States of Rage : On Cultural Emotion and Social Change 9780814723692, 0814723691

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states o f

RAGE

States o f

RAGE

Emotional Eruption , Violence , and Socia l Chang e EDITED B

Y

Renee R . Curr y AN D Terr y L . Alliso n

NEW YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y PRES S

New Yor k an d Londo n

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n © 199 6 b y Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserve d Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a States o f rag e : emotional eruption , violence , an d socia l change / edited b y Rene e R . Curr y an d Terr y L . Allison , p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-1525- 7 (alk . paper) . —ISBN 0-8147-1530- 3 (pbk — alk. paper ) 1. Violence—Unite d States . 2 . Anger—Unite d States . 3 . Socia l change—United States . 4 . Mas s media—Socia l aspects—Unite d States. I . Curry , Rene e R. , 1955 - . II . Allison , Terr y L . HN90.V5S83 199 6 306'.0973—dc2o 95-4124 4 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printe d o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chose n fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

C O N T E N T S

Acknowledgments vi Contributors i Introduction: Invitatio n t o Rag e 1

i x

TERRY L . A L L I S O N A N D RENE E R . C U R R Y

Part l . Social Construction s o f Rag e 1. Femal e Lives , Feminist Deaths : Th e Relationshi p o f the Montrea l Massacr e t o Dissociation , Incest , an d Violence agains t Wome n 1

5

JULIE BRICKMA N

2. Violence , th e Emotionall y Enrage d Employee , an d th e Workplace: Manageria l Consideration s 3

5

D I A N N E R . LAYDE N

3. Ove r Hi s Dea d Body : Femal e Murderers , Femal e Rage , and Wester n Cultur e 6

2

VANESSA F R I E D M A N

4. Fuc k Community , o r Wh y I Support Gay-Bashin g 7

4

IAN B A R N A R D

Part I I . Artistic an d Cultura l Representation s o f Rag e 5. Whatu p i n th e 'Hood ? Th e Rag e o f African-America n Filmmakers 9

1

WILLIAM BRIGHA M

6. Rag e an d Remembrance : Th e AID S Play s 10 D. s . LAWSO N

v

7

v i Contents 7. Th e Aestheti c Politic s o f Rag e 12

6

CLAIRE KAHAN E

8. "Al l Ange r an d Understanding" : Kureishi , Culture , an d Contemporary Construction s o f Rag e 14

6

TERRY L . ALLISO N AN D RENE E R . CURR Y

9. Th e Psychohistor y o f Jewish Rag e an d Redemptio n a s See n through It s Ar t 16

7

MOSHE DAVIDOWIT Z

10. Aborte d Rag e i n Bet h Henley' s Wome n 17

9

ALAN CLARK E SHEPAR D

11. M y Word s t o Victo r Frankenstei n Abov e th e Villag e o f Chamounix: Performin g Transgende r Rag e 19

5

SUSAN STRYKE R

Part ill . Rage in the Academ y 12. Clas s Matters : Symboli c Boundarie s an d Cultura l Exclusio n 21

9

SHARON O'DAI R

13. Second-Rat e o r Second-Rank : Th e Huma n Pyrami d o f Academe 23

0

SHENG-MEI M A

14. Th e Rag e o f Innocents : O n Castin g th e Firs t Ston e i n a Se a of Cultura l Pai n 24

5

DON KEEFE R INDEX

265

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

We woul d lik e t o acknowledg e receip t o f a Californi a Stat e Universit y San Marco s Affirmativ e Actio n Gran t an d a Californi a Stat e Universit y San Marco s Multicultura l Cente r Grant , bot h o f whic h enable d u s t o conduct th e RAGE ! Acros s th e Discipline s Conference , July , 1993 . W e want t o than k Provos t Ric h Millma n fo r hi s las t minut e additiona l support o f th e conferenc e a s wel l a s voluntee r extraordinaire , Sherr i Williams, faithfu l participants , Dian e Martin , an d Do n an d Caroly n Funes, ou r studen t presenters , an d th e wonderfu l performer s whos e work w e coul d no t includ e i n thi s format . W e woul d als o lik e t o than k California Stat e Universit y Sa n Marco s fo r encouragemen t an d suppor t of th e project . Mor e personally , w e than k Jud y Stag g an d Norm a Lon g for hour s o f typing . Furthe r thank s t o studen t assistants : Kare n Huck , Garrett Collins , and Dominiqu e Rousseau . We sincerel y appreciat e th e year s o f commitmen t t o thi s projec t demon strated b y th e contributors , Diann e Layden , Vaness a Friedman , Ia n Barnard, Willia m Brigham , Susa n Stryker , Sharo n O'Dair , Sheng-me i Ma, an d Do n Keefer . Furthe r appreciatio n goe s t o Nik o Pfun d an d Jennifer Hamme r a t Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , wh o believe d i n thi s project an d wh o persiste d i n editin g th e manuscrip t int o fruition . A general thank s t o colleague s wh o hav e kep t discussio n o f rag e alive . A special thank s t o Patt y Selesk i for al l the listening . Terry woul d lik e t o acknowledg e i n particula r th e encouragemen t o f Dean o f Librar y Services , Marion T . Reid , an d co-worker s Susa n Baksh , Vll

v i i i Acknowledgments Cathie Dorsett , Danni s Mitchell , Suzann e Rios , an d Marg e Hohen berger. H e als o thank s Rodde y Rei d fo r valuabl e idea s an d Winni e Woodhull fo r encouragemen t t o carry on intellectual pursuits. Terry als o wants t o acknowledg e a numbe r o f long-tim e friend s withou t whos e support h e coul d no t hav e continue d thi s project : Larr y Heiman , Stac y Nelson, Gar y Kukus , Anne Terrell , Janet Volkmann , an d Kare n Kinney . And than k you , Rene e Curry . Debra Curr y an d Cath y Bradee n Kno x alway s mus t b e acknowledged a s Renee's consisten t sourc e o f encouragemen t an d comfor t throughou t writing project s an d throughou t life . And thanks , of course , to Terry .

C O N T R I B U T O R S

L . ALLISON i s a graduate o f the University o f California , Berkele y and ha s Master's degree s from tha t campu s an d fro m U C Sa n Diego. H e is currentl y th e Collection s Libraria n a t CS U Sa n Marco s an d i s als o completing hi s doctorat e i n Comparativ e Literatur e a t UCSD . Mr . Alli son i s the autho r o f severa l paper s i n librarianship , gende r studies , an d popular culture .

TERRY

teache s i n th e Departmen t o f Englis h an d Comparativ e Literature, an d th e Departmen t o f Rhetori c an d Writin g Studie s a t Sa n Diego Stat e University . Hi s boo k Queer Race i s forthcoming fro m Ne w York Universit y Press .

IAN BARNAR D

JULIE BRICKMA N

write s i n Toronto, Ontario .

hold s graduate degree s in social work an d sociology , and i s currently a lecture r i n th e Sociolog y progra m a t Californi a Stat e University, Sa n Marcos. His primary are a o f interes t i s mass media, wit h particular focu s o n th e news medi a an d film . Professo r Brigham' s analy sis of filmi c depiction s o f homelessnes s an d povert y wil l b e published i n an antholog y o n ideologie s i n popula r film . H e i s currentl y studyin g various connection s betwee n th e tobacc o industr y an d mas s media , including advertisin g an d produc t placemen t i n films. Professo r Brigha m thanks Robert a an d Caitli n fo r thei r patience .

WILLIAM BRIGHA M

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x Contributors RENEE R . CURR Y i s Associat e Professo r o f Literatur e an d Writin g a t California Stat e University , Sa n Marcos , wher e sh e teache s America n literature an d film studies . Dr . Curr y edite d Perspectives on Woody Allen, an d ha s als o authore d severa l article s o n America n women' s poetry an d o n film. MOSHE DAVIDOWIT Z write s o n th e Jewish histori c experience . VANESSA FRIEDMA N i s

a Ph.D . candidat e a t th e Universit y o f Marylan d at Colleg e Park , wher e sh e ha s taugh t "Politica l Theory " an d "Th e Politics o f th e Family. " Sh e i s completin g he r dissertation , Over His Dead Body: Women, Violence, and Murder As Metaphor, afte r whic h she intends to pursu e researc h o n th e politic s o f the body . teache s a t SUNY-Buffal o an d write s o n moder n Britis h and America n fiction, psychoanalysis , an d feminis t theory . He r ne w book, Passions of the Voice, explore s th e intersectio n o f hysteri a an d narrative voice in late nineteenth-century fiction. Sh e is currently a t wor k on a collection o f essay s on mournin g an d representation . CLAIRE KAHAN E

D O N KEEFE R is

Assistant Professo r o f Philosophy a t Rhod e Island Schoo l of Design . He ha s written o n th e philosophy o f music, cultural criticism , art, an d interdisciplinar y studies . H e i s currently engage d i n a "Dewey eyed" exploratio n o f th e connection s an d disconnection s betwee n aes thetics an d th e practice s o f art , pas t an d present , fro m bot h psychologi cal and sociologica l point s o f view . D. S . LAWSON i s Assistant Professo r o f English at Lander College , Green wood, Sout h Carolina . R . LAYDE N teache s huma n resourc e managemen t an d labo r relations a t th e Universit y o f Redland s i n Redlands , California . He r field is American Studies . Research interest s includ e employe e discipline , women an d th e workplace , workin g condition s o f immigran t workers , labor culture , and hat e crime i n America . DIANNE

receive d a Ph.D. from Indian a University an d is currently Assistant Professo r o f America n Though t an d Languag e a t Michiga n SHENG-MEI M A

Contributors x

i

State University . H e i s th e autho r o f Immigrant Subjectivity in Asian American and Asian Diaspora Literatures. Hi s article s hav e appeare d i n such journal s a s Journal of American Culture, Modern Language Studies, an d Holocaust and Genocide Studies, a s wel l a s i n suc h collection s as English Studies/Culture Studies: Institutional Dissent an d Literature of Asian Immigration/Emigration. teache s Shakespear e a t th e Universit y o f Alabama . Sh e is the author o f essays on Shakespeare, literary theory, and socia l science, and th e issue of class in the profession. A co-editor o f The Production of English Renaissance Culture (1994) , sh e i s completin g a manuscrip t entitled "Botto m Lines : Class, Critics, and Shakespeare. " SHARON O ' D A I R

teache s Englis h a t Texa s Christia n Universit y i n Fort Worth , Texas . Hi s wor k o n theatrica l masculinit y ha s appeare d i n Theatre Journal an d Renaissance Quarterly, an d h e i s finishing a boo k on Christophe r Marlowe' s plays , Englis h militar y handbooks , an d th e Spanish Armada .

ALAN CLARK E SHEPAR D

SUSAN STRYKE R i s a n independen t scholar , writer , an d activis t livin g i n the San Francisco Ba y area. Her boo k o n transgender theor y is forthcom ing (1997) .

I N T R O D U C T I O N

invitation to Rag e TERRY L . A L L I S O N an d RENE E R . CURR Y Being a blac k woma n mean s frequen t spell s o f impotent , self consuming rage. — The Black Woman's Gumbo Ya-Ya

W H Y TAL K ABOU T RAGE ?

In ou r dail y consumptio n o f media , "rage, " "outrage, " "enraged " in creasingly appea r i n prin t o r ar e splashe d a t u s fro m ou r television s an d radios. Rag e appear s t o defin e th e dail y existenc e o f som e group s i n th e United States; 1 further, ou r ow n experienc e suggest s that fe w individual s in ou r media-dominate d cultur e fai l t o encounte r en- , out- , o r jus t plain rag e eac h day . Contemporar y societ y appear s suddenl y willin g t o employ the term mor e ofte n t o describ e ou r ow n o r others ' mental state s or actions . Rag e seem s t o hav e gaine d a currenc y i n th e pas t decad e which i t previously di d no t possess . The ris e o f rag e i n discours e beg s many questions . Ha s th e experienc e of individual s i n ou r societ y shifte d s o significantl y tha t vastl y mor e people experienc e rage ? Or , hav e we simpl y hyperbolize d suc h a term a s "anger" i n a n eve r mor e sensationalize d multimedi a market ? Coul d th e rising discours e abou t rag e reflec t a n eve r les s reticen t public , no w willing t o discus s thei r rag e alon g wit h th e whol e rang e o f thei r othe r previously privat e an d famil y emotions ? Or , ar e we suddenly hearin g th e expressions o f rag e tha t hav e bee n speakin g t o u s al l along ? I n som e respects thes e question s als o as k whethe r o r no t w e believ e i n rag e a s a present and/o r ongoin g cultura l phenomeno n o r whethe r w e conside r rage primaril y a catchword , manufacture d o r inflate d fo r ou r consump tion, eve n fo r ou r entertainment . Wil l th e term , a u courant , fad e int o obscurity, o r will rage continue t o describ e in some more profound sens e our dail y experience i n contemporary society ? i

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In preparing thi s collectio n o f essays , we claim tha t rag e a s a persona l and socia l construc t deserve s mor e tha n ou r passin g interest . Th e ter m rage succinctly describe s a n ongoin g emotiona l stat e fo r man y resident s and citizen s of the United State s and elsewhere , not onl y for thos e who m we usuall y nam e a s outrageou s o r outraged . Whil e w e d o no t wis h to clai m tha t everyon e continuousl y stalk s ou r landscap e i n rage , thi s anthology aim s t o sugges t wh y thi s emotiona l stat e ha s increasingl y intruded int o ou r social , artistic, and academi c existences . W H Y DEVELO P A N ANTHOLOG Y ABOU T RAGE ?

States of Rage seek s to gathe r fo r th e firs t tim e a critical mas s o f writin g about rag e i n various disciplines . In first planning a national conference , "Rage! Acros s th e Disciplines, " w e bega n wit h th e assumption , state d above, that w e could n o longer avoi d rage , that i t has intruded, welcom e or unwelcome , int o ou r emotional , social , cultural , an d academi c lives . Rage ha s becom e bot h a n increasingl y legitimate d metho d o f expressio n and a feare d outcom e o f interchang e i n severa l area s o f ou r lives . Th e expression o f rag e a t th e ver y leas t ha s challenge d a n agreeable , centris t consensus tha t w e mus t remai n polit e whe n discussin g ou r differin g views. A t it s greates t force , th e unleashin g o f rag e ha s translate d int o dead bodie s o n ou r campu s an d cit y streets , i n ou r publi c building s an d our homes . Some of the essays collected her e an d o n ou r lis t of readings a t the en d of thi s introductio n illustrat e tha t ou r socia l interaction s hav e lon g manufactured rag e an d ou r cultura l production s historicall y hav e bot h reflected an d produce d thei r ow n degree s o f rage . Unti l onl y quit e re cently, however , doe s i t appea r tha t ou r safe r realm s o f academi a hav e fully experience d bot h th e socia l an d cultura l arena s o f rage . Certainl y rage appeare d i n academi c setting s i n th e 1960 s wit h th e outburs t o f civil right s an d anti-wa r protests . However , no w w e legitimat e rag e when discussin g previousl y "non-political " arena s suc h a s wha t get s taught an d b y whom . At base , rag e i s a n emotio n that , whe n expressed , eithe r individuall y or collectively , manifest s itsel f i n multipl e an d unforesee n way s usuall y perceived t o b e violent . Manifestation s o f rag e com e i n man y form s including volatil e an d violen t actions , artistic productions, discourse an d political activism . Thi s collectio n addresse s a rang e o f suc h manifesta -

Invitation to Rage 3 tions: killing s b y posta l workers ; killing s o f feminists ; killing s o f hus bands, wives , an d lovers ; argument s regardin g politica l correctness ; depictions of deaths by AIDS; filmic and fictional representations o f racism; riots agains t injustice ; quee r militan t acts ; an d representativ e site s o f rage. Yet, fe w writer s hav e aske d th e basi c question s abou t rage : Wh o defines rage ? Ho w do the y defin e it ? Doe s rag e meri t seriou s analysis ? What sort s o f analyses o f rage woul d prov e mos t fruitful ? Wha t ca n we learn b y lookin g a t rag e acros s discipline s rathe r tha n strictl y withi n disciplinary boundaries ? This anthology , a first interdisciplinar y gatherin g o f writin g abou t rage, doe s no t see k definitiv e answer s t o thes e questions , bu t doe s see k to begin a structured conversatio n abou t them . By gathering these essays, we see k t o enabl e reader s t o discer n rag e i n term s o f it s psychologica l and socia l origins , it s relationship t o th e self, it s connection t o culture , and it s possible predictors . Th e essays d o not, however, announc e wit h any suret y th e exac t people(s ) amon g whom , th e exac t moment s a t which, nor the exact form s i n which rag e will occur . In compilin g thi s collection , w e sought ou t connection s fro m a wid e variety o f contemporary writing , lookin g fo r patterns o f rage t o emerge. An initia l chor d wa s struck whe n w e realized tha t fo r som e peopl e mere discussion of rage produced rage . Fo r some o f the critics o f ou r confer ence, for example, to discuss various people's rag e immediatel y qualifie d one fo r Alla n Bloom' s "cultur e o f complaint " o r Harol d Bloom' s "school o f resentment. " T o som e cultura l critics , rag e implie s invasio n by an intruder, a loss o f self, thu s a lack o f responsibility tha t threaten s the concep t o f a powerful, moral , autonomou s self . The fear o f bringin g rage int o mor e consciou s discours e preserve s the illusion eithe r tha t rag e does no t exist o r that t o addres s rag e necessaril y incite s furthe r rage . In editing thi s antholog y w e wanted, amon g othe r purposes , t o legitimiz e the discussio n o f rage , t o propos e rag e no t a s unadulterate d complain t or resentment , bu t as a constant, perhap s increasing , provocation i n our daily lives. We see k first to focus attentio n o n recent wor k abou t rage , work tha t considers basi c questions : How d o various theorist s multipl y defin e rage , and do their defini tions work acros s disciplines ?

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How hav e writers constructe d rag e i n terms o f it s supposed oppo sites: Reason: sanity , stoicism , normality , orde r an d politeness ? Can w e ritualize rage , or i s it always spontaneous ? What i s the relationship betwee n rag e an d power(lessness) ? Is rage a response t o loss ? Los s of what ? How doe s rage relate t o persona l o r socia l injustice ? What provoke s rag e an d wha t i s provocative abou t it ? The essays i n thi s antholog y begi n t o provid e definitions , context , an d shape to the multiple meanings of rage. A problem implicitly raised by defining rage, yet infrequently addresse d by this collection, remains that of whether o r how to curtail the often vio lent results o f unleashe d rage . This collection doe s not purpor t a preven tion mode. The authors represented here provide insight and commentar y into the operations o f rage as they see it apparent primaril y i n contemporary U.S. culture. In som e case s the y mak e judgments ; in othe r instance s they analyze an d interpret . Som e of the authors infrequentl y mentio n th e word, "rage, " an d yet th e intens e emotio n the y describ e resonate s wit h the more explicitly defined moment s of rage that the authors here discuss. SOCIAL, ARTISTIC , AN D ACADEMI C ARENA S O F RAG E

We hav e gathere d th e essay s her e int o broa d categorie s o f discipline s that emplo y simila r methodologies , styles , an d vocabularie s t o addres s rage. Naturally , som e o f th e essay s reac h acros s th e disciplinar y bound aries tha t w e hav e impose d o n them . Nevertheless , withi n th e broa d groupings provided , th e essay s reflec t o n eac h other' s vocabulary , the matics, production, an d interpretatio n o f th e meaning o f rage . Social Constructions of Rage Both Juli e Brickma n ("Femal e Lives , Feminis t Deaths" ) an d Diann e R . Layden ("Violence , th e Emotionall y Enrage d Employee , an d th e Work -

Invitation to Rage 5 place") focu s o n men's rage that explode s int o violence. Brickman draw s more o f a continuu m betwee n outbreak s o f killin g rag e an d wha t sh e perceives a s mor e "normal " o r commo n mal e behavior s o f rap e an d incest, whil e Layde n describe s rag e a s a manifestatio n o f variou s level s of pathology. Still , for Layde n a s well as for Brickman , men's murderou s rage ca n revea l itsel f amon g thos e wh o displa y a whole rang e o f menta l illness t o thos e wh o ar e "generall y no t deranged. " Layde n report s tha t these outbreak s o f rag e int o murde r a t th e workplac e ar e smal l i n number, bu t growing . Brickman' s focu s o n th e continuu m o f mal e vio lent behavior s mean s tha t sh e i s no t s o concerne d wit h chartin g th e growth o f the outbreak s o f murderou s rage , but wit h tacklin g the whol e range o f men' s socializatio n int o violent , outrageou s behaviors . Though bot h Brickma n an d Layde n describ e simila r outburst s o f mal e rage, Layde n see s mor e practica l step s t o counte r rag e tha t eventuall y may brea k ou t int o violence . However , readin g Layden' s essay closel y will revea l tha t she , lik e Brickman , believe s tha t onl y broa d socia l changes wil l diminis h th e productio n o f mal e rage . Fo r bot h Brickma n and Layden , rag e i s a likel y outcom e o f socia l pressures . Ther e ma y b e warning signs , bu t respondin g t o thes e signal s fro m isolate d individual s alone wil l not ste m al l of mal e rage . Vanessa Friedma n examine s th e rare r cas e o f femal e murderou s rage . Women's rage , fo r Friedman , i s a reactio n t o patriarcha l abus e an d a means o f statin g a woman' s ver y existence . Yet , Friedma n share s wit h both Brickma n an d Layde n th e reactio n tha t ou r socia l structur e itsel f unfailingly wil l produc e rage . Friedma n asks : "Wha t happen s whe n th e [social] structur e whic h serve s t o contai n anxietie s become s th e sourc e of anxiet y itself? " Fo r Friedman , femal e rag e counter s th e essentia l denial o f femal e languag e an d voic e withi n th e patriarchy . Murderou s rage become s on e o f th e fe w mean s tha t wome n posses s t o tur n them selves int o speakin g subjects . Whil e acknowledgin g th e damag e o f rage , "the ultimat e unacceptability " o f murderou s rage , Friedman stil l finds i t "honest an d genuine. " By directly confronting hi s own rage , Ian Barnard speak s in a differen t voice than th e three previou s authors . Barnard take s the highly threaten ing an d damagin g ac t o f "ga y bashing " an d turn s th e phras e int o a figurative bashin g o f thos e gay s an d lesbian s wh o "collude " wit h th e same power structure s tha t Brickman , Layden , an d Friedma n criticiz e t o varying degrees . Barnard , wh o align s hi s rag e wit h tha t o f th e fa g

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bashing quee r 'zines , specificall y name s th e socia l structure s tha t woul d need t o chang e t o alleviat e hi s rage : "reductivel y binar y model s o f identity, oppositionality , an d politica l activism. " Barnard' s wor k sug gests th e complicate d natur e o f undoin g socia l structure s tha t manufac ture rage . Beyond simpl e homo/heter o issue s lie a whole matri x o f class , race, and gende r issue s that wil l likely produce an d reproduc e rage . Artistic and Cultural Representations of Rage In hi s essa y "Whatu p i n th e 'Hood, " Willia m Brigha m discusse s th e artistic practic e o f blac k filmmakers a s on e tha t closel y reflect s thei r social experienc e o f rage , thu s providin g a n effectiv e transitio n betwee n considering rag e i n it s socia l an d it s artisti c manifestations . Brigha m demonstrates tha t whe n African-American s depic t themselve s indepen dently o f th e white-owne d an d dominate d film industry , th e portrait s of African-American s shif t fro m accommodatin g an d assimilationis t t o enraged. However , Brigha m argues , African-America n director s als o i n part hav e use d thei r recen t films t o demonstrat e th e misdirectio n o f thi s rage toward s othe r blacks . Severa l o f th e recen t films produce d b y African-Americans sugges t tha t turnin g thi s rag e toward s whit e institu tions would provid e the most effectiv e mean s of resolving the characters ' rage. D. S . Lawson ("Rag e an d Remembrance" ) als o see s rage a s a central , structuring emotio n fo r a grou p o f texts , play s abou t AIDS , that sprin g directly fro m a know n socia l condition . Simila r t o Brigham' s argument , Lawson's analysi s finds that th e dominant society' s dismissa l o f the crisi s (black povert y o r AIDS, respectively) produce s a s much rag e as the crisi s itself. Lawso n agree s wit h Brigha m a s wel l tha t artist s fro m minorit y o r oppressed group s ma y ofte n direc t thei r rag e a t th e "inne r group" ; th e seeming hopelessnes s o f th e grou p workin g togethe r t o accomplis h change ma y unleas h th e artist' s rag e agains t th e insider s a s wel l a s th e outsiders. Claire Kahane ("Th e Aestheti c Politics o f Rage") define s varyin g type s of rag e produce d i n nineteenth-century , upper-middle-clas s women : re pressed rage , displace d rage , an d outrage . A s oppose d t o th e earlie r essays collected here, Kahane finds that "th e experience o f rage is powerful, bu t no t political. " Kahan e separatel y define s "outrage " a s a politica l act. Thus , whil e bot h Brigha m an d Lawso n se e filmmakers an d play -

Invitation to Rage 7 wrights expressin g rag e directl y i n artisti c form , Kahan e see s thi s direc t expression o f rag e a s outrage , manifeste d i n essa y writin g an d feminis t action. Kahan e define s rag e i n literar y expressio n a s a n ac t o f displace ment, describin g thi s displacemen t i n mor e explicitl y Freudian , psycho logical terminology tha n th e previou s author s i n this section . Our essay ("All Ange r an d Understanding" ) finds rag e mor e literall y expressed i n film an d literatur e tha n Kahan e suggests . Th e essa y de scribes ho w narrativ e i n th e cinem a an d i n fiction represent s wha t w e describe as an ultimately uncontainabl e concept , rage. We argue, as doe s Lawson, tha t complex , experimenta l narrativ e structure s mor e effec tively allo w fo r rag e t o emerg e fro m th e text . Throug h examinin g th e work o f severa l writer s an d filmmakers, notabl y Hani f Kureishi , w e interrogate rag e in fictional text s for it s content, it s structural challenges , and it s cultural significance . The nex t tw o essay s i n th e collectio n discus s ho w artisti c work s ca n work t o concea l o r t o deflec t (abort ) rage . Mosh e Davidowitz' s essay ("The Psychohistor y o f Jewish Rag e an d Redemption" ) define s rag e a s a probable psychologica l reactio n t o persecutio n an d hatred . Davidowit z alone amon g the authors her e discusses pictorial ar t a s a symbolic mean s of expressin g a rag e tha t coul d no t b e expresse d directl y i n word s o r action, no r eve n figuratively throug h drama ; i f medieva l Europea n Jew s expressed thei r rage , the y coul d b e killed . Usin g psychologica l theor y similar t o Kahane , Davidowit z describe s rag e a s a n emotio n tha t mus t be directe d somewhere. Pictoria l art , then , ca n serv e a s a safe , symboli c outlet o f rag e fo r a particular grou p tha t dare s not expres s i t directly . Alan Clark e Shepar d als o discusses repressed rage , but i n this case, the artistic wor k bot h expresse s an d deflect s th e rage . I n ou r contemporar y society, certainly , expression s o f rag e b y oppresse d group s ar e mor e tolerated tha n i n th e societ y tha t Davidowit z discusses . Still , femal e playwright Bet h Henley , Shepar d argues , nearl y alway s hesitate s t o ex press o r abort s th e rag e s o evidentl y mountin g withi n he r work . Shep ard's essay echoe s bot h Friedman' s analysi s o f femal e reluctanc e t o assume the male prerogative o f rageful reveng e and Kahane' s demonstra tion tha t femal e rag e ofte n turn s inwar d ont o th e femal e self . Eve n i n our so-calle d ag e o f feminism , femal e rag e ma y neve r develo p int o th e acts o f violenc e i t threatens . Thoug h Henley' s heroine s "relis h murder ous and suicida l fantasies , the y repudiat e them. " As i n th e first section , "Socia l Construction s o f Rage, " w e en d ou r

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group o f essay s o n artisti c an d cultura l representation s o f rag e wit h a work tha t mixe s a personal experienc e o f rage with a broader theoretica l engagement wit h it . Susa n Stryke r ("M y Word s t o Victo r Frankenstei n above th e Villag e o f Chamounix" ) further s som e o f Barnard' s idea s regarding th e unfixe d sel f a s a particularl y productiv e sit e o f rage . Stryker offer s th e transsexua l bod y a s a metaphori c sit e o f cultura l rage. Transsexualit y an d th e rag e i t scream s "represent s th e prospec t o f destabilizing th e foundationa l presupposition s o f fixed gender s upo n which a politic s o f persona l identit y depends. " Stryke r radicalize s th e idea o f a n artisticall y constructe d sel f transformed int o a symbol o f rage . Rage in the Academy Our las t sectio n o f essay s demonstrate s ho w th e previousl y polit e dis course commo n t o highe r educatio n i n th e Unite d State s increasingl y breaks dow n i n th e fac e o f rage . A s w e bega n th e antholog y wit h th e bloody, murderou s intrusio n int o a Canadia n universit y o f a mal e out raged agains t feminism , s o w e en d b y showin g ho w feminist , working class, an d multicultura l intrusion s int o academi a hav e outrage d al l par ties o n an y sid e o f th e debates . Eac h o f th e essay s i n thi s groupin g reflects th e persona l focu s o f Barnar d o r Stryke r whil e raisin g large r issues abou t rag e i n the academ y a s an institution . Sharon O'Dai r discusse s he r outrag e a s a universit y professor , force d to separat e hersel f fro m he r workin g clas s roots , bu t constantl y humili ated b y middle - o r upper-clas s professor s wh o recogniz e he r perfor mance, bot h i n trying t o retai n working-clas s root s an d i n tryin g to pas s as a n intellectual , therefore , no t a person o f th e workin g class . Academ ics wh o clai m working-clas s solidarit y whil e denyin g thei r privileg e a s elites fue l O'Dair' s outrage . O'Dai r doe s no t finally propos e a mean s t o resolve the rage that a professor o f working-class origin s faces. However , she state s tha t th e academ y ha s onl y begu n t o acknowledg e thi s issu e and mus t continu e t o confron t it . In th e essay , "Second-Rat e o r Secon d Rank : Th e Huma n Pyrami d o f Academe," Sheng-me i M a provide s a connectio n betwee n ethnicit y an d rage i n th e academy . M a write s t o unvei l th e outrageou s attemp t o n th e part o f U.S . academi c institution s t o kee p hidde n th e facts o f hierarch y prevalent throughout . M a argue s tha t "b y retrievin g int o scholarl y de bates suc h term s a s second-rate , a s harsh a s they ma y sound , w e impor t

Invitation to Rage 9 to ou r professio n som e degre e o f honesty " an d mak e possibl e "th e revolution o f turnin g th e communicatio n channe l upsid e down. " H e suggests a revolution o f honest y tha t woul d affor d academi c institution s opportunities fo r change . In "Th e Rag e o f Innocents : O n Castin g th e Firs t Ston e i n a Se a o f Cultural Pain, " Do n Keefe r als o assert s tha t a "col d civi l war " exist s i n academia an d tha t i t ha s everythin g t o d o wit h th e politica l correctnes s movement. H e caution s agains t th e executio n o f a politicall y correc t agenda: " A consequenc e o f th e politicall y correc t depth-psychologica l search an d destro y missio n t o eradicat e prejudic e i s a style of intoleranc e not tolerabl e withi n th e academi c community. " Her e to o issue s o f aca demic freedom an d justic e infiltrat e th e rag e debate . The essays w e collec t her e d o no t represen t al l theoretica l stance s o n rage, no r d o the y attemp t t o surve y rag e t o a grea t exten t beyon d th e borders o f th e United State s (wit h on e significan t extensio n int o Canad a and a fora y int o nineteenth - an d twentieth-centur y England. ) Thi s an thology serve s to expand an d t o complicate a n understandin g o f rage , its relationship t o social , artistic, and academi c life . It provides a n introduc tion, a beginning , a n invitatio n t o rage .

FURTHER READIN G

During th e cours e o f ou r research , w e foun d rag e a surprisingl y under theorized term . Thoug h w e rea d an d hear d th e wor d ofte n i n ou r dail y experience, rag e ha d receive d fe w significan t theoretica l analyses . W e recommend th e followin g work s fo r thei r analysi s o f rage , fo r thei r central representatio n o f it , or fo r th e fears the y express abou t rage . This list b y n o mean s represent s a definitive bibliograph y o f rage , bu t i t should provid e som e ke y direction s fo r thos e reader s wh o wan t t o pursue th e topic further : Alan-Williams, Gregory . A Gathering of Heroes: Reflections on Rage and Responsibility: A Memoir of the Los Angeles Riots. Chicago : Academy Chi cago Publishers, 1994. Brooks, Gwendolyn. Maud Martha. Ne w York: Harper &c Row, 1953. Burack, Cynthia. The Problem of the Passions: Feminism, Psychoanalysis, and Social Theory. Ne w York: New York University Press, 1994.

