiao 疆臣年表,” (Chronicles of Officials posted on the Borders) in the Qingshigao 清史稿, and the Manzhou mingcheng zhuan 满州名臣传 [Biography of the Illustrious Manchu Officials], General Wukulun of Shengjing courteously invited Guo Shouzhen to Shengjing (presently Shengyang) at the beginning of the Kangxi reign. The general respected him as a master and had

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the “Hall of Three Religions” built for him. In the 44th year of the Qianlong reign (1779), this hall was transformed into a Taoist monastery and its name was changed to “Taiqing Temple.” From then on it was the center of the Longmen Branch in Manchuria. According to the Taiqinggong conglin lishi falue 太清宫丛林历史法略 [Brief History on the Taiqing Temple], in the fifty-plus years between the 3rd year of the Daoguang reign (1823) and the 5th year of the Guangxu reign (1879), the ritual of the transmission of precepts was held four times and hundreds of Taoists were initiated. The eleventh-generation Taoist master of the Longmen Branch Liu Yiming (1734–1821), also called Wuyuan zi, was a native of Quwo of Shanxi. In his many travels, he met Kangu laoren in Jinxian in Gansu and Xianliu zhangren in Agan in Gaolan, who transmitted the secrets of Taoist inner alchemy to him. After that, he lived in seclusion on Qiyun Mountain and Xinglong Mountain in Jinxian to practice. Many men in Guanlong (Shaanxi-Gansu) studied under his direction and the Chaoyuan Temple on Qiyun Mountain became a leading monastery of the Quanzhen School in that region. In the GanNingQing shilue 甘宁 青史略 [Brief History of Gansu, Ningxia, and Qinghai] it notes: “most Taoists belong to the Longmen Branch. . . . There are many Taoists of the Longmen School in Gansu.” According to chapter 16 of the Xiaoyaoshan wanshougong zhi 逍遥山 万寿宫志 [Gazetteer of the Wanshou Temple of the Xiaoyao Mountain], at the beginning of the Qing dynasty, there was an eighth-generation Taoist master of the Longmen Branch, Xu Shoucheng (1632–1692), called Yegu, who came to the Western Mountain in Xinjian, near Nanchang, the cradle of the Taoist Jingming School, to practice. He had the Wanshou Temple rebuilt and trained disciples like Tan Taizhi, Zhang Taixuan, and Xiong Tai’an, who all lived on Western Mountain. According to chapter seven of the Changchun daojiao yuanliu, during the Kangxi reign, the eleventh-generation Taoist master of the Longmen Branch, Zeng Yiguan, came to Luofu Mountain in Guangdong and became the Taoist abbot of the Chongxu Temple. This temple then became the first Taoist monastery of the Quanzhen School in Guangdong. Zeng Yiguan’s disciple, Ke Yanggui, had more than one hundred followers. One of them, who was called Tong Fukui, became the Taoist abbot of the Sulao Temple on the same mountain. In the 27th year of the Kangxi reign (1688), Zeng Yiguan’s disciple Du Yangdong was engaged as the Taoist abbot of the Yuanmiao Temple

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at Xihu in Huizhou, which became the second Taoist monastery of the Quanzhen School in Guangdong. Chen Jiaoyou, a sixteenthgeneration Taoist master of the Longmen Branch and the Taoist abbot of the Sulao Temple of Luofu Mountain, said, in his Changchun daojiao yuanliu: “today, all Taoist temples in the capital and Luofu Mountain are of the Quanzhen School.” In Sichuan, a tenth-generation Longmen Branch master named Chen Qingjue (1606–1705) who came from Wudang Mountain during the Kangxi reign, had the Changdao Temple of the Qingcheng Mountain repaired. He became the abbot of the Erxian Temple in Chengdu and created the sub-branch of Cinnabar Terrace and Green Cavern 丹台碧洞宗 of the Longmen Branch. According to chapter 38 of the Sichuan tongzhi 四川通志 [Annals of the Sichuan], a poem written by Emperor Kangxi for Chen Qingjue and a board inscribed by him were kept in the Erxian Temple. According to the Zhuzhen zongpai zongbu 诸真宗派总簿 [Register of All Branches descending from the Various Immortals], Sun Xuanqing of the fourth generation of the Longmen Branch also created the Jinshan branch during the Jiajing reign of the Ming dynasty and Yan Xiaofeng of the eighth generation founded the Yanzu branch on Mao Mountain. Both branches have survived until this day. At the end of the Guangxu reign, Qi Shouben of the 15th generation created the Jinhui branch and Zhang Zongxuan of the 23rd generation created the Huoshan branch in Fushan in Shandong. According to the Jueyun benzhi daotong xinchuan 觉云本支道统薪传 [Transmission of the Orthodox Tao within the Sub-Branch of the Jueyun Altar], Yao Laijian of the 23rd generation created the Jueyun sub-branch in the 14th year of the Guangxu reign (1888). This shows that until the end of the Qing dynasty, the Longmen Branch never stopped developing. This branch spread all over China and its influence overshadowed other branches of the Quanzhen School. Its success could be compared to that of the Linji lineage of Zen Buddhism. There was an expression at the time that said “half the Taoists are from the Longmen Branch while half the Buddhists are from the Linji lineage.” The revival of the Longmen Branch under the Qing dynasty relied on several qualified Taoist masters like Wang Changyue, Tan Shoucheng, and Zhou Tailang, who preached and initiated numerous people. When Tao Jing’an died, High Secretary Huang Ji wrote the inscription on his tomb. Shen Yibing was summoned to the capital by Prince Zhuang. After his death, Prince Ding and High Secretary

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Huang Ji wrote couplets and inscribed a wooden board in his honor. The Taoist masters of the Xizhu Heart Branch in were famous for their longevity, Qigong, and magic arts, and they were highly regarded by officials and the gentry. Chancellor Yin Jishan sent a letter to Li Pengtou (?–1784), a disciple of Huang Shouzhong, to ask him about Taoist inner alchemy. High officials in Sichuan, Shaanxi, Hunan, and Hubei such as Bi Yuan and Wang Xin regarded Li Pengtou and Guo Yangxiao (?–1798), also called Zhuzhusheng, as Longmen masters of the twelfth generation. Governor Qing Antai of Zhejiang asked Zhang Daheng (1767–1811), also called Shizhao shanren, to fight against the Western invaders. Liu Yiming, Min Yide, and Chen Jiaoyou were also renowned. Although the quality and social influence of these masters might not have equaled that of Wang Chongyang’s seven disciples and of the 18 masters of the early Quanzhen School when it was on the ascendance, they were still excellent, considering that school’s later decline. Wang Changyue’s Philosophy and the Ethics of the Longmen Branch at the Beginning of the Qing Dynasty Wang Changyue wrote the Chuzhen jielü [Precepts for Taoist beginners]. Later, his preaching in the Biyuan Temple in Nanjing was compiled and printed as the Longmen xinfa 龙门心法 [Heart Method of Longmen] (called also the Biyuan tanjing 碧苑坛经). The book was organized in twenty chapters, including “Taking Refuge in the Three Jewels,” “Confession,” “Getting rid of Obstacles,” “Keeping from Love Bonds,” “Observing Strict Rules,” “Enduring Humiliation,” and “Purifying Mind and Body” according to the different ways of practicing Taoism. This book presented the purpose of reviving the Longmen Branch and became a classic on its doctrines. To counter the decline of the Quanzhen School, Wang Changyue focused on its original doctrines and promoted the practice of observing precepts and “seeing one’s true nature with a clear mind.” He tried to revive the original ethic of the Quanzhen School and combine Confucianism and Taoism by following the tendency of the times. From the end of the Yuan dynasty, the corruption of the Quanzhen School went from bad to worse and the precepts could not be imposed. At the end of the Ming dynasty, when Wang Changyue traveled all over China he regretted that the orthodox doctrines were on

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the decline and the heterodox ones were on the rise. His key measure to fight this phenomenon was to re-evaluate the importance of the precepts, as he wrote in the Chuzhen jielü: “the precepts are first and foremost in the Quanzhen School.” He also said, in the Longmen xinfa, “it is essential to observe the precepts.” He compared precepts to the pestle used for crushing demons, the talisman for protecting life, the ladder for ascending, the light for leading the way, and the divine boat. He sacralized precepts as the absolute order of the celestial bureaucracy and asked followers to “keep them in mind as if holding something firmly in hand” and never lose them. The “Great Precepts of the Perfect Immortals of the Three Altars,” as transmitted by Wang Changyue, could be classified in three levels: “precepts for novices,” “precepts for intermediates,” and “precepts for immortals.” The first level included the “Five Precepts Returning to the Root and Accumulating Merit Ordered by the Most High Old Lord,” “Ten Precepts for Novices Ordered by the Celestial Worthy Emperor of Vacuity” and “Nine Precepts for Taoist Nuns.” The second level included 300 precepts. These two levels were created by Taoists during the Southern and Northern dynasties who had taken inspiration from Buddhist precepts. The third level included the “Great Unlimited Precepts of Immortals Spoken by the Celestial Worthy of Original Beginning.” This three-tier system was created on the Buddhist model of the precepts dedicated respectively to the Samanera (novices), Bhiksu (monks), and Bodhisattva. The authors were probably Zhao Zhensong and Wang Changyue, according to whom these precepts were made to control the mind. The precepts of the first level were made to prevent the body from engaging in evil actions. The precepts of the second level were made to keep the mind from running wild. The precepts of the last level were made to understand reality and get rid of all attachments. This system put into practice the doctrines and ideology of the Quanzhen School. The “Great Precepts of the Perfect Immortals of the Three Altars” defined people’s morality, way of dressing and eating, behavior, and even ideas. Despite their complexity, these precepts were but religious doctrines based on traditional ethics. Moreover, some of these precepts coincided with Confucian moral rules. For example, the first of the “Ten Precepts for Novices Ordered by the Celestial Worthy Emperor of Vacuity was “[d]o not be disloyal, heartless, or faithless. Do all your duties to kings as well as to your parents and be sincere in

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regard to all things.” The first of the “Nine Precepts for Taoist Nuns” was “[o]bserve filial piety. Be gentle. Be careful in your words and never be jealous. The second was “be chaste and keep yourself from all obscene behavior.” The 16th of the “Intermediate Precepts” was “it is prohibited to be disloyal.” The 117th precept was “it is prohibited to live separately from parents and brothers.” The 211th precept was “regard the emperor as a saint.” The 242nd precept was “believe ministers are gentle and intelligent.” As Wu Taiyi wrote in the Chuzhen jielü shuo 初真戒律说 [Commentary on the Precepts for Beginners]: “[t]hey are Taoist precepts. In fact they are Confucian, even governmental precepts . . . there were governmental precepts for public life, while there were Taoist precepts for private life. The former were used for governing people, while the latter were used for governing oneself. They are like the two faces of the same coin, which were combined to reinforce orthodoxy.”2 Wang Changyue’s preaching included many Confucian elements. He preached traditional morality to adapt to the politics of the Qing government and conform to the social order. After the fusion of its northern and southern branches, the Quanzhen School attached increasing importance to the physical, to the detriment of the spiritual. To oppose this trend, Wang Changyue underlined the importance of “seeing one’s true nature with a clear mind,” which had been stressed at the school’s foundation. In the Longmen xinfa it says: “the way of transcending life and death resides only in the true heart.” Everyone has his own perfect “true heart.” “If one understands it, it is right in front of him. If not, it goes away.” Everyone has “clear reason,” which enables one to distinguish good from bad, right from wrong, orthodoxy from heterodoxy. In Confucianism, it is called “conscience.” Confucius advised his disciples to lay aside the inessential practices, such as the recitation of scriptures, rituals, alchemy, magic, the making of medicine, and inner alchemy; to commit themselves to the study of the Tao; and to think about where their parents had been before they were born. He believed enlightenment consisted in sudden comprehension of the truth. In the Longmen xinfa it says: To get rid of thoughts and emotions, you should first understand where thoughts and emotions come from. When you really comprehend it, you can get rid of them. But what will make you comprehend it? . . . Getting

2

Daozang jiyao, zhang section.

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rid of thoughts and emotions with thoughts and emotions, we call it superfluous and a waste of effort. It would be better to get rid also of the way of getting rid of thoughts and emotions. That is really an excellent way.

This theory of comprehending the origin of the true heart was similar to that in Chan Buddhism. The difference between Wang Changyue’s theory, that of Chan Buddhism, and the original theory of the Quanzhen School lay in Wang’s emphasis on practice, carried out through the observance of precepts and meditation. According to the Longmen xinfa, followers should “receive at first the ten precepts for novices for controlling the body and the mind. Then they would comprehend the heart of the sages, the immortals, and the Buddhas. They should then receive the precepts for the intermediate level to enlighten their nature and get rid of obstacles in the Mysterious Pass, xuanguan 玄关. Then they would comprehend the way of the sage. Finally they should receive the precepts for immortals to study the divine way and perfect their wisdom. Then they would comprehend the law of the sage, the immortals, and the Buddhas.” Clearly, he was influenced by the Confucian theory of the “investigation of all things.” Wang Changyue criticized the practitioners of Taoist inner alchemy for their “superficial practice.” The Longmen xinfa decries: “[r]efining lead and mercury can merely be compared to divination. Those who practice thus understand only a fragment of Taiji (Ultimate reality) and take the false for the true. They speak fantastically of the vital qi of the three fields and the key of the nine orifices . . . But after nine years of practice, they are still in darkness.” He believed “destiny is in one’s own nature.” He who understands the latter, understands the former. Ease the mind and reality will appear. Then the jing will be refined and the qi will be transformed. If all conditions are met, one will become enlightened. Conversely, he who has not understood the true heart and used his jing and qi, has followed only a superficial practice and a false way. For him, the great way was one that enlightened nature and was called the “Tao of kings,” but not the “Tao of tyrants” or “little Tao of low level.” He advised his disciples to concentrate in order to discover their own original nature and to put aside sensations of hot, cold, and other sensory illusions during practice. Wang Changyue particularly criticized those who strove for longevity through Taoist inner alchemy. He re-evaluated the preaching of Wang Chongyang and Qiu Chuji and insisted that the prolonging of life that the Quanzhen School promoted was not longevity or immortality,

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but a way to attain the eternal “body of the law,” which was but the “true heart.” In the world, only the “body of the law” was eternal, so it was called longevity. He did not believe that longevity could be attained through physical practice. In the Longmen xinfa, he wrote: “[p]hysical practice can only prolong life by several years. It is not the real Tao . . . Those whose physical body has lasted ten thousand years, can only be called demons, not Taoists. The body of the law is free and eternal. He who understands this, even if he died immediately, would have no regret.” His “Original Spirit 元神” would return to the blue Heaven, “[l]eaving his name as immortal in the world and his words in the Taoist canon: that is real longevity, immortality after death.”3 In Wang Changyue’s words we find the influence of Confucianism. From the Yuan dynasty on, Neo-Confucianism was highly regarded by emperors and officials, while Buddhism and Taoism, which advocated detachment from the world, was often attacked by NeoConfucianism and was unable to meet the needs of officials and the people. Thus, these two religions were obliged to adopt Confucian elements and adjust their discourse. In his Longmen xinfa, Wang Changyue advised Taoists to shun love. But devotion to the emperor and one’s parents was considered an ethical duty. He encouraged repaying Heaven and Earth, the sun and the moon, parents, lord and master, saying “love can be abandoned, whereas grace cannot be forgotten.” He who observed filial piety and was loyal to his lord, should be open, upright, tolerant, and compassionate. That was the way to repay Heaven, Earth, the sun, and the moon. Wang Changyue tried to balance the harmonious commitment to the world with the disengagement from the world. He said “the way of disengagement from the world is a variation of the way of engagement in the world. Both ways emphasize the true heart. Only the directions of these two ways are different. They are in fact identical.” This ultimate way of the Quanzhen School, which combined the two ways, consisted in ethical practices such as fraternity, filial piety, and loyalty. Wang Changyue advised his disciples: Before practicing the simple, peaceful, and excellent way of disengagement from the world, you should first practice the way of engagement in the world because the former can be found in the latter. . . . The founder said: before practicing the way of the immortals, practice the way of the

3

Longmen xinfa, chapter “Gongde yuanman 功德圆满.”

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human. According to Buddhism, “the answer can be found in daily life.” This sentence is excellent. What does daily life mean? It means filial piety, fraternity, loyalty, faith, rite, righteousness, honesty, and shame. If you are able to understand these eight words, you can be called human. If not, you are not even capable of following the way of the human, how can you access to the way of the immortals?

As for lay Taoist followers, Wang Changyue advised them “not to study the way of disengagement from the world, but to maintain sincerity, be filial to parents, be loyal to their emperor, and observe kindness and righteousness.” All those principles were in fact part of Confucian ethics. The strategy that Wang Changyue put in place to revive the Quanzhen School corresponded to the contemporary ideological mainstream and met the social needs of the times. The effect was especially obvious on the Longmen Branch in which Taoists generally followed Wang Changyue’s advice and observed precepts and studied their own original nature. Even though there were no noted ascetics like the Seven Masters of the early Quanzhen School, some practitioners deserved to be noted. As Shen Yibing said: “[t]he Taoists of our branch rely on the limitless compassion of the Celestial Worthy of Original Beginning and practice his method of meditation. We do not focus on the magic arts or longevity. Our practices consist in cleansing one’s own original nature and purifying the mind to atune to the Tao.”4 They worked hard, traveled to study, and engaged in debates like the masters of the Chan School of the Tang and Song dynasties. For example, Jin Jingling studied under the direction of Zhou Tailang. At the beginning, Zhou Tailang assigned him the task of fetching water to lower his pride. Jin Jingling “stood and did not sleep at night and when he was tired, he just knelt in the position of paying homage.” One year later, Zhou Tailang told him: “the Tao is pure because it does not care for the self. Buddha has a long life because he does not care for attachment. Then Zhou Tailang stared at him and showed him his hand. Suddenly, Jin Jingling understood everything.”5 Shen Yibing meditated facing a wall for three years in the Zhengqi Temple in Wuxi to study the Tao. Fan Taiqing was teased and attacked by some young ruffians, but did not feel angry at them. The Qigong he practiced

4 5

Jin’gai xindeng, juan 3. Idem, juan 4.

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enabled him to live without eating for several days, underdressed even in winter, and looking but 40 or 50 years old at more than a hundred years of age. Wang Changyue, Shen Changjing, Gao Dongli, Wang Yongning (1597–1721), Wang Qingchu, and Baima Li (1615–1818) of the Sect of the Heart of the Xizhu all lived more than 100 years because they followed a Taoist regimen. During the Qing dynasty, the Longmen Branch was popular in the south. Inevitably, it interacted with the Zhengyi among southern indigenous Taoist School. The Taoists of the Zhengyi School, such as Shi Liangsheng and Lü Yunyin (of the 24th generation of the Qingwei Branch), studied under Wang Changyue. Yan Xiaofeng (of the Maoshan Branch) studied under Sun Shouyi of the eighth generation of the Longmen Branch. Among the Taoists of the Longmen Branch, there were those who were famous for their knowledge of talismans and rituals. For example, Wang Dongyang of the tenth generation and a disciple of Wang Dongyang’s disciple lived on Dadi Mountain in Yuhang in his later years and “carried out rituals that were very efficient. For that reason, he had a special reputation among Taoists.”6 Xu Longyan of the 11th generation of the Yunchao sub-branch of the Longmen Branch converted to the Zhengyi Shool and was an expert in Taoist ritual techniques. His disciples, such as Jiang Yu’an, Chen Qiaoyun, Zhu Chunyang, and Shi Changzai, learned the “Dipper rituals” from him. Jiang Yu’an also learned the rituals of the Maoshan Branch and converted to the Zhengyi School. Wang Xiuhu of the Xizhu Heart Branch studied the rituals of the Maoshan Branch under the direction of Li Pengtou. Zeng Yiguan and Guo Shouzhen were all respected by local officials for their performance in praying for rain. At the end of the Qing dynasty, the practices promoted by Wang Changyue were gradually ignored. Few Taoists after the 13th generation of the Longmen Branch were famous for their orthodox practice. For example, the eminent 13th-generation masters Chen Laogan and Wang Laiyin noted in the Jueyun benzhi daotong xinchuan that everyone practiced the rituals as if it was a mere job. The ordinary Taoists of the Longmen Branch performed rituals for people like the Taoists of the Zhengyi School, while the leaders showed signs of corruption. For instance, the Taoist abbot of the 20th generation of the Baiyun

6

Idem, juan 3.

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Temple in Beijing, Gao Rentong, was trusted by Empress Cixi. He frequented the imperial palace and sold official titles.7 He was powerful and influential in the capital and often criticized for that very reason. The Eminent Taoist Masters of the Longmen Branch Who Combined Taoism and Confucianism The Longmen Branch at the beginning of the Qing dynasty was akin to the Quanzhen School at the beginning of the Jin dynasty. It relied on members who had originally been Confucian literati and who converted to Taoism after the fall of the Ming dynasty. Among them, there were those who had fought against the Manchu army. Wang Changyue’s disciple Zhan Shouchun had been a famous literatus in Nanjing and was born into a salt merchant’s family. His mother Liu was from the imperial family. At the end of the Ming dynasty, Zhan Shouchun helped the refugees in the Jianghuai region financially. He did not answer Ruan Dacheng’s summons (to join the new regime). For that reason, the latter, his wife, and concubines were imprisoned and died in prison. Angry about that and about the fall of the southern Ming government, he lived in seclusion on Yan Mountain and converted to Taoism under the direction of Wang Changyue. Sheng Qingya had been a laureate of the highest degree of the public service examinations at the end of the Ming dynasty. He had been erudite and compared himself to Guan Zhong and Yue Yi. He converted to Taoism after the fall of the Ming dynasty. Huang Xutang was born into a Confucian family. When he was thirteen years old, he entered the official school of Suzhou prefecture and his literary talents were celebrated. After the fall of the Ming dynasty, he decided to convert to Taoism and was no longer interested in imperial examinations.8 Huang Shouyuan had been a student at the local official school in Huanggang. His father died and his family left when he was young. He lived in poverty but worked hard and sold his calligraphy. “In the jiashen year (1644), he burned his literati dress and classic books and left his house in Taoist dress.”9 Lü Yunyin’s father was a licentiate 7 Qingchao yeshi daguan 清朝野史大观, chapter 11 “Baiyunguan daoshi zhi yin’e 白云观道士之淫恶.” 8 Jin’gai xindeng, juan 2. 9 Idem.

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from Taicang.” He converted to Taoism after the fall of the Ming dynasty. Soon after, Lü Yunyin and his wife followed in his father’s footsteps. Tang Shoucheng, Cheng Huayang, and Lin Maoyang all converted from Confucianism to Taoism at the beginning of the Qing dynasty. Among the Taoists of the ninth generation of the Longmen Branch, Zhou Tailang was born into an official’s family and studied at the local national school; Fan Taiqing was chivalrous and erudite when he was young. In the first year of the Shunzhi reign (1661), he converted to Taoism; Bao Sanyang was a student at the local national school in Daxing; Weng Chaoyang was a literatus in Wuxing; and Sun Zeyang’s parents committed suicide at the death of Emperor Chongzhen. Sun Zeyang took charge of army supplies and was also an intelligence officer for the four garrisons in Jiangbei. He took advantage of his role to persuade people to fight against the Qing army. That was why Li Dingguo defected to the southern Ming government.10 Sun Zeyang converted to Taoism after the fall of the southern Ming government. Wang Taiyuan, (called the “the big feet immortal”) from the Xizhu Heart Branch, was the posthumous child of prince Tang of the Ming dynasty. Zhang Pengtou was the son of Qu Shisi, a loyal officer of the Ming dynasty. From the middle of the Kangxi reign and the tenth generation of the Longmen Branch, the national conflict abated and the branch turned to recruiting literati who had failed the imperial examinations or children of poor literati’s families. For example, Xie Binyang “[f ]ailed three times in the imperial examination. Very frustrated, he then converted to Taoism.”11 Jin Jingling and Xu Qingyang took the same course. Xu Shengzong “[h]ad been poor when he was young and failed the imperial examination many times. He went to Guangdong and Fujian as the assistant to an official. He converted to Taoism when he was tired of this life.”12 Xu Ziyuan “converted to Taoism after his family had become poor.”13 Wang Shenghui had been the child of a literati family in Hangzhou. His parents had died when he was young. He became a vagabond and was adopted by Xu Qingyang of the Longmen Branch. Wang Xiuhu of the Xizhu Heart Branch had joined the army when young. He was never recompensed, even after 10 11 12 13

Idem, juan 3. Idem, juan 4. Idem. Idem.

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several victories. In anger, he converted to Taoism on Lao Mountain. Yun Dabian (1663–1773), also called the “Living dead,” joined the army when he was young and had never been promoted. At the age of 50, he eventually converted to Taoism. Shen Yibing and Min Yide were all children of literary families. The latter had even been an official and converted to Taoism in his later years. These Taoist masters did not have habits and characteristics different from those of Confucian literati. They showed their ascetic side when they lived in seclusion, traveled in the mountains and along rivers, and wrote books. They showed their Confucian side when they studied Confucian classics, talked about their own original nature and reason, and promoted loyalty and filial piety. They showed their Taoist side when they dressed like Taoists, burnt incense, and practiced meditation. They adopted both Confucian and Taoist aspects in their lifestyles, thoughts, and behavior. Among them, Tao Ying’an was a typical Taoist characterized by a Taoist penchant outwardly and a Confucian literati penchant inwardly. He was the son of an officer in Wuxing. He had sought refuge at his nephew Tao Shi’an’s in Dongwu at the fall of the Ming dynasty. Feeling sorry for his country, he traveled all over China for five years hoping to fight against the Qing government and re-establish the Ming dynasty. However, after having thought over the situation, he converted to Taoism. He said: “I heard that, before practicing engagement in the world, one must practice disengagement from the world and vice versa because the Tao lies in these two attitudes. Those who do not understand this are only ordinary people and do not deserve to be spoken to.”14 In the engagement in the world and the disengagement from the world promoted by Wang Changyue he found a philosophy of life that could be used to ease the mind. He lived in seclusion on Jin’gai Mountain and kept contact with Huang Shouguo, Sheng Qingya, the Confucian literatus Min Sheng, known as the “old man with a bamboo hat,” and the Buddhist monk Dongming. His nephew Tao Shi’an became a Confucian literatus and lived on Jin’gai Mountain after his conversion to Taoism. He “[w]as silent all day long. In the morning he read the Daxue and Zhongyong, then the Tao Te Ching and Lengyan jing. At night he burned incense and worshipped

14

Idem, juan 2.

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the Dipper.”15 His disciple Xu Ziyuan (1630–1719) lived like a hermit. He “[a]te little and only vegetarian fare. He lived like a woodsman and practiced a self-cultivation regimen. He enjoyed life. Sometimes he sang, sometimes he dressed like a Taoist, sometimes he declaimed verses with disheveled hair.”16 These eminent Taoist masters were not concerned by the line drawn between different schools and studied the classics of the three religions, especially those of Confucianism. For example, Zhou Tailang was reputed for his erudition in Taoism and Confucianism. When Gao Dongli became his disciple, Zhou Tailang taught him first the Tao Te Ching, then the Zhouyi cantongqi, the Wuzhen pian, the Huayuan jing 华严经, and finally the Xue yong daode shouzhang xinjing 学庸道德首章 心经, annotated by Zhao. Zhou Tailang told him: “[t]hese are the real texts on engagement in the world and disengagement from the world. They are simple to practice. After these, you will study the Zhouyi. Then all conditions will be met for you to become immortal.”17 Shen Yibing was said to have been taught by a soothsayer, Li Niwan. After that, “[h]e committed himself to the study of Confucian classics. He studied the Zhouyi for more than fifty years. He was an expert on the theory of ‘Shendu 慎独 (watching oneself in solitude).’ He was sincere and quiet and kept his mind straight. In his later years, he possessed the divine skill of foresight and had perfect knowledge of the common origin of the three religions. His words and concepts proceeded from the Daxue, Zhongyong, Neo-Confucianism, the Tao Te Ching, Lengyan jing, and Zhouyi.”18 These eminent Taoist masters wrote many books, especially on the history of Taoism. For example, Fan Taiqing’s Bojian xu was the sequel to Wang Changyue’s Bojian and recorded the history of the Longmen Branch at the beginning of the Qing dynasty. Min Yide’s Jin’gai xindeng recorded the history of the Longmen Branch as based on the Jin’gai Mountain. In this book he also included the biographies of sages, scholars, chaste women, and eminent monks who had connections to this mountain to show the syncretism of the three religions. Chen Jiaoyou’s Changchun daojiao yuanliu was the first book dedicated to the study of the Quanzhen School. 15 16 17 18

Idem, juan 3. Idem. Idem. Idem, juan 4.

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The eminent Taoist masters of Longmen Branch endeavored to promote loyalty and filial piety. Tao Jing’an advised his disciples: “[t]he celestial immortals were filial children and loyal ministers when they lived in this world. The duke Shouting of the Han (Guan Yu) was beheaded. However, he became Lord in Heaven. I have never heard that he had practiced Taoist inner alchemy or fasted. Our practices are based on daily virtue. It is very important.”19 Tan Shoucheng advised others “to be loyal, filial, sincere, and silent.”20 Tao Shi’an told his disciples “[t]he teachings of the Branch of the Jin’gai Mountain are based upon loyalty and filial piety.”21 The Jin’gai Mountain in Huzhou was the place where eminent Confucian literati, monks, and Taoists lived in seclusion. At the beginning of the Qing dynasty, a big temple of the Longmen Branch was built there. In this temple, Tao Jing’an and Tao Shi’an were renowned for their erudition on Confucianism and Taoism. When Min Yide became the Taoist abbot of this temple, he used Confucian teachings and further secularized the doctrine of the Longmen Branch. He created the “Simple Method of the Longmen Branch” according to which all people, whether followers of a particular school, whether religious or lay, had to follow Confucian ethics. This method is somewhat different from Neo-Confucianism. It became very popular in the southeastern region because it corresponded to the ideological trend of the times. Dai Benheng wrote in his postscript to the Jueyun benzhi daotong xinchuan that after Min Yide had created a simple method, “[m]ost Taoists were laymen and more and more Confucian literati converted to Taoism. . . . Today, it is said that Taoism has spread over the Jiangzhe region.” The Theory of Taoist Inner Alchemy of Liu Yiming, Liu Huayang, and Min Yide The Longmen Branch of the Qing dynasty insisted on the observance of precepts and the cultivation of one’s own original nature, neglecting the practice of Taoist inner alchemy. However, some Taoists were

19 20 21

Idem, juan 2. Chen Ding, Liuxi waizhuan 留溪外传. Jin’gai xindeng, juan 3.

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illustrious for their works on this alchemical practice, such as Liu Yiming, Liu Huayang, and Min Yide, each one having his particular method. Liu Yiming wrote more than ten works on Taoist inner alchemy, including Yili chanzhen 易理阐真 [True Explanation of the Yijing], Xiangyan poyi 象言破疑 [Explanation of the Different Compositions of the Trigrams], Yinfujing zhu 阴符经注 [Commentary on the Yinfujing], Cantong zhizhi 参同 直指 [Explanation of the Zhouyi cantongqi], and Wuzhen zhizhi 悟真直指 [Explanation of the Wuzhen pian]. At the beginning of the Republican period, these works were published together as Daoshu shierzhong 道书 十二种 [Twelve Taoist Works], which was popular. He also produced works on medicine such as the Jingyan zafang 经验杂方 [Diverse Verified Prescriptions] and Yanke qimeng 眼科启蒙 [Ophthalmology for Beginners]. He wrote the greatest number of works and created the greatest theoretical system among all Taoists of the Qing dynasty. Liu Yiming inherited the theory of the syncretism of the Quanzhen School in the Jin and Yuan dynasties and made a synthesis of the doctrines of the three religions concerning the Tao, the Spirit and the Body, and the Orthodox Tao. He said in his preface to Zhinanzhen 指 南针 [Compass]: “[t]he study of the spirit and body is the orthodox Tao. The latter is called the Doctrine of the Mean in Confucianism, the Unique Vehicle in Buddhism, and the Golden Cinnabar in Taoism. That is the way to build the syncretism of the three religions.” He often explained Confucian classics by means of Taoist doctrines, considering the Daxue and Zhongyong as works on the theory of the spirit and the body and comparing the Yizhuan to Taoist inner alchemy. He wrote the Zhouyi chanzhen 周易阐真 [True Explanation of Zhouyi ] and Kongyi chanzhen 孔易阐真 [True Explanation of Kongyi] to explain the Yijing using the doctrines of Taoist inner alchemy because he believed the Yizhuan was the origin of those doctrines. He said, “[t]he doctrines of Taoist inner alchemy and that of the Yijing are identical. The Tao of the sages and that of the immortals are identical”22 and “all books on Taoist inner alchemy deal with the same principle as in the Yijing.”23 Liu Yiming regarded the Tao, the origin of the three religions, as the ultimate philosophical basis of Taoist inner alchemy. He said, in

22 23

Yili chanzhen xu 易理阐真序. Kongyi chanzhen.

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his Xiuzhen biannan 修真辨难 [Solving Difficulties for Self-cultivators]: “[t]he Tao is the transcendental, original, cosmological qi. . . . It is called Taiji in Confucianism, Golden Cinnabar in Taoism, and Enlightenment in Buddhism.” According to his Zhouyi chanzhen, the Taiji was the human “true heart.” So the “original cosmological qi” and the “true heart” were identical. He adopted the theories of Neo-Confucianism to develop those of Taoist inner alchemy. He also treated, among other things, the relationship between the Tao and Yin and Yang, the spirit and the body, reason and qi, the precedence between Yin and Yang and spirit and body, and the relationship between Taoist inner alchemy and Taoist laboratory alchemy. Liu Yiming explained the relationship between the Tao and Yin and Yang using the concepts of noumenon and phenomenon. He combined the Confucian theory of Yin and Yang and the Taoist theory of the Tao, saying, in the Xiuzhen biannan: “[t]he Tao is Yin and Yang in terms of noumenon while the Tao is invisible in terms of phenomenon.” He also said, from the cosmological point of view: “[b]efore the separation of the Taiji, the Yin and Yang were part of the Tao. After the separation of the Taiji, the Tao was born from the Yin and Yang . . . before the birth there was the Tao, whereas after the birth there were the Yin and Yang. The Tao is the origin of the Yin and Yang, whereas the Yin and Yang are manifestations of the Tao. The Taiji is separated into Yin and Yang whereas Yin and Yang are unified into the Taiji, just like the relationship between one and two.” He distinguished the prenatal from the postnatal Yin and Yang: “[t]he prenatal Yin and Yang was the qi. The postnatal Yin and Yang was the matter. The former was included in the Taiji, whereas he latter was born from the Taiji.” “Inner Yin and Yang are prenatal Yin and Yang and are physical, whereas the outer Yin and Yang is the postnatal Yin and Yang and is invisible.” He studied Yin and Yang with that precise distinction in mind. Liu Yiming studied “original nature and destiny” as the basis of humanity, and considered Taoist inner alchemy from the concept of the “Unity of Heaven and Man.” He said, in the Xiuzhen biannan: “[t]he paternal semen and the maternal blood come together; and cosmological qi penetrate the fetus. Then the visible is born from the invisible. All organs and members are formed naturally.” The human being is born from the fetus and live in postnatal Yin and Yang. Original nature and destiny are born in the prenatal Yin and Yang. “Life is the qi whereas original nature is reason.” “Original nature and destiny

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are the noumenon of the Yin and Yang, while the Yin and Yang are the phenomena of original nature and destiny.” “The original nature given by Heaven is true, whereas the nature given by the qi is false. The life of Tao is true, whereas the life of destiny is false. The prenatal one is true, whereas the postnatal one is false.” These theories are Neo-Confucian. According to Liu Yiming, the secret of the success of Taoist inner alchemy lay in the discovery of prenatal nature and life in the postnatal body. One should practice in the reverse direction of evolution, returning to the origin to unify the Taiji, the prenatal and postnatal, original nature and life. Prenatal nature and life proceeded from the “Unique Orifice of Mystery Pass.” “This orifice cannot be felt by the six senses and is situated in a place not composed by the Five Agents. In the chaos, there is an orifice in which there is a door. It opens and closes automatically. When one calls it, it will answer. When one shakes it, it will be activated. It is clear and bright. When one understands it, it is right in front of him. When one does not understand it, it is remote.” This passage describes the subjective feeling born from the practice of meditation. There were two methods in the practice of Taoist inner alchemy: that of “original nature preceding life” of the northern Quanzhen School and that of “life preceding original nature” of the southern Quanzhen School. Liu Yiming adopted both methods, advocating that practitioners should choose a method according to their nature. According to the Xiuzhen biannan, the intelligent one “was able to acknowledge his origin immediately once he met the master and learned the secret instructions. Hence, he progressed gradually by keeping close to his origin.” This was the method of “original nature preceding life” of the northern Quanzhen School. The obtuse one would not be able to understand quickly. He would need the method of “life preceding original nature” of the southern Quanzhen School. In the Xiuzhen biannan, the methods of Taoist inner alchemy were classified in three categories that corresponded to three levels among Taoists. The superior “Free Method” and the moderate “Expedient Method” were dedicated to those who followed the practice of original nature and life. The inferior “Hard Method” was meant for disciples who, deprived of intelligence, “had to leave aside all their affairs and work hard physically and spiritually. One day they would suddenly understand the origin. Knowing that, they should continue to work following the superior and moderate methods.” Liu Yiming developed this method of teaching according to everyone’s ability.

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In the Xiuzhen biannan it says: “the double practice of the Tao and techniques, original nature and life is the supreme way of the unique vehicle . . . it should be practiced in gradual steps.” There were 18 secrets and 24 keys for this practice, which could be organized in four stages. The first, “constructing the base and cultivating the self,” consisted in abstaining from anger and desire, destroying attachments, studying doctrines thoroughly, enduring hardship, being tolerant to others, regarding others like another self, putting life and death on an equal footing, keeping one’s semen, and pushing away the demons of sleep, all of which were “based on the non-self.”24 For the second and third stages, Liu Yiming followed the methods described in the Wuzhen pian and the key points he noted resembled (eminent Song-period Taoist) Bo Yuchan’s. For instance, the key point for the second stage of collecting medicine, cultivating, and washing was “comprehending the Male and guarding the Female and following natural cycles.” The key point for the third stage of taking medicine and cultivating the self was “forgetting the body and the mind. Think not and do not. Approach not and leave not.” The key point for the fourth stage of cultivating the spirit and returning to vacuity was “living between Existence and Non-existence and regarding the world as vacuity.” In addition, Liu Yimin classified the timing of Taoist inner alchemy internally and externally, collecting medicine, refining it, refining cinnabar, making cinnabar, cultivating heat, taking cinnabar, nurturing the fetus, cultivating nature, cultivating life, civil fire, and martial fire. He also dealt with the practice of female alchemy. He did not explain the methods of Taoist inner alchemy in precise detail. However, he developed the theories of Taoist inner alchemy more than other scholars of the Qing dynasty. Liu Yiming’s Theories on Taoist Inner Alchemy At the end of the Ming dynasty, Wang Changyue’s disciple Wu Shouyang studied the Taoist inner alchemy of Li Niwan, Cao Huanyang, and Zhao Zhensong, and wrote the Xianfo hezong yulu 仙佛合宗语录 [Speech on the Unified Origin of Immortals and Buddhas], Tianxian zhengli 天仙正理 [Orthodox Principle of Immortals], and Dandao jiupian 丹道九 篇 [Nine Texts on Taoist Inner Alchemy], which described in detail the

24

Xiuzhen jiuyao 修真九要.

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methods of Taoist inner alchemy. His theory was characterized by its combination of Buddhism and Taoism. His disciple Xie Ningsu inherited his theory, writing more than ten works of which the Jinxian zhenglun 金仙证论 [Argumentation on Golden Immortals], Huiming pian 慧 命篇 [Essay on Wisdom and Life], and Jindan huohou 金丹火候 [Timing of Refining Golden Cinnabar] were the most interesting. In the chapter of Xie Ningsu’s biography in the Jin’gai xindeng it says, “[i]n the fourth year of the Jiaqing reign (1799), a monk called Liu Huayang lived to the east of the Temple of Heaven. He was about 40 or 50 years old, a native of Anqing or Wujing. I visited him and he showed me the books that he had written.” The table of contents was identical to that of Xie Ningsu but their contents were a little different. Liu Huayang was likely none other than Xie Ningsu. Xie Ningsu’s works have been lost. Only Liu Huayang’s Jinxian zhenglun and Huiming jing have come down to us. People attributed the “School of Wu and Liu” to him and Wu Shouyang because he inherited the latter’s theory According to the Huiming jing, Liu Huayang met Wu Shouyang, who taught him the secret methods. However, Wu Shouyang died in the year of jiashen (1644). Liu Huayang could not possibly have met him. This book was probably copied from Xie Ningsu’s eponymous book. Liu Huayang divided the practice of Taoist inner alchemy into four stages: refining the self and returning to vacuity, the small circle of revolution (refining the jing and transforming the qi), the big circle of revolution (refining the qi and transforming the shen), and, finally, returning to vacuity. According to the Jinxian zhenglun, there were two methods for refining the self and returning to vacuity. The gifted ones used the method of sudden comprehension, which consisted in “sleeping and awakening, attaching not to the body or to the spirit, and clarifying the heart without doubt.” Those deprived of intelligence used the method of gradual comprehension, which consisted in getting rid of desire and feelings, braving demons with clear views, and working hard in the hope of gaining comprehension one day. His theory was similar to that of his contemporary Liu Yiming. Liu Huayang described collecting medicine, refining, reinforcing, and timing the small circle of revolution, illusions experiences while in meditation, and their spiritual and physical effects, in even greater detail than Wu Shouyang. For example, he said in the Jinxian zhenglun: “what is the prenatal before the birth? It is the moment of chaos. But what is chaos? It is the prenatal shen. In the moment of the chaos, the true pace is activated automatically. The penis is suddenly erect.

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That is the prenatal jing.” According to him, the prenatal jing and the prenatal shen were identical. The qi moved, while the jing remained in peace. In the moment of chaos, there was a movement in peace. It was the moment called the “Flexible Moment of the zi hour.” Then the original jing was born. After that, the practitioner refined the original jing with civil or martial fire, according to its status. The spiritual and physical effect of the making of the jing and medicine was especially detailed: The qi is full and the medicine is efficient. It is peaceful and then the celestial pace is activated. Naturally, the practitioner will feel comfortable in his whole body. The feeling of softness and joy will spread from the fingers to the body. The body will be upright like a mountain and the heart will be peaceful and calm like the image of the autumn moon reflected in a lake. Each pore will tickle and the heart will be full of joy. It is hard to express such feeling in words.

Liu Huayang decrypted classical works on Taoist inner alchemy, revealing their methods and effects directly. His writing were typical of the vulgarization of these kinds of books. Even though Liu Huayang was a Buddhist monk, he had a Taoist name and studied Taoist doctrines. His disciples, such as the Buddhist monks Huoran and Zhenyuan, also studied Taoist inner alchemy. Liu Huayang was also renowned for annotating Buddhist works with Taoist terms. In the Jinxian lunzheng and Huiming jing he said that the Buddhist unique law and direct way of transmission taught by Bodhidharma and Huineng was indeed the practice of Taoist inner alchemy, which consisted in the double cultivation of original nature and life. At the same time he criticized such popular Buddhist practices as studying abstract dialogues, reciting Buddha’s name, reciting sutras, and fasting for seven days because “they were not the orthodox law of Buddha.” He considered the words of Buddhist masters to be ridiculous and caused Buddhist monks to react angrily to his criticism. The printing blocks for his books were burned for that reason. Shen Yibing and Min Yide’s Theories on Taoist Inner Alchemy Min Yide compiled the most influential book on Taoist inner alchemy in the Qing dynasty, the Gushu yinlou cangshu, which contained 28 distinct works. Most were about Taoist inner alchemy. Min Yide’s knowledge of Taoist inner alchemy was transmitted by Shen Yibing,

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who was taught by the immortal Li Niwan. Works in the Gushu yinlou cangshu included the Sanni yishi jue 三尼医世诀 [Practical Instructions on the Three Sages’ Doctrine of Healing the World], Tianxian xinchuan 天仙心传 [Heart Transmission from the Heavenly Immortal], and Suoyan xu 琐言续 [Sequel to an Ignored Transmission], all transmitted by Shen Yibing and annotated by Min Yide and also the Jindan sibaizi zhu 金丹四百字注 [Annotation on the Four-hundred Words Essay on Inner Alchemy] written by Min Yide. Min Yide also annotated the works written by other authors in that book. Shen Yibing and Min Yide proposed three methods of Taoist inner alchemy: the direct practice of original nature, the method of “original nature preceding life,” and that of “life preceding original nature,” and attached importance to the cultivation of the heart in the revelation of one’s original nature. Shen Yibing said, in his Tianxian daojie xuzhi 天仙道戒须知 [Essentials on the Taoist Precepts of the Heavenly Immortals]: “[t]he study of immortals is the study of the heart. The practitioner has to cultivate his heart until it reaches enlightenment. The Tianxian xinchuan also says: “[t]he true study of immortals can not be analyzed or measured. All the practitioner has to do is to empty his mind. All his practical experiences should be left aside.” Neophytes who have not acceded to the practice of refining the jing and transforming the qi, are asked to cultivate their hearts and original nature directly and “start from the Biyuan tanjing.” Clearly, Shen Yibing and Min Yide had adopted Wang Changyue’s theory. Shen Yibing and Min Yide believed that vacuity, non-existence, and original nature were the bases of the practice. In the Suoyan xu, the rules of inner practice were summed up as: “sit straight, empty the heart, and realize the idea.” “The essential is attached to nothing and is ‘immovable’.” Cultivate original nature in movement and life in peace. When the “Flexible Moment of the zi hour” came, the practitioner should seize the opportunity to practice. The essential is to be natural during practice and not to do it forcibly. He annotated the notion of “non-idea” as “observe the change of jing, qi, and shen with a clear and concentrated mind.” The practitioner should have no other ideas than this one. That was why it was called “non-idea” or “realizing the idea.” Some of Shen Yibing’s and Min Yide’s theories, especially those of the latter, differed from traditional ones. For instance, for the beginning stage, according to the Tianxian xinfa, the practitioner conducted the light from the vertex to the point between the eyebrows and

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concentrated on the “root of the mountain” (the point between the eyes). The Six Steps method noted in the Sanni yishi shuo shu, compiled by Huang Shouyuan and Tao Shi’an and said to have been transmitted by Lü Dongbin, also started with concentrating on the vertex with eyes closed. According to the Du Sanni yishi shuo guankui 读三尼医世 说管窥 [Simple Explanation of Sanni yishishuo], written by Min Yide, the practitioner should contemplate until he forgets everything. Then he should visualize the body in the orifice of the ancestor and observe the movements of jing and qi in the body. The method noted in the Donghua zhengmai huangji hebi xianjing 东华正脉皇极阖辟仙经 [Divine Scripture of Opening or Closing the Imperial Ultimate, in the Orthodox Transmission from Eastern Flower (Lord)], said to have been transmitted by the immortal Yin Pengtou, started with concentrating on the “Yellow Center”—an orifice on the back of the body. The method noted in the Taiyi jinhua zongzhi 太一金华宗旨 [Ultimate Purport of the Golden Flower of the Great One], collated by Tao Shi’an and said to have been transmitted by Lü Dongbin, started with concentrating on the eyes and the point between the eyebrows. For the circulation of jing and qi, Shen Yibing and Min Yide suggested that the “Yellow Way” was on the back, through which the prenatal jing and qi went up and down. Shen Yibing and Min Yide called it the “direct communication to the Middle Yellow,” which differed from the way of the two ren and du vessels in traditional Taoist scriptures. These methods can not be found in the Taoist scriptures of the Yuan or Ming dynasties and might have been invented by Taoists of the Longmen Branch in the Qing dynasty. The Taoists of the Longmen Branch in the Qing dynasty developed Taoist inner alchemy. Liu Yiming, for example, developed the theory of Taoist inner alchemy by integrating Neo-Confucianism. Xi Ningsu, Shen Yibing, and Min Yide detailed the methods of Taoist inner alchemy. The vulgarization of Taoist inner alchemy enabled Taoism to open up its practice out of secret transmission and exercise its influence on society at large, especially through present-day Qiqong.

THE IMPACT OF THE TAOIST MORALITY BOOK TAIWEI XIANJUN GONGGUOGE 太微仙君功过格 [REGISTER OF MERITS AND DEMERITS OF THE DIVINE LORD OF GREAT TENUITY ]1 Chen Xia From the Southern Song dynasty to the Mid-Ming dynasty, Taoist rituals gained in popularity. At the same time, Taoist morality books were circulated as an important means to improve people’s moral life. In the Qin and Han dynasties, there were already similar morality books such as the Yushu 语书 [Book of Speeches], Xiaojing 孝经 [Book of Filial Piety], and the Nüjie 女戒 [Rules for Women]. However, morality books as such first made their appearance in the Song dynasty. Morality book was the general name given to the popular books from all schools that urged people to do good. People also called this type of book “Benevolent Book,” “Text of Advice for People,” or “Book on Retribution.” Those names referred not only to religious morality books and secular tracts on improving mores, but also to rules written by the government, such as “imperial decrees,” and to popular morality plays. High-level officials, literati, craftsmen, and ordinary people all added to their compilation, popularization, and interpretation. Taoism had a pioneering role in their evolution. Compiled under the Song dynasty, the Taishang ganying pian was both the first morality book and the first Taoist book of this kind. Taishang ganying pian, the Wenchang dijun yinzhiwen 文昌帝君阴骘文 [Lord Wenchang’s Text of Hidden Administration], and the Guansheng dijun jueshi zhenjing 关圣帝君觉世 真经 [The Book of Enlightenment of Lord Guan] were called the “Three Sacred Classics of Morality Books” because they were widely read, exerted great influence, and were often commented upon. Theism is the main characteristic of Taoist morality books. According to these books, deities supervise people’s behavior, mete out punishment or rewards, and urge people to do good in order to become immortal. “Avoid evil action, instead practice benevolent deeds”: this phrase is 1 Published originally in Daojiao quanshanshu yanjiu 道教劝善书研究. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1999, ch. 2, section 4. This chapter is a revised version.

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the gist of Taoist morality books. From the Song and Yuan dynasties, numerous Taoist morality books were compiled; they culminated in the Ming and Qing dynasties. Taoist morality books were widespread, exerted great influence right into the Republican period, and had by then existed for almost a thousand years in China. Definition of the Register of Merits and Demerits Taoist morality books can be classified into four categories: Argument, Operation, Record, and Punishment. The books in the Argument category revealed rules and principles (of moral retribution) to the public. The Taishang ganying pian was the masterpiece in this category. Taoist morality books in the Record category told miracle stories of retribution, as shown in the Zitong dijun huashu 梓潼帝君化书 [Transformation Book of Lord Zitong] and the Qinghe neizhuan 清河内传 [Inner Legend of Qinghe]. The books in the Punishment category described Hell, like the Yuli chaozhuan 玉历钞传 [ Jade Register], which was dedicated to the subject of punishment after death. In the Operation category the books set forth and applied Taoist rules. The Taiwei xianjun gongguoge was the first Taoist morality book in the Operation category. Li Shan quoted the “Essay on Cangjie” saying: “ge 格 means measure.” Gongguoge is a book that measures merits and demerits. “Gefa 格法,” “tianquan 天券,” and “biaoge 标格,” cited in Taoist scriptures before the Song and Yuan dynasties, were early forms of Taoist morality books. The compilation of the chapter “Merits and Demerits” of the Zhiyan zong 至言总 [Collection of Perfect Speeches] represents a more complete form of the Taoist morality book.2 According to it: “the Merits and Demerits mean saving the living, saving the dead, and being benevolent to others.” In the Lieji jing 列纪经 (Scripture of the Chronicles) it says: “he who follows the Tao must practice its virtues, be compassionate with everything and everyone, support who is in difficulty, help people in trouble, prefer the Tao to wealth, avoid meanness, give money where it is needed, and pray on his knees with a sincere heart.” In the Benyuan jing 本愿经 (Scripture of the Fundamental Vow):

2 Li Gang, “Daojiao gongguoge jiexi 道教功过格解析,” in Daojia wenhua yanjiu, no. 7, Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995.