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Cleage, Pearl . Deals with the Devil: And Other Reasons to Riot. Ne w York : Ballantine, 1993 . Cocks, Jay. " A Nasty Jolt fo r th e Top Pops. " Time, 1 July 1991 , 78-79. Cose, Ellis. The Rage of a Privileged Class. New York : Harpe r Collins , 1953 . Friedman, Murray . Overcoming Middle Class Rage. Philadelphia : Westminste r Press, 1971. Gaylin, Willard . The Rage Within: Anger in Modern Life. Ne w York : Simo n and Schuster , 1984 . Glick, Rober t A. , an d Steve n P . Roose . Rage, Power, and Aggression. Ne w Haven: Yal e University Press , 1993 . Grier, William H. , an d Pric e M. Cobbs . Black Rage. Ne w York : Harpe r Collins , 1992. Handling, Piers , ed . The Shape of Rage: The Films of David Cronenberg. Ne w York: New Yor k Zoetrope , 1983 . Jewell, Terr i L. , ed . The Black Woman's Gumbo Ya-Ya: Quotations by Black Women. Freedom , Calif. : Crossing Press , 1993 . Johnstone, Pegg y Fitzhugh . The Transformation of Rage: Mourning and Creativity in George Eliot's Fiction. Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1994. Jordan, June. Naming Our Destiny. Ne w York : Thunder's Mout h Press , 1989 . Leo, John . "Cit y Rag e an d Revival. " U.S. News and World Report, 1 Nov . 1993,21. Lewis, Michael . "Th e Developmen t o f Ange r an d Rage. " I n Glic k an d Roose . 148-68. Lockridge, Kennet h A . On the Sources of Patriarchal Rage: The Commonplace Books of William Byrd and Thomas Jefferson and the Gendering of Power in the Eighteenth Century. Ne w York : New Yor k Universit y Press , 1992 . Lorde, Audre . Zami, A New Spelling of My Name. Trumansburg , N.Y. : Cross ing Press, 1982 . Moraga, Cherri e an d Glori a Anzaldua , eds . This Bridge Called My Back. Ne w York: Kitche n Table , Women o f Colo r Press , 1983 . Morrison, Toni . Beloved. Ne w York : Knopf : Distribute d b y Rando m House , 1987. Parmar, Pratibha . A Place of Rage. Ne w York : Women Mak e Movies , 1991 . Person, Ethe l Spector . Introduction . Rage, Power and Aggression. Eds . Rober t A. Glic k an d Steve n P . Roose. Ne w Haven : Yal e University Press , 1993 . 1 9Scheff, Thoma s J . an d Suzann e M . Retzinger . Emotions and Violence. Lexing ton, Mass.: Lexington Books , 1991. Thomas, Sandra P . Introduction. Women and Anger. Ne w York: Springer , 1993 . 1-19.

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. Women and Anger. Ne w York : Springer , 1993 . Valentis, Mary , an d Ann e Devane . Female Rage: Unlocking Its Secrets, Claiming Its Power. Ne w York : Caro l Souther n Books , 1994 . Wright, Richard . Black Boy. Ne w York : Harpe r & Brothers , 1945 . Wright, Robi n B . Sacred Rage: The Wrath of Militant Islam. Ne w York : Si mon 8 c Schuster, 1986 . NOTES

1. Thi s collectio n o f essay s contain s onl y on e essa y abou t Canada , anothe r which divide s its attentions betwee n Englan d an d th e United States . All the othe r essays focu s o n rag e a s i t develop s an d manifest s itsel f withi n th e Unite d States . We intende d al l alon g t o cente r ou r attentio n o n U.S . experience, bu t adde d th e other tw o essay s whic h closel y paralle l situation s i n th e Unite d State s a s the y have occurre d i n othe r Wester n societies . I n n o wa y d o w e wan t t o clai m tha t people acros s differen t culture s experience , feel , o r manifes t thei r rag e i n simila r ways.

C H A P T E R1

Female Lives , Feminist Death s

The Relationship of the Montreal Massacre to Dissociation, Incest, and Violence against Women JULIE BRICKMA N

On Wednesday , Decembe r 6 , 198 9 a young man , 2 5 year s old , produc t of a violen t home , faile d militar y candidat e an d love r o f wa r films , entered th e Universit y o f Montreal' s Schoo l o f Engineerin g building . H e was no t a student , althoug h h e ha d onc e studie d fo r admissio n t o th e school. H e wa s carryin g a .22 3 calibr e semi-automati c rifle. 1 I t wa s a little after 5:0 0 p.m . Walking int o a classroom , h e shoute d " I wan t th e women " (Kuiten brouwer, Scott , Lame y & Heinrich , 1989) . H e separate d th e me n fro m the women , ordere d th e me n t o leav e th e classroom , an d line d th e women u p alon g on e wall . "Yo u ar e al l feminists! " h e yelle d an d bega n shooting to kill (Kuitenbrouwer e t al., 1989) . According to the professor , all nin e wome n i n hi s clas s wer e eithe r kille d o r wounde d (Shepherd , 1989). Ther e wer e approximatel y 4 8 me n i n th e classroo m (Came , Burke, Ferzoco , O'Farrel l & Wallace , 1989 ; "Th e gunman' s trail, " 1989). The youn g ma n continue d hi s hunt , stalkin g hi s victim s withou t ob struction. H e ha d alread y murdere d on e woma n nea r th e copyin g roo m prior t o enterin g tha t firs t classroom . H e kille d si x mor e i n th e class room, left , walke d throug h th e corridor s firin g randomly , entere d th e cafeteria, kille d thre e mor e women , the n wen t int o a secon d classroom , where h e murdere d fou r mor e wome n an d kille d himself . B y the en d o f Reprinted b y permission o f th e Canadia n Psychologica l Association , copyrigh t © 199 2 b y the Canadia n Psychologica l Association .

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his spree , he had murdere d fourtee n wome n an d injure d thirtee n others : nine women an d fou r men . According t o Elliot t Leyton , anthropologis t an d autho r o f Hunting Humans: The Rise of the Modern Multiple Murderer (1986) , this patter n is characteristi c o f multipl e killers . Thei r murder s ar e thei r socia l state ments, an d thei r socia l statement s embod y centra l theme s an d tension s of th e civilizatio n i n whic h the y live . Typically, the y ar e me n wh o vie w themselves a s failure s an d blam e thei r lac k o f succes s an d statu s o n a target group . Marc Lepin e targeted women : successfu l wome n an d feminis t women . For him , th e tw o categorie s wer e th e same . Hi s explanator y lette r con tained a tirad e agains t wome n a s wel l a s a lis t o f ninetee n prominen t women, who m h e particularly despised . What, then , wa s Lepine' s socia l statement ? Ho w doe s i t embod y tensions centra l t o ou r age ? Ther e seeme d t o b e a t leas t thre e implie d statements concernin g women : 1. Wome n ar e responsible fo r th e failure s o f men ; 2. An y woman wh o stand s i n th e way o f a man's succes s deserve s t o b e punished; 3. Successfu l wome n hav e abdicated thei r righ t to protection b y individ ual me n (throug h heroi c actions ) o r collectiv e mankin d (throug h theory, socia l polic y an d law) . Feminism, a label earned b y scholarship, political actio n and/o r partic ular theoretica l understanding s o f th e world , shoul d no t b e denigrate d by allowin g i t t o b e applie d willy-nill y b y thos e wit h th e leas t compre hension o f what i t signifies. To examin e thes e murders a s actions agains t successful (an d therefor e feminist ) wome n woul d b e t o defin e wome n from th e stand-poin t o f Mar c Lepin e an d t o endors e traditiona l sexis t theories abou t women , whic h collaps e unrelate d characteristic s o f women suc h as successful, feminis t an d anti-mal e int o a single dimensio n or constellation . Durin g thei r live s most , i f no t all , o f th e murdere d women di d no t defin e themselve s a s feminist , an d on e o f th e basi c tenets o f mos t feminis t though t i s th e righ t o f women , individuall y an d collectively, t o defin e themselves . If the y di d no t liv e a s feminists , the y certainl y die d a s them . Th e nature an d circumstance s o f thei r death s ha s reshape d th e meanin g o f

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their individua l lives , transforming thes e fourtee n wome n int o symbols , tragic representative s o f th e injustic e agains t wome n tha t ha s bee n buil t into th e fabri c o f th e societ y i n whic h w e live . Thi s i s violatio n o f th e highest order . To understand thi s injustice, to prevent similar crimes in the future, w e need to look towards those fields tha t woul d predict , even expect, the occurrence o f unprovoke d outbreak s o f rag e agains t women . Thes e area s are encompassed b y the label violence agains t women an d includ e the related fields o f sexual violence (incest , sexual assault, sexual abuse), physical violenc e (battering , chil d abuse) , sexua l harassment , an d pornogra phy. Using my experience of 1 4 years of working with victim/survivors of incest, I shall focus primaril y o n sexua l violenc e a s one path t o clarifyin g the occurrence, purpose and effects o f violence against women . SENSITIZATION T O VIOLATION S

According to a study b y Linda MacLeo d (1989 ) 56% o f urban Canadia n women ar e afraid t o walk alon e in their ow n neighbourhood s afte r dark . It woul d b e interestin g t o kno w wha t thes e figures woul d hav e bee n right afte r th e massacre . I f th e medi a reactio n i s an y index , fo r a fe w days, perhap s a fe w weeks , afte r th e massacr e everyone' s awarenes s o f the fea r an d lac k o f persona l safet y tha t ar e par t o f th e dail y contex t o f women's live s wa s heightened . Durin g tha t brie f time , backgroun d be came foregroun d an d dialogu e increased . An editorial , "W e Mour n Al l Ou r Daughters, " b y James Qui g o f th e (Montreal) Gazette reflecte d thi s awareness . Qui g (1989 ) wrote : But he was sick, good me n wil l say . Of cours e h e was sick . O f cours e al l men don' t thin k lik e that . But let good me n no t hide . Let us not loo k th e othe r way . There wer e n o me n o n Mar c Lepine' s hi t lis t an d goo d me n mus t look harde r t o find th e reaso n why . Men abus e women . Me n thro w th e punches . Men pul l the trigger. Me n buil d th e walls. And onl y men ca n en d it . Why i s violence agains t wome n th e domai n o f women ? How di d a man's fist i n th e woman' s fac e eve r ge t t o b e a women' s issue? (p . A-i )

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Within tw o week s o r les s thi s heightene d awarenes s ha d disappeare d both fro m th e medi a an d fro m dail y socia l discourse . Th e socia l form s of defense s typicall y use d t o avoi d eithe r th e existence , uniqueness , seriousness o r consequences o f violence agains t wome n reappeared : "It' s the rando m ac t o f a madman " (no t par t o f th e spectru m o f violenc e against women) ; "Ho w coul d the y ba n me n fro m thei r mourning " (no t an issu e uniqu e t o women) ; "Wh y i s everyon e jumpin g o n th e band wagon, diminishin g th e traged y wit h women' s issues? " (whic h ar e nei ther seriou s no r tragic) ; "Ho w angr y thos e wome n are " (denia l tha t th e consequences o f violenc e agains t wome n includ e rag e agains t me n an d social institution s tha t perpetuat e violence) . Women wh o hav e bee n violate d physicall y o r sexuall y o r bot h (an d those o f u s wh o wor k wit h them ) canno t affor d th e luxur y o f thes e denials. W e al l liv e i n a stat e o f heightene d awarenes s an d reactivit y t o undercurrents an d threat s o f violenc e betwee n gender s tha t ar e invisibl e to mos t others . Originally , th e surviva l o f violate d wome n depende d o n this sensitization . I have com e t o believ e fro m m y wor k wit h the m tha t this sensitizatio n i s essentia l t o th e containmen t o f suc h violence , tha t just a s eac h ac t o f individua l violenc e remain s foreve r i n a relationship , forming it s unwritten rules , so each act of social violence remains foreve r in th e collectiv e unconsciou s o f a culture , an d tha t ho w i t get s writte n depends o n th e response o f th e onlookers . The Statistics on Sexual Violations Incidence an d prevalenc e statistic s o n rap e an d sexua l abus e hav e no w been availabl e fo r a lon g time . A representativ e surve y o f 55 1 wome n drawn fro m bot h th e Englis h an d Frenc h communitie s i n Winnipe g i n 1978-9 foun d tha t 6% reporte d havin g bee n rape d an d 2 1 % havin g been sexuall y assaulte d a t som e poin t i n thei r lives , 50 % befor e the y were 1 7 (Brickman , Briere , Ward, Kale f &C Lungen , 1979 ; Brickma n & Briere, 1984) . In a random sampl e o f 93 0 adul t wome n i n San Francisc o 16% reporte d a t leas t on e inciden t o f intrafamilia l an d 3 1 % of extrafa milial sexua l abus e (Russell , 1983) . Herma n (1981) , reviewin g five sur veys of sexual abuse, concludes that th e results were "remarkabl y consis tent" (p . 12) , tha t one-fift h t o one-thir d o f al l wome n reporte d tha t a s children they had ha d som e kind o f sexua l encounter wit h a n adult male . The Badgel y Commissio n (1984) , fro m a nationa l populatio n surve y i n

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Canada, reporte d tha t on e i n tw o female s an d on e i n thre e male s ha d been victim s o f "unwante d sexua l acts " (p . 175) . Citin g thes e statistic s in Reaching for Solutions, th e repor t o f th e Specia l Adviso r t o th e Minister o f Nationa l Healt h an d Welfar e o n Chil d Sexua l Abus e i n Canada (1990) , Ri x Roger s brok e dow n th e unwante d sexua l act s cate gory int o attempte d an d actua l penetratio n (16.3%) , unwante d sexua l fondling (18.1%) , threat s o f sexua l act s (7.8% ) an d exposur e (14*8%) ; of th e tota l assaults , 71.8 % wer e agains t female s an d 28.2 % agains t males (Badgely , 1984) . The statistic s ar e likel y t o underestimat e th e rate s o f th e mos t sever e abuse, since complete amnesia i n the forms o f atypica l dissociative disor der an d multipl e personalit y disorde r (MPD ) seem s t o correlat e wit h early onset and severit y of trauma (Herma n &c Schatzow, 1987 ; Briere & Conte, 1989) . In th e mos t sever e cases , thos e wh o ar e diagnosticall y MPD, ove r 90 % o f th e victim s ar e femal e (Putnam , Guroff , Silberman , Barber &c Post, 1986 ; Coons , Bowman , & Milstein , 1988 ; Ros s & Norton, 1989) . These statistic s mea n tha t a larg e numbe r o f female s an d a smalle r number o f male s experienc e sexua l violatio n a t th e hand s o f a n adul t male; mor e tha n 90 % o f th e offender s ar e male—98.8 % accordin g t o Badgely (1984) . Thus , a larg e segmen t o f th e adul t femal e populatio n exists, a t leas t partly , i n a perpetua l stat e o f heightene d awarenes s t o gender violations . Th e experienc e an d perception s o f thes e wome n ma y help the rest of us understand th e nature an d purpos e o f these violations , and ho w the y illuminate a central them e o f ou r society . The Stages of Sexual Abuse In the stud y o f sexua l abuse , three stage s ma y b e examined (se e table 1) . The first stag e describe s th e actua l abusiv e event s tha t occu r betwee n offender an d victi m an d provide s a foundatio n an d a context fo r under standing wha t follows . Th e secon d stag e focuse s o n th e har m experi enced fro m th e abus e b y moving int o a closeu p o f th e experienc e o f th e victim an d ho w sh e copes. The thir d stage , th e stag e o f illnes s an d dysfunction , encompasse s th e long-term consequence s fro m abus e an d harm . I n thi s stage , th e victi m has usuall y becom e a patient , copin g strategie s hav e becom e defenses , harm ha s becom e illnesse s an d syndromes , an d th e offende r an d th e

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TABLE I

States o f Sexua l Abus e I2

States

Abuse Har Victim an d Perpetrator

m & Damag e Victim onl y

3 Illness & Dysfunction Patient

Description of typical Descriptio n of experience Clinica l description progression of of trauma and coping of long-term effect s incestuous assaults (victim still defined as of trauma and (who does what to normal) defensive structure s whom, when and how) (victim defined as sick) abusive event s hav e disappeare d int o th e vaguarie s o f clinica l language , re-emerging a s the blur o f perceptions, attributions, memories an d fanta sies which i s antecedent t o th e clear, clinically observabl e malfunctions. 2 In the next section s o f thi s paper, I shall discus s eac h o f thes e stages . The Victim Experience The patter n o f sever e incestuou s abus e appear s remarkabl y constan t across victims. 3 The abus e start s early , occurs frequently , continue s ove r a lon g perio d o f tim e an d become s increasingl y bruta l unti l th e victi m i s sufficiently subdue d t o behav e a s i f sh e wer e a willin g partner . Th e abuser (father , stepfather , mother' s boyfriend ) assault s hi s victi m i n secret, cornerin g he r whe n n o on e els e i s around : pullin g of f th e stree t during a ca r ride , takin g he r int o a clearin g durin g a hik e o r a picnic , sneaking int o he r bedroo m lat e a t night . The sexua l act s are usually whatever th e victims' bod y ca n b e made t o accommodate. Wit h a n infant , th e offende r ma y pok e a finger int o he r anus o r vagina , strok e an d tickl e he r i n a sexua l manner , masturbat e over he r o r agains t he r skin , o r inser t hi s peni s a s fa r int o he r mout h a s he can. Wit h a toddler, digita l penetratio n ha s th e goa l o f stretchin g th e orifice enoug h t o accommodat e a n erec t peni s an d ora l rap e an d thig h rape becom e increasingl y common . Object s ma y als o b e inserte d eithe r to continu e t o stretc h th e orific e o r a s a typ e o f coerciv e manoeuvr e t o get he r t o choos e o r appea r t o wan t penetratio n b y hi s penis. The onse t

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of penile penetration int o he r vagin a an d anu s seem s to occu r a s soon a s possible; in my own clinica l practice , this has varie d betwee n th e age s of 4 an d 12 . Threats an d othe r form s o f intimidatio n occu r simultaneousl y (Sum mit, 1983) . These includ e slapping , punching , smothering , choking , an d verbal threat s o f abandonmen t o r o f additiona l violence , e.g . "I'l l kil l you i f yo u tell ; you r mothe r wil l neve r believ e you ; you'l l brea k u p th e family an d en d u p i n a foste r home. " Thes e tactic s ar e no t onl y t o prevent th e child fro m telling , but to sto p he r fro m makin g audibl e nois e while th e rape s ar e takin g place . Mos t inces t victim s cry , scream , kick , punch an d pus h unti l thes e self-protectiv e action s ar e beate n an d smoth ered out o f them. Their silence builds gradually unti l their screams , cries, and tantrum s ar e interna l only . Th e classica l "passive " victi m i s usuall y the end result of a long, abusive process which teaches that active protests only make the abuse worse: longer, more violent, and harder to endure . A second , subtle r agend a i s ofte n present ; incestuou s father s see m t o want thei r daughter s t o behav e lik e cooperative , sometime s loving , an d certainly willing , partners. They want thei r victim s not onl y to d o it , bu t to like it: to smile , initiate, relax, kiss, hear confidences , becom e passion ate an d orgasmic , an d i n genera l simulat e th e idea l (adult ) consentin g partner. Onc e the context of force an d violence has been established, the y teach their child-victims the full repertoir e o f sexual behaviour , includin g fellatio, cunnilingus, anilingus, vaginal and ana l intercourse . At th e sam e time , th e father-offende r i s ofte n contemptuou s o f hi s daughter's sexualit y an d use s her responsivenes s t o prov e tha t sh e i s th e vixen, th e seductress , th e on e t o blame . I f sh e lubricates , h e ma y smea r it unde r he r nos e o r i n he r mout h t o demonstrat e tha t sh e i s enjoyin g it. Often , ther e i s a battl e o f will s ove r orgasm ; i n a typica l scenari o th e daughter hold s ou t a s lon g a s possibl e agains t havin g a n orgas m whil e her fathe r stimulate s he r relentlessl y unti l sh e does , the n use s tha t fac t to demonstrat e tha t sh e like d i t an d wante d it , tha t sh e i s the littl e slut whore wh o mad e hi m d o it . Eventuall y sh e starts , a t leas t partially , t o believe thi s agend a o r a t leas t t o believ e tha t everyon e els e wil l thin k a s he does . Sh e begin s t o los e he r ow n thoughts , he r ow n versio n o f expe rience. No w h e control s no t onl y th e response s o f he r body , bu t he r mind. Thi s contro l i s essentia l t o prolonge d victimization . Th e un dermining o f he r self-confidenc e i s deliberate , a wa y t o bin d he r mor e completely t o hi m (Stone , 1989) . A s he r persona l experienc e increas -

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ingly elude s her , th e rag e an d dee p sham e a t wha t th e offende r i s doin g turn inward ; on e o f m y patient s remembere d throwin g hersel f dow n th e stairs whe n sh e wa s a toddler , thinkin g i t wa s he r onl y wa y out . The secon d agend a is , i n fact , th e traditiona l rap e fantas y o r rap e myth: Jus t li e bac k an d eventuall y you'l l enjo y i t (Malamuth , Hei m &c Fesbach, 1980 ; Malamut h & Check , 1980 ; Bur t & Albin , 1981 ; Broth & Hobson , 1983 ; Marshal l &c Barrett , 1990) . Father-offender s may actuall y believ e thi s o r convinc e themselve s vi a thei r ow n tactic s that i t i s th e case . Fo r thei r victims , th e revers e i s true . Rap e doe s no t become sex ; instead , se x become s rape . Severel y abuse d wome n ofte n have a difficul t tim e distinguishin g betwee n sex wit h someon e the y choose an d sexua l victimizatio n (e.g . Kluft , 1990) . Becaus e sexualit y has bee n linke d t o pain , nausea , fear , rage , helplessness an d overwhelm ing trauma , sex wit h a love d partne r ma y b e experience d a s traumatic . They ma y als o develo p th e "compulsio n t o inflic t ne w suffering " o n themselves i n orde r "t o kee p forme r sufferin g repressed, " whic h super ficially resemble s "masochism " (Miller , 1990 , p . 73) , an d whic h ca n lead the m t o becom e target s fo r revictimization s (va n de r Kolk , 1989 ; Kluft, 1990) . Coping with Trauma: Victim Defenses Three fundamenta l problem s exis t fo r inces t victims: how t o tolerat e th e overwhelming traum a a t th e tim e i t occurs ; how t o dea l with irreconcil able extreme s i n a singl e parent ; ho w t o defin e a plac e i n a familia l an d social context tha t doe s not recogniz e th e existenc e o f th e trauma . If the abuse starts early and i s chronic, like the pattern outline d earlier , then th e victi m wil l generall y adop t th e mor e extrem e dissociativ e de fenses an d sho w greate r amnesi a (Horevit z & Braun , 1984 ; Kluft , 1985a; Herma n & Schatzow , 1987 ; Herman , Perr y &c va n de r Kolk , 1989; Briere & Conte , 1989) . She has to find a way t o manag e sittin g a t the breakfas t tabl e wit h th e sam e ma n whos e peni s descende d ove r he r face th e nigh t before . Th e mos t effectiv e wa y t o d o thi s i s to spli t them : good dadd y an d th e monster ; dadd y wh o love s m e an d abusiv e daddy . Confronting thi s divisio n ca n b e startling: "Bu t ho w com e they wear th e same clothes? " on e o f m y patient s aske d whil e i n a dissociate d chil d state. To kee p th e tw o daddie s separate , th e sel f divide s formin g a nontrau -

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matized par t wh o live s in the house, goes to school , maintains a relation ship wit h goo d daddy , an d know s nothin g abou t th e abus e (bu t show s symptoms) an d a traumatize d par t o r parts , wh o carr y th e memorie s and feeling s associate d wit h th e abus e an d hav e th e relationshi p wit h bad dadd y o r th e monster . The traumatic experience s ar e store d behin d a barrier o f denial, whic h originates b y th e repetitio n o f statement s lik e "Thi s can' t be . Thi s isn' t true. This isn't happening t o me. Oh no! " statement s whic h ar e commo n to anyone confronted wit h a n event too shockin g to absorb . A repressive barrier augment s th e denial an d help s to push event s an d feeling s farthe r from consciousness . With th e additio n o f dissociativ e defenses , th e trau matic event s themselve s ar e splintered , shattere d lik e a puzzle int o man ageable chunk s (Braun , 1989 ; Putnam , 1989) . Unlik e th e retrieva l o f a repressed memory , whic h usuall y reappear s i n a relativel y complet e form, a dissociate d memor y come s u p fragmente d an d splintere d wit h barriers tha t ca n b e a s thic k a s repressio n betwee n eac h piece . In hi s BASK model o f dissociation, Brau n (1989 ) describe s the division s withi n each traumatic experienc e a s occurring betwee n behaviour , affect , sensa tion an d knowledg e (BASK ) i n variou s ways . Moving fro m on e piec e t o the nex t i s lik e changin g channels ; tw o canno t b e o n a t th e sam e tim e without fuzzines s an d static . Summi t (1989 ) believe s tha t thi s proces s i s so active that h e calls it "rememberin g i t away" (p . 421). The fragmentatio n o f sever e trauma ha s bee n extensivel y describe d b y Kluft (1985 a & b) , Braun (1986 , 1989 ) an d Putna m (1986 , 1989)—al l experts o n th e dissociativ e disorders . Basically , th e dissociated , trauma tized part s ma y becom e separat e enoug h t o for m distinc t personalitie s that alternativel y emerg e an d tak e contro l a s i n classica l MP D o r ma y remain separat e a t a mor e underlyin g leve l a s i n atypica l dissociativ e disorder. The boundarie s betwee n th e part s o r personalitie s ar e thick ; thos e between sel f an d othe r ar e thin . Whil e som e personalitie s emerg e wit h names an d quit e separat e histories , personalities o r part s ar e ofte n orga nized by : (1 ) emotion : th e sa d one , th e violen t one , th e angr y one , th e scared one , the sex y one; (2 ) age: the little one(s) , the seven-yea r old , th e adolescent; (3 ) function : personalitie s wh o kee p th e barrier s i n plac e (the persecutor , th e on e lik e father , th e censor) , personalitie s wh o hel p (internal self-helper , th e explainer , th e on e wh o figures i t out , th e nur turer, th e soother) , personalitie s wh o kno w (th e librarian , th e file clerk ,

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the objectiv e one) ; (4) place o r venue : the on e o n th e bed , th e on e i n th e garage; (5 ) job : th e on e wh o swallowe d th e sperm , th e on e wh o wa s choked; (6 ) and many more. Each contains different knowledg e or differ ent aspect s o f th e sam e knowledge . Th e perso n i n therap y (wh o repre sents onl y on e personality , ofte n calle d th e host ) usuall y know s nothin g of thi s fo r sh e is the nontraumatize d part , wh o ha s th e relationshi p wit h the goo d daddy . Sh e wil l typicall y struggl e wit h a stron g desir e t o disbelieve o r doub t thes e memorie s a s the y emerge , s o tha t onl y a therapist comfortabl e wit h th e dynamic s o f dissociatio n an d familia r with th e pattern s o f abus e wil l b e abl e t o resis t colludin g wit h he r against th e enormit y o f th e pain, rag e an d trauma . As th e memorie s coalesc e an d th e amnesti c an d dissociativ e barrier s begin t o yield , post-traumati c stres s disorde r (PTDS ) symptom s ma y emerge or worse n (Herma n & Schatzow , 1987 ; Goodwin, 1988 ; Coons, Bowman, Pello w & Schneider , 1989 ; Braun , 1989 ; Kluft , 1990 ) an d i t becomes obviou s tha t th e perso n i s traumatized . A t thi s point , som e combination o f th e symptom s see n i n rap e victim s o r lat e onset , les s dissociated inces t victim s emerge : flashbacks , slee p disturbances , eatin g problems, irritability , difficult y concentrating , somati c complaints , anxiety, self-destructiveness , suicidality , fea r o f bein g alone , lo w self esteem. The centra l issues , th e one s tha t th e perso n i s defendin g against , ar e contained i n the physical an d psychologica l experienc e o f trauma . Thes e include th e overwhelmin g feeling s o f pain , rage , helplessness , despai r and los s o f authenti c sel f (Spiegel , 1986 ) a s physical , sexua l an d emo tional injurie s ar e bein g concurrentl y inflicte d b y someone who is loved and trusted. Th e experienc e tha t sh e i s tryin g t o avoi d retrievin g i s th e shattering o f he r spirit , whic h ha s bee n calle d sou l murde r (Shengold , 1979)Consequences of Trauma: Victim Losses The consequence s o f prolonge d abus e ar e severe . Piece s o f th e self , to o overwhelmed t o function, slowl y split away from th e central personality . These self-parts , froze n a t th e tim e o f trauma , eac h representin g a n aspect o f functioning , ar e unabl e t o matur e o r develo p an d remai n inaccessible. Ofte n onl y a tin y par t o f th e sel f stay s consciou s an d untraumatized; tha t par t i s all that trul y grow s up . The comple x we b o f

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internal resource s tha t compos e a n integrate d individual' s personalit y fails t o develop . Consequently , man y inces t survivor s functio n wel l i n only on e dimensio n o f adul t life : thei r professiona l wor k (Herma n & Schatzow, 1987) , if that . Each los t self-par t o r ego-stat e (Watkin s & Watkins , 1982) , whic h initially separate d fo r a reaso n relate d t o managin g repeate d abus e (Braun, 1989 ) usuall y represent s a majo r aspec t o f functioning . Th e ability t o tak e initiativ e disappear s (Goodwin , 1988) , no t onl y i n th e sexual sphere , bu t i n ever y sphere . Initiativ e i s relate d t o th e abilit y t o desire, t o want , t o ge t a gri p on , t o b e passionat e about , t o abando n oneself t o a goa l o r a n experience . Desir e make s inces t victim s anxiou s and frightened ; the y fight i t as they onc e fough t orgasm , a s if to experi ence i t compromises thei r ver y being . Without initiative , lif e slip s int o a kind o f passivity and , ultimately, drift s by . A secon d majo r los s i s i n cognitiv e functionin g (Horevit z &c Braun , 1984; Ros s & Gahan , 1988 ; Fine, 1990) . The ability t o self-monito r o r self-examine disappear s (Kluft , 1984) . In othe r words , th e objective , inner, persona l voic e fail s t o develo p an d victim/survivor s becom e de pendent o n the opinion s o f other s t o mak e decisions . The evaluation o f the personal—relationships , friendships , life—require s clea r knowledg e of what i s happening. Not knowing, once crucial to survival, has become a way of life, perpetuated b y remaining to o close to experience t o sor t it out, experiencin g lif e without perspective . Self-caring function s ar e als o los t (Herma n & Schatzow , 1987) . A s children, victim/survivor s hav e gon e throug h over-whelmin g disasters , variously describe d a s "electrica l shoc k al l over m y body," havin g "sei zures," bein g penetrated "b y a train," wit h n o one to comfort, sooth e or calm them . A secon d stag e o f traum a i s th e respons e o f other s (Kluft , 1984).The combination o f shock an d the absence of comfort fro m other s leaves par t o f th e perso n i n constan t panic ; physiologically , the y ar e frequently i n a stat e o f hyperarousa l (va n de r Kolk , 1989) . The y ar e hypervigilant an d externally focused . On e of my patients describe d ho w only part s o f he r sleep ; other s remai n aler t an d watchful . A secon d dissociated i n my office an d describe d th e tonsillectom y sh e had ha d a t age fou r whil e unde r genera l anaesthetic . Instea d o f internalizin g self soothing an d self-car e (Schultz , 1990) , whic h wa s neve r received , the y internalize wha t th e abus e fel t like : hatred, loathing , turmoil , chaos , a n internal uproa r fro m whic h ther e wa s n o escap e o r relief . Whe n thi s

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becomes self-loathing , whic h i t invariabl y does , th e strategie s fo r relie f include a spectru m o f self-punitiv e act s rathe r tha n self-carin g ones . Hence, inces t victim s ar e frequentl y foun d t o constitut e a larg e segmen t of severel y disrupte d group s suc h a s prostitute s (Jame s & Meyerding , 1977a, b ; Silbert & Pines , 1981) , alcohol an d dru g addicts (Yeary , 1982 ; Cohen &c Densen-Gerber, 1982 ; Coleman , 1982) , self-injuriou s an d suicidal patient s (D e Young , 1982 ; Brier e & Runtz , 1986) , delinquen t and acting-ou t patient s (Brier e & Runtz , 1987) . T o counterac t thi s fundamental sens e of worthless self , incest victim/survivors ofte n loo k t o others t o provid e care , soothing , approval . Actually , o f course , onl y a disappeared par t o f th e sel f ca n adequatel y fulfil l thi s function . Other profoun d losse s includ e th e abilit y t o trus t an d remai n intimat e with sel f an d others , th e abilit y t o experienc e spontaneit y an d genuin e pleasure (Spiegel , 1986) , th e abilit y t o handl e powe r an d influenc e (Brickman, 1984) , and , t o som e extent , th e abilit y t o concentrate , lear n and achiev e (Schetky , 1990) .

RELATIONSHIP T O TH E MONTREA L MASSACR E

The fundamenta l mechanism s employe d t o cop e wit h th e ongoin g trauma—denial, dissociation , minimization , fals e normality—ar e bu t extreme version s o f th e ones we all use to distanc e ourselve s fro m publi c traumas: th e Massacre , th e Gul f War , th e homeless . Withou t thes e mechanisms, raw huma n miser y might permeat e ou r consciousnes s t o a n unbearable exten t an d th e boundar y betwee n ourselve s an d th e suffering of other s migh t diminish . A firm boundar y betwee n sel f an d other s i s considered a majo r criterio n fo r individua l psychologica l health , ye t a striking characteristi c o f mos t inces t victim s wit h who m I hav e worke d is a stron g identificatio n wit h th e "wretche d o f th e earth, " (Fanon , 1963), a n identificatio n whic h seem s attributabl e t o boundar y perme ability. In th e healt h fields w e maintai n a boundar y firmness betwee n our selves an d traumatize d other s b y ignorin g a proble m unti l i t ca n b e clinically pathologized , the n pathologizin g i t o n a n individua l basis , treating th e pathology ou t o f context (e.g . talking abou t powerlessness — in thi s cas e women's—a s i f i t occur s a s a sympto m i n a vacuu m whil e keeping th e powerfu l others—men—invisibl e i n clinica l language) , an d

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consequently addressin g neithe r th e causativ e social , politica l an d eco nomic aspect s o f th e problems , no r th e individual s an d group s wh o systematically gai n fro m the m an d ho w thei r pathologie s operat e (Stark , Flitcraft & Frazier , 1979 ; Brickman, 1984 ; Mitchell, 1990) . Focusing on the final stage of illnes s and dysfunctio n (tabl e 1 ) removes abuse fro m it s cultural contex t an d create s a clinica l an d socia l categor y called "victims, " wh o ar e usuall y women ; thi s allow s larg e portion s o f the femal e populatio n t o b e classifie d individuall y a s dysfunctiona l an d to b e marginalize d a s a group . Whe n th e focu s move s bac k a stag e t o the consequence s o f abuse , har m an d damage , th e divisio n betwee n healthy, norma l individual s an d maladjusted , unhealth y one s begin s t o break down . Becaus e thes e harmfu l consequence s ca n (an d do ) happe n to anybody who i s traumatized, i t becomes eviden t tha t childhoo d injur y is as random a n event as Lepine's rampage. Since injurious circumstance s probably hol d fo r a larg e percentag e o f children , especiall y femal e ones , in th e worl d tha n noninjuriou s ones , wha t w e hav e terme d "normal " development migh t bes t b e conceptualize d a s childhoo d unde r idea l or , following Winnicot t (12960) , "good-enough " conditions , whic h for m an emotionall y privilege d developmenta l stream , an d tha t anothe r nor mative developmen t sequenc e i s fro m a n injuriou s childhoo d t o a mar ginalized, damage d adulthood . Then, i f stag e on e o f abus e i s als o include d an d th e typica l phenome nology o f assaul t described , th e commonalitie s betwee n assault s tha t seem a s superficiall y differen t a s incestuou s abus e an d Lepine' s murder ous rampag e begi n t o emerge , showin g al l assault s agains t wome n t o b e part o f a prevailin g socia l tendenc y o f misogynist 4 me n t o frighten , harm, marginaliz e an d contro l wome n a s a shortcu t i n th e pat h t o establishing themselves . The Montreal Massacr e lef t u s face t o fac e wit h a trauma perpetuate d by misogynis t rag e withou t tim e t o pathologiz e th e victims . I t wa s absolutely clea r tha t fourtee n women , wh o wer e innocentl y goin g abou t their dail y lives, were suddenl y murdered , finished. Ther e was n o way t o pathologize them—t o sa y the y shouldn' t hav e bee n there , tha t the y cooperated i n som e way, o r a t leas t faile d t o resist . The y didn' t liv e lon g enough t o develop post-traumatic symptoms , becom e permanent victim s or eve n sho w evidenc e o f th e Stockhol m syndrome . Ther e wa s n o wa y to as k stag e thre e questions : wh y didn' t sh e leave ? Wh y didn' t sh e sa y no? Wh y i s sh e s o depresse d an d anxious ? Wha t i s wron g wit h he r

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character? Ultimately , th e meanin g o f thei r shor t live s wa s altered ; the y went fro m bein g wome n i n charg e o f thei r ow n destinie s t o (massacre ) victims, a transformation whic h ma y b e the socia l effec t o f al l victimiza tion; to create a servile class. From th e perspectiv e o f violate d women , th e Montrea l Massacr e wa s neither a surprisin g no r a n isolate d event . Many , i f no t most , abus e victims expecte d t o b e kille d i f the y di d no t confor m t o th e demands , expectations an d fantasies , explici t an d implied , o f thei r abuser . Th e massacre, i n a sense , represente d a publi c versio n o f thei r privat e lives . When thi s paralle l i s understood , th e massacr e o f fourtee n wome n b y a misogynist mal e ca n b e placed i n a context an d viewe d a s an illustratio n of variou s type s o f violenc e committe d b y (some) me n agains t women , one par t o f a broa d spectru m o f misogynis t mal e rag e an d violenc e tha t can erup t an y tim e agains t randoml y selecte d wome n i n an y on e o f it s multiple form s o f rape , incest , battering , harassment , vilificatio n an d abuse. I t ca n b e understoo d statisticall y a s a commo n even t i n th e live s of som e wome n an d psychologicall y a s a feare d even t i n th e live s o f al l women. This raise s th e crucia l questio n implici t i n th e initia l stag e o f th e problem whe n th e (usuall y male ) perpetrato r i s violatin g th e (usuall y female) victim , th e stag e whic h i s rarel y formulate d int o a genera l de scription i n th e literatur e bu t include d usuall y i n fragmentar y form s a s part o f individua l cas e vignettes. This questio n i s why women? Wh y di d Marc Lepin e kil l th e wome n an d spar e th e men ? Wh y d o s o man y me n select femal e victims ? Wha t advantag e accrue s t o me n fro m keepin g women a t leas t partially debilitate d b y fear ? From m y wor k wit h violate d wome n I hav e learne d tha t particula r women ar e targete d fo r n o othe r reaso n tha n tha t the y ar e wome n and, lik e th e fourtee n wome n a t th e Polytechnique , the y ar e accessible . Nevertheless, the y ar e carrier s o f a socia l messag e tha t disperse s t o al l women: i. Wome n ar e responsible fo r failure s i n the live s of men ; 2. An y woma n wh o stand s i n th e wa y o f a ma n deserve s t o b e pun ished; 3. Independen t wome n hav e abdicate d thei r righ t t o protectio n b y indi vidual me n (throug h heroi c actions ) o r collectiv e mankin d (throug h theory, socia l policy an d law) .

Female Lives, Feminist Deaths 2

9

Fundamentally, wome n ar e targete d becaus e men , individuall y an d collectively, stan d t o gain . Me n wh o har m wome n gai n b y doin g so — otherwise the y wouldn' t d o it . The y gai n sexua l pleasure , reductio n o f tension, anger , an d othe r unpleasan t emotions . The y gai n interpersona l control: the y ge t thei r way , impos e thei r will , hav e thei r whim s catere d to. The y coerc e wome n int o stayin g wit h the m wh o d o no t wis h to . They ge t sexua l partner s wh o d o anythin g the y want , wheneve r the y want. Because the violence of their methods has been private and sociall y invisible, the y ge t al l thi s withou t a tain t o n thei r sexualit y an d reputa tion. B y keeping individua l mal e sexualit y fre e o f suc h taints , there i s n o spillover t o tain t me n i n general , n o equivalen t o f bein g a littl e rape-is h like bein g a littl e sluttish , n o warning s i n th e genera l cod e o f sexua l ethics to ai d wome n i n avoidin g th e repugnant form s o f mal e sexuality . Men ma y also gain status . We all know an d remembe r th e name Mar c Lepine. W e kno w hi s lif e story , ho w h e thought , wha t h e believed . H e has gaine d a permanent plac e i n Canadia n socia l history ; soo n someon e will writ e a boo k abou t him . Th e spillove r t o me n i n genera l i s t o augment th e mal e reputatio n a s aggressive , powerful , forceful , danger ous figures. Th e spillove r fo r wome n i s quit e different ; i n deat h th e victims hav e los t thei r individuality . Ho w man y o f u s kno w anythin g about th e live s o f eve n on e o f th e fourtee n wome n Lepin e murdered ? How man y o f u s kno w wha t the y cherished , believed , stoo d for ? Ho w many o f u s even remember thei r names ? Genevieve Bergeron , 2 1 Helene Colgan , 2 3 Nathalie Croteau , 2 3 Barbara Daigneault , 2 2 Anne-Marie Edward , 2 1 Maud Haviernick , 2 9 Barbara Mari a Klueznick , 3 1 Maryse Laganiere , 2 5 Maryse Leclair , 2 3 Anne-Marie Lemay , 2 7 Sonia Pelletier , 2 3 Michele Richard , 2 1 Annie St-Arneault, 2 3 Annie Turcotte, 2 1

3c Post, R. M. (1986) . The clinical phenomenolog y o f MPD : Revie w o f 10 0 cases . Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 47, 285-293 . Putnam, F.W . (1989) . Diagnosis and treatment of multiple personality disorder. Washington, D.C. : American Psychiatri c Press .

Female Lives, Feminist Deaths 3 3 Quig, J . (1989 , Decembe r 10) . W e mour n al l ou r daughters . The Gazette, p . A-i.

Rogers, R . (1990) . Reaching for solutions: The report of the special advisor to the Minister of National Health and Welfare on child sexual abuse in Canada. Ottawa : Ministr y o f Suppl y an d Services , Canada . Ross, C . 8 c Gahan , P . (1988) . Cognitiv e analysi s o f multipl e personalit y disor der. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 42, 229-239 . Ross, C . 6 c Norton , G . R . (1989) . MPD : A n analysi s o f 23 6 cases . American Journal of Psychiatry. Russell, D.E.H. (1983) . The incidenc e an d prevalenc e o f intrafamilia l an d extra familial sexua l abus e o f femal e children . Child Abuse and Neglect, 7 , 133 146.

Schetky, D. H. (1990) . A review of the literature o n the long-term effects o f child hood sexual abuse. In R. P. Kluft (Ed.) , Incest-related syndromes of adult psychopathology (pp . 35-54). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press. Schultz, R. (1990) . Secrets of adolescence : Incest an d developmenta l fixations. I n R. P . Kluf t (Ed.) , Incest-related syndromes of adult psych op athology (pp . 133-159). Washington, DC : American Psychiatri c Press . Shengold, L . (1979) . Chil d abus e an d deprivation : Sou l murder . Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 27 , 533-559 . Shepherd, H . (1989 , Decembe r 8) . Gunma n 'ha d coo l eyes ' professo r remem bers. The Gazette, p . A5. Silbert, M . H . 8 c Pines , A . M . (1981) . Sexua l chil d abus e a s a n anteceden t t o prostitution. Child Abuse & Neglect, 5, 407-411 . Spiegel, D. (1986). Dissociating damage . American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis, 29, 1 2 3 - 1 3 1 .

Stark, E. , Flitcraft , A . Sc Frazier, W . (1979) . Medicin e an d patriarcha l violence : The socia l constructio n o f a "private " event . International Journal of Health Services, 3 , 461-493. Stone, M . H . (1989) . Individua l psychotherap y wit h victim s o f incest . I n R . P . Kluft (Ed.) , Treatment o f victim s o f sexua l abus e (Specia l issue) . Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 12, 237-255 . Summit, R . (1983) . Th e chil d sexua l abus e accommodatio n syndrome . Child Abuse & Neglect, 7, 177-193 . Summit, R . (1989) . Th e centralit y o f victimization . I n R .P . Kluf t (Ed.) , Treat ment o f victim s o f sexua l abus e (Specia l issue) . Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 12, 413-430 . van de r Kolk , B . (1989) . Th e compulsio n t o repea t th e trauma . I n R . P . Kluf t (Ed.), Treatment o f victim s o f sexua l abus e (Specia l issue) . Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 12, 389-411 .

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Watkins, J . H . & Watkins , H . H . (1982) . I n L . E . Ab t an d I . R . Stuar t (Eds.) . The newer therapies: A source book. N.Y. : Van Nostran d Reinhold . Winnicot, D . W . (i960) . Th e theor y o f th e parent-infan t relationship . International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 41, 585-595 . Yeary, J . (1982) . Inces t an d chemica l dependency . Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 14, 133-135 .

C H A P T E R2

Violence, the Emotionall y Enrage d Employee, and the workplac e Managerial Considerations DIANNE R . LAYDE N

In 198 6 i n Edmond , Oklahoma , posta l worke r Patric k Henr y Sherril l fatally sho t fourtee n persons , wounde d si x others , an d committe d sui cide a t th e U.S . Pos t Office , afte r bein g reprimande d b y hi s superviso r and tol d tha t h e woul d receiv e a poo r performanc e report. 1 Sherrill' s crime marks the first landmark cas e of violence in the workplace. "Whil e there ha d bee n a small number o f limite d cases , workers basicall y vente d their ange r an d frustratio n i n non-violen t way s an d workplace s wer e generally fre e fro m th e threat s o f intruders . Now , an d perhap s perma nently, violence has becom e commonplace." 2 The treatmen t belo w attempt s t o she d ligh t o n possibl e socia l cause s of workplace violence , behavior b y the "emotionall y enraged " employee , managerial practice s possibl y associate d wit h violence , an d manageria l practices that ma y reduce the risk o f it s occurrence. Readers may consul t the sourc e material s fo r detail s o f th e cases . I t shoul d b e note d a t th e outset tha t profile s o f potentiall y violen t employee s ar e o f limite d us e in preventin g workplac e violence , an d manageria l plan s tha t addres s workplace violenc e shoul d balanc e th e need s o f employe e privacy , em ployee safety , an d employe e dignity . The stud y o f th e ris e i n workplac e violenc e sinc e th e 1980 s woul d strongly benefi t fro m a n interdisciplinar y approach . Field s tha t ma y contribute to the discourse ar e psychology, sociology , criminology, occu pational safet y an d health , huma n resource s management , labo r rela tions, securit y management , an d busines s law . B y sharin g perspective s 35

2,6 D I A N N

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and informatio n regardin g th e phenomeno n o f workplac e violence , aca demicians an d practitioner s o f thes e discipline s ma y begi n t o depen d more upo n scholarshi p tha n new s coverag e fo r information . OVERVIEW

The recen t ris e i n violenc e i n th e workplace— a threefol d increas e ove r the pas t five years 3 —is caus e fo r alarm . I n 1992 , on e i n fou r worker s reported harassment , threats , o r assault s i n a surve y b y Northwester n National Lif e Insuranc e Compan y (table s 1 an d z). 4 Thirt y percen t o f the attacker s wer e co-workers , bosses , o r forme r employee s (tabl e 3) . After traffi c accidents , homicides were the second leadin g cause of work place deaths , althoug h th e vas t majorit y occurre d durin g robberies. 5 O f 1,004 workplac e homicide s i n 1992 , 8 7 resulte d fro m business-relate d confrontations, o r 9 percen t (tabl e 4) . O f these , 45 , o r 4 percent , in volved co-worker s o r forme r co-workers . I n thei r analysi s o f Federa l Bureau o f Investigatio n (FBI ) dat a i n 1976-1991 , Fo x an d Levi n con cluded tha t employer-directe d homicide s hav e double d i n th e las t de cade. 6 Currently , abou t tw o suc h case s occu r eac h mont h i n th e Unite d States. Workplace violenc e ha s wide-rangin g ramification s fo r organiza tions, according t o Thomas Harple y o f National Traum a Service s in Sa n Diego: " 'Th e compan y neve r wil l ge t bac k t o busines s a s usual . Every one ha s bee n change d forever . . . . Yo u hav e t o tr y t o find a ne w normal.' " 7 In thei r boo k o n workplac e violence , Kinne y an d Johnso n estimate d TABLE I Incidenc e o f Workplac e Harassment , Threats , an d Attacks , July 1992-Jul y 199 3 1 On-the-job Incident Percentag e Rat e per 100,00 0 Numbe r of Workers Experienced o f Workers Worker s (Millions ) Harassment 1 Threat of physical harm 7 Physical attack 3

9 18,66 7,33 2,50

7 16. 3 6. 0 2.

1 3 2

NOTE: Sampl e Size : 600 full-tim e America n workers . 1 Based o n 199 1 Censu s Burea u estimate s o f 96,57 5 millio n full-tim e worker s les s 10,34 1 million self-employe d workers , or a total o f 86,23 4 millio n workers . SOURCE: Fear and Violence in the Workplace (Minneapolis , MN : Northwester n Nationa l Life Insuranc e Company , 1993) .

The Emotionally Enraged

Employee 3

7

TABLE 2 Exten t o f Workplac e Harassmen t an d Violenc e Violence, Threat, Harassment , o r Fea r o Worker wa s harassed, threatened, o r attacke d o n th e job i n th e past 1 2 months 2 Someone wa s threatene d wit h physica l har m i n employee' s workplace i n the past 1 2 months 2 Worker wa s threatene d wit h physica l har m o n th e jo b durin g lifetime 2 Worker wa s harasse d o n th e job in the pas t 1 2 months 1 Worker wa s physically attacke d o n th e job durin g lifetim e 1 Someone wa s physicall y attacke d i n employee' s workplac e i n the pas t 1 2 months 1 Worker considere d carryin g tearga s o r mac e fo r protectio n o n the job 1 Worker i s ofte n worrie d abou t bein g a victi m o f violenc e o n the job 1 Worker considere d bringin g a gu n o r othe r deadl y weapo n t o work fo r protectio n 4

Percentage f Worker s 5 2 1 9 5 4 1 0

NOTE: Sample size: 600 full-time America n workers. SOURCE: Fear and Violence in the Workplace (Minneapolis , MN: Northwestern Nationa l Life Insurance Company, 1993).

the averag e cos t o f a seriou s inciden t a t $250,000. 8 Expense s included : medical an d post-traum a stres s treatment ; los t productivity ; los t wage s to workers ; trainin g cost s fo r replacemen t workers ; propert y damag e and theft ; increase d securit y investigation s b y outsid e consultants ; en hanced manageria l training ; lega l advic e an d litigation ; diversio n o f attention o f senio r managemen t t o reac t t o th e incident , respon d t o th e crisis, an d pla n fo r th e future ; an d diminishe d imag e i n th e mind s o f stockholders an d customers , whic h result s i n reduce d sale s potentia l an d lower stoc k value . The ris e i n workplac e violenc e ha s le d t o interes t i n it s socia l causes , profiles o f homicida l people , an d manageria l practice s associate d wit h violence. Socia l cause s includ e th e existenc e o f a violen t cultur e i n America, wher e handgun s wer e involve d i n 12,48 9 homicide s i n 1992. 9 In comparison , i n 1990 , Switzerlan d an d J a p a n reporte d 9 1 an d 8 7 handgun homicides , respectively. 10 A recessionar y econom y i s a factor ,

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E R . LAYDE N

TABLE 3 Harasser s an d Attacker s a t th e Workplac e (Percentage o f Workers )

Perpetrator 3

Customer o r client Stranger Co-worker othe r tha n bos s Boss Former employe e Someone els e Total

Workplace Attack Victims l (N = 8 9 )

Workplace Threat Victims 1

Workplace Harassment Victims 2

(N=I27)

(N=II2)

44 24 20 7 3 3 101

36 16 32 5 6 7 102

15 2 74 39 2 2 107

NOTE: Sampl e size : 600 full-tim e America n workers . Column s tota l mor e tha n 10 0 percen t if more tha n on e person attacked , threatened , o r harasse d th e worker . ! Most recen t even t i n lifetime . 2 Most recen t even t in past year . 3 Includes students , patients, and inmates . SOURCE: Fear and Violence in the Workplace (Minneapolis , MN : Northwester n Nationa l Life Insuranc e Company , 1993) .

as risin g unemploymen t i s associate d wit h increase s i n violence , crime , and disease. 11 Domesti c violenc e als o spill s ove r int o th e workplace , a s does violenc e resultin g fro m clien t dissatisfactio n wit h provisio n o r de nial o f goods an d services . Kinney an d Johnso n identifie d thre e contro l processe s tha t ma y pro vide condition s know n t o discourag e violen t behavior : a n efficien t eco nomic syste m tha t create s ful l o r nearl y ful l employment ; a n effectiv e legal syste m tha t prevent s crim e an d protect s citizen s agains t crime ; an d a cultura l syste m tha t maintain s a nor m o f goo d behavior. 12 Unfortu nately, th e Unite d State s ma y b e characterize d a s havin g hig h rate s o f unemployment, a relatively inefficien t crimina l justic e syste m an d libera l gun laws , and a popular cultur e tha t glamorize s violence . Homicidal peopl e a t th e workplac e generall y ar e depicte d a s whit e males i n thei r thirtie s an d fortie s wit h migrator y jo b histories ; the y tend t o b e loners , strongl y intereste d i n weapons , an d alcoho l o r dru g abusers. 13 The y hav e poo r self-esteem , copin g skills , an d interpersona l relations. Many com e fro m dysfunctiona l familie s an d hav e experience d

The Emotionally Enraged Employee 3

9

TABLE 4 Circumstance s o f Workplac e Homicides , 199 2 Homicides Type of Circumstance

1

Total Business dispute s Co-worker, forme r co-worke r Customer an d clien t Other Personal dispute s Relative o f victi m (primaril y husband, ex-husband ) Boyfriend, ex-boyfrien d Other Police i n th e lin e o f dut y Robberies an d miscellaneou s crime s

Number

Percent

1,004

100

87

9

45 35 7

4 3 1

39

4

24 7 8

2

56

6

822

82

1 1

^ o m e case s liste d unde r busines s disputes , persona l disputes , an d polic e i n th e line of dut y ma y also qualify a s robberies o r othe r crimes . NOTE: Percentage s ma y no t ad d t o totals becaus e o f rounding . SOURCE: Janic e Winda u an d Gu y Toscano , "Workplac e Homicide s i n 1992, " Compensation and Working Conditions (Washington , DC : U.S. Department o f Labor, Burea u o f Labo r Statistics , February , 1994) , citin g Census of Fatal Occupational Injuries, Burea u o f Labo r Statistics , i n cooperatio n wit h Federa l and Stat e agencies, 1992 .

child abuse . Religiou s o r politica l proselytizin g i s a commo n behavior . At th e tim e o f th e violen t act , multipl e lif e stressor s ma y hav e bee n occurring, particularl y th e threa t o f jo b loss . Harple y averred , "Often times, their lif e i s their job . When thei r jo b i s in jeopardy , thei r lif e i s in jeopardy." 14 Kinney an d Johnso n contende d tha t workplac e violenc e result s fro m "career dissonance " amon g men . "Onl y somewha t over-simplified , th e critical ancho r fo r wome n i s the relationship; fo r men , thei r chosen job or profession. Bot h over t an d cover t life-stres s effect s ar e mad e mor e manageable whil e these anchors ar e in place, because they affor d a sens e

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of contro l tha t permit s u s t o tolerat e les s critically-perceive d pressures . When los t o r jeopardized , however , thes e essentia l lif e component s in crease vulnerability t o stres s more than additively." 15 Notably , ther e ar e gender difference s i n behaviora l consequence s whe n thes e anchor s fail ; women see k counseling , whil e me n displa y aggression—an d ma y kill . Layoffs i n recent year s have threatened th e most critica l ancho r fo r men . In addition , "a s wome n hav e gaine d groun d i n thei r struggl e fo r equality i n th e workplace , ofte n t o th e perceive d disadvantag e o f men , there ha s bee n a marke d increas e i n assaultiv e crim e b y male s o n fe males, reflecting th e destructio n o f a secondary ancho r tha t me n se e as a challenge t o thei r authorit y an d potency." 16 A t th e workplace , wome n are a t ris k fro m bot h violenc e an d sexua l harassment , itsel f ofte n a precursor t o battery , rape , or murder. 17 The essenc e o f caree r dissonanc e i s that th e ver y "branc h w e clun g to" i n orde r t o cop e wit h moderat e lif e stressor s turn s int o th e "straw tha t break s th e camel' s back " whe n i t i s los t a s a n anchor . The incongruit y i s enhance d b y th e realizatio n tha t th e long-held , generalized expectatio n tha t loyalty , diligence and har d wor k woul d be rewarde d wit h jo b stabilit y an d securit y i s a relationshi p whic h no longe r holds. 18 Kinney an d Johnso n predicte d a n increas e i n assaultiv e crim e b y male s against female s an d figures perceive d a s havin g authorit y ove r job s a s the number o f jobs continue t o diminish . Indeed, o f 6,95 6 workplac e homicide s i n 1980-1988 , 97 2 victim s (1 4 percent) wer e managers , th e thir d larges t category. 19 "Mos t employee s who kil l manager s o r colleague s hav e bee n fired o r fee l mistreated." 20 Managerial practice s possibl y associate d wit h violenc e includ e thos e described a s negligent , unjust , an d abusive , bu t tha t ma y g o unchecke d until violenc e results . Followin g a violen t incident , manageria l practice s will b e assesse d a s a possibl e causa l facto r i n new s coverag e b y th e communications media , medica l inquiries , an d cour t testimon y b y em ployees, unio n officials , famil y member s an d friend s o f th e perpetrato r and victims , healt h car e professionals , an d othe r observer s involve d i n lawsuits filed against th e organization. 21 New s coverag e o f th e organiza tion ma y continu e fo r years .

The Emotionally Enraged Employee 4

1

T H E "EMOTIONALL Y ENRAGED " EMPLOYEE : REVIEW S O F TH E CASE S

Reviews o f workplac e violenc e case s b y Baron , Kinne y an d Johnson , and Fo x an d Levi n ar e discusse d below . Althoug h thei r profile s o f violent employee s develope d fro m th e cases are remarkably similar , eac h is presented separatel y i n the interes t o f clarity . S. Anthony Baron , i n hi s boo k o n workplac e violence , use d th e ter m "emotionally enraged " employe e t o describ e th e perpetrato r o f work place violence. 22 I n thi s context , rag e i s define d a s "a n employee' s at tempt t o regai n contro l b y verball y abusin g o r physicall y attackin g th e source o f thei r frustration." 23 Hi s revie w o f th e case s foun d tha t th e emotionally enrage d employe e almos t alway s fel l withi n on e o r mor e of thes e categories : histor y o f violence , psychosis , romanc e obsession , chemical dependence , depression , pathologica l blamer , impaire d neuro logical functioning, elevate d frustratio n wit h the environment, interes t i n weapons, and personalit y disorders , such as the antisocial an d borderlin e personality disorders. 24 The cases also revealed that warnin g sign s existed, although the y ofte n went undetected. 25 Baro n outline d thre e level s in the form s tha t violenc e may take : Level One: Refuses t o cooperate with immediat e supervisor ; spread s rumors an d gossi p t o har m others ; consistentl y argue s wit h co workers; belligeren t towar d customers/clients ; constantl y swear s a t others; makes unwante d sexua l comments . Level Two : Argue s increasingl y wit h customers , vendors , co-work ers an d management ; refuse s t o obe y compan y policie s an d proce dures; sabotages equipmen t an d steal s propert y fo r revenge ; verbalizes wishes t o hur t co-worker s and/o r management ; send s sexua l o r violent note s t o co-worker s and/o r management ; see s self a s victim ized b y management (m e against them) . Level Three : Frequen t display s o f intens e ange r resultin g i n recur rent suicida l threats , recurren t physica l fights, destructio n o f prop erty, utilizatio n o f weapon s t o har m others , commission o f murder , rape, and/o r arson. 26

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Kinney an d Johnso n develope d th e followin g baselin e profil e o f a perpetrator o f workplac e violence : male ; white ; 35 + year s old ; histor y of violenc e towar d women , children , o r animals ; weapo n owner ; self esteem heavil y dependen t o n job ; fe w interest s outsid e o f work ; with drawn o r a "loner" ; ofte n externalize s blam e fo r disappointments ; mili tary service ; alcoho l o r dru g abuse ; histor y o f menta l healt h issues ; fascination wit h violenc e o r weapons; proselytizes fo r cause(s) ; perceives that h e wil l b e lai d of f o r terminated ; an d interpersona l conflict. 27 The y noted tha t "Sege r add s th e tendenc y t o functio n a t menia l jo b levels , o r if professionals, person s wh o ha d experience d grea t persona l frustratio n characterized b y 'enormou s pent-u p rage' ; and include s a s a n importan t component, 'peopl e wh o ar e depresse d o r eve n suicida l an d wh o se e n o way ou t o f thei r troubles. ' " 2 8 They foun d tha t a secondar y bu t crucia l se t o f ris k factor s include d actual o r perceive d impendin g dismissa l o r layoff ; argumentativ e o r uncooperative behavio r toward s co-worker s an d perhap s customers ; extremist opinion s and attitudes ; unwelcome sexua l comments o r threat s of physica l assault ; preoccupatio n wit h weapons ; violatio n o f compan y policies an d procedures ; expresse d desir e t o har m co-worker s o r man agement; difficult y acceptin g authority ; histor y o f interpersona l conflic t with co-workers , supervisors , o r both ; an d sabotag e o f equipmen t and / or property . Kinney an d Johnso n identifie d 12 5 case s o f workplac e violenc e wit h sufficient dat a t o permi t analysis ; al l bu t a fe w wer e precede d b y warn ings. Some specific findings ar e summarize d below : Of 12 1 perpetrators fo r who m gende r wa s specified , 11 8 wer e male, or 97. 5 percent . Ages ranged fro m 1 7 to 66 years; in cases in which age s wer e stated, th e averag e wa s 36. 1 years . In 12 2 cases, or 9 8 percent , th e perpetrator acte d alone . Of th e total numbe r o f 60 7 victims, 39 3 wer e killed, or 6 5 percent . Firearms wer e use d i n 90 o f 11 1 assaults fo r whic h weapon s wer e specified, o r 8 1 percent, mostl y handguns .

The Emotionally Enraged Employee 4

3

Suicide b y 3 1 of 13 0 perpetrators, o r 2 4 percent , followe d thei r as sault. California wa s over represented a s a locale with 3 7 cases, or 3 0 per cent; New Yor k ha d 1 0 ( 8 percent), Florida an d Texa s ha d nin e each ( 7 percent), and Illinoi s ha d seve n ( 6 percent). No othe r stat e had mor e tha n fiv e cases , or 4 percent. 29 Fox an d Levi n presente d a simila r pictur e o f th e perpetrato r o f work place violence, drawn fro m FB I data compile d o n 24 1 murders i n 1976 1991. Th e "vengefu l worker " typicall y a middle-aged , whit e mal e wh o faces jo b loss , sees little opportunit y fo r finding anothe r job , and blame s others fo r hi s plight. He tend s to b e a loner fo r who m wor k provide s th e only meaningfu l par t o f hi s life . "Her e to o w e se e a tren d i n societ y which place s more an d mor e middle-age d me n a t risk . An increased rat e of divorce , greater residentia l mobility , an d a general lac k o f neighborli ness mea n that , fo r man y Americans , wor k i s thei r onl y sourc e o f stability an d companionship." 30 Citing considerabl e evidenc e tha t frustratio n tend s t o increas e aggres sive motivation , Fo x an d Levin identifie d tw o kind s o f jo b frustratio n which engende r enoug h resentmen t t o b e translate d int o extrem e vio lence: [S]ome vengefu l worker s hav e suffere d long-term , cumulativ e frus tration—repeated failure s i n their careers , resulting i n a diminishe d ability to cope with life' s disappointments . Fro m their poin t o f view, they neve r get th e righ t job , th e deserve d promotion , o r a decen t raise. Thei r firing a t a crucia l tim e i n thei r live s become s th e final straw. . . . [0]the r vengefu l employee s com e t o fee l invulnerabl e t o job los s becaus e o f thei r long-ter m employmen t wit h th e sam e company. The y fee l a stron g sens e o f entitlement , a s thoug h the y have tenure. From thei r perspective , the y hav e given their bes t year s to the boss, have unselfishly dedicate d thei r career s to the firm, hav e helped buil d th e busines s . . . an d wha t d o the y ge t i n return ? Fired! 31 The vengeful worke r treat s th e gun a s the "Grea t Equalizer " i n his ques t for justice . "No t onl y does the gun correct th e power imbalanc e betwee n

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the employe e an d hi s superior , bu t i t i s simpl y fa r mor e lethal , particu larly i f h e want s t o g o afte r multipl e victims . Althoug h ful l o f rage , h e might b e deterre d wer e i t necessar y t o kil l wit h hands . B y contrast , a gun make s i t very easy." 32 Fox an d Levi n als o foun d mos t vengeful , violen t worker s d o no t ac t spontaneously an d "jus t explode, " bu t deliberat e an d engag e i n well planned ambushe s t o gai n revenge . "Workplac e killer s ma y b e despon dent, disillusioned, disappointe d an d eve n clinically depressed—bu t gen erally [are ] not deranged." 33 Kinney an d Johnso n foun d tha t workplac e violence , unlik e robber y and commercia l crime , belong s t o a "genre " tha t almos t alway s follow s the sam e sequence : The sequenc e begin s wit h a traumati c experienc e tha t create s th e perception o f a n unsolvabl e psychi c state , whic h i n tur n produce s extreme an d chroni c emotiona l tensio n o r anxiety . Th e traumati c experience ma y b e cause d b y a singl e majo r event , suc h a s jo b termination, o r i t ma y b e more cumulativ e i n nature , precede d b y a series o f seemingl y mino r events , such a s several reprimands, on e o r two negativ e performance reviews , etc. Once traumatized , th e individua l project s al l responsibilit y fo r hi s or he r interna l tensio n o r anxiet y ont o th e situation , i n effec t exter nalizing blam e fo r th e unsolvabl e psychi c state . At thi s point , th e individual' s thinkin g turn s inward , an d become s increasingly egocentric , progressin g t o self-protectio n an d self-pres ervation a s objectives, t o th e exclusion o f al l other concerns . Within thi s fram e o f reference , th e ide a i s conceive d tha t a violen t act i s the onl y wa y out ; an d followin g a perio d o f interna l conflict , which ma y b e prolonged , th e violen t ac t i s attempte d o r com mitted. 34 According t o Joh n Monahan , autho r o f work s o n predictin g violen t behavior, researc h studie s "demonstrat e ho w difficul t i t i s t o predic t violence i n general , muc h les s violenc e specifi c t o th e workplace." 35 H e observed tha t give n a labo r forc e o f mor e tha n 12 5 millio n people , an d

The Emotionally Enraged Employee 4

5

a smal l numbe r o f workplac e homicide s annually , i t i s impossibl e t o predict accuratel y a n even t wit h suc h a lo w bas e rat e excep t i n extrem e circumstances. Monaha n suggeste d th e followin g indicator s o f th e pro pensity o f a n individua l towar d violence : histor y o f violence , sex , race , age, intelligenc e scores , educationa l attainment , employmen t stability , base rate of violent behavio r amon g peopl e o f sam e background, source s of stress , predispositio n t o cop e wit h stres s i n a violen t o r non-violen t manner, similarit y o f th e context s i n whic h violen t copin g mechanism s have bee n use d i n th e pas t t o thos e i n whic h th e perso n likel y wil l function i n the future, wh o th e likel y victims ar e an d ho w availabl e the y are, and wha t mean s ar e availabl e t o commi t violence. 36 Perpetrators o f workplace violence generally do not fit Monahan's pro file. For example , Frank Kuzmit s applie d th e model t o the case of Josep h Wesbecker, a n emotionall y disturbe d employe e o n long-ter m disabilit y leave from th e Standar d Gravur e Compan y i n Louisville, Kentucky, wh o killed eight co-workers an d injure d twelv e others with a n assaul t rifle be fore committin g suicide. 37 Wesbecker di d no t fit the demographic profil e of a violen t person , ha d no t previousl y engage d i n violen t behavio r a t work, and had no police record o f violence; two harassment suit s filed by his first wife resulted i n not-guilty verdicts. Considerable source s of stres s existed in his work environment , however ; and h e was predisposed t o respond to stress in either a non-violent o r violent manner . Fox an d Levi n note d tha t profile s designe d t o predic t rar e event s ten d to produc e a larg e percentag e o f fals e positives : "Regardles s o f th e specific profil e characteristics , man y mor e employee s wil l likel y fit th e profile tha n wil l i n fac t see k reveng e a t work . Moreover , a n effor t t o identify th e problem worke r ma y actuall y create a self-fulfilling prophes y whereby combativ e employee s becom e enrage d whe n single d ou t i n a negative way." 3 8 Several observer s hav e warne d agains t relianc e o n profile s a s a mean s of preventin g workplac e violence. 39 Fo r example , a t th e U.S . Posta l Service, wher e 3 3 posta l worker s die d an d 2 0 wer e wounde d i n 1983 1993, a stud y conducte d o f a sampl e o f "assaults " i n 1989-1992 , rang ing fro m verba l threat s t o arme d attacks , hope d t o yiel d a profil e o f potentially violen t employee s for us e in the hiring process. 40 Some work place violenc e expert s responde d b y callin g attentio n t o th e high-pres sured, authoritarian , an d frequentl y hostil e wor k environmen t a t pos t offices, whic h foster s emotiona l an d psychologica l instabilit y amon g

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employees, while postal workers expressed fea r th e results would b e used to mak e "scapegoats " o f broa d group s o f employee s an d applicants , particularly militar y veterans , tw o o f who m wer e responsibl e fo r th e 1993 shooting s a t pos t office s i n Dan a Point , California , an d Dearborn , Michigan. Indeed , followin g th e shootings , forme r Postmaste r Genera l Anthony Fran k calle d fo r reexaminatio n o f th e hirin g preferenc e i n federal employmen t give n t o militar y veterans. 41 MANAGERIAL CONSIDERATION S

While i t ma y b e impossibl e t o predic t workplac e violence , it s prospec t compels manager s t o examin e thei r practice s fro m th e standpoin t o f preventing o r discouragin g it s occurrence . Kinne y an d Johnson depicte d the high-ris k wor k environmen t a s havin g th e followin g characteristics : chronic labor-managemen t disputes ; frequen t employe e grievances ; a n extraordinary numbe r o f injur y claim s (especiall y psychologica l claims) ; understaffing o r excessiv e demand s fo r overtime ; a hig h numbe r o f psychologically stresse d personnel ; an d a n authoritaria n managemen t approach. 42 I n th e Northwester n Lif e survey , employee s wh o sai d thei r employers hav e effectiv e grievance , harassment , an d securit y program s reported lowe r rate s o f workplac e violenc e an d lowe r level s o f jo b dissatisfaction, jo b "burn-out, " an d stress-relate d illnesse s (tabl e 5) . Four step s a n employe r ma y tak e t o reduc e th e ris k o f workplac e violence ar e t o identif y manageria l practice s possibl y associate d wit h violence, t o identif y it s lega l obligation s wit h respec t t o workplac e vio lence, t o establis h an d maintai n soun d huma n resource s managemen t (HRM) practices , an d t o develo p comprehensiv e plan s tha t addres s workplace violence , whic h includ e plan s fo r copin g wit h a violen t inci dent shoul d on e occur . The first ste p i s to identif y manageria l practic e tha t ma y b e character ized a s negligent, unjust , an d abusive . Negligent practice s includ e failur e to maintai n communicatio n wit h employee s o n al l work-related matters , particularly regardin g HR M decision s suc h a s performance ratings , pro motions, layoffs , an d dismissals . Unjus t practice s includ e absenc e o f a grievance procedure , o r presenc e o f a one-side d procedure , whic h i n effect preclude s amendin g o r rescindin g a manageria l decision . Th e im port o f communicatio n program s an d complain t procedure s i s widel y observed throughou t th e HR M literature. 43

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TABLE 5 Impac t o f Improve d Interpersona l Relation s an d Effectiv e Preventive Program s o n Workplac e Violence (Percentag e o f Workers )

Employees Repor t They : Will bur n ou t i n the nex t yea r o r tw o Experience a lot o f jo b stres s Have bee n attacked , threatene d o r harassed i n past 1 2 month s Worry abou t bein g laid of f o r fired in the next yea r Experience hig h level s of stress related illnes s Have n o harmon y i n their wor k group Have bee n harasse d o n th e job i n th e past 1 2 month s Cannot rel y on superviso r fo r support Were attacke d o r threatene d o n th e job i n the past 5 years Are dissatisfied wit h thei r jo b

Employer Has Grievance, Harassment, and Security Programs

Employer Does No t Have All Thre e Programs

28 22

44 32

18

31

14

21

13

29

13

27

13

23

11

30

11 5

21 21

NOTE: Sampl e size: 60 0 full-tim e America n workers . SOURCE: Fear and Violence in the Workplace (Minneapolis , MN : Northwester n Na tional Lif e Insurance Company) , 1993 .