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He who wants to become immortal must gain 30 points of merit. It is said that someone who gathers 3,000 points of merit becomes immortal in a day. According to the chapter “Merits and Demerits” of the Zhiyan zong: Doing good lengthens life whereas doing evil shortens it. Deities metes out recompense or punishment unerringly.3

This passage shows that the tradition of measuring personal behavior has existed for a long time. However, these Taoist scriptures only mentioned the existence of this kind of book and the awards or punishments, without referring to a concrete method of counting merits or demerits. The Taiwei xianjun gongguoge, which inherited this method of analyzing behavior, was the first book to define the awards and punishments with great precision. The Taiwei xianjun gongguoge and the Jingming Taoist School (净明道) The Taiwei xianjun gongguoge, classified in the Authenticity Cavern (Dongzhen 洞真) part of the Taoist Canon, is the earliest Taoist morality book; it is signed “Youxuanzi of the Huizhen Hall of the Western Mountain.” The Western Mountain is the cradle of the Jingming School. Xu Xun took refuge in Nanchang in Yuzhang Province where the Western Mountain is located.4 We also find the Xishan Xu zhenjun bashiwu huashu 西山许真官八十五化书 [Eighty-five Transformations of Lord Xu of the Western Mountain]. The Jingming School Taoist master Zhang Hongya studied and enjoyed fishing on Western Mountain and he died there.5 Liu Yu, who restored the Jingming School, was called the “Hermit of the Western Mountain.” The center of the activities of the Jingming School was the Western Mountain where, according to the legend, Xu Xun of the Eastern Jin dynasty became immortal and went up to Heaven. In the first year of the Zhenghe reign of Emperor Hui of the Song dynasty (AD 1112), Xu Xun was given the title of “Lord of Perfect Release and Divine Merit.” Consequently, the Jingming School, whose main deity was Xu Xun, prospered under the Southern Song dynasty. From the author’s signature, we know that 3 On this text, see Daozang tiyao. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1991, p. 777. 4 Jingming zhongxiao quanshu, see the Taoist Canon. Shanghai shudian: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, Cultural Relics Press, vol. 24, p. 623. 5 Idem, p. 629.

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he belonged to the Jingming School and that this book was compiled in the eleventh year of the Dading reign of Emperor Shi of the Jin dynasty (also the seventh year of the Qiandao reign of Emperor Xiao of the Southern Song dynasty, AD 1171). According to a Japanese study, the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge was a classic of the Jingming School.6 As a new school advocating the use of talismans, the Jingming, also called Jingming Zhongxiao School stemmed from the Lingbao School and took in elements from the Shangqing and the Zhengyi Schools. In AD 1125, after conquering the Liao kingdom with the allied forces of the Northern Song government, the Jin government, taking advantage of its unguarded boarders, attacked and conquered the Northern Song empire. Prince Kang (Zhao Gou) established the Southern Song government in the Jiangnan region to oppose the Jin government. Most of the northern region was ruled by the Jin government and suffered from intense fighting between different ethnic groups and social classes. The ancient Taoist system was destroyed, but the need for religion gave rise to many new Taoist Schools. Under pressure from the Jin government, the people—but also the emperor of the Southern Song—lived in fear and prayed for the protection of the gods. Although Taoism at that time was not as successful as under the reign of the emperors Zhen and Hui, schools that used talismans, such as the Jingming School, were active because they were experts at conducting rituals and finding solutions to the daily needs of the people. The outstanding feature of the Jingming School was its emphasis on feudal ethics. The name Jingming was interpreted thus: “Jingming means simply sincerity and loyalty and filial piety, which helps strengthen the social structure. (. . .) What is the meaning of jing? It means unpolluted. What is the meaning of ming? It means untouched. Unpolluted and untouched, then loyalty and filial piety follow naturally.” The Taiwei xianjun gongguoge was the book of rules and behavior of the Jingming School. Its author wrote: I write 36 rules concerning merits and 39 rules concerning demerits, classified, respectively, in four categories. This book is dedicated to those who long to become immortal. Write down merits and demerits everyday. Verify them every month and examine them every year. Then a Taoist can measure his merits and demerits, which will correspond to

6 Fukui Kojun, Daojiao 道教, translated by Zhu Yueli. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1992, vol. 2, p. 118.

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those noted down by celestial officials. . . . Observe these rules, shun evil, and strive for goodness. If you practice these with sincerity, you will become immortal.7

Contents of the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge Compared with later Taoist morality books, entries in the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge were simpler and fewer. The highest-ranking good action deserves 100 merits, whereas the lowest-ranking evil action deserves 100 demerits. In the category of merits, there are 36 clauses dedicated almost exclusively to Taoists and divided into four groups: the first group concerns assistance to others. It includes saving people with talismans and medicine; helping widows, widowers, people who live alone, and famine refugees; and repairing roads and bridges. For example, “he who treats serious illness with talismans and medicine deserves 10 merits, 5 merits for minor ailment. If one accepts reward, there will be no merit for him. The same applies if he cures the patient with exorcism.” “For repairing a road and cleaning a place covered in mud, one deserves 10 merits a day.” The second group concerns scriptures. It includes the study of Taoist classics, the seeking of advice on scriptures, their protection, and transmission. For example, “he who transmits the scriptures for the salvation of people deserves 5 merits, 4 merits for the transmission of the meditation scriptures, 3 merits for the transmission of the scriptures on rituals.” The third group deals with rituals, including those for repairing Taoist buildings, instructions for carrying out rituals, and reciting scriptures for people. For example, “He who honors gods day and night for country and people deserves 2 merits a day. If he does it for himself, he deserves 1 merit a day.” “He who conducts a ritual for the country, people, ancestors, wandering souls, and parents, driving away calamities, and saving souls, deserves 2 merits per ritual, 1 merit for his client and one for himself. If he has received a pledge (in payment), there will be no merit for him.” The fourth group dealt with social life. It includes charity, propagating doctrines, mediation in disputes, and thriftiness. For example,

7 The Taoist Canon. Shanghai shudian: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, Cultural Relics Press, vol. 3, p. 449.

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“He who propagates doctrines and explains them to people deserves 1 merit for every 10 persons present, the maximum number of merits gained is 50.” In the category of demerits, there were 39 clauses divided into four groups: the first concerns the uncompassionate. It refers to situations such as seeing someone in mortal danger without doing anything to save him, studying heretical skills like malediction, and killing. For example, “He who sees someone or an animal being killed without doing anything deserves half the demerits attributed to the killer. He who has no compassion deserves 2 demerits. He who helps killing deserves 5 demerits.” The second concerns mischievous actions. It includes destroying temples, eating meat, profaning the gods, and misinterpreting the Taoist scriptures. For example, “He who scolds the Celestial Worthy or destroys a statue of the Celestial Worthy deserves 20 demerits, 15 demerits for immortals, 10 demerits for the divine lord, 2 demerits for the witness who does not intervene, and 5 demerits for whoever helps in the destruction. One who burns or destroys Taoist scriptures deserves the same demerits.” The third dealt with disloyalty. It included an inclination for fighting, lying, despising teachers, and living without friends. For example, “He who does not study from a good teacher deserves 2 demerits. He who does not obey the teacher deserves 10 demerits. He who betrays his teacher deserves 50 demerits. He who violates the teacher’s teachings deserves 30 demerits, the same applies for the violation of parents’ teachings.” The fourth deals with the violation of laws. It concerns the transmission of false doctrines to disciples, the writing of erotic novels, drinking, and the seeking of pleasure. For example, “He who eats the five pungent spices without special reason deserves 1 demerit per kind of spice. He who reads scriptures after having eaten the five pungent spices deserves 10 demerits per volume, 5 demerits for a small scripture, and 1 demerit for each deity. He who eats the five pungent spices during a fast deserves 5 demerits.” The Influence of the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge A large number of Taoist Registers of Merits and Demerits were compiled after the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge, like the Wenchang dijun gongguoge 文昌帝君功过格 [Register of Merits and Demerits of the Lord Wenchang],

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the Shijie gongguoge 十戒功过格 [Ledger of Merits and Demerits of the Ten Precepts], the Jingshi gongguoge 警世功过格 [Register of Merits and Demerits of Admonishment], and the Shi Yinfu gongguoge 石音夫功过格 [Register of Merits and Demerits of Shi Yinfu], and set a trend in the writing of such registers under the Ming and Qing dynasties. Compared to the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge, the registers of merits and demerits of the Ming and Qing dynasties were simpler, more accessible, and more practical. The classification was more meticulous and all classes in society were involved, whereas the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge had been meant only for Taoists. A novel spirit of syncretism pervaded these books and was characterized by a drive to adapt to contemporary conditions. For instance, the Wenchang dijun gongguoge, the product of spiritwriting in the second year of Yongzheng (AD 1724), recommended a simpler method for recording merits and demerits—that of yellow and black beans: Make a purse of any size and tie it to the waist. The purse has three layers. The internal layer contains yellow beans, the external layer contains black beans, and the middle layer is used for counting merits and demerits. When one wins a merit, he takes a small yellow bean and puts it in the middle layer. When one commits a fault, he takes a small black bean and puts it in the middle layer. A big yellow bean for 10 merits, a big black bean for 10 demerits. Before sleep, count the beans in the middle layer and note in a daily register. That is the secret and simple method. In this way people can assess their behavior. One could attain a very high level before knowing it. If unregistered, most of those actions done during the day would be forgotten before being noted at night.8

A calendar was appended to this book. Before using this book, a ritual of announcement would be carried out, and an account would be made to Lord Wenchang one month after the application. The method of the yellow and black beans mentioned in this book was used by Taoists and ordinary people alike. The Shi Yinfu gongguoge gave an example of someone who had become immortal after this method was used in a ritual. Influenced by Taoist registers of merits and demerits, gentlemen and literati also compiled a great number of registers of merits and demerits, like the Dangguan gongguoge 当官功过格 [Register of Merits and Demerits for Officials], the Bufeiqian gongdeli 不费钱功德例 [Merits without

8 Yuan Xiaobo, Wenchang dijun gongguoge, see Minjian quanshanshu 民间劝善书. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995, p. 202.

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Spending Money], the Wenchang dijun xizi gongdelü 文昌帝君惜字功德律 [Merit Rules on Cherishing Written Characters of Lord Wenchang], and the Jieyin gongguoge 戒淫功过格 [Register of Merits and Demerits for Preventing Lewdness]. There were also the Huibian gongguoge 汇编功过格 [Collection of Registers of Merits and Demerits], collated by Hu Zheng’an, and other collections, like the Huizuan gongguoge 汇纂功过格 [Collection of Registers of Merits and Demerits] and the Guang gongguoge xinbian 广功过格新 编 [New Edition of the Collection of Registers of Merits and Demerits]. Their authors were officials, gentlemen, members of the Fushe 复社 (Restoration Society), and students who had failed the imperial examinations. Taoists believed, they could attain their objective by counting merits and demerits accurately. The Register of Merits and Demerits of gentlemen imitated the Taoist Register of Merits and Demerits not only in its form but also in its reference to the Taoist utilitarian concept of retribution. Confucianism advocated unconditional benevolence. However, officials and gentlemen believed “ordinary people do good for merits and dare not do evil, to avoid demerit. Heaven encourages people through the Register of Merits and Demerits. . . . Ordinary people are many, so the use of the Register of Merits and Demerits can be spread widely.”9 At that time, literati were criticized because they committed themselves to philanthropy in order to achieve fame and fortune. “Today, people commit themselves to philanthropy for merit and believe 1,000 charities equal 1,000 merits and 10,000 charities equal 10,000 merits. In fact the Register of Merits and Demerits is meant for the common people. As for the literati, charity is their duty.”10 The birth of the Buddhist morality books bore the influence of the Taoist morality books11 and the Buddhist Registers of Merits and Demerits were compiled in a similar way. Of these, the most important work was the Zizhi lu 自知录 [Register for Self-knowledge], written by

9 The chapter “Gongguoge xuyan 功过格绪言” of the Huizuan gongguoge, see the Wang Shihe fushanlun 王石和福善论, chapter 5: “Xiushenge huocai 修身格货财.” 10 Zhu Guozhen, Yongchuang xiaopin 涌幢小品, see the Biji xiaoshuo daguan 笔记小说 大观. Hangzhou: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1983, vol. 13. 11 “Morality Books urge people to do good. They synthesize the three religions and explain the consequences of good and bad actions from a Taoist point of view. Influenced by the Taishang ganying pian, Yuan Liaofan of the Ming dynasty wrote the Yingzhi lu. The monk Zhuhong transformed it into a Buddhist book, the Zizhi lu.” See Ren Jiyu, Du Jiwen, Fojiao shi 佛教史. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1991, p. 514.

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the famous monk Zhuhong in the 32nd year of the reign Wanli of the Ming dynasty (AD 1605). Zhuhong wrote, in the preface: When I was young, I was pleased to read the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge and printed it for people. Later, I became a monk and engaged in practice. Then I lived in seclusion and committed myself to meditation. I had no time to learn this. Today, although I am old, I am pleased when I read this book again. Then I collated and reprinted it. . . . Ancient people said: “the worst thing for people is that they do not know themselves.” If they know their demerits, they will be afraid and stop doing evil. If they know their merits, they will be pleased and encourage themselves. If they do not know these, they will lose their temper like animals. When people note their merits and demerits clearly, they cannot lie to themselves. This book is serious like a teacher and sincere like a friend. It advises without reward or punishment. Do not look for divination to know good and bad fortune. There is promotion and demotion instead of Heaven or Hell in this book. In this way, the Tao is not difficult to reach. I changed the name of the book to Zizhi lu.12

This preface clearly shows why the author compiled this book, whose style and content were very similar to the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge. In the Zizhi lu, the “category of merits” was changed into the “section of benevolence” while the “category of demerits” was changed into the “section of malevolence.” As Zhuhong wrote: “in this book, Taoist lords and immortals are replaced by Buddhist deities. Taoist rituals are replaced by Buddhist rituals. The religion has been changed. As to the meting out of merit and demerit, it has been altered but little.” Conclusion The main objective of the Register of Merits and Demerits was to urge Taoists through the meting out of merits and demerits to do good in order to become immortal. It exemplified the development of Taoist practices and theory. Taoist morality books not only urge people to do good, but also teach people how to do so. The new method for measuring merits and demerits was simpler than in the early Taoist practices. At that time, the Register of Merits and Demerits was really efficient to propagate ethics. The Taoist Register of Merits and Demerits was the product of secularized and popularized Taoism. Taoism adapted itself to society 12

Zizhi lu, see Minjian quanshanshu. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995, p. 182.

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and influenced it. This change allowed Taoists to regain the government’s support. In this way, Taoism transformed itself into an ethical religion. Through simple ways of doing good, the Taoist Register of Merits and Demerits attracted more and more people, from all social classes, who were seeking good fortune.

ABNEGATING KILLING AND CHERISHING LIFE1 Li Yuanguo Caring for human beings and cherishing life, abnegating killing because of compassion, these were among the most far reaching Taoist ideas. From “caring for life,” “appreciating the self,” and “longevity,” all found in the Lao-tzu, “protecting life,” “making life complete,” “living to the end of one’s alloted lifespan,” and “respecting life,” in the Chuang-tzu, and “caring for life and appreciating the self,” of the Lüshi chunqiu 吕氏春秋 [Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals], to “enjoying life” and “appreciating life” in the Scripture of Great Peace, the Xiang’er zhu, the Zhouyi cantongqi, the Baopu zi neipian, the Xisheng jing 西升经 [Scripture of Western Ascension], the Duren jing, the Wuzhen pian 悟真篇 [Awakening to Reality], and other Taoist texts, these notions have always been present in Taoist teachings. Going Through Life and Death and Strengthening the Root of Life “Sheng 生,” which encompasses all life, is the most important concept of the Taoist philosophy of life. From Lao-tzu onwards, Taoism emphasized “maintaining life,” “caring for life,” “appreciating the self,” and “longevity.” Lao-tzu wrote: “Among those who leave the womb at birth and eventually enter death, three out of ten celebrate life, three out of ten celebrate death, and three out of ten simply go from life to death.” This passage means danger is everywhere and life is threatened permanently. So people should do their utmost to “maintain life”: “Then they walk safely among wild animals. When they go into battle, they remain unharmed. Animals find no place to attack them and the weapons are unable to harm them. Why? Because they can find no place for death in them.”2 Life and death are serious matters that cannot be ignored. He who comprehends the Tao should Published originally in Zhexue, no. 30. Taipei: Bianqiang chubanshe, 1999. Lu Xisheng, Daode zhenjing zhuan 道德真经传, chapter 1. in Daozang (Taoist Canon), Shanghai shudian; Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House; Cultural Relics Press, 1988, vol. 12, p. 598. 1 2

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know all life is born in the Tao and will be respected according to their virtue. So life should be appreciated, as Lin Xiyi 林希逸 wrote: “giving birth to it, cultivating it, caring for it, nurturing it, sheltering it in peace, and helping it to grow. There is a beginning and there will be a following. The continuous reproduction of life is due to the power of the Creator.”3 “Maintaining life” means using a certain self-cultivation regimen and following the Tao to cultivate life. Inwardly, one should seek peace and serenity, cultivate his own being with simplicity, and protect himself from desires. This is what we call “neijie 内解.” “ ‘Neijie’ means remaining in peace and calm and avoiding worry . . . even while remaining in this world, one would not be troubled by desire.”4 Outwardly, one should be kind to all beings and devoid of viciousness. Wu Cheng wrote: “welcoming peace inside, showing apparent weakness, as motionless and emotionless as the tree and the stone, naive as the child who has no desire, even though one meets beast and monster, he would not be hurt.”5 For Lao-tzu, there are 13 favorable strengths and 13 unfavorable weaknesses in life. He who understands them can “go through life and death.” “Emptying people’s minds and filling their stomachs,” “preferring simplicity and freedom to desires,” “non-action,” “selflessness,” “wanting nothing from the world,” “focusing on living breath until it becomes supple,” “cleansing one’s inner vision,” “emptying one’s mind of all thoughts,” “embracing simplicity, desiring little,” and “avoiding extravagance, excess and extremes,” all these phrases refer to a certain life regimen. Conversely, “taking an empty cup and filling it,” “sharpening a knife,” and “wanting to rule the world,” these phrases are metaphors for the causes that lead to death. Yan Junping summed up these ideas: Vacuity, non-existence, purity, peace, obscurity, loneliness, suppleness, weakness, humbleness, loss, appropriateness, harmony, and stinginess, these are 13 points favorable to life. Solidity, existence, impurity, trouble, manifestation, multitude, hardness, strength, height, full, excess, prosperity, and waste, these are 13 points opposing life. Why? The Tao of Sages make them act when they have to, and rest when they are invited to.

3 Wei Dayou, Daode zhenjing jiyi 道德真经集义, chapter 7. in Daozang, vol. 13, p. 598. 4 Qiang Siqi, Daode zhenjing xuande zuanshu 道德真经玄德纂疏, chapter 14. in Daozang, vol. 13, p. 598. 5 Idem, p. 597.

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Four limbs and nine orifices are the exterior appearance of life and death whereas the transformation of vacuity into solidity, and of hardness into suppleness are inner destiny. That is why we count 13. Solidity is born of vacuity, eternity issues from non-existence. Purity leads to intelligence, peace gives birth to light. Multitude issues from one, hardness from suppleness, strength from weakness, high issues from low, and gain issues from loss. Appropriateness leads to freedom, harmony leads to neutrality, and stinginess leads to richness. These are all beneficent to life. He who can follow this Way, will live as long as Heaven and Earth. If he rules the country, his governance will be long.6

Obviously, Lao-tzu wanted to figure out “the Tao of reinforcing the root and of lengthening life” through a reflection on the rules of life and death. Chuang-tzu advocated that “life and death are equal,” considering them both part of a natural evolution. He wrote: “life and death are fixed, like day and night, which are natural. Human beings cannot intervene.”7 So people should be open-minded when facing life and death and “be content with being alive.” To explain this, Chuang-tzu told the story of Zilai. When Zilai was dying, his wife cried and his friend Zili came to see him. Zilai spoke to Zili: “nature gave me a body, told me to work through “life,” granted me rest in old age, and finally allowed me to rest in peace through death.” If “life” is gain, so is “death.” These were more than his last words, they were the description of the life of ancient people who were born, faced life with pleasure and calmness, worked hard with few needs, grew old, and had no regrets. Taoists also dealt with life earnestly and with death peacefully. One who cultivates life is free, unconventional, lives detached from the world and from his appearance and strengthens his spirit to the extreme. He does not consider life for its benefits nor death as harmful. He takes everything as part of himself without preference. His energy is ample, and he possesses good fortune and virtue. The Tao rules within him, and he shines towards the outside world. He can react appropriately to natural phenomena and can’t be defeated.8

6 Yan Junping, Laozi zhigui quanyi 老子指归全译, translated and annotated by Wang Deyou. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1992, p. 635. 7 Lin Xiyi, Nanhua zhenjing kouyi 南华真经口义, chapter 8. in Daozang, vol. 15, p. 731. 8 Yan Junping, Laozi zhigui quanyi, p. 636.

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Before understanding death, one must understand life: seizing life and facing death with courage. Chuang-tzu’s phrase “allowing me to rest in peace through death” described the attitude that helps one return to nature. It differs from Western philosophy in this regard. Western philosophers from Socrates onward were influenced by Orphism and aspired to a transcendental world. On the other hand, Taoists believed this world is full of life and beautiful. Even though sometimes they wanted to leave this world, they feared loneliness in the next world, which might be less interesting than this world.9 So according to Chuang-tzu, life and death should be understood and body and life should be valued. He wrote: “nature gave me a body, told me to work through ‘life,’ granted me repose through ‘old age,’ and finally allowed me to rest in peace in ‘death.’ He who understands my life will understand my death.”10 Life should be honored until pre-ordained death occurs. Chuang-tzu criticized the idea of “despising life,” insisting that “only he who values his life as much as the world can be entrusted with the world.”11 Hence Chuang-tzu’s concept of “life and death as equal” did not consist of despising life; on the contrary, seeing through life and death was necessary to transcend this world and cultivate the self. The notions Chuang-tzu that advocated, such as “indifference,” “despising things,” “despising benefit,” “simplicity,” “non-existence,” and “withdrawing from this world,” emphasized keeping spiritual peace and keeping away from the affairs of this world. Then, “he who abandons work rests his body and he who forgets life keeps his spirit.” In this way he protects his body and recovers his spirit before communing with Heaven.12 The philosophy of nourishing life was expressed in the Lüshi chunqiu: “the sage valued life more than anything.”13 A methodical ecological philosophy of life was elaborated along three lines. First, sheng (life) is “composed of energy”; it proceeds from and is part of nature. There are five levels in life: 1) ming 命 means life granted by Heaven; 2) qi 气 means energy, the origin of life; 3) xing 形 means the physical form 9 Su Shi, Shuidiao getou 水调歌头, in Tang Guizhang, Tang Song ci jianshang cidian 唐宋词鉴赏辞典. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, p. 379. 10 Lin Xiyi, Nanhua zhenjing kouyi, chapter 8. in Daozang, vol. 15, p. 731. 11 Idem, chapter 13, p. 755. 12 Idem, chapter 20, p. 800. 13 Lüshi chunqiu, in Zhuzi jicheng 诸子集成. Changsha : Yuelu shushe, 1996, vol. 8, p. 16.

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of life; 4) shen 神 means feelings and perceptions of life; 5) xing 性 is what is nurtured by life. According to the chapter “bensheng 本生,” life is created by Heaven, nurtured and protected by human beings. He who can protect life is the son of Heaven and all he does is meant for the protection of life and nature as given by Heaven. This is also the basic principle of the governance of this world. The second line emphasizes that people must appreciate life, observe the changes in Heaven and on Earth, observe the growth of everything, and help the development of life to its very end. A sage keeps away from exclusive humanism by cherishing life in everything and considers the protection of life as his responsibility. According to the chapter “jinshu 尽数,” the energy of the world gathers and looks for something to attach itself to. If it is attached to a bird, it will fly. If it is attached to a beast, the beast will run. If it is attached to a pearl, the pearl will be bright. If it is attached to a forest, the forest will grow. If it is attached to a sage, the sage will be intelligent. The responsibility of the son of Heaven is to realize all of these. It is the Tao that rules the world. The third line stresses that to appreciate life is the ultimate virtue in human beings. The basic principle is to do good, not evil. According to the chapter “guisheng 贵生,” “respecting life means protecting life.”14 Heaven and Earth are magnificent. They give birth to all things but do not consider them their children. They nurture all things but do not appropriate them for themselves. All things enjoy benevolence, unaware it comes from Heaven and Earth. That is the ultimate virtue of Heaven and Earth, of the Three Emperors and Five Kings, and of human beings. Obviously, the philosophy of life in the Lüshi chunqiu was clearer and more thorough than Lao-tzu’s and Chuang-tzu’s. It was inherited and further developed by Taoism. Treasuring Life, Abnegating Killing, and Compassion for All The Taoist philosophy of life originates in “the Tao gives birth to everything,” from the Tao Te Ching, according to which all things evolve and transform themselves. This notion of sheng (life) as transformation and

14

Idem, p. 17.

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evolution made Taoist philosophy positive and progressive. In the Laozi Xiang’erzhu (The Xianger commentary to the Laozi), “ren 人” (humans) was replaced by “sheng,” which, together with the Tao, Heaven, and Earth was considered one of the “Four Primordial Elements of the World.” Sheng was also considered the embodiment and manifestation of the Tao. If there is no life, there is no Tao. The creation and the world were described in the Taishang laojun kaitianjing 太上老君开天经 [Scripture of the Creation of the World by Most High Old Lord ]: “at the beginning of the creation of the world, Heaven and Earth were separate. Between them were the sun, the moon, and the original qi. Everything proceeds from the qi: stones from the simple qi; animals from the dynamic qi; human beings from the energetic qi. Among all things, the human being is the most precious.”15 It was also written in the Scripture of Great Peace: “Heaven favors longevity and lives forever. Immortals appreciate longevity and life. They dare not do evil because they think of their own benefit.”16 From this passage we see that life was the product of the union of Yin and Yang, without any link to gods. Ge Hong wrote in the chapter “Huangbai 黄白” in Baopuzi neipian: “I alone am responsible for my life, not Heaven. Transform cinnabar into gold and live a million years.”17 Zhang Boduan wrote in Wuzhen pian: “the making of medicine is realized thanks to the qi. The Tao is mystery and united with nature. Once cinnabar is taken, one knows his own life only depends on himself.”18 These excerpts showed how Taoism appreciated the physical world and were willing to join in the processes of creation. At the beginning of the Durenjing (Scripture of the Salvation of Humanity), considered the main source of all Taoist scriptures, is written: “the Tao of immortals appreciates life and delivers countless people.”19 The Celestial Worthy of Original Beginning preached ten times and the world was created thereafter. The Five Movements evolved and all things prospered. “When he preached for the first time, all gods and goddesses praised him. An immortal lady recalled her past lives and saw the origin of the Tao. She realized that, before the creation of world, there was the original qi. The divine spirit was refined. Yin and Yang conceived the fetus. After 9,000 million kalpas 15 16 17 18 19

Daozang, vol. 34, p. 618. Wang Ming, Taipingjing hejiao. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979, p. 223. Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979, p. 262. Daozang, vol. 2, p. 936. Idem, vol. 1, p. 5.

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(cycles of time), the Three Qi were still intermingled. After 90 great kalpas, the Three Periods were distinguished. The Five Old Masters protected the fetus and the Three Origins nurtured the soul. The Seven Orifices were opened. The chaos split, the Two Poles took shape, and the sea was created. When he preached for the second time, all kinds of life were created. When he preached for the third time, human beings and animals knew speech, crying, breathing, and answering the celestial rhythm. When he preached for the fourth time, skin and fur were created. When he preached for the fifth time, the Tao showed its divinity and wondrousness. When he preached for the sixth time, the most ingenious aspects of creation were fully realized. When he preached for the seventh time, children were ready to be born and given compassion and intelligence. When he preached for the eighth time, women and female animals were pregnant. When he preached for the ninth time, the fetus was revealed. When he preached for the tenth time, the Tao was active in the world and the human was born. All people of the country committed themselves to protect life and lived long.”20 In such texts, life was praised in the most lyrical terms. From conception to birth, the process was considered divine. For instance, the fetus was nurtured by the Three Origins and given form by the Nine Qi. Until the ninth month, the fetus was impregnated with the spirit and the qi and produced sound. This sound was full of grace and all Nine Heavens celebrated it. The Lord Taiyi granted him a talisman while the Imperial Lord measured his fate. The officer recorded his name while the Siming (Controller of Fate) decided on his lifespan. The Five Emperors supervised the birth while the Saint Goddess protected the delivery room. All the gods were present. Facing the East, they recited nine times the Precious Text of Divine Birth of the Nine Heavens. If it was a boy, all the gods would sing the sound gong 恭 and the Siming would sing the sound nuo 诺. If it was a girl, all the gods would sing the sound feng 奉 and the Siming would sing the sound shun 顺. Then the child was born. If the Siming did not formally grant him his fate and all the gods did not sing gong and nuo, the child would be born. The human being was born in this world and his body cleansed with the sun. This was a very important thing. All the gods were present to honor it.21

Idem, pp. 286–87. Dong Sijing, Dongxuan lingbao ziran jiutian shengshen zhangjing jieyi 洞玄灵宝自然九 天生神章经解义, chapter 1 in Daozang, vol. 6, p. 395. 20 21

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In this sacred majestic moment, a new life was born. Apparently, this passage, which described the process of birth, was full of mysterious codes. However, it made people respect, cherish, and appreciate life. Taoism values life even more than other religions. All Taoist scriptures advocate the appreciation of life. For example, the Santian neijie jing says: “the preaching of Lao-tzu consisted in keeping and reinforcing the root. People were born from the qi from the Tao. He who loses qi dies. He who focuses on the Tao and reinforces the root will become immortal. . . . The true Tao appreciates life and abnegates killing. Immortality is the Tao. Death is not. A dead king is not worth a live mouse. So the preaching of the sage consists in appreciating precious life.”22 The Lingbao wuliang duren shangping miaojing states: “[K]ing and people live in peace forever. The world is calm while the sun and the moon are bright. Insects follow their nature and grow. Gods give help. Governance has the same eternal virtue as the Tao. Merit is due to Heaven. Disasters are overcome. Good fortune and wealth are promised, non-action and peace are forever.”23 We find in the Taiqing jing taiqing jing 太清境太清经 [Scripture of Great Purity of the World Great Purity]: “all people share the same nature. The nature of Heaven and Earth is good and it cares for all things. The sage governs the world obeying the rules of Heaven and Earth, so all things enjoy great benevolence. Gods who help Heaven and Earth respect, cherish, and protect all things as the Original Qi. So good fortune prevails over bad fortune.”24 According to Taoism, wealth does not mean gold or silver, but the variety and bounty of nature. This point was clearly explained in the Scripture of Great Peace. In the times of the Upper Emperor, there were more than 12,000 kinds of species, so that time was called “rich.” In the times of the Middle Emperor, there were fewer than 12,000 kinds of species, so that time was called “poor.” In the times of the Lower Emperor, there were even fewer species, so that time was called “poorer.” Then there was the time of the “poorest.” If the world is poor, so are the people.25 This philosophy of respecting life and protecting species, which was elaborated 1800 years ago, was Taoism’s great contribution to ecology. Taoism asks people to cherish nature. It 22 23 24 25

Daozang, vol. 28, p. 416. Idem, vol. 1, p. 25. Taishang sanshiliubu zunjing 太上三十六部尊经 in Daozang, vol. 1, p. 597. Wang Ming, Taipingjing hejiao, p. 30.

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was written in the Yuanshi tianwang huanle jing 元始天王欢乐经 [Scripture of Happiness of The Celestial King of Original Beginning]: “for protecting all things, one should have a humble abode, be wary of desire, devote himself to charity, cherish the self, avoid hunting, and fast.” According to the Yuanshi dongzhen cishan xiaozi baoen chengdao jing 元始洞真慈善孝 子报恩成道经 [Original Beginning Authenticity Cavern Scripture of the Good and Dutiful Son Who Repaid His Debt and Attained the Tao], people should be compassionate and respectful, observe the rules of nature and the Tao to protect the self, and cherish all things and never harm them. These Taoist scriptures confirm the ethical value of cherishing all life, which is as precious as that of human beings. For Taoism, to respect life and cherish everything is the best embodiment of the compassionate Tao and a precondition to its practice. Zhang Hu of the Tang Dynasty wrote in Sulü zi 素履子: “ren 仁 (compassion, humanity) means appreciating life and abnegating killing, loving others and being compassionate, and helping people in danger. For example, saving sparrows, freeing the captive turtle, curing the wounded snake, getting rid of a thorn in the throat of the tiger, these are all good deeds. Do not cut down trees and empty the bird’s nest in spring. Do not burn fields and destroy crops in summer. Send aid to people who live alone in autumn. Retire in winter. Gentlemen know how to observe the seasons. They practice ‘ren’ and gain merit.”26 It was also written in the Liuzi 刘子: “when ancient kings ruled, they observed celestial signs and nurtured everything and everyone. Even plants and insects had their own home. They did not hunt fish or hack trees. Even non-sentient plants or animals devoid of wisdom benefited from their love, not to mention human beings.”27 Compassion and universal love are part of the long and beneficent tradition of Taoism. In the Lao-tzu we find: “there are three jewels that I cherish: compassion, moderation, and humility.” We find in the Chisong zi zhongjie jing 赤松子中诫经 [Scripture of Admonitions of Chisong Zi ]: “the human being, as the fundamental creature in the world, should do good. . . . He who does good, will receive help from the gods, his lifespan will be prolonged, and he will be protected from all bad fortune.”28 It was written in the Baopu zi neipian:

26 27 28

Daozang, vol. 21, p. 703. Idem, p. 738. Idem, vol. 3, p. 447.

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One should win 300 merits before becoming an immortal on Earth and 1,200 merits for becoming a celestial immortal.”29 In Taishang ganyingpian jizhu [Collected Commentaries on the Most High’s Tract on Actions and Consequences] we find: “compassion is the source of all benevolence. He who wants to win merits, should love not only people, but also all beings. Beings belong to a particular category, easy to neglect. That is why the Most High warns people. It was written in the Dazang jing 大藏经: If people do not kill they will live for a long time. Children should not be allowed to play with insects or birds to prevent them not only from killing, but also from carrying out bad merciless actions. Any time people see anyone in danger, they should intervene.”30 It was written in Taishang baofa tushuo 太上宝筏图说 [Illustrated Commentary on the Most High’s Precious Raft (to Salvation)]: “compassion is the source of all benevolence. Who wants to win merits, should love not only people, but also beings, because beings are inferior, but alive. If people can be compassionate to inferior life, they will be more and more benevolent and they will prolong their lives.”31 In this way, charity and benevolence can lead to immortality. The numerous examples of immortals recorded in Taoist scriptures, despite their oddity, are as many echoes of contemporary moral values. Immortals became role models and humanity was developed to the full. Honoring life led most naturally to the abnegation of killing. It was written in the Taishang baofa tushuo: “the merit of freeing captive animals is great. The rich should be generous and the poor must cherish beings. Abnegate killing and observe strict rules. . . . Even little things should be paid attention to. Insects also know how pay the debt of gratitude. Do not hack trees even though they are small. (If you do so), one day good retribution will be revealed to you.”32 It was written in the Wenchang dijun yinzhi wen [Scripture on Hidden Retributions by the Imperial Lord Wenchang]: “he who wants to win merits, should be benevolent. Do good to people and nature. Benevolence not only corresponds to the celestial wish but also is beneficent to the country and the people. . . . Buy captive animals to free them. Fast and abstain from killing. When walking, take care of insects and ants. Do not burn the forest. Light torches to facilitate travel by night. Build boats to transport people. 29 30 31 32

Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, p. 47. Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 12, p. 128. Idem, vol. 27, p. 627. Idem, vol. 27, pp. 627 and 632.

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Do not catch birds while in the mountains. Do not poison fish in the river.”33 According to these excerpts, if people do good, they will be under the protection of gods. That was how Taoism advised people. It was written in chapter 3 of the Taishang lingbao chaotian xiezui dachan 太上灵宝朝天谢罪大忏 [Great Penitential Rite of the Most High Numinous Treasure, to pay Homage to Heaven and Pardon Sins]: “killing birds and eating animals will lead to bad karma. Some people kill numerous animals. They kill cows, goats, donkeys, horses, pigs, dogs, roosters, bears, foxes, tigers, panthers, rabbits, magpies, pigeons, doves, eagles, swallows, sparrows, insects, snakes, bees, scorpions, ants, fish, turtles, shrimp, and other creatures. People will set up traps, set the mountain on fire, break eggs, cut off heads and legs, and peel off skin. All these actions transgress the way of Heaven and people will pay retribution for them. When they die, they will be conducted to Hell and suffer punishment.”34 Similar passages can be found in the Taishang ganying pian that bemoan “cutting down trees,” “killing fish and serpent,” saying that “behaviors like these will shorten life. Sins will even be transmitted to descendants if they are not purged.”35 Many stories recorded in Taoist scriptures told people of the different consequences of cherishing life and abnegating killing. For instance, one story told of a certain compassionate man named Guo Hui who saved millions of fish and shrimps. He lived to the age of 96 and his children all became officials.36 Another told how a certain Mr. Fan’s wife was dying of illness. The doctor told Fan to buy hundreds of birds to make medicine. His wife said: “If hundreds of birds should be killed to save me, I prefer to die.” Then they freed the birds. Soon afterward his wife was cured and even bore a child. People believed their benevolence touched Heaven.37 On the other hand, a certain cruel Zhang Zhifang loved to kill animals whenever he could. Finally everyone in his family was exterminated because he killed someone.38 The scriptures also contained advice such as “do not burn charcoal,” and stories of “Meng Tan killing birds,” “Shen Wenbao freeing

33 34 35 36 37 38

Idem, vol. 12, pp. 409 and 417. Daozang, vol. 3, p. 473. Idem, vol. 27, p. 135. Yinzhiwen tushuo 阴骘文图说, in Zangwai daoshu, 1994, p. 27. Baihua gongjie lu 白话功戒录, in Zangwai daoshu, p. 12. Ganyingpian tushuo 感应篇图说, in Zangwai daoshu, p. 27.

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captive animals,”39 expressions such as “travel to Hell in illness,” “consequence of killing,” “judgment for killing birds,” “judgement for killing,” “killing birds,” “the vengeance of snakes,” “retribution for killing,” and “the vengeance of the otter,”40 which all pointed to the grave consequences of killing. These moral stories and expressions were reflections on ethics. Their aim was to advise people to protect life and make the environment a better place. The Taoist philosophy of abnegating killing and caring for life can be summed up in three points: First, life is sacred. The human being and the beast alike are the products of nature and manifestations of the great Tao. Conception, birth, growth, and death of any life are sacred. As religious believers, Taoists committed themselves to the protection of life with respect and passion. Second, life is an interdependent system. All beings, even mountains, rivers, and the Earth are linked to each other and evolve together in the same world. As was said in Guanyin zi: nature is like a sea made of millions of changes. The crocodile, the fish, and the water in which they live belong to the same life system. All beings live in the same universe which never stops evolving, so all beings have the same nature. Having understood this, we will understand the human being can not live in isolation. Third, Taoism, while affirming the central role of humanity in creation, refused an arrogant anthropocentric vision and declared all beings equal, governed by the same laws. As said in the Wuneng zi 无 能子: when the world was created, Yin and Yang interacted. Then the naked beings, the scaled beings, the hairy beings, the feathered beings, and the shelled beings were born. “The Human beings, as hairless beings, and the other beings are all the products of the interaction of Yin and Yang.”41 So people should look at everything on an equal footing and resolve all problems with compassion because the world is like a chain of life: if one segment is broken, the others cannot survive.

39 40 41

Wenchang dijun yinzhiwen xiangzhu, in Zangwai daoshu, p. 12. Baihua gongjie lu, in Zangwai daoshu, p. 28. Daozang, vol. 21, p. 708.

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Land Ethic and Deep Ecology Taoist philosophy has strong links with modern ecology and its ethics. Modern ecological ethics were founded in the 1930s and 1940s by the Franco-German philosopher Albert Schweitzer (1875–1965)—who received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1952—and the American ecologist Aldo Leopold (1887–1948). Deep Ecology was a branch of the ecological philosophy initiated in the 1980s by Arne Næss and Bill Devall, two philosophers who embodied a new modern conscience toward the environment. In his Civilization and Ethics, Albert Schweitzer regarded the relationship between the human being and nature as a kind of culture and founded his philosophy and ecological ethic on reverence for life. His main points of view were that “the new ethic is necessary to the development of culture,” “the basis of the new ethic is the reverence for life,” “the human being is responsible for all life around him,” and that “real life should be dictated by the ethics based on a new reason.” He said: “I am life, which wills to live, and I exist in the midst of life, which wills to live. Human beings should be aware of, and sympathize with the will to live in their fellow creatures.”42 His new ethic was based on reverence and respect for life in all beings, which was the principal value and code of ecological ethics and made him the first modern western ethicist who emphasized “respect for life.” Later, Aldo Leopold proved the necessity and urgency of ecological ethics by founding Land Ethic. His points of view can be summed up in the following concepts: ecological value, ecological thought, and ecological ethic. Concerning the first, he believed human beings belonged to the biotic community composed of mountains, rivers, animals, and plants. In this system, each being takes its place in a close interaction with its predator, which gives the whole system its balance. However, thanks to evolution, humans no longer have predators. This was beyond the control of nature and it caused an ecological crisis. As a remedy, an ecological civilization should be looked upon as an alternative and people should realize that many historical events were caused by the interaction between human beings and nature and recognize the equal

42 Albert Schweitzer, Jingwei shengmin 敬畏生命, translated by Chen Yihuan. Shanghai: Shanghai shehui kexue chubanshe, 1992, p. 89.

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value of all beings. According to the Land Ethic, people, as inhabitants of the land, must observe ecological rules when committing themselves to economical production. In regard to the second, he believed the balance of the ecological system should be preserved and regarded as the basis of economical production and social value. For him, the error of the traditional relationship between human beings and nature lay in the anthropocentrism that limited human comprehension of nature and led to the instrumentalization of nature, to total disregard for nature, and to grievous harm to the ecological integrity of life. So human beings must change their traditional ways of thinking into “thinking like a mountain,” meaning that each part of the mountain is necessary to the mountain as a whole. In fact, Land Ethic should perceive human beings and nature as being on an equal footing: “The role of human beings should change from that the conquerors of the world and society to that of an ordinary member. That means human beings must respect other beings and the world they live in.” Concerning the third point, he believed human beings should establish a new Land Ethic, summed up thus: “Something is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability, and the beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it aims otherwise.” However, the immoderate exploitation of nature by human beings destroyed not only the ecological foundation and natural resources, but also pilfered the rich ecological potential of the Earth and hampered the growth of all beings. Humans are responsible for those crimes. Land Ethic revealed Aldo Leopold as the first Westerner to have developed a systematic ethical theory concerning the nature of nonhuman beings. Aldo Leopold also said that the development of the Land Ethic represented the development of human intelligence and feelings. Without reverence and respect for the Earth, there would be no relationship between ethics and nature. The the long-lasting coexistence of human beings and nature proved the harmonious relationship between them. The destruction of nature by human economic practices, especially industrialization, made us understand the value of nature. In other words, the reflection on and criticism of human errors broadened man’s values and reinforced his moral consciousness. The ecological ethics founded by Albert Schweitzer and Aldo Leopold have been shared by many modern philosophers. For example, Arne Næss founded Deep Ecology, advocating the study and practice of ecosophy He was opposed to modern consumerism and materialism

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and aspired to a simple and meaningful life. Deep Ecology: Living as if in Nature, published in 1985 by Bill Devall and George Sessions, and Simple in Means and Rich in Ends: Practicing Deep Ecology, published in 1988 by Bill Devall, further developed the theory of Deep Ecology. Bill Devall and George Sessions summed up Deep Ecology as the following: non-human beings had the same value as human beings; the diversity in the forms of life, including human beings, was the very essence of nature, and the representation of certain values; human beings had no right to reduce the diversity of life forms except to meet life necessities; human’s overpowering intervention in nature was the main cause of ecological damage. So we must change our philosophy, modes of production, lifestyle, and consumption patterns; those who shared these opinions should commit themselves to practical change. Deep Ecology established the public recognition of nature and the value of an ecological system, and contributed to the ongoing reflection on the relationship between nature and human beings and the reconstruction of reality. With a comparable impact, British scientist James Lovelock proposed the Gaia hypothesis. Inspired by the Greek goddess Gaia, he believed it was not enough to explain the self-regulation and the equilibrium of the living system of the Earth only by geological chemistry. The role of the system of beings, especially human beings, must be taken into consideration. A complex entity involved the biosphere, the atmosphere, the oceans, and the earth. The totality constituted a feedback or cybernetic system that seeks an optimal physical and chemical environment for life on this planet. Human beings were only a part of this entity, not superior to any other part. He wrote: “the most essential point at stake is the state of the Earth rather than the interest of a sole living element. This hypothesis is different from anthropocentrism and the existent sciences. According to Gaia, the human being is one component instead of the owner and ruler of the Earth. The future of human beings depends on the relationship between the Earth and this component instead of the endless satisfaction of its desire.”43 The 1979 publication of Gaia: A New Look at Life on Earth produced an immediate reaction from the ecological movement. The idea that the human

43 Xun Qingzhi, Lüse wutuobang—shengtai zhuyi de shehui zhexue 绿色乌托邦—生态主 义的绿色哲学. Jinan: Taishan chubanshe, 1998, p. 100.

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being was part of nature became an all-important philosophical basis for ecological theory. Holmes Rolston III, professor at Colorado State University and president of the International Society of Environmental Ethics, published Philosophy Gone Wild in 1986 and Environmental Ethics in 1989. Inheriting the concept of Aldo Leopold’s Land Ethic, he suggested that traditional ethics should be extended to the ecological system and nature. He believed that only in this way could the protection of and respect for nature and its intrinsic value be recognized. Holmes Rolston III became the symbol of Western ecocentrism in the 1980s. He explained the difference between anthropocentrism and ecocentrism with a change of the sign posts in certain parks. Before, the signs read “Please leave flowers for other people’s contemplation,” now the signs read “Please keep away from blooming flowers.” This change in the signs means that human beings are returning to nature and are at one with Heaven. Ecological ethics are closely related to the philosophy of caring for life as supported by Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu. Today, with the development of the environmental movement all over the world, people are becoming aware of ecological ethics. Chinese Taoism, with its foresight of such issues, should contribute to a new civilization and a new ethics in the times to come.

TAOIST PHILOSOPHY ON ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION Yin Zhihua Since the Industrial Revolution, the man’s conquest of nature has increasingly destroyed earth’s natural resources. From the second half of the twentieth century, severe ecological crises have threatened human life and development. Facing this degradation of the environment on a global scale, more and more people realize the importance of the harmony between human development and environmental protection. Scholars are studying the relationship between humans and nature in order to reinforce people’s awareness of ecology, environmental protection, and the need for sustainable development. Chinese culture, which upholds the all-important idea of the “Unity of Man and Heaven,” is attracting the attention of scholars from all over the world. As an important part of traditional Chinese culture, Taoism has been renowned for its ecological philosophy. This chapter provides a preliminary discussion of the concept of environmental protection in Taoism. Ecological Ethics in the Taoist Concepts “The Unity of Heaven and Man” and “The Communion of All Things” According to Taoism, humans share the same origin with all things. In chapter 42 of the Tao Te Ching it says: “the Tao gives birth to One. One gives birth to Two. Two gives birth to Three. Three gives birth to everything.” The Taoist master of inner alchemy Zhang Boduan interpreted this sentence as follows: “activated by the Tao, Non-existence gives birth to the Unique Qi. The Unique Qi gives birth to Yin and Yang. The union of Yin and Yang, Yin, and Yang forms a trinity. This trinity gives birth to all things.”1 All things are the product

1 Daozang. Shanghai shudian, Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, Cultural Relics Press, 1988, vol. 2, p. 944.

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of the evolution of the Tao. In Yuanqi lun 元气论 [Treatise on Original Qi ] we find: “the human being and all things are born from the same Original Qi.”2 So human beings share the same nature with all things, as the famous Taoist of the Southern Song Dynasty, Bo Yuchan, said: “Heaven, Earth, and I share the same root and all things in this world share the same body with me.”3 According to Taoism, the human being and the world share not only the same origin and the same nature, but also the same structure and law, as shown in the following quotation: “the human body is a tiny universe, while the universe is a big human body.” In the Taiping jing it says, “the human being takes Heaven as a model and Heaven takes the human being as a model.”4 The Taoist scholar Yu Yan said, in Zhouyi cantongqi fahui 周易参同契发挥 [Commentary on the Zhouyi Cantongqi]: “the human body is created according to the model of Heaven and Earth. They share the same structure and evolve at the same rhythm.”5 So, Taoists advocated that man’s activities should follow the law of the universe and then “Heaven and man will act in harmony and transform themselves in the same way.”6 In this way, harmony between human beings and the environment will be attained. Since the human body is a tiny universe, human jing, qi, and shen (essence, energy and spirit) communicate with the universe. That is indeed the Taoist concept of the “Unity of Heaven and Man.” According to this concept, human activities have an impact on the environment and vice versa. If people do not take this into account, nature will punish them. From this concept, Taoism focused on man’s close dependence on the environment. To maintain harmony and peace in nature is the prerequisite for man’s life and evolution. In the Taiping jing it says: “human life depends on Heaven and Earth and living peace depends on the peace in Heaven and on Earth.”7 To reach peace in Heaven and on Earth, people should understand the laws of nature and consider them as the starting point of all actions, as is written at the beginning of the Yinfu jing: “Observe the Tao of Heaven and understand its

2 3 4 5 6 7

Idem, vol. 22, p. 383. Idem, vol. 33, p. 129. Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960, p. 673. Daozang, vol. 20, p. 223. Idem, vol. 1, p. 821. Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao p. 124.

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laws. That is all that should be done.”8 If we do not understand the laws of nature and act blindly, if we exhibit the “ignorance of the laws of nature” (as expressed in chapter 16 of the Tao Te Ching), the result will certainly be inauspicious. That is why the Yinfu jing tells us: “the laws of nature cannot be transgressed.”9 “All Physical Things Contain the Tao”: Taoism and the Respect of Nature The Tao is not only the origin but also the noumenon of everything. That means the Tao not only gives birth to but also exists in all things. So the Tao is the origin of all values. All things in the universe are “generated by the Tao and raised by Virtue.” They have their own intrinsic value, created in the Tao. Wang Xuanlan, of the Tang Dynasty, wrote in Xuanzhu lu 玄珠录 [Record of Mysterious Pearl]: “The Tao exists in everything, so everything is the Tao.”10 According to the Daomeng jingfa xiangcheng cixu 道门经法相承次序 [Order of the Transmission of Taoist Scriptures and Rites], the Taoist Pan Shizheng said to the emperor Gao of the Tang Dynasty “everything contains the nature of the Tao.”11 The Tang Dynasty Taoist Meng Anpai wrote in the Daojiao yishu 道教义枢 [Taoist Philosophy]: “everything, including beasts, fruits, trees, and stones has the nature of the Tao.”12 From this point of view, Taoism claims that all things are equal, refusing man’s superiority over other things. In the chapter “Qiushui 秋水” of the Chuang-tzu, the god of the Northern Sea said “for the Tao, all things are equal.” The Tang Dynasty Taoist Cheng Xuanying wrote in his commentary on the Chuang-tzu: “the Tao is natural. All things are born equal.”13 Moreover, the author of the Xisheng jing 西升经 [Scripture of Western Ascension] declared “the Tao exists not only in me but also in everything.”14 Thus, man should not be self-important and should not consider himself the center of the world and should not try to conquer and rule nature.

8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Daozang, vol. 1, p. 821. Idem. Idem, vol. 23, p. 620. Idem, vol. 24, p. 786. Idem, vol. 24, p. 832. Idem, vol. 16, p. 371. Idem, vol. 16, p. 371.

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In this way, Taoist philosophy breaks down the barrier between man and nature. In Wuneng zi 无能子, a Taoist essay dating from the end of the Tang Dynasty, it says: “man as an animal without fur is born like other animals with fur, scales, feather, and carapace. They share the same qi and there is no difference between them. There are those who think man is different from other living beings because they believe he is capable of thinking and speaking. In fact, all animals cherish their life, build their nests, feed themselves, raise and protect their offspring, just like man. So how can we say they cannot think? All animals can produce sounds. How can we say they have no language? People do not understand animal languages, therefore they think that animals are not capable of speaking. Maybe animals do not understand human language and also believe man is deprived of speech. Animals can think and speak just like him. The only difference between them is in their appearances.”15 Going even further, the Five Dynasties Taoist Tan Qiao believed that animals and human beings all have a moral sense. “What is the difference between animals and man? They have their own moral sense just like human beings. What is the difference between human beings and animals? Animals have their own lairs or nests, mate, express love between father and son, love life, and are afraid of death. Birds nurture their offspring, that is what we call ren 仁. Falcons cherish their embryo, we call it yi 义. Bees have their queen, we call it li 礼. Sheep kneel to suckle, we call it zhi 智. Pheasants do not look for a second mate, we call it xin 信. So who understands the Tao better? In fact, all animals have a moral sense just like the human being.”16 The founder of the Quanzhen School, Wang Chongyang, believed “animals are like human beings” and “only their forms are different.” So people should “consider animals like themselves.”17 According to Taoism, all animals and plants are able to transform themselves into human beings through self-cultivation. The significance of the Taoist concept “all physical things contain the Tao” lies in the possibility for all beings to develop and rely on their own nature, drawn from the Tao; to evolve, following their nature received from the Tao, to the highest level: unity with the Tao. For that reason, all beings have the right to do so and human beings must not intervene.

15 16 17

Idem, vol. 21, p. 708. Idem, vol. 21, p. 598. Idem, vol. 26, p. 693.