The post offic e superviso r kille d in 199 1 in Royal Oak , Michigan , wa s known for suc h abusive practices as requiring a custodian to scrub urinal s with a toothbrush a s punishment fo r allegedl y no t properl y cleanin g th e restrooms. 44 Complaint s agains t th e supervisor le d only to transfers, no t his removal . Pos t offic e manageria l practice s ar e describe d a s paramili tary. Time clocks calibrated o n military tim e measure attendanc e i n hun dredths o f a secon d an d doc k employee s fo r second s o f tardiness . Some times, employees have to ask permission t o use the bathroom . Employee survey s hav e foun d a hig h incidenc e o f abus e a t work. 45

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According t o Anderso n an d Militello , about 2 5 percen t o f manager s ar e abusing thei r employee s becaus e the y i n tur n wer e abuse d whe n the y were young. 46 Th e personalitie s o f mos t manager s featur e on e o r mor e of the following characteristics—aggression , control , paranoia, an d nar cissism—which manager s ofte n displa y whe n unde r pressure . Thes e leadership style s an d thei r root s i n childhood ar e define d a s follows : Aggressive manager s assum e tha t th e worl d i s a hostil e plac e an d leaders shoul d develo p self-protectiv e behavio r tha t include s strik ing first. Supervisor s i n thi s categor y generall y ar e abrasiv e an d contemptuous o f authority . Suc h behavio r usuall y ca n b e trace d t o parental hostilit y o r rejection . Controlling manager s sho w common characteristic s tha t includ e or derliness, parsimoniousness , obstinacy , rigidity , an d perseverance . These managers ar e concerned wit h organizatio n an d efficienc y an d the pecking order. They do not question their bosses. These managers often ar e indecisive because their parents did not tolerate mistakes. Narcissistic manager s ar e concerne d primaril y wit h self-preserva tion. The y ofte n ar e perceived a s having stron g personalities , and a s being aggressive , independent , an d action-oriented . Man y employ ers think thes e traits an d th e need t o validate self-estee m mak e thes e people idea l managers . Suc h manager s ar e playin g a rol e i n whic h they idealiz e parents the y ar e o r were neve r abl e t o please . Paranoid manager s ar e acutel y awar e o f th e dynamic s o f power . They valu e statu s an d positio n highl y an d the y env y peopl e i n higher-ranking jobs . Mos t suc h manager s ha d extremel y intrusiv e parents. 47 Anderson an d Militell o foun d tha t "[r]athe r tha n discharg e abusiv e managers, man y corporation s rewar d the m fo r thei r behavio r becaus e i t may hav e increased productivit y i n the shor t run , a s employees scrambl e to avoi d antagonizin g thei r bosses." 48 In thei r boo k o n fea r a t th e workplace , Rya n an d Oestreic h presente d a scal e of aggressiv e managerial interpersona l behavio r an d a continuu m of intensity (figur e i). 4 9 Intimidating action s range fro m glarin g a t some -

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9

FIGURE I . W h a t Manager s an d Supervisor s D o t o Threate n Thei r

Employees Light gray

Dark gray

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Silence Glaring ey e contact : "th e look " Brevity o r abruptnes s Snubbing o r ignorin g peopl e Insults an d put-down s Blaming, discrediting , o r discountin g An agressive , controllin g manne r Threats abou t th e jo b Yelling an d shoutin g Angry outburst s o r los s o f contro l Physical threat s

AB Lower Intensit y Subtle General Rare Private

C

D

E Higher Intensit y Obvious Personal Frequent Exposed

SOURCE: Kathlee n D . Rya n an d Danie l K . Oestreich , Driving Fear out of the Workplace (San Francisco : Jossey-Bas s Publishers , 1991) . Th e "gra y scale " arrange s variou s type s o f behavior i n orde r o f increasin g impact . Th e author s describ e behavior s nea r th e ligh t gra y end a s abrasive an d behavior s nea r th e dar k gra y en d a s abusive. Letter s A t o E represen t the intensit y dimension .

one acros s th e des k t o losin g contro l o f one' s emotions , wit h th e inten sity rangin g fro m subtle , general , rare , an d privat e action s t o thos e obvious, personal, frequent , an d expose d actions . Intentionall y o r unin tentionally, suc h action s demean , humiliate , isolate , insult , an d threate n people. The Northwester n Lif e surve y foun d tha t workplac e violenc e an d harassment affecte d th e healt h an d productivit y o f victim s (tabl e 6) . An additional findin g wa s that workplac e stres s was bot h a cause an d effec t of workplac e violence , in that highl y stresse d worker s experience d twic e the rat e o f violenc e an d harassmen t a s less-stresse d employees , an d threats o f workplace violenc e wer e linke d wit h highe r burn-ou t rates . In 1993 , U.S. Postmaster Genera l Marvi n Runyo n informe d Congres s of th e followin g initiative s b y th e U.S . Posta l Servic e t o improv e it s

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TABLE 6 Effec t o f Workplac e Violenc e an d Harassmen t o n Healt h and Productivit y o f Victim s (Percentag e o f Workers )

Effect o n Worke r 1

Affected psychologically Disrupted wor k lif e 2 Physically injure d o r sic k No negativ e effec t

Workplace Attack Victim s (N = 8 9 )

Workplace Threat Victim s

Workplace Harassment Victims

(N=I27)

(N=II2)

79 40 28 15

77 36 13 19

88 62 23 7

NOTE: Sampl e size: 60 0 full-tim e America n workers . Victim wa s angry , fearful, stressed , intimidated, o r depressed . 2 Victim reporte d a t leas t on e o f th e followin g effects : interpersona l problems , qui t o r changed jobs , wante d t o quit , lowered productivity , o r adjuste d wor k schedul e or routine . SOURCE: Fear and Violence in the Workplace (Minneapolis , MN : Northwester n Nationa l Life Insuranc e Company , 1993) .

work environment : includin g representatives o f union s an d managemen t associations i n weekl y senio r leadershi p meeting s a t headquarter s an d major facilitie s acros s the country; conducting employe e opinio n survey s to measur e factor s relate d t o employe e commitment ; holdin g manager s and supervisor s accountabl e fo r improvin g employe e commitment ; mea suring executiv e performanc e throug h th e proces s calle d "36 0 degre e feedback," whic h utilizes assessments by supervisors, peers, and subordi nates; an d attemptin g t o awar d advancemen t onl y t o executive s wit h "people skills." 50 The secon d ste p i n reducin g th e ris k o f workplac e violenc e require s identifying th e employer' s lega l obligations . Th e socia l responsibilit y o f employers ha s lon g bee n a matte r o f publi c concern . Employmen t la w regulates practice s i n suc h area s a s discrimination , compensation , pen sions, safet y an d health , collectiv e bargaining , polygrap h use , notic e o f layoffs, employe e privacy , an d personne l records . Wrongfu l dismissal s are subjec t t o judicial revie w unde r principle s o f tort an d contrac t law. 51 Although n o regulations exist under th e Occupation Safet y an d Healt h Act (OSHA ) o f 197 0 fo r preventin g workplac e violence , Sectio n 5(a) , the general duty clause, requires employers covered b y the Act to provid e a saf e working environment . In 1992 , OSHA inspector s wer e tol d t o cit e workplaces wher e crimina l activit y endanger s workers. 52 I n 1992 , Cal / OSHA, California' s workplac e safet y an d healt h program , release d

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guidelines o n improvin g th e safet y o f healt h car e an d communit y servic e workers, an d Governo r Pet e Wilso n signe d a la w requirin g hospital s t o have plan s t o asses s violenc e i n thei r facilities . Lega l issue s tha t ma y b e raised unde r common la w in suits for damage s filed against the organiza tion followin g a violent incident includ e negligent hiring , negligent reten tion, th e "dut y t o warn, " an d th e post-discharg e dut y t o provid e secu rity. 53 Employers find particula r difficult y wit h th e issu e o f negligen t hiring . There i s a general dut y t o refrai n fro m hirin g a n applican t th e employe r knew o r shoul d hav e know n wa s unfi t fo r th e jo b s o a s t o creat e a danger o f har m t o others , an d a heightene d dut y o f inquir y int o a n applicant's backgroun d whe n th e job involves weapons, substantial pub lic contact, and supervisio n o f children. However, prior employer s gener ally ar e unwillin g t o furnis h informatio n abou t forme r employee s othe r than employmen t dates , position titles , and salarie s earned , t o avoi d ris k of defamatio n suits . Crimina l record s als o prov e difficul t t o asses s be cause past violen t behavio r ma y not b e predictive, and thei r us e in hirin g decisions mus t mee t th e tes t o f busines s necessit y i f th e applican t i s a member o f a group protecte d b y Title VII of th e Civi l Right s Ac t (CRA ) of 1964 , a s amended , whic h forbid s discriminatio n o n th e basi s o f race , color, religion, sex , or nationa l origin . All test s fo r employmen t mus t b e job-relate d an d vali d unde r U.S . Equal Employmen t Opportunit y Commissio n guidelines . Psychologica l tests may not b e intrusive without a compelling reason, such as involvin g a life-endangerin g occupatio n o r a high-stres s position . Accordin g t o Kinney an d Johnson , questionabl e score s shoul d b e followe d b y clinica l interviews, no t outrigh t rejectio n o f th e applicant . Th e American s wit h Disabilities Ac t (ADA ) o f 199 0 forbid s discriminatio n i n hirin g agains t persons wit h menta l disabilities , unles s a perso n pose s a "direc t threat " established b y objectiv e evidenc e t o th e healt h an d safet y o f sel f o r others. 54 The employe r ha s a dut y t o tak e notic e o f threat s an d harassmen t within the workplace, and t o respond t o employee complaints an d warn ings about potentiall y dangerou s employees . Sexua l harassmen t i s illegal under Titl e VI I o f th e CRA . Th e AD A ma y requir e provisio n o f menta l health counselin g t o employee s wit h violen t propensitie s relate d t o men tal impairment an d may preclude suspending or discharging a n employe e suspected a s posing a danger .

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Although individual s hav e n o genera l dut y t o ac t affirmativel y t o protect anothe r fro m harm , som e state s impos e a duty t o war n potentia l victims o f threat s unde r thre e conditions : i f a "specia l relationship " exists betwee n th e on e wh o ha s knowledg e o f potentia l har m an d eithe r the dangerous perso n o r potential victim , such as the employer-employe e relationship; th e ris k o f har m i s foreseeable ; an d th e potentia l victi m i s readily identifiable. 55 Th e dut y cover s employe e assistanc e program s a t the workplac e tha t provid e counselin g o n work-relate d an d persona l problems, independen t psychiatrist s an d psychologists , an d menta l health clinics . Following a discharge , th e employe r ha s a dut y t o protec t its employees ' safet y b y takin g key s an d passcards , changin g lock s an d codes, transferring a threatened employee , or increasin g th e securit y a t a work location . To avoi d liabilit y fo r workplac e violence , employer s ar e advise d t o conduct backgroun d investigation s o f jo b applicant s wit h referenc e t o employment history , crimina l record , references , an d prio r employers , and maintai n record s o f th e results ; investigate al l complaints o f harass ment an d tak e disciplinar y actio n whe n necessary ; provid e honest , accu rate, bias-fre e evaluation s o f employe e performance ; t o b e aler t t o an d prepared t o ac t o n dramati c change s i n attendance , attitude , perfor mance, an d behavior ; and , appl y disciplinar y procedure s i n a consisten t and equitabl e manner . I n addition , employer s shoul d maintai n a contin uing revie w o f applicabl e federa l an d stat e statute s an d cas e la w o n pre-employment inquiries , discriminatio n unde r th e CR A an d ADA , employee privacy , an d employe e threats . The thir d ste p i n preventin g o r discouragin g workplac e violenc e i s t o establish an d maintai n HR M practice s tha t promot e trustfu l relation ships i n th e driv e fo r organizationa l productivity . Th e followin g HR M practices constitute managerial practices in their own right. Key elements include carefu l selectio n o f managers , continuou s managemen t develop ment, an d refusa l t o tolerat e abusiv e behavior . "Simpl y firing abusiv e managers withou t changin g th e corporat e cultur e doe s littl e t o preven t their successor s fro m als o bein g abusive." 56 Rya n an d Oestreic h recom mended adoptio n o f a progra m o f developin g positiv e grou p norm s fo r relationships wit h employee s b y increasin g awarenes s o f threatenin g behaviors, collaborativel y developin g code s o f conduc t i n eac h wor k group, coaching supervisor s i n how t o reinforce positiv e communicatio n when other s exhibi t eithe r threatenin g o r supportiv e behaviors , workin g

The Emotionally Enraged Employee 5

3

with resistan t supervisors , an d fosterin g organizationa l commitmen t t o positive interpersona l behavior. 57 Other desirabl e HR M practice s includ e ope n communication , absenc e of discriminatio n an d favoritism , adequat e compensation , trainin g an d promotional opportunities , employe e participatio n i n decision-making , feedback o n performance , employe e assistanc e programs , stress-reduc tion programs , jus t caus e an d du e proces s i n discipline , impartia l griev ance procedures , ou t placemen t service s fo r terminate d employees , exi t interviews, and attitud e survey s on managerial performanc e an d satisfac tion wit h th e HR M program . A displa y o f sensitivit y i n disciplinar y an d downsizin g matter s i s essential. Baro n note d th e importanc e o f understandin g th e psycholog y of jo b loss , noticing wha t ha s valu e t o employees , an d recognizin g tha t what i s value d differ s fro m employe e t o employee . H e argue d tha t any "take-aways " a t th e workplace , materia l o r intangible , "shoul d b e orchestrated an d planne d wit h th e sam e forethought an d car e as a majo r relocation, merger , o r produc t launch . . . . [W]he n th e environmen t i s uncertain an d resource s ar e diminished , peopl e wil l han g o n tha t muc h tighter t o wha t the y have , and wil l b e that muc h mor e threatene d b y th e potential los s of tha t whic h the y value." 58 Finally, employer s ar e urge d t o develo p comprehensiv e plan s fo r pre venting as well as coping with violent incidents. Such plans must balanc e the interests o f employee safety , employe e privacy , an d employe e dignit y in al l dealing s wit h th e organization . Thes e plan s shoul d addres s th e following actions : (1) provision o f securit y measures t o limi t exposure o f employees; (2 ) promotion o f a n organizationa l climat e fre e o f stres s an d abuse; (3 ) maintenanc e o f soun d HR M practices , wit h attentio n t o selection, appraisal , disciplinary, an d layof f procedures ; (4 ) managemen t training o n communication , th e psycholog y o f jo b loss , workplac e vio lence, an d th e potentiall y violen t employee ; (5 ) adoptio n an d communi cation o f a policy statement tha t declare s violenc e o f an y sor t i s contrar y to busines s purpose s an d designate s personne l t o receiv e an d ac t o n reports o f employe e threats ; (6 ) adoptio n o f procedure s fo r th e confi dential handlin g o f report s an d investigation s o f threats , followe d b y intervention throug h counseling , whe n appropriate ; (7 ) appointmen t o f a broad-based , crisis-managemen t team , whic h include s a menta l healt h professional, t o respon d t o warnin g sign s an d violen t incidents ; an d (8 ) post-incident implementatio n o f traum a respons e procedure s fo r deal -

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ings with police , medical personnel , communication s media , clients , an d particularly employee s and their families , who ma y require treatment fo r post-traumatic stres s disorder. 59 The handlin g o f threat s i s a sensitiv e matter . Expert s o n workplac e violence propos e th e us e o f telephon e hotline s fo r reportin g threat s and triggerin g investigation s o f an y employee s wh o inspir e fear . Suc h programs ma y generat e othe r form s o f conflict . Fo r example , posta l workers reportedl y fil e report s agains t eac h othe r allegin g threat s a t th e slightest hin t o f troubl e rathe r tha n attemptin g t o resolv e th e problem , which ha s create d a n atmospher e o f paranoia. 60 Ne w lega l issue s ar e likely t o aris e i f investigation s ar e conducte d withou t cause , o r employ ees are defame d o r adversel y affecte d i n their employmen t opportunitie s by allegation o f havin g mad e threats . James S . Cawood recommende d th e followin g proces s fo r th e analysi s of threats : a backgroun d investigatio n o f th e employe e allege d t o hav e made a threat ; interview s b y a psychologis t wit h th e perso n wh o re ported th e threat , person s knowledgeabl e abou t th e employee' s stat e o f mind, an d th e employe e wh o i s th e subjec t o f th e investigation ; an d a determination a s t o th e prope r dispositio n o f th e threa t b y a crisis management tea m tha t include s a psychologis t an d member s o f th e human resources , legal, and securit y professional staff. 61 Alternative s fo r managerial actio n includ e no action, voluntary o r mandatory counseling , a disabilit y leav e o f absence , a n offe r o f th e opportunit y t o resign , dismissal, obtaining a temporary o r permanen t restrainin g order , notify ing law enforcement agencie s o r filing civi l or crimina l charges, notifyin g persons wh o ar e th e target s o f threat s s o tha t the y ma y protec t them selves, and providin g additiona l securit y a t th e worksite . According t o Baron , insensitivit y t o employee s followin g a violen t incident ca n furthe r victimiz e an d traumatiz e people : If managemen t respond s slowl y o r wit h disinteres t o r blame , em ployees ma y experienc e feeling s o f betrayal . Individual s ar e a t ris k of ongoin g stres s reactions , an d eve n rage , i f managemen t i s per ceived a s resistan t t o providin g informatio n o r takin g correctiv e action. . . . Mos t peopl e repor t losin g a sens e o f safet y an d well being. Thi s ca n affec t a person' s entir e life , includin g relationship s with famil y a s wel l a s th e abilit y t o wor k an d carr y ou t everyda y activities.62

The Emotionally Enraged Employee 5

5

In conclusion , th e ris e i n violenc e a t th e workplac e sinc e th e 1980 s i s a socia l developmen t o f significanc e t o employers . On e possibl e caus e i s "career dissonance " experience d b y me n i n th e wak e o f economi c an d social change s affectin g jo b availabilit y an d perception s o f mal e author ity. Profile s o f th e "emotionall y enraged " employe e provid e a n ai d t o understanding th e psycholog y o f violenc e an d pattern s o f occurrence , but ma y b e of limite d usefulnes s i n predicting violen t behavior . The prospec t o f workplac e violenc e compel s employer s t o examin e their manageria l practice s an d lega l obligation s i n th e hop e o f reducin g the ris k o f occurrenc e o f a violen t incident . Negligent , unjust , an d abu sive practice s shoul d b e eliminate d o r discouraged . Soun d huma n re sources managemen t practices , desirabl e i n thei r ow n right , shoul d b e established an d maintained . Suc h practice s shoul d b e supplemente d b y comprehensive plan s tha t provid e employe e security , managemen t train ing on workplac e violence , policies an d procedure s fo r handlin g threats , and trauma-respons e procedure s shoul d a violen t inciden t occur . Coop eration amon g the human resources , legal, and securit y professional staf f is essential , an d managemen t mus t forge relationship s wit h menta l health professional s i n respondin g t o workplac e violenc e issues . Finally , managerial plan s mus t balanc e th e need s o f employe e privacy , employe e safety, an d employe e dignity . NOTES

1. See , generally, S. Anthony Baron, Violence in the Workplace: A Prevention and Management Guide for Businesses (Ventura , CA : Pathfinder Publishin g of California, 1993) , 55-69. 2. Josep h A. Kinney and Dennis L. Johnson, Breaking Point: The Workplace Violence Epidemic and What to Do about It (Chicago : National Saf e Work place Institute, September 1993) , 15. 3. Edwar d Iwata , "Violenc e i n the Workplace," Albuquerque journal, Business Outlook, May 31, 1993, 14. 4. See , generally , Fear and Violence in the Workplace (Minneapolis , MN : Northwestern Nationa l Lif e Insuranc e Company , 1993) . Se e als o Fran k Swo boda, "Growin g Violence Clouds Nation's Workplaces, " Albuquerque Journal, Business Outlook, January 10 , 1994, 3, citing the results of a December, 1993, survey of workplace violenc e b y the Society for Huma n Resourc e Managemen t in Alexandria, Virginia. The survey of 479 randomly selecte d personnel officer s found one-thir d o f th e respondent s reporte d incident s o f workplac e violence ,

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half o f whic h wer e committe d b y employee s towar d fello w workers . Th e type s of incident s wer e a s follows : fis t fights, 74. 8 percent ; shooting s (no t necessaril y homicides), 1 7 percent ; stabbings , 7. 5 percent ; rap e an d sexua l assault , 6. 3 percent; us e o f explosives , . 6 percent ; other , 26. 4 percent . (Th e figures tota l more tha n 10 0 percent becaus e o f multipl e incidents. ) 5. See , generally , Janic e Winda u an d Gu y Toscano , "Workplac e Homicide s in 1992, " Compensation and Working Conditions (Washington , DC : U.S . Department o f Labor , Burea u o f Labo r Statistics , Februar y 1994) . O f 6,08 3 fatal wor k injurie s i n 1992 , traffic accident s accounte d fo r 1,121 , o r 1 8 percent , and homicide s fo r 1,004 , o r 1 7 percent . Se e als o NIOSH Alert: Request for Assistance in Preventing Homicide in the Workplace, DHH S (NIOSH ) Publica tion No . 93-10 9 (Cincinnati , OH : Nationa l Institut e fo r Occupationa l Safet y and Health , Septembe r 1993) . I n 1980-1989 , workplac e homicide s accounte d for som e 7,60 0 deaths—1 2 percen t o f th e total . Homicide s wer e th e thir d leading caus e o f deat h fro m injur y i n th e workplace , an d th e leadin g caus e o f occupational deat h amon g women . Minoritie s an d worker s age d 6 5 an d olde r incurred a disproportionat e shar e o f workplac e homicides . Industrie s wit h hig h incidence rate s wer e th e retai l trades , public administration , an d transportation / communications/public utilities . High-ris k occupation s wer e taxica b driver , la w enforcement officer , hote l clerk , ga s statio n worker , securit y guard , stoc k han dler/bagger, stor e owner/manager , an d bartender . Fo r a detaile d analysi s o f differential rate s amon g industries , se e Daw n N . Castill o an d E . Lyn n Jenkins , "Industries an d Occupation s a t High Ris k for Work-Related Homicide, " Journal of Occupational Medicine 38 , no. 2 (February 1994) : 125-32 . 6. Jame s Ala n Fo x an d Jac k Levin , "Firin g Back : Th e Growin g Threa t o f Workplace Homicide, " manuscrip t fo r forthcomin g publicatio n i n Th e Annal s of th e America n Academ y o f Politica l an d Socia l Science , Novembe r 28 , 1993 , 2-3, citin g Supplementar y Homicid e Report s compile d b y the FB I as part o f th e Uniform Crim e Reportin g Program , whic h "surel y underestimat e th e prevalenc e of workplac e murde r i n th e United States, " (2) . Fox an d Levi n als o comment o n the inadequac y o f NIOS H dat a i n revealin g th e exten t o f workplac e homicide . News coverage represents on e source o f dat a o n workplace homicides . See "Wa r in the Workplace," Early Warnings 2 , no. 2 (February 1994) : 1 , 4, published b y the Institute fo r Crisi s Management (ICM ) i n Louisville, Kentucky. Accordin g t o the IC M database , th e numbe r o f business-crim e new s storie s increase d 3 9 percent betwee n 198 9 an d 1993 , and jumpe d 2 3 percent i n 1993 . 7. Pegg y Stuart, "Murde r o n th e Job," Personnel Journal, Februar y 1992 , 84 . See, generally, 27 , 72-84 . 8. Kinne y an d Johnson , op . cit. , 26-27 . Fo r 1992 , Kinne y an d Johnso n estimated a tota l cos t o f 4. 2 billio n fo r 111,00 0 incident s o f al l phenomen a associated wit h workplac e violence—homicide , injur y fro m battery , psychologi -

The Emotionally Enraged

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7

cal trauma , stress-relate d menta l disorder s stemmin g fro m violence , assault , verbal abuse , sexua l assaults , propert y damage , sabotage , an d thef t an d othe r property crimes . 9. Rober t Davis , "Gu n Foe s Sense a Time to Seiz e the Moment," USA Today, October 19 , 1993 , 9A. 10. "Sto p Handgun s befor e The y Sto p You, " poste r b y Handgu n Control , Inc., Washington , DC . I n 1990 , handgun s kille d 10,56 7 peopl e i n America , 9 1 in Switzerland , 8 7 i n Japan , 6 8 i n Canada , 2 2 i n Grea t Britain , 1 3 i n Sweden , and 1 0 in Australia . 11. Richar d L . Vernaci , "Crime , Diseas e Linke d t o Economy, " Riverside Press-Enterprise, Octobe r 16 , 1992 , A i , A10 . Merv a an d Fowle s foun d a 1 percent ris e i n unemploymen t resulte d i n 17,65 4 death s annuall y fro m hear t disease, 1,38 6 death s fro m stroke , 73 0 homicides , 31,30 5 violen t crimes , an d 111,775 propert y crimes . Se e Kinne y an d Johnson , op . cit. , yj. I n th e first hal f of th e 1980s , abou t 4. 3 millio n worker s wer e reporte d a s displaced , an d i n 1987-1992, 5. 6 millio n wer e displaced ; th e ter m "displaced " applie s onl y t o those who los t jobs held thre e year s or more . "Thos e wh o los t jobs of les s tenure would swel l the 1987-199 2 numbe r b y an additiona l 9. 7 million, " (77) . 12. Kinne y an d Johnson, op . cit., 32-33 . Se e Fear and Violence in the Workplace, op . cit. , 9 : "Mos t worker s blame d alcoho l o r dru g abuse , layoff s o r firings, an d povert y i n societ y a s major cause s o f on-the-jo b violence . To a lesse r but importan t degree , th e availabilit y o f guns , violenc e o n T V o r i n th e movies , job stres s an d job-relate d conflict s wer e identifie d a s major causes, " (9) . 13. Iwata , loc . cit., an d Nationa l Traum a Services , Defusing Workplace Violence: How to Avoid Violence in the Workplace, a Semina r o n Respondin g t o Workplace Violence , San Diego, CA, October 7 , 1993 , 9. 14. Thoma s F . O'Boyle , "Disgruntle d Worker s Inten t o n Reveng e Increas ingly Har m Colleague s an d Bosses, " Wall Street Journal, Septembe r 15 , 1992 , B7. Se e als o Bo b Filipczak , "Arme d an d Dangerou s a t Work " Training, Jul y 1992, 43 , citing Sa n Dieg o psychologis t Michae l Mantell , co-autho r o f a forth coming boo k o n workplac e violence , who attribute d it s surg e t o worke r power lessness: "Afte r a decad e o f instabilit y an d th e deat h o f jo b security , man y employees fee l the y have no control ove r their job s or thei r futures . H e [Mantell ] describes the corporate environmen t a s ' a beake r o f frustratio n tha t continue s t o stir an d stir , an d frustratio n lead s to aggression. ' " 15. Kinne y an d Johnson, op . cit., 37 . Se e also Cur t Suplee , "Berserk ! Violen t Employees Obsesse d wit h Reveng e Ar e Turnin g th e Workplac e int o a Killin g Zone," Washington Post, Octobe r 1 , 1989 , D i, citin g sociologist Davi d Phillips : " Th e lat e 20th-centur y mal e particularl y define s himsel f a s a worker , muc h more than a s a family ma n o r membe r o f a religious community . . . . S o when h e strikes out , h e strikes ou t a t th e mos t significan t par t o f hi s world.' "

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16. Kinne y an d Johnson, op . cit., 37 . 17. Ibid. , 72 . See, generally, chapte r 5 , 69-73 . 18. Ibid. , 37 . 19. O'Boyle , op . cit., Bi . Mos t victim s were i n sale s (1,529 , or 2 2 percent ) o r service (1,268 , or 1 8 percent) . B y geographic region , th e incidenc e o f workplac e homicides wa s a s follows : South , 4 9 percent ; West , 2 4 percent ; Nort h Central , 19 percent; Northeast, 8 percent. 20. "Wagin g Wa r i n the Workplace," Newsweek, Jul y 19 , 1993 , 3°21. Summar y o f medi a coverag e o f shootin g b y Josep h Wesbecke r a t Stan dard Gravur e Corporation , Louisville , Kentucky, i n 1989 , furnished b y Institut e for Crisi s Management , Louisville , KY, 1991 . See, for example , John Filiatreau , "A Lif e i n Pieces, " Louisville Magazine 41 , no. 1 (January 1990) : 26-41 , whic h examines Wesbecker's lif e prio r t o th e shooting . 22. See , generally, Baron , op . cit. 23. Telephon e intervie w wit h S . Anthon y Baron , Scripp s Cente r fo r Qualit y Management, Inc. , San Diego, California, Apri l 1 , 1994 . 24. Baron , op . cit., 23-31 . 25. Ibid. , 50-52 . Warning sign s include attendanc e problems , extensive coun seling o f th e employe e require d o f th e supervisor , decrease d productivity , incon sistent wor k patterns , poo r workin g relationships , concentratio n problems , safety problems , poor healt h an d hygiene , unusual o r change d behavior , fascina tion wit h gun s o r othe r weapons , evidenc e o f possibl e dru g o r alcoho l abuse , evidence o f seriou s stres s i n th e employee' s persona l life , continua l excuse s o r blaming, an d unshakabl e depression . 26. Ibid. , 31. 27. Kinne y an d Johnson, op . cit., 40. See, generally, 39-67 . 28. Idem. , citin g Kar l A . Seger , "Violenc e i n th e Workplace : A n Assessmen t of th e Proble m Base d o n Response s fro m 3 2 Larg e Corporations, " Security Journal^ 4, no . 3 (1993): i39~49 29. Ibid. , 40-42 . Th e dat a wer e insufficien t t o suppor t conclusion s regardin g the presence o f substanc e abus e o r menta l healt h issues . 30. Fo x an d Levin , op . cit. , 10 . Th e FB I dat a sho w tha t "whe n younge r workers kill , the y typicall y ar e perpetratin g a robber y o r som e othe r felony , whereas olde r workers wh o kil l do s o as a result o f a n argumen t o r disput e wit h the boss " (6) . See, generally, 5-11 . 31. Ibid. , 7 , 9. See also the discussion o f "murde r b y proxy," i n which victim s are chose n becaus e the y ar e identifie d wit h a primar y targe t agains t who m revenge i s sought, suc h a s the superviso r o r employe r (5) . 32. Ibid. , 11 . Fo x an d Levi n als o cite d gende r difference s wit h respec t t o violence, in that "me n regar d violenc e as a means fo r establishin g o r maintainin g control, whereas women se e it as a breakdown o f control . Thus, men who suffe r

The Emotionally Enraged

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9

psychologically becaus e o f th e los s o f a job ar e mor e likel y t o respon d violentl y in orde r t o 'sho w who' s boss ' " (7) . See , generally , Ann e Campbell , Men, Women, and Aggression (Ne w York : Basi c Books, 1993) . 33. Ibid. , 3 . 34. Kinne y an d Johnson, op . cit., 30 . 35. Joh n Monahan , "Editorial : Violence in the Workplace," Journal of Occupational Medicine 32 , no. 1 0 (October 1990) : 1021. 36. See , generally , Joh n Monahan , Predicting Violent Behavior: An Assessment of Clinical Techniques, Sag e Library o f Socia l Researc h 11 4 (Beverl y Hills, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. , 1981) . 37. Fran k E . Kuzmits, "Whe n Employee s Kil l Othe r Employees : The Cas e o f Joseph T . Wesbecker, " Journal of Occupation Medicine 32 , no . 1 0 (Octobe r 1990): 1014-20 . Se e also Suplee , loc. cit. Perpetrators o f workplac e violenc e ar e said to fit th e Monahan profil e onl y i n two respects : "The y are almos t invariabl y mean an d the y ten d t o hav e migratory jo b histories. " 38. Fo x an d Levin , op. cit., 14 . 39. Se e Bo b Filipczak , op . cit. , 40-41 . Fo r example , Thoma s Harple y o f National Traum a Service s in Sa n Diego distinguishe d letha l violence , an attemp t to kil l a co-worker, fro m non-letha l violence , such a s threats o r physica l assault s not intende d t o kill . "Non-lethall y violen t employee s ten d t o b e unde r 30 , hav e a histor y o f violence , an d ma y hav e troubl e wit h drug s an d alcohol . Lethall y violent employees , o n th e othe r hand , ar e usuall y older , hav e n o histor y o f violence, and ver y often hav e no substance-abus e problem " (40) . 40. "Posta l Stud y Aim s t o Spo t Violence-Pron e Workers, " New York Times, July 2 , 1992 , A7 , which referre d t o 3 4 person s kille d a t pos t office s sinc e 1983 . The figure o f 3 3 posta l worker s killed , whic h include s fou r suicide s b y th e shooters, wa s furnishe d b y Ro y Betts , Corporat e Relations , U.S . Postal Service , Washington, DC , telephone interview , April 6 , 1994 . 41. Marti n J . Smith , "Posta l Killing : Postwar Stress? " Orange County Register, May 19 , 1993 , 1 . See 1-2 . 42. Kinne y an d Johnson, op . cit., 44 . 43. See , fo r exampl e Arthu r W . Sherman , Jr. , an d Georg e W . Bohlander , Managing Human Resources, 9 th ed . (Cincinnati , OH : South-Wester n Publish ing Co. , 1992) , chapter s 14 , 15 , an d 1 6 o n employe e motivation , communica tions, an d discipline ; Willia m P . Anthony , Pamel a L . Perrewe , an d K . Michel e Kacmar, Strategic Human Resources Management (For t Worth , TX : Th e Dry den Press , 1993) , chapte r n o n tota l qualit y management , an d chapte r 1 6 o n ethics, employe e rights , an d employe r responsibilities ; an d Cynthi a D . Fisher , Lyle F. Schoenfeldt, an d James B . Shaw, Human Resource Management, 2n d ed . (Boston: Houghton Miffli n Company , 1993) , chapter 16 on organizationa l exit . 44. Davi d Moberg , "Th e Michiga n Pos t Offic e Killing s Wer e a Traged y

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Waiting t o Happen, " In These Times, Novembe r 27-Decembe r 10 , 1991 , 9. See also "Posta l Stud y Aims to Spo t Violence-Prone Workers, " loc . cit. 45. Ter i Randall , "Abus e a t Wor k Drain s People , Money , an d Medica l Workplace No t Immune, " JAMA, Journal of the American Medical Association 267, no . 1 1 (Marc h 18 , 1992) : 1439-40 . 46. Violenc e an d Stress : The Work/Famil y Connection , BN A Specia l Repor t Series o n Wor k & Family , Specia l Repor t #3 2 (Washington , DC : The Burea u o f National Affairs , Inc. , August, 1990) , 1 , 2 , 7 . The 2 5 percen t figur e i s based o n estimates o f th e populatio n tha t wa s abuse d whil e growin g up . Th e proble m i s said t o b e declinin g amon g younge r managers , wh o hav e differen t view s tha n their elder s o f ho w t o motivat e employees , ar e awar e o f th e effect s o f thei r actions, and ar e more willin g to examin e thei r behavior . 47. Ibid , 8 . 48. Ibid , 9 . 49. Kathlee n D . Rya n an d Danie l K . Oestreich , Driving Fear out of the Workplace (Sa n Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers , 1991) , 74, 133 . 50. "Statemen t b y Marvi n Runyon , Chie f Executiv e Office r an d Postmaste r General o f th e Unite d State s befor e th e Join t Hearin g o f th e Subcommitte e o n Census, Statistics , an d Posta l Personne l an d th e Subcommitte e o n Posta l Opera tions an d Services , Committe e o n Pos t Offic e an d Civi l Service , U.S . Hous e o f Representatives, Washington, DC, " Augus t 5 , 1993 , 6-7. 51. See , generally , Jame s Ledvink a an d Vid a Gulbina s Scarpello , Federal Regulation of Personnel and Human Resource Management, 2n d ed . (Boston : PWS-Kent Publishin g Company , 1991) , which als o covers regulation unde r stat e labor law s an d judicia l development s i n the employment-at-will doctrine . 52. "Workplac e Violence : Dea r Outline s Strateg y t o Addres s Issue ; Specia l Assistant Name d t o Spearhea d Effort, " Occupational Safety & Health Reporter (Washington, DC : Th e Burea u o f Nationa l Affairs , Inc. , Januar y 19 , 1994) , 980-81. Se e als o "Workplac e Violence : Dat a Lackin g o n Non-Fata l Violen t Injuries; Speaker s Questio n Inclusio n o f Verbal Attacks, " 981-82 . 53. See , generally , Kinne y an d Johnson , op . cit. , 103-13 ; Stephe n P . Pepe , O'Melveny & c Myers, "Violenc e i n th e Workplace, " Lega l Updat e '94 , PIR A Association o f Huma n Resourc e Managemen t Professionals , Lo s Angeles , Cali fornia, Januar y 26 , 1994 ; an d Willia m W . Floyd , Best , Bes t & Krieger , " A Seminar o n Workplac e Violenc e fo r th e Inlan d Are a Personne l Managemen t Association," Riverside , California , Novembe r 4 , 1993 . 54. "Ti p o f th e Month, " Tennessee Employment Law Update 8 , no . 1 2 (December 1993) : 2-3 . The "direc t threat " mus t constitut e a "hig h probabilit y of substantia l harm, " an d b e establishe d b y objectiv e evidenc e a s oppose d t o "mere speculation. " Suc h evidenc e ma y b e obtained i n a pre-employment physi cal examination, durin g which the physician may inquire into a history of menta l

The Emotionally Enraged Employee 6 i illness an d violence-relate d problems . Regardin g curren t employees , factua l evi dence o f psychologica l behavio r tha t suggest s a threa t t o safet y ma y constitut e evidence o f "direc t threat, " suc h a s a n employee' s violent , aggressive , destruc tive, or threatenin g behavio r (3) . 55. Pepe , op . cit. , 4-6 . Othe r example s o f specia l relationship s ar e bank depositor, carrier-passenger , an d psychotherapist-patient . Regardin g forseeabil ity, factors ma y includ e whethe r th e employe r ha d notic e o f th e potentia l ris k o f harm, an d whethe r th e perpetrator mad e an y threats o r ha d a criminal o r violen t background. A n identifiabl e victi m probabl y woul d includ e a victi m wh o ha d complained t o th e employe r regardin g violen t act s o r harassmen t b y th e perpe trator. 56. Violence and Stress: The Work/Family Connection, op . cit., 6 . 57. See , generally, Rya n an d Oestreich , op . cit., 139-51 . 58. Baron , op . cit., 82 . Se e als o Kinne y an d Johnson , op . cit. , chapte r 6 , 7 5 85. 59. See , fo r example , Baron , op . cit. , 93-124 , Kinne y an d Johnson , op . cit. , 87-94, a n d Nationa l Traum a Services , op . cit., 46-58 , fo r plan s fo r respondin g to workplac e violence . Se e "Statemen t b y Marvi n Runyon , Chie f Executiv e Officer an d Postmaste r Genera l o f th e Unite d States, " op . cit. , 3-6 . Sinc e th e shooting a t the Royal Oak , Michigan , post offic e i n 1991 , the U.S. Postal Servic e has double d th e amoun t o f tim e devote d t o threat s an d assaults . It s effort s include enhancemen t o f managemen t training ; consultatio n wit h behaviora l sci entists; attendance a t academie s o n workplac e violenc e prevention ; maintenanc e of a nationa l hotlin e fo r reportin g threat s an d employe e concern s abou t safety ; conduct o f a study o f threats an d assault s t o identif y commo n factors ; formatio n of a national tas k forc e o n workplac e violence , which include s unio n representa tives; conduc t o f meeting s wit h employe e focu s group s t o discus s workplac e violence concerns ; provisio n o f progres s report s o n th e recen t restructuring , which involve d n o layoffs ; developmen t o f ne w pre-employmen t screenin g tech niques; an d expansio n o f th e employe e assistanc e progra m t o includ e broade r issues tha n substanc e abuse , provid e mor e an d better-qualifie d counselors , an d improve th e referra l process . 60. Stuar t Silverstein , "Th e Wa r o n Workplac e Violence, " Los Angeles Times, Marc h 18 , 1994 , A i , A20 , citin g Oma r Gonzales , America n Posta l Workers Union , Lo s Angeles area . 61. See , generally , Jame s S . Cawood , "O n th e Edge : Assessin g th e Violen t Employee," Security Management, Septembe r 1991 , 131-36 . Se e als o Baron , op. cit., 127-38 , and Kinne y an d Johnson, op . cit., 95-101 . 62. Baron , op . cit., 114-15 .

C H A P T E R3

Over His Dead Bod y

Female Murderers, Female Rage, and Western Culture VANESSA F R I E D M A N I stand no w where I struck hi m down. Th e thing i s done. Thus have I wrought an d I will no t den y i t now . Tha t h e migh t no t escape no r bea t asid e hi s death , a s fishermen cas t thei r hug e circling nets, I spread deadly abundance of rich robes, and caught him fast . I struc k hi m twice . I n tw o grea t crie s o f agon y h e buckled a t th e knee s an d fell . When h e was dow n I struck hi m the third blow , in thanks and reverence to Zeus the lord of dead men underneath the ground. — Aeschylus, Agamemno n

Unspeakable femal e rage , whe n enacted , expresse s th e darkest , deepes t secrets o f Wester n patriarcha l order . Th e first though t tha t probabl y comes t o min d whe n peopl e hea r abou t a woma n wh o ha s committe d murder i s that a crim e agains t natur e ha s occurred . Tha t is , primarily a crime against her culturally prescribe d nature . Somehow, almos t nothin g would see m a s horribl e o r pervers e a s a woma n wh o ca n kill . Women , after all , giv e life—the y ar e no t suppose d t o tak e i t away . Me n kil l frequently i n man y deliberat e way s (i.e . a s soldier s i n war ) an d ou r sensitivities d o no t see m nearl y a s offende d whe n w e encounte r me n who hav e murdered, unles s they hav e done s o in a particularly gruesom e way. However , whe n confronte d b y a murde r o f th e so-calle d faire r se x we somehow fee l repelled a t a much deepe r level , as if what ha s occurre d is not onl y a crime agains t society , bu t a perversio n o f nature , a perver sion o f he r natur e a s woman . Western cultur e fear s th e woma n wh o kill s an d he r rag e i n a wa y quite unlik e th e fea r hel d toward s th e mor e commo n mal e murderer . A 62

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woman wh o murders , lik e an y woma n wh o step s outsid e he r sociall y sanctioned role , test s society , pushe s agains t no t onl y it s socia l an d political boundaries , bu t it s ideologica l underpinning s an d substructure . An inquir y int o why a woma n woul d murde r (and , indeed , wh y mor e do not), along with whom the y murde r (th e vast majority murde r mates , and occasionally , thei r ow n children) , an d how the y commi t thei r acts , offers a t root a n exploration int o the political and philosophical relation ship betwee n th e woman , he r act , an d th e culture/societ y i n whic h sh e lives. W e can , o f course , com e u p wit h a numbe r o f socia l theorie s concerning th e natur e o f he r oppression , abuse , economi c status , etc . Often he r murderou s ac t ca n b e see n a s a n understandable , althoug h unacceptable, respons e t o he r situation , especiall y whe n confronte d b y an abusiv e partner . Bu t thes e theorie s provid e onl y th e partia l trut h about he r act , an d on e that I believe conceals a deeper meaning , the rag e behind it . The woman wh o murder s th e on e sh e loves often expresse s more tha n merely he r acut e distres s wit h he r particula r persona l situation . Al though on e shoul d no t generaliz e t o al l suc h cases , I d o believ e tha t frequently he r crim e i s no t onl y a self-preservativ e act , bu t also , i n a political an d philosophical way , the dramatic expressio n o f her repulsio n towards an d violen t rejectio n o f th e socia l orde r o f patriarcha l abuse , the phallocentric cultur e whic h ha s successfull y mute d he r an d mad e he r an invisibl e huma n being . He r enactmen t o f rag e rupture s thi s success . Her ac t ma y b e interpreted a s a statemen t o f deepes t need , a declaratio n of Sel f ("I' m here— I matter!" ) i n a socia l orde r wher e sh e perceive s herself a s unseen , o r a t mos t a reflectio n o f he r mal e partner . He r ac t expresses the otherwise inexpressible . Her crim e provides a n articulatio n in a socia l orde r wher e sh e perceive s hersel f a s misunderstood . Sh e ma y feel unrepresente d b y a languag e i n whic h sh e i s no t allowe d he r ow n voice o r origina l words , excep t perhap s i n certai n form s o f madnes s o r as a somati c sympto m suc h a s hysteria. 1 Thi s i s no t t o sa y tha t me n d o not fee l misunderstoo d o r invisible a t times. However, me n ar e generall y much bette r represente d linguistically , wit h fewe r narrowl y define d cate gories an d polaritie s tha n i n languag e fo r women . This silencin g o f women , accordin g t o Luc e Irigaray , perpetuate s th e atrocious an d primitiv e phantasie s o f woma n a s monster , demon , o r lunatic, th e "archai c projections " o f th e mal e imaginary—fro m whic h women a s a grou p hav e suffere d tremendously. 2 Irigara y present s u s

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with a way t o bette r understan d thes e endurin g an d powerfu l image s o f enraged wome n a s evi l an d terrifying . Thes e phantasie s ar e par t o f th e dreadful image s rouse d i n u s whe n confronte d b y a crim e a s hideou s a s a woma n murderin g withi n th e family , an d ar e s o powerfu l i n fac t that whol e mythologie s hav e bee n create d aroun d them . I n Wester n civilization, thes e image s hav e their beginning s i n ancien t Gree k mythol ogy, i n th e stories , fo r example , o f Clytemnestr a an d Medea , an d th e fearful tale s o f th e Amazon wome n o r th e Furies , the avenger s o f (famil ial) injustice . Thes e legend s o f mythica l wome n wh o committe d act s o f such heinousnes s hav e persiste d fo r ove r tw o thousan d years . Wha t could b e the significanc e o f suc h a n endurin g an d intens e preoccupatio n with "mad " women ? Coul d i t b e tha t femal e rage , whic h mos t ofte n goes unspoke n an d is , perhaps , "unspeakable, " represent s th e darkest , deepest fear s o f th e mal e order ? Myths, ofte n interprete d a s historica l commentar y o n th e socia l con sciousness o f thei r time , may als o b e viewed a s windows int o th e uncon scious. A re-examinatio n o f ancien t Gree k myt h reveal s th e functio n o f these phantasies , especiall y as , accordin g t o Irigaray , "ou r imaginar y still function s i n accordanc e wit h th e schem a establishe d throug h Gree k mythologies an d tragedies." 3 Irigaray's reinterpretation s o f classica l my thology ste m fro m he r belie f tha t w e ca n se e a struggl e takin g plac e between th e materna l an d paterna l genealogie s i n them , a struggl e tha t eventually end s i n th e establishmen t o f th e patriarchy. 4 Th e phantasie s may als o b e see n a s th e psychologica l defense s o f th e mal e socia l order , used t o alleviat e socia l anxietie s an d concea l th e underlyin g natur e o f that order. 5 Tha t whic h i s concealed is , according t o Irigaray , th e origi nal connectio n wit h Mother , an d he r consequen t murder . Th e over whelming anxiet y brough t o n b y th e knowledg e o f thi s concealmen t would caus e too muc h anxiet y fo r th e culture to cope with. Women wh o step outside the bound s o f their sociall y sanctione d roles , as women wh o publicly expres s rag e do , ar e represente d i n myt h an d symbolize d i n language a s lunatic s an d monsters , al l o f whic h help s settl e an d manag e these deep-seate d anxieties . Thes e wome n ca n b e excuse d easil y a s "crazy" an d therefor e no t threatenin g t o th e dominan t order , bu t mor e than that , the y hel p contain , physicall y an d psychologically , th e pro jected fear s o f tha t order . Bu t a t wha t cost , an d whos e cost , doe s thi s structure o f anxiet y containmen t operate ? My purpos e i s certainly no t t o excus e o r mak e ligh t o f th e action s o f

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these women . (Ther e can , i t seem s t o me , ultimatel y b e n o justificatio n for murderin g you r ow n children. ) Bu t beyon d th e obvious , th e lif e stories o f women' s crime s hav e dramati c politica l an d philosophica l implications fo r th e communit y aroun d them . Th e interna l lif e o f a n individual huma n bein g i s not a n insulate d thing , bu t i s deepl y affecte d by an d ca n hav e strikin g consequence s fo r th e publi c world , especiall y when tha t interio r i s fraugh t wit h fear , hate , an d violence . Ordinarily , society an d communit y offer s a wa y fo r th e individua l t o manag e over powering emotion s an d difficultie s b y providing appropriat e psychologi cal defenses , share d b y th e community , whic h bin d th e individua l t o social conventions . The structur e o f th e patriarch y itsel f ca n b e interpre ted a s a psychological defens e whic h trie s t o contai n anxietie s abou t th e underlying socia l order. 6 Bu t wha t happen s whe n thes e defenses , an d targets o f externalization , d o no t wor k o r when the y brea k down ? Wha t happens whe n th e structur e whic h serve s t o contai n anxietie s become s the sourc e o f anxiet y itsel f ? To b e a member o f an y socia l structur e create s specia l problems, bot h socially an d politically , bu t als o certai n psychi c difficultie s whic h ca n manifest themselve s i n particula r an d peculia r ways. 7 I n th e masculine based socia l order o f Western civilization , women ma y not perceive thei r representation o r symbolizatio n adequatel y i n languag e an d ma y fee l little recognitio n b y th e publi c space , wher e th e predominan t subject position i s the masculin e one . Languag e contain s withi n i t th e abilit y t o affect identit y b y giving individual s withi n th e communit y th e necessar y means b y whic h t o interac t an d t o establis h intersubjectivity , whil e a t the sam e tim e als o representin g a particula r symboli c system . Recogni tion b y the community , a s an empowere d huma n being , as an individua l capable o f self-actualization , i s necessar y t o attai n a sens e o f identity . The communit y ca n no t exis t withou t language , a s anythin g t o d o wit h "community" necessitate s cooperation , an d cooperatio n mus t includ e consensual us e o f language . Th e real m o f communit y offer s th e individ ual th e opportunit y t o se e onesel f a s other s do , wit h it s share d symbol isms an d structure s o f relations , recognitio n o f reciproca l rights , accep tance o f responsibility beyon d th e needs o f the self, etc. The public spac e is where the individual discovers intersubjectivity. Ye t this intersubjectiv ity i s precisely wha t wome n lac k i n a mal e socia l order . In thi s commu nity, the "individual " i s generally take n t o b e masculine; the standar d t o which ou r socia l imaginar y refer s i s generall y a whit e male . Th e actua l

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operation o f thi s languag e ca n b e observed , a s summarize d i n Irigaray' s 1990 Sexes et genres a travers les langues: Elements de communication sexuee (Se x and gender s acros s th e languages : Elements o f sexuat e com munication): (1) Men ar e more likely than women t o take up the subject position i n language ; (2 ) Th e us e o f "I " doe s no t necessaril y indicat e a feminine identit y eve n whe n use d b y a woman ; (3 ) Woman' s ow n self representation i s mor e o r les s absen t i n language ; (4 ) Wome n privileg e dialogue and interpersona l communication , whil e men privilege relation s with th e world an d th e object ; (5 ) Woman's speec h i s likely to effac e th e expression o f thei r subjectivity ; an d (6 ) Wome n ar e les s abstrac t tha n men, more contex t oriente d an d collaborative . Although severa l o f thes e propositions ma y represen t sexis t stereotyp ing, th e other s I interpre t a s claimin g tha t th e feminine , fo r th e mos t part, goe s unrepresente d i n patriarcha l language . Wha t thi s mean s fo r women i s tha t the y d o no t hav e readil y availabl e t o the m a publi c language whic h ma y accuratel y an d satisfactoril y expres s thei r need s and desires , one tha t i s accepted an d understoo d b y the masculin e socia l order. In othe r words , th e predominan t mod e o f communicatio n fo r woman, i f sh e i s t o functio n understandabl y i n patriarcha l society , i s only tha t availabl e b y bequeat h fro m th e patriarchy . I n thi s "man" made language , sh e may perceiv e hersel f a s ignored. He r ow n voic e ma y often g o unspoke n (except , perhaps , i n he r privat e conversation s wit h her femal e friends) , he r ow n languag e unidentifie d o r misunderstood , her desir e unrepresente d symbolically . Insofa r a s he r desir e exist s a t al l in discourses , o r th e imaginar y o f Wester n culture , i t ha s bee n a s a n "other," mirror , o r "us e value " fo r men , a s wit h he r orgasm s whic h "are necessar y a s a demonstratio n o f masculin e power . . . . Women ar e there a s witnesses." 8 Women hav e very few o f their ow n symboli c form s represented i n languag e o r th e publi c space , an d thos e tha t d o exis t function t o contai n he r i n th e categorie s mos t acceptabl e t o th e mascu line order . Tha t is , a s mother , daughter , sister , wife , al l o f whic h ar e defined i n relation to a male figure. Perhaps the only other public identit y available t o wome n i n patriarcha l culture , othe r tha n tha t whic h i s i n relation t o th e mal e an d th e materna l whic h itsel f i s systematicall y constituted a s a patriarcha l institution , i s a s a defectiv e o r castrate d male. Implicit i n th e publi c discours e i n general , includin g psychoanalyti c theory an d th e biologica l science s (o f Aristotle) , i s woma n define d a s a

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disadvantaged man , a n imperfec t o r flawed mal e with n o inheren t statu s of he r own . A s Adrienn e Ric h ha s said , "Th e powe r o f th e father s ha s been difficult t o grasp because it permeates everything, even the languag e in which we try to describe it." 9 Thus, with little or inadequate represen tation i n languag e an d i n th e share d symbolic s o f community , man y women ma y fee l a los s o f recognition , misunderstood , o r a t worst , invisible, especially whe n confronte d b y a situation o f abuse . This invisibilit y ma y b e what initiate s an d sustain s he r rag e an d wha t makes a woman destructiv e bot h t o hersel f an d t o men . When a woma n murders he r mate , i t ma y b e th e mos t extrem e enactmen t o f he r rage , a rage fel t b y her t o b e the resul t o f a community whic h ignore s her , an d a system whic h mute s her . Murde r ma y b e on e o f th e only , albei t mos t extreme examples , o f a n abuse d woman' s nee d t o expres s he r rage . He r act certainl y articulate s th e rag e sh e feel s abou t he r ow n situation , bu t can also be interpreted a s an expression o f her feelings abou t th e patriar chy, a s well a s a n effor t a t reconstitutin g he r ow n identit y an d represen tation. LANGUAGE AN D DESIR E

This chapte r i s concerned, a t it s roots, with th e identity , o r lac k thereof , of th e woman-sel f i n Wester n patriarcha l society . Identit y i s enacte d i n large part throug h self-positionin g i n language , and a s identit y i s forme d in th e unconscious , languag e help s t o for m th e unconscious. 10 In a language syste m wher e th e underlyin g structur e i s Oedipal , a s Irigara y believes, th e onl y possibl e subject-positio n i s th e masculin e one . Th e only symbolizatio n tha t occur s i s masculine , an d th e onl y imaginar y represented i s male . Accordingly , wome n hav e n o representatio n o r possibility o f self-positionin g i n language . Withou t that , th e onl y avail able origina l identit y fo r her , asid e fro m he r materna l one , i s a s a n imperfect o r castrate d male . Withou t he r ow n socia l symboli c form s o r representation, wit h biased , phallocentri c translatio n modes , sh e per ceives hersel f a s invisible , wit h n o possibilit y o f inte r subjectivity whic h is needed t o b e a full y participatin g membe r o f societ y an d community . Even woma n a s "chaos, " "disorder, " o r "nature, " image s whic h hav e predominated i n Wester n myth , literature , an d imagination , ca n b e viewed a s a projectio n b y th e mal e imaginary , fixed o n he r i n orde r t o disown hi s "bad " o r irrationa l desires. 11 He r desire s ca n no t b e full y

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expressed becaus e sh e has no feminine symbolog y o r languag e to expres s them with ; he r ow n deat h drive s ar e deflecte d o r mediated , a s instea d she i s use d b y th e mal e imaginar y t o mediat e th e masculin e deat h driv e by bein g immobile , th e silen t on e (lif e = movement, deat h = stasis). Onl y her desire s ar e interprete d a s madness , whethe r sh e b e i n fac t "mad " o r not: "Al l desir e i s connected t o madness . Bu t apparentl y on e desir e [th e masculine one ] ha s chose n t o se e itsel f a s wisdom , moderation , truth , and ha s lef t th e othe r t o bea r th e burde n o f th e madnes s i t di d no t wan t to attribut e t o itself , recognize i n itself." 12 Although I part her e with Irigaray i n reference t o he r belie f i n the tota l absence o f representation , m y fundamenta l positio n remain s aki n t o hers. To desire , you mus t b e abl e t o tak e u p th e subject-position , bu t i n a socia l orde r wher e yo u hav e littl e representation , thi s actio n prove s difficult a t bes t an d a t wors t no t possible . As Irigaray explains , "Foo d i s a need . I t ca n becom e desire , bu t i t need s speec h fo r tha t t o happen . S o long a s women ar e imprisone d i n the reality o f need , where i s desire?" 13 Where an d ho w doe s women' s desir e becom e expressed ? Ho w doe s a woman wh o ha s dee p rag e a t he r perceive d invisibilit y linguistically , politically, existentially , physically , expres s hersel f ? How fa r wil l sh e g o to expres s hersel f ? MYTHOLOGY AN D TH E PATRIARCH Y

What coul d b e a s horribl e a s a woma n wh o murder s a s Clytemnestr a did? O r wome n lik e th e Furie s (Erinyes ) wh o ar e th e wil d an d animal like punishers o f injustice ? O r th e Baccha e an d Amazons ? Thes e wome n and thei r act s provid e immediat e shock s bu t als o serv e a s reminder s o f the supreme socia l orde r o f the patriarchy. They must b e loathed, feared , and demonize d a s opposin g th e natura l orde r o f things , o r see n a s forces t o b e overpowere d an d controlle d fo r th e patriarch y t o continu e unquestioned. But thes e storie s ca n b e reinterpreted , a s Irigara y ha s suggested . Cly temnestra's stor y ca n als o b e see n a s a n accoun t o f th e foundin g o f th e patriarchy a t th e expens e o f th e mother , wher e th e husband-kille r get s slain herself . Clytemnestr a is , perhaps, th e quintessentia l Furi e o r ama zon warrior-woman , a woman, accordin g t o th e patriarchy , t o b e hate d and feare d mor e tha n anythin g else . Therefore , sh e mus t b e silenced . What i s bein g conceale d b y the/he r silenc e i s a socia l orde r whic h ha s

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been establishe d upo n th e murde r o f th e mother/Clytemnestra . Ac cording t o Irigaray , wome n a s mother s provid e th e unacknowledge d foundation o f ou r socia l order . Wester n cultur e i s founded not o n patri cide, a s Freu d say s i n Totem and Taboo, bu t o n matricide . T o interpre t Aeschylus's Oresteia i n thi s fashion , th e phalli c orde r wa s initiate d no t on th e murde r o f th e father , a s Sophocles ' Oedipu s woul d hav e it , bu t on th e murde r o f th e mothe r (Clytemnestra ) alon g wit h th e sacrific e o f the daughte r (Iphegenia) . Upo n thi s th e patriarchy , an d Gree k democ racy, are erected b y the matricidal so n (Orestes) . In other words, the major tabo o i n Western cultur e is the acknowledg ment of the original relationship with the mother, an d th e final severanc e of tha t relationship , symbolicall y throug h th e murde r o f th e mothe r (Clytemnestra). This murde r embodie s th e effor t b y the masculin e orde r to den y a n "other " o r differen t wa y o f perceiving , o r desirin g i n th e world, a wa y tha t i s no w "submerge d b y th e logi c tha t ha s dominate d the West sinc e the time o f th e Greeks." 14 Th e phallic orde r conceal s thi s original relationshi p throug h it s fundamenta l emphasi s o n th e Oedipu s and castratio n complexe s a s the perceive d foundation s o f Western civili zation. 15 Accordingly , th e son s mus t plo t t o commi t th e murde r o f th e father i n orde r t o posses s th e mother , thereupo n initiatin g th e develop ment o f th e superego , th e conscience , a highe r mora l order , "civiliza tion". Th e relationshi p with/betwee n father , son , brothe r tha t remain s seminal i n th e establishmen t o f th e socia l orde r o f Wester n civilization , at the expense o f women, wh o canno t participat e i n this conspiracy. 16 Clytemnestra, th e Furies , Amazo n women , al l wome n wh o murdere d men, ar e demonize d foreve r fo r it . Th e imag e tha t come s t o min d when w e hea r abou t a woma n wh o ha s murdere d he r mat e i s indelibl y imprinted o n ou r brains—sh e i s the incarnatio n o f enrage d Clytemnes tra—vengeful, venomous , and dreaded. But through a careful reinterpre tation o f these ancient Gree k myths , where th e roots o f ou r ow n civiliza tion began , w e ca n perhap s com e t o understan d thes e crime s i n a different light . I n man y way s myth s ca n b e interprete d a s bot h expres sions of , an d formativ e of , th e socia l unconscious . The y ma y no t onl y express wha t organize s a societ y a t an y particula r time , bu t als o reinter pret th e unresolve d anxietie s o f a cultur e an d it s people . Interpretin g ancient Gree k myt h i n thi s ligh t ma y brin g u s close r t o understandin g not onl y th e socia l unconsciou s tha t ha s forme d th e moral , ethical , an d intellectual base s o f Wester n civilization , bu t additionally , th e wa y th e

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self envision s it s ow n intersubjectivit y an d plac e i n th e community . B y beginning wit h ancien t Gree k mythology , wher e th e imaginar y o f th e patriarchy first too k hold , w e ca n begi n t o understan d som e o f ou r present-day Clytemnestras , ou r moder n mad-women , thei r rage , an d their sometime s seemingl y incomprehensibl e acts . Thei r ancien t dia logue, enacte d publicl y fo r al l t o se e an d participat e in , operate d a s no t only th e ethica l an d mora l trainin g groun d fo r th e socia l public , bu t also a s th e containe r fo r socia l an d individua l psychi c anxieties . Thei r discourses revea l more tha n jus t the commo n mora l an d socia l dilemma s of thei r time ; they revea l deepl y pervasiv e an d disturbin g anxiet y abou t the plac e o f wome n i n a n establishe d patriarchy . Understandin g thes e myths wil l hel p t o uncove r th e foundatio n mytholog y o f ou r ow n time , and t o recogniz e th e way s ou r mytholog y no t onl y perpetuate s th e misunderstanding an d underrepresentatio n o f woman , bu t may , indeed , give her impetu s t o ac t i n ways societ y considers abhorrent . GETTING BAC K T O TH E BODY : T H E BOD Y A S LIVIN G TEX T

The visceral body , with it s capacity fo r language , is the foundatio n o f al l human institution s an d culture . Speech is only a surplus o f ou r existenc e over ou r materia l being ; i t i s onl y on e o f th e way s i n whic h th e huma n body achieve s expression. 17 Language , discourse , ca n b e interpreted , however, a s an attemp t t o contain th e body , to mak e it s desire controlla ble, t o dominat e it , suppres s it . But , a s Jan e Gallo p wrote , "th e bod y always exceed s th e mind' s order. " Th e bod y i s outsid e logic , outsid e language. I t ca n no t b e rationalize d an d subordinate d t o discourse . Th e body ca n neve r b e totall y dominate d b y man-mad e meaning. 18 W e ar e opened t o th e worl d throug h th e bod y first , rathe r tha n th e mind . A s infants, ou r first contac t wit h th e worl d i s throug h ou r physica l senses , our skin . So , perhap s a retur n t o th e body , th e mos t prima l o f al l communicative spaces , woul d b e appropriat e whe n th e ready-made , man-made institutions , especiall y tha t o f languag e whos e origina l ex pressivity i s no longe r availabl e t o women (excep t perhap s t o artist s an d musicians, etc. ) ca n no t expres s thei r desire . Me n too , o f course , ca n return t o th e body , bu t becaus e me n gai n i n larg e par t thei r masculin e identity b y bein g estrange d fro m thei r bodie s (th e mind-body/public private split ) an d dominatin g th e bodie s o f others , a retur n t o th e bod y for a man ma y hav e a different meaning .