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This Taoist concept coincides with that of “nature has intrinsic values,”18 which is found in modern ecological ethics and which can help bring further cultural resources to the construction of contemporary environmental ethics. According to Western values, nature is considered only as a tool for human beings and is denied an intrinsic value. Following this logic, there is no ethical relationship between the human being and nature. Today, facing the environmental crisis, many scholars realize ethics should be extended to the relationship between humans and nature to prevent increasing environmental destruction. On the other hand, the Taoist concept of “all physical things contain the Tao” confirms the intrinsic value of all things bestowed by the Tao. Therefore, it is logical that an ethical relationship should be established between man and nature. Nature and Non-action and Acting in Accordance with Objective Laws The respect of nature is a central feature of Taoism. The Taoist term “natural” means a spontaneous, natural, and non-artificial state. The state of “nature” is the true state of things. People should follow the natural evolution of things without intervening, as it was explained in chapter 64 of the Tao Te Ching: “help the natural state of all things and remain in non-action.” People’s wills often do not follow objective laws. Their blind actions often bring on catastrophic results, such as environmental destruction. So, how are they to follow the laws of nature? Taoism proposes “Non-action” as a solution, which does not mean passive inaction, but acting in accordance with the laws of nature and the nature of things. The British scientist Joseph Needham indicated that “Non-action” meant refraining from intervening in Nature and forcing things to assume an inappropriate function.19 This interpretation gives its real significance to the term “Non-action” in Taoism. According to the Taiping jing: “all things have their own nature. Let things take their course and never intervene forcibly.”20 Cheng Xuanying, in his Nanhua zhenjing zhushu, said: “act according to the

Holmes Rolston, Environmental Ethics: Duties to and Values in the Natural World, translated by Yang Tongjing. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2000. 19 Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, translated by He Zhaowu. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1990, vol. 2, p. 76. 20 Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao, p. 203. 18

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nature of things and do not try to intervene with personal skills. Let things take their course and then human beings and things will be perfect.”21 “All things have their own nature. If people want to change them, they will transgress the laws of nature.”22 People should abide by these principles: “the Tao is Non-action, let things take their course”23 “Be modest and let things take their course. Everything will be in its place.”24 “Just ease your mind and do not act, then things will transform themselves.”25 The sage who understands the “wonderful laws of nature” lives a simple life, remains in Non-action, and lets things take their course.26 Then “everything is prosperous.”27 Taoism proposes dealing with things through the “Tao” and not the “human self,” in order to apply “Nature and Non-action” correctly to every human action. “Dealing with things through the ‘Tao’” means observing all things throughout the universe in order to understand the role of everything in the ecological system. Then people will act in favor of the values of nature, the conservation and evolution of diversity, and the integrity of the ecological system. Conversely, “dealing with things through the ‘human self ’ ” leads to intervention in nature only for the benefit of human beings. Modern science has proved that nature works following its own course. Natural balance is realized through self-regulation. Since nature is whole, human intervention will inevitably unbalance it and cause problems. For example, in order to protect their sheep, herdsmen recruit hunters to kill all the wolves. In the absence of wolves, rabbits and other animals multiply rapidly and threaten grassland. This tells us that human intervention in nature often produces a chain reaction, which destroys the environmental balance in unexpected ways. Taoism advocates “Non-action” and promotes minimum interference in nature. According to this concept, things work in their own way. This concept is far-reaching.

21 22 23 24 25 26 27

Daozang, vol. 16, p. 384. Idem, p. 417. Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985, p. 136. Daozang, vol. 16, p. 418. Idem. Idem, p. 384. Idem, p. 416.

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“Decreasing Ego and Lessening Desires”—Advocating Moderate Consumption In the Tao Te Ching Lao-tzu explained the necessity of moderation and frugality, linking them to self-cultivation regimen and longevity. In chapter 12, he wrote: “Five colors blind the eye. Five notes deafen the ear. Five flavors dull the palate. Too much activity deranges the mind.” According to Lao-tzu, intemperance harms health. Some people could live longer, but die prematurely because they “so appreciated life”28 that they let their desires take their course. Therefore, Lao-tzu promoted “embracing simplicity, putting others first, and desiring little.”29 Religious Taoism inherited and developed this concept of philosophical Taoism. The founder of religious Taoism, the Heavenly Master Zhang Daoling, wrote in Laozi xiang’er zhu that people who followed the Tao “should wear worn clothes and shoes and not have any desires for this world.”30 The illustrious Taoist of the Eastern Jin Dynasty Ge Hong said in his Baopu zi that people who followed the Tao “should live a simple life and let go of their desires.”31 It was written in the Taoist scripture Qingjing jing 清净经 [Scripture of Simplicity and Purity] that only he who was able to get rid of his desires and ease his mind could attain the Tao. The Quanzhen School, founded under the Jin and Yuan dynasties, demanded that its followers practice asceticism and restrain their desires to a minimum level. The famous Taoist of the Quanzhen School Ma Yu wrote: “The Taoist does not hate poverty, which is the basis of his regimen. He takes a bowl of rice porridge when he is hungry. He sleeps on the grass when he is tired. Wearing worn clothes, that is the life of a Taoist.”32 Qiu Chuji said: “A Taoist wears old clothes and eats badly and does not save money because he is afraid that his health would be harmed and his merit would be lost.”33 Indeed, laymen were asked not to practice asceticism, but to lead a simple life. Qiu Chuji wrote: “for the lay Taoist, food, dwelling, and money should be appropriate and not excessive.”34 Even for a rich Tao Te Ching, chapter 50. Idem, p. 416. 30 Rao Zongyi, Laozi xiang’erzhu jiaozheng. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991, p. 10. 31 Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, p. 136. 32 Daozang, vol. 23, p. 704. 33 Idem, vol. 3, p. 390. 34 Idem. 28 29

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family, life should not be too luxurious. Ma Yu often declaimed two lines: “even when earning ten thousands liang of gold each day, the worn clothes and simple food would be enough.”35 This attitude to life aimed at decreasing desires and living a simple life. It would be hard for most people to live the way the Taoist masters of the Quanzhen School did. Nevertheless, we are capable of undermining the role of the ego, of lessening our desires, and being moderate consumers. If humans cannot control their desires, the environment will never improve radically. People fell trees and hunt rare animals to earn money. Company owners are bent upon making a profit while neglecting the environmental damage caused by their activity. For people who understand the current environmental crisis on a global scale, this unilateral thinking, is the source of environmental damage. Natural resources are limited, whereas human desires are limitless. If people want to find radical solutions to these problems, they must change their lifestyle, appreciate thrift, and avoid luxury. Man’s manner of consumption demonstrates his regard for life. In a society where a person’s status, reputation, and worth depend on his wealth, some people consume not simply to meet their real needs, but to display their ability to consume. So we need to establish a correct idea of value before establishing a correct idea of consumption. Taoism advocates following the Tao and saving people. According to those ideas, the value of life consists in improving the state of existence, but not in meeting all needs. The significance of life lies in devotion, and not in demand. There should be more spiritual pursuits, fewer material demands. Do more good actions, fewer bad ones. The life that Taoism promotes is a life in pursuit of enlightenment, of unity with the Tao and Heaven, saving people, and refusing selfishness, desires, luxury, and waste. Cherishing Life and Abnegating Killing and Concrete Rules for the Protection of the Environment The ultimate goal of Taoism is to achieve longevity and become immortal. Hence its focus on cherishing life. In the Taiping jing it says: “the Way of Heaven cherishes life and abnegates killing. All animals

35

Idem, vol. 23, p. 702.

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are conscious. Do not harm them.”36 Taoism asks people to extend their love to all things in the world. In the Taishang xuhuang tianzun sishijiu zhangjing 太上虚皇天尊四十九章经 [Scripture of Forty-nine Chapters from the Emperor of Vacuity and Celestial Worthy of Most High] it says: “If you want to follow my Tao, abnegate killing. All beings cherish their life and are afraid of death. Your life is the same as the life of others. So do not despise them. Only kill for food. Think of their fear, then you will not have the heart to eat them. We call it compassion.”37 In the Dongzhen taishang basu zhenjing sanwu xinghua miaojue 洞真太上八素 真经三五行化妙诀 [Wonderful Formula of Transformation of Three and Five and True Scripture of Eight Simplicity of Most High of the Cavern of Perfection] it says: “[l]ove everything as you love yourself. Do not harm things and things will not harm you. Consider all things, even grass and soil, like yourself. Do not despise them. Do not hurt them. Always think of them. For those who have consciousness, hope they will attain the Tao. For those who do not, hope they know their life.”38 According to Taoism, this kind of compassion corresponds to celestial virtue and is first and foremost. “By practicing this, one could shine with the light of the sun and the moon.”39 According to Taoism, all the other beings do not impede human life and man should live in harmony with them. Taoist scriptures say that “[n]o birds and beasts, fish, crabs, turtles, and shrimps compete with the human being for food, drink, or dwelling. They are created by heaven and earth and live according to the four seasons. . . . If people capture them or kill them, they are accruing a demerit. They will be punished in the future. Remember that, remember that.”40 For that reason, Taoism tries to dissuade people from killing with the notion of karma. According to Taoism, if people are kind to everything, they will have good karma, and bad karma, if they are not. Ge Hong, in the chapter “Weizhi 微旨” of his Baopu zi said: “Be kind to things, even insects. Do not kill. Then you will be virtuous and blessed by Heaven. All you wish will come true and you will become immortal.”41 In the Dongzhen taishang basu zhenjing sanwu xinghua miaojue it says: “a humane

36 37 38 39 40 41

Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao, p. 203. Daozang, vol. 23, p. 704. Idem, vol. 33, p. 474. Idem, vol. 33, p. 474. Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu. Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 28, p. 91. Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, p. 126.

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person cherishes life and hates killing, saves the weak and protects the winner, prohibits killing, and keeps from envy. He can unify Yin and Yang and protect the quick and release the dead. He always has compassion in mind. His humanity will give him longevity until he becomes immortal.”42 In the Jingshi gongguoge 警世功过格 [Ledger of Merits and Demerits to Admonish Humanity] it says: “When someone saves the life of an animal that works for a human being (like a cow, a horse, or a dog), he wins from five to fifty merits. . . . When he saves the life of an animal that does not work for human being (such as a pig or sheep), he wins three merits.”43 The Liu dusheng jie 六度生戒 [Six Rules for Releasing Life] insisted on the benefit of being kind to animals. According to the third rule, “if someone can save a helpless animal, he will be healthy and never meet with calamity.” According to the fourth rule, “if someone helps animals and shares food with them, he will be rich and win good fortune.” According to the fifth rule, “if someone frees animals and looks after them, he will be prosperous and never meet with calamity.” According to the sixth rule, “if someone is kind to all beings and saves life, his merits will be great. He will always be safe, healthy, and rich. His wishes will come true.”44 Conversely, if someone “kills birds, breaks eggs, and hunts in spring or summer . . . each of his acts will cost him a demerit and the God of Destiny will reduce his lifespan.”45 In the Jingshi gongguoge it says: “if someone teaches others to hunt, he is given thirty demerits . . . If someone poisons fish, he is given thirty demerits . . . If someone kills a domestic animal, he wins five demerits . . . If someone kills a bird, a fish, or an insect, he wins a demerit . . . If someone ensnares an animal, he receives three demerits (if the animal dies in the process, the demerit will be multiplied).”46 In the Shijie gongguoge 十戒功过格 [Ledger of Merits and Demerits of the Ten Precepts] it says: “if someone kills animals to eat or sells their fur or bones, he will be considered as blood-thirsty (for instance, killing shrimps for food, killing oysters to make medicine, and killing mussels to make jewelry). One occurrence costs two demerits and two extra demerits if the number of animals exceeds a hundred. One who kills a thousand animals will receive twenty demerits. . . . Ensnaring animals

42 43 44 45 46

Daozang, vol. 33, p. 475. Zangwai daoshu, vol. 12, p. 76. Daozang, vol. 6, p. 948. Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, p. 126. Zangwai daoshu, vol. 12, pp. 82–83.

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for game is called killing for game (like cricket fighting). One demerit is noted for each animal killed. Even if one does not kill, but ensnares an animal, he will be given a demerit. One who sees others ensnare animals but does not prevent them from doing so will receive also one demerit.”47 The demerit for killing was even more serious in the Wushang neimi zhenzang jing 无上内秘真藏经 [Scripture of Secret Real Pitaka of Most High]: “he who loves killing will be sent to the Hell of Avici when he dies. He who kills for offering in a heterodox rite will be sent to the Hell of Feishan when he dies. He who burns fields and forests to hunt will be sent to the Hell of Fenxing when he dies.”48 Qiu Chuji wrote the poem “Jing shasheng 警杀生” (Exhorting People not to Kill Animals): “He who kills animals as a game never thinks of Hell. But his demerits are secretly noted.”49 These texts clearly show that Taoism advocated the cherishing of life in all its forms and the protection of the environment. Moreover, Taoism created many rules for environmental protection. The rule of “prohibiting killing” always comes first and foremost among numerous and complex lists of rules regarding the environment. In the Dongxuan lingbao liuzhai shizhi 洞玄灵宝六 十直 [Six Annuals Months of Fast and Ten Monthly Days of Fast of the Numinous Treasure from the Cavern Mystery] it says: “among the five Taoist rules, the first is ‘prohibiting killing’.”50 According to Lu Xiujing’s Shouchi bajie zhaiwen 受持八戒 文 [Text of the Ritual of Receiving the Eight Rules], “the first rule is the prohibition of killing.”51 The first rule of the Siwei dingzhi jing shijie 思微定志经十戒 [The Rules of the Scripture of Concentration and Reinforcing Mind ] was also “do not kill and be kind to all beings.”52 The second rule of the Chuzhen shijie 初真十戒 [Ten Rules for Novices] was “killing animals to eat is prohibited.”53 This rule can also be found in the Miaolinjing ershiqi jie 妙林经二十七戒 [Twenty-seven Rules of the Scripture of Miaolin], the Laojun shuo yibaibashi jie 老君说一百八十戒 [One Hundred and Eighty Rules Spoken by the Old Lord], and the Sanbai

47 48 49 50 51 52 53

Idem, p. 43. Daozang, vol. 1, p. 476. Idem, vol. 25, p. 841. Idem, vol. 22, p. 258. Idem, p. 281. Idem, p. 267. Idem, p. 278.

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dajie 三百大戒 [Three Hundred Primordial Rules]. Clearly, this rule is allimportant in Taoism. Taoism not only prohibits killing, but also enects specific rules to enforce this commandment. The 95th rule of the Laojun shuo yibaibashi jie was “do not disturb hibernating animals.” The 97th was “do not climb trees to steal eggs.” The 98th was “do not encage animals.”54 The 112th rule of the Zhongji jie 中极戒 [Rules of Middle Ultimate] was “do not pour boiling water on fields and do not hurt ants.”55 All these rules showed the Taoist consideration for animals. Taoists also opposed the ill-treatment of animals. The 132nd rule of the Laojun shuo yibaibashi jie was “it is prohibited to terrify animals.”56 And in the Sanbai dajie: “it is prohibited to terrify and corner animals.”57 The 49th rule of the Laojun shuo yibaibashi jie was “it is prohibited to kick animals.” The 129th was “it is prohibited to beat domestic animals without reason.”58 According to modern ecological ethics, humans should establish a partnership with nature in order to replace the traditional relationship based on the conquest of nature and man’s overwhelming domination. Nature is the ultimate creator of all things and the mother of all beings. Everything in this world has its own value and right to existence. As fellow creatures, they deserve to be respected. This respect can be found in Taoism, which prohibits the killing and ill-treatment of animals. There is a further point that needs to be illustrated. Taoist precepts prohibit all killing, but they are meant for Taoists. For laymen, Taoism opposes only indiscriminate slaughter. In the Xuhuang tianzun chuzhen shijie wen 虚皇天尊初真十戒文 [Text of Ten Rules for Novice from the Emperor of Vacuity and Celestial Worthy] we can read, “the reason for prohibiting killing is to keep man’s humanity whole . . . For anyone, however humane, it is inconvenient to follow the rules because he lives with profane people.” When someone has to kill, he should act like Emperor Tang of the Shang Dynasty, who gave the animals an opportunity to flee in order to show the celestial virtue, or like Confucius, who “fished with a fishing pole but no net and did not kill sleeping

54 55 56 57 58

Idem, p. 272. Daozang jiyao. Changchun: Jilin renmin chubanshe, 1995, vol. 10, p. 152. Daozang, vol. 1, p. 476. Idem, vol. 6, p. 948. Idem, vol. 22, pp. 271–72.

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animals” in order to show his moderation. He should “not kill in the Jingzhe 惊蛰 season or break saplings” to respect the laws of nature. In the same scripture it says: “sages do not have to eat animals.” It is enough to “keep compassion and eat what we have.” Then “killing is not inevitable.”59 Some Taoist rules concern plants. In the Taiping jing it says: “do not burn anything on the mountain or break stones, hurt grass or trees, sell them at the market, or eradicate them. . . . To meet your needs, all you have to do is to gather sticks. That is following the laws.”60 The 14th rule of the Laojun shuo yibaibashi jie was “it is prohibited to burn fields and forests.” The 18th was “it is prohibited to fell trees without reason.” The 19th was “it is prohibited to pick flowers without reason.”61 In the Miaolinjing ershiqi jie it sa ys:“do not burn fields or forests.”62 These rules can be also found in the Sanbai dajie.63 It would be hard to extend compassion to the grass and trees without the will to embrace all living things as fellow creatures. Some Taoist rules are dedicated to the protection of the soil and the water. The 36th rule of the Laojun shuo yibaibashi jie was “it is prohibited to put poison in rivers, ponds, or seas.” The 48th was “it is prohibited to dig and destroy mountains or rivers.” The 53rd was “it is prohibited to dry up rivers.” The 100th was “it is prohibited to throw trash in wells.” The 134th was “it is prohibited to divert water from ponds or lakes.”64 These rules, which are all against environmental pollution and in favor of agriculture, can also be found in the Sanbai dajie.65 Conclusion According to Taoism, the human being is created by the peaceful qi of the Tao and then is the most intelligent among all beings. For that reason, Taoism considers the human being as “the master of all beings,”66 who “should rule all beings.”67 According to the Taiping jing, 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67

Idem, vol. 3, p. 404. Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao, p. 203. Daozang, vol. 6, p. 270. Idem, vol. 22, p. 269. Idem, vol. 6, p. 947. Idem, vol. 22, pp. 271–73. Idem, vol. 6, p. 948. Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao, p. 205. Idem, p. 88.

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the human being should “help Heaven to elevate other beings,” “help the Earth to reinforce the body,”68 and make the world better. The criterion for evaluating the wealth of a society is its natural resources. Wealth means no shortage of anything. If all beings develop fully and the world lacks nothing, it lives in abundance. In Upper Antiquity, all species were still extant. It had been a time of bounty. In Middle Antiquity, the numbers of species were reduced. It was a poorer time. Today, many more species are dying out. This is a time of dearth.69 This philosophy of the Taiping jing in favor of the protection of species opens up broad perspectives.

68 69

Idem, p. 36. Idem, p. 30.

STUDY OF THE MEDICAL ELEMENTS IN TAOIST HEALING: THE USE OF TALISMANS AND INCANTATIONS1 Gai Jianmin Taoist medicine is considered a religious medicine. As the product of the interaction between religion and science, it is not solely a specific medical system created by Taoists. They not only sought to intermingle their beliefs, doctrines, and ideology with traditional Chinese medicine, but also to establish a traditional Chinese medical school within Taoism.2 As a component of traditional Chinese medicine, Taoist medicine includes both science and mysticism, rational and superstitious practices. The System of Taoist Medical Talismans and Incantations The use of talismans and incantations is one of the most important Taoist ritual techniques. Taoist ritual techniques, also referred to as “techniques of the Tao,” ritual “techniques of the immortal,” and magic, are manifestations of Taoist religious practices. All of these practices, which aim to increase longevity, are at the core of Taoist ritual techniques. According to Taoism: The Tao is the ultimate perfection of vacuity and non-existence. Ritual techniques are a mysterious art of transformation. The Tao is formless. It helps people through the use of techniques. Human beings are naturally intelligent. They attain the Tao through practice. People learn the Tao, then can transform themselves at will. The essence of the Tao is concise and easy to understand. The mystery or secret of the techniques lies in the talismans, qi, and medicine.3

Published originally in Shijie zongjiao yanjiu, no. 4, 1992. Gai Jianmin, Daojiao yixue 道教医学. Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2001, pp. 4–5. 3 Yunji qiqian, chapter 45: “Miyao juefa xushi diyi 秘要诀法·序事第一,” in the Taoist Canon. Shanghai shudian: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1996, vol. 22, p. 317. 1 2

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The Tao and techniques are inseparable, as noted in the phrase “the Tao cannot be applied without the techniques.” Ritual techniques are one of the most important means used in the practice of the Tao. Taoist ritual techniques are numerous. Among the most important are talismans, qi, and medicine, which are called the three essential factors: “The talisman is the spiritual writing of the Three Lights and the message of celestial perfection. Qi is the great union of Yin and Yang and the spirit of everything. Drugs are the gem of the five agents and the essence of Heaven and Earth. It will be enough to be expert in one of these three domains to realize what one wills.”4 People commonly believe that a talisman consists of a certain type of graphic writing and a line drawn in red or black, or made of curved strokes. It is at the same time a character and a picture. As for incantations, they are formulas chanted to a certain rhythm. Talismans and incantations can be used together or separately. Generally speaking, however, the use of Taoist talismans is linked to incantations. There are great numbers of Taoist talismans,5 which can be classified according to different criteria. Among Taoist talismans, there is a large proportion dedicated to medical treatment. We will briefly present them here. Among Taoist talismans, those originating from shamanistic talismans and used for curing people, are among the most ancient and have developed into the most systematic and coherent use. Ancient Taoist talismans were principally used in exorcism. In the Scripture of Great Peace there are many talismans made of “superimposed characters 复文”: “There are four parts, 95 chapters, and 2,128 characters in total. They are all the original text of the Scripture of Great Peace. The 362 chapters (of the current version of the Taipingjing) were Idem. The title and category are recorded in Sandong shenfu ji 三洞神符记, which contains several Taoist scriptures. In it we find “the method of three origins, eight unions, and six writings,” “the cloud seal characters” “the six writings and six characters of the body,” “the character of the talisman,” “the eight manifestations,” “the formula of the jade character,” “the character of the emperor and writing of the king,” “the celestial writing,” “the character of the dragon,” “the writing of the phoenix,” “the jade document and the golden book,” “the stone character,” “the white title,” “the jade writing,” “the east character,” “the jade document,” “the jade dispatch,” “the writing of connecting fortune,” “the gem mussel and jade book,” “the silver document,” “the red writing,” “the real character refined by fire,” “the character of the golden pot and ink,” “the jade document,” “the purple character,” “the natural character,” “the character of the four unions,” and “the gem document and the stamen book.” See the Taoist Canon, vol. 2, p. 142; see also Yunji qiqian, chapter 7: “Erdong jingjiao bu benwen 二洞经校部·本文.” 4 5

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developped by Mister Gan (Gan Ji) from the original text and circulated henceforth.”6 The urge to invent those “superimposed characters,” to treat disease and drive away demons, was presented in detail in “Taipingjing fuwen xu 太平经复文·序” [Preface to the Superimposed Characters of the Scripture of Great Peace]. With links established over the centuries between Taoism and medicine, Taoists emphasized medical treatment through the use of talismans and considered such treatment a means to benefit people and save the world. Driven by this religious purpose, the variety and the function of Taoist medical talismans was enriched, expanded, and perfected until a complete system of medical talismans was formed. Early Taoist medical talismans were primitive, coarse, unsophisticated, and they were used in a general way: no specific talisman was dedicated to a specific disease. One talisman would be used to cure hundreds of different diseases. Its structure was simple and easy to decipher. With the development of Taoist medicine, in the Southern and Northern dynasties, the Sui, and the Tang, the number of Taoist medical talismans multiplied. Many different specific clinical talismans appeared and were classified into categories. For instance, in the first and second chapters of the Taishang dongxuan lingbao suling zhenfu 太上 洞玄灵宝素灵真符 [True Talismans of the White Numen from the Supreme Mysterious Cavern of the Lingbao (Canon)], which were signed “revealed to Mister Lu (Lu Xiujing),” not only were the talismans for hundreds of diseases recorded, but also those for specific diseases, such as 88 kinds for epidemics, 8 for typhoid, 12 for chills and fever, and 13 for headaches.7 In the third chapter of the same book, 15 kinds of talismans for thoracalgia, 45 for diarrhea, 4 for cholera, 17 for constipation, 5 for gonorrhea, and 55 for malaria were recorded.8 This showed the great variety of Taoist medical talismans. It is also worth noting that Taoists were capable of applying talismans not only according to different types of diseases but also according to the evolution of the disease. Hence the use of different talismans through the different stages of treatment and different objectives. For example, for the talisman against epidemics, there was one “swallowed

6 Taipingjing fuwen xu, see Wang Ming, Taipingjing hejiao. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960, p. 745. 7 Taishang dongxuan lingbao suling zhenfu, first chapter, see the Taoist Canon., vol. 6, pp. 343–48. 8 Idem, pp. 355–61.

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before entering into a patient’s house,” one “swallowed with water in case of seasonal plague,” one “swallowed to smother the sensation caused by the epidemic,” one swallowed to cure the inflammation caused by the epidemic,” and one used from the first until the twelfth day of the epidemic. Of the talismans for diarrhea there were one for non-contaminating diarrhea, one for red and white diarrhea, and one for children, among others. In addition, during treatment, the use of talismans changed according to the type of patients. The most common way of taking them was orally. For instance, “if the patient feels sudden pain, tingling, and feels like dying, he should first swallow the upper talisman. If he is not better, he should swallow the lower talisman. If he is in shock but his chest is still warm, he will be cured immediately after swallowing it. The talisman should be written with ink and swallowed. If the patient cannot open his mouth, knock one of his teeth out, fold the talisman, and put it in his mouth. Let it be swallowed with water. It will have an immediate effect.”9 Swallowing a talisman or the ash from a paper talisman mixed with water was the most common means of administering Taoist talismans. In addition, some talismans for external use were worn or hung on doors, windows, beds, and walls, or pasted on sores. For example, for epidemics, there was a certain “Talisman of Yellow Middle for Hundred Epidemics.” If the patient wore it, his illness would be cured instantly. There were also the “Old Lord’s Talisman for Preventing Epidemic,” which was written with cinnabar on doors; the “Talisman for Preventing Epidemic,” which was written on the collar, back, and arms; several kinds of talismans for fever and fantods, which were written on the feet, chest, palms, and back; the talisman for constipation in children, which was written under the navel; and the talisman for staunching bleeding and relieving pain. During the Song and Ming dynasties, Taoist medical talismans were so numerous that they were classified with greater accuracy. The writing and uses of talismans were also diverse. A relatively complete medical system of talismans was constituted. Among Taoist medical talismans, there was a specific talisman for summoning the celestial doctor (Tianyi 天医). According to a related theory, the mysterious function of Taoist talismans consisted in enabling the communication between human beings and gods. So

9

Idem, p. 351.

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Taoists believed the process of talismans was to “mix my essence with that of all things and mix my spirit with that of all things. Essences attach themselves one with another and spirits depend on one another. So, even with a small piece of paper to summon gods and ghosts, they have to answer.”10 Taoists believed incantations had a similar function: In Heaven, a deity, who has some important messages and wants to transmit them to people, sends celestial officers who fly, using qi to reach their destination. People get these messages and consider them as divine incantation. . . . The incantation is the rendering and explanation of the celestial text. Incantations can be used as a divine object to treat illness. All incantations are collected to treat various diseases.11

Taoists believed that there was an “Office of the Celestial Doctor” in Heaven just as there was an official medical administration on Earth. In chapter 57, “Principles of the Fast-Office of the Celestial Doctor 法宗旨门·天医院” of the Shangqing lingbao dafa [Great Rites of the Numinous Treasure of Highest Clarity] it says: “after the completion of the soul, the supervision of birth, and the decomposition of the placenta, the celestial doctor and the divine officer should be invited to release them. When someone has died of disease and his soul is ill. . . . The celestial doctor should also be invited to save this person.” The invited celestial doctor must “burn the talisman from the celestial doctor, then recite the summoning incantation.”12 Indeed, there is a kind of talisman for inviting the celestial doctor to come down from Heaven to drive away demons and diseases and “treat all internal and external diseases of men, women, and children in this world.”13 Taoist medical talismans can be classified into characters, graphics, and graphic compositions of different characters, three categories according to their form, not all of which will be presented here for want of space.14 Taoist medical talismans and incantations are used together in a specific ritual. Since talismans and incantations are Taoist ritual techniques, their application follows the general rules of Taoist rituals, such

Idem, p. 346. Daofa huiyuan, chapter 1, see the Taoist Canon., vol. 28, p. 674. 12 Shangqing lingbao dafa, chapter 58, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 31, p. 244. 13 Idem, p. 245. 14 Zhuyouke zhufu mijuan 祝由科诸符秘卷. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1994, p. 12. 10 11

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as purification, the installation of the altar, offerings, and the burning of incense and prayers. There are also some specific procedures linked to medical talismans and incantations. Before treating a patient with Taoist talismans it must be ascertained whether such treatment is consistent with the “Rules of the Most High,” consisting of five rules: “do not treat someone who is insincere and misbehaves, do not treat someone who defames the celestial doctor, do not treat someone who hesitates and disbelieves, do not treat someone who prefers wealth to health, do not treat someone whose talisman and incantation are incomplete and incoherent.”15 The second step is to recite the “formula for incanting water.” The third step is to use the “formula for incanting ink.” The fourth is to use the “formula for incanting paper.” The fifth is the “formula for incanting the brush.” The sixth is the “formula for incanting the text,” which consists in telling the real cause of the disease to the incanting Taoist priest. The seventh is the “formula for writing talismans and incantations.” The last is the ritual of sending the text.16 It is evident that these rituals are pervaded with religious mysticism and therefore need to be analyzed scientifically. Medical Elements in Treatment Using Taoist Talismans According to Taoist documents and present-day cases, treatment with Taoist talismans and incantations produces some clinical results. But Taoists somewhat exaggerate their effects. In fact, medicine, hygiene, and quarantine are implicit factors in the treatment with Taoist talismans and incantations. As mentioned above, before the Taoist master treats an illness with talismans and incantations, he must install the altar and the offerings, purify himself, burn incense and send a memorial in order to inform the deities of the cause of illness. The stage of purification and sending the memorial17 actually concerns hygiene. In chapter 25, “Ritual of Sending the Memorial—Sending Memorial and Purification” of the Shangqing lingbao dafa we find: “Before sending a memorial, the Taoist

Gai Jianmin, Daojiao yixue 道教医学, p. 292. Zhuyou yixue shisanke 祝由医学十三科, see Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 26, p. 337. 17 Gai Jianmin, Daojiao yixue 道教医学, pp. 292–95. 15 16

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master must purify the body by taking a bath and changing clothes. Take a bath with fragrant water, then wear new clothes before entering the meditation chamber. If the body is not clean, the god will not lodge in it and the technique will not be efficient. In that case, the Taoist master cannot be in touch with Heaven.”18 Taoists are very particular about bathing and put all kinds of perfumes and medicinal herbs in the bath water. At the end of the section on “Sending a Memorial and Purification” mentioned above, we find a “prescription for boiling medicine”: “half a jin of Peach Skin, half a jin of Citronella, half a liang of Agastache, half a liang of perfumed Angelica, and half a liang of Holy Basil.”19 In this “prescription of boiling medicine,” agastache, as a kind of herbal medicine, is associated with the character for spleen, stomach, and lungs. According to chapter 14, “Herbs,” in the Bencao gangmu 本草纲目 [Compendium of Materia Medica], agastache is used for relieving “the swelling and the toxicity caused by wind and water, getting rid of evil qi, preventing cholera and relieving heart and belly pain. It is the essential medicine for the reflux of gastric acid. It is used also for reinforcing the stomach qi, stimulating the appetite, warming the heart, hastening the qi, cold lungs, the heat of the Upper Warmer, halitosis after drinking alcohol, and gargling.”20 The modern study of medicine shows the inhibiting effect of agastache in cases of pathogenic dermatophyte. Angelica is a perennial plant with a strong perfume, hence its other name, perfumed angelica. It is used for relieving fever, preventing rheumatism, relieving swelling, eliminating toxicity, relieving pain, and clearing nasal passages. In the Shennong bencao jing 神农本草经 [Materia Medica of Shennong] it notes: “Angelica is used against leukorrhea, the swelling of private parts caused by clots of blood, the heat caused by

18 Before sending a memorial, the Taoist master must prepare the pledge (xin 信). Instructions are found in chapter 1, “Memorial and Symbol,” in the Daomen dingzhi 道门定制: “36 chi of yellow rope . . . 1 liang of cinnabar, a silver knife, 3 guan, and 600 wen of ‘life money,’ 12 sheng of ‘lucky rice,’ 120 pieces of yellow paper, a pair of good quality brushes, a piece of high quality ink stick, and a liang of frankincense.” (The Taoist canon, vol. 31, p. 662). Among them, the cinnabar, related to the heart character, was used for calming the nerves and clearing away heat and toxic material. Frankincense, related to the heart, the liver, and the spleen character, was used for stimulating blood circulation, stopping pain, relieving swelling, and regenerating tissue. The ink could be used as medicine. A silver knife could be used for sterilizing and identifying poison. 19 Shangqing lingbao dafa, chapter 25, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 31, p. 500. 20 Idem.

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fever, the excessive tears caused by the syndrome of the wind in the head.” According to the Rihuazi bencao 日华子本草 [Materia Medica of Rihuazi], angelica is used against chest pain, carbuncles on the back, dermatitis, hemorrhoids, apocenosis, sores, dermatomycosis, odynolysis, regenerating tissues, and scars on the face. Holy basil is also called xuncao 薰草 or huicao 蕙草. According to chapter 14, “Herbs,” in the Bencao gangmu, basil is used to “improve eyesight, stop tears, and cure premature ejaculation, deodorization, migraine, and lumbago.”21 Citronella is also called maoxiang 茅香 or xiangma 香麻. The citronella flower is used in cases of “heart disease, heating and settling the stomach, treating the pain in the heart and the belly caused by cold.”22 The leaf of the citronella bud is used for “preparing bath water, driving away demoniac influence and perfuming the body.”23 Peach skin is in common use in Taoist talismans and incantations. Taoists have always considered the peach as protecting people from demons and many ritual instruments are made from peach tree wood. The presence of the peach in Taoism is influenced by the yasheng 厌胜 in shamanistic medicine. Yasheng means one thing can always be suppressed by another, as noted in the proverb “when a Taoist increases his power, demons also increase their power, even more so.” A Shaman believes that the wearing or the laying of amulets protects people from demons. Taoists’ preference for peaches also rests on their medical properties. Peach skin or the white skin of a peach stem, also called taoshu pi 桃树皮 or tao baipi 桃白皮, is used against edema, epigastralgia, the mass in the right hypochondrium, bellyache, and pharyngitis. Peach skin contains naringenin, aromadendrin, persicogenin, and other organic elements. One can gargle with soup made with it to treat toothache. In addition, peach pits, peach leaves, peach blossoms, and peach root can be all used as medicine. The peach pit is used for invigorating blood circulation, allaying tiredness, easing constipation, and inflammation. The peach leaf is used for detoxification, dispersing pathogenic wind, disinfection, and treating furunculous, eczema, urticaria, hemorrhoids, and malaria. A decoction of peach leaf can be used for killing several viruses such as Shigeila flexneri and killing mosquitoes and flies because it contains several fungicidal components,

21 22 23

Bencao gangmu. Beijing: Renmin weisheng chubanshe, 1977, vol. 2, p. 900. Idem, p. 902. Idem, p. 897.

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like laetrile, quinine acid, and ursolic acid. Bath water perfumed with peach blossoms used for purification is mentioned in chapter 9, “Taboo of Fast—Purification,” in the Shangqing lingbao dafa: In the Taishang jiubian shihua yixin jing 太上九变十化易新经 [Most High Scripture for Easy Renewal Through Nine Transformations and Ten Transmutations] we find the following: if one steps on dirt or goes through dirty places, he should take a bath to purify himself. Follow the instructions, put 10 liang of bamboo leaves and 4 liang of peach branches in 12 dou of water and boil it. Adjust the temperature and then take a bath with it. Not only will all inauspicious things go away, but also eczema and hemorrhoids can be prevented, because bamboo leaves and peach branches purify.24

Taoists strongly believed in the virtues of bathing and thought “they must purify themselves with perfumed water.”25 There are many versions of the components of the five-perfume water. The most common one is composed of Caryopteris incana, Holy Basil, Radix aristolochiae, and Sandalwood. But it can also composed of medical herbs such as mastiche, tambac, angelica, cypress leaves, and peach skin. Taoists explain that purification with perfumed water has a religious implication, maintaining that “if the Taoist master does not purify himself with perfumed water, his soul will be lost and captured by other ghosts,”26 “cypress leaves enable him to invite true immortals,”27 and “holy basil enables him to assemble deities.”28 If they do not purify themselves, the talismans and incantations will be polluted and therefore lose their strength. Although this is only Taoist ideology, taking regular baths with special medicinal herbs used against inflammation, infection, eczema, and eliminating damp can really prevent people from catching diseases. Having a haircut and changing clothes can also be preventive. Taoists put great emphasis on hygiene at the ritual site. They clean the site beforehand and purify it once more with vinegar on the day of the ritual. “Prepare a calm chamber and prevent anyone from entering it. Clean it beforehand and fumigate it with vinegar and the purification talisman.”29 “Fumigation with vinegar” is an efficient and simple 24 25 26 27 28 29

Shangqing lingbao dafa, chapter 9, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 31, p. 396. Yunji qiqian, chapter 41, “Bath,” see the Taoist Canon, vol. 22, p. 282. Idem. Idem, p. 283. Idem. Shangqing lingbao dafa, chapter 23, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 37, p. 489.

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method for purifying the chamber and eliminating viruses. Even today it is used for protecting people from respiratory viruses. The medical elements of Taoist talismans and incantations can be found in the making of the talismans using choice substances. Taoists make talismans with peach, which are called peach talismans and consider them able to drive away demons because of their medical properties. We have already given details on the pit, branch, leaf, and blossom, which all contain some disinfecting medicinal components. Even the use of the ash of a burnt peach talisman and the water mixed with it are to some extent also effective. Besides the peach, Taoist talismans can be also made of paper, silk, bamboo, metal, even rice or fruit. Cinnabar is often chosen for writing talismans with. Cinnabar is used for writing secret words. Grind it and write with it on yellow paper. In urgent cases, write words in some soil with your right hand in the form of a sword seal, then swallow the soil. The sincerity of the moment should suffice. Secret words can be written on bamboo, wood, and stone boiled in water. Secret words can be written on cake or fruit. These can be eaten to cure a disease.30

Cinnabar is also called chensha 辰砂 or dansha 丹砂. Its chemical properties are very special. Its red color represents what Taoists seek—the essence of the universe and life. Taoists use cinnabar not only as a material in Taoist alchemy but also for writing talismans. Taoist talismans written with cinnabar on yellow paper, cake, or fruit prove their therapeutic effect through their mysterious characteristics. Cinnabar, whose character is “sweet” and “cold,” is associated with the heart. It is used for relieving uneasiness in body and mind, clearing away heat and toxins, treating insomnia, carbuncles, malaria, and sores caused by inner heat. Moreover, yellow paper used for writing talisman is dyed with turmeric, which is also called huangjiang 黄姜, maojianghuang 毛姜黄, and baodingxiang 宝鼎香, and whose character is spicy, bitter, and warm. It is associated with the heart, the spleen, and the liver. It is used for treating scabies, stagnation of the circulation of vital energy, chest and belly pain, tingling in the side, wandering arthritis, dysmenorrhea, amenorrhea, injuries from falls, and inflammation. The curcumin contained in turmeric can contain staphylococcus. Turmeric soup can increase appetite, relieve pain, and boost

30

Zhuyou yixue shisanke, see Zangwai daoshu, vol. 26, pp. 345–46.

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immunity against dermatophyte. Hence the effect of the paper talisman on the staunching and relief of pain. Bread has the effect of invigorating the spleen and strengthening the stomach; that is why Taoist write talismans on bread and use it for treating stomach and intestinal diseases. Taoists pay particular attention to the making of medical talismans. They often add tiger bone, pearl, and musk to the ink or cinnabar to write the talisman:31 Purification should be observed before writing a talisman. . . . If it is for treating demoniac disease, mix tiger bone and cinnabar, then write the talisman with them. As it says in the footnotes, tiger bone should be ground into powder. Filter it with silk and mix it with cinnabar in a 60 to 40 percent proportion. Mix it then with gum. A talisman written with it can be used for driving away demons.32

Tiger bone, pearl, and musk are all precious remedies and each has its own medicinal property. Mix them with cinnabar and ink to write the talisman. In this way, the talisman containing several remedies will be most certainly efficient against certain diseases. Taoists determine the diagnosis before using talismans. Depending on different symptoms, they can make the appropriate talismanic soup and ask the patient to drink it. Taoist talismans are not illegible, senseless writings as some people might think. Taoists use talismans after having analyzed the origin of disease as Yang or Yin: “if a patient comes to ask for a talisman, diagnose at first and apply yourself with great compassion to his salvation. The merit of writing talismans with cinnabar for saving people

31 A talisman written with ink has also its medicinal effects. According to the Yilin zuanyao 医林纂要, “previously ink was made from turpentine soot whose characteristic is warmth. Today’s ink is made from tung oil whose characteristic is coldness. However its odor is lighter and its character is flat. The better ink is mixed with pearl, gold, and ice and kept for a long time.” Paper can be used as medicine. According to the Bencao gangmu, “fruit paper is sweet, flat, and non toxic. The ash from red paper is used for treating hematemesis, hemorrhinia, bleeding, and open wounds. Bamboo paper is used for preventing paludism. The ash from rattan paper is used for treating wounds, interior heat, and hemorrhinia. Mix the ash of rattan paper with wine and drink it. Twirl herb paper and apply it on gangrene and pus. The ash of hemp paper can be used for staunching. Paper money can be used for gangrene and its ash can be used for staunching.” See Bencao gangmu. Beijing: Renmin weisheng chubanshe, 1977, vol. 3, p. 94. 32 Dengzhen yinjue, chapter 2, “Memorial and Talisman,” see the Taoist Canon, vol. 6, p. 621.

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is great.”33 Before preparing a talisman, a Taoist doctor diagnoses the symptoms. Then he makes a specific talisman and applies it: If the origin of the disease originates in Yang, use high-quality vinegar or spring water; use ginger juice, alcohol, or water if it originates in Yin. Disease caused by wind should be treated with ginger juice filtered through bamboo. In case of an external disease, mix the ash of the talisman and water or mix vinegar and ink and apply it on the lesion. In the case of a wound, apply it on its outer lip and sprinkle a little ink on it. If the juice is dried, moisten with pig’s bile. Before treatment, determine if the origin of the disease is Yin or Yang. For poor patients, give medicine free of charge. Before writing the talisman, reflect on the sincerity of the demander. Purify body, hand, and heart, burn incense, and calm the spirit before taking up the writing brush.34

The principals of diagnosis mentioned above include some scientific theory of medicine. According to traditional Chinese medicine, the Yin or Yang diagnosis of the origin of the disease is a precondition of the treatment. In the chapter “Yin or Yang Symptoms” in the Suwen it says: “A good doctor knows how to observe the complexion, analyze the pulse manifestations, and distinguish the Yin or Yang origin of the disease.”35 The reputed doctor of the Ming Dynasty Zhang Jingyue wrote: “before treatment, a doctor must diagnose the Yin or Yang origin of the disease. This is foremost. How can the doctor treat without distinguishing the Yin or Yang origin of disease? Medicine is complex. However, its root is in Yin and Yang. So the origin of disease, the manifestations of the pulse, and the medicine given are analyzed through Yin and Yang. . . . He who understands Yin and Yang understands half of the art of medicine in spite of its complexity.”36 According to traditional Chinese medicine, the radical cause of disease is the disequilibrium between Yin and Yang. So balancing Yin and Yang is the primary aim of the treatment. During treatment, Taoist doctors use talismans according to the Yin or Yang origin of the disease, following strict rules. We will analyze these rules from the

Zhuyou yixue shisanke, see Zangwai daoshu, vol. 26, pp. 345–46. Idem. There is also a similar passage: “If the origin of disease is Yang, use vinegar of good quality; ginger juice if it is Yin. Apply golden ink on sores and write a talisman in the margin” See chapter 1 of the Taishang zhuyou ke 太上祝由科, p. 12. 35 Huangdi neijing suwen jiaoshi 黄帝内经素问校释. Beijing: Renmin weisheng chubanshe, 1982, vol. 1, p. 92. 36 Jingyue quanshu 景岳全书, chapter 1 “Essay on Loyalty,” see Yingyin wenyuange siku quanshu, vol. 777, pp. 4–5. 33 34

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Zhuyou yixue shisanke [Thirteen Sections of zhuyou (Conjuring the Causes of Illnesses) Medicine]: Drink Perilla soup with the talisman for treating chills. Perilla, spicy and warm is associated with the lung and the spleen. It is used for expelling wind, clearing away colds, and treating fever, headache, and rhinostegnosis. Drink oriental wormwood decoction with talisman for treating internal moisture. Herba Artemisiae Capillaris, which is bitter and a little cold is associated with the spleen, stomach, liver, and bile. It is used for eliminating dampness and heat and treating jaundice.

According to Zhang Shanlei’s Bencao zhengyi 本草正义 [True Meaning of Materia Medica]: “Herba Artemisiae Capillaris, whose taste is light, is used for alleviating water retention and treating dampness and the heat of spleen and stomach.” Drink Amomum villosum soup with the talisman for preventing miscarriage. Amomum villosum, which is spicy and warm, is linked to the spleen and the stomach. It is used for eliminating dampness, facilitating the circulation of energy, and preventing miscarriage. Other principles will not be presented here in further detail for want of space. These include drinking Tuckahoe soup with the talisman to treat malnutrition in children, drinking ginger soup with the talisman to settle the stomach, drinking Radix aucklandiae soup with the talisman to treat diarrhea and dysentery, drinking Pericarpium citri reticulatae soup with the talisman to treat borborygmus, drinking angelica soup with the talisman to treat hematemesis, drinking Asiatic plantain seed soup with the talisman to treat urinary obstructions, and drinking bupleurum and peppermint soup with the talisman to treat internal heat. The medical effectiveness of Taoist talismans and incantations is due not only to actual medicinal elements present in soups or herbs but also to psychological effects applied during treatment. First, Taoist asks the patient to be sincere and to have faith in the Taoist talisman and incantation during treatment. As mentioned above, this principle is stated at the beginning of the Zhuyou yixue shisanke. In the chapter “Zhuyou Ritual of the Most High,” in the Zhufanke zhufu mijuan 祝凡科诸符秘卷 [Secret Text of Talismans of the Zhufan Ritual], similar ideas were noted under the title “Rules of the Most High,” which emphasize that “zhuyou means to cast a spell on the origin of the disease and treat it with a ritual. This ritual is based on sincerity and faith.”37 Taoists believe the patient’s trust helps with the treatment. 37

Zhuyou zhufu mijuan, p. 3.

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Modern psychological studies show that the patient’s trust in the doctor and his prescriptions has a direct impact on clinical effects. During treatment with talismans, Taoists often declare that the talisman and incantation are revealed and are endowed with divine power. If the patient wears, eats, or recites the talisman, the treatment will have positive effects. Although Taoist propaganda overstates the efficiency of all those practices, Taoist worship of talismans helps to increase trust, improve the psychological impact, and set at rest the minds of incurable patients who have lost all hope. According to modern medical studies, clinical effects not only depend on the appropriate medicine but also on the patient’s frame of mind. For the same patient, the medicine given by a doctor he trusts may be more effective than that given by a doctor he does not trust. The ash of a talisman or talisman soup, besides their medicinal elements in the case of some diseases, is also used as a placebo. Placebo therapy is common in modern clinical treatment. According to this therapy, the full treatment, or just a part of it, is effective for some diseases even though it is not exclusively meant for these diseases. Modern placebo therapy includes oral placebos,38 symbolical operations like skin cutting, and injections without medicine. Because the patient believes he is being treated, placebo therapy can have a healing effect. So it is easy to understand the curative effect of writing a talisman and reciting an incantation in which the Taoist master paces the Big Dipper, holds the sword with disheveled hair, mutters, and writes a talisman on a cup of water. Taoist talismans and incantations are especially effective as placebos in cases of physiological dysfunction and psychogenic disorder caused by psychological problems. In antiquity, when medicine was still underdeveloped, treatment with talismans and incantations could supplement treatment with medicine. During treatment with talismans and incantations, the Taoist doctor asks the patient to enter a peaceful chamber to meditate. “Purify the heart and clean the anxiety, that is what we call a bath.”39 It is a psychological “bath,” which facilitates the circulation of energy in the internal organs; eliminates the patient’s delusion, depression, and tension; and relieves the negative effects of these emotions on the 38 Modern oral placebos are classified in two categories: one is a pure placebo without medicine like candy, a starch tablet, or saline, the other contains a little medicine like vitamins or calcium tablets, which are not used for curing specific diseases. 39 The chapter “Pointing out Mystery” in the Xiuzhen shishu 修真十书, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 4, p. 606.

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body. According to Chinese traditional medicine, psychological treatment is an important part of Taoist treatment. Eliminating negative emotions helps treatment, together with medicine or surgery. As for diseases caused by excessive affections like depression, palpitations due to fright, and mania, the Taoist doctor deals with them following the theory according to which “psychological disease should be treated with psychological medicine,” a point of view supported by the text in the chapter “Inner View” in the Dongyi baojian 东医宝鉴 [Precious Reference of Eastern Medicine]: “Perfect Great White wrote: Before treating a disease, treat the mind of the patient. Taoists must resort to the Tao to help calm the mind of the patient. Eliminate all doubt, all delusion, all anger, and all envy . . . then the patient will be at peace and will be cured. In this way, disease is treated before taking medicine.”40 During treatment, the Taoist doctor often asks the patient to pray to the world of spirits and explain the cause of his disease to them. In this way, the Taoist doctor helps the patient to express his emotions. This ancient treatment is in fact a form of psychological therapy. In addition, there are treatments to prevent disease that involve taking talisman in different stages. For example, according to the True Talismans of the White Numen from the Supreme Mysterious Cavern of the Lingbao (Canon), 12 pieces of the “Talisman of Warm Disease” should be swallowed one at a time for twelve days.41 Taoists also emphasize the prevention of diseases. There are talismans for warding off the spread of epidemics “which should be swallowed before entering the house of the patient.” They also advise early treatment: “once the symptoms of an epidemic are identified, make peach soup, make the patient swallow talismans with it and make him sweat. After a while make the patient swallow the second talisman. If he does not sweat until the third talisman, make him swallow seven or nine talismans, then he will sweat and be a little cured. If this is not the case, make him swallow a piece of talisman a day, he will most certainly be cured.”42 As indicated in this passage, talismans should be swallowed regularly and the course of treatment will follow the evolution of the illness. The physical effects of paper talismans and soup talismans are condensation and

Dongyi baojian. Beijing: Zhongguo zhongyiyao chubanshe, 1995, collated version, chapter 1. 41 Taishang dongxuan lingbao suling zhenfu, chapter 1, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 6, p. 345. 42 Idem. 40

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stimulation of the circulation, which facilitates staunching, the relief of pain, and the elimination of all obstacles to recovery. Conclusion In conclusion, the therapeutic effect of Taoist treatment using talismans is due to its medicinal and psychological elements, but not its divine power as declared in Taoist scriptures. As a religious medicine, Taoist medicine does not exclude secular medicine. On the contrary, it values and takes advantage of Chinese traditional medicine, acupuncture, and moxibustion to supplement Taoist medical and psychological treatment. In history, many Taoists like Ge Hong, Tao Hongjing, Wang Bing, Ma Zhi, and Liu Wansu were also famous doctors. Although Taoists often employ certain shamanistic talismans, incantations, and psychological therapies, they employ them along with medicine and underline the role of the latter in the treatment. In fact, Taoist talismans and incantations are supplementary measures applied to a disease that cannot be treated with conventional medicine, as demonstrated by the phrases “saving the chronically ill and treating the incurable”43 or “if a patient cannot be treated with medicine or acupuncture and moxibustion, ask him to drink talisman soup and confess all his sins. Then his sins will be forgiven and chronic illness will be cured.”44 It must be said that Taoist inner alchemy, which aimed at immortality and longevity, does not exclude traditional medicine either. In spite of the differences between the different Taoist Schools and methods, each school emphasizes the stage of “building of foundations,” during which Taoists treat illness and reinforce energy by taking medicine before passing to the stage of self-cultivation. Taoist treatment through talismans and incantations is developed from shamanistic medicine and is still influenced by it. Shamanistic medicine rested on the general underdevelopment of medical knowledge in antiquity. With the development of medicine, Taoist medicine has finally broken away from shamanism and has adapted to science. Although shamanism contributed to scientific medical knowledge, there remain essential differences between them that cannot be neglected. 43 44

Santian neijie jing, chapter 1, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 28, p. 414. Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 24, pp. 779–80.

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE RITUAL OF THE “THREE GREAT PURITIES”, THE “TAIYI RITUAL OF SUBLIMATION”, AND THE “DOUMU RITUAL OF SUBLIMATION” —SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE TAOIST RITUALS OF THE CANTONESE REGION AND OF THE JIANGNAN REGION Chen Yaoting There is a Taoist proverb from the Jiangnan region: “Taoism is different every ten miles.” This means that despite their similarities in belief and name, ritual procedures vary according to local custom. The reasons for this are multiple. The local agricultural society is bounded by its self-sufficient economy, with no real communication with the outside, and the same applies to communication between the different Taoist Schools. In terms of transmission, the lineage from master to disciple is a closed system. In terms of language, spoken Chinese has many regional variations. Even in the same region, distinct spoken languages made it difficult for people to understand one another. The ritual of the “Three Great Purities” that we will study is called the “Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls.” As one of the Quanzhen Taoist rituals of sublimation and release of souls, it is found throughout the Guangdong, Hong Kong, and Macao regions. It will be compared with the ritual of the Orthodox Unity School “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation,” also called “the Taiji Numinous Treasure Ritual for Saving and Sublimating Souls,” which circulated around Suzhou. The liturgy for this ritual was published by Lou Jinyuan in the 32nd year of Emperor Qianlong’s reign (1767). The “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation” is also called “the Anterior Heaven Golden Ritual of Doumu for Saving and Sublimating Souls.” As one of the rituals of the Orthodox Unity School, it was present in Shanghai and its scripture is said to have been edited by the prime minister Yan Song in the Ming Dynasty. These two rituals have been practiced and adapted for a long time and circulated more particularly in Jiangnan. This comparative study between the ritual of the “Three Great Purities,” the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation,” and the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation” aims to shed light on the similarities and differences

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between the Taoist rituals in different regions and understand the historical characteristics of Taoism in the Cantonese region in order to understand its development. A Common Objective: Sublimation and the Release of Souls The “Three Great Purities,” ritual, the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation,” and the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation” are all rituals of sublimation and release of souls. Sublimation is achieved through the alchemical interaction of True water and True fire, the release of souls means releasing the souls of the dead and helping them to ascend to Heaven. So the objective of these three rituals is the same. The objective of sublimation and release is presented in chapter 38, “Category of Sublimation and Regeneration,” in the Lingbao yujian 灵宝玉鉴 [ Jade Reference of Numinous Treasure Liturgy]: “there is the method of sublimation and regeneration in the great ritual of Numinous Treasure. The water and fire are brought outside, while the kan 坎 and the li 离 (hexagrams) are mixed inside. The nine qi (energies) are used to engender the shen (spirit), while the five sprouts are used to shelter the qi. The three lights are unified to illuminate the inner landscape (within the body). Ten cycles (of refinement) are effectuated to recover the spirit. Each step follows its own procedure. The wonderful vacant qi of real Yang is necessary to make the formless substance and the perfection of perfection. Once the sacred fetus is realized, it is transformed into a deity and goes out of the Two Polarities and Five Agents. Eternity ensues from the transcendence of one’s own body. If it is attained, one will become perfect. Then the means can be forgotten if the objective is attained. The Tao commands the spirit, the spirit commands the the qi, and the qi commands the form. So the form needs to be refined into the qi, the qi needs to be refined to adapt itself to the spirit, and the spirit needs to be refined to adapt itself to vacuity. Only the Tao is wonderful, a synonym of ‘Great Vacuity.’ The golden liquid is used to refine the form, while the Jade talisman is used to protect the spirit. When the form and the spirit are all perfect, the union with the Tao can be realized. The Way of sublimation and regeneration is certain without any doubt.”1 This passage means that a pool of water and a fire-pit must be installed on the ritual arena. That is the visible part of the ritual. Hu Daojing et al., Daojiao yaoji xuankan. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1989, vol. 8, p. 808. 1

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There is also an invisible part, where the soul will be summoned. Through sublimation by water and fire, the uncleanliness and harm the deceased caused in his/her life will be purified and healed. Then the soul will be cleansed inwardly and outwardly and be filled with wondrous light. Finally, it will be transformed into a sacred fetus. The most important step of the ritual is when the Taoist priest makes use of his inner power to mix the kan and the li. Zheng Suonan, of the Song Dynasty, said in his Taiji jilian neifa 太极祭炼内法 [Taiji Inner Method of Sublimation]: “the sublimation is at first the sublimation of the self and then only the release of wandering souls. He who could not sublimate his spirit, how could he possibly release the soul of others? The whole ceremony depends on this inner practice. The talisman and the incantation are just vectors of power.”2 This passage shows that the key of the ritual was the inner practice of the Taoist master when he carried out the ritual. The union with the Tao is realized through the sublimation of the form and the union with the qi, the sublimation of the qi and the union with the spirit, and the sublimation of the spirit and the union with vacuity. The priest uses his qi of real Yang to release the soul and make it formless substance. The soul becomes perfect and is transformed into a sacred fetus and a deity. So the objective of the ritual of sublimation and release of souls is summed up as “the quick releases the dead and the self releases others.” The “Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving and Subliming Souls” refers to itself saying: “We respectfully obey the edicts of the Tao, observe the mysterious liturgy, and conduct a Numinous Treasure Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Subliming Souls.” This shows that this famous Taoist ritual from the Cantonese region draws on three major sources, of which the Numinous Treasure Ritual for Sublimating Souls is an important one. We read in the scripture of “the Taiji Ritual”: “Heaven engenders water, the Earth engenders fire. The interaction of water and fire is used for sublimating souls. Heaven engenders the water, the Earth engenders the fire. The interaction of water and fire is used to sublimate substances. Heaven engenders water, the Earth engenders fire. The interaction of water and fire leads to perfection.”3 In the scripture of “the Anterior Heaven Golden Ritual of Doumu for Saving and Sublimating Souls,” Doumu “[s]tops her step. She

2 The Taoist Canon. Shanghai shudian: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, Cultural Relics Press, vol. 10, p. 449. 3 Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 17, p. 664.

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bestows beneficial light to greet all wandering souls. She nourishes them profusely with consecrated offerings. Every spirit and soul eats its full. The five souls are polished and the substance is recovered. The nine qi are absorbed to form the body. Water and fire sublimate the form and the Heavenly Doctor protects the body. Talismans and registers are bestowed. The rules are observed and perfection is attained. Go up to Heaven and enjoy a free life. There is no reincarnation, and life is as long as Heaven.”4 From a comparison of the three rituals we find that their aim is identical. They all include the interaction of water and fire, the sublimation of souls, and the idea that “the quick releases the dead and the self releases others.” Similar Procedures of Sublimation Taoist ritual consists of enacting a number of rites. Each ritual has a certain significance and follows a set procedure. Certain rites, articulated in a certain order, may highlight the particular significance and content of the ritual. “The Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls,” “the Taiji Numinous Treasure Ritual for Saving and Sublimating Souls,” and “the Anterior Heaven Golden Ritual of Doumu for Saving and Sublimating Souls” all follow this rule. Table 1: A Comparison of ritual procedures in the order of the actions performed Content

“The Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving and Sublimating Souls”

“The Taiji Numinous Treasure Ritual for Saving and Sublimating Souls”

“The Anterior Heaven Golden Ritual of Doumu for Saving and Sublimating Souls”

1. Open the scripture and express the objective

Yes

No

Yes

2. Greet with incense

Yes

Yes (with one difference)

Yes

4

Idem, vol. 30, p. 352.

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Table 1 (cont.) Content

“The Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving and Sublimating Souls”

“The Taiji Numinous Treasure Ritual for Saving and Sublimating Souls”

3. Purification

Yes

Yes (with one Yes difference). There are also the Pacing of the Dipper and the pool of water and the fire-pit are installed

4. Meditation

Yes

Yes (same)

Yes (but after the dispatch of report)

5. Dispatch of report

Yes

Yes (same)

Yes (but before the meditation)

6. Five offerings Yes

No

Yes

7. Break into Hell

Yes

Yes (with one difference)

Yes

8. Three summons

Yes

Yes (with one difference)

No

9. Summon

Yes

Yes (with one difference) followed by the feeding of souls

Yes

10. Tame and control

Yes

Yes (with one difference)

Yes

11. Eulogy for Taoist ritual

Yes

No

No

12. Greeting to Yes ten directions

No

Yes (with one difference). Greeting to five directions

13. Placate hatreds

Yes

Yes (same)

Yes

14. Scripture of five kitchens

Yes

Yes (same)

Yes

Yes (brought forward)

Yes

15. Feeding the Yes souls

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Table 1 (cont.) Content

“The Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving and Sublimating Souls”

“The Taiji Numinous Treasure Ritual for Saving and Sublimating Souls”

“The Anterior Heaven Golden Ritual of Doumu for Saving and Sublimating Souls”

16. Sublimation Yes with water and fire

Yes (with one difference)

Yes

17. Three refuges

Yes

Yes (with one difference)

Yes

18. Nine Yes commandments

Yes (different)

Yes

19. Hymn to send off the souls

Yes

Yes (same)

Yes (with one difference) preceded by the hymn to send off the gods

20. Eulogy for the god Qinghua

No

Yes

No

According to this table, there are discrepancies in certain sentences in every rite enacted in the three rituals, especially rites in the Doumu Ritual of Sublimation that differ from the other two rituals. Their structures are similar, however. This shared structure shows the common origin of these rituals, as well as their common ideology and purpose. Variations in the Liturgical Texts In our comparison of the Taoist rituals of sublimation we find that the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation” is the closest to the “Great Three Great Purities” practiced in Hong Kong. Except for the addition of the “Four Eulogies of the for Taoist Funeral Ritual” in “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” and its separate recitation of the “Invitation (of all suffering souls) with Sincere Heart,” and the “Organization of the Banquet (for the souls)” in the same ritual, the contents of the three rituals are almost similar. We

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will now compare the similar content of the scene “Break into Hell.” In “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” it says: The Jade Sovereign and Celestial Worthy who Forgives Sins, whose appearance is the most majestic. Osier in hand, he sits on the precious lotus. The Jade Maiden carries a streamer beside his imperial chariot, while the Golden Lad descends from Heaven with a tally. Reciting the white document, the Sovereign opens the sky and the world is full of propitious clouds. The Sovereign of innumerable virtues and ultimate perfection ascends the precious throne. His power spreads to the dou and niu constellations. The eternal night surrounds prisoners with a metal barrier and stone walls. In dark Hell is the prison of metal and sand. This zone can be touched neither by the rain nor by the sun. The blade of swords is frozen by frost, while the flame of the fire chariot is stirred up by lightning. Horrible cries under mill and mortar shake the earth, while the heat of the pan and tripod burns the sky. In hailstorms, wind, thunder, and lightning, it is impossible to say how great the pain is. This prison cannot be reopened unless the compassionate light of the Great High dawns. The secret incantation should be uttered to open the doors of Hell. In deep Hell, there are numerous mountains. The inconceivable light of the Numinous Treasure penetrates the pool of fire. The sinful souls in Hell follow the banner of fragrant clouds. On the lotus flower of wisdom, they will be reborn and forever in peace. The golden light of merit illuminates the darkness. The true fragrance flows in the flower pool. The canopy of lotus floats on the clouds. All the gods live harmoniously in the twelve pavilions. Quickly announce the decree of the Numinous Treasure! Then souls may enjoy life in Heaven. Life in Hell is miserable. Quickly welcome the Original Emperor with heart. The talisman of Nüqing 女青 and the Numinous Treasure and the book of the real emperor of Zhongshan allow souls to ascend to Great Clarity at the first recitation and return to Great Non-existence at the second recitation. The merit reaching deep Hell enables souls to be reborn gradually in the Purple Star.5

We find the following text in the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation”: The Celestial Worthy of the light of wisdom illuminates universally, his three lights casting orthodox wisdom, joined by the inner light. This light gives blessing to the world and shows its power. The pain of fire poison is cured and the ice pool is lit up. The barrier around Hell and its dark door are illuminated. Great compassion reaches down to help

Ōfuchi Ninji, Zhongguoren de zongjiao liyi 中國人の宗教禮儀 (in Japanese). Tokyo: Fuwu shudian, 1983 p. 887. 5

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chen yaoting souls; the saints show their compassion. Souls in Hell are released and ascend to Heaven. The eternal night surrounds prisoners with a metal barrier and stone walls. In dark Hell, is the prison of metal and sand. This zone can be attained neither by the rain nor by the sun. The blade of swords is frozen by frost while the flame of the fire chariot is stirred up by lightning. Horrible cries from under mill and mortar shake the earth while the heat of pan and tripod burns the sky. With Hailstorms, wind, thunder, and lightning, it is impossible to ascertain how great the pain is. This prison cannot be reopened unless dawns the compassionate light of the Great High. The secret incantation should be uttered to open Hell’s gate. The Celestial Worthy illuminates the night. In Deep Hell, there are numerous mountains. The inconceivable light of the Numinous Treasure penetrates the pool of fire. The sinful souls in Hell follow the banner of fragrant clouds. With the lotus of wisdom and meditation, they will transmigrate peacefully. The golden light of merit opens the dark barrier. The true fragrance flows in the flower pool. The canopy of lotus floats on clouds. All the gods live harmoniously in the twelve pavilions. Quickly announce the decree of the Numinous Treasure! Then souls may enjoy life in Heaven. Life in Hell is miserable. Quickly salute the Original Emperor with heart. The talisman of Nuqing and the Numinous Treasure and the book of the real emperor of Zhongshan allow souls to reach Great Clarity at the first recitation and return to the Great Non existence at the second recitation. The merit reaching deep Hell allows souls to be reborn gradually in the Purple Star.6

As to the scene of “placating hatreds,” the content is identical. Human beings are always possessed by hatred. Deprived of intelligence and lost [“numerous” according to the “tai” version], how can they cooperate and live an harmonious life? They still feel hatred even after transmigration. The animosity of several generations cannot be placated even after centuries. Harsh temper is at work and competitive minds are ruling. With the body, they can do what they will. Without the body they can also do so. [“what can they do?” according to the “tai” version] They should understand that dreams and flowers are not real, dew and lightning do not exist. He who can perceive this and renew himself, may become immortal and attain the Tao. Placate hatred with a talisman. The followers of the law are compassionate. Utter the saint’s name. [The last two phrases are missing in the “tai” version] The Celestial Worthy who placates hatred. We inherit body and the skin from our parents. How could we dare to let them be injured? He who fights dies by the sword, because he has

6

Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 17, p. 628.

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forgotten how to be safe. How could one eradicate [“protect oneself from” according to the “tai” version] the cause of trouble? Obsessive hatred engenders hatred. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and attain enlightenment in this world. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce it with a sincere heart. In this miserable situation, even the saint is belittled. Premature death is one of the six misfortunes mentioned [“considered” according to the “tai” version] in the Classic of History 书经. He who is overwhelmed by anger caused by a word [“an idea” according to the “tai” version] might die regretting his anger. Obsessive hatred engenders hatred. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and attain enlightenment in this world. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce this with a sincere heart. A boat may capsize in the river. A traveler may be attacked by a mob on the road. One is close to danger; sadly one is led to the abyss. Obsessive hatred engenders hatred. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and attain [“follow” according to the “tai” version] enlightenment in this world. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce it with a sincere heart. Five kinds of metal and eight kinds of stones were originally used as medicine. One falls in the hand of a quack, who tries to find the cause of illness by examining the pulses. Or one suffers from food poisoning. All these occur because of hatred. Obsessive hatred engenders hatred. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and attain [“follow” according to “tai” version] enlightenment in this world. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce with a sincere heart. The union of Yin and Yang gives birth to the body in the catalysis of vital energy. Pursued by hatred, one may meet one’s death in [“then” according to the “tai” version] its very delivery. The pleasure of the flesh turns into a dream. The blood lake is frightening. Son and mother pursue one another with their permanent hatred. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and attain enlightenment in this world. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce with sincere heart. The descendant of a well-to-do family can benefit from virtue, never be struck by an epidemic. The sin of ancestors will be doubled by their descendants’ evildoing. Then the family will be struck by epidemic fulian. In Hell, ancestors are tormented by lawsuits. In this world their descendants are threatened by death. The influence of ghosts persists, while the corruption of flying cadavers hovers. Obsessive hatred engenders hatred [there is no such phrase according to the “tai” version]. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave together the suffering and attain [“follow” according to the “tai” version]

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chen yaoting enlightenment in the world of life. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce it with a sincere heart. One builds a tomb following the results of divination. But he offends Feng shui. One cuts down trees and exploits mountains. He transgresses the forbidden area of his ancestors (gravesite). Sued in Hell, people of this world often meet with premature death. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and attain [“follow” according to the “tai” version] enlightenment in the living world. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce with a sincere heart. Although innocent, he who is imprisoned can only swallow his anger. Bribed officials condemn him with fabricated charges. He wants to tell the truth but does not know how. Finally he is assassinated and said to have committed suicide. Obsessive hatred engenders hatred. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and attain [“follow” according to the “tai” version] enlightenment in the living world. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce with a sincere heart. He who is converted to the Tao through his nature and inclination [“but his spirit is ignorant” according to the “tai” version], is then attacked by demons. He whose heart is full of vanity and illusions is tormented by spirits. He dies prematurely and is led to the world of ghosts. His hatred is endless and he cannot turn to the true way [“return” according to the “tai” version]. Obsessive hatred engenders hatred. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and attain [“follow” according to the “tai” version] enlightenment in the living world. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce with a sincere heart. Accumulated anger becomes hatred that cannot be placated. Promises broken and virtue violated cannot be forgotten. If one has escaped condemnation in this world, he will be accused in Hell. Obsessive hatred engenders hatred. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and attain [“follow” according to the “tai” version] enlightenment in the world of life. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce it with a sincere heart. The talisman and decree of the Original Commencement will placate hatred. All hatred and wrong condemnations will disappear with the use of talisman. The fire pool will become a lotus [“cool” according to the “tai” version]. Grief will become peaceful, the chain of hatred will be broken. All souls are delivered and ascend [“reborn” according to the “tai” version] to Heaven with talismans written in red words. The Celestial Worthy who placates hatred. Hatred placated and bad karma dispelled; like ice melting; hunger appeased, like fire burning in an empty stomach. Take the breath of Great Harmony and drink the elixir of cool dew. Each grain of sand is attached to a wandering soul. Each spoon of water is transformed into a sea to give life to dead trees. The benediction is universal and all

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beings are satisfied. The ritual food is consecrated and we will announce it together.7

There are more differences between the scripture of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” and that of “the Anterior Heaven Golden Ritual of Doumu for Saving and Sublimating Souls.”8 Through the comparison above, we have shown that the scripture of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” had absorbed many elements from the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation.” Different Ritual Arenas The ritual arena of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” and that of the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation” are identical. The ritual arena of one Taoist master consists of one rectangular table, whereas that of the three masters is composed of three rectangular tables. The Taoist master sits on one end and the sticks of incense and other ornaments are laid out on the other end. The Taoist acolytes stand along both sides of the table. On the table for “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” stand the statues of the Three Purities, whereas the statue of Doumu stands on the table in the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation.” The ritual arena of the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation” is different from that of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” and of the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation.” According to what I saw, on the side table stood the statue and shrine of the Celestial Worthy of Salvation and Taiyi 太乙救苦天尊. The Taoist master sat facing the wall. One or two Taoists sat on two sides of the table. The size of the ritual arena was smaller and the table decoration was simpler than for the other two rituals. On the tables of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” and the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation” there are also offerings like “incense, flowers, a lamp, water, and fruits,” all 7 The quoted text is from the scripture of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls.” The use of tai in italics refers to “the Taiji Numinous Treasure Ritual for Saving and Sublimating Souls.” 8 Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 30, p. 343.

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on exquisite gilded plates. In contrast, those of the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation” are plainer. The sitting posture of the Taoist master and the three masters of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” is different from those of the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation” and the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation.” The Taoist master sits crosslegged from the beginning to the end, that is for almost three hours. Clearly, this is a very tiring posture. On the other hand, the masters of the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation” and the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation” sit in an ordinary posture. However, the most obvious difference is the round backrest. The rim of this backrest, which is decorated with colored miniature light bulbs, is not meant to support the master’s back. When the priest sits on his chair, the backrest lights up to show the power of the Taoist master who preaches in the deity’s place. At the same time, it decorates the ritual arena of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls.” This kind of ritual arena, with its added lighting, can be found in neither the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation” nor the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation,” nor even in other Taoist rituals in Mainland China. Features of the Taoist Ritual in the Cantonese Region 1. Taoism from the Cantonese Region Crossed the Lines Drawn between Schools and Assimilated Their Characteristics The Cantonese region is far from the central plains of China. The level of its culture is not as high as in the central plains or in the Jiangnan region. Therefore, it is less conservative and it has always welcomed the more advanced culture of other regions. In addition, the Cantonese region engaged in maritime and land trade early in its history, which helped this area to open up its culture to other, more advanced cultures. In fact, Taoism in the Cantonese region was imported from the central plains of China. Once rooted in the region, it continued to absorb Taoist ideology and rituals from other regions. In this cultural context, the Quanzhen School of the Cantonese region, based on the Quanzhen “Iron Bottle Ritual of Sublimation,” absorbed the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation” of the Jiangnan region and the ritual of sublimation of other Taoist Schools to create its “Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls.” On the other hand, Taoism

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in the Jiangnan region emphasized the difference between schools more and challenged its own tradition less. It seldom absorbed rituals from other schools. 2. Taoism from the Cantonese Region Absorbed all Kinds of Elements and so Developed Innovatively Given the special geography and history of their region, the Cantonese people kept the tradition of absorbing new ideas. They absorbed new ideas from the central plains of China and renewed them. Taoists in the Cantonese region did the same. “The Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” is the creative and innovative by-product of the ritual of sublimation of the Quanzhen School. Another outstanding example is the “Ritual of Scattering Flowers and Communicating with Spirits through Lanterns,” created at the end of the Qing Dynasty. Taoism in the Jiangnan region has also shown some innovation, but its scope cannot be compared with that of Taoist rituals in the Cantonese region and the creation of ritual is still rare. 3. Taoism in the Cantonese Region Aims at Splendor and Perfection in Its Use of Ornaments and Music in the Rituals Given the special features of its geography, language, and music, the culture of the Cantonese region is marked by great diversity. Its music is varied; its art is full of dense colors, and its literature is flowery. In addition, it has had close links with other regions for over a hundred years. With its economical support and the diversity of its culture, the Cantonese region has helped other Chinese cultures to grow. In this context, its Taoism emphasizes the splendor of the ritual arena and the melody of ritual music. It even integrates a new type of lighting and sound effects into the tradition. This is rare in the Taoism of the Jiangnan region and of the central plains of China because these limited their use to simpler, slower music without any added modern lighting effects. 4. Taoism in the Cantonese Region Emphasizes the Pragmatic Function of Rituals, Which Is to Release Souls Given the unfavorable natural conditions and external trade, people of this region emphasize pragmatism and do not set great store by splendor. Confucianism emphasizes “practical governance,” whereas Taoist

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and Buddhist rituals emphasize the pragmatic function of releasing souls. The most popular Taoist ritual of the Hunan region is “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” and the “Ritual of Scattering Flowers and Communicating with Spirits through Lanterns,” which are both rituals for releasing souls. Taoism in the Jiangnan region and of the central plains of China is different. For some famous Taoist rituals of the Jiangnan region, like the ritual of sending a memorial (called also “complete memorial” or “sending grand memorial”), “audience” (“audience with the Nine Palaces of the Hell” and “Audience with the fire bureau,” etc.), and “summon (spirit generals) with talisman” (called also “complete talisman” or “sending talisman”), the procedures are protracted and the ritual arenas are installed in great pomp. However, the function of these rituals is only to send memorials and summon spirit generals. These foreshadow the releasing of souls but have no direct impact on their release. These rituals can also be found in the Cantonese region, but do not on the whole play an important role there.

THE THEATRICAL CHARACTER OF TAOIST RITUALS Liu Zhongyu Ritual techniques (法术) are important religious practices and indispensable components of Taoism. A ritual technique controls the body and nature, all things concrete, and also the imaginary transformation of spirits with the aid of a supernatural mysterious force. There were several systems of ritual techniques in Taoist history. From the primitive techniques of the Orthodox Unity to the Orthodox ritual of Five Thunders, which was very popular under the Northern Song and the Southern Song Dynasties, all these ritual techniques had a considerable impact on Taoism and contemporary society. From an atheistic standpoint, the efficacy of these ritual techniques may appear purely imaginary and ridiculous. However, Taoists and Taoist followers look for consolation and the relief of anxiety and fear in their practice. For two thousands years, the transmission of Taoist ritual techniques inside or outside the Taoist community has never been interrupted and some people believe in their functions. The theatrical feature of Taoist ritual techniques enhances their followers’ trust in them. This trust has social and psychological bearings, too. So the understanding of the theatrical characteristics of Taoist ritual techniques will help to comprehend how they exert an influence on their followers and society at large. In the evolution of Taoist ritual techniques, some kinds of stylized procedures were formed. In Taoism, they are called kefan 科范, yifan 仪范, keyi 科仪, fa 法, or dafa 大法. The word kefan, which means liturgy, names the form of the ritual, whereas the word fa names its content. In fact, the performance of any ritual technique requires a certain standard procedure, which the Taoist master performs according to a predetermined set of rules (“xingchi 行持” in jargon) we call ritual. This kind of ritual, which aims at transforming its object instantly and directly, is different from the sacrifice, which essentially represents the veneration of deities, and the self-cultivation ritual, which aims at cultivating the practitioner’s body and mind in his quest for immortality. As a key part of Taoist liturgy, the ritual techniques include numerous complex elements. However, we will only concern ourselves with their theatrical feature.

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The performance of Taoist ritual techniques is called “practicing the Tao 行道” or “performing the ritual 演法.” The expression “practice the Tao” comes from the fact that the ritual techniques themselves are the application of the Tao. The technique embodies the Tao and is also the process of the performance. The expression “performing the ritual” shows more directly the features of the Taoist ritual techniques: it is the performance of the Tao. Both expressions describe the theatrical feature of Taoist ritual techniques. More precisely it links them to art, especially to traditional Chinese theatre. Structure and Details in the Performance of the Ritual Techniques In terms of performance, all rituals are based on the same principle. The structure of the ritual is made up of segments performed in a certain order. A short ritual lasts one or two hours, a long ritual often lasts from seven to 49 days. In a given time interval, incantations, hand seals (or mudras, that is efficacious hand gestures), Pacing of the Big Dipper, sending of a memorial, and summoning of soldiers carried out by the Taoist master and acolytes all constitute the performance of a specific segment. The combination of segments is the performance of the whole ritual. The quality of the performance rests on the quality of each segment. So each detail should be presented as vividly as possible. We will examine some examples: In the chapter on lifting the curtain in the Jinlu fendeng juanlian keyi 金箓分灯卷帘科仪 [Golden Register Ritual of the Distribution of Lamps and Lifting of the Curtain], the scene showing the curtain lifted before the Three Purities, who are ready to receive an audience, is played out on the ritual site only by the Taoist master, like a plot which is progressively unfolding and understood by the spectators. The procedure is as follows: The Taoist master, sticks of incense in hand, announces a “greeting with incense and sincere heart.” The assistant master says: “[t] he Celestial Worthy of the Primordial Beginning of All Heaven! Lift the curtain for the first time!” the acolyte acts as if he is lifting the curtain. The announcer says: “[t]he first lifting of the curtain is over.” The acolytes then song the hymn beginning with “the Celestial Worthy displays the world.” The announcer announces “the joy of Jade Purity.” The acolytes sing: “the Heaven of the Jade Purity is joyful; the Heaven of the Jade Purity is different from other Heavens. The Heaven of the Jade Purity is joyful. The emperor embraces the Vacuity

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in the Heaven. The natural phenomena are seen in eight quarters. The Heaven of the Jade Purity is joyful.” Then it is the turn of the Celestial Worthy of the Numinous Treasure from Jade Heaven and the second lifting the curtain, the Virtuous Celestial Worthy of the Grand Saint and the third lifting curtain. The procedure is similar. Obviously, this way of singing, dancing, and acting to show the process of how the curtain is lifted, can be understood by everyone. In the Huanglu jiuyoujiao wuai yezhai cidiyi 黄箓九幽醮无碍夜斋次第 仪 [Ordered Yellow Register Offering Ritual of the Nine Palaces of Hell and Nocturnal Fast without Obstacle], there is a scene of the cleansing of suffering souls, which then get dressed and attend the preaching. The process of the performance is vivid, too. At 10 pm on the second day, the Taoist master asks the souls, symbolized by a banner for summoning souls, to bathe, saying these words: The Yellow Fountain is a far-away, isolated, and unclean place where the souls suffer from pollution. The black soil is a dark, cold, and unclean place where the spirits are buried. The night is too long, so it is difficult to release the souls. That is why the compassionate Most High and Original Emperor teaches the ritual techniques for getting rid of the dust and the ritual for cleansing and sublimating in order to interrupt the chain of the karma and purge the sins. Today, the chamber is arranged in strict order and perfumed water is prepared. All kinds of perfumes and bath amenities are prepared. Following the procedure for the release of the Three Registers, (I) ask the souls to bathe and cleanse. Then souls are asked to dress well, return to their place, and attend the ritual.

Then the Taoist priest conducts the souls to the ritual bath. Along the way, a Taoist master sprinkles purifying water while reciting the “Inner Music of Heavens” and the “Secret Language of the Great Brahmâ”. He walks in front and purifies the way until the end of this ritualistic play. Another Taoist master stirs the water of the bathtub 32 times from west to south. He recites the Incantation of Bathing and Purifying: “[t]he sky is clear and the five colors are bright. Sun and moon shine and purify the body. The bathtub is full of divine water. The perfumed spring sublimates the spirits. The light illuminates the grotto and can be seen from the Heaven of Highest Purity. The cosmological qi will not be polluted. The five organs receive the spirit. The sins of the three bad destinies are purged while the curse of Hell is dispelled. The bad karma is eradicated while felicity is promised. Today I make a solemn vow and announce to you all, you will be saved, and will enter Heaven.”

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Then he recites the Incantation for Cleansing and and Refining Souls, the Incantation of Yang Cinnabar for Sublimating Souls, and the Incantation of East Transcendence. The internal curtain is lifted after the bath. The Taoist master recites the Incantation of the Hat and the Belt, which signifies that the souls put on hat and belt. Then the external curtain is lifted and Taoist acolytes sing the Song of Divine Water to Release the Soul: “Now uncleanliness is discarded and purification is achieved. The cloth of the rainbow is perfumed and the souls walk slowly and leave the chamber. Facing the shrine of the Three Purities, I announce the ritual of nine appeals. Rules are recited and talismans are transmitted. Transcendence is attained. The wonderful result is achieved while a magnificent destiny is promised. The souls are sublimated and follow their guide.” The last phrase means the expected effect is achieved and Taoist acolytes lead the purified souls to attend the ritual. The procedure is: “[t]he assistant master conducts the souls and a Taoist acolyte sprinkles purifying water along the way. He recites the Inner Music of Heavens and the “Secret Language of the Great Brahmâ” and stops beside the shrine of the Three Purities. Facing the northeast corner he installs the table for the offerings and the cushion for kneeling. With the incense holder in one hand, he stands before the table and leaves the souls on the cushion.” Through the performance of the Taoist master and acolytes, the invisible souls are displayed in the act of taking their bath. The banner for summoning souls is a key ritual tool in the scene of the bath. Although the whole process is vividly played out, some details still need to be understood with some imagination. Among the Numinous Treasure (Lingbao) rituals, there is a “Ritual of Release with a Straw Man.” The straw man is more concrete and vivid in its representation than the banner for summoning souls. In chapter 36 of Jin Yunzhong’s Shangqing lingbao dafa 上清灵宝大法 [Great Rituals of Highest Purity and Numinous Treasure] we find: At first, an actual-sized man or woman’s body is made out of clean straw. It is dressed in a piece of clothing belonging to the deceased person (for whom the ritual is performed); the scripture of the “Secret Language of the Great Brahmâ” is put inside and a contract for ascending to Heaven is fixed on the head. The body is fixed on a scale and hung up in the air. The scales are installed in the ritual dwelling of the soul outside the door. A child holds a white banner for summoning souls. The Taoist master sings the Hymn to the Big Dipper, summoning souls to come and attach themselves to the straw man. If the scale

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tilts on the side because the straw man has become heavier, the banner becomes heavier and falls too. Then we know the soul (of the deceased) has arrived. The Taoist master takes the perfumed water, boiled with the talisman of taiguang, and purifies the site with osier. Taoist acolytes recite the “Secret Language of the Great Brahmâ”. The soul is led to a bath. Then the soul comes before the Three Treasures, is offered talismans, and observes a fast.

The scale tilting is in fact influenced by people’s actions and emotions: if the banner becomes heavier, it is only because the feelings of the person who holds the banner are influenced by the atmosphere. But these all nonetheless serve as proofs of the arrival of the soul. This performance is vivid. The vividness is based on the visuality and the emotions of the spectators and participants. This is especially obvious in the scene of the soul going to the ritual site. The procedure consists in the installation of the shrine of the prison emissary and the officer in charge of arresting souls and offerings. Then: The Taoist master first swallows the talisman of loneliness. He burns a talisman and blows it onto the ritual site. He invites the generals of the divine tiger, the jade maiden, and soldiers. “Now I go to the ritual site with all souls and make them visible.” Then the Taoist master puts the talisman for taking souls in the water and sprays the water in four directions and on the two altars. He burns all the talismans and covers the site with a green tent. He proceeds to burn the order to the emissary of the prisons of Hell. After a moment, a relative (of the deceased) is permitted to enter the site and face the four walls to look from afar at the soul, which looks alive. When the soul is released, two novices, banner in hand, lead the soul out of the ritual site to its place.

The Taoist master asks the novice to enter the green tent. This scene shows the feeling of the relatives when they meet the soul in person. Since the relatives of the dead come to observe the ritual, they believe a priori in the existence of souls. After having entered the ritual site, they are full of sorrow, affection, and other feelings, which easily leads to illusion. The shadow on the wall is no doubt the reflection of the straw man. As the shadow is indistinct it allows the relatives to reconstruct the image of the dead in their mind. Dressed in clothes that belonged to the dead person, the straw man resembles him and the shadow resembles him even more. This is why the relatives believe in the arrival of the soul and cry. The arrival of the soul has been vividly enacted. Now we will see the scene of its “release,” which will be even more so.

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liu zhongyu The Role of Music and Dance in the Theatrical Performance of Taoist Rituals

Music plays an important role in the performance of Taoist rituals, which are accompanied by music almost from beginning to end. In some scenes, the Taoist priest and the acolytes even sing solo or in chorus. In my opinion, the music is played in harmony with both the emotions of participants and the performance of the ritual techniques. The Taoist ritual techniques originate in ancient witchcraft. The major function of ancient witches was to serve deities through song and dance. Why were their activities always linked to song and dance? In religious rituals, the participants often have strong emotions such as fear, terror, reverence, and gratitude. In antiquity, people had an intimate, even licentious relationship with deities. In addition, they did not know how to control their emotions. They sang and danced to express them through rituals. This was the link of ancient witchcraft to music and dance. Taoist music inherited the means ancient witchcraft used to worship gods. However, its music was formed and developed in later periods and its rituals underwent reorganization and arrangement, differing completely from the music and dance of ancient witchcraft, even though their function as the expression of emotions remains identical. In rituals, the function of music for master and acolytes is to evoke emotions—greeting, praise, gratitude, and the like. Since the structure of rituals follows a progressive order, the emotions felt by the Taoists follow its progression. The rhythm of rituals is set by the music. In addition to using music to control emotions and tell a story, Taoists set religious symbols to music. For instance, the symbolic Taoist music “Pacing the Void 步虚”1 has something to do with this kind of representation. In the Taiji zhenren fu lingbaozhai jieyi yaojue 太极真 人敷灵宝 戒仪要诀 [Essential Formula, Rules, and Liturgy of Numinous Treasure Ritual Pronounced by Taiji Immortal] it says:

1 The “Pacing the Void” is also called the “Vacant Grotto Movement of Pacing the Void and Stepping the Non-existence 步虚蹑无虚空洞章,” which refers to the melody sung by immortals in the sky. In his Daoyue kao luegao 道乐考略稿, Chen Guofu retraced its origin to the Yunzhong yinsong xinke jiejing revealed to Kou Qianzhi in AD 415. However, the Duren jing 度人经, which was compiled at the latest in AD 397, contained various hymns of the type of “Pacing the Void,” thus already existing 18 years before Kou Qianzhi. See Liu Zhongyu’s Duren jing yu poluomeng sixiang 度人 经与婆罗门思想, in Xueshu jikan 学术季刊, 1993, n. 3.

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After kneeling, the participants in the fast walk in an orderly line to the left and then around the incense burner three times. Then they sing the “Vacant Grotto Movement of Pacing the Void and Stepping the Nonexistence.” Immortals observe a fast while singing, then go around to climb the Terrace of Seven Treasures ruled by the Most High Lord of Great Tao in the All-encompassing Heaven (. . .). Now we follow suit.

The lyrics of the “Pacing the Void” express the will to follow the “Most High.” In the phrase “greeting the Most High by kneeling, burning incense, and returning to Non-existence” the melody is gentle and flat with little modulation. It is repeated to create a serious, harmonious, and pious atmosphere. Its objective is not only to praise the Tao, but also to transform the world into Heaven and make Taoists and participants feel this transformation. The force of music to adjust emotions and adapt to the acting has a very important role in the ritual. It creates a particular atmosphere and helps its spectators to understand it. For example, in Shanghai, when Taoists enter the ritual site, the melody “Greeting the Divine Guests” is played. Its very name asks for a graceful and lively melody, which shows that Taoists are transformed from ordinary people before entering the ritual site into immortals. In the ritual for sending memorials, the offerings are presented with the “Ode of Offering Flowers,” played on wind and percussion instruments. This melody is very lively and creates a dynamic and sincere atmosphere. In the ritual of sending talismans of the Changshu region, the scene, set at Yujing Mountain, is told in the “Ode of Jade Altar.” The lyric is as follows: “the Jade Altar is installed in the Yujing Mountain and is very close to the Heaven. The god comes down on a feather chariot and takes his imperial place. The pearl curtain is lifted so that the god’s face can be seen. The soft melody is played with golden bell and jade stone while the precious terrace is lit up by phoenix candles and dragon lamps. All the immortals arrive and the world is full of happiness and blessing.” The phrases are articulated by drums in order to create a propitious atmosphere. In the chapter on audience in the Ritual of Performing the Tao and Morning audience, there is a distinctive and pleasing dialogue, called “Rhapsody of Longevity,” between the transmitter, played by a drummer, and the Taoist priest before he enters the court: The Star of Good Fortune, the Star of Prosperity, and the Star of Longevity show their propitious colors in the shadow of the clouds. The moon goes out of the imperial palace. The Cowherd Star and the

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liu zhongyu Weavergirl Star stop their loom. The East Dipper, the West Dipper, and Middle Dipper shine in the sky and will come down to the altar. The Northern Dipper and the Southern Dipper stop playing chess. Dongfang Shuo comes across the Eastern Sea holding a peach in one hand, and smiles. Zhang Guolao comes down with his donkey. Mister Zhongli comes in a boat. Immortal Guojiu has fabricated several pieces of golden cinnabar and presents the medicine of longevity. He Xiangu, with her earnestness, guards over the tree and offers the flower that never withers. Lü Dongbin comes across Lake Dongting with a calabash on his back. Han Xiangzi plays the divine music with his jade flute. Lan Caihe, whose arrival is preceded by the sound of his ring and pendant, comes to give longevity. Playing the flute, Tieguai Li presents the goblet of cloud. The Star of Literature kicks the Dipper and glares. The Lord of Zitong blesses a candidate to the imperial examination. Cranes hold purple grass in their beaks to present auspicious items, while divine birds hold red paper in their beaks to present good fortune. Green birds fly and dance around. This is the sign of the arrival of the Empress, who comes to offer the divine peach. The sound of ring and pendant is the sign of the arrival of the Purple Maiden, who comes holding the divine jujube. The Celestial officer comes to give felicity, while Zhang Xian comes to give fecundity. The palace is reopened in the Nine Heavens. All the immortals come for the audience. The introduction is not over, but the reporting officer has already arrived. All officers are stern looking and take their place according to the order. Music strikes up and the memorial is read to greet the master.2

This dialogue should be said with inflexion and rhythm while being acted out. After the prologue, the meaning of the next action, “playing music” to greet the master, will be clearer. This musical performance affects not only Taoists but also spectators. The prologue is easy to understand: all immortals assemble at the altar. The invited master comes to the Jade Pool. Then he will carry out the ritual before all immortals. Since the function of music in ritual consists in adjusting emotions and representing a narrative line, it lends rhythm to the whole ritual. Through the variations of the rhythm, music leads the ritual from the beginning to the end. So its role is all- important as the several examples I have mentioned show.

2 In this text, some words and phrases are difficult to understand. For example, Zhang Guolao’s “donkey” might be “footstep of the donkey.” “He Xiangu keeps the tree” might be “He Xiangu keeps the jade tree,” in the vernacular language of Changshu. There is also an error in the name of Caihe. The reason is probably that Taoists copied the scripture many times and so introduced errors.

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Music is the key artistic element of the Taoist ritual. In recent years, researchers have noticed the meaning of the hand seal as body language in the Taoist ritual and as a feature of the dance used in rites such as the Pacing of the Big Dipper, Circumambulating the altar, and displaying Flowers. They have also shown that some ritual scenes resembled musical performances. A discussion of this research is beyond the scope of the present chapter, but all those elements show the function of performance in Taoist rituals. Similarities and Differences between Performances of Taoist Rituals and the Theatrical Performances As a whole, Taoist ritual shares some features with traditional Chinese theater. The latter is a combination of music, dance, recitation of poems, costumes, and use of stage props. In the past, Taoism was often related to theater. Taoist ritual techniques, such as arresting demons, flying on clouds, even interrogating ghosts were performed on stage. Stories such as “The Eight Immortals Crossing the Sea,” “Master Sa Interrogating Bitaohua at Night,” and “Yueyang Tower” were always a source of inspiration for the theater. At the same time, Taoist ritual techniques absorbed some elements from popular theater. Taoist music shared a common style with the regional theater and music. They had the same origin and influenced each other, creating similarities between Taoist ritual and theater. In terms of motif, each play has its specific motif while Taoist ritual has its clear storyline, which is at the core of rituals such as arresting a demon, praying for rain, and chasing away an epidemic. In terms of program, theater and Taoist rituals are all made of music, dance, and poetry. Plots progress and are articulated according to specific motifs. In terms of the general feature of the performance, traditional Chinese theater resorts to symbolism to create a certain atmosphere. It underscores the internal rather than the external similarity, especially in scenes where music and dance are used. The Taoist ritual is a process through which invisible spirits are evoked. The whole performance is in the spirit of “offering up a sacrifice as if god was there.” The Taoist master intervenes in the world of spirits in his imagination. In the theater, ten thousand soldiers can be represented by four soldiers holding banners. A march of thousands of kilometers is represented by several circles on stage. In the Taoist ritual, the Pacing of

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the Big Dipper symbolizes flying in the sky, while raising a tally symbolizes commanding celestial soldiers. They are different in approach but equally effective. As to the participants, actors are asked to have experience and to be emotionally involved in their role. On the other hand, Taoists conducted by the Taoist master must meditate to become involved in the performance and change their emotions to adapt to the relationship between deities and humans, for example, awe and praise when facing the deity, anger when facing demons, and compassion when summoning wandering souls. These elements shared with theater give Taoist rituals a theatrical feature. However, Taoist ritual is not theater. No Taoist master thinks his performance is only a theatrical performance. There are three main differences between them. First, the representations they create are different. Theater creates representations of human characters. The famous playwright Li Yu wrote: “[e]ven though there are a lot of characters in a drama, they are all supporting roles. A drama is written for one person only. For this person, from the beginning to the end, there are many themes, such as separation, reunion, sorrow, and happiness; they are all superfluous. A drama is one story only. This one person and one story are at the core of drama.” Otherwise, it would be like “a pearl necklace without a thread and a house without a roof beam. The author would have no clue, while the spectators would remain mute.”3 On the other hand, the Taoist master transforms himself into a deity and summons the divine generals to join in the ritual and to create a virtual image different from that prior to the ritual. Nevertheless, the aim of the ritual does not consist in creating representations. If the Taoist master or acolytes play certain roles, like deities or divine generals, it is to accomplish a particular religious mission. When an actor plays a character, he and the spectators know the role is not real, but should be considered real so as to attain the expected effects. Second, their theatrical expressions are different. As mentioned above, the Taoist ritual consists of more than music and dance; these are only secondary elements. The main languages of the performance of the Taoist ritual are the talismans, the incantations, and other ritual

3 Li Yu, Xianqing ouji 闲情偶寄, quoted in the Zhongguo gudian xiqu lunzhu jicheng 中 国古典戏曲论著集成. Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1959, second edition 1980, vol. 7, p. 14.

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media; pacing and hand seals are also used. These actions are classified according to their rhythm, but their artistic feature is not their main quality. Their main quality lies in the way they control objects through sincerity and conviction. Hand seals are radically different from orchid-shaped fingers (hand gestures used by actors in theater). The Pacing of the Big Dipper, although comprising dance, consists of flying to Heaven and controlling spirits and objects and is clearly different from the circles paced on stage. The significance of such performative languages is determined by religious doctrines and does not exist in theater. For instance, the scene of summoning the Spiritual Officer in Taoist ritual consists of sending the talisman, pacing the Dipper, and forming the hand seal, actions which are matched by religious dialogues. Even the scene of the arrival of the Spiritual Officer on the altar is not represented by an actor playing the role. On the other hand, in the Yue opera Chasing Fish, the actor who plays the Spiritual Officer should be represented with a steel baton in hand and accompanied by lightning, thunder, and drums. The three-headed god in the Taoist rite of Tianpeng could very well be played by the Chuan Opera Changing Face technique. However, the scene in the Taoist ritual is represented only through incantation, hand seal, and meditation. Even though spectators understand what the Taoist master is doing, they can only imagine the Marshall of the Heavenly Canopy, instead of seeing a real player acting out the scene. The Marshall’s actions, like sending eagles and dogs to hunt the “demon,” are represented by talismans, incantations, and hand seals. These scenes would be represented by martial action in theater. Third, the most important difference lies in the fact that their functions are completely different. Theater was related to witchcraft and sacrifice in its infancy. However, when it developed along its own lines, its main object became aesthetic and consisted in creating aesthetic shows. On the other hand, the function of the Taoist ritual, purely utilitarian, consists in controlling objects, spirits, and the transformations of the body. The aesthetic function of the theater is shown on stage, whereas the religious function of the Taoist ritual is realized only at the end of the ritual or in the imagination. The performance, with Taoists trying their best to make spectators understand the ritual, is not their main objective. Thus, Taoist ritual bears only some resemblance to theater. It is the presentation of a certain religious ideology whose function is realized through the performance of different actions.

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liu zhongyu The Theatrical Function of Taoist Rituals and Their Impact on Society

The theatrical function of Taoist rituals was decisive for their circulation in society at large. Through this function, spectators could understand and learn the significance of Taoist rituals and appreciate them. Without them, Taoism would have found it very difficult to survive for almost 2,000 years. First, ritual performances evoke, reinforce, and propagate the followers’ beliefs. The realization of rituals is based upon certain convictions or concepts. For instance, the precondition for the popular ritual of praying for rain is that people believe Heaven or a Celestial Officer controls the rain and the Taoist master is capable of controlling and influencing Heaven or Celestial Officers through his ritual techniques. The precondition for the funeral ritual “Breaking Hell” (opening the door to Hell and saving souls) and “Sublimation” (conducting souls to Heaven through water and fire) is a belief in the existence of Heaven and Hell. For any Taoist ritual, the precondition is the belief in the mysterious powers of the Taoist master. The performance of rituals enhances this kind of belief. Through stylized performances, this belief is carried over to ordinary people. Hence, Taoist rituals have the function of explaining abstract notions and communicating with imaginary ghosts or with deities. A complete ritual of sublimation includes the transformation of the spirit, the universal summons (summoning souls of five realms), the incantation on food (transforming ordinary food through incantation into ritual food in order to feed ghosts and spirits), sublimation through water (sublimating the form of the soul ), and the sublimation through fire (sublimating the spirit of the soul ). The aim of the sublimation through water and fire is to release the soul and transform it into a divine fetus (using the imagination). The announcement of the three refuges and nine rules, the crossing of the celestial bridge, and the rebirth in Heaven clearly shows the patron and spectators alike the Taoist concept of the fate and release of the soul.4 4 This point is clearer if we compare Taoist rituals with the Buddhist ritual of Flaming Mouth ( yankou). The objective and the function of those rituals are similar— releasing souls from the suffering of the Six Realms, according to Buddhism, or the Five Realms and Nirvana, according to Taoism. However, the Taoist ritual of sublimation transforms the soul through water and fire so that the form and the spirit of the soul become numinous and are unified with the Tao, whereas the Buddhist ritual of the Flaming Mouth consists of releasing the spirit of the soul instead of its form. The different objectives represent the different ways to salvation and the different

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Second, the performance of Taoist rituals shows abstract power controlling fortune. The Taoist ritual is very subjective. It does not inevitably transform the form of things and attain the expected effects. As to spirits, they are only figments of the imagination. The pursuit of ghosts does not inevitably prove the existence of ghosts. The ritual of driving away the evil spirits of epidemic does not prove the existence of epidemic spirits. Generally speaking, the effects of these rituals are imaginary. If it rains after a ritual, it is coincidental. As Xunzi of the Warring States period said, if it rains after the ritual of praying for rain, that is not surprising; it is the same if it does not rain after the ritual. Nevertheless, through the performance of the Taoist master, the spectators, surprised and touched, believe the Taoist master can really command the gods of thunder and rain. If it rains at that moment, the efficacy of the ritual is proved. In fact, the ritual of praying for rain is rarely effective. Lin Lingsu of the Song Dynasty, benefiting from the favor of Emperor Huizong, who considered him to be a real immortal, occasionally proved the efficacy of his ritual of praying for rain.5 But the vivid performance of the Taoist master evokes the spectators’ belief in immortals as if they were in their presence. If the ritual is not effective, people will believe it is a punishment from Heaven or it is caused by their own insincerity. Except for some rational minds, most believe in the efficacy of Taoist rituals because they “see” and “feel” the arrival of the gods. Hence the favor it has found in society at large. Third, Taoist rituals give great spiritual force and consolation to their followers and spectators. The performance of the ritual is based on the trust the followers place in the Taoist master. People turn to the Taoist master for help only when they encounter difficulties and feel depression, fear, and helplessness. Through the performance, the Taoist master shows people how to resolve problems by consoling them. In this regard, Taoist ritual is “effective.” Maybe this is why all kinds of rituals are patronized. In the past, epidemics were rife and the Taoist master would be invited to preside over the ritual for driving epidemics away. In some areas, the Pure Ritual of Great Peace (including the

ideologies of the two religions. Buddhism underscores the sublimation of the spirit because, according to it, the form is only mortal flesh, whereas Taoism emphasizes the sublimation of the spirit and the form because it aims at eternity. 5 Treatise on Diviners and masters of techniques, in Songshi 宋史.

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ritual for driving away epidemics) would be held every couple of years to prevent epidemics. Today, sanitation is better and the ritual for driving away epidemics is less in demand. However, in many regions, especially Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan, the ritual of driving away epidemics is still often held. The social basis of this ritual is to pray for peace in a local community. The ritual for driving away epidemics is a vivid performance. Generally, the Taoist master prepares a ritual boat made of paper or straw. In the coastal region of Fujian and Taiwan, the ritual boat is made of wood, just like a real boat, and loaded with all kinds of things. The performance includes song, recitation, and hand seals. The gods of epidemic are invited “in the flower boat” to enjoy a last banquet before being sent away again on the boat. Then “the paper boat will be burnt and the light will illuminate the sky.” As to the Taoist master, he imagines in his meditation that gods and ghosts vanish in the fire. The wooden boat will be burnt or sent to sea. When the spectators attend the ritual, they understand that the gods of epidemic vanish, regain a feeling of safety, and all their fears, doubts, and anxieties are dissolved. In the funeral ritual, through visible performance, patrons are satisfied because they observe filial piety or parental love. In traditional Chinese funerals, a Taoist or a Buddhist monk is often invited. Filial piety and parental love are key social elements.6 The founder of the Ming Dynasty, Zhu Yuanzhang, who had been a poor commoner when young, said: “[i]n the families of officers or ordinary people, the funeral should be presided over by a Taoist or Buddhist monk. Otherwise, parents would be judged as uncompassionate and children would be judged as unfilial. They would be ashamed to face their neighbors.”7 He wrote about the situation in the Ming Dynasty, which

Chinese feelings toward a relative’s death have greatly evolved. Despite the grief that is a permanent element, before the Eastern Han Dynasty, the fear that bad luck from the dead influenced the living or that the dead attacked the living was predominant. That is why shamans and later Taoists broke the chain of contamination and cut off the road to the tomb through rituals in order to radically separate the dead from the living. One important reason is that at that time there was no concept of reincarnation. After this concept was imported from India, people sought to improve the conditions of souls through all kinds of actions. So the followers of Buddhism or Taoism believed they could satisfy the dead only through the rituals of Flaming Mouth, Sublimation, or Breaking Hell. 7 Yuzhi xuanjiao zhaijiao yiwen xu 御制玄教斋醮仪文序, in Daming xuanjiao licheng zhaijiao yifan 大明玄教立成 醮仪范. 6

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was different from today. However, it is still current to invite a Taoist or a Buddhist monk to release a soul. The psychological need for this kind of ritual is related to the feeling of filial piety or parental love. As mentioned above, through the performance of cleansing, transforming the soul, and sending it to Heaven, the worshipper actually feels that the suffering of the soul of his relative in Hell is relieved through the whole ritual and his efforts (money paid for the ritual ). His pain is also eased and his psychological balance is re-established. Through rituals, people’s psychological state is improved and culture is made alive again. With their followers’ support, Taoist rituals continue to exist and influence society.