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Although th e abuse d woma n ma y no t hav e recours e t o he r ow n original words , althoug h sh e ma y fee l neglected , misunderstood , unrep resented, o r invisible, she still has the desir e to spea k an d t o b e acknowl edged. So how doe s she do this, how doe s she express her rag e about he r perceived invisibility , i n a cultur e whic h sh e experience s a s abusiv e an d devaluing? She may speak he r rage through he r murderous act . She uses her body , and hi s body , a s tools—hi s body , hi s bloo d fertilize s th e (re)creatio n o f her identity . Th e murde r sh e commit s i s no t onl y a n ac t o f rag e i n th e face o f a n abusiv e situation , bu t a corporea l metaphor ; th e conten t o f her ac t o f murde r i s abou t usin g hi s bod y t o speak , t o mak e a final statement, t o mak e hersel f understoo d an d visibl e a t last . Sh e may eve n experience he r rag e a s a transcenden t thing , a sacre d thing . He r rage , which i s hones t an d genuine , a s al l rag e is , purifie s tha t whic h i s ugly . Her ac t o f murde r release s bloo d whic h i s sacred; hi s bloo d purifie s tha t which i s ugly. Clytemnestra hersel f recognize d thi s parado x whe n sh e uttered , afte r striking her fata l blows : "as h e die d h e spattere d m e wit h th e dar k re d an d violen t drive n rain o f bitte r savore d bloo d t o mak e m e glad , a s garden s stan d among th e shower s o f Go d i n glor y a t th e birt h tim e o f th e buds. " (Clytemnestra, standin g ove r th e dea d bod y o f he r husband , Aga memnon, i n Aeschylus's Agamemnon, line s 1389-91) . NOTES

1. Hysteri a ha s traditionall y bee n a women' s disorder , an d perhap s a n at tempt t o communicat e tha t whic h sh e i s otherwis e unabl e t o articulate : "Ye t there is a revolutionary potentia l i n hysteria. Even in her paralysis, the hysteric exhibits a potential fo r gesture s an d desires. " (The Irigaray Reader, "WomenMothers, the Silent Substratum of the Social Order," 1991 , 47.) 2. Se e Margaret Whitford' s introductio n t o Irigaray' s essa y "Th e bodil y encounter with the mother" i n The Irigaray Reader. Also , "women a s a group" is a flawe d an d inaccurat e concept . Wome n o f colo r hav e bee n silence d i n way s that white women have not. There are different mode s of invisibility attached to each "group " o r clas s o f wome n affecte d b y differin g structura l position s i n society. Yet , th e patriarch y exist s everywhere , albei t i n differen t form s an d strengths, and women "a s a group" have suffered an d been oppressed by it.

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3. Reader, 36 . 4. Se e Philosophy in the Feminine b y Margaret Whitford , 102 . 5. I t seem s probabl e t o m e tha t al l comple x culture s an d societie s conceal , a t least t o a certai n extent , th e rea l nature s o f thei r socia l order s b y usin g founda tion myths . Whether i t i s a culture base d o n gende r hierarchy , rac e hierarchy, o r class, th e reveale d tru e natur e o f a socia l orde r woul d b e likel y t o caus e to o much socia l unres t an d chaos , if it were eve r to b e revealed . 6. An y socia l structur e coul d b e interprete d thi s way, i.e . a s a socia l devic e t o contain an d contro l anxietie s tha t aris e i n individuals withi n groups . 7. Se e Sigmund Freud , Civilization and Its Discontents. 8. Irigiray , This Sex Which is Not One, 199 . 9. Se e Of Woman Born, Adrienn e Rich , 57-58 . To impl y that experienc e ca n be directly represente d b y languag e i s false. I believe i t probabl y ha s mor e t o d o with biase d translatio n modes . 10. Se e Jacques Lacan , Ecrits. 11. Se e Melani e Klein , Contributions to Psychoanalysis 1921-1945; an d M . Klein an d D . Tribich, "Kerberg' s Objec t Relation s Theory. " 12. Irigaray , Reader, 35 . 13. Reader, 52 . 14. This Sex, 25 . 15. M y poin t i s not , o f course , tha t Sigmun d Freu d an d hi s psychoanalyti c theories g o unquestioned , o r tha t we , a s a culture , "believe " hi s theor y o f the Oedipu s complex . Rather , m y poin t i s tha t th e symbology , th e collectiv e imagination underlyin g Western culture , assumes this scenari o t o b e correct, an d organizes societ y accordingly . 16. Consequently , Freud , o f course , believe d tha t wome n wer e no t capabl e o f achieving a s develope d a supereg o a s men , an d i n fac t wer e inhibitor s o f th e development o f civilization . 17. Joh n O'Neill , The Communicative Body, 3 , 4, 9 . 18. Jan e Gallop , Thinking about the Body, 4 , 1 WORKS CITE D

Aeschylus. Oresteia. Eds . Davi d Gren e an d Richar d Lattimore . Trans . Richar d Lattimore. Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1953 . Freud, Sigmund . Civilization and Its Discontents. Trans . Jame s Strachey . Ne w York: W. W. Norton, 1961 . . The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud. Ed. James Strachey . London : Hogarth Press , 1953-74 . Gallop, Jane . Thinking Through the Body. Ne w York : Columbi a Universit y Press, 1988 .

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Irigaray, Luce . Sexes et genres a travers les langues: Elements de communication sexuee. Paris : Grasset, 1990 . . This Sex Which Is Not One. Trans . Catherin e Porter . Ithaca , N.Y. : Cornell Universit y Press , 1985 . Originally publishe d i n French, 1977 . Klein, Melanie . Contributions to Psychoanalysis 1921-1945. Ne w York : McGraw-Hill, 1964 . Klein, Melanie , an d D . Tribich . "Kerberg' s Objec t Relation s Theory : A Critica l Evaluation." International Journal of Psychoanalysis 6 2 (1981) : 27-43 . Lacan, Jacques. Ecrits. Trans . Alan Sheridan . Ne w York : Norton , 1977 . O'Neill, John . The Communicative Body: Studies in Communicative Philosophy, Politics, and Sociology. Evanston : Northwester n Universit y Press , 1989. Rich, Adrienne . Of Woman Born: Motherhood As Experience and Institution. London: Virago, 1977 . Whitford, Margaret , ed . The Irigaray Reader. Cambridge , London : Blackwell , 1991. . Luce Irigaray: Philosophy in the Feminine. Ne w York : Routledge, 1991 .

C H A P T E Ra

Fuck Community, o r Why I Suppor t Gay-Bashing IAN B A R N A R D

I am sic k an d tire d o f hearin g thes e matter-of-fac t reference s t o "th e ga y community," a s i f everyon e know s wha t thi s communit y is , as i f every one i s include d i n it , a s i f everyon e want s t o b e included—o r shoul d want t o be . If I hear anothe r referenc e t o "th e community " o r "th e ga y community," I a m goin g t o scream . I direc t m y rag e a s muc h agains t racism a s agains t th e gay-bashers . I a m sic k an d tire d o f guppie s o f al l colors, self-centere d whit e fags , an d smu g lifestyl e lesbian s tellin g m e that I am divisive , too radical , too extreme . I am sic k an d tire d o f peopl e rolling thei r eye s whe n I speak—her e come s th e part y poope r again . I am sic k an d tire d o f bein g reprimande d fo r no t "supportin g m y ga y brothers"—I a m sic k an d tire d o f peopl e assumin g tha t I hav e every thing i n commo n wit h someon e els e just becaus e tha t perso n i s gay. A m I supposed t o "support " ga y Nazis o r gay KKK members o r ga y women haters jus t becaus e I , too, am gay ? You ar e enterin g a gay an d lesbian-fre e zone . . . . Effective immedi ately, [w e are ] a t wa r agains t lesbian s an d gays . A wa y i n whic h modern quee r boy s and quee r girls are united agains t th e prehistori c thinking an d demente d self-servin g politic s o f th e above-mentione d scum. . . . Thi s i s a civi l wa r agains t th e ultimat e evil , an d conse quently w e must identif y u s and the m i n no uncertai n terms . . . . So, dear lesbia n woma n o r ga y ma n . . . prepare t o pa y dearl y fo r th e way you an d you r kin d hav e fucke d thing s up. 1 Part o f thi s chapte r ha s appeare d previousl y i n Harvard Gay & Lesbian Review (Summe r 1995). Reprinte d b y permission .

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These word s ar e no t th e scurrilou s ranting s o f right-win g homophobes . On th e contrary , the y represen t a reclamatio n o f th e radica l root s of moder n lesbia n an d ga y activis m i n Nort h Americ a an d elsewher e by guerrill a quee r insurgents . Johnny Noxzem a an d Re x Boy' s charact erization o f thei r quee r fa n magazin e BIMBOX, enact s a renewe d poli ticization an d fragmentatio n o f "sexua l identity " i n th e nineties . Many queerzine s articulat e wha t i s b y no w a familia r oppositio n i n social an d cultura l realm s betwee n lesbia n an d ga y activist s an d quee r militants, an d i n academia , betwee n lesbia n an d ga y studie s an d quee r theory. The relationshi p o f th e 'zine s toward s th e lesbia n an d ga y establish ment i s oppositional—ofte n enraged . A blur b fo r th e 'zin e Scab take s BIMBOX's threa t a ste p further : i t describe s th e content s o f Scab a s "pro-gaybashing wit h ma p o f ga y areas " ('"Zine, " n.p.) . Thi s violen t stance toward s th e lesbia n an d ga y establishmen t i s a sig n no t o f homo phobia, bu t o f disgus t a t thi s establishment' s collusio n wit h an d repro duction o f homophobi c an d othe r oppressiv e powe r relations . The 'zine s reject a lesbia n an d ga y politic s o f assimilatio n (we'r e jus t lik e everyon e else, pleas e giv e u s ou r right s . . . ) , an d instea d construc t a quee r proliferation o f difference . The y despis e th e comfor t o f singl e issu e identity politics , an d instea d multiply , connect , an d und o thei r ow n identifications. A strikin g characteristi c o f th e 'zine s i s thei r differenc e fro m eac h other i n thei r appea l t o an d identificatio n wit h a specialize d readershi p within "th e lesbia n an d ga y community"— indeed , thei r contestatio n o f the ide a itsel f tha t an y unifie d unitar y lesbia n an d ga y community exists . Almost ever y 'zin e ha s a ver y loca l constituency . Th e 'zin e Swish, fo r instance, wa s primaril y writte n by , for , an d abou t whit e ga y mal e skin heads, whil e Thing focuse d o n aspect s o f blac k dra g quee n culture . There i s n o delusio n tha t ther e i s somethin g fo r everyon e here , n o pretense a t bein g fo r o r abou t mos t people , claim s mad e b y mainstrea m publications despit e th e fac t tha t the y ar e jus t a s exclusionar y a s th e 'zines are . A s eac h 'zin e irreversibl y invoke s a quee r specificity , s o th e 'zines' multipl e voice s illustrat e tha t quee r i s no t on e thing . I n thei r opposition t o th e lesbia n an d ga y metropoli s an d thei r differenc e fro m each other , the y smas h th e myth o f th e gay community . This fantasize d ga y communit y i s rituall y invoke d b y th e institution s of th e stat e a s the y attemp t t o enforc e th e regime n o f compulsor y

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heterosexuality. An d thos e assimilationis t lesbian s an d ga y me n wh o seek acces s t o thes e institution s invok e thi s fantas y ga y communit y a s insistently. I don't wan t t o se e an y mor e wealth y queer s o n th e cove r o f Newsweek o r interviewe d o n T V an d hea r lesbian s an d gay s celebratin g this "positive " depictio n o f "ou r community" ; I don' t wan t t o hea r another lesbia n o r ga y ma n wh o i s criminall y ignoran t o f homeles s queers, poo r queers , an d jobles s queers , tellin g m e proudl y abou t poll s proving tha t queer s ar e generall y mor e prosperou s tha n straigh t people . By explodin g ope n th e phantasmati c ga y community , th e 'zine s und o comfortably bu t reductivel y binar y model s o f identity , oppositionality , and politica l activism . Those wh o thin k o f thei r ow n identit y a s singular , thos e wh o remai n unable to imagine multiple subjectivitie s i n others, and thos e who experi ence onl y on e sit e o f oppressio n agains t themselve s ten d t o universaliz e their limite d understanding , colonizin g othe r subjects . Sinc e middle-clas s gay whit e me n contro l an d dominat e mos t institutionalize d lesbia n an d gay organization s i n thi s country , thes e organization s inevitabl y hav e infused th e categor y ga y wit h a middle-clas s whit e mal e content . Thi s isn't news . However , I wan t t o insis t tha t eve n non-assimilationis t groups tha t organiz e aroun d singula r categorie s reproduc e dominan t structures. Fo r instance , i n th e lat e eightie s an d earl y ninetie s conflict s within AC T UP and Quee r Natio n regularl y centere d aroun d th e oppos ing interest s o f whit e men , o n th e on e hand , an d peopl e o f colo r an d white women , o n th e other . It' s a struggl e ove r whos e experience s an d agendas wil l defin e th e group' s identit y an d politics . Mos t o f th e whit e men usuall y wante d th e grou p t o devot e itsel f exclusivel y t o contestin g homophobia and/o r t o AID S activism , whil e man y o f th e whit e wome n and peopl e o f colo r ofte n fel t tha t racis m an d sexis m deman d a s urgen t attention. Th e whit e me n replie d tha t thes e issue s wer e irrelevan t an d divisive. Th e whit e wome n an d peopl e o f colo r wer e unwillin g t o con done sexis m an d racis m fo r th e sake o f so-calle d quee r unity , and unabl e to divid e u p their identitie s i n order t o decid e whether a particular ac t of discrimination wa s bein g committe d agains t the m becaus e o f thei r race , gender, HI V status , o r sexua l orientation . Identit y wa s thu s constructe d so tha t one' s concern s wer e onl y pertinen t t o th e grou p i f the y resulte d from one' s gayness: if you were bein g attacked o n the street becaus e you r sexual orientation , you r outrag e an d pai n wer e "relevant. " However , i f you ha d bee n attacke d becaus e o f you r gende r o r colo r rathe r tha n you r

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gayness you r concer n belonge d elsewhere . Wo e betid e thos e wh o ha d been assaulte d fo r al l thre e reason s o r wh o didn' t kno w exactl y wh y they ha d bee n assaulted ! The conflict s i n thes e quee r group s ste m fro m th e wa y w e constitut e and designat e ou r comin g together . An y U.S . politics , n o matte r ho w coalitional it s compass , tha t identifie s itsel f i n term s o f gende r and/o r sexual orientatio n onl y ("lesbia n separatism, " "Quee r Nation, " "Les bian an d Ga y Studies" ) wil l b e a white-centered an d dominate d politics , since onl y whit e peopl e i n thi s societ y ca n affor d t o se e thei r rac e a s unmarked, a s a n irrelevan t o r subordinat e categor y o f analysis . "Women" mean s white women; "lesbia n an d gay " mean s white lesbian s and gay men. When an y marginalized subjectivit y (i.e. , gayness) become s the basis for community , it will, in turn, create and enforce marginalizin g prioritizations an d exclusions . Th e notio n o f th e ga y communit y i s conjured u p t o celebrat e devianc e i n th e fac e o f a massiv e structur e o f compulsory heterosexuality , bu t als o i n orde r t o reinscrib e othe r rela tions o f dominatio n an d t o silence divers e quee r voices . This policin g o f identit y wa s vividl y illustrate d t o m e i n a 199 3 issu e of th e Sa n Dieg o "gay " newspape r Update, 2 i n "Triba l Writes," 3 th e regular colum n writte n b y Conni e Norman , a whit e male-to-femal e transsexual HI V + quee r AID S activist. 4 I wan t t o emphasiz e tha t I am discussin g Norman' s articl e becaus e I thin k i t represent s prevailin g attitudes no t onl y amon g th e lesbia n an d ga y establishment , bu t als o among man y participant s i n mor e militant , non-assimilationis t group s such a s Quee r Natio n an d AC T UP . I n thi s particula r article , Norman , quite appropriatel y i n m y opinion , rage s agains t homophobi c violence . But she begin s her column a s follows : All righ t folks , don' t yo u thin k i t i s jus t abou t tim e tha t w e started circlin g the wagons? An d I don't reall y give a shit i f "indige nous peoples " objec t t o my us e o f th e phras e "circl e th e wagons " or not . I don' t giv e on e whi t i f tha t phras e come s fro m th e domi nating whit e imperialis t cultur e an d therefor e i s racis t i n connota tion an d i s th e too l o f languag e tha t wester n cultur e ha s use d t o dominate an d oppres s people o f color an d o n an d o n an d politicall y correct thi s an d multiculturalis m that , I' m jus t sic k o f it ! When i n th e hel l ar e w e goin g t o com e togethe r a s a communit y and star t fighting ou r rea l enemy , homohatred!

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The community Norma n invoke s i s a racist one ; only queer s who d o no t think tha t racis m i s as pernicious a s homophobia ar e welcome i n it . He r "we" assume s that al l queers ar e white, since it is primarily whit e queer s who ca n enjo y th e luxur y o f constitutin g "homohatred " a s th e onl y "real" enemy ; he r "we " als o erase s th e alignment s an d experience s o f those whit e queer s irrevocabl y committe d t o anti-racis t work . Le t m e make thi s quit e clear : I d o no t wan t t o b e a par t o f Norman' s commu nity, an d I resen t he r an d others ' imputatio n tha t I a m o r shoul d b e a part o f thi s community . The proble m wit h ou r identity-politic s traditio n an d it s curren t dis semination i n politica l appointments , grassroot s organizing , an d trend y courses i n academi c institution s i s it s absolut e inabilit y t o thin k beyon d the eithe r or' s o f th e rigi d categorie s tha t enabl e an d defin e it . Angel a Davis ha s describe d he r schizophreni a i n the sixties : in white-dominate d feminist group s sh e wa s expecte d t o b e a colorles s woman , whil e a t male-dominated Civi l Right s movemen t meeting s sh e ha d t o b e a n un gendered blac k person . Today , ho w ofte n don' t w e hea r th e fashionabl e litany, "women , gays, and peopl e of color," i n discussions o f discrimina tion an d civi l rights . I n thi s formulatio n onc e agai n on e ca n onl y b e female, or gay , or a perso n o f color . Multipl e subjectivitie s don' t fit the formula ; neithe r d o thos e subjectivitie s whos e "combination " o f femaleness, gayness , and/o r colorednes s constitute s a subjectivit y tha t i s something differen t i n itsel f rathe r tha n a n accretio n o f th e element s o f gender, race , and sexuality . Asian-America n lesbians , for instance , don' t exist. I refus e t o divid e u p an d separat e m y politica l commitments , experi ences, an d identities . I f bein g a part y poope r mean s spoilin g th e kin d o f party tha t peopl e like Conni e Norman wan t t o get going—keep going — then I say w e shoul d d o everythin g i n ou r powe r t o rui n it . Ther e i s n o time no w t o hierarchiz e oppressions , ther e i s n o tim e no w t o worr y about airin g dirty laundry i n public, about protecting a false unit y forge d on th e back s o f others . Such homogenization s a s "th e ga y community " attemp t t o co-op t queer sexualitie s int o a libera l pluralis t paradig m b y silencin g th e diver sity o f quee r voices . Fo r instance : I a m repulse d b y lesbia n an d ga y efforts t o becom e legall y married ; I a m les s tha n euphori c abou t th e wave o f domesti c partnershi p policie s currentl y bein g adopte d b y som e business enterprise s an d academi c institution s i n thi s country ; an d I a m

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enraged tha t man y lesbia n an d ga y activist s ar e beggin g fo r admissio n into a U.S . militar y apparatu s tha t execute s genocida l cultural , eco nomic, and political imperialisms al l over the world. Shoul d we celebrate the da y i t become s lega l fo r queer s t o kill ? Th e placard s I lik e rea d "cruise queers , not missiles," "exten d th e ban to heterosexuals," "demil itarize masculinity, " an d "ba n th e military. " Bu t publi c debat e ove r queers i n th e military , quee r marriage , an d th e recognitio n o f domesti c partnerships i s framed i n such a way as to allo w fo r onl y tw o positions: either on e is progressive an d support s thes e suppose d advances , o r on e is conservativ e an d homophobi c an d oppose s them . Th e term s o f thi s binary logi c eras e undiscipline d quee r voice s wh o do not fit into an y of these tw o coz y positions , and , who , i n fact , rejec t wit h contemp t th e binary fram e itself . The officia l framin g o f these debates is indicative o f the ways in which the identity-politic s traditio n i n thi s countr y ca n b e use d t o construc t single-issue political movements tha t will not account for multiple identi fications an d tha t refus e t o recogniz e th e interdependenc y o f differen t regimes o f domination . Th e recognition o f thi s interdependenc y pose s a deadly threa t t o libera l pluralism , whic h legitimate s it s rule precisel y b y insisting tha t i t permit s oppositiona l voice s an d identitie s t o exis t (th e myths o f fre e speech , fre e enterprise , th e meltin g pot , th e America n dream, an d s o on). Liberalism need s t o produc e an d displa y thes e "op positional" identitie s i n orde r t o rationaliz e it s clai m t o dominance . What i t ha s t o mas k i s th e fac t tha t i t onl y provide s spac e fo r thos e voices that d o not challenge the hegemony o f liberal pluralis m itself. 5 Queers will be tolerated, bu t only on their terms , only if we insist tha t we are just like everyone else. The consequence of this kind o f humanis m is a societ y tha t i s a s relentlessl y heterosexis t a s ever : i f onl y straigh t queers ar e acceptabl e the n nothin g ha s changed—it's stil l onl y straigh t people wh o ar e acceptable , an d queer s ar e jus t th e lates t versio n o f straights, jus t furthe r evidenc e o f ho w all-embracin g straightnes s reall y is. This ne w heterocentrism ha s been tellingl y enacte d i n the recent spat e of domestic-partnershi p policie s adopted a t college campuses aroun d the nation, an d th e uncritica l ecstas y wit h whic h mos t lesbia n an d ga y academics hav e greete d them . Thes e policie s prov e emblemati c o f a variety o f processe s o f containmen t no w bein g deploye d agains t quee r identities i n th e wak e o f th e increase d visibilit y o f anti-homophobi c

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activism. Mos t colleg e campuse s explicitl y discriminat e agains t quee r students an d employee s i n man y ways ; on e componen t o f thi s discrimi nation i s the benefi t package s tha t provide , for example , health coverag e to th e spouse s o f heterosexua l employee s bu t no t t o th e partner s o f lesbian an d ga y employees . Th e domestic-partnershi p policie s tha t re cently hav e bee n adopte d b y som e cities , corporations , an d academi c institutions allo w lesbia n an d ga y employee s t o enjo y som e o f th e bene fits that ha d previousl y bee n th e exclusiv e provinc e o f thei r heterosexua l colleagues—I us e th e word s "lesbia n an d gay " ver y deliberatel y her e because I maintain tha t thes e ne w benefit s mos t definitel y d o no t exten d to quee r employees ; in fact , the y ar e designe d t o domesticat e an d co-op t lesbian an d ga y employee s a s allie s o f th e straigh t employee s agains t their commo n enemy : the queer . I now want to discuss in some detail the domestic-partnership affidavi t that applicant s ar e require d t o sig n a t th e Universit y o f Iowa , which , amidst muc h fanfar e i n th e ga y press , wa s on e o f th e first college s t o implement a domestic-partnershi p polic y i n 1992. 6 Th e Iow a polic y i s fairly representative , no t onl y o f domestic-partnershi p policie s i n gen eral, bu t als o o f othe r conservativ e effort s t o constitute , police , an d delimit quee r subjectivities . A quic k glanc e a t thi s affidavi t reveal s tha t i t doe s no t appea r t o recognize th e specificit y an d diversit y o f lesbia n an d ga y relationships . On th e contrary , i t seem s t o attemp t t o forc e queer s t o confor m t o dominant heterosexua l relationshi p model s (an d a s w e al l know , thos e model heterosexua l relationship s hav e hardl y bee n health y o r inclusive) . For example , ite m 4 o f th e affidavi t require s signatorie s t o certify , "W e are no t relate d b y bloo d close r tha n woul d ba r marriag e i n th e stat e o f Iowa an d ar e mentall y competen t t o consen t t o contract " (Universit y o f Iowa). By enforcing th e same restrictions agains t lesbia n an d gay couple s that obtai n fo r heterosexua l marriages , the affidavit no t onl y attempts t o create domesti c partnershi p i n th e imag e o f heterosexua l marriag e bu t also, illogically , preserve s th e inces t tabo o designe d primaril y t o safe guard th e healt h o f potentia l offsprin g fo r a couple wh o wil l no t jointl y produce biologica l offspring. 7 However, thi s documen t actuall y goe s furthe r tha n merel y attemptin g to creat e a n equivalenc e betwee n heterosexua l marriag e an d domesti c partnership: domesti c partner s are , i n fact , deploye d t o embod y th e fantasized imperativ e o f heterosexua l marriage . T o receiv e domesti c

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partnership benefits , queer s mus t liv e together , shar e expenses , hav e been togethe r fo r twelv e months , an d commi t themselve s t o monogam y and lif e togethe r unti l deat h u s d o part : ite m 5 states , "W e ar e eac h other's sol e domesti c partne r an d inten d t o remai n s o indefinitel y an d are responsibl e fo r ou r commo n welfare. " Heterosexua l couples , o n th e other hand , receiv e thes e benefit s merel y b y marrying . The y don' t hav e to wai t twelv e months , the y ca n b e a s adulterou s a s ever , the y ca n maintain th e divorc e rat e a s is , they don' t nee d t o shar e expenses , the y don't nee d t o liv e together. Lesbian s an d ga y men wil l b e forced t o fulfil l the fantas y idea l o f heterosexua l marriag e becaus e heterosexual s won' t or can't . Ho w convenien t tha t wit h th e right-win g i n thi s countr y be moaning th e los s o f famil y values , lesbian s an d ga y me n ca n b e use d t o appease th e righ t b y bein g force d t o tak e o n thes e destructiv e famil y values, whil e heterosexual s pa y li p servic e t o the m bu t continu e t o violate them ! Lesbia n an d ga y couple s becom e th e stand-in s fo r th e blissful delusio n o f heterosexualit y tha t straigh t peopl e neve r coul d ful fill! The final insult : queer domesti c partner s mus t certif y tha t "w e ar e no t married t o anyone " (ite m 2) . Domesti c partner s ma y no t participat e i n heterosexual marriage , but , no t surprisingly , ther e i s nothin g t o sto p married heterosexual s fro m formin g domesti c partnership s (w e all kno w about th e marrie d "straight " me n wh o hav e se x wit h othe r men) . Het erosexuals ma y continu e t o enjo y th e benefit s o f homosexualit y (exoti c illegitimate sex ) whil e queer s ma y no t enjo y an y o f th e benefit s o f heterosexuality (th e privilege s tha t accompan y th e institutio n o f mar riage). Ite m 2 , i n effect , prohibit s queer s fro m havin g quee r sex . If , i n this document , domesti c partnershi p ha s com e t o signif y heterosexua l marriage, then it' s heterosexua l marriag e tha t i s the sit e of queerness . By forbiddin g queer s t o b e married , th e affidavi t make s it s cleares t distinction betwee n queer , o n th e on e hand , an d lesbia n an d gay , o n th e other. Lesbia n an d ga y equal s fixed/stable/singular sexua l orientation , whether hom o o r hetero . Quee r equal s shifting , multiple , slutty , con structed, elusive . Gues s whic h on e get s th e domesti c partne r benefits ? Lesbians an d ga y men , o f course , als o participat e i n thi s shorin g u p o f heterosexuality an d it s assimilationist lesbia n an d ga y mirror image , an d the concomitan t scapegoatin g o f queers . A recen t issu e o f th e "gay " newspaper Bravo! Newsmagazine synecdochall y illustrate s bot h pro cesses interactivel y a t work . A stor y o n a picni c fo r "lesbia n an d ga y

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families" ("Lesbian" ) i s matte r o f factl y uncritica l o f th e way s i n whic h familial discourse s hav e produce d homophobi a an d exclude d a panopl y of marginalize d sexualitie s fro m thei r purvie w (se e Warner). I n the sam e issues o f th e newspaper , a stor y o n a "commitmen t ceremony " fo r lesbian an d ga y couple s notes , "Th e ceremon y starkl y disprove d th e common stereotyp e o f th e mal e an d femal e homosexua l a s fiercely pro miscuous. Instea d onlooker s sa w same-se x couple s enjoyin g thei r lov e for eac h other , ofte n wit h thei r children " ("Out") . Her e othe r lesbian s and ga y me n disavo w "promiscuous " queer s a s ferventl y a s doe s th e homophobic heterosexua l religiou s right . It is important t o recogniz e tha t th e Iow a polic y exclude s queer s o f al l sexual orientations . Ite m 7 o f th e Iow a affidavi t require s th e signatorie s to certify, "W e ar e of the same sex, " thus explicitl y excludin g unmarrie d heterosexual couple s from coverage . This is a common provisio n i n these kinds o f domesti c partnershi p policies. 8 No w I woul d b e th e las t t o champion heterosexua l rights , but I am greatly disturbed b y these provisions: they illustrat e tha t th e debat e ove r domesti c partnershi p policie s i s not s o muc h abou t lesbia n an d ga y right s a s i t i s abou t policin g certai n kinds o f relationships , whethe r the y b e lesbian , gay , heterosexual , o r anything else . Again the message is be married o r ac t married. No queer s allowed.9 What make s queer s s o threatening ? Quee r relationship s ar e har d t o pin down , har d t o police . It' s har d t o tel l thei r sex , an d harde r stil l t o tell if and whe n they'r e havin g sex . Something that seem s to b e taken fo r granted i n thes e domestic-partnershi p policie s i s th e privilegin g o f sex , what Miche l Foucaul t referre d t o a s th e "monarch y o f sex " ("End") . I t is ironic tha t i n a societ y whos e dominan t institution s pa y li p servic e t o a puritanica l an d moralisti c sexua l ethos , fuckin g relationship s woul d enjoy th e greates t privilege . Thi s i s implie d bu t no t explici t i n th e Iow a affidavit. MIT' s polic y i s franke r i n statin g i n s o man y word s tha t "roommates, parent s an d sibling s wil l no t b e considere d eligible " fo r domestic partnershi p benefit s (Fairfield) . Wh y shoul d peopl e qualif y a s domestic partner s merel y becaus e the y ar e fuckin g eac h other ? (An d who decide s wha t constitute s fucking? ) Wh y ar e fuckin g relationship s considered bette r o r more important tha n non-fuckin g relationships ? W e all kno w tha t thi s se x i s a socia l fiction, anyway , an d tha t ther e i s n o more guarante e o f sexua l activit y i n domestic-partne r relationship s tha n in man y othe r type s o f relationships . It' s a viciou s circle : ther e i s n o

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way o f differentiatin g betwee n spouses , domesti c partners , an d othe r relationships, othe r tha n b y th e categorie s tha t supposedl y identif y th e relationships, bu t that , i n fact , construc t the m an d misrepresen t them . Many marrie d couple s an d domesti c partner s d o no t hav e "sex " wit h each other , whil e man y friends , roommates , an d sibling s d o hav e "sex " with eac h other . Man y marrie d couple s an d domesti c partner s d o no t "love" eac h othe r an d d o no t sta y togethe r ver y long , whil e lov e an d longevity d o exis t i n man y relationship s between , fo r instance , siblings , between roommates , between friends , an d betwee n parent s an d children . Foucault ofte n pleade d fo r homosexualit y t o b e see n an d live d a s a n epistemology tha t invented , worke d through , an d affirme d a multiplicit y of relationship s an d attachments , rathe r tha n delimite d a reproductio n of heterosexua l sexua l couplin g ("Friendship") . Mor e recently , Ev e Sedgwick ha s invoke d quee r theor y agains t a rigi d an d singula r lesbia n and ga y politic s i n orde r t o distinguis h "thos e o f u s whos e 'primar y attachments' ma y b e plura l i n number , experimenta l i n form , o r highl y permeable" (294) . Thi s promis e i s betraye d b y th e heterosexualizatio n of queernesses . A recognition o f the plurality o f significant relationship s i n all people' s lives woul d b e a trul y productiv e reassessmen t o f famil y values . Bu t this radica l recognitio n i s o f cours e on e tha t politica l an d educationa l institutions i n thi s countr y ar e no t willin g t o make , give n thei r commit ment t o a classist , racist , sexist , an d heterocentri c statu s quo—despit e the rhetori c o f change , inclusivity , multiculturalism , an d s o on . Eve n inclusive domestic-partnershi p policie s woul d b e discriminator y t o th e extent tha t the y shor e u p the injustices o f corporate capitalism . Afte r all , they woul d onl y benefi t privilege d queers—homeless , unemployed , an d poor queer s wh o don' t hav e connection s wit h thei r upscal e lesbia n an d gay "brothers " an d "sisters " mostl y wil l continu e t o b e denie d thes e benefits. I am advocating , then , a doubl e an d contradictor y understandin g an d embodiment o f identit y an d activism , a s conjure d u p b y th e queerzine s that I invoked a t th e beginnin g o f thi s essay . Firstly , we mus t insis t o n a scrupulously politicize d delineatio n o f queernes s rathe r tha n it s locatio n as an indicatio n merel y o f th e materialitie s o f a particular lifestyl e o r th e identification o f a simpl e sexua l orientation . W e mus t retur n t o th e radical root s o f twentieth-centur y quee r activis m an d it s late r politica l positionality i n th e 'zines , an d th e wor k o f suc h peopl e a s Foucaul t an d