INDEX Academia Sinica, 57 action. See non-action alchemy, 78, 96 All Physical Things Contain the Tao, 281–283 ancient qi, 130–131 angelica, 299–300 animals compassion toward, 272–273, 287–290 man vs., 282 Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity (Wang Yuanyou), 66–70, 72–74, 78, 83–84 Annotation to the Lao-tzu (Sun Deng), 164 Annotation to the Lao-tzu (Cheng Xuanying), 162–163 Annotations to the Tao Te Ching, 168 Anterior Heaven Golden Ritual of Doumu for Saving and Sublimating Souls, 309, 311, 312–314, 319–320 Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls, 309, 311–315, 319–322 Anthology of Central Harmony, 193 anthropocentrism, 278 apocalypse of the Six Heavens, 133–134 Arcane Learning, 90–91 art, scholarship on Taoist, 19 art of the body, 212 art of the spirit, 212 ascension to Heaven belief, 96 Authenticity Cavern (Dongzhen), 63, 66, 255 Bai Bin (Zhongguo daojiao kaogu [The Archaeology of Chinese Taoism]), 55 Bai Yunji (Daozang mulu xiangzhu [Detailed Comments on the Catalogue of the Taoist Canon]), 59 Baihuazhou Literature and Art Publishing House, 39 Baima Li, 238 Baiyun Temple, 51, 52, 221, 226, 227, 238–239 Bajiaolang of Dingzhou tombs, 55 Ban Gu, 122–123

Hanshu, “Treatise on Literature,” 45, 55 “Treatise of the Jiao Sacrifice,” 122 “Treatise on Literature,” 45 Banchi Temple, 228 Bao Sanyang, 240 Baoliang, 167 Baopu zi (Ge Hong), 285 “Daoyi,” 127 “Duisu,” 128 “Mingben,” 127 “Neipian,” 127 “Qinqiu,” 127–128 “Weizhi,” 287 Baopuzi on clicking teeth, 70 Preface and Method of Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains, 83 on talismans, 79 Baopuzi, 77–78 Baopuzi (Ge Hong) “Xialan,” 46, 69–70 “Zaying,” 70 Baopuzi neipian de shizhi ji xianyao [An Explanation of Zhi and the Elixir of Baopuzi neipian] (Chen Guofu), 12 Baopuzi neipian (Ge Hong), 12, 263, 268, 271 Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi [A Critical and Commented Edition to the Inner Chapters of the Baopuzi ] (Wang Ming), 27, 136 Baopuzi waipian jiaojian [A Collation and Annotation of Baopuzi waipian] (Yang Minghao), 27 BaShu daojiao beiwen jicheng [A Collection of the Taoist Stone Inscriptions in Sichuan] (Huang Haide and Long Zianzhao), 27, 56 Bashu shushe, works published, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 35, 36, 37, 39, 53, 56 basil, 299–301 “Baxian kao” [Studies on Eight Immortals] (Pu Jiangqing), 11 beifeng, 139 Beifeng, Duke of, 144, 145 Beifeng Palace, 138 Beifengdu Palace, 138

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Beijing Daily, 18 Beijing Normal University Publishing House, 34 Beijing University, 25 Beijing University Press, 35, 56 Beijing Yanshan Press, 27, 32, 34, 35, 37, 38 Beijing Zhonghua tushuguan xiehui, 10 “Beiping Baiyun guan daoxue yuanyuan kao” [Studies on the Evolution of Taoist Study in the Baiyun Temple in Peking] (Luosang pengcuo), 13 Beiyou yulu [Recorded Sayings during a Voyage to the North] (Qiu Chuji), 217, 220 Bencao gangmu [Compendium of Materia Medica], 299, 300 Bencao zhengyi [True Meaning of Materia Medica] Herba Artemisiae Capillaris (Zhang Shanlei), 305 benevolence, 272–273 “Benevolent Book,” 253 Benji jing [Scripture of the Original Ultimate], 167–168 Benxing suyuan jing, 127, 138 Benyuan jing (Scripture of the Fundamental Vow), 254–255 Bi Yuan, 232 Bian Shao (Laozi ming [Inscription of Lao-tzu]), 94 Bian Zhizhong (Zhongguo daojiao michuan yangsheng changshoushu [Chinese Taoist Esoteric Techniques of Self-Cultivation Regimen and Longevity]), 37 Biandao lun [Essay on the Debate on the Tao] (Cao Zhi), 105 Bianhuo lun [An Essay on Analyse of Doubts] (Shi Xuanguang), 80 biaoge, 254 Big Demon King of Six Heavens, 133 Big Demon of Six Heavens, 133 Big Evil King of Six Heavens, 133 “Biography of Zang Tao” (Songshu), 107 “Bixia yuanjun” [The Mount Tai Goddess] (Luo Xianglin), 12 Biyuan tanjing (Wang Changyue), 232, 250 Biyuan Temple, 232 Bo Yuchan, 247 the body basic elements of ( jing, qi, shen), 183, 184–185 mind limited by, 202

in philosophical and religious Taoism, 177–178 realization of the Tao through, 179 universe in the, 280 body and heart, 192, 200 body and spirit, double cultivation of, 210, 212 body of the law, 236 Bohai bay, 213 Bojian (Wang Changyue), 242 Bojian xu (Sequel to the Examination of the Bowl), 226, 227 Book of Exercises, 55 Book of the Yellow Emperor (Yellow Emperor), 93 Book of Transformations (Tan Qiao), 194, 195–196 Book on Retribution, 253 Bore xinjing [Heart of Perfect Wisdom Sutra], 211 Bottomless Spirit of High Heaven, 130, 141–142 Bowu zhi (Zhang Hua), 108 Breaking Hell ritual, 334 Brief Introduction of Taoist Stone and Metal Inscriptions. (Chen Yuan, Chen Zhichao), 56 Bu Shi, 108 Buchu Xiamen xing (Cao Cao), 115 Buddha, 74, 84, 97–100, 167 Buddhism Chinese culture and, 96 Chinese literature in introducing, 117 Heart and Nature study, 212 morality books, 260–261 self-cultivation regimen, 206–207 Taoism and, 87, 94–100, 163 Buddhist Canon, 48, 60 Buddhist sutras, catalogue of, 48 Bufeiqian gongdeli [Merits without Spending Money], 259–260 Bugang tadou daojiao jili yishi [Pacing the Big Dipper—Taoist Ritual ] (Zhang Zehong), 39 Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology of Academia Sinica, 21 Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica, 10, 12 Buzhenkong lun [Against True Emptiness] (Sengzhao), 165

index Cai Jingfeng (“Jindai yixuejia Ge Hong” [A Medical Scientist in the Jin Dynasty: Ge Hong]), 18 Cai Shao (“Song Shenxiao yuqing wanshou gong zhaoshi kaoshi” [Studies on the Imperial Stele of Shenxiao Yuqing Wanshou Temple of the Song Dynasty]), 13 Cai Yuanpei xiansheng liushiwu sui lunwenji [Essays Dedicated to the 5th Anniversary of Cai Yuanpei (vol.2)], 9 “The Canon of Immortal Scriptures of Spirit Cavern,” 49 “The Canon of the Precious Scriptures of Mystery Cavern,” 49 “The Canon of the Precious Scriptures of the Three Caverns,” 49 “The Canon of the Scriptures of Great Mystery,” 49 “The Canon of the Scriptures of Great Peace,” 49 “The Canon of the Scriptures of Great Purity,” 49 “The Canon of the Scriptures of Orthodox Unity,” 49 “The Canon of the True Scriptures of Great Cavern,” 49 Cantong zhizhi [Explanation of the Zhouyi cantongqi ] (Liu Yiming), 244 Cao Benye Shanghai Baiyunguan shishi keyi yinyue yanjiu [Studies on the Ritul of Feeding Hungry Ghosts: Ritual Music of Shanghai Baiyun Temple], 38 Wudangshan daojiao yinyue yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Music from Wudang Mountain], 38 Zhongguo daojiao yinyue shilüe [A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Music], 38 Cao Cao Buchu Xiamen xing, 115 Duange xing, 115 Jinglie, 115 “Letter to Huangpu Long,” 109 literary achievements, Taoism’s relation to, 113–117 “Nineteen Ancient Poems,” 116 regime of, 101–107 self-cultivation regimen of, 107–113 Shanzai xing, 115 Sishi shizhi [Food of the Four Seasons], 108 Cao Huanyang, 247

341

Cao Yuanyu (“Ge Hong yiqian zhi jindan shilüe” [A Brief History of Taoist Alchemy before Ge Hong]), 12 Cao Zhenyang (Daodejing zhujie [An Annotation of the Tao Te Ching]), 28 Cao Zhi (Biandao lun [Essay on the Debate on the Tao]), 105 Catalogue and Index of the Taoist Scriptures Quoted in the Documents from the Six Dynasties, Tang, and Song Dynasties (Ofuchi Ninji, Ishii Masako), 60 “Catalogue of All Spirits from Lao-tzu,” 142 Catalogue of the Scripture of Great Peace, 56 Catalogue of Xuandu, 47 Catalogue on the Taoist Scriptures of Dunhuang (Ofuchi Ninji), 56 Cathay Bookshop, 31, 54 Celestial Doctor, 296–297 Celestial Emperor Lord of Virtual Venerable Man, 129 Heavenly Master, 47 Celestial Worthy of Original Beginning, 268 Central Daily News, 11 Central Yellow Supreme Unity (Zhonghuang taiyi), 102 Chan Buddhism, 184, 235 Chan School, 175, 237 Chang’an Zhongnanshan daojiao shilüe [A Brief History of the Taoism of Chang’an and Zhongnan Mountains] (Fan Guangchun), 30, 42 Changchun. See Qiu Chuji Changchun daojiao yuanliu (Chen Minggui), 222, 230, 231, 242 Changchun Daojiao yuanliu kao [The History of the Taoist School founded by (Qiu) Changchun] (Chen Minggui), 10 Changchun Temple, 227 Changchun zhenren benxing bei [Stele of the Biography of Changchun zhenren (Qiu Chuji)] (Chen Shike), 217 Changchun zhenren xiyou ji (Li Zhichang), 217, 220 Changchun zhenren xiyouji jiaozhu [Collation and Annotation of Changchun Zhenren Xiyouji ] (Wang Guowei), 9 Changdao Temple, 231 Changes, Confucian teachings on the, 45 Changge xing, 113 Changsheng busi de tanqiu daojing Zhengao zhimi [The Search for Longevity—The

342

index

Enigma of the Taoist Scripture Zhengao] (Zhong Laiyin), 28 Chaoyuan Temple, 230 Chaoyue xinxing ershi shiji Zhongguo daojiao wenhua xueshu lunji [Transcending Nature—Essays on Twentieth-Century Chinese Taoist Culture] (Zhang Guangbao), 31 charity, 260 Chart of Physical Training, 55 Chasing Fish, 333 Chemistry, 17 Chen Bing (Daojiao qigong baiwen [A Hundred Questions on Taoist Qigong]), 36 “Chen Bixu yu Chen Tuan xuepaiChen Jingyuan Laozi Zhuangzi zhu jiaoji fu Chen Tunan xuepu” [Chen Bixu and Chen Tuan School-Notes on Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu Annotated by Chen Jingyuan published together with the Intellectual Chronicle of Chen Tunan] (Meng Wentong), 9–10 Chen Guofu, 8, 26 Baopuzi neipian de shizhi ji xianyao [An Explanation of Zhi and the Elixir of Baopuzi neipian], 12 “Daoguan kaoyuan” [Studies on the Evolution of Taoist Temples], 13 “Daojiao lüegao” [An Essay on Taoism], 12 Daoyue kao lüegao [An Essay on Taoist Music], 14–15 Daozang yuanliu kao, 9, 12, 13, 14 Daozang yuanliu xukao, 27 Jieshao Chen Zhixu de Jindan dayao [An Introduction of Chen Zhixu’s Essential on Cinnabar], 12 Louguan kao [Studies on the Louguan Temple], 13 Nanbeichao Tianshidao kao changbian [An Outline of the Heavenly Master School in the Southern and Northern Dynasties], 15, 129 Shuo Zhouyi cantongqi yu neidan waidan [Studies on the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi and Taoist Inner and External Alchemy], 15 Studies on the Evolution of the Taoist Canon, 59 Taishang laojun xuwu ziran benqi jing [Scripture of the Origins of the Void Spontaneity by the Most High Old Lord], 129

“Zhongguo huangbaishu shilüe” [A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Alchemy], 17 Zhongguo waidan huangbaifa kao [Studies on Taoist Laboratory Alchemy], 35 Zhongguo waidan huangbaishu kaolun lüegao [An Essay on Chinese Taoist Laboratory Alchemy], 15 Chen Guying, Yizhuan yu daojia sixiang [The Tradition of the Book of Changes and Taoist Thought], 31 Chen Huida (Collection of Articles Written by Sengzhao preface), 166 Chen Jiaoyou (Changchun daojiao yuanliu), see Chen Minggui Chen Laogan, 54, 231, 238 Chen Linsheng (Daodejing de shiyong jiazhi zhexue bufen [The Practical Value of Tao Te Ching (Chapter on Philosophy)]), 31 Chen Manyan (“Woguo gudai huaxuejia Ge Hong” [The Story of a Chinese Chemist: Ge Hong]), 17 Chen Min (Daojiao xue [Taoist Studies]), 40 Chen Minggui Changchun daojiao yuanliu [The History of the Taoist School founded by (Qiu) Changchun], 10, 222 Chen Qiaoyun, 228, 238 Chen Qingjue, 231 Chen Shike (Changchun zhenren benxing bei [Stele of the Biography of Changchun zhenren (Qiu Chuji)]), 217 Chen Tao (Qigong kexue changshi [The General Scientific Knowledge of Qigong]), 18 Chen Tuan, 210, 213 Chen Xia (Daojiao quanshanshu yanjiu [Taoist Morality Books]), 33 Chen Xiaoqin (Zhongguo xianhua [Chinese Legends of the Immortals]), 34 Chen Xuanying, 162, 163, 281 Chen Yaoting, 53 Dao xian ren [The Tao, Immortals and Humans], 32 Daojia yangshengshu [Taoist SelfCultivation Techniques], 37 Daojiao zai haiwai [Taoism Overseas], 29 Daozang suoyin [Concordance to the Taoist Canon], 60 Zangwai daoshu [Extra-canonical Taoist Texts], 27, 53 Chen Yingning, 13, 19, 202

index Daojiao yu yangsheng [Taoism and SelfCultivation Regimen], 37 Daojiaoshi ziliao [Documents on the History of Taoism], 57 Huangting jing jiangyi [Lecture on the Scripture of Yellow Court], 13 “Laozi wushizhang yanjiu” [Studies on 50 Chapters of Lao-tzu], 15 Lingyuan dadao ge baihua zhushi [An Annotation in Modern Chinese of the Great Tao of Divine Source Song], 13 “Lun Siku tiyao bushi Daojia xueshu zhi quanti” [On the “Summary of the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries” ignoring part of the Taoist Studies], 15 “Nanhua neiwaipian fenzhang biaozhi” [An Abstract of each chapter of the Chuang-tzu], 15 Sun Bu’er nügong neidan cidishi zhu [An Annotation of Sun Bu’er’s Poem on the Procedures of Female Alchemy], 12–13 Chen Yinke, 8 “Cui Hao yu Kou Qianzhi” [Cui Hao and Kou Qianzhi ], 15 “Tianshi Dao yu Binhai diyu zhi guanxi” [The Relationship Between the Heavenly Master School and the Coastal Region], 10 Chen Yuan, 26 Daojia jinshi lüe [Brief Introduction of Taoist Stone and Metal Inscriptions], 27, 56 “Li Zhichang zhi zunian” [The Date of the Death of Li Zhichang], 10 NanSong chu Hebei xindaojiao kao [The New Taoist Schools formed north of the Yellow River during the early Southern Song period], 10 Chen Zhibin Quanzhen xianpai yuanliu [The Evolution of the Quanzhen School ], 20 WuLiu xianzong baihua yi [A Translation in Modern Chinese of the Divine Traces of Wu (Shouyang) and Liu (Huayang)], 20 Chen Zhichao Daojia jinshi lüe [Brief Introduction of Taoist Stone and Metal Inscriptions], 27, 56 Cheng Eshan, 227 Cheng Hao, 124 Cheng Huayang, 227, 240 Cheng Xuanying, 150–151 Annotation to the Lao-tzu, 162–163 Commentary on the Chuang-tzu, 162, 163 Daodejing kaiti xujue yishu [Annotation on the Preface of the Tao Te Ching], 162

343

Daodejing shu kaiti, 164 Daodejing xujue kaiti, 164 Daodejing yishu, 162, 164 Introduction to the Annotation on the Tao Te Ching, 149 Nanhua zhenjing shu preface, 164 Nanhua zhenjing zhushu, 283 philosophical system, 168–170, 172–174 Tao Te Ching annotations, 162–163 Tao Te Ching translation, 163 Tao with Reason explanation, 169–170 “Treatise on Literature,” 162 Twofold Mystery study, 210 Yuanshi wuliang duren shangping miaojing sizhu (Four Commentaries on the Upper Wondrous Scripture on the Salvation of Humanity, Preached by the Limitless (Pure One) of Original Beginning), 164 Zhuangzi shu, 163–164 Cheng Yi, 124 Cheng-Wen Publishing, 19–20 Cheng-Zhu School, 175 China Radio and Television Publishing House, 31 China Reconstructs Press, 37 China Social Sciences Press, 27, 29, 32, 35, 40, 56 China Taoist College, 39 Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 3, 22, 23, 24 Chinese culture Buddhism and, 96, 97, 98 Confucianism and, 96 fundamental components of, 87, 91 respect for life in, 182 Taoism and, scholarship on, 32–33 Taoism and traditional, 98 Taoism’s place in the history of, 45, 147 Chinese Great Tao Culture and Education Foundation, 26 Chinese Health Journal, 18 Chinese Journal of Medical History, 19 Chinese Overseas Publishing House, 31, 32 Chinese Social Sciences Press, 33 Chinese Taoism, 26 Chinese Taoist Association, 23, 24, 25, 26, 40, 60 Chinese Taoist College, 23 Chinese Women’s Publishing House, 36

344

index

Ching Chung Taoist Association of Hong Kong, 20, 25 Ching Feng, 21 Chishi duoluoni jingfa [Dharani Sutra for Saving the World ] (Huang Shouzhong), 229 Chisong zi, 111, 112 Chisong zi zhongjie jing [Scripture of Admonitions of Chisong Zi ], 271 Chongdao Temple, 228 Chongxu Temple, 230 Chongxuan movement, 6 Chongyang Temple, 221 Chongyou lun (Pei Wei), 157 Chongzhen, Emperor, 240 Chronicle of Taoist Studies in the West: 1950–1990 (Seidel), 41 Chu Kingdom tombs, 55 Chu liutian yuwen santian zhengfa [Orthodox Law of Three Heavens and Jade Text for Eliminating Six Heavens], 132 Chuang-tzu, 89, 90, 152–153, 178, 265–266, 278 Chuang-tzu annotations of Xiang Xiu, 157 Cheng Xuanying’s annotations [Commentary on the Chuang-tzu], 162, 163 commentaries, effect on Arcane Learning, 91 “Dashengshu” chapter, 171 “Dazongshi” chapter, 160, 171, 178, 179–180, 181 “Dechongfu” chapter, 171 jing in the, 184–185 longevity and realization of the Tao, 179–181 “Mati,” 171 origin of, 45 preface (Guo Xiang), 158 “Qiushui,” 281 “Qiwulun,” 171, 173, 183, 186–187 “Rangwang,” 181 Tao of, 211 True Man in the, 182–183 “Zaiyou,” 171, 173, 180, 184 Chuang-tzu Institute, 23 Chuci, 113 Chung Hwa Book, 20, 21, 33, 34 Chunqiu [Spring and Autumn Annals], 99–100 Chunqiu fanlu (Dong Zhongshu), 185 Chunyang Temple, 228 Chuping reign, 101

Churao ji [Essays of a Woodman] (Qing Xitai), 33 Chuzhen jielü [Precepts for Taoist beginners] (Wang Changyue), 232, 233 Chuzhen jielü shuo [Commentary on the Precepts for Beginners] (Wu Taiyi), 234 Chuzhen shijie [Ten Rules for Novices], 289 cinnabar, 193, 247, 268, 296, 302–303 Cinnabar Terrace and Green Cavern, 231 citronella, 300 Civilization and Ethics (Schweitzer), 275 Cixi, Empress, 239 classic books, preservation of, 48 clicking one’s teeth, 70 clockwise, 207 Collection of Articles Written by Sengzhao preface (Chen Huida), 166 Collection of Articles Written by Sengzhao (Sengzhao), 166–167 College of Humanities, Nanhua University, 25 College of Liberal Arts Journal, 20 Commentary on the Chuang-tzu (Cheng Xuanying), 162, 163 Commercial Press, 10, 38 communal Taoism, key texts for the formation of, 46 Communion of All Things, 279–281 communion of the Tao and life theory, 177–179 compassion, 267–278, 287–291 Comprehensive Descriptive Catalogue of Book Collections, 60 Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government, 57 The Conference on Philosophical Taoism, Religious Taoism and Chinese Culture, 25 Confucianism, 8 Chinese culture and, 96 Chinese literature in transmitting, 117 conscience in, 234 converts from, 239–240 ethical system, 91, 237 Heart and Nature study, 212 investigation of all things theory, 235 literati converts from, 239–241, 243 objects of sacrifice, 129 purposeful actions in, 89 Quanzhen School, influence on, 235–236 ritual system, 124 sacrifices in, 127–128

index Taoism and, 89–91, 95, 127–128, 239–243 Taoist doctrine vs., 126–129 traditional culture and rites in, 89 unconditional benevolence in, 260 Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism syncretism, 211–212, 236, 244 Confucius, 222, 290–291 “Cong Daozang li de jizhongshu kan woguo liandanshu” [Studies on Chinese Taoist Alchemy in the Scriptures in the Taoist Canon] (Yuan Hanqing), 16–17 “Cong Yiqie daojing shuodao Wu Zetian” [The Taoist Canon and Wu Zetian] (Tang Yongtong), 15 “Cong Zhenglei bencao suoyin ziliao kan Tao Hongjing dui Bencaoxue de gongxian” [Tao Hongjing’s Contribution to Herbalism through the Texts Quoted in the Zhenglei Bencao] (Shang Zhijun), 18 Congregation of Seven Treasures of Three Religions, 211, 214, 215 Congregation of the Golden Lotus of Three Religions, 215 Congregation of the Jade Flower of the Three Religions, 211, 215 Congregation of the Seven Treasures of the Three Religion, 211 Congregation of the Three Lights of the Three Religions, 215 conscience, 205, 234 consciousness, 201, 205–206 consciousness of xu, 199–200 consumptionism, 285–286 Contemporary World Press, 40 “Contention of a Hundred Schools of Thought,” 99–100 The Continent Magazine, 20 cosmogonical themes, Han Dynasty, 151–152 cosmos, evolution of the, 196 counterclockwise, 207 The Cross-Strait Taoist Culture Conference, 25 The Cross-Strait Taoist ideas and Culture Conference, 24 “Cui Hao yu Kou Qianzhi” [Cui Hao and Kou Qianzhi ] (Chen Yinke), 15 cults, Cao Cao’s prohibition on, 102 Cultural Relics Press, 27, 41, 52, 56, 62 Cultural Relics Publishing House, 55 Cultural Revolution, 22, 60

345

Da Zhuang lun, 156 Dacheng jinshu [The Golden Book of Great Accomplishment], 53 Dadao jia lingjie [Commands and Admonitions for the Family of the Great Dao], 129–130 Dading reign, 51, 214–215, 256 Dafan xiantian fanyin douzhou [Dipper Spells in Sanskrit of Anterior Heaven Great Brahma] (Min Yide), 229 Dai Benheng, 242 Dai Changyuan Daoxue cidian [A Dictionary of Taoist Studies], 20 Xianxue cidian [A Dictionary of the Study of Immortality], 20 Dajin xuandu baozang [The Precious Canon of Mystery Capital of the Great Jin Dynasty] (Sun Mingdao), 51 Dalian Publishing House, 28, 37 Damei buyan daojiao meixue sixiang fanchou lun [True Beauty Without Saying A Word, A Definition of Taoist Aesthetics] (Pan Xianyi), 35 dance, role in ritual, 328–331 Dandao jiupian [Nine Texts on Taoist Inner Alchemy] (Wu Shouyang), 247 Dangdai daojiao [Contemporary Taoism] (Li Yangzheng), 29 Dangdai Zhongguo daojiao [Contemporary Chinese Taoism] (Li Yangzheng), 29 Dangguan gongguoge [Register of Merits and Demerits for Officials], 259 Danjing zhinan [A Guide to Scriptures of Inner Alchemy] (Zhang Songgu), 13 Danyang. See Ma Yu dao, translation of, 163 Dao xian ren [The Tao, Immortals and Humans] (Chen Yaoting, Liu Zhongyu), 32 Dao’an (Erjiao lun [Essay on the Two Religions]), 104 Daode zhenjing guangshengyi [Amplification of the Imperial Commentary on the Tao Te Ching] (Du Guangting), 73, 161, 162 Daodejing de shiyong jiazhi zhexue bufen [The Practical Value of Tao Te Ching (Chapter on Philosophy)] (Chen Linsheng), 31 Daodejing kaiti xujue yishu [Annotation on the Preface of the Tao Te Ching] (Cheng Xuanying), 162 Daodejing shiyi [An Annotation of the Tao Te Ching] (Ren Farong), 28 Daodejing shu kaiti (Cheng Xuanying), 164

346

index

Daodejing xujue kaiti (Cheng Xuanying), 164 Daodejing yishu (Cheng Xuanying), 162, 164 Daodejing zhujie [An Annotation of the Tao Te Ching] (Cao Zhenyang), 28 “Daoguan kaoyuan” [Studies on the Evolution of Taoist Temples] (Chen Guofu), 13 Daoguan zhenyuan [The True Origin of the Tao], 53 Daoguang reign, 230 Daoji lingxian ji [Annals of Transcendant Immortals, (Abstracted) from the Traces of the Tao], 135 “Daojia de yanshou yu changsheng” [The Prolongation of Life and Longevity in Philosophical Taoism] (Yang Jing’an), 13 Daojia jinshi lüe (Chen Yuan, Chen Zhichao), 27 Daojia qigong baodian [The Treasury of Taoist Qigong] (Zhou Xiaoxue), 36 Daojia shiji [Notes on Taoist Poetry], 53 “Daojia sixiang yu Daojiao” [Religious Taoism and Philosophical Taoism] (Xu Dishan), 11 Daojia sixiang yu HanWei wenxue [Taoist Ideas and Literature in the Han and Wei Dynasties] (Shang Shiduo), 34 Daojia wenhua yu kexue [Taoist Culture and Science] (Zhu Yaping), 35 “Daojia xianyao zhi huaxue guan” [A Chemical Approach of Taoist Alchemy] (Xue Yu), 12 Daojia yangsheng miku [A Secret Treasury of Taoist Self-Cultivation Regimen] (Hong Jianlin), 37 Daojia yangshengshu [Taoist Self-Cultivation Techniques] (Chen Yaoting, Liu Zhongyu, Li Ziwei), 37 Daojia yu chuantong wenhua yanjiu [Studies on Taoism and Traditional Culture] (Wang Ming), 32 Daojia yu minzu xingge [Taoism and the National Character] (Lü Xichen), 32 Daojia yu shenxian [Taoism and the Immortals] (Zhou Shaoxian), 20 Daojiao [Taoism] (Fukui Kōjun), 41 Daojiao changshi dawen [Questions and Answers on Taoism] (Guo Wu), 40 Daojiao dacidian [A Large Dictionary of Taoism] (Li Yangzheng, Min Zhiting), 40 Daojiao de jingshen [The Spirit of Taoism] (Wen Yiduo), 11

“Daojiao de qiyuan he xingcheng” [The Origin and Formation of Taoism] (Yu Songqing), 15 Daojiao dianji baiwen [A Hundred Questions on Taoist Scriptures] (Ding Peiren), 27 Daojiao fayin lingpai tan’ao [Taoist Seals and Command Tablets] (Wang Yuchen), 39 Daojiao gaishuo [Introduction to Taoism] (Li Yangzheng), 40 Daojiao he daojiao sixiang yanjiu [Studies on Taoism and Taoist Ideas] (Wang Ming), 32 “Daojiao jiaoyi de jiantao yu pipan” [Review and Criticism of Taoist Doctrines] (Yi Junzuo), 11 Daojiao jichu zhishi [Taoist Basic Knowledge] (Shi Yanfeng, Zheng Zhaonan), 39 Daojiao jingdianshi lun [Remarks on the History of the Taoist Classics] (Yoshioka Yoshitoyo), 59 Daojiao lianyang xinlixue yinlun [An Introduction to Psychology in Taoist Inner Alchemy] (Zhang Qin), 37 Daojiao lishi baiwen [A Hundred Questions on Taoist History] (Guo Wu), 40 Daojiao liyi [Taoist Liturgy] (Min Zhiting, Zhang Zehong), 39 “Daojiao lüegao” [An Essay on Taoism] (Chen Guofu), 12 Daojiao lungao [Studies on Taoism] (Wang Jiayou), 29 Daojiao meishu shihua. [A History of Taoist Art] (Wang Yi’e, Zhan Shichuang), 34–35 Daojiao neidan yangshengxue gaiyao [An Outline of the Taoist Regimen of Inner Alchemy] (Shi Dalang), 36 Daojiao qigong baiwen [A Hundred Questions on Taoist Qigong] (Chen Bing), 36 Daojiao qigong yangshengxue [The Taoist Regimen of Qigong], 36 “Daojiao qiyuan zakao” [Studies on the Origins of Taoism] (Li Simian), 10 Daojiao quanshanshu yanjiu [Taoist Morality Books] (Chen Xia), 33 Daojiao Sanzijing zhushi [An Annotation on the Taoist Three-Character Classic] (Guo Wu, Xing Xitai), 27 Daojiao shi [A History of Taoism] (Noritada Kubo, Qing Xitai, Tang Dachao, Xu Dishan), 29 Daojiao shi gailun [A Panorama of the History of Taoism] (Fu Qinjia), 10

index “Daojiao shi suotan” [An Essay on the History of Taoism] (Meng Wentong), 15 Daojiao shilüe [A Brief History of Taoism] (Qing Xitai), 29 Daojiao shouce [Handbook of Taoism] (Li Yangzheng), 40 Daojiao shushu yu wenyi [Taoist Divination and Arts] (Zhan Shichuang), 33 Daojiao tonglun jianlun daojia xueshuo [An Overview of Taoism, Including Philosophical Taoist Studies] (Wang Baoxuan), 31 Daojiao wenda [Questions and Answers on Taoism] (Zhu Yueli), 40 Daojiao wenhua [Taoist Culture], 21 Daojiao wenhua cidian [A Dictionary of Taoist Culture] (Zhang Zhizhe), 32 Daojiao wenhua mianmian guan [A Panorama of Taoist Culture] (Lu Guolong, Ma Xisha, Wang Ka), 33 Daojiao wenhua xindian [A New Anthology of Taoist Culture] (Qing Xitai, Zhan Shichuang), 32 Daojiao wenhua xintan [New Studies on Taoist Culture] (Qing Xitai), 32–33 Daojiao wenhua yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Culture], 26 Daojiao wenxue sanshitan [Thirty Essays on Taoist Literature] ( Jiang Jianyuan, Wu Weimin), 33 Daojiao wenxue shi [A History of Taoist Literature] (Zhan Shichuang), 33 Daojiao xinyang yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Beliefs], 35 Daojiao xue [Taoist Studies] (Chen Min, Zhu Yueli), 40 Daojiao yangshengfa [The Taoist SelfCultivation Regimen] (Li Yuanguo), 37 Daojiao yaoji gailun [The Conspectus of Taoist Essential Scriptures], 27 Daojiao yaoyi huida daquan [Collection of Answers to Questions on the Essence of Taoism] (Li Shuhuan), 20 Daojiao yifan [Taoist Ritual Standards] (Min Zhiting), 39 Daojiao yifan Zhongguo chuantong yishi yinyue yanjiu jihua zhiyi [Taoist Ritual Standards,One of the Projects on Chinese Traditional Ritual Music] (Pu Hengqiang), 39 Daojiao yinyue [Taoist Music] (Shi Xinmin, Wang Zhongren, Xiang Siyi, Zhou Zhengxi), 38 Daojiao yishu [Taoist Philosophy] (Meng Anpai), 281

347

Daojiao yixue [Taoist Medicine] (Gai Jianmin), 38 Daojiao yixue daolun [An Introduction to Taoist Medicine] (Gai Jianmin), 38 Daojiao yu chaoyue [Taoism and Transcendence] (Xu Zhaoren), 31 Daojiao yu daoxue changshi [Knowledge of Taoism and Taoist Studies] (Qing Xitai), 40 Daojiao yu kexue [Taoism and Science] ( Jin Zhengyao), 35 Daojiao yu liandan [Taoism and Inner Alchemy] (Ma Jiren), 37 Daojiao yu meixue [Taoism and Aesthetics] (Gao Nan), 34 Daojiao yu minsu wenxue [Taoism and Folk Literature] (Liu Shouhua), 34 Daojiao yu shenmo xiaoshuo [Taoism and Novels on Deities] (Gou Bo), 35 Daojiao yu Tangdai wenxue [Taoism and Literature in the Tang Dynasty] (Sun Changwu), 34 Daojiao yu wenxue [Taoism and Literature] (Huang Zhaohan), 34 Daojiao yu xianxue [Taoism and Immortality Study] (Hu Fuchen), 37 Daojiao yu xiju [Taoism and Theatre] (Zhan Shichuang), 34 Daojiao yu yangsheng [Taoism and SelfCultivation Regimen] (Chen Yingning), 37 Daojiao yu Yunnan wenhua Daojiao zai Yunnan de chuanbo yanbian ji yingxiang [Taoism and Yunnan Culture— Propagation, Evolution, and Influence] (Guo Wu), 30 Daojiao yu Zhongguo chuantong wenhua [Taoism and Traditional Chinese Culture] (Qing Xitai), 32 Daojiao yu Zhongguo chuantong yinyue [Taoism and Chinese Traditional Music] (Pu Hengqiang), 38 Daojiao yu Zhongguo liandanshu shi [Taoism and the History of Chinese Alchemy] (Meng Naichang), 35 Daojiao yu Zhongguo minjian wenxue [Taoism and Chinese Folk Literature] (Liu Shouhua), 34 Daojiao yu Zhongguo yiyaoxue [Taoism and Chinese Medicine] (Meng Naichang), 37 Daojiao yu Zhouyi [Taoism and the Book of Changes] (Liu Guoliang), 32 Daojiao yu zhuzi baijia [Taoism and the Hundred Schools of Thought] (Li Yangzheng), 32

348

index

Daojiao zai haiwai [Taoism Overseas] (Chen Yaoting), 29 “Daojiao zai Taiwan fenbu yu xianzhuang [The Distribution and Current Situation of Taoism in Taiwan] (Shi Yihui), 20 Daojiao zhaijiao fuzhou yishi [Studies on Taoist Talismans, Incantations and Rituals] (Zhang Zehong), 39 Daojiao zhaijiao keyi yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Rituals] (Zhang Zehong), 39 Daojiao zhenglüe [An Essay on Taoism] (Liu Jianquan), 10 Daojiao zhengpai danfa jingxuan [A Selection of Taoist Orthodox Inner Alchemy] (Wang Mu), 36 Daojiao zhexue [Taoist Philosophy] (Lu Guolong, Lu Pengzhi), 31 “Daojiao zhi genben sixiang ji qi duiyu rensheng de taidu” [The Essential Philosophy of Taoism and Its Attitude with Regard to Life] (Xu Dishan), 11 Daojiao zhishi baiwen [A Hundred Questions on Taoism] (Lu Guolong), 40 Daojiao zhishi baodian [A Treasury of Taoist Knowledge] (Tian Chengyang), 27 Daojiaoshi ziliao [Documents on the History of Taoism] (Chen Yingning), 57 Daojing miji [A Collection of Secret Taoist Scriptures], 53 Daojing zonglun (Zhu Yueli), 27 Daomeng jingfa xiangcheng cixu [Order of the Transmission of Taoist Scriptures and Rites] (Pan Shizeng), 281 Daoshu jicheng [Collection of Taoist Books] (Ding Huang, Tang Yijie, Zhang Guangbao), 54 Daoshu jijiao shizhong (Ten Edited and Commented Taoist Classics), 164 Daoshu quanji [A Complete Collection of Taoist Scriptures], 53 Daoshu shierzhong [Twelve Taoist Works] (Liu Yiming), 53, 244 Daotong dacheng [The Great Accomplishment of Taoist Lineage], 53 Daotong yuanliu [The Evolution of Taoist Lineage], 54 Daoxie huikan, 15, 19 Daoxuan ( Ji gujin fodao lunheng [Collection of the Debates between Buddhism and Taoism]), 163 Daoxue cidian [A Dictionary of Taoist Studies] (Dai Changyuan), 20

Daoxue tonglun daojia daojiao xianxue [An Overview of Taoism: Philosophical, Religious, and Self-Cultivational Taoism] (Lü Xichen), 31 Daoyan wuzhong [Five Kinds of Taoist Discourses], 53 Daoyao lingqi shengui pin jing [Scripture of Taoist Principal Deities and Spirits], 131, 142, 145 Daoyi kuimi daojiao yishu kangfushu [The Decyphering of Taoist Medicine, Rehabilitation Techniques in Taoist Medicine] (Kuang Wennan, Wang Qi), 38 Daoyin tu [Charts of Circulating Energy], 107 Daoyue kao lüegao [An Essay on Taoist Music] (Chen Guofu), 14–15 Daoyun [The Sound of the Tao], 26 Daozang fenlei jieti [A Classification and Explanation of the Titles in the Taoist Canon], 27 Daozang jinghua [The Essence of the Taoist Canon] (Xiao Tianshi), 19 Daozang jinghua lu [The Essence of the Taoist Canon] (Ding Fubao), 52 Daozang jiyao [Collected Essentials of the Taoist Canon], 41 Daozang mulu xiangzhu [Detailed Comments on the Catalogue of the Taoist Canon] (Bai Yunji), 59 Daozang nannü xingming shuangxiu migong [Esoteric Sexual Practice in the Taoist Canon] (Ren Farong), 36 Daozang quejing mulu [A Catalogue of the Lost Scriptures of the Taoist Canon] (Wen Dujian), 59 Daozang suoyin [Concordance to the Taoist Canon] (Chen Yaoting, Schipper), 60 Daozang tiyao, 27 Daozang xubian [A Supplementary Collection of the Taoist Canon], 53 Daozang yuanliu kao (Chen Guofu), 9, 12, 13, 14 Daozang yuanliu xukao (Chen Guofu), 27 Daozang zimu yinde [Combined Indexes to the Authors and Titles of Books in Two Collections of Taoist Literature], 9 Dasheng qixin lun (Mou Zongsan), 206 Dasheng yizhang [Doctrine of the Mahayana] (Huiyuan), 163 Davis, Tenney L., 12 Daxue, 242, 244 Dayu (“Yaowang Sun Simiao” [Sun Simiao: the King of Medicine]), 18

index Dazangjing, 47, 272 Dazhong xiangfu reign, 50 the dead blood sacrifices, desire for, 131 funeral ritual, 336–337 sublimation and the release of souls, ritual for, 310–314, 334 death, 297 Deduction of Imperial Commentary on the Tao Te Ching (Du Guangting), 74 Deep Ecology, 276–278 Deep Ecology: Living as if in Nature (Devall and Sessions), 277 deities belief in, scholarship present day, 35 in morality books, 253–254 salient features, 192 demonic qi of the Six Heavens, 144, 146 demons of the Six Heavens, 131–132, 133–134, 139–140, 143–144 Descartes, 177 Descriptive Notes on the Taoist Canon (Ren Jiyu), 60 desire, 201, 264, 285–286 Devall, Bill, 275 Deep Ecology: Living as if in Nature, 277 Simple in Means and Rich in Ends: Practicing Deep Ecology, 277 Devil King of the Nine Heavens, 134 Devil King of the Six Heavens, 134 Devil King of the Three Heavens, 134 dharma, 170 Dharma body, 193 Dianlun, 69, 108, 110 Di’erjie Haixia liang’an daojiao xueshu yantaohui wenji [Papers of the 2nd CrossStraits Conference on Taoism] (Zheng Zhiming), 31–32 Ding Fubao ( Jingzuo fa jingyi [Essential Meditation]), 13, 52 Daozang jinghua lu [The Essence of the Taoist Canon], 52 Ding, Prince, 231 Ding Huang, 54 Daoshu jicheng [Collection of Taoist Books], 54 Tangdai de zhengjiao shi [The History of Politics and Religion in the Tang Dynasty], 21 Ding Peiren (Daojiao dianji baiwen [A Hundred Questions on Taoist Scriptures]), 27 Ding Yehe, 222 Dipper Technique of Xizhu, 229, 238 disengagement, 236–237, 241

349

divination practices, 58, 78, 84–85 diyu, 143 Doctrine of the Mean, 244 Dong Zhi’an (LaoZhuang cidian [A Dictionary of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu]), 36 Dong Zhongshu, 99–100 Chunqiu fanlu, 185 Dongda tushu gongsi of Taiwan, 29 Dongfang Press, 28, 29 Dongfang Shuo, 125 Dongguo Yannian, 108, 109 Donghua zhengmai huangji hebi xianjing [Divine Scripture of Opening or Closing the Imperial Ultimate, in the Orthodox Transmission from Eastern Flower (Lord)] (Yin Pengtou), 251 Dongming, 241 Dongxiao Temple, 228 Dongxuan lingbao liuzhai shizhi [Six Annuals Months of Fast and Ten Monthly Days of Fast of the Numinous Treasure from the Cavern Mystery], 289 Dongyi baojian [Precious Reference of Eastern Medicine], 307 Dongyuan jing [Scripture of Cavern Abyss], 131 Dongzhen shangqing kaitian santu qixing yidu jing [Scripture of Movement of Seven Stars and Three Pictures of the Creation of the Universe from Authenticity Cavern Highest Clarity], 135 Dongzhen taishang badao minji jing, 134 Dongzhen taishang basu zhenjing sanwu xinghua miaojue, 287 Dongzhen taishang hufu zhenwen jing [Scripture of True Text and Tiger Symbol of Most High from the Authenticity Cavern], 132 Dongzhen taishang shuo zhihui xiaomo zhenjing [Perfect Scripture of Wisdom Eliminating Demon Taught by Most High from the Authenticity Cavern], 132 Double Cultivation of the Body and the Spirit, 210, 212 Doubting Antiquity School, 124, 147 Doumu Ritual of Sublimation, 309, 319–320 Doumu Temple, 228 drugs, 294 Du Daozang ji [Remarks on the Taoist Canon] (Liu Shipei), 9 “Du Daozang zhaji” [Remarks on the Taoist Canon] (Tang Yongtong), 15

350

index

Du Guangting Daode zhenjing guangshengyi [Amplification of the Imperial Commentary on the Tao Te Ching], 73, 161, 162 Deduction of Imperial Commentary on the Tao Te Ching, 74 philosophy of, 168 Du Huo, 103 Du Sanni yishi shuo guankui [Simple Explanation of Sanni yishishuo] (Min Yide), 251 Du Taipingjing suojian [Remarks on the Scripture of Great Peace] (Tang Yongtong), 9 Du Wangzhi (Rufodao zhi xinyang yanjiu [A Study on the Beliefs of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism]), 20 Du Xianchen (Neidan tanmi [Exploring the Secrets of Inner Alchemy]), 36 Du Yangdong, 230 Duan Wengui (Zangwai daoshu [Extracanonical Taoist Texts]), 27 Duange xing (Cao Cao), 115 duke Shouting of the Han (Guan Yu), 243 Dunhuang caves, 55–56 Dunhuang daojiao wenxian yanjiu [Studies on the Taoist Documents of Dunhuang] (Ofuchi Ninji), 56 Dunhuang guxieben Taipingjing wenzi canye [The Remaining Pages of the Ancient Manuscript of the Scripture of Great Peace in Dunhuang] (Wang Ming), 14 Durenjing (Scripture of the Salvation of Humanity), 263, 268 Dushu jikan [Reading Quarterly], 11 dynamic qi, 268 Earth, formation of, 151 East China Normal University, 22 Eastern Han Dynasty Cao Cao-Taoism relationship in, 117 Chuping reign, 101 Five Bushels of Rice School, 70 foundation of Taoism in, 174 Guanghe reign, 69, 102 Taoist scriptures in the, 45, 46, 48 tomb-quelling texts, 141 Eastern Jin Dynasty, 80, 95, 164, 255 Eastern Miscellany, 12 ecocentrism, 278 ecology, Land Ethic and, 275–278 Economic Reform, end of, 22

ecosophy, 276–277 ego, 201, 285–286 “The Eight Immortals Crossing the Sea,” 331 Eighth Five-Year Plan, 23 Eight-Nation Alliance, 52 Emperors of the Five Directions, 121, 123–124 Encyclopedia of China Publishing House, 40 energetic qi, 268 engagement, 236–237, 241 enlightenment, 234–235, 245 Entity of Reason, 170 Environmental Ethics (Rolston and Holmes), 278 environmental protection, 286–291 environmentalism, scholarship present day, 37–38 equality, 212, 274, 275–283 Equality Congregation, 217, 219 Erjiao lun [Essay on the Two Religions] (Dao’an), 104 Erxian Temple, 231 “Essay on Canjie,” 254 Essence of the Taoist Canon, 53, 60 The Essential Meaning of Lao-tzu (Wang Deyou), 28 eternity, attaining, 205, 310 ethics ecological, 275–278, 279–281 environmental, 283 feudal, 256 Quanzhen School precepts, 232–239 scholarship on, 4, 33 Evergreen Congregation, 219 evil qi, 189, 299 evolution, human, 204 Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace (Lüqiu Fangyuan) apocryphal borrowings, 70–78 Scripture of Great Peace jia section vs., 65–68, 78–85 existence birth and, 157–158 non-existence and, 152–154, 158, 207 state of, 207 Fairy Cave of Lu Mountain, 25 “Fan Changsheng yu Bashi ju Shu de Guanxi” [The Relationship Between Fan Changsheng and the Rule of the Ba Clan in Sichuan] (Tang Changru), 15

index Fan Guangchun (Chang’an Zhongnanshan daojiao shilüe [A Brief History of the Taoism of Chang’an and Zhongnan Mountains]), 30, 42 Fan Li (Zhongguo shenxian daquan [The Chinese Pantheon]), 35 Fan Taiqing (Qingyun zi), 228, 237, 240, 242 Fan Wenlan, 16 Fan Ye (“Xiang Kai zhuan” [The Biography of Xiang Kai ]), 65 Fang Rongyang, 228 Fang Yonghui (“Tangdai huangshi yu Daojiao guanxi zhi yanjiu” [Studies on the Relation Between the Tang Imperial Family and Taoism]), 20–21 Fang Zhao (Sun Simiao Tangdai weida de yixuejia [Great Medical Scientist of Tang Dynasty Sun Simiao]), 18 Fanghu waishi [The Untold History of Master Square Pot], 53 Fei Danxin, 228 Fei Zhangfang, 108 feng, 136–137 Feng, Marquis, 136 Feng Heng, 109 Feng Jiasheng Liandanshu de chengzhang yu xichuan [The Evolution of Taoist Alchemy and Its Introduction in the West], 16 Zhongguo huaxueshi gao (gudai zhibu) [History of Chinese Chemistry (A Chapter on Ancient Times)], 16 Zhongguo kexue jishu faming he kexue jishu renwu lunji [Essays on Chinese Scientific Inventions and Scientists], 16 Feng Junda, 108 Feng River, 136 Feng Youlan (Xinyuanren [The New Origins of Humanity]), 203 Fengdu, Palace of the Six Heavens in, 135–146 filial piety, 236–237, 243, 336–337 Five Agents, 121, 123, 310 Five Bushels of Rice Taoism, 101, 107 Five Dynasties, 210 Five Emperors, 120–121, 122 Five Emperors of Great Tenuity, 123, 131 Five Mountains and Four Rivers, 140, 143 Five Movements, 268 Five Old Masters, 269 Five Bushels of Rice Taoism, 46, 68, 69

351

Five Personal Emperors, 121 Five Phases, 151 Five Stones, 112 Five-Animal Exercises, 108 Flexible Moment of the zi hour, 249, 250 Fodao xiuxing yangshengfa [Buddhist and Taoist Self-Cultivation Regimen] (Hong Pimo), 37 Foguang Press of Taiwan, 40 folk manuscripts, 57 folk ritual texts, 57 folklore, 146–147 follow and oppose, 199 foreign scholarship, recommendations for, 43 Form-jing-qi-shen-xu-Tao, 194 Foundations of Rules and Precepts for Worshipping the Tao According to the Three Caverns, 50 Four Dukes of Light, 146 Four Eulogies of the for Taoist Funeral Ritual, 314 four negations, 149–150 Fromm, Erich, 204 fu, 78 Fu Jen Catholic University, 10 Fu Jen Sinological Journal, 10, 11 Fu Qinjia, 8 Daojiao shi gailun [A Panorama of the History of Taoism], 10 Zhongguo Daojiao shi [A History of Chinese Taoism], 10 Fudan University Press, 37 Fujian Daojiao [Fujian Taoism], 26 Fujian renmin Press, 29, 32 Fujian Taoist Association, 26 Fukui Kōjun (Daojiao [Taoism]), 41 Fukutake Publishing Co., Ltd., 56 funeral ritual, 336 Fung Ying Seen Koon of Hong Kong, 28, 30 Fusang, Emperor of, 69 Fushe (Restoration Society), 260 Fuxi, 125, 133, 134 Gai Jianmin Daojiao yixue [Taoist Medicine], 38 Daojiao yixue daolun [An Introduction to Taoist Medicine], 38 Gaia: A New Look at Life on Earth, 277 Gaia hypothesis, 277–278 Gan Ji (Taiping qingling shu), 214

352

index

Gan Shaocheng Qingci bixiao daojiao wenxue yishu [Green Declarations and Green Flutes—Taoist Literary Art], 34 Zhongguo daojiao yinyue [Chinese Taoist Music], 38 Zhongguo daojiao yinyue shilüe [A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Music], 38 Gan Shi, 105–106, 109, 110 Gan Tang, 139 Gan Zhongke (Tianguan li baoyuan taiping jing), 214 GanNingQing shilue [Brief History of Gansu, Ningxia, and Qinghai ], 230 Gao, Emperor, 48, 281 Gao Dongli, 228, 238, 242 Gao Nan (Daojiao yu meixue [Taoism and Aesthetics]), 34 Gao Rentong, 239 Gaodao zhuan [Biography of Eminent Taoists], 109 Gaoli, sacrifices to, 142 Gaoseng zhuan [The Biography of Eminent Monks], 58–59 Ge Hong, 18, 94, 128, 174, 209, 308 Baopuzi, 285 “Daoyi,” 127 “Duisu,” 128 “Mingben,” 127 “Neipian,” 127 “Qinqiu,” 127–128 “Weizhi,” 287 “Xialan,” 46, 69–70 “Zaying,” 70 Baopuzi neipian, 268 Ge Hong lun [Studies on Ge Hong] (Wang Liqi), 31 “Ge Hong yiqian zhi jindan shilüe” [A Brief History of Taoist Alchemy before Ge Hong] (Cao Yuanyu), 12 gefa, 254 General Remarks on the Taoist Canon (Zhu Yueli), 59 Ghenghis Khan, 56, 217–219 God of Destiny, 146 Gods in Great Clarity (Heaven), 129 Golden Cinnabar, 244, 245 golden talisman of the divine tiger, 132 Gong Chong (Taiping qingling shu), 214 Gong Pencheng, 25 Haixia liang’an daojiao wenhua xueshu yantaohui lunwen [Articles from the Cross-Straits Conference on Taoist Culture], 31