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Gloria Anzaldua . Anzaldu a write s o f th e borderland s betwee n th e U.S. and Mexico , betwee n an d within cultures , betwee n genders , genres, and languages, and within th e self: The prohibite d an d forbidde n ar e its inhabitants. Lo s astravesado s live here : the squint-eyed, th e perverse, th e queer, th e troublesome , the mongrel , th e mulatto , th e half-breed , th e hal f dead ; i n short , those wh o cross over , pas s over , o r g o throug h th e confine s o f th e "normal." (3 ) As w e insist o n thes e transgressions , affiliations , an d politicizations , w e must refuse t o allow for the queer to be appropriated b y liberal pluralism . It is not OK that Quee r Nation Sa n Diego in 1991 refused t o oppose Operation Deser t Storm ; it is not OK now for queers to march for marriage , domestic partnership benefits , or admission int o the military. The othe r elemen t i n my contradiction i s the discomforting multiplic ity i n queer , th e differenc e withi n itself . M y titl e "Fuc k Community " denotes, o f course, the community who m I fuck a s well a s the "commu nity" an d th e ide a o f communit y tha t I sa y fuc k yo u to . I t i s th e recognition o f this divisio n tha t impel s me to confess th e multidirection alities of my rage. Judith Butle r ha s written, The insistenc e i n advanc e o n coalitiona l "unity " a s a goa l as sumes tha t solidarity , whateve r it s price, is a prerequisite fo r politi cal action . Bu t what sor t o f politic s demand s tha t kin d o f advanc e purchase o n unity ? Perhap s a coalitio n need s t o acknowledg e it s contradictions an d take action with thos e contradictions intact . (14) Rather the n th e debilitating facad e o f unity , Butle r call s fo r a n articula tion o f difference . Sh e emphasizes tha t thi s kin d o f action-in-contradic tion i s neither disablin g no r apolitical—instea d i t call s fo r a rethinkin g of the political. Furthermore, b y sayin g tha t I suppor t gay-bashin g I decente r hetero sexuality, taking for granted my rage at explicit homophobes an d institutionalized heterosexuality . B y attendin g t o debate s among queer s I ignore heterosexual s an d thu s marginaliz e homophobi c rhetoric . Thes e internecine debate s fragmen t an d multiply quee r identity . No t onl y d o I want t o mak e i t impossibl e fo r homophobi c rhetori c t o construc t a

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singular ga y stereotype , bu t I als o w a n t t o destro y destructiv e conceptu alizations o f unit y an d community . I rejec t th e notio n tha t thi s typ e o f infighting woul d b e kep t fro m publi c v i e w — t h a t I shoul d no t b e airin g dirty laundr y i n fron t o f breeders . I insis t o n refusin g identit y politic s and it s coerciv e imperativ e o f politica l unity . W e mus t reconceptualiz e our notion s o f politic s an d politica l action . W e mus t recogniz e an d sa y that w e don' t ge t on . I refus e t o construc t an y on e organi c subjec t a s th e repository fo r m y rage . D o n ' t tr y t o pi n d o w n m y rage. 1 0

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1. Johnn y Noxzem a an d Re x Boy , quoted b y Cooper, 31 . 2. A s I wrot e thi s articl e I contemplate d characterizin g Update fo r reader s who migh t no t b e familia r wit h thi s publication . Give n m y agend a o f exposin g the exclusions that undergir d mos t political an d cultura l wor k tha t presents itsel f as "lesbia n an d gay, " I coul d no t honestl y describ e Update a s " a Sa n Dieg o lesbian an d ga y newspaper. " I t wa s temptin g the n t o tr y t o identif y an d articu late it s focu s an d exclusions : I could hav e attempte d t o nam e th e narrownes s o f its scop e b y referrin g t o Update a s " a middle-clas s whit e ga y mal e newspaper, " but eve n thi s i s a n imprecis e generalization , give n th e importan t difference s i n political an d religiou s affiliation , age , citizenshi p status , physica l an d menta l ability, an d s o on , betwee n middle-clas s whit e ga y men . I n fact , I realize d tha t there is no finitely delimitin g lis t of definin g differences , an d tha t m y attempt s t o pin the m dow n wer e symptomati c o f th e powe r o f th e politic s o f categorica l unity tha t I a m critiquing . I a m n o les s draw n t o th e seductiv e promis e o f empowerment throug h communa l identit y tha n anyon e else . S o I hav e resiste d the temptatio n t o attemp t t o delineat e Up date's constituency , instea d leavin g i t with jus t tha t "gay " marker , wit h al l th e possibilitie s tha t ga y an d thos e quota tion mark s invok e an d exclude . 3. Th e titl e o f th e colum n itsel f point s t o th e problemati c I a m identifying . Both the words "tribal " an d "rites " (whic h th e "writes " allude s to) conjur e u p a fixed and self-containe d communit y o f identicalit y i n th e traditio n o f "Western " ethnographers an d anthropologist s wh o similarl y reif y an d reduc e "Thir d World" people s an d cultures . Th e titl e "Triba l Writes " i n Norman' s colum n constructs "th e ga y community's " uniquenes s b y erasin g th e identification s an d traditions from , fo r instance , communitie s o f color , an d lesbia n feminis m tha t subjects migh t brin g t o queerness . Thi s i s a commo n concei t fo r man y whit e lesbians an d ga y men , a s th e lates t spat e o f book s o n "worldwide " lesbia n an d gay "cultures " an d lesbia n an d ga y "communities " i n th e Unite d State s attest . Frank Browning' s recen t book , The Culture of Desire: Paradox and Perversity

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in Gay Lives Today, immediatel y come s t o mind : eve n t o as k th e question , "D o the subcultur e an d life-styl e o f urba n ga y life i n America . . . constitute a n actua l culture comparabl e t o othe r ethni c an d racia l culture s . . . tha t mak e u p th e heterogeneity o f moder n America n life? " (i) , a s Brownin g doe s t o se t ou t th e agenda o f hi s book , i s to normaliz e middle-clas s whit e ga y maleness an d obliter ate, inter alia , queers o f color . 4. I n describing Norman , I faced difficultie s simila r t o thos e describe d i n not e two abov e i n th e contex t o f characterizin g Update. I hav e chose n t o highligh t those component s o f he r identit y tha t I fee l ar e mos t pertinen t t o th e presen t discussion. 5. Se e Rooney . 6. Iow a wa s also one of the first colleges in the United State s to hire an openl y queer academi c coupl e a s a couple. 7. Ther e ar e als o som e revealin g inconsistencie s betwee n th e affidavi t an d Iowa's mor e detaile d explanatio n o f domesti c partne r eligibilit y ( I don't kno w i f these inconsistencie s hav e bee n remove d i n later version s o f th e documents) . Fo r instance, th e mor e detaile d documen t require s tha t th e "partner s hav e bee n residing togethe r fo r a t leas t twelv e (12 ) months, " whil e provisio n 8 A o n th e affidavit demand s onl y tha t th e relationshi p b e i n existenc e fo r a t leas t twelv e months. Wha t i f th e "relationship " ha s bee n i n existenc e fo r a yea r bu t th e "partners" hav e onl y bee n livin g together fo r on e week? Wha t i f the partner s d o not liv e together an d hav e n o intentio n o f doin g so ? O r i s the phras e "domesti c partnership" t o b e taken t o assum e co-habitation?— a strang e assumption , par ticularly i n academia , wher e s o man y heterosexua l academi c couple s d o no t liv e together becaus e the y wor k i n differen t part s o f th e country . Bu t thi s contradic tion tha t require s tha t th e partners liv e together whil e implicitl y recognizin g tha t they migh t no t merel y set s th e patter n fo r th e remainde r o f th e document' s trajectory o f coercion s an d denials . 8. Fo r instance , whe n MI T implemente d a domestic-partnershi p policy , Vic e President Simonide s announce d tha t healt h benefit s eligibilit y woul d no t b e extended t o unmarrie d opposite-se x couples , arguin g tha t becaus e "opposite sex couple s hav e th e optio n t o marry , th e issu e o f acces s i s les s compelling " (Fairfield). 9. I n he r articl e "Thinkin g Sex : Notes fo r a Radica l Theor y o f th e Politic s o f Sexuality," Gayl e Rubi n delineate d th e hierarch y o f sociall y legitimate d sexuali ties an d relationship s t o sho w tha t division s ar e no t alway s congruen t wit h th e opposition homosexuality/heterosexuality . Fo r instance , marrie d monogamou s heterosexual couples , unmarrie d heterosexua l couples , promiscuou s heterosexu als, and long-ter m stabl e lesbian and ga y monogamous couple s all receive greate r social sanctio n tha n ba r lesbians , promiscuou s ga y me n i n th e park , an d trans vestites, transsexuals , sadomasochists , pedophiles , an d prostitute s o f al l sexua l

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orientations (282) . It is the type s o f relationship s an d identitie s o n th e botto m o f Rubin's hierarch y tha t I designat e a s queer , an d i t i s thes e one s tha t toda y ar e the focu s o f th e state' s censure , an d tha t ar e thu s exclude d fro m domesti c partnership benefits . B y this definition , then , som e heterosexua l relation s woul d be queer, whereas som e lesbia n an d ga y relation s woul d no t b e queer . 10. M y thank s t o th e followin g fo r assistin g m e wit h thi s article : Donn a White, Keve n Kopelson , Javie r Morillo-Alicea , S . J . Mitchell , Terr y Allison , Renee Curry , Ann e Shea , an d Monic a Szurmuk . I am als o gratefu l t o OUT , th e queer studen t grou p a t Indian a University , Bloomington , fo r invitin g m e t o present a n earlie r versio n o f thi s pape r a t IU' s 199 3 Lesbian , Gay , an d Bisexua l Pride Week . WORKS CITE D

Anzaldua, Gloria . Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza. Sa n Francisco : Aunt Lute , 1987 . Browning, Frank . The Culture of Desire: Paradox and Perversity in Gay Lives Today. Ne w York : Crown , 1993 . Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. Ne w York: Routledge , 1990 . Cooper, Dennis . "Queercore. " Village Voice, 3 0 June 1992 , 31-33 . Davis, Angel a Y . "Th e Persona l an d th e Political : Reproductiv e Right s i n th e 1980's." Addres s sponsore d b y Women' s Resourc e Cente r a t Universit y o f California, Sa n Diego, 9 May 1987 . Fairfield, Stephen . "Detail s o n MI T Domestic Partners. " E-mai l messag e fro m E directory o f Lesbian , Bisexual , an d Ga y Scholars , 2 May 1993 . Foucault, Michel . "Th e En d o f th e Monarch y o f Sex. " Interviewe d b y Bernard Henry Levy . 1977 . I n Foucault Live: Interviews, 1966-84. Ed . Sylver e Lotringer. Trans . John Johnston. Ne w York : Semiotext(e) , 1989 . "Friendship a s a Wa y o f Life. " Interview . 1981 . In Foucault Live: Interviews, 1966-84. Ed . Sylver e Lotringer . Trans . Joh n Johnston . Ne w York : Semio text(e), 1989 . "Lesbian an d Ga y Familie s t o Picni c i n Balbo a Park. " Bravo! Newsmagazine, 14 October 1993 , 9. Norman, Connie . "Triba l Rites. " Update, 1 0 February 1992 , A-16. "Ou t o f th e Closets int o the Aisle." Bravo! Newsmagazine, 1 4 Octobe r 1993 , 5. Rooney, Ellen. Seductive Reasoning: Pluralism As the Problematic of Contemporary Literary Theory. Ithaca : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1989 . Rubin, Gayle . "Thinkin g Sex : Note s fo r a Radica l Theor y o f th e Politic s o f Sexuality." In Pleasure and Danger: Exploring Female Sexuality. Ed . Carol e S. Vance. Boston: Routledge , 1984 .

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Sedgwick, Ev e Kosofsky . "Gende r Criticism. " I n Redrawing the Boundaries: The Transformation of English and American Literary Studies. Ed . Stephe n Greenblatt an d Gile s Gunn . Ne w York : MLA, 1991 . University o f Iowa . "Affidavi t o f Domesti c Partnership, " "Domesti c Partner ship," an d "Domesti c Partne r Eligibility. " Novembe r 1992 . Warner, Michael . Introduction . I n Fear of a Queer Planet: Queer Politics and Social Theory. Ed . Warner . Minneapolis : Universit y o f Minnesot a Press , 1993. "'Zine Round-Up. " Holy Titclamps 9 (Winte r 1991/92) : n.p.

C H A P T E R5

Whatup in the 'Hood ? The Rage of African-American Filmmakers WILLIAM BRIGHA

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In hi s 198 9 film , Do the Right Thing, Spik e Le e imitate d lif e b y bor rowing fro m th e infamou s Howar d Beac h inciden t wher e white s bea t African-Americans fo r bein g i n th e wron g plac e a t th e wron g time . I n the film , th e protagonis t Mooki e (playe d b y Lee ) set s of f th e climacti c burning an d lootin g o f Sal' s Pizzeri a b y shoutin g "Hate! " an d throwin g a tras h ca n throug h th e windo w o f Sal' s store . Thre e year s later , a t th e flashpoint o f the Los Angeles riots, in a case of life imitating ar t imitatin g life, a hom e vide o camer a capture d a youn g blac k ma n tossin g a meta l sign throug h th e windo w o f a passin g ca r a t th e no w well-know n intersection o f Florenc e an d Normandie . Th e rag e depicte d i n eac h o f these image s speak s o f ir e directe d towar d th e dominan t whit e cultur e and t o intens e desir e fo r self-preservation . Between thes e two incidents , these tw o filmi c images , little i f anythin g changed fo r th e bette r i n relation s betwee n African-American s an d whites. Although ove r 40 percent o f the looters were Latinos , and white s and Asian s wer e involve d a s well , 5 0 percen t o f thos e arreste d fo r riot related offense s wer e African-American s (Lieberma n an d O'Reill y A34 ) who wer e certainl y reacting—o n on e level—t o ye t anothe r se t o f im ages, arguably th e mos t widel y viewe d an d notoriou s o f videotapes , tha t of the beatin g b y Los Angeles police officer s o f Rodne y King . Finally, i n a n almos t surrealisti c closin g o f th e circle , i n hi s fil m Malcolm X, Spik e Le e incorporate d th e Rodne y Kin g beatin g tap e i n one o f th e mos t inflammator y an d condemnin g montage s i n America n film, seguein g t o a n America n fla g burnin g dow n t o a n emblemati c X . 9i

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The rag e whic h thi s montag e bespok e migh t b e see n a s th e zenit h o f th e collective voic e o f African-America n filmmaker s ragin g a t th e America n social structure , o r conversel y a s th e nadi r i n contemporar y relation s between th e dominan t whit e cultur e an d tha t o f peopl e o f color . In an y event , i n th e pas t thre e t o fou r year s African-America n fil m directors hav e gained som e franchise i n that mos t glamorou s exampl e o f American monopol y capitalism , Hollywood . Th e leve l an d breadt h o f rage a t America n societ y which characterize s th e fou r film s I will discus s here i s strikin g i n it s forcefulness . Ho w ar e w e t o understan d wh y Hollywood (an d Ne w York , an d Tokyo , an d whereve r els e th e mone y flows from ) i s willin g t o inves t million s o f dollar s i n motio n picture s which rai l against—o r a t leas t impl y th e evils of—racism, th e America n class system , and America n socia l institutions ? Le t me dispense with thi s question a t th e outset . Thes e film s ar e distribute d solel y becaus e the y will retur n t o thei r investor s a profit . Fo r example , Do the Right Thing and Boyz N the Hood eac h cos t abou t $ 6 million t o produce . Moviego ers bought $2 8 millio n wort h o f ticket s fo r Do the Right Thing (Easton , "Good News, " 6) , and almos t $6 0 millio n wort h fo r Boyz N the Hood (Pacheco, 25) . Videotape rental s an d sales , as well a s merchandising tie ins, wil l generat e eve n mor e revenue . I n short , art , socia l criticis m an d justice d o no t ente r int o th e capitalis t equatio n whic h determine s whether film s mad e b y African-Americans ar e eve r released . BLACK FILMMAKER S

In 1926 , poet Langsto n Hughe s calle d upo n blac k artist s t o spea k force fully abou t thei r lives , culture , an d stat e o f oppression . "W e younge r Negro artist s wh o create, " Hughe s said , "no w inten d t o expres s ou r individual dark-skinne d selve s withou t fea r o r shame . I f whit e peopl e are please d w e ar e glad . I f the y ar e not , i t doesn' t matter " (694) . Ove r forty year s transpire d fro m th e tim e Hughe s pu t ou t hi s cal l fo r blac k artistic honest y befor e Gordo n Park s directe d th e firs t majo r America n film b y a blac k man , th e 196 9 autobiographica l movie , The Learning Tree, an d almos t anothe r twent y year s befor e Spik e Lee' s independen t production o f She's Gotta Have It (1986) . Parks's studio-produce d film—an d th e contemporary studi o an d inde pendent production s unde r examinatio n here—wer e precede d b y th e first wav e o f independen t blac k filmmakers . Beginnin g i n th e lat e 1920 s

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and continuin g int o th e earl y 1940s , more tha n on e hundre d companie s produced wha t wer e calle d "rac e movies, " providin g bot h employmen t for blac k directors , writers , technicians , an d actors , an d entertainmen t for th e audience s o f ove r seve n hundre d ghett o theater s aroun d th e country. Th e prolifi c Osca r Micheau x epitomize d thi s grou p o f filmmakers, whos e caree r spanne d thre e decade s fro m 1918-1948 . How ever, a confluenc e o f events , includin g th e influenz a epidemi c o f 1923 , the adven t o f soun d i n film and , mos t telling , th e Grea t Depression , conspired t o eliminat e virtuall y al l o f th e independen t blac k productio n companies an d man y o f th e ghetto theaters . Fro m th e lat e 1930s—unti l the films o f th e lat e 1980s—whit e filmmakers an d white-controlle d production companie s mad e films specifically fo r blac k audience s (Bogle , 101-16).

Post-World Wa r I I Hollywoo d socia l proble m films bega n t o addres s such issue s a s anti-Semitis m {Crossfire 1947 ; Gentlemen's Agreement 1947) and , a fe w year s later , racism . Pinky (1949 ) an d No Way Out (1950), unde r th e creativ e contro l o f whit e writers , directors , and—i n the cas e o f Pinky —a whit e actres s portrayin g a blac k woman , provide d no substitut e fo r th e rac e movie s which , i n som e cases , deal t quit e bluntly wit h th e live s o f blac k Americans . Sidney Poitier' s film debu t i n No Way Out wa s a s a docto r wh o urge d hi s mor e militan t friend s t o turn th e othe r chee k t o racis m an d hate , a stanc e hi s filmic characters — created b y whites, of course—woul d tak e fo r man y mor e years . A qualitativ e chang e occurre d i n 1960 s films whic h feature d blac k characters and/o r theme s relatin g t o rac e relations , a chang e i n concer t with th e sociocultura l event s unfoldin g an d necessaril y impactin g popu lar culture. Early in the 1960s , Poitier wa s the African-America n mal e of Hollywood films, an d h e reigne d a t th e beginnin g o f th e decad e i n role s and films whic h rathe r abruptl y wen t ou t o f vogue . Poitier' s character s often represente d a n integrationis t o r assimiliationis t sensibility ; his controlled, measure d style wa s non-threatening , an d th e character s h e por trayed wer e rathe r widel y accepte d b y white audiences . Toward th e en d of th e decade , i n 1967 , h e portraye d a successfu l docto r engage d t o th e daughter o f a whit e libera l i n Guess Who's Coming to Dinner?, a film which grossl y distorte d th e stat e o f contemporar y rac e relations . Th e interracial attraction , romance , o r marriag e o f earl y 1960 s films {Shadows 1961 , One Potato, Two Potato 1964 , A Patch of Blue 1965 ) became a n insul t to black s by the end o f the decade, and films like Guess

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Who's Coming to Dinner? an d The Lost Man (1969 ) enrage d rathe r than entertaine d African-Americans . Th e twi n force s o f 1960 s racia l violence an d blac k cultura l nationalis m (Reid ) ha d brough t abou t a self-awareness an d sensibilit y amon g man y black s wh o eschewe d th e peaceful, integrationis t notion s o f the early civil rights movemen t an d it s leader, Marti n Luthe r King . When interracia l "romance " returne d i n th e black actio n film s o f th e 1970s , i t returne d i n th e for m o f sexua l con quest b y the blac k man , no t assimilatio n o r integration . Black writer s an d director s i n th e 1970 s adde d a n importan t face t to African-America n filmmaking . Durin g th e 1970 s blac k filmmaker s enjoyed thei r wides t exposur e t o dat e wit h film s distribute d b y majo r studios. Melvi n Va n Peebles' s Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song i n 1970 stand s a s th e mos t striden t fil m o f tha t generation . It s focu s o n police brutalit y an d blac k rag e is , unfortunately , a timeles s them e i n America. Sweetback rejecte d bot h th e dominan t whit e cultur e an d th e black bourgeoisie . I t celebrate d blac k urba n life , it s rhythms , language , and dress . Bot h th e blac k man' s rag e an d hi s sexuality—th e latte r to o long represse d i n th e man y character s portraye d b y leadin g blac k acto r Sidney Poitier—emerge d forcefull y i n Sweetback. 1 For the entiret y o f th e film, th e protagonist Sweetback—s o name d fo r his sexua l prowess , a n unfortunat e perpetuatio n o f stereotyp e and/o r braggadocio—runs throughou t th e Los Angeles ghetto tryin g to sta y ou t of th e gras p o f white s whos e onl y interes t i s i n harmin g him . Thi s microcosm o f th e relation s betwee n white s an d black s i n Americ a i s reinforced b y th e action s o f corrup t polic ; * id b y dialogu e whic h pull s no punche s i n it s condemnatio n o f whit e America . Sweetbac k i s a ma n of fe w word s an d muc h action ; th e blac k actio n fil m wa s literall y spawned fro m thi s character . Almost los t amids t excessiv e effort s b y Va n Peeble s t o creat e a fil m with a hip cinemati c loo k an d soun d i s the explici t messag e h e want s t o convey: th e blac k ma n wil l n o longe r suffe r a t th e hand s o f th e whit e establishment. Sweetback open s wit h a dedicatio n t o th e "Brother s an d Sisters who ha d enoug h o f the Man" an d include s soundtrack lyric s suc h as " I got m y finger o n thi s trigger, I want t o ge t up of f m y knees. " Van Peebles' s vie w i n thi s fil m i s towar d a differen t future . H e ha s a preacher than k Sweetbac k fo r protectin g a youn g blac k militan t fro m the police : "Yo u save d th e plan t the y wer e plannin g t o pinc h i n th e bud." Later , towar d th e en d o f th e film , Sweetbac k ha s a chanc e t o

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escape o n th e bac k o f a friend' s motorcycl e bu t tell s th e frien d t o tak e the injured youn g militan t instead : "He' s ou r future . Tak e him. " Van Peeble s wante d t o mak e a film fo r th e "unpoliticized " blac k filmgoer. H e "wante d a victorious film . . . where nigger s could walk ou t standing tal l instead o f avoidin g eac h other' s eyes " (Va n Peebles in Reid , j6). Indeed , h e wa s successfu l i n givin g voic e t o th e emotions , particu larly the rage, of man y African-Americans, an d i n doing s o attracted no t only th e expecte d audiences : "Th e fac t tha t a blac k ma n me t violenc e with violenc e an d triumphe d ove r th e corrup t whit e establishmen t ap pealed no t onl y t o th e mas s blac k audienc e (particularly , th e blac k young, wh o flocked t o it ) bu t t o som e youn g whit e audience s a s well " (Bogle, 23 5).2 Many o f th e films mad e b y African-American s i n th e lat e 1960 s an d the 1970 s reflecte d th e blac k separatis t idea s o f th e time s (e.g. , Uptight 1969; The Lost Man 1969) , a s wel l a s th e everyda y struggle s o f lif e fo r blacks i n America' s larg e citie s (Bush Mama 1976 ; The Killer of Sheep 1977). Mos t o f thes e films hav e bee n criticize d a s "blaxploitation, " an d film historian Donal d Bogl e (1989 ) characterize s suc h films a s Shaft an d Superfly a s th e "urba n buc k dramas " o f th e 1970 s (242) . Th e urba n buck o r blac k actio n films adde d a ne w voic e fo r African-American s o n the screen , tha t o f unbridle d strength , rage , and , i n som e cases , law lessness. Black characters embodyin g thi s combination certainl y grabbe d the attentio n o f whit e audiences , an d blac k audience s flocked t o th e movie theater s i n recor d numbers . No t sinc e th e halcyo n day s o f th e black independen t filmmakers an d th e hundred s o f ghett o theater s ha d black audience s bee n provide d wit h suc h gritt y fare . Th e commercia l success o f thes e films paved th e way fo r a sle w of low-grad e sequel s an d rip-offs—most written , directed , an d produce d b y whit e independen t companies an d studios . Th e furthe r fro m th e origina l sourc e film, th e more distorte d th e representations o f blac k lif e i n America became . The decad e o f th e 1970 s di d provid e man y opportunitie s fo r blac k directors, som e o f who m succeede d i n reachin g beyon d Hollywood' s formulaic approac h t o filmmaking. Parks' s autobiographica l The Learning Tree (1969 ) provide d a historica l perspectiv e o n th e live s o f blac k Americans i n th e earl y decade s o f thi s centur y and , on e yea r late r i n 1970, Va n Peebles' s Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song contemporize d the urba n existenc e o f African-American s an d thei r relation s wit h suc h institutional force s a s la w enforcement . Michae l Schultz' s Cooley High

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(1975) provide d a n honest , low-ke y loo k a t th e day s an d night s o f blac k teens i n 1960 s urba n America . Stil l largel y unknow n an d underappreci ated today , Charle s Burnet t wrot e an d directe d a low-budget loo k a t th e black workin g ma n i n Killer of Sheep (1977) , a fil m whic h provide d a n unvarnished loo k a t lif e i n th e L.A . ghetto . Th e mos t popula r films o f this era , however , wer e th e blac k actio n films featurin g privat e eye s an d cocaine dealer s (e.g. , Shaft an d Shaft's Big Score, 1972 , b y Gordo n Parks, Sr.; Superfly b y Gordon Parks , Jr.). These films provided, i n man y respects, blac k version s o f tire d Hollywoo d formul a films. Th e notabl e difference wa s tha t a black ma n prevaile d a t story' s end. 3 But just a s the advance s mad e b y black s i n America wer e cu t shor t b y the economi c downtur n o f th e 1970 s an d th e backlas h and/o r inatten tiveness o f th e Reagan/Bus h era , films i n th e 1980 s offere d a ne w loo k at African-Americans . Th e 1980 s i n film ha s bee n labele d b y Bogl e a s the "er a o f tan " (z6yii), wherei n blac k actor s an d actresse s ha d thei r distinctive ethni c edg e tone d down , ofte n relegate d t o th e cinemati c background. I n regard t o the lives of American blacks , films in the 1980 s reflected th e inattentivenes s o f th e Reagan/Bus h administration s t o do mestic problems . A spat e o f budd y films, suc h a s Rocky II an d 171 , Nighthawks, White Nights, Off Limits, an d th e Lethal Weapon series , all exemplified th e amalgamatio n o f blac k an d whit e int o tan ; a superfi cial an d invali d meldin g o f th e races . An d i n a cas e o f revisionism , th e historical rol e o f black s wa s inexplicabl y diminishe d i n th e 198 8 film, Mississippi Burning (Cha-Jua) . By th e latte r par t o f th e decade , however , a ne w tren d i n films emerged. Although precede d fo r decade s by the likes of Osca r Micheaux , Gordon Parks , Sr . an d Jr. , Ossi e Davis , Melvi n Va n Peebles , Charle s Burnett, and others , Spike Lee's independent productio n i n 198 6 of She's Gotta Have It signale d thi s trend . Somewha t regrettably , becaus e o f it s misogynist storyline , thi s film mus t b e recognize d a s th e on e whic h initiated a ne w generatio n o f African-America n filmmakers, writer s an d directors wh o hav e addresse d ove r th e las t severa l year s th e seriou s plight o f black s i n America . Bu t i t wa s Lee' s thir d film, Do the Right Thing i n 1989 , whic h establishe d th e filmic parameter s fo r th e ey e an d voice o f man y African-America n filmmakers wh o hav e followe d Lee . In 1991, African-American male s directed ninetee n feature films, more tha n in th e entir e decad e o f th e 1980s. 4 Man y o f thes e movie s bespok e a renewed (o n film anyway ) ange r an d rag e towar d th e dominan t whit e

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culture bu t als o a n inner-directe d rage , on e whic h pointe d t o th e bes t possible solutio n t o th e predicamen t o f s o man y black s i n America — self-preservation. RAGE I N AFRICAN-AMERICA N FIL M

In Do the Right Thing, a n argumen t betwee n Mooki e (Spik e Lee ) an d Pino (Joh n Turturro ) abou t rac e relation s serve s a s th e jumpin g of f point fo r a n "in-your-face " diatrib e o f racia l epithet s fro m a variet y o f characters i n the film. Pino , al l yo u eve r tal k abou t i s nigger-thi s an d nigger that, an d al l your favorit e peopl e ar e so-calle d niggers . PINO: It' s different . Magic , Eddie , Prince , they'r e no t niggers , I mean, they'r e no t blac k . . . they'r e blac k bu t they'r e no t black . They're mor e than black . MOOKIE: Pino , fuc k you , fuc k you r fuckin g pizza , an d fuc k Fran k Sinatra. PINO: O h yeah . Well, fuck yo u too , an d fuc k Michae l Jackson . MOOKIE:

Following to camera : dag o wo p guine a garlic-breath , pizza-slinging , spa ghetti-bending, Vi c Damone , Perr y Como , Lucian o Pavarotti , O Sole Mio non-singin g motherfucker ! PINO: YO U gold-toothed , gold-chai n wearing , frie d chicke n an d biscuit-eating monke y ap e baboo n big-thigh , fast-running , high jumping, spear-chucking , 36 0 degre e basketball-dunkin g . . . spade. Tak e you r fuckin g piec e o f pizz a an d g o th e fuc k bac k t o Africa! PUERTO RICAN : YO U littl e slanty-eyed , m e n o speake e America n own ever y fruit an d vegetabl e stan d i n New York , bullshi t Rever end Su n Youn g Moon , Summe r Olympi c 8 8 Korea n kickboxin g son-of-a-bitch! CAUCASIAN COP : YO U . . . bean-eating , 1 5 i n a car , 3 0 i n a n apart ment, point y shoes , red-wearing , Menud o . . . Puert o Rica n cocksucker! Yeah , you ! KOREAN mERCHANT : It' s cheap ! I go t goo d pric e fo r you , Mayo r MOOKIE: YO U

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Koch! . . . Chocolat e eg g cream-drinking , bage l an d lox , Bna i Brith, Jew asshole ! Lee demonstrate s her e tha t racis m i s no t th e sol e provinc e o f whites . African-Americans an d American s o f Korean , Italian , an d Puerto-Rica n descent ca n an d d o rag e agains t on e another . Bu t Le e als o attempt s t o show tha t dominan t white s dictat e th e Zeitgeist . Hat e an d rag e emanat e from, o r ar e cause d by , th e dominan t race . Bu t hi s protagonis t Mooki e is uncertain a s to what t o do ; ultimately h e opts fo r actio n an d solidarit y with hi s race , an d incite s a rio t b y tossin g th e tras h ca n an d echoin g back t o hi s oppressors th e sam e hate characteristi c o f them . In th e fil m Boyz N the Hood, Singleto n illustrate s racis m i n ye t another way . I n on e sequence , Tr e (Cub a Gooding , Jr. ) an d Rick y (Morris Chestnut) , innocen t o f an y wrongdoing , ar e pulle d ove r b y th e police. A black polic e office r threaten s Tr e wit h a gu n an d expresse s hi s feelings towar d youn g African-America n males . TRE: I didn't d o nothing . COP: Oh , thin k yo u tough , huh ? (Pointin g gu n a t Tre' s head. ) Scared now , huh ? I lik e that . That' s wh y I too k thi s job . I hat e little motherfucker s lik e you. Littl e nigger s lik e shit . I could blo w your hea d of f wit h thi s Smit h & Wesso n an d yo u couldn' t d o shit. As with Lee , Boyz directo r John Singleto n show s us that racism reside s in some black s also . But b y situating hatre d o f black s i n the characte r o f an African-America n cop , Singleto n illustrate s th e institutiona l embed dedness o f racis m i n socia l institution s an d roles . More t o th e point, i t is not jus t racism, bu t "classism. " The rea l poin t o f Boyz N the Hood, however , i s to illustrat e th e self destructiveness o f gan g violence . In th e climacti c sequence , Doughbo y (Ice Cube) an d hi s homies trac k down , ambush , an d brutall y murde r th e killers o f Doughboy' s brother , th e college-boun d footbal l playe r Ricky . This kin d o f violence , o f course , i s not a filmic creation . I n Leo n Bing' s revealing boo k abou t Lo s Angele s gangs , Do or Die, on e gangbange r acknowledges tha t youn g African-American s kil l eac h othe r ove r gan g turf because , h e said , "Yo u go t t o hav e somebod y t o fight with " (276) .