Gong Qun, 25 Gongguoge, 254 Gongsun Qing, 214 Gongsun Yuan, 103–104 Gou Bo (Daojiao yu shenmo xiaoshuo [Taoism and Novels on Deities]), 35 Graduate Institute of Religious Studies, Nanhua University, 25 Great Beginning, 151 Great Clarity, 63 Great Commencement, 151 The Great Dictionary of Chinese Taoism (Hu Fuchen), 60 Great Mystery, 63 Great Peace, 63, 101, 102 Great Peace Army, 102 Great Peace Scripture, 16 Great Peace Taoism, 46, 104, 107 “Great Precepts of the Perfect Immortals of the Three Altars” (Wang Changyue), 233 Great Simplicity, 151 Great Three Great Purities, 314 Great Transformation, 151 Great Ultimate, 151 “Great Unlimited Precepts of Immortals Spoken by the Celestial Worthy of Original Beginning.” (Wang Changyue), 233 Great Vacuity, 310 Great xu, 194 Green Lad Lord, 66–67 Gu Huijun (Tanggao), 149 Gu Huan, 174 Yixia lun [Treatise on Chinese Culture and Foreign Cultures], 100 Gu Jiegang, 147 Gu Yanwu, 142, 143 Guan Zhong, 239 Guang gongguoge xinbian [New Edition of the Collection of Registers of Merits and Demerits], 260 Guang Hongming ji [A Supplementary Collection to Promote Buddhism and Expound Its Teaching], 58 Guangcheng yizhi [Ritual Norms of Master Guangcheng], 54 Guanghe reign, 69, 102 Guanghua daxue banyuekan [Kwang Hua University bimonthly], 13 Guangming Daily, 15, 17, 18 Guangxu, Emperor, 52, 55 Guangxu reign, 230, 231 Guanlong region, 209, 212–213

index Guansheng dijun jueshi zhenjing [The Book of Enlightenment of Lord Guan], 253 Guanzhong School, 214 Guanzi “Baixin (Simple Mind),” 181 jing in the, 185, 188 “Neiye (Inner Work),” 181, 185 “Xinshu shang” (Techniques of the Mind), 181 Guo Hui, 273 Guo Pu, 113–114 Guo Qingfan (Zhuangzi jijie [Collection of the Annotations to the Chuang-tzu]), 163 Guo Shouzhen, 229–230, 238 Guo Shusen (Tianshi dao [The Heavenly Master School ]), 29 Guo Wu Daojiao changshi dawen [Questions and Answers on Taoism], 40 Daojiao lishi baiwen [A Hundred Questions on Taoist History], 40 Daojiao Sanzijing zhushi [An Annotation on the Taoist Three-Character Classic], 27 Daojiao yu Yunnan wenhua Daojiao zai Yunnan de chuanbo yanbian ji yingxiang [Taoism and Yunnan Culture— Propagation, Evolution, and Influence], 30 MingQing daojiao lunli ji qi liubian [The Evolution of Taoist Ethics in the Ming and Qing Dynasties], 33 Quanzhen daozu Wang Chongyang zhuan, 30 Guo Xiang Chuang-tzu preface, 158 Existence, emphasis on, 158–161, 165, 168, 169, 170 Tao Te Ching annotations “Qiwu lun,” 158, 160 “Xiaoyao you,” 158 “Zhibeiyou,” 159 Ying diwang, 160 Guo Yangxiao (Zhuzhusheng), 232 Guocui xuebao [ Journal of Chinese Quintessence], 9 Guoli Beijing daxue shizhounian jinian lunwenji [Essays Dedicated to the Tenth Anniversary of Beijing University], 10 Guoxue jikan [Quarterly of Sinology], 9 Guoxue lunheng [Debates in Sinology], 13 Guoyu, 121 Gushu yinlou cangshu [Books from the Hidden Library of Ancient Books] (Min Yide), 53, 229, 249–250

353

Haerbin zhongyi [Harbin Journal of Traditional Chinese Medicine], 17, 18 Hagiography, 139 Hainan guoji xinwen chuban zhongxin, 37 Haixia liang’an daojiao wenhua xueshu yantaohui lunwen [Articles from the CrossStraits Conference on Taoist Culture] (Gong Pencheng), 31 Han Dynasty apocalypse during, 134 Buddhism in, 97 Cao Cao-Taoism relationship in, 117 Confucian morals imposed on literature, 116–117 Confucianism-Taoism interaction, 90 cosmogonical themes, 151–152 cults of, 122 diyu (Hell) in, 143 Doubting Antiquity School, 124 immortality techniques under the, 107–108 imperial rites, evolution of, 122 literati on enjoying life, 116 magical arts, 97, 105, 107, 111 morality books, 253 philosophical Taoism in, 93 poetry about immortals, 113 sacrifice in, 122, 123, 128 Six Heavens concept in, 124, 125, 126 symbol of the, 79 Taoism and Buddhism development, 95 Taoist scriptures in the, 47, 54, 55, 69 worship of immortals, 214 yu (prison) in, 143 Han Wei LiangJin Nanbeichao daojiao lunli lungao, [Essays on Taoist Ethics in the Han, Wei, Western Jin Eastern Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties] ( Jiang Sheng), 33 Han Yu, 8 Handai daojiao zhexue [Taoist Philosophy in the Han Dynasty] (Li Gang), 31 Handwritten Letters to the Three Officers, 69 Hanfenlou publishing house, 52, 62 Hang Shijun, 124 Hanguguan ming [Inscription of Hangu Pass] (Li You), 94 HanNom Institute, 58 Hanshu “Treatise on Literature,” 45, 55 Yan Shigu commentary, 142

354

index

HanWei Liuchao daojiao yu wenxue [Taoism and Literature in the Han, Wei, and Six Dynasties] (Zhang Songhui), 34 Hanyuan daolun [The Study of Hanyuan on Taoism] (Sun Kekuan), 20 Hao Datong (Guangyu), 214, 216 Hao Mengjie, 105 Hao Qin (Longhudandao Daojiao neidanshu [The Taoism of the Cinnabar of Dragon and Tiger,The Taoist Inner Alchemy]), 200 Hao zongshi daoheng bei [Stele of the Taoist Life of Master Hao] (Xu Yan), 211 haoli, 142–143 Haotian Temple, 216 He Cijun (“Wenchang dijun kao” [Studies on Lord Wenchang]), 12 He Longxiang, 52 He Man, 102 He Qia, 107 He Yan, 152, 155 He Yi, 102 heart, 171, 172, 175 heart and body, 192, 200 heart and nature, 212 Heart of Xizhu (India) and Longmen, 228 Heaven Cheng Xuanying on, 164 Confucian sacrifice to, 123 emperors’ ancestors born of, 123 formation of, 151 Han Dynasty cosmogonical theme, 152 life created in, 267 longevity and, 268 Register of Merits and Demerits and, 260 unity of man and, 202–203 Heaven and Earth, 267, 270, 280, 294 Heaven and Man, Unity of, 245, 279–281 Heavenly Master School, 133, 139 Hebei Daojiao [Hebei Taoism], 26 Hebei renmin Press, 35 Hebei Taoist Association, 26 Hegel, 177 Heguan zi, 186 Hell dwellers of, 144, 273, 289 examination system of the spirits, 144–146 location of, 136, 144 in morality books, 254 names for, 140, 143

origin of, 136–137 under Tai Mountain, 140–142 Taoist theory of, 134 Hell of Avici, 289 Hell of Feishan, 289 Hell of Fenxing, 289 Hell of Haoli, 142–143 Hell of the Three Officers, 138, 139–140, 144, 146 Heshang Gong (Tao Te Ching preface), 163 High Appreciation of Existence theory, 165, 168, 169 High Evaluation of Non-existence theory, 155–156, 165, 168, 169 The Highest Clarity School, 47 Highest Lord of Great Heaven, 120, 122 Highest Lord of Limitless Heaven, 120, 130 Highest Three Heavens of Great Clarity and Mysterious Origin, 129 Historical Research, 15, 16 History of Chinese Taoism, 19, 21, 22–23 history of Taoism, scholarship on (1900–1949), budding period works on, 10–11 (1949–1978), pioneering period works on, 15–16 (1966–1976), Cultural Revolution period works on, 20–21 (1980–2000), present day, total development stage on, 28–30 History of Taoist Ideas, 23 Hong Dao [The Promotion of the Tao], 26 Hong Jianlin (Daojia yangsheng miku [A Secret Treasury of Taoist Self-Cultivation Regimen]), 37 Hong Kong Taoist College, 25, 26, 29, 36, 39 Hong Pimo (Fodao xiuxing yangshengfa. [Buddhist and Taoist Self-Cultivation Regimen]), 37 Hongming ji [A Collection to Promote Buddhism and Expound Its Teaching], 58 Hou Wailu, 16 HouHan shu [History of the Later Han], 65, 80 “Biographies of magicians,” 106, 107, 109, 110 “Biography of Liu Yan,” 103 Houji, 122, 123, 136 Houtu, sacrifices to, 142 Hu Daojing (Zangwai daoshu [Extracanonical Taoist Texts]), 27, 53

index Hu Fuchen Daojiao yu xianxue [Taoism and Immortality Study], 37 The Great Dictionary of Chinese Taoism, 60 WeiJin shenxian Daojiao [The Taoism of the Immortals in the Wei and Jin Dynasties], 31 WeiJin shenxian Daojiao Baopuzi neipian yanjiu [The Taoism of the Immortals in the Wei and Jin Dynasties,Studies on Baopuzi neipian], 28 Zhonghua daojiao dacidian [A Large Dictionary of Taoism in China], 40 Hu Shi, 9, 104 Hu Zheng’an (Huibian gongguoge [Collection of Registers of Merits and Demerits]), 260 Hua Tuo, 106, 108, 110 Huadong People’s Press, 16 Huainanzi, 45, 185, 188–190 “Taizu xun,” 190 “Tianwen xun,” 151 Huaming shuju, 20 Huan, Emperor, 93 Huang Chongyang, 227 Huang Gongwang, 222 Huang Haide BaShu daojiao beiwen jicheng [A Collection of the Taoist Stone Inscriptions in Sichuan], 27, 56 Tianshang renjian daojiao shenxian puxi [Men in Heaven: The Taoist Pantheon], 35 Huang Ji, 232 Huang Jigang, 231 “Xiandao pinglun” [A Study of the Way of Immortality], 11 Huang Lao School, 54–55 Huang Shao, 102 Huang Shizhong (Tangshi yu daojiao [Tang Poetry and Taoism]), 34 Huang Shouguo, 241 Huang Shouyuan (Danyang), 227, 228 Huang Shouzheng (Xutang), 227 Huang Shouzhong, 229, 232 Chishi duoluoni jingfa [Dharani Sutra for Saving the World ], 229 Huang Sufeng (“Woguo liandanshu kaozheng” [Studies on Chinese Taoist Alchemy]), 12 Huang Xiaoshi ( Jingmingdao yanjiu [Studies on the Jingming School ]), 30, 43 Huang Xutang, 239

355

Huang Zhaohan Daojiao yu wenxue [Taoism and Literature], 34 Xianggang yu Aomen zhi daojiao [Taoism in Hong Kong and Macao], 30, 42 Huang Zhongqin (“Song Shenxiao yuqing wanshou gong bei” [The Stele of Shenxiao Yuqing Wanshou Temple of the Song Dynasty]), 13 Huangchu reign era, 69 Huangdi neijing [The Yellow Emperor’s Inner Canon], 46, 183 “Qi jiaobian dalun,” 183 “Shanggu tianzhen lun,” 183 Huangdi yinfujing shiyi [An Annotation of the Yellow Emperor’s Scripture on the Hidden Talisman] (Ren Farong), 36 Huanglu jiuyoujiao wuai yezhai cidiyi [Ordered Yellow Register Offering Ritual of the Nine Palaces of Hell and Nocturnal Fast without Obstacle], 325 Huangpu, 70 Huangpu Long, 108 Huangshan shushe, 54 Huangshi, 130 Huangtian shangqing jinque dijun lingshu ziwen shangjing [The Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of the Highest Clarity Thearch, Lord of the Golden Portal ], 66–72, 75–77, 79 Huangting jing jiangyi [Lecture on the Scripture of Yellow Court] (Chen Yingning), 13 “Huangting jing kao” [Studies of the Scripture of Yellow Court] (Wang Ming), 10 Huangting neijing jing [The Scripture on the Internal View of the Yellow Court] (Wei Huacun), 69–70 Huawen Press, 29, 30, 37, 40 Huaxia Press, 27, 31, 35, 36, 40, 60 Huayan School, 175 Huayuan jing, 242 Hubei Academy of Social Sciences, 24 Hubei Institute of the History of Philosophy, 24 Hubei Taoist Institute, 23, 24 Hubei tombs, 55 Hui, Emperor, 50, 255, 256 Huibian gongguoge [Collection of Registers of Merits and Demerits] (Hu Zheng’an), 260 Huiming jing (Liu Huayang), 248, 249 Huiming pian [Essay on Wisdom and Life] (Xie Ningsu), 248 Huiyuan (Dasheng yizhang [Doctrine of the Mahayana]), 163

356

index

Huizong, Emperor, 335 Huizuan gongguoge [Collection of Registers of Merits and Demerits], 260 human nature, 171–172, 199–200, 201 humans alienation caused by socialization, 199, 201 animals vs., 282 evolution, 204 purpose of, 292 separation from nature, 197–200, 202–205 Hunan daxue Press, 32 Hunan jiaoyu Press, 33 Hunan Normal University Press, 34 Hunan People’s Publishing House, 27 Huoshan branch, 231 ideology, official, 100, 124, 147 immortality attaining, 193–203, 210, 287–288 of the body idea, discarding of, 210 Cao Cao’s desire for, 110–112 Chuang-tzu’s belief in, 180–181 counterclockwise practice and, 194–203 merits and demerits ritual and, 259 of real nature vs. the body, 211 ritual and, 144 in the Taoist doctrinal system, 129, 172 techniques, 107–108 immortality regimen, 108 Immortality School, 55, 201 immortals belief in, 45, 91–92, 96 life, appreciation of, 268 physical vs. formless true body, 192 poetry about, 113–117 register of, 144 writings on the belief in, 45 imperial rites, Han Dynasty evolution of, 122 incantations, medical, 293–298 Ingestion of Elixir, 47, 48 Institute of Religions, Sichuan University, 22 Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, 58 Institute for the Study of World Religions, 3 Institute of Chinese Literature and Philosophy of the Academia Sinica, 58

Institute of Chinese Philosophy and Chinese Culture, Beijing University, 25 Institute of Philosophy and Culture, Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences, 24 Institute of Religious Studies, Sichuan University, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 35 Institute of Taoist Culture, 23, 24, 25 Institute of Taoist Culture of Wawu Mountain, 26 Institute of Taoist Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 60 Institute of World Religions of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 22, 23, 24, 26, 60 The International Conference on Taoist Culture, 25 Introduction to the Annotation on the Tao Te Ching (Cheng Xuanying), 149 Iron Bottle Ritual of Sublimation, 320 Iron Contract, 104 Ishii Masako (Catalogue and Index of the Taoist Scriptures Quoted in the Documents from the Six Dynasties, Tang, and Song Dynasties), 60 Jade Emperor of Great Clarity, 129 Ji Douyong (“Neidanxue” [Studies on Inner Alchemy] in Guoxue tonglan [A Panorama of Sinology]), 37 Ji gujin fodao lunheng [Collection of the Debates between Buddhism and Taoism] (Daoxuan), 58, 163 Ji Kang, 155–156 Taishizhen, 155 Ji Zhizhen, 221 Jia Ding, 163 Jia Taixu, 227 Jiajing reign, 231 Jialüe shanfang youxian gongsi, 30 Jian’an reign, 69, 101, 102–103, 106, 113 Jiang Jianyuan, 41 Daojiao wenxue sanshitan [Thirty Essays on Taoist Literature], 33 Jiang Jingbo (“Jindai da yixuejia Ge Hong” [Ge Hong: The Great Medical Scientist in the Jin Dynasty]), 18 Jiang Shang, 136, 139 Jiang Sheng Han Wei LiangJin Nanbeichao daojiao lunli lungao, [Essays on Taoist Ethics in

index the Han, Wei, Western Jin Eastern Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties], 33 MingQing daojiao lunli ji qi liubian [The Evolution of Taoist Ethics in the Ming and Qing Dynasties], 33 Zhongguo daojiao kexue jishushi HanWei liangJin juan [A History of Chinese Taoist Science and Technology (Chapter on Han, Wei, Western Jin, and Eastern Jin Dynasties)], 35–36 Zongjiao yu renlei ziwo kongzhi Zhongguo daojiao lunli yanjiu [Religions and Human Self-Control, Studies on Chinese Taoist Ethics], 33 Jiang Weiqiao “LaoZhuang zhi yangshengfa” [The Regimen of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu], 12 Yinshizi jingzuo fa [Master Yinshi’s Meditation Method], 12 Jiang Yu’an, 238 Jiang Yuanting (Collected Essentials of the Taoist Canon, compilation), 52 Jiangsu guji Press, 32, 40 Jiangsu Journal of Traditional Chinese Medicine, 18 Jiangxi People’s Publishing House, 30 Jianming Zhongguo daojiao tongshi [A Brief History of Chinese Taoism] (Qing Xitai), 29 jiao, 119 Jiao Sacrifice of the Three Ancient Dynasties, 122–123 Jiao Sacrifice to Heaven, 120, 122 jiao sacrifices, 122–123 Jiaodong region and the Quanzhen School, 212–220 “Jiaoji shiyi” [A Definition of the Offering Ritual ] (Liu Zhiwan), 21 “Jiaoli Laozi Cheng Xuanying shu xulu” [Descriptive Notes of Collation of Laozi Annotated by Cheng Xuanying] (Meng Wentong), 9 Jiaozhu region, 209 Jiaqing, Emperor, 52 Jiaqing reign, 124, 248 Jieshao Chen Zhixu de Jindan dayao [An Introduction of Chen Zhixu’s Essential on Cinnabar] (Chen Guofu), 12 Jieyin gongguoge [Register of Merits and Demerits for Preventing Lewdness], 260

357

“Jijiao Laozi Li Rong zhu ba” [A Postscript to the Compilation of Lao-tzu Annotated by Li Rong] (Meng Wentong), 9 Jilin jiaoyu Press, 29 Jin Dynasty (265–420) Arcane Learning, 90–91 Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians, 99–100 literati on enjoying life, 116 Mystery study in the, 151–161, 174 poetry about immortals following, 113 Six Heavens concept in, 134 Taoist scriptures in the, 46, 48, 59, 62, 69–70, 80, 84 Jin Dynasty (1115–1234) Dading reign, 51, 214–215, 256 Jingming School, 256 Louguan Taoist School, 213 Mingchang reign, 51, 216 Quanzhen School, 209, 214, 216, 217, 225, 244 Jin Jingling, 237, 240 Jin Yunzhong (Shangqing lingbao dafa [Great Rituals of Highest Purity and Numinous Treasure]), 326–327 Jin Zhengyao (Daojiao yu kexue [Taoism and Science]), 35 Jin Zhongshu (Lun BeiSong monian zhi chongshang daojiao [Official Support for Taoism at the end of the Northern Song Dynasty (Parts 1, 2)]), 20 “Jindai da yixuejia Ge Hong” [Ge Hong: The Great Medical Scientist in the Jin Dynasty] ( Jiang Jingbo), 18 “Jindai yixuejia Ge Hong” [A Medical Scientist in the Jin Dynasty: Ge Hong] (Cai Jingfeng), 18 “Jindai yixuejia Ge Hong dui zuguo yixue de gongxian” [The Contribution to Chinese Medicine of Ge Hong, a Medical Scientist in the Jin Dynasty] (Kuang Heling), 18 Jindan [The Golden Elixir] (Wang Erfeng, Xiaozhu), 36 Jindan huohou [Timing of Refining Golden Cinnabar] (Xie Ningsu), 248 Jindan sibaizi zhu [Annotation on the Fourhundred Words Essay on Inner Alchemy] (Min Yide), 250 jing cultivation of, 177 evolution of the person and, 200 form becoming concrete in, 196

358

index

meaning of, 256 origin of life and, 198–199 prenatal, 249, 251 and realization of the Tao, 184–190 refining into qi, 193–199, 201, 235 as the source of qi, 185 jing, qi, shen, xu series, 193–198 “Jing shasheng” (Exhorting People not to Kill Animals) (Qiu Chuji), 289 Jin’gai xindeng [Mind-Lamp Transmission on Jin’gai Mountain] (Min Yide), 227, 228–229, 242, 248 Jing’an (Shouzhen), 227 Jinghai, 215 Jingkang period war, 51 Jinglie (Cao Cao), 115 Jingming School, 256 Jingming Zhongxiao School, 256 Jingmingdao yanjiu [Studies on the Jingming School ] (Huang Xiaoshi), 30, 43 jingqi, 12, 184, 186–190 Jingshi gongguoge [Ledger of Merits and Demerits to Admonish Humanity], 259, 288 Jingyan zafang [Diverse Verified Prescriptions] (Liu Yiming), 244 Jingzang, 48, 49–50 Jingzuo fa jingyi [Essential Meditation] (Ding Fubao), 13 Jinhui branch, 231 Jinlu fendeng juanlian keyi [Golden Register Ritual of the Distribution of Lamps and Lifting of the Curtain], 324 Jinpian hufu jing, 133 Jinri Zhongguo Press, 27, 36, 40 Jinshu (The Jin History), 101, 150, 152, 157 Jinshu jiaozhu, 158 JinTang Laozi guzhu sishijia jicun [The Collation of Forty Kinds of Ancient Annotations to the Lao-tzu from the Jin Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty] (Meng Wentong), 161, 162 Jinxian lunzheng (Liu Huayang), 249 Jinxian zhenglun [Argumentation on Golden Immortals] (Liu Huayang, Xie Ningsu), 248 “JinYuan Quanzhen jiao de minzu sixiang ji qi duiyu rensheng de taidu” [Nationalism and Its Attitude in Regard to Life in the Quanzhen School in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties] (Yao Congwu), 11 JinYuan Quanzhen jiao de minzu sixiang yu jiushi sixiang (Yao Congwu), 11

JinYuan Quanzhendao neidan xinxingxue [Spirituality and Inner Alchemy of the Quanzhen School in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties] (Zhang Guangbao), 37 JinYuan Quanzhenjiao shike xinbian [A New Collection of Stone Inscriptions of the Quanzhen School of the Jin and Yuan Dynasties] (Wang Zongyu), 56 “JinYuan tongzhi xia de xin daojiao” [New Taoism in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties] (Qian Mu), 20 Jishen Temple, 228 Jitan chanyin [Vibrato on the Altar] (Zhang Zehong), 39 Jiu Tangshu “Treatise on Rites,” 119–120 Jiuzhou tushu chubanshe, 54 Jiyizi zhengdao mishu [The Secret Book of Jiyizi, Who Realized the Tao], 53 Journal of Literature, History and Philosophy, 16 Journal of the National Taiwan Normal University, 21 Journal of Tsinghua University, 17 Journal of Xinxiang Teachers College, 17 journals (1900–1949), budding period, 13 (1966–1976), Cultural Revolution period, 21 Jueyun benzhi daotong xinchuan [Transmission of the Orthodox Tao within the Sub-Branch of the Jueyun Altar] (Chen Laogan), 54, 231, 238, 242 Jueyun branch, 231, 250 Kaihua Temple, 228 Kaiming shudian, 11 Kang, Prince (Zhao Gou), 256 “Kangfu zhaji size” [Four Reading Notes on Convalescence] (Tang Yongtong), 16 Kangu laoren, 230 Kangxi, Emperor, 231 Kangxi reign, 226, 227, 229, 230, 240 karma, 287 Ke Yanggui, 230 Keeping Unity, 67 Kexueshi jikan [History of Science], 16 killing, abnegating, 267–278, 286–291 kindness, 264 King of Hell and Duke of demons, 143 Kingdom of the Twofold Mystery, 171–172 Kong Yingda, 119 Kongyi chanzhen [True Explanation of Kongyi ] (Liu Yiming), 244 Korean Taoist Canon, 58

index Korean University, 58 Kou Qianzhi, 174 Yunzhong yinsong xinke zhijie [Precept Scripture of the New Code, Recited in the Clouds], 47 “Kou Qianzhi de zhuzuo he sixiang” [Kou Qianzhi’s Works and Thoughts] (Tang Yongtong), 16 Kuang Heling (“Jindai yixuejia Ge Hong dui zuguo yixue de gongxian” [The Contribution to Chinese Medicine of Ge Hong, a Medical Scientist in the Jin Dynasty]), 18 Kuang Wennan (Daoyi kuimi daojiao yishu kangfushu [The Decyphering of Taoist Medicine,Rehabilitation Techniques in Taoist Medicine]), 38 Kunyang Wang zhenren daoheng bei [Stele of the Taoist Life of Perfected Wang Kunyang] (Wanyan Chongshi), 227 Kyoto University, 58 Lai Zongxian (Taiwan daojiao yuanliu [The Evolution of Taoism in Taiwan]), 30, 42 Laizhou, 215 Land Ethic, 275–278 language of the practice of the Tao, 203 Lanting ji [At the Orchid Pavilion] (Wang Xizhi), 116 Lanyun zi. See Min Yide Lao Gan (“Zhongguo dansha zhi yunyong ji qi tuiyan” [The Use and Evolution of Chinese Cinnabar]), 12 Laogu wenhua shiye gongsi, 29 Laojun shuo yibaibashi jie [One Hundred and Eighty Rules Spoken by the Old Lord], 289, 290, 291 Laoshanyun ji Liaodong Quanzhendao qiyue yanjiu [Studies on the Music from Lao Mountain and the Instrumental Music of the Quanzhen School of Eastern Shandong] (Zhan Renzhong), 39 Lao-tzu birth, 73 Buddha and, 98–100 on caring for life, 278 deification of, 87, 92–94, 96, 98 followers of, 152 immortality of, 111 on life and death, 263–265 names for, 73–74 philosophical Taoism, 87 philosophy of, 90, 152–153, 154, 155 preaching, history of, 125 real longevity defined, 220

359

return to the origin theory, 191 Six Heavens and, 125–126 on the Tao, 87–89 Tao of, 211 Taoist inner alchemy origins and, 191 theory of the Tao, 179 Three Heavens of, 126 transformations of, 125 “Unity of Heaven and Man,” 87, 92 Lao-tzu, 45–46, 55, 62, 91, 150, 153–155, 194 Lao-tzu Annotated by Heshang Gong, 46 Lao-tzu Annotated by Xiang’er, 46, 165 Lao-tzu Institute, 23 LaoZhuang cidian [A Dictionary of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu] (Dong Zhi’an), 36 “LaoZhuang zhi yangshengfa” [The Regimen of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu] ( Jiang Weiqiao), 12 Laozi bianhua jing [Scripture of Transformation of Lao-tzu], 94, 98 Laozi Cheng Xuanying shu [Cheng Xuanying’s Commentary on Lao-tzu] (Meng Wentong), 9 Laozi Daodejing Heshanggong zhangju [An Annotation of Heshanggong on Tao Te Ching] (Wang Ka), 28 Laozi Daodejing qianjie [A Simple Explanation of the Tao Te Ching] (Zhao Lin, Zhao Yumin), 28 “Laozi Heshang gong zhangju kao” [Studies of Lao-tzu Annotated by Heshang Gong] (Wang Ming), 10 Laozi huahu jing [The Scripture on Lao-tzu’s Conversion of the Barbarians], 55–56, 96–97, 99 Laozi kao [Studies on Lao-tzu] (Wang Chongmin), 10 Laozi ming [Inscription of Lao-tzu] (Bian Shao), 94 Laozi shengmu bei [Stele of Lao-tzu’s Holy Mother] (Wang Fu), 94, 98 “Laozi wushizhang yanjiu” [Studies on 50 Chapters of Lao-tzu] (Chen Yingning), 15 Laozi xiang’er zhu jiaojian [A Collatin on Lao-tzu Annotated by Xiang’er] (Rao Zongyi), 15 Laozi xiang’erzhu (The Xianger commentary to the Laozi), 94, 129, 268, 285 “Laozi yu Daojiao” [Lao-tzu and Taoism] (Yu Songqing), 15 Laozi zhilue [Brief Presentation of the Lao-tzu] (Wang Bi), 153

360

index

Laozi zhongjing [Scripture of the Center from Lao-tzu], 125, 145 Le Shaowen, 214 Legalism, 90 “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians,” 87, 95, 96–97, 99–100 Leng Li (Zhongguo shenxian daquan [The Chinese Pantheon]), 35 Leng Shouguang, 108 Lengyan jing, 242 Lengyuan xianshu [The Divine Book of Leng Park], 53 Leopold, Aldo, 275–278 “Letter to Huangpu Long” (Cao Cao), 109 li, 282 Li Changming, 229 Li Dingguo, 240 Li Fengmao (Liuchao SuiTang daolei xiaoshuo yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Novels in the Six Dynasties, the Sui, and the Tang]), 34 Li Gang Handai daojiao zhexue [Taoist Philosophy in the Han Dynasty], 31 Quanshan chengxian, Daojiao shengming lunli [Becoming Immortal Through Morality,The Taoist Ethics of Life], 33 Li Houqiang (Wawushan daojiao wenhua [Taoist Culture of Wawu Mountain]), 30 Li Jingwei (Sun Simiao zai guyixue shang de weida de gongxian [Sun Simiao’s Great Contribution to Ancient Medicine]), 18–19 Li Jungu (Zhouyi cantongqi de zhexue sixiang [Philosophy of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ]), 17 Li Lishe, 163 Li Niwan, 242, 247, 250 li of the dead, 142 Li Pengtou, 232, 238 Li Qingzhao, 14 Li Rong, 168, 210 Li Shan, 113, 254 Li Shaojun, 214 Li Shuhuan (Daojiao yaoyi huida daquan [Collection of Answers to Questions on the Essence of Taoism]), 20 Li Shutong (“Tangdai de zhengjiao guanxi” [The Relationship Between Politics and Religions in the Tang Dynasty]), 21

Li Simian (“Daojiao qiyuan zakao” [Studies on the Origins of Taoism]), 10 Li Te, 101 Li Wei, 125 Li Xueqin, 16 Li Yangzheng Dangdai daojiao [Contemporary Taoism], 29 Dangdai Zhongguo daojiao [Contemporary Chinese Taoism], 29 Daojiao dacidian [A Large Dictionary of Taoism], 40 Daojiao gaishuo [Introduction to Taoism], 40 Daojiao shouce [Handbook of Taoism], 40 Daojiao yu zhuzi baijia [Taoism and the Hundred Schools of Thought], 32 Li You (Hanguguan ming [Inscription of Hangu Pass]), 94 Li Yu, 332 Li Yuanguo Daojiao yangshengfa [The Taoist SelfCultivation Regimen], 37 Qigong jinghuaji [An Essential Collection of Qigong], 36 Sichuan daojiao shihua [The History of Taoism in Sichuan], 30 Zhongguo daojiao yangsheng chaoshoushu [Chinese Taoist Techniques of SelfCultivation Regimen and Longevity], 37 Li Yuanqing, Prince Dao, 163 Li Zhichang, 221, 222 Changchun zhenren xiyou ji, 217, 220 “Li Zhichang zhi zunian” [The Date of the Death of Li Zhichang] (Chen Yuan), 10 Li Zi’ao, 131 Li Ziwei (Daojia yangshengshu [Taoist SelfCultivation Techniques]), 37 Liandanshu de chengzhang yu xichuan [The Evolution of Taoist Alchemy and Its Introduction in the West] (Feng Jiasheng), 16 “Liandanshu de fasheng yu fazhan” [The Origin and Evolution of Taoist Alchemy] (Zhang Zigao), 17 Liang Dynasty, 46 Liang Sheng (“Zaoshen de yanjiu” [Studies on the Stove God ]), 12 Lianwanquanqu Palace, 138 Liao kingdom, 256 Liaoning Education Press, 27 Liaoning guji Press, 36 Liaoning People’s Publishing House, 34, 35

index Lieji jing (Scripture of the Chronicles), 254 Liezi “Yangzhu” (Wang Xizhi), 116 Liezi zhu [Annotation on the Liezi] (Zhang Zhan), 156 life of the ancient people, 265 cherishing, 263–267, 286–291 creation of, 193–199, 268–271, 279–280, 291 cultivating, 264–266 and death, 264–266 desire in, 199–200, 264 ecological philosophy of, 266–267 energy of, 198–199 five levels in, 266 interdependence and equality in, 274, 275–283 maintaining, 264 origin and evolution of, 198–199 philosophy of, 267–268 sanctity of, 274 significance of, 286 strengths and weakness in, 264–265 treasuring, 267–278 value of a, 286 life preceding original nature, 246 Light Perfection Congregation, 219 Lihuo lun (Mouzi), 99 Liji, 120, 123 “Dazhuan,” 120 “Jiaotesheng,” 119 Lijiang Publishing House, 34 Lin, Emperor, 102 Lin Lingsu, 335 Lin Maoyang, 227, 240 Lin Wanqing (Zangwai daoshu [Extracanonical Taoist Texts]), 27 Lin Xiyi, 264 Lin Yutang, 117 Ling, Emperor, 69 Lingbao [Numinous Treasure], 46 Lingbao School, 127, 129, 138, 144, 256 Lingbao wuliang duren shangping miaojing, 270 Lingbao yujian [ Jade Reference of Numinous Treasure Liturgy] “Category of Sublimation and Regeneration,” 310 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies, 15 Lingshu ziwen [Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits], 66–68, 70–72, 74, 76–79 Lingyou Temple, 226 Lingyuan dadao ge baihua zhushi [An Annotation in Modern Chinese of the Great Tao of Divine Source Song] (Chen Yingning), 13

361

Linji lineage, 231 Linking Books, 20, 21 Lisao (Qu Yuan), 113 Lishi xuebao [ Journal of History], 21 Lishi yanjiu [Historical Research], 15 Literary Anthology of Panxi, 51 literati converts from Confucianism, 239–241, 243 philanthropy, purpose of, 260 Registers of Merits and Demerits, 259–260 Wang Chuyi’s influence on, 216 literature (1980–2000) scholarship on, 33–35 Cao Cao’s achievements in, 113–117 Chinese, categories in, 117 Liu Bang, 121 Liu Bei, 104, 107 Liu Boji (Tangdai de zhengjiao shi [The History of Politics and Religion in the Tang Dynasty]), 21 Liu Chuxuan (Changsheng), 214, 215–216 Liu dusheng jie [Six Rules for Releasing Life], 288 Liu Feng (Zhongguo daojiao fazhan shigang [An Outline of the Evolution of Chinese Taoism]), 29 Liu Guizhen Neiyanggong liaofa [The Inner Healing Practice Treatment], 18 Qigong liaofa shijian [The Practice of Qigong Treatment], 18 Liu Guoliang (Daojiao yu Zhouyi [Taoism and the Book of Changes]), 32 Liu Haichan, 213 Liu Hong Suzhou daojiao keyi yinyue yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Ritual Music of Suzhou], 38 Wudang yun [The Music of Wudang Mountain], 39 Yuxi daoren Min Zhiting chuanpu quanzhen zhengyunpu ji [The Music Score of Yuxi Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology of Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen School ], 38 Zhongguo daojiao yinyue shilüe [A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Music], 38 Liu Huayang Huiming jing, 248, 249 Jinxian lunzheng, 249 Jinxian zhenglun [Argumentation on Golden Immortals], 248 Taoist inner alchemy theory, 243–249

362

index

Liu Jianquan (Daojiao zhenglüe [An Essay on Taoism]), 10 Liu Ling, 41 Liu Pi, 102 Liu Qing, 108 Liu Qun (Zhongguo minjian zhushen [The Chinese Folk Pantheon]), 35 Liu Shipei, 8 Du Daozang ji [Remarks on the Taoist Canon], 9, 59 Liu Shouhua Daojiao yu minsu wenxue [Taoism and Folk Literature], 34 Daojiao yu Zhongguo minjian wenxue [Taoism and Chinese Folk Literature], 34 Liu Song Dynasty, 125 Liu Wansu, 308 Liu Xiaoming (Zhongguo fuzhou wenhua daguan [A Panorama of the Culture of Chinese Talismans and Incantations]), 39 Liu Yan, 80 Liu Yiming, 230, 232 Cantong zhizhi [Explanation of the Zhouyi cantongqi ], 244 Daoshu shi’erzhong [Twelve Taoist Works], 244 Jingyan zafang [Diverse Verified Prescriptions], 244 Kongyi chanzhen [True Explanation of Kongyi ], 244 Taoist inner alchemy theory, 243–249, 251 Wuzhen zhizhi [Explanation of the Wuzhen pian], 244 Xiangyan poyi [Explanation of the Different Compositions of the Trigrams], 244 Xiuzhen biannan [Solving Difficulties for Self-cultivators], 245, 247 Yanke qimeng [Ophthalmology for Beginners], 244 Yili chanzhen [True Explanation of the Yijing], 244 Yinfujing zhu [Commentary on the Yinfujing], 244 Zhinanzhen [Compass], 244 Zhouyi chanzhen [True Explanation of Zhouyi ], 244, 245 Liu Yu (Hermit of the Western Mountain), 255 Liu Zhiwan Jiaoji shiyi [A Definition of the Offering Ritual ], 21 “Taibei xian Zhonghe xiang jianjiao jidian” [The Offering Ritual in Zhonghe District of Taipei County], 21

Taiwan minjian xinyang lunji [Essays on Taiwan’s Popular Religions], 21 “Taoyuan xian Longtan xiang jianjiao jidian” [The Offering Ritual in Longtan Village of Taoyuan County], 21 “Xiuzhai kao” [Studies on the Taoist Fast Ritual ], 21 Liu Zhonglu, 217 Liu Zhongyu Dao xian ren [The Tao, Immortals and Humans], 32 Daojia yangshengshu [Taoist SelfCultivation Techniques], 37 Zhongguo daojiao wenhua toushi [A Perspective on Chinese Taoist Culture], 32 Liuchao SuiTang daolei xiaoshuo yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Novels in the Six Dynasties, the Sui, and the Tang] (Li Fengmao), 34 Liujiang village, 212–213 Liu-Song Dynasty, 80 Liuxi waizhuan [Unofficial Biography of Liuxi ], 227, 228 Liuzi, 271 Long Xianzhao (BaShu daojiao beiwen jicheng [A Collection of the Taoist Stone Inscriptions in Sichuan]), 56 longevity, 236 Cao Cao’s desire for, 110–112, 114–115 defined, 192 Ghenghis Khan’s desire for, 218 Heaven and, 268 moderation and frugality in, 285 Quanzhen School, 237 and realization of the Tao, 178–184 ritual techniques and, 293 in the Taoist doctrinal system, 172–174 Taoist doctrine on, 128, 211 Taoist inner alchemy and, 235 Longevity Congregation, 219 longevity theory, 92 “Longhu shan Shangqing gong kao” [Studies on Shangqing Temple on Longhu Mountain] (Yang Daying), 13 Longhudandao Daojiao neidanshu [The Taoism of the Cinnabar of Dragon and Tiger,The Taoist Inner Alchemy] (Hao Qin), 200 Longmen Branch Temple, 221 Longmen School Confucianism and Taoism combined, 239–243

index ethics of the, 232–239 founding, 210 members, 239 revival, Wang Changyue and, 223, 226–229, 231–239, 241–242, 247 study of, 54 Taoist inner alchemy theory, 243–251 transmission of the precepts, 226–227, 230 Longmen xinfa [Heart Method of Longmen] (Wang Changyue), 232, 233, 234–235 Longmen xizhu xinzong, 229 Lord of Immortal Capital of Nine Old Men, 129 Lou Jinyuan, 309 Louguan kao [Studies on the Louguan Temple] (Chen Guofu), 13 Louguan School, 213 Louguandao yuanliu kao [Studies on the Evolution of the Louguan School ] (Wang Shiwei), 30, 43 love, 236 Lovelock, James, 277 loyalty, 236–237, 243 Lu Dayou, 222 Lü Dongbin, 251 Lu Guolong Daojiao wenhua mianmian guan [A Panorama of Taoist Culture], 33 Daojiao zhexue [Taoist Philosophy], 31 Daojiao zhishi baiwen [A Hundred Questions on Taoism], 40 Zhongguo chongxuanxue [The Chinese School of Double Mystery], 31 Lu Ji (“Song of the Tai Mountain”), 141, 142 The Lu Mountain Chinese Taoist Culture Conference, 25 Lü Na, 106 Lu Nüsheng, 108 Lü Pengzhi, 41 Daojiao zhexue [Taoist Philosophy], 31 Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe (Abridged Codes for the Taoist Community by Master Lu Xiujing), 126, 128 Lü Xichen Daojia yu minzu xingge [Taoism and the National Character], 32 Daoxue tonglun daojia daojiao xianxue [An Overview of Taoism: Philosophical, Religious, and Self-Cultivational Taoism], 31

363

Lu Xiujing, 132 Sandong jingshu mulu [Catalogue of Scriptures of Three Caverns], 46 Shouchi bajie zhaiwen [Text of the Ritual of Receiving the Eight Rules], 289 Lu Xun, 7, 116 Lü Yunyin (Shoupu), 227, 238, 240 Luan Da, 214 Lun BeiSong monian zhi chongshang daojiao [Official Support for Taoism at the end of the Northern Song Dynasty (Parts 1, 2)] ( Jin Zhongshu), 20 Lun Ge Hong [Studies on Ge Hong] (Yang Xiangkui), 16 “Lun Laozi yu Daojiao” [Studies on Lao-tzu and Taoism] (Wang Ming), 11 “Lun Siku tiyao bushi Daojia xueshu zhi quanti” [On the “Summary of the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries” ignoring part of the Taoist Studies] (Chen Yingning), 15 “Lun Taipingjing chao jiabu zhi wei” [The Apocryphal Jia Category in Taiping Chao] (Wang Ming), 10 Lunheng [Balanced Discourses] (Wang Chong), 90, 94, 98, 152 Lunyu, 121 Luo Chi Taipingjing zhushi [An Annotation on the Great Peace Scripture], 28 Zhongmiao zhimen daojiao wenhua zhimi tanwei [The Gate to All That Is Subtle and Wonderful, Deciphering Taoist Culture], 33 Luo Pengtou, 222 Luo Xianglin (“Bixia yuanjun” [The Mount Tai Goddess]), 12 Luo Yongling (Zhongguo xianhua yanjiu [Studies on Chinese Legends of the Immortals]), 34 luofeng, 136, 137 Luofeng Mountain, 136 Luofeng Palace, 138 Luosang pengcuo (“Beiping Baiyun guan daoxue yuanyuan kao” [Studies on the Evolution of Taoist Study in the Baiyun Temple in Peking]), 13 Lüshi chunqiu [Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals], 181, 183, 185, 187–189, 263, 266–267 Lutu zhenjing [The Perfect Scripture on Talismans and Charts] (Yuwen Yong), 47

364

index

Ma Duanlin, 122 Ma Jiren (Daojiao yu liandan [Taoism and Inner Alchemy]), 37 Ma Kanwen (Tangdai mingyi Sun Simiao guli diaocha [Research on the Native Village of the Famous Doctor of the Tang Dynasty Sun Simiao]), 19 Ma Xisha (Daojiao wenhua mianmian guan [A Panorama of Taoist Culture]), 33 Ma Xueliang (Yiwen Quanshanjing yizhu [A Translation and Annotation of Quanshanjing in Yi Language]), 28 Ma Yu, 214, 215, 216, 221, 286 Ma Zhi, 308 Mādhyamaka, 165, 168, 169, 174 magical arts Buddhism as branch of, 97, 100 Han Dynasty, 97, 105, 107, 111 of immortals, 108 Longmen xizhu xinzong, 229 Quanzhen School, 237 religious Taoism and the, 92, 93 Wei Dynasty, 107 magicians Cao Cao’s, 105–106, 107, 108, 110 works expressing the ideas of, 46 Man of the Tao, 183 Manzhou mingcheng zhuan [Biography of the Illustrious Manchu Officials], 229 Maoshan Branch, 238 Master of the Green Buffalo (Feng Junda), 109 materialism, 207, 285–286 Mawadui tombs, 54 medical incantations, 293–298 The Medical Magazine of Ching, 17 medical regimen (1980–2000) scholarship on, 37–38 Huang Lao School writings on, 54–55 medical talismans system of use, 293–298 treatment elements, 298–308 medicine, Taoist (1949–1978), pioneering period works on, 18 ancient, contribution of Taoism to, 117 to attain longevity, 112 divine, 111–112 fusion of Taoism and, 182 incantations in, 293–298 jing and, 249

Original Method of the Yunmu jiuzi, 108 qi and, 268 ritual and, 335–336 for self-cultivation, 112 summary overview, 308 talismans in system of use, 293–298 treatment elements, 298–308 meditation, 246 Mei Xinlin (Xianhua shenren zhijian de mohuan shijie [The Legends of the Immortals, The Magic World between Gods and Humans]), 34 memoirs, (1980–2000) scholarship on, 26–27 Meng Anpai (Daojiao yishu [Taoist Philosophy]), 281 Meng Jie, 110 Meng Naichang Daojiao yu Zhongguo liandanshu shi [Taoism and the History of Chinese Alchemy], 35 Daojiao yu Zhongguo yiyaoxue [Taoism and Chinese Medicine], 37 Wandai danjingwang Zhouyi cantongqi sanshisijia zhushi jicui [A Collection of Thirty-Four Kinds of Annotations on the King of Alchemical Scriptures, the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ], 35 Zhouyi cantongqi kaobian [A Collation of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ], 35 Meng Qingxuan (Wandai danjingwang Zhouyi cantongqi sanshisijia zhushi jicui [A Collection of Thirty-Four Kinds of Annotations on the King of Alchemical Scriptures, the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ]), 35 Meng Wentong, 8, 26, 57 “Chen Bixu yu Chen Tuan xuepaiChen Jingyuan Laozi Zhuangzi zhu jiaoji fu Chen Tunan xuepu” [Chen Bixu and Chen Tuan School-Notes on Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu Annotated by Chen Jingyuan published together with the Intellectual Chronicle of Chen Tunan], 9–10 “Daojiao shi suotan” [An Essay on the History of Taoism], 15 “Jiaoli Laozi Cheng Xuanying shu xulu” [Descriptive Notes of Collation of Laozi Annotated by Cheng Xuanying], 9

index “Jijiao Laozi Li Rong zhu ba” [A Postscript to the Compilation of Lao-tzu Annotated by Li Rong], 9 JinTang Laozi guzhu sishijia jicun [The Collation of Forty Kinds of Ancient Annotations to the Lao-tzu from the Jin Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty], 161, 162 Laozi Cheng Xuanying shu [Cheng Xuanying’s Commentary on Lao-tzu], 9 “Wanzhou xiandao fensanpai kao” [Studies of the Three Schools of Immortality in the Late Zhou Period], 10–11 “Zuowang lun kao” [Studies on Zuowang Lun], 9 Meng Wentong wenji [Collection of the Articles of Meng Wentong] “The Ten Collated Taoist Scriptures,” 150 Meng Zhizhou, 149 Mengzi, 121 merits and demerits, 253–262, 271–272, 287–289 Merleau-Ponty, Maurice, 177 Method of Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains, 80 Miaolinjing ershiqi jie [Twenty-seven Rules of the Scripture of Miaolin], 289, 291 Michuan daojia Yijinjing neidangong [Inner Alchemy: The Art of Taoist Esoteric Yijin Scripture] (Wang Qingyu), 36 Mid-Ming Dynasty, 253 Min Sheng, 241 Min Yide, 228, 232, 241 Dafan xiantian fanyin douzhou [Dipper Spells in Sanskrit of Anterior Heaven Great Brahma], 229 Du Sanni yishi shuo guankui [Simple Explanation of Sanni yishishuo], 251 Gushu yinlou cangshu [Books from the Hidden Library of Ancient Books], 229, 249–250 Jindan sibaizi zhu [Annotation on the Four-hundred Words Essay on Inner Alchemy], 250 Jin’gai xindeng, 242 Sanni yishi jue [Practical Instructions on the Three Sages’ Doctrine of Healing the World], 250 “Simple Method of the Longmen Branch,” 243 Suoyan xu [Sequel to an Ignored Transmission], 250

365

Taoist inner alchemy theory, 249–251 Taoist Master of Jizu Mountain and, 229 Tianxian xinchuan [Heart Transmission from the Heavenly Immortal ], 250 Min Zhiting Daojiao dacidian [A Large Dictionary of Taoism], 40 Daojiao liyi [Taoist Liturgy], 39 Daojiao yifan [Taoist Ritual Standards], 39 mind body in limiting the, 202 treating the, 205–206, 307 the unconscious, 205 Ming, Emperor, 46 ming, meaning of, 256, 266 Ming Dynasty Daoist Canon of the Zheng-tong reign, 65 Fengdu County, 136 Jiajing reign, 231 medical talismans, 296 medicine in the, 111 Quanzhen and Zhengyi Schools divided, 225 Quanzhen School, 229, 232 Register of Merits and Demerits, 259 ritual in, 309, 336–337 Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong reign, 65 Taoist converts following fall of, 239–241 Taoist scriptures in the, 51–54, 57, 59, 61–62 Wanli reign, 51, 261 Zhengtong reign, 51, 84 Ming Qing Quanzhenjiao lungao [Studies on the Quanzhen School in Ming and Qing Dynasties] (Wang Zhizhong), 30 Mingchang reign, 56, 216 Mingchengwucheng Palace, 138 MingQing daojiao lunli ji qi liubian [The Evolution of Taoist Ethics in the Ming and Qing Dynasties] (Guo Wu, Jiang Sheng), 33 MingQing zhiji daojiao sanjiaoheyi sixiang lun [Syncretism in Ming and Qing Dynasties] (Tang Dachao), 32 Mingwen shuju, 27 Minsu [Folklore], 12 Minzu yinyue yanjiu suo, 19 Miscellaneous Schools, 45 Mister Gan (Gan Ji), 295

366

index

Mister Lu (Lu Xiujing), 295 modernity, Quanzhen School’s compatibility with, 6 Mohism, 45, 92 Moja, 163 morality, 233–239, 282 morality books, 57, 253–254, 260–261. See also specific books morals, Confucian, 116–117 Most High Old Lord cult, 46 Most High Old Lord of Limitless Great Tao and Highest Three Heavens of Great Clarity and Mysterious Origin, 129 Mou Zhongjian, 31 Mou Zongsan, 207 Dasheng qixin lun, 206 Mouzi (Lihuo lun), 99 Mozi (Mo-tzu), 45, 121 music (1900–1949), budding period works on, 12 (1949–1978), pioneering period works on, 19 (1980–2000) scholarship on, 38–39 role in ritual, 328–331 Mysterious Vacuity, 149 Mystery Cavern, 63, 66 Mystery study, 151–161 mysticism, 92 Næss, Arne, 275, 276 Naifan mingcheng Palace, 138 Naimazhen, Empress, 51 Nan Huaijin “Yuandai Quanzhendao yu Zhongguo shehui” [The Quanzhen School and Chinese Society in the Yuan Dynasty], 20 Zhongguo daojiao fazhan shi lüeshu [A Brief Introduction of the Evolution of Chinese Taoism], 29 Nan Yangsheng lun (Xiang Xiu), 156 Nanbeichao Tianshidao kao changbian [An Outline of the Heavenly Master School in the Southern and Northern Dynasties] (Chen Guofu), 15, 129 Nanhai Press, 40 “Nanhua neiwaipian fenzhang biaozhi” [An Abstract of each chapter of the Chuangtzu] (Chen Yingning), 15 NanHua University, 25 Nanhua zhenjing shu preface (Cheng Xuanying), 164

Nanhua zhenjing zhushu (Cheng Xuanying), 283 NanSong chu Hebei xindaojiao kao [The New Taoist Schools formed north of the Yellow River during the early Southern Song period] (Chen Yuan), 10 NanSong Jin Yuan de daojiao [Taoism in the Southern Song, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties] (Zhan Shichuang), 29 NanSong JinYuan daojiao wenxue yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Literature in the Southern Song, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties] (Zhan Shichuang), 33 Nanying xuebao [The Journal of Nanying], 20 National Chung Cheng University, 25 National Medical Journal of China, 12 The National Taoist Culture and Contemporary Cultural Construction Conference, 24 natural reason, 169–170, 173, 245 nature abnegating killing in, 273–274 interdependence and equality in, 274, 275–283 laws of, 280–281 non-action and, 283–284 peace in, 280 respect of, 281–283 wealth in, 270 nature and life, cultivation of, 197–200, 202–205, 265–266 Needham, Joseph, 283 Neidan tanmi [Exploring the Secrets of Inner Alchemy] (Du Xianchen), 36 Neidan yangsheng gongfa zhiyao [The Essence of Inner Alchemy and Self-Cultivation Regimen] (Wang Mu), 37 Neidan yu chanding daofoyi qigong dianji xuanjie [Inner Alchemy and Chan Meditation—An Explanation from Selected Books of Taoist, Buddhist, and Medical Qigong] (Zhang Rongming), 36 “Neidanxue” [Studies on Inner Alchemy] in Guoxue tonglan [A Panorama of Sinology] ( Ji Douyong), 37 neijie, 264 Neither Existence, nor Non-existence, 165, 168, 169 Neiyanggong liaofa [The Inner Healing Practice Treatment] (Liu Guizhen), 18 Neo-Confucianism, 172, 175, 236, 246 Neo-Taoism, 91, 174 The New Asia Journal, 20 Newly Appeared Old Lord, 130, 133, 134

index nine orifices, 189–190, 235, 265 “Nine Precepts for Taoist Nuns” (Wang Changyue), 233, 234 “Nineteen Ancient Poems” (Cao Cao), 116 Ninth Five-Year Plan, 23 nirvana, 166–167, 172 nirvana study, 169, 174 Niu Hong, 47 non-action in Arcane Learning, 91 attaining, 201–202, 270 Buddhism vs. Taoism, 97, 99 meaning of, 283 nature and, 88, 90, 283–284 nirvana and, 166 Tao of, 125, 217 in 13 strengths and weaknesses, 264 in Wang Bi’s philosophy, 155 nonentity, life born of, 205 Non-existence abandoned by Existence, 158 gives birth to qi, 279 as root of Existence, 152–154 state of, 207 things emerging from, 158 ultimate, 157–158 unconstrained, 152–153 Non-existence-Existence relationship, 152–154, 157–161, 165–166, 168–169 non-idea, 250 non-Non-existence theory, 160 Noritada Kubo (Daojiao shi [A History of Taoism]), 41 Normand, Simone, 2 Northern Dynasty medical talismans, 295 Neo-Taoism, 174 Taoism and, 91 Taoism-Buddhism conflicts, 95 Taoist scriptures in the, 47, 48, 55, 59 Twofold Mystery in, 164, 167, 174 Northern Emperor, 145, 146 Northern Quanzhen School, 221 Northern Song Dynasty, 50, 256, 323 Northern Star of Taiyi, 144–145 Northern Wei Dynasty, 47 noumenon, 155, 193–194, 207, 245–246, 281 Nüjie [Rules for Women], 253 Numinous Treasure Congregation, 219 see also Lingbao

367

Numinous Treasure Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Subliming Souls, 310, 311 Numinous Treasure School, 47 Nüqing guilü (Code of Nüqing for (Controlling) Demons), 130, 131, 133, 134, 142 Obi, Lucia (“Taoist Aspects of Yao Ritual Manuscripts in the Bavarian State Library”), 57 “Ode of Jade Altar,” 329 “Ode of Offering Flowers,” 329 Office of the Celestial Doctor, 297 Ofuchi Ninji Catalogue and Index of the Taoist Scriptures Quoted in the Documents from the Six Dynasties, Tang, and Song Dynasties, 60 Catalogue on the Taoist Scriptures of Dunhuang, 56 Dunhuang daojiao wenxian yanjiu [Studies on the Taoist Documents of Dunhuang], 56 Pictures and Photos of the Taoist Scriptures of Dunhuang, 56 Omnipresent Reason, 170 One Mystery, 150 origin, meaning of, 193–194 origin of vacuity, 207 original nature and life, 245–247, 250 Original qi, 93–94, 268, 270, 280 Orphism, 266 Orthodox Law of Three Heavens, 126, 129, 132, 133 Orthodox Unity, 63, 309, 323 Pacing of the Big Dipper ritual, 330, 332, 333 Pacing the Void, 328–329 Palace of the Six Heavens, 135–146 Palaces of the Three Origins, 69 Pan Junliang, 2 Pan Qiming (Zhouyi cantongqi xintan [New Studies on the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ]), 27 Pan Shizeng (Daomeng jingfa xiangcheng cixu [Order of the Transmission of Taoist Scriptures and Rites]), 281 Pan Xianyi (Damei buyan daojiao meixue sixiang fanchou lun [True Beauty Without Saying A Word,A Definition of Taoist Aesthetics]), 35 parental love, 336–337 peace, 264, 280 peach talismans, 300–302

368

index

Pei Songzhi, 103, 108 Pei Wei, 158, 159, 165 Chongyou lun, 157 Peng Hanran, 52 People’s Press, 28, 31 perfumes, 299, 301 phenomenology of the practice of the Tao, 203 phenomenon and noumenon, 207, 245–246 philanthropy of the literati, 260 Philosophical Researches, 16, 24 philosophical Taoism (1900–1949), budding period works on, 11–12 (1949–1978), pioneering period works on, 16 (1980–2000) scholarship on, 30–32 basis of, 178, 184 the body in, 178 Buddhism and, 94, 96, 99–100 Chinese literature in introducing, 117 Confucianism vs., 89–90 criticism of, 89 emphasis of, 89 influence of, 90 jing in, 189 longevity theory, 92 qi in, 129 realization of the Tao and longevity, 178–184 and practice of Jing and qi, 184–190 religious Taoism and, 87, 91–96, 177–178, 184 state of nature, state of the world distinction, 203 Taoism encompassing, 91 theories of life in, 91 traditional culture and rites in, 89 philosophical Taoism of Jixia, 90 philosophy, Chinese, 172, 175 Philosophy Gone Wild (Rolston, Holmes), 278 Pi Xirui, 123 Pictures and Photos of the Taoist Scriptures of Dunhuang (Ofuchi Ninji), 56 Pitaka, 48 plants, compassion toward, 291 poetry about immortals, 113–117 political-military affairs, Taoism’s relation to, 101–107 popular reading on Taoism, 26–27 post-existent qi, 202 post-existent shen, 202

practice of the body, 177 practice the Tao, 324 Praja, 167 Precious Canon of Mystery Capital, 51 pre-existent qi, 193, 194, 195, 198 pre-existent shen, 197, 198, 199 Pre-Existent Unique qi, 193, 194 Preface and Method of Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains (Baopuzi), 80 Prescriptions for Nourishing Life, 55 preservation rooms, 48 Princeton University, 58 “Principles of the Fast-Office of the Celestial Doctor” of the Shangqing lingbao dafa [Great Rites of the Numinous Treasure of Highest Clarity], 297 psychological disease and treatment, 205–206, 307 Pu Hengqiang Daojiao yifan Zhongguo chuantong yishi yinyue yanjiu jihua zhiyi [Taoist Ritual Standards, One of the Projects on Chinese Traditional Ritual Music], 39 Daojiao yu Zhongguo chuantong yinyue [Taoism and Chinese Traditional Music], 38 Shensheng liyue zhengtong daojiao keyi yinyue [Sacred Ritual Music, Orthodox Taoist Ritual Music], 39 Wudangshan daojiao yinyue yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Music from Wudang Mountain], 38 Pu Jiangqing (“Baxian kao” [Studies on Eight Immortals]), 11 pure non-objectified consciousness, 205–206 Pure ritual of Great Peace, 335–336 pure rule doctrine, 126–128, 132 puti, 163 Putong reign, 46 qi. See also specific types of cultivation in art of the body, 212 cultivation of, 177 Five Phases of development and transformation, 151–152 of Heaven and Earth, unification of, 152 Heaven’s transmission of, 130 jing as the source of, 185 meaning of, 266, 268, 294 medicine and, 268 origin of life and, 198, 245 in philosophical Taoism, 129

index post-existent, 202 pre-existent, 193, 194, 195, 197 pre-existent, post-existent boundary, 198 prenatal, 251 and realization of the Tao, 184–190 refining into shen, 193–198, 201 Six Heavens, 132, 144, 146 the three, 125 transformation of the, 173, 235 true heart as, 245 union between the form and, 196 Qi Shisi, 240 Qi Shouben, 231 Qi Zhicheng, 221 “Qiai shi” (Ruan Yu), 116 Qian Hanyang, 227 Qian Mu ( JinYuan tongzhi xia de xin daojiao [New Taoism in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties]), 20 Qiandao reign, 256 Qianjin fang [Precious Prescriptions], 70 Qianlong, Emperor, 227 Qianlong reign, 124, 229, 230, 309 Qifeitianzhao Palace, 138 Qigong, 251 Qigong jinghuaji [An Essential Collection of Qigong] (Li Yuanguo), 36 Qigong kexue changshi [The General Scientific Knowledge of Qigong] (Chen Tao), 18 Qigong liaofa shijian [The Practice of Qigong Treatment] (Liu Guizhen), 18 “Qigong xueshuo de tanyuan” [The Origin of Qigong Theory] (Xu Jihe), 18 Qigong zhexue [Philosophy of Qigong] (Yang Jianxing), 18 Qigong ziliao [Self-Treatment in Qigong] (Yang Jianxing), 18 Qilu [Seven Registrations], 47 Qilu culture and region, 209, 214, 223 Qilu shushe, 31, 33 QiLu Xuebao [The Bulletin of Qi Lu], 10 Qin Dynasty apocalypse following, 134 burying of the Confucians, 124 cult of the Five Emperors, 121 cults of, 122 jiao sacrifices, 122 morality books, 253 sacrifice in, 128 worship of immortals, 214 Qing Antai, 232 Qing Dynasty converts from Confucianism, 239–242 Guangxu reign, 231

369

Kangxi reign, 226, 227, 229, 230, 240 Longmen Branch revival, 54, 226–229, 231–239, 241–243, 247 Qianlong reign, 227, 230 Register of Merits and Demerits, 259 ritual, 321 Shunzhi reign, 226, 229 Six Heavens concept in, 124 Taoist scriptures in the, 52, 55, 57, 59 Qing Xitai, 5 Churao ji [Essays of a Woodman], 33 Daojiao Sanzijing zhushi [An Annotation on the Taoist Three-Character Classic]), 27 Daojiao shi [A History of Taoism], 29 Daojiao shilüe [A Brief History of Taoism], 29 Daojiao wenhua xindian [A New Anthology of Taoist Culture], 32 Daojiao wenhua xintan [New Studies on Taoist Culture], 32–33 Daojiao yu daoxue changshi [Knowledge of Taoism and Taoist Studies], 40 Daojiao yu Zhongguo chuantong wenhua [Taoism and Traditional Chinese Culture], 32 Jianming Zhongguo daojiao tongshi [A Brief History of Chinese Taoism], 29 Zhongguo dabaike quanshu zongjiaojuan [An Encyclopedia of China, Section on Religion], 40 Zhongguo daojiao [Chinese Taoism], 40 Zhongguo daojiao shi, ed., 28 Zhongguo daojiao sixiang shigang [An Outline of the History of Taoist Thought], 30 Zhonghua daojiao jianshi [A Brief History of Chinese Taoism], 29 Qingci bixiao daojiao wenxue yishu [Green Declarations and Green Flutes, Taoist Literary Art] (Gan Shaocheng, Yang Guangwen), 34 Qinghe neizhuan [Inner Legend of Qinghe], 254 Qinghe zazhi [The Green Crane Journal ], 12 Qingjing jing [Scripture of Simplicity and Purity], 285 Qingshigao (“Jiangcheng nianbiao” (Chronicles of Officials posted on the Borders)), 229 Qingwei School, 60 Qingyu. See Gao Dongli Qingzhou soldiers, 101, 102 Qinshihuang, 105–106, 111, 213–214

370

index

Qiu Chuji, 210, 214–223, 226, 235, 285–286 Beiyou yulu [Recorded Sayings during a Voyage to the North], 217 “Jing shasheng” (Exhorting People not to Kill Animals), 289 “Shilao zhuan” (Treatise on Buddhists and Taoists) of the Yuanshi (History of the Yuan), 217 Qiu Yinyang, 227 Qiuhu xing, 115 Qixia Temple, 222 Qixing yidu jing [Scripture of the Movement of Seven Stars], 139 Qu Yuan Lisao, 113 Yuanyou, 113 Quan Tangwen, 164 Quanshan chengxian, Daojiao shengming lunli [Becoming Immortal Through Morality, The Taoist Ethics of Life] (Li Gang), 33 Quanshanshu jinyi [Translation in Modern Chinese of Morality Books] (Zheng Chuanhui), 33 Quanzhen daozu Wang Chongyang zhuan (Guo Wu), 30 Quanzhen School, 6. See also Longmen School aescetism practices, 285 beginnings, 209, 212–216 criticism of, 225 Double Cultivation of the Body and the Spirit, 212 innovations in Taoist philosophy, 209–212 Iron Bottle Ritual of Sublimation, 320–321 Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians and, 99 main idea of, 192 prosperity of, 216–223 summary overview, 223 syncretism of the three religons and the, 211–212 Taoism, influence on, 209 Taoist scriptures and the, 51 theory of syncretism, 244 Yuan Dynasty, 220–223 Quanzhen Seven Masters, 209 Quanzhen Temple, 214 Quanzhen xianpai yuanliu [The Evolution of the Quanzhen School ] (Chen Zhibin), 20

Quanzhenjiao Press, 20 Quanzhou City, Taoist Culture Institute, 23 Queen Mother of the West, 146 Quegu shiqi fang [Method for Refraining from Grains and Ingesting Qi ], 107 Qunzhong Press, 37 Rao Zongyi (Laozi xiang’er zhu jiaojian [A Collation on Lao-tzu Annotated by Xiang’er]), 15 real nature, 211 real nature in peace, 210 real Reason, 170 Reason, 169–171, 173 Reason of the Twofold Mystery, 169–172 rebellions in the name of Tao, 96 Register of Merits and Demerits, 260–261 religions, origin of, 205 Religious Culture Publishing House, 32, 38, 39, 40 religious policy, advisory role of religious scholars, 3 religious scholars, roles of, 3 Religious Studies, 26, 41 Religious Studies Institute, Sun Yat-sen University, 25 religious Taoism basis of, 178, 183 Buddhism and, 94–96, 99–100 Chinese literature in introducing, 117 deification of Lao-tzu in, 92–94, 96 development of, 87, 94–95 focus on the body, 177–178 fundamental element, 92 immortals, belief in, 91–92 origin of, 93 philosophical Taoism and, 87, 91–96, 177–178, 184 popular Taoism vs., 146–147 salvation in, 92 Tao in, 87–88 Taoism encompassing, 91 theory of immortality in, 92 Remarks on the Taoist Canon (Liu Shipei), 59 ren, 268, 271, 282 Ren Farong Daodejing shiyi [An Annotation of the Tao Te Ching], 28 Huangdi yinfujing shiyi [An Annotation of the Yellow Emperor’s Scripture on the Hidden Talisman], 36

index Zhouyi cantongqi shiyi [An Annotation of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ], 28, 36 Ren Jiyu, 27 Descriptive Notes on the Taoist Canon, 60 Zhongguo daojiao shi, ed, 29 Zhongguo Zhexue shi [A History of Chinese Philosophy], 14 Renmin Daily, 15 Renmin tiyu Press, 36 Renmin wenxue Press, 34 Rensheng, 20 Research Institute of the Chinese Taoist Association, 19, 57 Responsive lord, 123 retribution, 254, 272 return to the origin, 201, 203, 205, 206 “Rhapsody of Longevity,” 329–330 Rihuazi bencao [Materia Medica of Rihuazi ], 300 Rites of Release from the Six Palaces of Fengdu of the Northern Emperor, 138 ritual. See also talismans; specific rituals (1966–1976), Cultural Revolution period works on, 21 (1980–2000) scholarship on, 39 archaeological material on, 55 arenas, 319–320 Cantonese region, 320–322 Confucian, 89, 91, 124 immortality and, 144 liturgical texts, variations in, 314–319 medicine and, 335–336 of merits and demerits, 259 purpose of, 293 Qingwei School, 58 Quanzhen School, 222, 238 scriptures preserved among the people, 57 for sublimation and the release of souls, 310–314 talismans and incantations used with, 297–302 in the Taoist doctrinal system, 126–129 theatrical feature of dance, role of, 328–331 introduction, 323–324 music, role of, 328–331 structure and details, 324–328 theatrical performances vs., 331–337 variance by local custom, 309

371

Ritual of Scattering Flowers and Communicating with Spirits through Lanterns, 321, 322 “Ritual Tools” Foundations of Rules and Precepts for Worshipping the Tao According to the Three Caverns, 49 Rolston, Holmes Environmental Ethics, 278 Philosophy Gone Wild, 278 Rong Sheng, 16 Rong Zhiyi (Zhongguo liandanshu kaolüe [Studies on Chinese Taoist Alchemy]), 35 Rongcheng, Lord, 108, 109 Round Knoll, 119–120 Ruan Da, 105–106 Ruan Dacheng, 239 Ruan Ji, 155–156 Ruan Xiaoxu (Xiandao lu [Notes on Immortals and Taoists]), 46–47 Ruan Yu (“Qiai shi”), 116 Rufodao zhi xinyang yanjiu [A Study on the Beliefs of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism] (Du Wangzhi), 20 Rules, scripture classification of, categories, 47, 48 Rules of the Most High, 298 sacrifice bodies of dead generals desire for, 131 Orthodox Law of Three Heavens doctrine, 126–127, 129 to the Six Heavens, 123 to spirits of the Six Heavens, 127 to Taiyi, 122 in Taoist doctrine, 126–131, 142–143 Safe Congregation, 219 Saint Lord of Great Peace, 67 San Min Book, 28 Sanbai dajie [Three Hundred Primordial Rules], 289–290, 291 Sandong fengdao kejie yingshi [The Foundations of Rules and Precepts for Worshipping the Tao According to the Three Caverns], (“Compilation of Scriptures”), 48–49 Sandong jingshu mulu [Catalogue of Scriptures of Three Caverns] (Lu Xiujing), 46 Sandong qunxian lu [Record of the Immortals of the Three Caverns], 109 Sandong shiyi [The Newly found books from the Three Caverns], 54 Sanguo zhi “Biography of He Qia,” 107 “Biography of the Emperor Wen,” 104

372

index

“Biography of the Emperor Wu,” 108 “Biography of Zhang Ji,” 106–107 “Biography of Zhang Lu,” 103 Sanlian Publishing Company, 16, 31, 34, 35, 37 Sanni yishi jue [Practical Instructions on the Three Sages’ Doctrine of Healing the World] (Min Yide), 250 Sanqin Press, 28, 36 Sanshijiu zhangjing, 133 Santian neijie jing (Scripture of the Inner Explication of the Three Heavens), 125, 126, 127, 128–130, 139 Sanyuan Temple, 228 Saso, Michael (ZhuangLin xu daozang [Zhuang-Lin Taoist Canon]), 19, 53 Schipper, Kristofer, 57 Daozang suoyin [Concordance to the Taoist Canon], 60 Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang, 60 School of Military throught, 45 School of Names, 90 School of Philosophy, Wuhan University, 24 School of Wu and Liu, 248 Schweitzer, Albert, 276 Civilization and Ethics, 275 Science Press, 16, 36 Scripture of Great Peace, 9, 16, 46, 65–68, 78–85, 263, 270, 294 Scripture of Wind and Dew of Great Clarity, 51 The 2nd Cross-Strait Taoist Studies Conference, 25 The 2nd International Conference of Taoist Culture, 25 Secret Instructions of Huanxu, 193 Secret of the Saint Lord from the Scripture of Great Peace, 67 Sect of the Heart of the Xizhu, 238 Seidel, Anna K. (Chronicle of Taoist Studies in the West: 1950–1990), 41 self-cultivation regimen (1949–1978), pioneering period works on, 18–19, 53 Buddhist, 206–207 Cao Cao’s, 106, 107–113 the Heart in, 171 maintaining life, 264, 266 moderation and frugality in, 285 of the return to the origin, 206 in Taoist inner alchemy, 198 Self-cultivation School, 182

self-realization theory, 159–160 Sengzhao, 164 Buzhenkong lun [Against True Emptiness], 165 Collection of Articles Written by Sengzhao, 166–167 Neither Existence, nor Non-existence theory, 165, 168, 169 Niepan wuming lun (On the unnamingability of the Nirvana), 166 Seoul University, 58 Sessions, George (Deep Ecology: Living as if in Nature), 277 Seven Orifices, 269 Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel, 50, 51, 84 sexual desire, 199 sexual practices, 47, 48, 108, 109–110 Shaanxi renmin Press, 30 Shaanxi shifan daxue Press, 29 Shaanxi Taoism, 26 Shaanxi Taoist Association, 26 shamanism, 129 Shandong Education Press, 36 Shang Dynasty, 132 Shang Shiduo (Daojia sixiang yu HanWei wenxue [Taoist Ideas and Literature in the Han and Wei Dynasties]), 34 Shang Zhijun (“Cong Zhenglei bencao suoyin ziliao kan Tao Hongjing dui Bencaoxue de gongxian” [Tao Hongjing’s Contribution to Herbalism through the Texts Quoted in the Zhenglei Bencao]), 18 Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 29, 32, 33 Shanghai Baiyunguan shishi keyi yinyue yanjiu [Studies on the Ritul of Feeding Hungry Ghosts: Ritual Music of Shanghai Baiyun Temple] (Cao Benye, Zhu Jianming), 38 Shanghai Daojiao [Shanghai Taoism], 26 Shanghai guji Press, 29, 35, 41, 57 Shanghai Lexicographical Publishing House, 40 Shanghai Literature and Art Publishing House, 32, 33, 34, 36 Shanghai renmin Press, 29 Shanghai shudian, 41, 52, 60 Shanghai Taoist Association, 26 Shanghai Translation Publishing House, 41 Shanghai wenhua Press, 33, 37 Shanghai zhishi Press, 40

index Shangqing [Highest Clarity], 46 Shangqing canon, 132 Shangqing housheng daojun lieji [The Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter (Heavens) of Highest Clarity], 66–70, 72–74, 78, 83–84 Shangqing lingbao dafa [Great Rites of the Numinous Treasure of the Highest Clarity] (Ning Quanzhen), 297 Shangqing lingbao dafa [Great Rituals of Highest Purity and Numinous Treasure] ( Jin Yunzhong), 326–327 “Principles of the Fast-Office of the Celestial Doctor,” 326–327 “Ritual of Sending the Memorial, Sending Memorial and Purification,” 298 “Taboo of Fast, Purification,” 301 Shangqing School, 129, 144 Shangqing tianguan santu, 144 Shanhai jing [The Classic of Mountains and Seas], 136 Shanxi kexue jiaoyu Press, 36 Shanzai xing (Cao Cao), 115 Shao En, 139 she cult, 122 she gods, 134 shen cultivation in art of the spirit, 212 cultivation of, 177 evolution of the person and, 200 immortal, 192 meaning of, 267, 268 origin of life and, 198 post-existent, 202 pre-existent, 199 pre-existent, post-existent boundary, 197 prenatal, 248–249 refining in xu, 193–199, 201 ren (humans) replaced by, 268 Shen Changjing, 238 Shen Yibing, 228, 231, 237, 241, 242, 249–251 Tianxian daojie xuzhi [Essentials on the Taoist Precepts of the Heavenly Immortals], 250 sheng, 263, 266 Sheng Changjing, 227 Sheng Qingya (Old Jinzhu), 227, 239, 241 Sheng wu aile lun, 156 Shengming lingguang daojiao chuanshuo yu zhihui [The Halo of Life—Taoist Legends and Wisdom] (Zhan Shichuang), 33

373

Shenhu yinwen, 133 Shennong bencao jing [Materia Medica of Shennong], 299 Shennong jing [Scripture of Shennong], 112 Shensheng liyue zhengtong daojiao keyi yinyue [Sacred Ritual Music,Orthodox Taoist Ritual Music] (Pu Hengqiang), 39 “Shenxian kao” [Studies on the Immortals] (Wen Yiduo), 11 Shenzong, Emperor, 51 Shesheng zongyao yu shuangxiu yaoji [The Essence of Life-preserving Regimen and Sexual Practice] (Zhou Ruming), 37 shi, 125, 196–197 Shi, Emperor, 51, 256 Shi Changzai, 238 Shi Dalang (Daojiao neidan yangshengxue gaiyao [An Outline of the Taoist Regimen of Inner Alchemy]), 36 Shi Liangsheng (Daoyuan), 227, 238 Shi Shi, 8 Shi Xinmin Daojiao yinyue [Taoist Music], 38 Yuxi daoren Min Zhiting chuanpu quanzhen zhengyunpu ji [The Music Score of Yuxi Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology of Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen School ], 38 Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao yinyue [The Music of the Heavenly Master School from Longhu Mountain], 38 Shi Xuanguang (Bianhuo lun [An Essay on Analyse of Doubts]), 80 Shi Yanfeng (Daojiao jichu zhishi [Taoist Basic Knowledge]), 39 Shi Yihui (“Daojiao zai Taiwan fenbu yu xianzhuang” [The Distribution and Current Situation of Taoism in Taiwan]), 20 Shi Yinfu gongguoge [Register of Merits and Demerits of Shi Yinfu], 259 Shifang Datianchang Temple, 51 Shiji “Fengshan shu” (The Feng and Shan sacrifices), 121–122, 213 Shijie gongguoge [Ledger of Merits and Demerits of the Ten Precepts], 259, 288 “Shilao zhuan” (Treatise on Buddhists and Taoists) of the Yuanshi (History of the Yuan) (Qiu Chuji), 217 “Shilun Yinfu jing ji qi weiwu zhuyi sixiang” [An Essay on the Scripture of Hidden Talisman and Its Materialism] (Wang Ming), 16 Shixue jikan [History Studies bulletin], 11

374

index

Shiyusuo jikan [Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica], 10 Shizu, Emperor, 51, 221 Shou Shoushan, 226 Shouchi bajie zhaiwen [Text of the Ritual of Receiving the Eight Rules] (Lu Xiujing), 289 shrine of Heaven and of King Wen of Zhou, 122 Shun Dynasty, 122 Shunzhi reign, 226, 229, 240 Shuo Zhouyi cantongqi yu neidan waidan [Studies on the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi and Taoist Inner and External Alchemy] (Chen Guofu), 15 Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences, Institute of Philosophy and Culture, 24 Sichuan daojiao shihua [The History of Taoism in Sichuan], 30 Sichuan daojiao shihua [The History of Taoism in Sichuan] (Li Yuanguo), 30 Sichuan keji Press, 37 Sichuan Lexicographical Publishing House, 36 Sichuan minzu Press, 30 Sichuan People’s Publishing House, works from the, 27, 28, 29, 30, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 39 Sichuan Qingchengshan changdaojing shushe, 11 Sichuan tongzhi [Annals of the Sichuan], 231 Sichuan University Institute of Religions, 22 Institute of Religious Studies, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 35 Sichuan University Press, 27, 30, 33, 39 Silk Books from a Tomb at Mawangdui, 55 Sima Qian, 122–123 “Siming kao” [Studies on the Controler of Life] (Wen Yiduo), 11 Simple in Means and Rich in Ends: Practicing Deep Ecology (Devall), 277 “Simple Method of the Longmen Branch” (Min Yide), 243 simple qi, 268 Sinology, 12 Sishi shizhi [Food of the Four Seasons] (Cao Cao), 108 Siwei dingzhi jing shijie [The Rules of the Scripture of Concentration and Reinforcing Mind ], 289 Six Divine Herbs, 112

Six Heavens integration into Taoism, 144–146 origin of, 119–124 Palace of the Six Heavens in Fengdu, 135–146 Taoist criticism of, 124–134 as term, 138 “Six Heavens” (Zheng Xuan), 119–120 Six Palaces, 138 Sixth Five-Year Plan, 22–23 Social Sciences Academic Press, 31 Socrates, 266 Song Dao’an, 222 Song Defang, 51, 221 Song Dynasty Chan School, 237 Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism syncretism, 211 Dazhong xiangfu reign, 50 Louguan Taoist School, 213 medical talismans, 296 morality books, 253, 254 Neo-Confucianism, 172 ritual, 335 ritual in, 309 Taishi reign, 46 Taoist inner alchemy School, 183, 210 Taoist scriptures in the, 62, 79 Tianxi reign, 50 Zhenghe reign, 255 Song Fei (Tianxian jindan xinfa [The Mental Method of the Inner Alchemy of Heavenly Immortals]), 27–28 Song Jinsheng, 106 “Song of the Tai Mountain” (Lu Ji), 141, 142 “Song Shenxiao yuqing wanshou gong bei” [The Stele of Shenxiao Yuqing Wanshou Temple of the Song Dynasty] (Huang Zhongqin), 13 “Song Shenxiao yuqing wanshou gong zhaoshi kaoshi” [Studies on the Imperial Stele of Shenxiao Yuqing Wanshou Temple of the Song Dynasty] (Cai Shao), 13 Song Yifu (Zhonghua daoxue tongdian [A Reference Book of Chinese Taoist Studies]), 40 Songshu (“Biography of Zang Tao”), 107 SongYuan Daojiao zhi fazhan [The Evolution of Taoism in the Song and Yuan Dynasties] (Sun Kekuan), 20 sorcery, 46, 92

index souls, sublimation and the release of, 310–314, 334 Southeast Longmen Branch, 228 Southern Dynasty medical talismans, 295 Neo-Taoism, 174 Taoism and, 91 Taoism-Buddhism conflicts, 95 Taoist scriptures in the, 47, 48, 55, 59 Twofold Mystery in, 164, 167, 174 Southern Quanzhen School, 212, 221 Southern Song Dynasty, 51, 217, 253, 255–256, 323 Southwest China Normal University Press, 28 Special Edition of the Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology of Academia Sinica, 21 spirit and body, double cultivation of, 210, 212 Spirit Cavern, 63 Spirit of Blood Sacrifice, 130 Spirit of Five Great Mountains, 130 Spirit of Jade and Soil of Great Heaven and High Lord, 130 Spirit of the Four Ditches, 130 Spirit of the Nine Rivers, 130 Spirit of the Three Waters, 130 spirits of the Six Heavens, 130, 144–146 spiritual world, 207 spirit-writing, 57, 259 Student Book of Taiwan, 31, 34 Studies in World Religions, 26 Studies on the Evolution of the Taoist Canon (Chen Guofu), 59 study of nature in Taoist inner alchemy, 162, 174, 175 Su Shi yu daojia daojiao [Su Shi, Philosophical Taoism, and Religious Taoism] (Zhong Laiyin), 34 Su Zixun, 108 sublimation and the release of souls, ritual for, 310–314, 334 Sui Dynasty, 47, 48, 167, 209–210, 295 Suichao daoshu zongmu [The Catalogue of Taoist Scriptures of the Sui Dynasty], 47 Suishu [The Book of Sui Dynasty] “Treatise of Bibliography,” 150 “Treatise of Books,” 47 Sulao Temple, 230, 231 Sulü zi (Zhang Hu), 271 Summary of the Complete Library of the Four Treasuries, 60

375

Sun Bu’er nügong neidan cidishi zhu [An Annotation of Sun Bu’er’s Poem on the Procedures of Female Alchemy] (Chen Yingning), 12–13 Sun Buer (Qingjing), 214, 216 Sun Changwu (Daojiao yu Tangdai wenxue [Taoism and Literature in the Tang Dynasty]), 34 Sun Deng, 149–150 Annotation on the Lao-tzu, 164 Sun Deyu, 221 Sun Jian, 102 Sun Kekuan Hanyuan daolun [The Study of Hanyuan on Taoism], 20 SongYuan Daojiao zhi fazhan [The Evolution of Taoism in the Song and Yuan Dynasties], 20 “Tangdai Daojiao yu fazhan daolun” [An Introduction to Taoism and Its Evolution during the Tang Dynasty], 20 “Tangdai daojiao yu zhengzhi” [Taoism and Politics in the Tang Dynasty], 20 Yuandai Daojiao zhi fazhan [The Evolution of Taoism in the Yuan Dynasty], 20 Sun Mingdao (Dajin xuandu baozang [The Precious Canon of Mystery Capital of the Great Jin Dynasty]), 51 Sun Quan, 104, 107 Sun Sheng (Laodan fei daxian lun [Lao-tzu Is Not a Saint]), 165 Sun Shouyi (Yuyang), 227, 228, 238 Sun Simiao, 18 Sun Simiao Tangdai weida de yixuejia [Great Medical Scientist of Tang Dynasty Sun Simiao] (Fang Zhao), 18 Sun Simiao zai guyixue shang de weida de gongxian [Sun Simiao’s Great Contribution to Ancient Medicine] (Li Jingwei), 18–19 Sun Xuanqing, 231 Sun Yat-sen University, 25 Sun Yat-sen University Press, 36 Sun Zeyang, 240 Sunzi bingfa [The Art of War], 46 Suoyan xu [Sequel to an Ignored Transmission] (Min Yide), 250 Supplement to the Taoist Canon of China, 60 sutras, preservation of, 48 Suzhou daojiao keyi yinyue yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Ritual Music of Suzhou] (Liu Hong), 38 Suzhou Daojiao yishu ji [The Taoist Arts of Suzhou] (Yang Yinglan), 19

376

index

Tai Mountain, 136, 140–142 “Taibei xian Zhonghe xiang jianjiao jidian” [The Offering Ritual in Zhonghe District of Taipei County] (Liu Zhiwan), 21 Taichu reign, 142 Taiji jilian neifa [Taiji Inner Method of Sublimation] (Zheng Suonan), 311 Taiji Numinous Treasure Ritual for Saving and Sublimating Souls, 309, 311, 312–314 Taiji zhenren fu lingbaozhai jieyi yaojue [Essential Formula, Rules, and Liturgy of Numinous Treasure Ritual Pronounced by Taiji Immortal ], 328–329 Taipei Cultural Three Purities Palace, 25 Taiping jing, 125, 283, 286, 291–292, 294 Taiping qingling shu [Book of Great Peace, binded in blue] (Gan Ji, Gong Chong), 65, 214 “Taipingjing fuwen xu” [Preface to the Superimposed Characters of the Scripture of Great Peace], 294 Taipingjing hejiao [A Complete Critical Edition of the Taipingjing] (Wang Ming), 14 Taipingjing mulu kao [Studies on the Catalogue of Scripture of Great Peace] (Wang Ming), 14 Taipingjing yanjiu [Studies on the Great Peace Scripture] (Wang Ping), 28 Taipingjing zhengdu [The Correct Reading of the Scripture of Great Peace] (Yu Liming), 28 Taipingjing zhushi [An Annotation on the Great Peace Scripture] (Luo Chi), 28 Taiqing jing taiqing jing [Scripture of Great Purity of the World Great Purity], 270 Taiqing Temple, 230 Taiqinggong conglin lishi falue [Brief History on the Taiqing Temple], 230 Taishajiuyou Palace, 138 Taishang baofa tushuo [Illustrated Commentary on the Most High’s Precious Raft (to Salvation)], 272 Taishang dongxuan lingbao benxing suyuan jing, 145 Taishang dongxuan lingbao chishu yujue miaojing [Wonderful Scripture of Red Writing and Jade Secret from the Numinous Treasure of the Great High Cavern Mystery], 140, 144 Taishang dongxuan lingbao sanyuan pinjie gongde qingzhong jing, 138

Taishang dongxuan lingbao sanyuan pinjie gongde qingzhong jing [Scripture of Measure of Merit according to the Precepts of Three Origins from the Numinous Treasure of the Most High Cavern Mystery], 135 Taishang dongxuan lingbao sanyuan yujing xuandu daxian jing (Scripture of the Great Offering in the Capital of Mystery on (Mount) Jade Capital for the Days of the Three Principles), 127 Taishang dongxuan lingbao suling zhenfu [True Talismans of the White Numen from the Supreme Mysterious Cavern of the Lingbao (Canon)], 295 Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui zuigen shangpin dajie jing [Scripture on the Great Precepts of the Upper Levels on Wisdom and the Roots of Transgression from Numinous Treasure of the Great High Cavern Mystery] “Ten Commandments of High Grade,” 127 Taishang dongyuan beidi tianpeng huming xiaozhai shenzhou miaojing [Perfect Scripture of Spirit Invocations for Protecting Life and Dispelling Disasters of Tianpeng and the Northern Emperor of the Great High Cavern Abyss], 135 Taishang dongyuan shenzhou jing, 133, 134 Taishang ganying pian, 253–254 Taishang ganyingpian jizhu [Collected Commentaries on the Most High’s Tract on Actions and Consequences], 272 Taishang laojun xuwu ziran benqi jing [Scripture of the Origins of the Void Spontaneity by the Most High Old Lord], 129 Taishang lingbao chaotian xiezui dachan [Great Penitential Rite of the Most High Numinous Treasure, to pay Homage to Heaven and Pardon Sins], 273 Taishang santian zhengfa jing [Scripture of the Orthodox Law of Three Heavens and Most High], 132, 133, 134 Taishang Taixiao langshu jing [Scripture of Jade Book of Great Heaven by the Most High], 133, 145 Taishang xuhuang tianzun sishijiu zhangjing [Scripture of Forty-nine Chapters from the Emperor of Vacuity and Celestial Worthy of Most High], 287 Taishang yuanshi tianzun shuo beidi fumo shenzhou jing [Scripture of Spirit Invocations Used by the Northern Emperor for Vanquishing Demons, as Spoken by the Most High Heavenly Worthy of Original Beginning], 137

index Taishang zhengyi mengwei falu [Ritual Register of the Covenant with the Powers of Orthodox Unity from the Most High], 126 Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing [Collection of Incantation Spells for Exorcism of the Orthodox Unity, by the Most High], 131, 133 Taishi reign, 46 Taishizhen ( Ji Kang), 155 Taiwan daojiao yuanliu [The Evolution of Taoism in Taiwan] (Lai Zongxian), 30, 42 Taiwan minjian xinyang lunji [Essays on Taiwan’s Popular Religions] (Liu Zhiwan), 21 Taiwan ziyou chubanshe, 53 Taiwanese Institute of Chinese Religious Philosophy, 24 Taiwei lingshu ziwen langgan huadan shenzhen shangjing [Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence, from the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of Great Tenuity], 66–68, 75–76, 78–79 Taiwei lingshu ziwen xianji zhenji shangjing [Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected, from the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of Great Tenuity], 66–69, 74, 76–77 Taiwei xianjun gongguoge [Register of Merits and Demerits of the Divine Lord of Great Tenuity] contents, 257–258 definition of, 254–255 influence of, 258–261 introduction, 253–254 Jinming Taoist School and, 255–257 summary overview, 261–262 Taiweilü Temple, 227 Taiwu, Emperor, 47 Taixu Temple, 216 Taiyi, 122, 144–145 Taiyi jinhua zongzhi [Ultimate Purport of the Golden Flower of the Great One] (Tao Shi’an), 251 Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation, 309, 314, 315–320 Taizong, Emperor, 51, 163, 221 Taji, 245, 246 talismans, 78–81 (1980–2000) scholarship on, 39 archaeological material on, 55 definition of, 294 Jingming School, 256

377

medical system of use, 293–298 treatment elements, 298–308 Quanzhen School’s integration of, 222 religious purpose of, 295 scripture classification of, categories, 47, 48 shamanistic, 294–295 Tan Chudan (Changzhen), 214, 215–216 Tan Dachao (Zhonghua daojiao jianshi [A Brief History of Chinese Taoism]), 29 Tan Qiao, 282 Book of Transformations, 194, 195–196 Tan Shoucheng (Xinyue), 227, 231, 243 Tan Taizhi, 230 Tang, Emperor, 290 Tang, prince, 240 Tang Changru (“Fan Changsheng yu Bashi ju Shu de Guanxi” [The Relationship Between Fan Changsheng and the Rule of the Ba Clan in Sichuan]), 15 Tang Dachao, 33 Daojiao shi [A History of Taoism], 29 MingQing zhiji daojiao sanjiaoheyi sixiang lun [Syncretism in Ming and Qing Dynasties], 32 “Tang daojiao kao zhi Yuanshi tianzun” [Studies on Taoism in the Tang Dynasty— Heavenly Worthy of Original Beginning] (Zhou Guoting), 12 Tang Dynasty Chan School, 237 Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism syncretism, 211 development of Taoism, 209–210 Kaiyuan reign, 50 Louguan Taoist School, 213 medical talismans, 295 medicine in the, 111 poetry about immortals, 113–114 Taoist scriptures in the, 48–50, 55, 59, 62–64, 84 Tianbao reign, 50 Twofold Mystery studies, 167, 168 Tang Jianxia (Zhongguo daojiao kexue jishushi HanWei liangJin juan [A History of Chinese Taoist Science and Technology (Chapter on Han, Wei, Western Jin, and Eastern Jin Dynasties)]), 35–36 Tang Shoucheng, 240 Tang Yijie, 6 Daoshu jicheng [Collection of Taoist Books], 54

378

index

WeiJin Nanbeichao shiqi de daojiao [Taoism in the Wei, Jin, Northern, and Southern Dynasties], 29 Tang Yongtong, 8, 14, 79 “Cong Yiqie daojing shuodao Wu Zetian” [The Taoist Canon and Wu Zetian], 15 “Du Daozang zhaji” [Remarks on the Taoist Canon], 15 Du Taipingjing suojian [Remarks on the Scripture of Great Pease], 9 “Kangfu zhaji size” [Four Reading Notes on Convalescence], 16 “Kou Qianzhi de zhuzuo he sixiang” [Kou Qianzhi’s Works and Thoughts], 16 Tang Zhu, 108 “Tangdai Daojiao yu fazhan daolun” [An Introduction to Taoism and Its Evolution during the Tang Dynasty] (Sun Kekuan), 20 “Tangdai daojiao yu zhengzhi” [Taoism and Politics in the Tang Dynasty] (Sun Kekuan), 20 “Tangdai de zhengjiao guanxi” [The Relationship Between Politics and Religions in the Tang Dynasty] (Li Shutong), 21 Tangdai de zhengjiao shi [The History of Politics and Religion in the Tang Dynasty] (Ding Huang, Liu Boji), 21 “Tangdai huangshi yu Daojiao guanxi zhi yanjiu” [Studies on the Relation Between the Tang Imperial Family and Taoism] (Fang Yonghui), 20–21 Tangdai mingyi Sun Simiao guli diaocha [Research on the Native Village of the Famous Doctor of the Tang Dynasty Sun Simiao] (Ma Kanwen), 19 Tanggao (Gu Hijun), 149 Tangshi yu daojiao [Tang Poetry and Taoism] (Huang Shizhong), 34 TangSong daojia daojiao yu wenxue [Philosophical Taoism, Religious Taoism, and Literature in the Tang and Song Dynasties] (Zhang Songhui), 34 Tantric Buddhism, 229 Tao attaining the, 109, 193 Central Yellow Supreme Unity’s (Zhonghuang taiyi), 102 cosmological view, 179 effect of, 150 existence of, 150 is Reason, 169–171

of Lao-tzu, 125–126 as non-Non-existence, 170 origin of the, 150 realization of the longevity and, 178–184 and practice of jing and qi, 184–190 practice of the body in, 177 Reason and nature in the, 173, 175 theory of the, 87–88 translations of, 163 unity with the, 175 Vacuity vs., 184, 188 words expressing the, 153 Tao, 97 Tao gives birth to One, 150, 153, 173, 186–187, 195, 279 Tao Hongjing, 18, 136, 137, 139, 174, 308 Zhengao [The Declarations of the Perfected], 74, 80 Tao Hongjing de Zhengao kao [Studies of Tao Hongjing’s Zhengao] (Hu Shih), 9 “Tao Hongjing zai gudai yixue shang de gongxian” [Tao Hongjing’s Contribution to Ancient Medicine] (Wang Ming), 18 Tao Jing’an, 231, 243 Tao of action, 217 Tao of Great Peace, 102 Tao of kings, 235 Tao of Li, 128 Tao of non-action, 125, 217 Tao of the Covenant with the Powers of Orthodox Unity, 126, 133 Tao of the inner Saint and outer King, 160 Tao of the Trinity, 167 Tao Shi’an, 241, 243 Taiyi jinhua zongzhi [Ultimate Purport of the Golden Flower of the Great One], 251 Tao Te Ching Gao Dongli and the, 242 jingqi in the, 184 on moderation and frugality, 285 “mystery upon mystery” phrase in, 149 preached by Lao-tzu, 125 preface (Heshang Gong), 163 question of life in the, 179 respect of nature, 283 scholarly interest in, 161–162 translation (Cheng Xuanying), 163 Wang Chongyang and the, 211 Zhang Ling commentary, 46

index Tao Te Ching annotations of Cheng Xuanying Annotation to the Lao-tzu, 162–163 Daodejing kaiti xujue yishu [Annotation on the Preface of the Tao Te Ching], 162 Introduction to the Annotation on the Tao Te Ching, 149 Lao-tzu (Tao Te Ching) annotations, 162–163 classifications, 162 of Du Gangting (Daode zhenjing guangshengyi (Amplification of the Imperial Commentary on the Tao Te Ching) preface), 162 of Gu Huijun (Tanggao, on Nonaction), 149 of Guo Xiang “Qiwu lun,” 158 “Xiaoyao you,” 158 “Zhibeiyou,” 159 of Meng Wentong ( JinTang Laozi guzhu sishijia jicun [The Collation of Forty Kinds of Ancient Annotations to the Lao-tzu from the Jin Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty]), 161, 162 of Meng Zhizhou (Neither Existence, nor Non-existence), 149 “mystery upon mystery” phrase in, 149 numbers of, 161 of Sun Deng Annotation on the Lao-tzu, 164 “Collated Annotations of Forty Authors from the Jin to the Tang dynasties on Lao-tzu,” 150 “The Ten Collated Taoist Scriptures” of the Meng Wentong wenji [Collection of the Articles of Meng Wentong], 150 on the Twofold Mystery, 149 of Yan Junping (Zhigu), 149 Tao within Reason, 163 Tao within the Effect, 163 Tao Ying’an, 241 Taoism. See also under other religions Chinese scholarship on, translating, 2 development of, 96–100 documents related to archaeological material, 55 Buddhism, 58–59 ethnic minorities, beliefs of, 57–58 lost ancient Taoist scriptures, 54–55 metal and stone inscriptions, 56

379

preserved overseas, 58 scriptures of Dunhuang, 55–56 scriptures preserved among the people, 57 on Taoist history, 56–57 early vs. later stages, 209–210 influence of, 7 origins of, 126 philosophical Taoism encompassed in, 91 popularization of, 57, 146–147 religious Taoism encompassed in, 91 role and function in traditional culture, 7 technical vocabulary, 2 The Taoism and Chinese Traditional Culture Conference, 23, 24 Taoism and the Contemporary World: Taoist Cultivation in Theory and Practice conference, 57 Taoism of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu, 90, 93, 97–98 Taoist alchemy, 12 “Taoist Aspects of Yao Ritual Manuscripts in the Bavarian State Library” (Obi), 57 Taoist association, 2 Taoist Books in the Libraries of the Sung Period: A Critical Study and Index (van der Loon), 59 Taoist Canon (1900–1949), budding period works, 9–10 (1949–1978), pioneering period works on, 14–15 (1966–1976), Cultural Revolution period works on, 19–20 (1980–2000) scholarship on, 27–28 Chinese cultural heritage and, 45 compilation, history of, 48–52 earliest works in the, 45–46 first printings, 50–51 formation of, 50 official edition, 52 printing blocks burned, 52 Taiwei xianjun gongguoge, 255–257 works and reference books on the, 27, 59–60 Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang (Schipper), 60 Taoist Canon of China compilation achievement of, 60–61 catalogue and index, 63–64

380

index

format, 62–63 lost scriptures in, 61–62 punctuation and proofreading, 62 reclassification and rearrangement, 63 Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign, 51, 52, 54, 60, 65 Taoist community, creation of, 45 Taoist Culture, 53 The Taoist Culture Conference, 24 Taoist Culture Gong Qun, 25 Taoist Culture Institute, 23 Taoist doctrine, research recommendations, 43 Taoist Essays, 63 Taoist History and Biography, 63 Taoist inner alchemy (1949–1978), pioneering period works on, 16–17, 53 (1980–2000) scholarship on, 36–37 basis of, 184 communion of the Tao and life theory in, 177, 178–184 cosmogonical pattern, 194–200 critics of, 235 cultivation of, 201 Double Cultivation of the Body and the Spirit, 212 follow and oppose in meaning of, 191–192 modern interpretation, 200–206 ontological theory of, 192–200 summary overview, 206–207 foundation of theory and practice, 179, 181 growth of, 210 Longmen Branch, 249–251 noumenon in, 194 psychoanalysis vs., 206 purpose of, 192 Quanzhen School, 212 scriptures preserved among the people, 57 Taoist inner alchemy theory of Liu Huayang, 243–249 of Liu Yiming, 243–249, 251 Longmen Branch, Quanzhen School, 243–251 of Min Yide (Xiaogen / Lanyun zi), 249–251 of Shen Yibing (Zingyun zi), 249–251 Taoist Master of Jizu Mountain (Yedaposhe), 228–229

Taoist on the Green Buffalo (Feng Heng), 108–109 Taoist Rituals, 63 Taoist scriptures classifications, 47, 48 collation, modern and contemporary China, 52–54 origin of the, 45–48 preservation of, 48–50 Taoist studies, 1n3 Taoist studies conference first international, 14 second international, 14 Taoist studies in China (1900–1949), budding period, 7, 8 focus of, 9 on the history of Taoism, 10–11 on inner alchemy, 12–13 journals, 13 scholars of, 8–9 on self-cultivation regimen, 12–13 on Taoist alchemy, 12 on the Taoist Canon, 9–10 on Taoist music, 12 on Taoist philosophy, 11–12 (1900–1978), foundational period, retrospective analysis, 7–22 (1949–1978), pioneering period, 7, 8 on the history of Taoism, 15–16 on inner alchemy, 18 restrictions on, 14 scholars of, 14 on self-cultivation regimen, 18–19 on Taoist art, 19 on the Taoist Canon, 14–15 on Taoist inner alchemy, 16–17 on Taoist medicine, 18 on Taoist music, 19 on Taoist philosophy, 16 Western studies advances in, 14 (1966–1976), Cultural Revolution period, 7–8 on the history of Taoism, 20–21 journals, 21 on the Taoist Canon, 19–20 on Taoist rituals, 21 (1980–2000), opening up, 8 on art and aesthetics, 33–35 on beliefs in deities, 35 conference and, 23–26 degrees awarded, 23 on environmentalism, 37–38 expansion of, 41

index general works, 39–40 government support for, 22 on the history of Taoism, 28–30 on inner alchemy and techniques, 35–36 institutes in promotion and expansion, 23 journals, 26 local associations and, 23 monographs and memoirs, 26–27 popular reading on, 26–27 reference books, 26–27, 39–40 research centers, 22 on rituals, talismans, and techniques, 39 summary overview, 41–42 on Taoism and Chinese Culture, 32–33 on the Taoist Canon, 27–28 on Taoist ethics, 33 on Taoist inner alchemy, 36–37 on Taoist literature, 33–35 on Taoist medical regimen, 37–38 on Taoist music, 38–39 on Taoist philosophy, 30–32 translated works, 41 Cultural Revolution, era-post, 60 development and growth, 1–4 future of, recommendations for, 42–44 major trends, 4–6 political and intellectual context, 4 Taoist Study Group of the Institute of World Religions of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 39 Taoist Techniques and Arts, 63 “Taoyuan xian Longtan xiang jianjiao jidian” [The Offering Ritual in Longtan Village of Taoyuan County] (Liu Zhiwan), 21 teeth, clicking one’s, 70 Temple of Heaven, 248 temples, Taoist, scholarship historically (1900-1949), 13 “Ten Precepts for Novices Ordered by the Celestial Worthy Emperor of Vacuity” (Wang Changyue), 233 Ten Thousand of Lotus Congregation, 219 “Text of Advice for People,” 253 theater, ritual and dance, role of, 328–331 music, role of, 328–331

381

structure and details, 324–328 theatrical performances vs., 331–337 theism in morality books, 253 theory of the Tao, 87 thing-in-itself, 191–192 Third Plenary Session, 11th Central Committee, 22, 23 Thirty Six Venerable Scriptures of the Most High,Scripture of Jade Clarity Heaven “Numinous Talismans of Taoist Scripture,” 65–68 Thousand Character Classic, 52 Thread-binding Books Publishing House, 55 “Three Caverns and Four Supplements,” 49, 63 Three Cinnabar Fields, 69 Three Emperors and Five Kings, 147 Three Great Purities ritual, 309 Three Heavens concept, 126, 129, 132, 134 Three Kingdoms, 117 Three Kingdoms period, 108 Three Officers, Hell of the, 138, 139–140, 144, 146 Three Origins ( jing, qi, shen), 183, 268–269 Three Palaces, 138 Three Periods, 269 “Three Sacred Classics of Morality Books,” 253 Three Worms, 70 “Ti Zhongnanshan Zishenggong” (Composed in the Zisheng temple in the Zhongnan Mountains):” (Wang Chongyang), 211 Tian Chengyang Daojiao zhishi baodian [A Treasury of Taoist Knowledge], 27 Xianxue pinglun [A Commentary on Immortality Studies], 32 Xianxue rumen [An Introduction to Immortality Studies], 32 Zhongguo daojia xiuyang xue [Chinese Taoist Self-Cultivation], 32 Tianbao reign, 50 Tianchang Temple, 51 Tiangong baozang [The Precious Canon of the Celestial Palace of the Great Song], 50 Tianguan li baoyuan taiping jing (Gan Zhongke), 214 Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 41, 52 tianquan, 254

382

index

Tianren zhiji [Between Heaven and Human] (Zhang Shiying), 200 Tianshang renjian daojiao shenxian puxi [Men in Heaven: The Taoist Pantheon] (Huang Haide), 35 Tianshi dao [The Heavenly Master School ] (Guo Shusen), 29 “Tianshi Dao yu Binhai diyu zhi guanxi” [The Relationship Between the Heavenly Master School and the Coastal Region] (Chen Yinke), 10 Tianshidao ershisizhi kao [Studies on the Twenty-Four Dioceses of the Heavenly Master School ] (Wang Chunwu), 30 Tianshidao shilüe [A Brief History of the Heavenly Master School ] (Zhang Jiyu), 29, 43 Tianxi reign, 50 Tianxian daojie xuzhi [Essentials on the Taoist Precepts of the Heavenly Immortals] (Shen Yibing (Zingyun zi)), 250 Tianxian jindan xinfa [The Mental Method of the Inner Alchemy of Heavenly Immortals] (Song Fei), 27–28 Tianxian xinchuan [Heart Transmission from the Heavenly Immortal ] (Min Yide), 250 Tianxian xinfa, 250 Tianxian zhengli [Orthodox Principle of Immortals] (Wu Shouyang), 247 Titles Quoted in the Scriptures Collected in the Taoist Canon, 63–64 Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi, 17, 46 Tong Fukui, 230 Tongbo Temple, 228 Tongzhi [A Comprehensive (Treatise on) Politics and Regulations] (Zheng Qiao), 59 Traditional Chinese Medicine Journal, 18 transcendence, 46, 90, 92–93, 193, 196, 205, 210–211, 266 transformation of the qi theory, 173 Treasure of the Celestial Palace of the Great Song (Zhang Junfang), 50 “Treatise of Buddhism and Taoism,” 47, 80 “Treatise of the Jiao Sacrifice” (Ban Gu), 122 true heart, 234–235, 236, 245 True Man, 182–183, 189, 190 true Reason, 170 True Scriptures of the Four Supplements, 63

True Talismans of the White Numen from the Supreme Mysterious Cavern of the Lingbao (Canon), 307 Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, 11 “Tuijinle liandanshu de Ge Hong he tade zhuzuo” [Ge Hong, Who Promoted Taoist Alchemy, and His Works] (Yuan Hanqing, Xu Keming), 17 Tujia people, 57 Tunghai University, 20 turmeric, 302–303 Tushu jikan, 10, 11 Twelve Kinds of Taoist Scriptures, 193 The 20th Anniversary of the Institute of Religious Studies of Sichuan University and International Conference on Taoist Studies and Chinese Traditional Culture, 26 Twenty-Four Histories, 57, 60 Two Immortals Temple, 52 Two Polarities, 310 Twofold Mystery attachment in the, 149–150 attaining the, 150, 167–168, 171–172 Cheng Xuanying and the study of the origin and development of the learning, 161–175 Wei and Jin Dynasties, 151–161 development of, 164 gateway to the manifold secrets of, 168 origin, 149, 150 philosophical system, 150–151 theoretical basis, “mystery upon mystery,” 164, 168 Twofold Mystery School, 162 Twofold Mystery study, 195 Ultimate Man, 182 unconscious mind, 205 Unique Orifice of Mystery Pass, 246 Unique qi, 279 Unique Vehicle, 244 Unity of Heaven and Man, 245, 279–281 “Unity of the Noumenon and the Application” (Wang Bi), 150 the universe in the body, 280 genesis of, 151–152, 179, 281 noumenon of, 170, 171 University of Sichuan, 3 University Press of America., 44

index vacant consciousness, 205 Vacuity, 184, 188, 201 van der Loon, Piet (Taoist Books in the Libraries of the Sung Period: A Critical Study and Index), 59 Venerable Man of Nine Qi, 129 Venerable Man of Virtue, 128–129 Virtue, 281 Vital qi, 151–152, 189 vitality, 198 voluntarism, 116 Wandai danjingwang Zhouyi cantongqi sanshisijia zhushi jicui [A Collection of Thirty-Four Kinds of Annotations on the King of Alchemical Scriptures,the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ] (Meng Qingxuan, Meng Naichang), 35 Wang Baoxuan (Daojiao tonglun jianlun daojia xueshuo [An Overview of Taoism, Including Philosophical Taoist Studies]), 31 Wang Bi Laozi zhilue [Brief Presentation of the Lao-tzu], 153 Non-existence emphasis, 153–156, 161, 165, 168, 169, 170 philosophy of, influences on, 152 “Unity of the Noumenon and the Application,” 150 Wang Bing, 308 Wang Changyue about, 225–226 Biyuan tanjing, 232, 250 Bojian, 242 Chuzhen jielü [Precepts for Taoist beginners], 232, 233 “Great Precepts of the Perfect Immortals of the Three Altars,” 233 “Great Unlimited Precepts of Immortals Spoken by the Celestial Worthy of Original Beginning,” 233 Longmen Branch revival and, 223, 226–229, 231–239, 241–242, 247, 250 Longmen xinfa [Heart Method of Longmen], 232, 233, 234–235 “Nine Precepts for Taoist Nuns,” 233, 234 “Ten Precepts for Novices Ordered by the Celestial Worthy Emperor of Vacuity,” 233

383

Wang Chong (Lunheng [Balanced Discourses]), 90, 94 “Daoxu,” 98 “Wushi,” 152 “Ziran,” 152 Wang Chongmin (Laozi kao [Studies on Lao-tzu]), 10 Wang Chongyang, 209–212, 223, 235, 282 “Ti Zhongnanshan Zishenggong” (Composed in the Zisheng temple in the Zhongnan Mountains),” 211 Wang Chunwu Tianshidao ershisizhi kao [Studies on the Twenty-Four Dioceses of the Heavenly Master School ], 30 Zhongguo daojiao yinyue [Chinese Taoist Music], 38 Wang Chuyi, 214, 216 Wang Daojian, 50 Wang Deyou ([The Essential Meaning of Lao-tzu]), 28 Wang Dongyang, 238 Wang Erfeng ( Jindan [The Golden Elixir]), 36 Wang Fangping, 125 Wang Fengyang, 228 Wang Fu (Laozi shengmu bei [Stele of Lao-tzu’s Holy Mother]), 94, 98 Wang Guangde Wudang daojiao shilüe [A Brief History of Wudang Taoism], 30, 42 Wudang yun [The Music of Wudang Mountain], 39 Wang Guiping (Sandong shiyi [The Newly found books from the Three Caverns], ed.), 54 Wang Guowei (Changchun zhenren xiyouji jiaozhu [Collation and Annotation of Changchun Zhenren Xiyouji ]), 9 Wang Jiayou (Daojiao lungao [Studies on Taoism]), 29 Wang Ka Daojiao wenhua mianmian guan [A Panorama of Taoist Culture], 33 Laozi Daodejing Heshanggong zhangju [An Annotation of Heshanggong on Tao Te Ching], 28 Sandong shiyi [The Newly found books from the Three Caverns], ed., 54 Wang Kuike (Zhongguo kexue jishu faming he kexue jishu renwu lunji [Essays on Chinese Scientific Inventions and Scientists]), 16

384

index

Wang Laiyin, 54, 231, 238 Wang Liqi (Ge Hong lun [Studies on Ge Hong]), 31 Wang Ming, 14, 26 Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi [A Critical and Commented Edition to the Inner Chapters of the Baopuzi ], 27, 136 Daojia yu chuantong wenhua yanjiu [Studies on Taoism and Traditional Culture], 32 Daojiao he daojiao sixiang yanjiu [Studies on Taoism and Taoist Ideas], 32 Dunhuang guxieben Taipingjing wenzi canye [The Remaining Pages of the Ancient Manuscript of the Scripture of Great Peace in Dunhuang], 14 History of Chinese Taoism preface, 21 “Huangting jing kao” [Studies of the Scripture of Yellow Court], 10 “Laozi Heshang gong zhangju kao” [Studies of Lao-tzu Annotated by Heshang Gong], 10 “Lun Laozi yu Daojiao” [Studies on Lao-tzu and Taoism], 11 “Lun Taipingjing chao jiabu zhi wei” The Apocryphal Jia Category in Taiping Chao, 10 “Shilun Yinfu jing ji qi weiwu zhuyi sixiang” [An Essay on the Scripture of Hidden Talisman and Its Materialism], 16 Taipingjing hejiao [A Complete Critical Edition of the Taipingjing], 14 Taipingjing mulu kao [Studies on the Catalogue of Scripture of Great Peace], 14 “Tao Hongjing zai gudai yixue shang de gongxian” [Tao Hongjing’s Contribution to Ancient Medicine], 18 “Zhouyi cantongqi kaozhent” Collation of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi, 10 Wang Mu Daojiao zhengpai danfa jingxuan [A Selection of Taoist Orthodox Inner Alchemy], 36 Neidan yangsheng gongfa zhiyao [The Essence of Inner Alchemy and SelfCultivation Regimen], 37 Wuzhenpian qianjie [A Simple Explanation of Wuzhenpian], 27 Wang Ping (Taipingjing yanjiu [Studies on the Great Peace Scripture]), 28 Wang Qiao, 111 Wang Qinchu, 238

Wang Qingyu Daoyi kuimi daojiao yishu kangfushu [The Decyphering of Taoist Medicine,Rehabilitation Techniques in Taoist Medicine], 38 Michuan daojia Yijinjing neidangong [Inner Alchemy: The Art of Taoist Esoteric Yijin Scripture], 36 Wang Qiugui, 57 Wang Shenghui, 240 Wang Shiwei (Louguandao yuanliu kao [Studies on the Evolution of the Louguan School ]), 30 Wang Songling (Zhongguo qigong de shi li fa [The History, the Logic, and the Doctrine of Chinese Qigong]), 36 Wang Su, 119–120, 124 Wang Taiyuan, 240 Wang Weiyi, 19 Wang Xiaodun (Yuenan hannan wenxian mulu tiyao [Descriptive Notes on the Catalogue of the Documents in HanNom in Vietnam]), 58 Wang Xin, 232 Wang Xiuhu, 238, 240 Wang Xizhi Lanting ji [At the Orchid Pavilion], 116 Liezi “Yangzhu,” 116 Wang Xuanlan (Xuanzhu lu [Record of Mysterious Pearl ]), 281 Wang Yi’e (Daojiao meishu shihua. [A History of Taoist Art]), 34–35 Wang Yongning, 228, 238 Wang Yuchen (Daojiao fayin lingpai tan’ao [Taoist Seals and Command Tablets]), 39 Wang Zhanyuan (Zhouyi cantongqi de zhexue sixiang [Philosophy of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ]), 17 Wang Zhen, 108, 109–110 Wang Zhenchang, 222 Wang Zhijin, 221 Wang Zhitan, 221, 222 Wang Zhizhong (Ming Qing Quanzhenjiao lungao [Studies on the Quanzhen School in Ming and Qing Dynasties]), 30 Wang Zhongren Daojiao yinyue [Taoist Music], 38 Wudang yun [The Music of Wudang Mountain], 39 Yuxi daoren Min Zhiting chuanpu quanzhen zhengyunpu ji [The Music Score of Yuxi

index Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology of Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen School ], 38 Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao yinyue [The Music of the Heavenly Master School from Longhu Mountain], 38 Wang Zhongyi (Zhongguo daojiao yinyue shilüe.[A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Music]), 38 Wang Zongyu ( Jin-Yuan Quanzhenjiao shike xinbian [A New Collection of Stone Inscriptions of the Quanzhen School of the Jin and Yuan Dynasties]), 56 Wanli reign, 51, 261 Wanshou daozang [The Taoist Canon of Wanshou], 50–51 Wanshou Temple, 230 Wanyan Chongshi (Kunyang Wang zhenren daoheng bei [Stele of the Taoist Life of Perfected Wang Kunyang]), 227 “Wanzhou xiandao fensanpai kao” [Studies of the Three Schools of Immortality in the Late Zhou Period] (Meng Wentong), 10–11 Warding off Calamities Congregation, 219 Warring States period, 90, 121 Wawushan daojiao wenhua [Taoist Culture of Wawu Mountain] (Li Houqiang), 30 Way of the Twofold Mystery, 167–168 wealth, 270, 285–286, 292 Wei Dynasty, 101, 104–105 apocalypse during, 134 Arcane Learning, 90–91 Cao Cao-Taoism relationship in, 117 immortality techniques under the, 108 “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians,” 99–100 literati on enjoying life, 116 magicians in the, 107 Mystery study in the, 151–161, 174 poetry about immortals following, 113 Taoism and Buddhism development, 95 Taoist scriptures in the, 46, 47, 48, 55, 59, 69 Zhengshi reign, 152 Wei Huacun (Huangting neijing jing [The Scripture on the Internal View of the Yellow Court]), 69–70 WeiJin Nanbeichao shiqi de daojiao [Taoism in the Wei, Jin, Northern, and Southern Dynasties] (Tang Yijie), 29

385

WeiJin shenxian Daojiao [The Taoism of the Immortals in the Wei and Jin Dynasties] (Hu Fuchen), 31 WeiJin shenxian Daojiao Baopuzi neipian yanjiu [The Taoism of the Immortals in the Wei and Jin Dynasties,Studies on Baopuzi neipian] (Hu Fuchen), 28 Weilüe “Xirong zhuan” (Yu Huan), 98 Weishu, 47, 69, 80 Welcome Rite, 104 Wen, Emperor, 47 Wen, King, 139 Wen Dujian, 8, 9 Collected Essentials of the Taoist Canon (compilation), 59 Daozang quejing mulu [A Catalogue of the Lost Scriptures of the Taoist Canon], 59 Wen of Zhou, 123, 136 Wen Yiduo Daojiao de jingshen [The Spirit of Taoism], 11 “Shenxian kao” [Studies on the Immortals], 11 “Siming kao” [Studies on the Controler of Life], 11 Wen Yiduo quanji, 11 Wen Yiduo quanji [The Complete Works of Wen Yiduo] (Wen Yiduo), 11 Wenchang dijun gongguoge [Register of Merits and Demerits of the Lord Wenchang], 258 “Wenchang dijun kao” [Studies on Lord Wenchang] (He Cijun), 12 Wenchang dijun xizi gongdelü [Merit Rules on Cherishing Written Characters of Lord Wenchang], 260 Wenchang dijun yinzhiwen [Lord Wenchang’s Text of Hidden Administration], 253, 272 Weng Chaoyang, 240 Wenhua xianfeng [The Pioneer of Culture], 11 Wenhui Press, 28 Wenjin Press, 28, 29, 31, 34, 37, 38 Wenzhan ge, 9 Wenzi, 55, 178, 181, 185, 186, 189–190 Western Han Dynasty, 45, 139 Western Jin Dynasty, 95 Wind and Dew of Great Clarity, 54 wisdom, 166–167, 171 witchcraft, 328 “Woguo gudai huaxuejia Ge Hong” [The Story of a Chinese Chemist: Ge Hong] (Chen Manyan), 17

386

index

“Woguo jindai de yaowuxuejia Tao Hongjing” [Tao Hongjing: A Chinese Pharmacologist in the Jin Dynasty] (Xie Tianxin), 18 “Woguo liandanshu kaozheng” [Studies on Chinese Taoist Alchemy] (Huang Sufeng), 12 Workers Daily, 17, 18 world, creation of the, 268–269, 274, 279–280 Wu, Emperor, 46, 99–101, 105–106, 108–109, 111, 122, 213–214 Wu, Empress, 48 Wu, King, 139 Wu Cheng, 264 Wu Feng (Zhonghua daoxue tongdian [A Reference Book of Chinese Taoist Studies]), 40 Wu Luqiang, 12 Wu of Han, 142 Wu Shouyang, 248 Dandao jiupian [Nine Texts on Taoist Inner Alchemy], 247 Tianxian zhengli [Orthodox Principle of Immortals], 247 Xianfo hezong yulu [Speech on the Unified Origin of Immortals and Buddhas], 247 Wu Taiyi (Chuzhen jielü shuo [Commentary on the Precepts for Beginners]), 234 Wu Weimin (Daojiao wenxue sanshitan [Thirty Essays on Taoist Literature]), 33 Wudang daojiao shilüe [A Brief History of Wudang Taoism] (Wang Guangde, Yang Lizhi), 30, 42 The Wudang Mountain Chinese Taoist Culture Conference, 24 Wudang Taoist Association, 24 Wudang yun [The Music of Wudang Mountain] (Liu Hong, Wang Guangde, Wang Zhongren, Yuan Shuyan, Zhou Yun), 39 Wudangshan daojiao yinyue yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Music from Wudang Mountain] (Cao Benye, Pu Hengqiang), 38 Wuhan University, 24 wuji, 194 “wuji-Taiji, yin-yang, Five Agents—All,” 196 Wukulun, General, 229 WuLiu xianzong baihua yi [A Translation in Modern Chinese of the Divine Traces of Wu (Shouyang) and Liu (Huayang)] (Chen Zhibin), 20 Wunan Book of Taiwan, 31

Wuneng zi, 274, 282 Wunengzi jiaozhu [A Collation and Annotation of Wunengzi ], 27 Wushang biyao [Esoteric Essentials of the Most High], 47 Wushang neimi zhenzang jing [Scripture of Secret Real Pitaka of Most High], 289 Wuyuan zi. See Liu Yiming Wuyue zhenxing tufa [A Method of Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains], 80 Wuzhen pian [Awakening to Reality], 242, 263, 268 Wuzhen zhizhi [Explanation of the Wuzhen pian] (Liu Yiming), 244 Wuzhenpian qianjie [A Simple Explanation of Wuzhenpian] (Wang Mu), 27 Wuzong, Emperor, 221 Xi Jian, 108, 110 Xi Ningsu, 251 Xia Dynasty, 132 Xiahou Yuan, 106 Xiamen University, 22, 26 Xiamen University Press, 31 Xian, Emperor, 69, 101 The Xi’an Chinese Taoist Culture Conference, 25 Xi’an Eight Immortals Palace, 25 Xi’an Taoist Association, 25 Xiandao lu [Notes on Immortals and Taoists] (Ruan Xiaoxu), 46–47 “Xiandao pinglun” [A Study of the Way of Immortality] (Huang Jigang), 11 Xiandi zhuan [Biography of the Emperor Xian], 104 Xianfo hezong yulu [Speech on the Unified Origin of Immortals and Buddhas] (Wu Shouyang), 247 Xiang Da, 57 Xiang Ji, 121 Xiang Kai, 65, 97 “Xiang Kai zhuan” [The Biography of Xiang Kai ] (Fan Ye), 65 Xiang Siyi Daojiao yinyue [Taoist Music], 38 Yuxi daoren Min Zhiting chuanpu quanzhen zhengyunpu ji´ [The Music Score of Yuxi Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology of Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen School ], 38 Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao yinyue [The Music of the Heavenly Master School from Longhu Mountain], 38

index Xiang Xiu, 155 Chuang-tzu annotations, 157 Nan Yangsheng lun, 156 Xiang’er zhu [Commentary on the Lao-tzu], 56, 263 Xianggang yu Aomen zhi daojiao [Taoism in Hong Kong and Macao] (Huang Zhaohan, Zheng Weiming), 30, 42 Xiangyan poyi [Explanation of the Different Compositions of the Trigrams] (Liu Yiming), 244 Xianhua shenren zhijian de mohuan shijie [The Legends of the Immortals,The Magic World between Gods and Humans] (Mei Xinlin), 34 Xianliu zhangren, 230 Xianmen, 112 Xiannu Gu, 108 Xianshu miku [A Stock of Secret Divine Arts], 53 Xianxue cidian [A Dictionary of the Study of Immortality] (Dai Changyuan), 20 Xianxue pinglun [A Commentary on Immortality Studies] (Tian Chengyang), 32 Xianxue rumen [An Introduction to Immortality Studies] (Tian Chengyang), 32 Xianxue yuebao [The Study of Immortality Monthly], 13 Xianxue.[The Study of Immortality], 13 Xianzhenren shi, 113 Xiao, Emperor, 256 Xiao Kunhua, 41, 43 Xiao Shafu (Zhongmiao zhimen daojiao wenhua zhimi tanwei [The Gate to All That Is Subtle and Wonderful,Deciphering Taoist Culture]), 33 Xiao Tianshi, 53 Daozang jinghua [The Essence of the Taoist Canon], 19 Xiao Yingsou, 78–79 Xiaodao lun [A Discourse on Laughing at the Dao] (Zhen Luan), 47 Xiaogen. See Min Yide Xiaojing [Book of Filial Piety], 123, 211, 253 Xiaojing, 120 Xiaojing wei [Apocrypha of the Classic of Filial Piety] “Goumingjue,” 151 Xiaoyaoshan wanshougong zhi [Gazetteer of the Wanshou Temple of the Xiaoyao Mountain], 230 Xiaozhou ( Jindan [The Golden Elixir]), 36 Xibei daxue Press, 36

387

Xie Binyang, 240 Xie Haizhou (“Youguan Gong ji qi liandan de lishi” [The History of Mercury in Taoist Alchemy]), 17 Xie Ningsu Huiming pian [Essay on Wisdom and Life], 248 Jindan huohou [Timing of Refining Golden Cinnabar], 248 Jinxian zhenglun [Argumentation on Golden Immortals], 248 Xie Tianxin (“Woguo jindai de yaowuxuejia Tao Hongjing” [Tao Hongjing: A Chinese Pharmacologist in the Jin Dynasty]), 18 Xifang daojiao xianjiu biannianshi, 41 xin, 282 Xin jianshe [New Construction], 16 Xin Tangshu [New History of the Tang], 162 Xin Tiandi [New World], 20 Xinan jiaotong daxue Press, 38 xing, meaning of, 266, 267 Xinhua Daily, 17, 18 Xinhua Press, 37 Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 38, 39, 52, 62 Xinyi Yangxing yanming lu [A New Translation of Yangxing yanming lu] (Zeng Zhaonan), 28 Xinyuanren [The New Origins of Humanity] (Feng Youlan), 203 Xiong Deji, 16 Xiong Tai’an, 230 Xishan Xu zhenjun bashiwu huashu [Eighty-five Transformations of Lord Xu of the Western Mountain], 255 Xisheng jing [Scripture of Western Ascension], 263, 281 “Xiuzhai kao” [Studies on the Taoist Fast Ritual ] (Liu Zhiwan), 21 Xiuzhen biannan [Solving Difficulties for Self-cultivators] (Liu Yiming), 245, 247 Xizhu Heart Branch, 232, 238, 240 xu, 193–199, 201–202 Xu Daozang [A Supplement to the Taoist Canon], 51 Xu Dishan, 8 “Daojia sixiang yu Daojiao” [Religious Taoism and Philosophical Taoism], 11 Daojiao shi [A History of Taoism], 10 “Daojiao zhi genben sixiang ji qi duiyu rensheng de taidu [The Essential Philosophy of Taoism and Its Attitude with Regard to Life], 11

388

index

Xu Fu, 105–106, 213 Xu Gaoseng zhuan [A Supplement to the Biography of Eminent Monks], 59 Xu Jihe (“Qigong xueshuo de tanyuan” [The Origin of Qigong Theory]), 18 Xu Jingzong, 119–120 Xu Keming (“Tuijinle liandanshu de Ge Hong he tade zhuzuo” [Ge Hong, Who Promoted Taoist Alchemy, and His Works]), 17 Xu Liji jishuo [Supplement to the Collection of the Commentaries on Liji ], 123, 124 Xu Longyan, 238 Xu Mi, 146 Xu Qingyang, 228, 240 Xu Shengzong, 240 Xu Shoucheng (Yegu), 230 Xu Xun, 255 Xu Xusheng, 120–121 Xu Yan (Hao zongshi daoheng bei [Stele of the Taoist Life of Master Hao]), 211 Xu Zhaoren (Daojiao yu chaoyue [Taoism and Transcendence]), 31 Xu Zhi, 16 Xu Ziyuan, 240, 242 xuan, 125, 149 Xuan, Emperor, 50 Xuandu Temple, 47 Xuanmen dalun [Great Arguments of the Mystery Study] (anon), 167, 168 “Xuanwu zhi qiyuan ji qi tuibian” [The Evolution of Xuanwu] (Yu Daoling), 11 Xuanyi, 84 Xuanzang, 163, 220, 229 Xuanzhu lu [Record of Mysterious Pearl ] (Wang Xuanlan), 281 Xuanzhulu jiaoshi [A Collation and Annotation of Xuanzhulu] (Zhu Senpu), 28 Xue yong daode shouzhang xinjing, 242 Xue Yu (“Daojia xianyao zhi huaxue guan” [A Chemical Approach of Taoist Alchemy]), 12 Xuelin Press, 32 Xuesi [Study and Thought], 12 Xueyi [The Art of Study], 12 Xuhuang tianzun chuzhen shijie wen [Text of Ten Rules for Novice from the Emperor of Vacuity and Celestial Worthy], 290 Xun Yu, 106 Xunzi, 89, 335 Xunzi, 90 Yan Junping, 264–265 Zhigui, 149

Yan Pu, 103 Yan Shigu, 142, 143 Yan Song, 309 Yan Xiaofeng, 231, 238 Yan Zhitui, 70 Yang Chao, 16 Yang Daying (“Longhu shan Shangqing gong kao” [Studies on Shangqing Temple on Longhu Mountain]), 13 Yang Guangwen (Qingci bixiao daojiao wenxue yishu [Green Declarations and Green Flutes,Taoist Literary Art]), 34 Yang Jianxing Qigong zhexue [Philosophy of Qigong], 18 Qigong ziliao [Self-Treatment in Qigong], 18 Yang Jing’an (“Daojia de yanshou yu changsheng” [The Prolongation of Life and Longevity in Philosophical Taoism]), 13 Yang Kuan, 16 Yang Kun (“Zaoshen kao” [Studies on the Stove God ]), 12 Yang Lizhi Wudang daojiao shilüe [A Brief History of Wudang Taoism], 30, 42 Yang Minghao (Baopuzi waipian jiaojian [A Collation and Annotation of Baopuzi waipian]), 27 Yang Sheng’an, 111 Yang Xi, 146 Yang Xiangkui (“Lun Ge Hong” [Studies on Ge Hong]), 16 Yang Yinglan Suzhou Daojiao yishu ji [The Taoist Arts of Suzhou], 19 Yangzhou Daojiao yinyue jieshao [An Introduction to Taoist Music in Yangzhou], 19 Zongjiao yinyue Hunan yinyue pucha baogao fulu zhiyi [Religious Music, Appendix to the Report on Hunan Music], 19 Yangshan [The Promotion of Good], 13 Yangzhou Daojiao yinyue jieshao [An Introduction to Taoist Music in Yangzhou] (Yang Yinglan), 19 Yangzhu School, 90 Yanke qimeng [Ophthalmology for Beginners] (Liu Yiming), 244 Yanshi jiaxun [Admonitions for the Yan Clan] “Yangsheng,” 70 Yanzgzhoushi wenhua weiyuanhui wenhuachu, 19 Yanzu branch, 231 Yao Congwu

index “JinYuan Quanzhen jiao de minzu sixiang ji qi duiyu rensheng de taidu” [Nationalism and Its Attitude in Regard to Life in the Quanzhen School in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties], 11 JinYuan Quanzhen jiao de minzu sixiang yu jiushi sixiang, 11 Yao Laijian, 231 Yao people, 57–58 “Yaowang Sun Simiao” [Sun Simiao: the King of Medicine] (Dayu), 18 Yaowuxue tongbao [Pharmacological Bulletin], 18 yasheng, 300 Yayan, 11 Yazhou xueshu zazhi [Journal of Asian Studies], 10 Yazhou yishu Press, 38 Yellow Dragon Temple of Luofu Mountain of Guangdong, 25 Yellow Emperor, 92, 93, 97, 98, 182 Yellow Turban Army, 101, 102–103 Yellow Turban Rebellion, 105 Yellow Way, 251 Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies, 11 yi, 282 Yi Junzuo (“Daojiao jiaoyi de jiantao yu pipan” [Review and Criticism of Taoist Doctrines]), 11 Yi people, 57 Yihua Group, 13 Yijing, 12, 91, 244 Yili chanzhen [True Explanation of the Yijing] (Liu Yiming), 244 Yin and Yang, 245–246, 268, 274, 279, 294, 303–304 Yin and Yang School, 45, 92, 214 Yin Jishan, 232 Yin Pengtou (Donghua zhengmai huangji hebi xianjing [Divine Scripture of Opening or Closing the Imperial Ultimate, in the Orthodox Transmission from Eastern Flower (Lord)]), 251 Yin Xi, 92 Yin Zhiping, 221 Beijou yulu, 220 Yinfu jing, 280 Yinfujing zhu [Commentary on the Yinfujing] (Liu Yiming), 244 Ying diwang (Guo Xiang), 160 Yingzong, Emperor, 51 Yinshizi jingzuo fa [Master Yinshi’s Meditation Method] ( Jiang Weiqiao), 12 Yinxian Temple, 226 Yinyue Press, 19

389

Yiqie daojing, 48, 50, 64 Yiqie jing, 48 Yiwen Quanshanjing yizhu [A Translation and Annotation of Quanshanjing in Yi Language] (Ma Xueliang), 28 Yixia lun [Treatise on Chinese Culture and Foreign Cultures] (Gu Huan), 100 “Yixue shang danji he liandan de lishi” [Alchemical Treatments in Medicine, and the History of Alchemy] (Zhu Sheng), 17 Yixue yu daojiao fuhao jiemi [The Book of Changes and Taoist Symbols] (Zhan Shichuang), 31 Yixue yu daojiao sixiang guanxi yanjiu [Studies on the Relationship between the Book of Changes and Taoist Thought] (Zhan Shichuang), 31 Yizhuan [Interpretation on the Book of Changes], 90, 182, 244 Yizhuan yu daojia sixiang [The Tradition of the Book of Changes and Taoist Thought] (Chen Guying), 31 Yongzheng, 259 Yonsei University, 58 Yoshioka Yoshitoyo (Daojiao jingdianshi lun [Remarks on the History of the Taoist Classics]), 59 You of Zhou, 125 “Youguan Gong ji qi liandan de lishi” [The History of Mercury in Taoist Alchemy] (Xie Haizhou), 17 Yu, David C., 43 Yu Daoling (“Xuanwu zhi qiyuan ji qi tuibian” [The Evolution of Xuanwu]), 11 Yu Huan (Weilüe “Xirong zhuan”), 98 Yu Ji, 125, 130 Yu Liming (Taipingjing zhengdu [The Correct Reading of the Scripture of Great Peace]), 28 Yu Shenchu (“Zuguo liandanshu yu zhiyao huaxue de fazhan” [The Evolution of Chinese Taoist Alchemy and Pharmaceutical Chemistry]), 17 Yu Songqing, 16 “Daojiao de qiyuan he xingcheng” [The Origin and Formation of Taoism], 15 “Laozi yu Daojiao” [Lao-tzu and Taoism], 15 “Zhongguo de fengjian jieji tong Daojiao de guanxi” [The Relationship Between Chinese Feudal Class and Taoism], 15 Yu the Great, 122 Yu Tongqing, 221

390

index

Yu Xun (“Zaoqi Daojiao zhi zhengzhi xinnian” [Political Beliefs in Early Taoism]), 11 Yu Yan (Zhouyi cantongqi fahui [Commentary on the Zhouyi Cantongqi ]), 280 Yu Yue, 136, 141 yuan, 125 Yuan Dynasty morality books, 254 Neo-Confucianism, 236 Quanzhen School, 209, 220–223, 225, 229, 232, 244 Taoist inner alchemy School, 183 Taoist scriptures and the, 51 Taoist scriptures in the, 54, 59, 62 Zhida reign, 221 Yuan Hanqing, 14 “Cong Daozang li de jizhongshu kan woguo liandanshu” [Studies on Chinese Taoist Alchemy in the Scriptures in the Taoist Canon], 16–17 “Tuijinle liandanshu de Ge Hong he tade zhuzuo” [Ge Hong, Who Promoted Taoist Alchemy, and His Works], 17 Zhongguo huaxueshi lunwenji [Essays on the History of Chinese Chemistry], 16 “Zhouyi cantonqi shijie liandanshi shang zuigu de zhuzuo” [Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi—The Most Ancient Work in the World History of Alchemy], 17 Yuan Liangyi, 16 Yuan Miaozong, 50 Yuan Shu, 102 Yuan Shuyan (Wudang yun [The Music of Wudang Mountain]), 39 Yuandai Daojiao zhi fazhan [The Evolution of Taoism in the Yuan Dynasty] (Sun Kekuan), 20 “Yuandai Quanzhendao yu Zhongguo shehui” [The Quanzhen School and Chinese Society in the Yuan Dynasty] (Nan Huaijin), 20 Yuankang, 166–167 Yuanmiao Temple, 230 Yuanshi dongzhen cishan xiaozi baoen chengdao jing [Original Beginning Authenticity Cave Scripture of the Good and Dutiful Son Who Repaid His Debt and Attained the Tao], 271 Yuanshi tianwang huanle jing [Scripture of Happiness of The Celestial King of Original Beginning], 271

Yuanshi wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu jing, 144 Yuanshi wuliang duren shangping miaojing sizhu (Four Commentaries on the Upper Wondrous Scripture on the Salvation of Humanity, Preached by the Limitless (Pure One) of Original Beginning) (Cheng Xuanying), 164 Yuanyou (Qu Yuan), 113 Yue Yi, 239 Yuenan hannan wenxian mulu tiyao [Descriptive Notes on the Catalogue of the Documents in HanNom in Vietnam] (Liu Chunyin, Wang Xiaodun), 58 “Yueyang Tower,” 331 Yuhua zi. See Fuxi Yuji jinxiang [The Jade Book in the Golden Box], 53 Yuli chaozhuan [Jade Register], 254 Yuli suo zhoukan [The Institute of History and Philology Weekly], 13 Yun Dabian, 241 Yunchao branch, 238 Yunnan University Press, 30 Yunzhong yinsong xinke zhijie [Precept Scripture of the New Code, Recited in the Clouds] (Kou Qianzhi), 47 Yushu [Book of Speeches], 253 Yuwen Yong (Lutu zhenjing [The Perfect Scripture on Talismans and Charts]), 47 Yuxi daoren Min Zhiting chuanpu quanzhen zhengyunpu ji [The Music Score of Yuxi Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology of Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen School ] (Liu Hong, Xhi Xinmin, Wang Zhongren, Xiang Siyi), 38 Yuxu Temple, 227 Zang, 48, 49 Zang Zhifei (Zhongguo daojiao fazhan shigang [An Outline of the Evolution of Chinese Taoism]), 29 Zangjing, 48 Zangwai daoshu [Collected Essentials of the Taoist Canon], 52, 59, 60 Zangwai daoshu [Extra-canonical Taoist Texts], 27, 41, 53, 54 “Zaoqi Daojiao zhi zhengzhi xinnian” [Political Beliefs in Early Taoism] (Yu Xun), 11 “Zaoshen de yanjiu” [Studies on the Stove God ] (Liang Sheng), 12

index “Zaoshen kao” [Studies on the Stove God ] (Yang Kun), 12 Zeng Yiguan, 230, 238 Zeng Zhaonan Daojiao jichu zhishi [Taoist Basic Knowledge], 39 Xinyi Yangxing yanming lu [A New Translation of Yangxing yanming lu], 28 Zhan Renzhong (Laoshanyun ji Liaodong Quanzhendao qiyue yanjiu [Studies on the Music from Lao Mountain and the Instrumental Music of the Quanzhen School of Eastern Shandong]), 39 Zhan Shichuang Daojiao meishu shihua [A History of Taoist Art], 34 Daojiao shushu yu wenyi [Taoist Divination and Arts], 33 Daojiao wenhua xindian [A New Anthology of Taoist Culture], 32 Daojiao wenxue shi [A History of Taoist Literature], 33 Daojiao yu xiju [Taoism and Theatre], 34 NanSong Jin Yuan de daojiao [Taoism in the Southern Song, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties], 29 NanSong JinYuan daojiao wenxue yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Literature in the Southern Song, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties], 33 Shengming lingguang daojiao chuanshuo yu zhihui [The Halo of Life—Taoist Legends and Wisdom], 33 Yixue yu daojiao fuhao jiemi [The Book of Changes and Taoist Symbols], 31 Yixue yu daojiao sixiang guanxi yanjiu [Studies on the Relationship between the Book of Changes and Taoist Thought], 31 Zhan Shouchun, 226, 227, 239 Zhang, Emperor, 51 Zhang Boduan, 210, 212, 228, 268, 279 Zhang Daheng (Shizhao shanren), 232 Zhang Daoling, 125–126 Laozi xiang’er zhu, 285 Zhang Diao, 108 Zhang Guangbao, 6 Chaoyue xinxing ershi shiji Zhongguo daojiao wenhua xueshu lunji [Transcending Nature—Essays on Twentieth-Century Chinese Taoist Culture], 31 Daoshu jicheng [Collection of Taoist Books], 54

391

JinYuan quanzhendao neidan xinxingxue [Spirituality and Inner Alchemy of the Quanzhen School in the Jin and Yuan Dynasties], 37 Zhang Guoxiang, 51 Zhang He, 106 Zhang Heng, 69, 80 Zhang Hongya, 255 Zhang Hu (Sulü zi), 271 Zhang Hua (Bowu zhi), 108 Zhang Jiao, 46, 80, 93 Zhang Jingyue, 304 Zhang Jintao (Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao [The Heavenly Master School of Chinese Longhu Mountain]), 29–30 Zhang Jiyu (Tianshidao shilüe [A Brief History of the Heavenly Master School ]), 29, 43 Zhang Jue, 104–105 Zhang Jueren (Zhongguo liandanshu yu danyao [Chinese Taoist Alchemy and Alchemical Drugs]), 35 Zhang Junfang (Treasure of the Celestial Palace of the Great Song), 50 Zhang Liang, 130 Zhang Ling, 46, 80 Zhang Lu, 46, 69, 101–107 Zhang Mayi, 226 Zhang Pengtou, 240 Zhang Qin (Daojiao lianyang xinlixue yinlun [An Introduction to Psychology in Taoist Inner Alchemy]), 37 Zhang Qizhi, 16 Zhang Rongming (Neidan yu chanding daofoyi qigong dianji xuanjie [Inner Alchemy and Chan Meditation—An Explanation from Selected Books of Taoist, Buddhist, and Medical Qigong]), 36 Zhang Shanlei (Bencao zhengyi [True Meaning of Materia Medica] Herba Artemisiae Capillaris), 305 Zhang Shiying (Tianren zhiji [Between Heaven and Human]), 200 Zhang Shouqing, 222 Zhang Songgu (Danjing zhinan [A Guide to Scriptures of Inner Alchemy]), 13 Zhang Songhui HanWei Liuchao daojiao yu wenxue [Taoism and Literature in the Han, Wei, and Six Dynasties], 34 TangSong daojia daojiao yu wenxue [Philosophical Taoism, Religious Taoism, and Literature in the Tang and Song Dynasties], 34

392

index

Zhang Taixuan, 230 Zhang tianshi [The Heavenly Master Zhang] (Zhang Zehong), 30 Zhang Wei, 103 Zhang Xunliao (Zhongguo daojiao kaogu [The Archaeology of Chinese Taoism]), 55 Zhang Yuchu, 51 Zhang Zehong Bugang tadou daojiao jili yishi [Pacing the Big Dipper—Taoist Ritual ], 39 Daojiao liyi [Taoist Liturgy], 39 Daojiao zhaijiao fuzhou yishi [Studies on Taoist Talismans, Incantations and Rituals], 39 Daojiao zhaijiao keyi yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Rituals], 39 Jitan chanyin [Vibrato on the Altar], 39 Zhang tianshi [The Heavenly Master Zhang], 30 Zhang Zhan (Liezi zhu [Annotation on the Liezi ]), 156 Zhang Zhijing, 221 Zhang Zhisu, 222 Zhang Zhizhe (Daojiao wenhua cidian [A Dictionary of Taoist Culture]), 32 Zhang Zhuming, 13 Zhang Zigao “Liandanshu de fasheng yu fazhan” [The Origin and Evolution of Taoist Alchemy], 17 Zhongguo huaxueshi gao (gudai zhibu) [History of Chinese Chemistry (A Chapter on Ancient Times]), 16 Zhang Zongxuan, 231 Zhangjiashan of Jiangling, 55 Zhao Lin (Laozi Daodejing qianjie [A Simple Explanation of the Tao Te Ching]), 28 Zhao Shengqing, 108 Zhao Yumin (Laozi Daodejing qianjie [A Simple Explanation of the Tao Te Ching]), 28 Zhao Zhensong (Zhao Fuyang), 226, 233, 247 Zhejiang Journal of Traditional Chinese Medicine, 17 Zhen, Emperor, 50, 256 Zhen Luan (Xiaodao lun [A Discourse on Laughing at the Dao]), 47 Zheng Chuanhui (Quanshanshu jinyi [Translation in Modern Chinese of Morality Books]), 33 Zheng Qiao (Tongzhi [A Comprehensive (Treatise on) Politics and Regulations]), 59

Zheng Shiyou, 34 Zheng Suonan (Taiji jilian neifa [Taiji Inner Method of Sublimation]), 311 Zheng Weiming (Xianggang yu Aomen zhi daojiao [Taoism in Hong Kong and Macao]), 30, 42 Zheng Xuan, 123–124 “Six Heavens,” 119–120 Zheng Zhiming (Di’erjie Haixia liang’an daojiao xueshu yantaohui wenji [Papers of the 2nd Cross-Straits Conference on Taoism]), 31–32 Zhengao, 135 “Chan youwei,” 136, 137, 138–140 [The Declarations of the Perfected] (Tao Hongjing), 74, 80 Zhengfeng banyuekan [The Zhengfeng Bimonthly], 13 Zhenghe reign, 50, 255 Zhengqi Temple, 237 Zhengshi reign, 152 Zhengtong reign, 51 Zhenguan reign, 163 Zhengyi fawen [Texts of the Law of Orthodox Unity], 46 Zhengyi School, 212, 222, 238, 256 Zhengyi tianshi gao Zhao Sheng koujue [Oral Formula Taught by Heavenly Master of Orthodox Unity to Zhao Sheng], 133 Zhenshanmei Press, 20 zhi, 282 Zhi Daolin, 164 Zhida reign, 221 Zhigui ( Yan Junping), 149 Zhinanzhen [Compass] (Liu Yiming), 244 Zhishi zazhi [History Studies Journal ], 11 Zhiyan zong [Collection of Perfect Speeches] “Merits and Demerits,” 254 Zhiyuan bianwei lu [Notes on the Distinction of Falsity from Truth in the Zhiyuan Reign], 59 Zhiyuan reign, 51 Zhong Laiyin Changsheng busi de tanqiu daojing Zhengao zhimi [The Search for Longevity—The Enigma of the Taoist Scripture Zhengao], 28 Su Shi yu daojia daojiao [Su Shi, Philosophical Taoism, and Religious Taoism], 34 Zhong Yao, 103–104 Zhongguo Antangshan daojia neigong neidan shu [Taoist Inner Alchemy of Chinese Antang Mountain] (Zhou Ruming), 37

index Zhongguo chongxuanxue [The Chinese School of Double Mystery] (Lu Guolong), 31 Zhongguo congshu zonglu [A Comprehensive Descriptive Catalogue of Book Collections], 53 Zhongguo dabaike quanshu zongjiaojuan [An Encyclopedia of China, Section on Religion], 40 “Zhongguo dansha zhi yunyong ji qi tuiyan” [The Use and Evolution of Chinese Cinnabar] (Lao Gan), 12 Zhongguo daojia xiuyang xue [Chinese Taoist Self-Cultivation] (Tian Chengyang), 32 Zhongguo daojiao [Chinese Taoism] (Qing Xitai), 40 Zhongguo daojiao fazhan shi lüeshu [A Brief Introduction of the Evolution of Chinese Taoism] (Nan Huaijin), 29 Zhongguo daojiao fazhan shigang [An Outline of the Evolution of Chinese Taoism] (Liu Feng, Zang Shifei), 29 Zhongguo daojiao fengmao [The Style and Features of Chinese Taoism], 39–40 Zhongguo daojiao jichu zhishi [Chinese Taoist Basic Knowledge], 39 Zhongguo daojiao kaogu [The Archaeology of Chinese Taoism] (Bai Bin, Zhang Xunliao), 55 Zhongguo daojiao kexue jishushi HanWei liangJin juan [A History of Chinese Taoist Science and Technology (Chapter on Han, Wei, Western Jin, and Eastern Jin Dynasties)] ( Jiang Sheng, Tang Jianxia), 35–36 Zhongguo daojiao shi, 43 Zhongguo daojiao shi [A History of Chinese Taoism] (Fu Qinjia), 10, 28, 29 Zhongguo daojiao sixiang shigang [An Outline of the History of Taoist Thought] (Qing Xitai), 30 Zhongguo daojiao wenhua toushi [A Perspective on Chinese Taoist Culture] (Liu Zhongyu), 32 Zhongguo daojiao yangsheng chaoshoushu [Chinese Taoist Techniques of SelfCultivation Regimen and Longevity] (Li Yuanguo), 37 Zhongguo daojiao yinyue [Chinese Taoist Music] (Gan Shaocheng, Wang Chunwu), 38 Zhongguo daojiao yinyue shile [A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Music] (Cao Benye, Gan Shaocheng, Liu Hong, Wang Zhongyi, Zhou Yun), 38

393

Zhongguo daotong Press of Taiwan, 35, 38 “Zhongguo de fengjian jieji tong Daojiao de guanxi” [The Relationship Between Chinese Feudal Class and Taoism] (Yu Songqing), 15 Zhongguo dongya xueshu yanjiu jihua weiyuanhui nianbao [The Annals of the Chinese East Asia Research Project Committee], 21 Zhongguo fangshu dacidian [A Dictionary of Chinese Taoist Techniques], 36 Zhongguo fuzhou wenhua daguan [A Panorama of the Culture of Chinese Talismans and Incantations] (Liu Xiaoming), 39 Zhongguo gudai huaxueshi yanjiu [Studies on the History of Ancient Chinese Chemistry], 35 “Zhongguo huangbaishu shilüe” [A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Alchemy] (Chen Guofu), 17 Zhongguo huaxueshi gao (gudai zhibu) [History of Chinese Chemistry (A Chapter on Ancient Times)] (Feng Jiasheng, Zhang Zigao), 16 Zhongguo huaxueshi lunwenji [Essays on the History of Chinese Chemistry] (Yuan Hanqing), 16 Zhongguo kexue jishu daxue Press, 35 Zhongguo kexue jishu faming he kexue jishu renwu lunji [Essays on Chinese Scientific Inventions and Scientists] (Feng Jiasheng, Wang Kuike), 16 Zhongguo liandanshu kaolüe [Studies on Chinese Taoist Alchemy] (Rong Zhiyi), 35 Zhongguo liandanshu yu danyao [Chinese Taoist Alchemy and Alchemical Drugs] (Zhang Jueren), 35 Zhongguo lidai mingdao [Prominent Taoists in Chinese History], 29 Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao [The Heavenly Master School of Chinese Longhu Mountain] (Zhang Jintao), 29–30 Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao yinyue [The Music of the Heavenly Master School from Longhu Mountain] (Shi Xinmin, Wang Zhongren, Xiang Siyi, Zhou Zhengxi), 38 Zhongguo michuan baodian [The Chinese Esoteric Treasury] (Zhu Heting), 37 Zhongguo minjian zhushen [The Chinese Folk Pantheon] (Liu Qun, Zong Li), 35

394

index

Zhongguo qigong de shi li fa [The History, the Logic, and the Doctrine of Chinese Qigong] (Wang Songling), 36 Zhongguo shenxian daquan [The Chinese Pantheon] (Fan Li, Leng Li), 35 Zhongguo waidan huangbaifa kao [Studies on Taoist Laboratory Alchemy] (Chen Guofu), 35 Zhongguo waidan huangbaishu kaolun lüegao [An Essay on Chinese Taoist Laboratory Alchemy] (Chen Guofu), 15 Zhongguo wenlian Press, 38 Zhongguo Wudangshan daojiao yinyue [Taoist Music from Wudang Mountain, China], 38 Zhongguo wudao yishu yanjiuhui, 19 Zhongguo xianhua [Chinese Legends of the Immortals] (Chen Xiaoqin), 34 Zhongguo xianhua yanjiu [Studies on Chinese Legends of the Immortals] (Luo Yongling), 34 Zhongguo Zhexue [Chinese Philosophy], 15 Zhongguo Zhexue shi [A History of Chinese Philosophy] (Ren Jiyu), 14 Zhonghua daojiao dacidian [A Large Dictionary of Taoism in China] (Hu Fuchen), 40 Zhonghua daojiao jianshi [A Brief History of Chinese Taoism] (Qing Xitai, Tan Dachao), 29 Zhonghua daotong Press, 28, 29, 30, 32, 40 Zhonghua daoxue tongdian [A Reference Book of Chinese Taoist Studies] (Song Yifu, Wu Feng), 40 Zhonghua shuju, 12, 27, 28, 37, 40 Zhongji jie [Rules of Middle Ultimate], 290 Zhongjing, 48 Zhongmiao zhimen daojiao wenhua zhimi tanwei [The Gate to All That Is Subtle and Wonderful, Deciphering Taoist Culture] (Luo Chi, Xiao Shafu), 33 Zhongyang minzu xueyuan Press, 28 Zhongyi guji Press, 36 Zhongyong, 242, 244 Zhongzhou guji Press, 28, 40 Zhou, Duke of, 122 Zhou Dynasty, 47, 122, 125, 132, 134, 136–137 Zhou Guoting (“Tang daojiao kao zhi Yuanshi tianzun” [Studies on Taoism in the Tang Dynasty—Heavenly Worthy of Original Beginning]), 12 Zhou Ruming

Shesheng zongyao yu shuangxiu yaoji [The Essence of Life-preserving Regimen and Sexual Practice], 37 Zhongguo Antangshan daojia neigong neidan shu [Taoist Inner Alchemy of Chinese Antang Mountain], 37 Zhou Shaoxian (Daojia yu shenxian [Taoism and the Immortals]), 20 Zhou Shiyi (Zhouyi cantongqi xintan [New Studies on the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ]), 27 Zhou Tailang (Mingyang), 228, 231, 237, 240, 242 Zhou Tixia, 228 Zhou Xiaoxue (Daojia qigong baodian [The Treasury of Taoist Qigong]), 36 Zhou Yan, 214 Zhou Yun Wudang yun [The Music of Wudang Mountain], 39 Zhongguo daojiao yinyue shile [A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Music], 38 Zhou Zhengxi Daojiao yinyue [Taoist Music], 38 Yuxi daoren Min Zhiting chuanpu quanzhen zhengyunpu ji [The Music Score of Yuxi Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology of Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen School ], 38 Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao yinyue [The Music of the Heavenly Master School from Longhu Mountain], 38 Zhouguan [Officials of Zhou], 120 Zhoujueyintian Palace, 138 Zhouli “Xiao zongbo,” 122 Zhouyi, 242 Zhouyi cantongqi, 242, 263 Zhouyi cantongqi de zhexue sixiang [Philosophy of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ] (Li Jungu, Wang Zhanyuan), 17 Zhouyi cantongqi fahui [Commentary on the Zhouyi Cantongqi ] (Yu Yan), 280 Zhouyi cantongqi kaobian [A Collation of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi] (Meng Naichang), 35 “Zhouyi cantongqi kaozheng” [Collation of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ] (Wang Ming), 10 Zhouyi cantongqi shiyi [An Annotation of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ] (Ren Farong), 28, 36

index Zhouyi cantongqi xintan [New Studies on the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi ] (Pan Qiming, Zhou Shiyi), 27 “Zhouyi cantonqi shijie liandanshi shang zuigu de zhuzuo” [Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi—The Most Ancient Work in the World History of Alchemy] (Yuan Hanqing), 17 Zhouyi chanzhen [True Explanation of Zhouyi ] (Liu Yiming), 244, 245 Zhu Chunyang, 238 Zhu Fahu, 84 Zhu Heting (Zhongguo michuan baodian [The Chinese Esoteric Treasury]), 37 Zhu Jianming (Shanghai Baiyunguan shishi keyi yinyue yanjiu [Studies on the Ritul of Feeding Hungry Ghosts: Ritual Music of Shanghai Baiyun Temple]), 38 Zhu Senpu (Xuanzhulu jiaoshi [A Collation and Annotation of Xuanzhulu]), 28 Zhu Sheng (“Yixue shang danji he liandan de lishi” [Alchemical Treatments in Medicine, and the History of Alchemy]), 17 Zhu Xi, 124 Zhu Yaping (Daojia wenhua yu kexue [Taoist Culture and Science]), 35 Zhu Yuanzhang, 336 Zhu Yueli, 41, 43 Daojiao wenda [Questions and Answers on Taoism], 40 Daojiao xue [Taoist Studies], 40 Daojing zonglun, 27 General Remarks on the Taoist Canon, 59 Zhuang, Prince, 231 ZhuangLin xu daozang [Zhuang-Lin Taoist Canon] (Saso), 19, 53 Zhuangzi jijie [Collection of the Annotations to the Chuang-tzu] (Guo Qingfan), 163 Zhuangzi shu (Cheng Xuanying), 163–164 zhu-dispelling texts, 55

395

Zhufanke zhufu mijuan [Secret Text of Talismans of the Zhufan Ritual ], 305 Zhuhong (Zizhi lu [Register for Selfknowledge]), 260–261 Zhurong (Guangshou zi), 125 Zhuyou yixue shisanke [Thirteen Sections of zhuyou (Conjuring the Causes of Illnesses) Medicine], 305 Zhuzhen zongpai zongbu [Register of All Branches descending from the Various Immortals], 231 Zilai, story of, 265 Zishi. See Cheng Xuanying Zitong dijun huashu [Transformation Book of Lord Zitong], 254 Ziyou Press, 19 Zizhi lu [Register for Self-knowledge] (Zhuhong), 260–261 Zizhi tongjian, 157, 158 Zong Li (Zhongguo minjian zhushen [The Chinese Folk Pantheon]), 35 Zongjiao cidian into Zongjiao dacidian [The Great Dictionary of Religions], 40 Zongjiao yinyue Hunan yinyue pucha baogao fulu zhiyi [Religious Music,Appendix to the Report on Hunan Music] (Yang Yinglan), 19 Zongjiao yu renlei ziwo kongzhi Zhongguo daojiao lunli yanjiu [Religions and Human Self-Control,Studies on Chinese Taoist Ethics] ( Jiang Sheng), 33 Zonglingyintian Palace, 138 Zongxuan xiansheng wenji [Collected Works of Master Zongxuan], 195–196 “Zuguo liandanshu yu zhiyao huaxue de fazhan” [The Evolution of Chinese Taoist Alchemy and Pharmaceutical Chemistry] (Yu Shenchu), 17 Zuiqixianchi Palace, 138 Zuo Ci, 106, 108, 110 “Zuowang lun kao” [Studies on Zuowang Lun] (Meng Wentong), 9 Zuozhuan, 121