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Gang-related homicide s i n Lo s Angeles Count y hav e increase d fro m 21 2 in 198 4 t o ove r 80 0 i n 1992 ; these murder s no w accoun t fo r 3 8 percen t of al l homicide s i n th e count y (Katz , A23) . Thi s tragi c displacemen t o f anger an d rag e i s dramaticall y an d effectivel y illustrate d i n th e show down a t th e en d o f Boyz N the Hood. Th e loo k o n Doughboy' s fac e after avengin g hi s brother' s murde r suggest s a comple x o f emotion s no t easily deciphered o r understood . In another fil m abou t L.A . gangs, South Central, gan g leade r Ray-Ra y implicitly acknowledge s tha t white s contro l som e par t o f th e live s o f African-Americans, bu t tha t a t leas t the gangs ow n th e night . don' t contro l th e day . Th e Ma n control s th e day . But w e wil l contro l th e night . No w a t nigh t w e tak e ove r th e land, an d that' s th e sam e as owning it . And shi t don' t g o down i n the 'hoo d les s w e sa y so . . . . An d we'r e goin g t o hav e t o kil l somebody t o sen d ou t th e message , Don' t fuc k wit h Deuce . . . . Control you r 'hood .

RAY-RAY: YO U

Again, th e them e i s violenc e b y black s agains t blacks , a filmic repre sentation o f a real dynamic. In 1983 , 94 percent o f homicides committe d against African-American s wer e perpetrate d b y othe r black s (Palle y an d Robinson, 59) . Th e leadin g caus e o f deat h amon g blac k male s 15-3 4 years ol d i s homicid e committe d b y othe r black s (Dyson , 74) . Ray-Ra y acknowledges tha t "Th e Ma n control s th e day. " In othe r words , don' t make th e mistake o f taking o n th e white man ; give him hi s peaceful day . But, h e says , "w e wil l contro l th e night. " The y wil l sel l th e drug s an d protect thei r tur f agains t othe r African-American s wh o dar e t o intrude . Again, you'v e go t t o fight somebody , an d you'l l los e i f yo u tr y t o fight the white man . The resul t i s blacks killin g blacks . In a fourt h film, Straight out of Brooklyn, a n enrage d an d inebriate d father tell s a n imaginar y whit e ma n jus t wha t h e think s o f th e lif e chances o f African-Americans, an d o f wha t th e fathe r want s fo r hi s son . Hey , whit e man ! Remembe r me? ! I' m th e ma n yo u de stroyed. Jus t lik e yo u destroye d m y father . An d hi s father . No w you're goin g t o destro y m y god-damne d son ! Yo u ha d m y fathe r telling m e I could b e anythin g I wanted t o be . A lawyer . Yeah , a

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doctor. Yo u eve n ha d hi m tel l m e I could b e President. I believe d that shit ! You'r e afrai d o f me . You'r e afrai d I' m goin g t o tak e your woman . You'r e afrai d I' m goin g t o tak e you r house . Yo u afraid I' m goin g t o star t t o thin k jus t lik e yo u . . . I don' t wan t your woman . Yo u kno w wha t I want. Kno w wha t I want. What h e want s i s hi s rightfu l rol e in , an d shar e of , th e America n dream—which fo r hi m thus far ha s been a nightmare. This film provides a somewha t rar e filmic example o f explici t an d litera l rag e agains t whit e social forces . I t attack s th e fals e promise s o f Americ a an d th e defea t o f and beatin g dow n o f on e generation o f African-Americans afte r another . As Diawara (20 ) has pointed out , some of these films center on a rite of passage fo r thei r youn g protagonists . They hav e com e t o realiz e tha t th e enemy i s no t jus t outside , bu t within ; rag e withi n themselve s an d thei r community i s being misdirected a t on e another. Wit h th e possible excep tion of Mookie in the Do the Right Thing, thes e young men recognize that they ar e losin g thei r family , friends , an d self-identit y (eve n Mooki e rail s against hi s sister' s flirtin g wit h Sal) . Th e ritua l whic h bring s abou t thi s epiphany is death; burying family an d friends. What these African-Ameri can filmmakers ar e saying is that social structural factor s hav e put black s in dire straits, and that they are certainly living lives of desperation. But to turn agains t an d kil l on e anothe r i s a self-destructiv e cours e o f actio n which onl y the y themselve s ca n stop . Thi s kin d o f cinemati c o r artisti c plea ha s bee n calle d fo r before . In 1968 , critic an d poe t Larr y Nea l sai d that th e blac k nationalis t movemen t require d ar t "directe d a t problem s within Blac k Americ a . . . wit h th e premis e tha t ther e i s a well-define d Afro-American audience . An audience that must see itself and the world in terms of its own interests" (quote d i n Reid , 75 ; my emphasis) . I t is , quite simply and bluntly , not i n the interests of the white power structur e to sto p thi s killing . Black s mus t rag e agains t th e killin g o f brothe r b y brother, no t jus t agains t whit e polic e brutalit y o r discriminator y hirin g practices or inadequate governmenta l suppor t fo r th e poor. The future o f African-Americans mus t b e somewha t determine d b y thei r ow n actions . Paul Robeso n sai d tha t "W e . . . realize that ou r futur e lie s chiefly i n ou r own hands. On ourselves alone will depend the preservation o f our libert ies and th e transmission o f them i n their integrit y to those who will come after us " (quote d in Songs of My People).

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SOURCES O F BLAC K RAG E

Consider agai n th e tormente d an d enrage d fac e o f Doughbo y a s h e stands ove r th e lifeles s bod y o f hi s brother' s killer . Thi s kin d o f image , this kin d o f rage , wil l continu e t o b e projecte d ont o movi e screen s because, first , t o retur n t o m y earlie r point , i t i s a profitabl e enter prise, and , second , becaus e thi s rag e emanate s fro m socia l structura l conditions not easily or quickly abated: suc h conditions a s racism, unem ployment, poverty , violence , substandard housing , illiteracy, infan t mor tality, teenage pregnancy , an d othe r calamitie s o f lif e fo r African-Ameri cans. The proportio n o f African-American s livin g i n poverty 5 —slightly more tha n 3 0 percent , tripl e tha t o f whites—i s n o lowe r no w tha n i n the earl y 1970 s (Brownstein , A38 ) whe n Shaft an d Superfly supplie d th e most commo n filmi c depiction s o f blacks . African-America n male s ar e unemployed a t twic e th e rat e o f th e nationa l averag e and , i n California , African-American teen s hav e a n unemploymen t rat e o f fro m 40-5 0 percent (Peterso n an d Hawkins , A24) . Althoug h black s compris e abou t 12 percent o f th e U.S . population, the y ar e onl y 4 percen t o f al l colleg e professors, 3 percent o f physicians, and 2 percent o f lawyers (Race , M2), and onl y slightl y mor e tha n 1 percent o f teacher s i n elementar y grade s are blac k male s (Harris , A25) . Th e 198 9 media n African-America n family incom e wa s 59. 4 percen t o f whit e famil y income , an d wa s lowe r than i t ha d bee n i n 197 0 (Brownstein , A38) . African-America n babie s are twic e a s likel y t o di e a s white s (Scott , A24) , an d ove r 4 0 percen t o f African-American childre n live d belo w th e povert y leve l i n 198 9 (Race , M i ) . Almos t 5 0 percen t o f th e homeles s ar e blac k (Brigham , 18) , an d over 4 0 percen t o f African-American s ar e functionall y illiterat e (Gaw , Ai). Mind-numbing statistic s suc h a s these provide a quite disma l snapsho t of th e diminishe d lif e chance s o f mos t African-Americans . On e outcom e is crim e an d violence : a relativel y quick , definitiv e ye t self-destructiv e way o f gettin g som e piec e o f th e America n pie . Consequently , i n 1989 , 23 percen t o f al l African-America n me n age d 20-2 9 wer e eithe r i n jai l or prison , o r o n probatio n o r parol e (Morganthau , 20). 6 Th e homicid e rate fo r African-America n blac k male s betwee n th e age s o f 15-4 4 i s te n times that o f whites (Palle y and Robinson , 59) . Since 1969 , nearly 1,00 0

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black mal e teenagers hav e die d eac h year fro m gunfir e (Hutchinson , F3) . And i n one of those surrealistic juxtapositions whic h socia l scientists an d journalists ar e always creating, it has been determined tha t i n California , African-American male s ar e three time s more likel y to b e murdered tha n to b e admitted t o th e University o f Californi a (Harris , Ai) . It i s als o instructiv e t o examin e th e statistic s regardin g thos e arreste d during th e riotin g i n Lo s Angele s Count y i n 1992 . Ove r two-third s o f the African-American s arreste d wer e unemployed ; o f al l looters , 6 0 percent wer e hig h schoo l dropouts ; an d 8 7 percen t reporte d incom e o f less tha n $iooo/mont h (Lieberma n an d O'Reilly , A34-5) . I f on e i s seeking a snapsho t o f th e suppose d underclas s i n America , h e o r sh e need onl y revie w th e profil e o f thos e involve d i n lootin g an d burnin g Los Angeles, a profile essentiall y unchange d sinc e the Watts rio t o f 196 5 (Lieberman an d O'Reilly , A 3 5). CONCLUSION

Many o f th e blac k filmic drama s o f th e 1970 s wer e characterize d b y a threatening tone . Not onl y were Shaft an d Superfly th e baddes t dude s i n the ghetto , fighting an d dominatin g othe r blacks , the y als o dispatche d with som e eas e corrupt an d inep t white cops an d politicians . They spok e and acte d ou t o f a self-surviva l instinct , an d a s representation s o f th e burgeoning blac k prid e movemen t an d th e separatis t ideolog y o f som e African-Americans a t tha t time . Th e final graphi c o n th e scree n a t th e conclusion o f Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song rea d " A baadassss s nigger i s comin g bac k t o collec t som e dues. " Thi s messag e targete d whites a s well a s black s wh o wer e th e mor e likel y audienc e fo r th e film. It was a message intende d t o caus e fea r i n whites, and prid e an d solidar ity in blacks . Two decade s later , a ne w generatio n o f filmmakers an d films hav e shown tha t mos t o f th e violence which ha s indee d resulte d ha s bee n vio lence perpetrate d b y black s agains t blacks . Th e messag e o f th e curren t films, b y an d large , is that thi s self-destructiv e rag e an d violenc e hav e t o stop. Th e protagonis t i n South Central i s show n b y hi s Musli m mento r that h e ha s thre e way s t o dea l wit h hi s rage: he can eithe r kil l hi s enem y and en d up on death row , he can turn i t in on himself an d go crazy, or h e can change. The final graphic a t the conclusion o f Straight out of Brook-

Wbatup in

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lyn read s "W e nee d t o change. " An d th e cod a o n th e scree n a t th e en d o f Boyz N the Hood read s "Increas e th e peace, " a messag e directe d primar ily t o blacks , becaus e th e mos t fatalistic , ye t pragmatic , interpretatio n o f the America n socia l arrangemen t i s tha t th e dominan t whit e rac e i s no t sufficiently motivate d t o sto p African-American s fro m killin g eac h other .

NOTES

1. However , Sweet Sweetback's Baadassss Song provide d anythin g bu t a more progressiv e vie w o f women . It s misogynis t characterization s an d plottin g have regrettabl y bee n adopte d b y man y contemporar y blac k filmmakers . A s a non-studio production , Sweetback ha s bee n offere d a s paradigmatic , a s "th e fatherwork o f Blac k independen t fil m . . . [but] i t goe s without saying , however , that practice s o f resistanc e ar e alway s deepl y compromise d b y thei r willingnes s to mak e majo r concession s t o othe r hegemoni c conventions " (Wallac e i n Dia wara, 260-61) . Thus , Sweetback's angr y an d violen t retor t t o th e racis m o f America i s severel y compromise d b y Va n Peebles ' stereotype d an d demeanin g characterizations o f blac k an d whit e women . 2. Thi s sam e attractio n i s evidence d toda y i n th e cas e o f ra p music . On e survey showe d tha t 7 4 percen t o f al l ra p musi c sol d i n 199 2 wa s purchase d b y white consumers, primarily teenager s (Philips , j6). 3. Th e blac k actio n film, wit h it s focu s o n drug s an d organize d crim e (ulti mately supplante d filmically b y urba n gangs ) woul d b e revive d i n th e earl y 1990s i n films suc h a s New Jack City (Mari o Va n Peeble s 1991) , Juice (Ernes t Dickerson 1992) , and Deep Cover (Bil l Duke 1992) . 4. Onl y thre e featur e release s hav e bee n directe d b y black women : Daughters of the Dust (Juli e Das h 1991) , Just Another Girl on the IRT (Lesli e Harri s 1993), an d Love Your Mama (Rub y Olive r 1993) . I n th e 1960s , Shirle y Clark e was active a s an independen t directo r an d writer , producin g films about th e live s of black s i n urba n America , suc h a s The Connection (1961) , The Cool World (1963), an d a documentar y abou t a tee n mal e prostitute , Portrait of Jason (1967). 5. Th e Federa l "povert y level, " i t mus t b e noted , i s approximatel y $14,00 0 per yea r fo r a famil y o f four , a figure roote d i n arcan e formula e first develope d in th e earl y 1960 s o n th e basi s o f nutritiona l needs . I t is , of course , ludicrou s t o suggest tha t a family o f fou r makin g eve n twic e o r thric e tha t amoun t coul d liv e in any degre e o f comfort . 6. Thi s i s not t o sa y that th e crimina l record s o f black s ar e attributabl e solel y to live s o f desperatio n an d alienation . Considerabl e evidenc e i s availabl e whic h

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illustrates th e inequitie s i n th e judicia l system s o f America . Convictio n rate s fo r similar crime s ar e disproportionatel y highe r amon g black s an d othe r peopl e o f color tha n amon g white s (Hacker , 179-98) . WORKS CITE D

Bing, Leon. Do or Die. Ne w York : Harpe r Collins , 1991. Bogle, Donald. Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films, 2n d ed . New York : Continuum , 1989 . Brigham, William . "Dow n an d Ou t i n Tinseltown : Hollywoo d Present s th e Dispossessed." I n Beyond the Stars V : Ideologies in Popular Film. Eds . Linda K . Fulle r an d Pau l Loukides . Bowlin g Green , OH : Popula r Press , forthcoming. Brownstein, Ronald . "Beyon d Quotas. " Los Angeles Times Magazine 2 8 Jul y 1991, 1 8 + . Diawara, Manthia , ed . Black American Cinema. Ne w York : Routledge , 1993 . Dyson, Michael . "Growin g U p unde r Fire : Boyz N th e Hoo d an d th e Agon y o f the Blac k Ma n i n America." Tikkun 6. 5 (1991) : 74-78 . Easton, Nina . "Ne w Blac k Films , Ne w Insights. " Los Angeles Times, 3 Ma y 1991, Ai + . . "Goo d News/Ba d New s o f the New Blac k Cinema. " Los Angeles Times, Calendar, 1 6 June 1991 , 5 + . Gaw, Jonathan. "Repor t Say s Latino Educatio n i n Decline." Los Angeles Times, 22 September 1990 , Ai + . Hacker, Andrew . Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal. New York : Scribner's , 1992 . Harris, Ron . "NAAC P Seek s Solution s t o Crisi s o f Blac k Males. " Los Angeles Times, 1 0 July 1990 , Ai + . Hruska, Bronwen , an d Graha m Rayman . "Lis t Growing , bu t Blac k Wome n Filmmakers Rar e i n Hollywood. " San Diego Union Tribune, 7 Marc h 1993, E8-9 . Hughes, Langston . "Th e Negr o Artis t an d th e Racia l Mountain. " The Nation, 23 June 1926 , 692-94 . Hutchinson, Ear l Ofari . "Fil m Ad s wit h Gun s Onl y Fue l Racia l Fires. " Los Angeles Times, 1 0 May 1 9 9 3 ^ 3 . Katz, Jesse . "County' s Yearl y Gan g Deat h Tol l Reache s 800. " Los Angeles Times, 1 9 January 1993 , Ai + . Lieberman, Paul , and Richar d O'Reilly . "Mos t Looter s Endure d Live s of Crime , Poverty." Los Angeles Times, 2 May 1993 , Ai + . Morganthau, Tom . "Losin g Ground. " Newsweek, 6 April 1992 , 20-23 .

Whatup in the 'Hood? 10 5 Pacheco, Patrick . "Fightin g th e 'Joh n Singleto n Thing'. " Los Angeles Times, Calendar, 1 2 April 1992 , 2 5 + . Palley, Howar d A. , an d Dan a A . Robinson . "Blac k o n Blac k Crime. " Society 25.5 (1988) : 59-62 . Peterson, Jonathan, an d Bet h Hawkins . "State' s Jobles s Rat e Falls : U.S. Pictur e Mixed." Los Angeles Times, 3 August 1991 : Ai + . Philips, Chuck . "Th e Uncivi l War." Los Angeles Times Calendar, 1 9 July 1992 , 6+. "Race an d Blac k America." Los Angeles Times, 8 September 1991 , Mi + . Rainier, Peter . "Jus t Another Gir l o n th e I.R.T. Movin g i n th e Righ t Direction. " Los Angeles Times, 2 April 1 9 9 3 ^ 4 . Reid, Mark A . Redefining Black Film. Berkeley : University o f California , 1993 . Scott, Janny . "U.S . Slip s Badl y i n Infan t Mortalit y Fight , Pane l Says. " Los Angeles Times, 1 March 1990 , A1 + . Singleton, John. "Th e Fir e This Time." Premiere, Jul y 1992 , 74-75 . "Songs o f M y People. " Displa y o f photographs . Sa n Dieg o Museu m o f Art , April-May 1994 . Selected Filmography Boyz N the Hood. Dir . John Singleton . 1991 . Connection. Dir . Shirle y Clarke , 1961. Cool World. Dir . Shirle y Clarke , 1963 . Crossfire. Dir. Edwar d Dmytryk . 1947 . Do the Right Thing. Dir . Spik e Lee. 1989 . Guess Who's Coming to Dinner. Dir . Stanle y Kramer , 1967 . juice. Dir . Ernes t Dickerson . 1992 . Just Another Girl on the I.R.T. Dir . Lesli e Harris, 1993 . Learning Tree. Dir . Gordo n Parks , Jr., 1969 . Lethal Weapon. Dir . Richar d Donner . 1987 . Lethal Weapon II. Dir . Richar d Donner . 1989 . Lethal Weapon III. Dir . Richar d Donner . 1992 . Love Your Mama. Dir . Rub y Oliver , 1993 . Malcolm X. Dir . Spik e Lee. 1993. New Jack City. Dir . Mari o Va n Peebles . 1991. Nighthawks. Dir . Bruc e Malmuth. 1981 . Off Limits. Dir . Christophe r Crowe . 1988 . Patch of Blue. Dir . Gu y Green , 1965 . Portrait of Jason. Dir . Shirle y Clarke . 1967 . Rocky II. Dir . Sylveste r Stallone . 1979 .

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Rocky HI. Dir . Sylveste r Stallone . 1982 . Shadows. Dir . Tom Forman . 1922 . Shaft. Dir . Gordo n Parks , Sr. 1971. She's Gotta Have It. Dir . Spik e Lee. 1986 . South Central. Dir . Stev e Anderson. 1992 . Straight out of Brooklyn. Dir . Matt y Rich . 1991 . Superfly. Dir . Gordo n Parks , Jr. 1972 . Sweet Sweethack's Baadasssss Song. Dir . Melvi n Va n Peebles . 1970 . White Nights. Dir . Taylor Hackford . 1985 .

C H A P T E R6

Rage and Remembranc e The AIDS Plays D. S . LAWSO N

As the incidenc e o f Acquire d Immun e Deficienc y Syndrom e ha s spread , the literatur e dealin g wit h o r focusin g o n th e diseas e ha s burgeoned . Ironically, a t th e sam e tim e tha t th e viru s i s killin g man y me n an d women aroun d th e world , th e bod y o f literatur e surroundin g AIDS seems t o b e growin g wit h alacrity ; a s peopl e sicke n an d die , th e word s flourish an d live . Early on in the plague, two plays—Larry Kramer' s The Normal Heart and Willia m Hoffman' s As Is —established twi n avenue s o f dramati c reaction t o th e situation . Borrowin g term s fro m th e subtitl e o f ga y American compose r Joh n Corigliano' s firs t symphony , I call thes e reac tions rag e an d remembrance . Kramer' s invectiv e typifie s th e rag e man y feel a t thi s microscopi c kille r an d a t th e societ y tha t fo r s o lon g ignore d (and continue s t o ignore ) th e healt h an d destin y o f it s ga y brother s an d sons an d father s an d friends . Hoffman' s nostalgi c pla y define s a mod e of remembrance , o f sadnes s ove r freedo m an d innocenc e an d pleasur e lost; i t i s a wistfu l eleg y fo r a worl d w e ca n no w onl y remembe r an d hope to recapture. O f course , often thes e modes o f dramati c reaction ar e mixed togethe r i n an y give n play , bu t I hop e t o sho w tha t man y play s are primarily eithe r rag e o r remembranc e plays . Since these two play s first attracte d attention , man y other s hav e take n the epidemi c an d thos e i t affect s a s subjec t matter—to o many , i n fact , for a coheren t consideratio n i n a shor t amoun t o f space . Therefore , I "Rage an d Remembrance : Th e AID S Plays " b y D . S . Lawson . Reprinte d wit h permissio n of Simo n an d Schuste r fro m AIDS: The Literary Response, edite d b y Emmanue l Nelson . Copyright © 199 2 b y Twayne Publishers .

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would lik e t o trac e th e thread s o f rag e an d remembranc e i n a smal l group o f play s tha t hav e ha d Ne w Yor k production s an d wer e writte n by gay male American playwrights . Lest these boundaries see m arbitrar y or capricious , I would haste n t o poin t ou t that , i n Americ a a t least , ga y men hav e born e an d ar e continuin g t o bea r th e brun t o f th e diseas e an d that Ne w York , alon g wit h Sa n Francisco , ha s bee n th e sit e wher e th e epidemic bega n an d wher e attentio n t o i t has bee n focused . The notoriet y o f Larr y Kramer' s The Normal Heart wa s responsibl e for on e o f th e earlies t encroachment s o f th e diseas e int o th e dramati c culture o f th e Unite d States . Certainl y Krame r i s a ver y angr y ma n wit h many axe s to grin d i n his play; the ange r (sometime s vicious , sometime s righteous) give s The Normal Heart it s power . Th e ange r o f ga y men — whether cause d b y thei r oppression , thei r margina l positio n i n society , the physica l dange r the y ofte n face , o r th e immediac y o f deat h b y AIDS—is a deep vein of ore for a playwright t o mine. The rage surfacin g in contemporar y protes t group s (mos t famousl y i n AC T UP ) i s alread y present i n Kramer's play . The prevailin g ideolog y o f ou r time s i s anti-gay ; th e centralit y o f family, patriarchy , bourgeoi s values , heterosexuality , o f wor k an d money i n societ y canno t b e denied . I n hi s play , Krame r indict s variou s aspects o f societ y tha t ar e responsibl e fo r maintainin g an d inculcatin g the dominan t ideology . Th e the n nearl y helples s medica l profession , th e legal system , an d th e press al l come unde r merciles s critique . Even good , caring doctor s canno t cur e o r eas e th e pai n o f me n wh o onl y quit e recently wer e youn g an d healthy ; th e refusa l o f th e mai n character' s brother—a high-powere d lawyer—t o d o pr o bon o wor k o n behal f o f gay cause s reveal s th e failur e o f th e lega l proces s an d th e famil y t o help thos e victimize d equall y b y homophobi a an d b y microbes ; th e "marriage" ceremon y a t th e play' s clima x underscore s ou r society' s unwillingness t o giv e sanctio n t o same-se x relations ; th e refusa l o f th e "newspaper o f record " fo r th e Unite d States—th e New York Times — to giv e early, timely , an d thoroug h coverag e t o ga y issue s foreground s a tendency t o ignor e an d exclud e homosexual s an d th e issue s whic h the y confront fro m th e publi c discourse . The deat h o f a Times reporte r fro m AIDS at the play's en d onl y serve s to highligh t ho w th e officia l organ s o f society (i n this case, the press) ar e ignoran t o f the situatio n an d pligh t o f gay men (eve n those who m the y kno w directly) . The pla y show s th e stat e functionin g i n a variety o f way s tha t exclud e

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and marginaliz e it s ga y citizens . A reade r ca n easil y se e th e pla y a s accusing America n society—throug h al l th e stat e apparatuse s depicte d in The Normal Heart —of bein g directl y complici t i n th e death s o f s o many ga y men . Give n th e powerfu l sanction s societ y place s agains t homosexuality, a s portraye d i n Kramer' s play , th e wonde r i s no t tha t gay me n ar e dying , bu t tha t ther e wer e eve r an y ga y me n i n th e firs t place. From it s very title The Normal Heart seek s to challeng e th e dominan t ideology. I n citing W. H . Aude n (virtuall y a gay icon) , the titl e hold s u p an imag e o f homosexua l me n contrar y t o tha t show n b y societ y t o itself.1 Thes e me n ar e compassionate , the y suffe r an d love , the y ge t angry an d tak e action , the y fai l o r succee d muc h a s straigh t peopl e would, an d the y liv e or di e in very ordinary , nonthreatenin g ways . Onl y when thei r rag e prompt s the m t o battl e thos e element s o f societ y tha t try t o defin e the m negativel y o r oppres s the m d o Kramer' s character s threaten; significantly , the y do not molest children , camp u p the nationa l culture, o r weake n th e moral e o f th e arme d forces—i n short , the y threaten, bu t not i n any of the ways society typically expect s o f gay men . They threate n onl y i n hope s o f obtainin g a "normal " life . Eve n th e specious "freedom " fro m commitmen t o r familia l responsibilitie s s o accusingly throw n a t homosexual s i s absen t here ; these me n car e abou t each othe r i n enduring, formalizing way s an d must , o f necessity, becom e a famil y fo r eac h othe r a s there is no other rea l famil y fo r the m t o appea l to fo r help , succor , celebration , advice , o r an y othe r o f th e myria d functions allegedl y serve d b y heterosexuall y based , typicall y patriarcha l family units. 2 In the words o f the title, Kramer depict s his gay character s as havin g norma l hearts—no t a s th e sex-drive n monster s o f ideologi cally base d stereotypes . The play als o treats gay issues figuratively. Th e famou s scen e in whic h a carto n o f mil k splatter s accidentall y t o th e floo r an d ruin s a sac k o f groceries i s a cas e i n point . Rea d abstractly , thi s scen e feature s promi nently th e wastin g o f valuable , necessary , nourishin g resources . Cer tainly o n on e leve l thi s migh t represen t th e wast e o f huma n potentia l a s society first ignore s an d the n allow s th e death s o f a larg e grou p o f me n who hav e a lo t t o contribute . O n th e othe r hand , th e scen e als o depict s the inability o f gay men t o find th e nourishment the y nee d t o live . Either reading o f the scen e makes clea r th e motivation fo r anger . Kramer's abandonmen t o f conventiona l stag e realism—o f a tromp e

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l'oeil set—serve s hi s interest s well . Th e isolatio n o f hi s character s an d their action s fro m a recognizabl e landscap e bot h allow s a Brechtia n distancing, whereb y th e audienc e ca n reac t criticall y an d objectivel y t o the pla y an d formulat e a politicall y correc t respons e t o it , an d project s an imag e o f homosexua l me n a s pariahs , outcast s fro m a worl d whos e ideology i s so well perpetuated i n literary an d dramati c realism . In al l Western literar y genre s th e realis t mod e ha s lon g bee n th e mos t popular one . I n direc t ways , th e dominanc e o f realis m o n th e stag e threatens ga y peopl e an d inculcate s homophobia . Th e middl e class , th e family, th e workplac e an d th e home , an d th e subjugatio n o f person s other tha n bourgeois , white, Christian male s have bee n the almost exclu sive focu s o f realis m o n th e stage . I f audience s ove r an d ove r agai n se e plays tha t depic t thi s wa y o f lif e (eve n i f som e individua l realis t work s critique that wa y o f life) , would the y not conclud e that thi s way o f lif e is somehow the proper one , perhaps the only one to be considered, perhap s even th e onl y on e available ? Krame r wisel y jettison s conventiona l real ism; sinc e h e wishe s t o indic t th e societ y i n whic h h e place s hi s charac ters, h e doe s no t wis h t o suppor t tha t societ y b y usin g a se t o f dramati c conventions tha t hav e lon g serve d tha t ver y society' s interests . The rage created b y the AIDS epidemic is also present in Alan Bowne' s play Beirut, th e productio n o f whic h cause d a scanda l eve n greate r tha n that o f Kramer' s play . Certainl y Beirut tell s u s man y unpleasan t an d frightening thing s about bot h ourselve s and the society we live in. Other wise open-minde d an d perceptiv e theate r critic s responde d t o th e Ne w York productio n o f Beirut wit h incomprehensio n an d accusations ; on e reviewer eve n deemed th e play a danger t o society . Perhaps a critic strictl y oriente d t o ga y theoretica l matter s woul d find Beirut a disappointment : Bown e ha s transferre d AIDS to a heterosexua l context; th e character s see m i n n o importan t wa y t o resis t o r resen t their imprisonmen t b y society ; an d th e pla y end s wit h a genuflectio n t o traditionally romanti c (and , hence , heterosexist , patriarchal , an d homo phobic) notion s o f th e primac y o f a man/woma n commitmen t despit e overwhelming odds . In Bowne' s play , th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e o f Manhatta n ha s bee n trans formed int o a priso n fo r peopl e sufferin g fro m a nameless , sexuall y transmitted disease . The mai n actio n o f th e pla y involve s a n illega l (an d initially unwelcome ) visi t fro m Blu e (a n uninfecte d youn g woman ) t o her boyfrien d Torch . Th e pla y exploit s th e stereotyp e tha t domesti c

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violence i s inheren t i n relation s betwee n lower-class , relativel y unedu cated peopl e a s Torc h an d Blu e repeatedl y scuffl e an d pus h eac h other , while constantl y firin g of f barrag e afte r barrag e o f vituperativ e insult s filled wit h persona l attack s an d curs e words . Certainly th e character s ar e undesirabl e types . The onl y othe r charac ter to appea r o n stag e is a sex-starved guar d wh o attempt s t o watch Blu e and Torc h havin g sex and i s finally frightene d of f b y fear o f infection . I n the outsid e world, sexua l relation s hav e bee n prohibited: pornograph y i s rampant, an d reproduction i s accomplished exclusivel y i n test tubes. The guard i s uniquel y i n a positio n wher e h e coul d hav e direct , immediat e access t o huma n sexuality , an d h e attempt s t o exploi t thi s situatio n a t the first opportunity . It seems germane t o note that on e early conservative respons e t o AID S was t o propos e quarantinin g thos e infecte d wit h AIDS . In th e play , disease victim s ar e eve n tattooe d i n a privat e plac e s o tha t thos e wh o potentially woul d hav e se x wit h the m wil l b e forewarned ; thi s extrem e measure wa s als o propose d a s a n appropriat e reactio n durin g th e earl y days o f th e AID S crisis. 3 Bowne' s fantastic , dystopia n pla y twist s thi s frightening suggestio n around , applyin g i t t o youn g straights . Rathe r than seein g th e heterosexua l contex t o f Beirut a s a sell-out , I vie w Bowne's purpos e her e a s pointin g a n accusin g finge r a t th e dominan t heterosexual culture , th e ideolog y behin d it , an d th e powe r i t wields ; Bowne i s asking, "Wha t i f thi s wer e t o happe n t o me n an d wome n an d not t o me n an d men? " Th e strateg y her e i s counterattack ; Bown e trie s to mak e th e heterosexual s fac e th e possibilit y tha t i t coul d happe n t o them (a s seemed likel y at th e time the play was written) . Obviously th e titl e link s th e AID S crisi s t o th e situatio n i n Lebano n during th e tim e th e pla y wa s written : variou s middl e easter n faction s fought fo r contro l o f a onc e beautifu l an d cosmopolita n bu t no w ruine d and dangerou s city . A t th e time , th e American s wer e involve d i n Beiru t variously wit h nava l force s deploye d of f shore , wit h marine s occupyin g part o f th e embattle d city , an d wit h hostage s hel d b y severa l o f th e battling faction s withi n th e cit y itself . In a way , th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e never adequatel y become s literall y lik e Beirut, bu t th e figurativ e connec tion i s powerfu l an d meaningful . Jus t a s decade s o f failed , misguide d U.S. policy towar d Arab s i n the middl e eas t (significantly , lik e homosex ual men , a grou p usuall y despise d b y th e America n publi c an d ofte n given highl y negativ e stereotypica l portrayal s i n vehicle s o f popula r

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culture) helpe d t o creat e th e mes s i n Beirut , year s o f oppressio n an d ignorance an d fea r o f ga y men—al l o f whic h wa s reflecte d i n publi c policy—helped t o fue l th e AID S crisi s onc e i t bega n i n earnest . Lik e Kramer, Bown e blame s th e governmen t an d th e societ y whos e interest s it represent s fo r th e explosio n o f th e epidemic . Althoug h th e titl e Beirut is i n som e way s sensationalisti c (an d i n purel y literar y term s canno t b e seen a s a tota l success) , it doe s hel p t o serv e Bowne' s purpose s her e an d is another mean s fo r Bown e t o expres s his rage a t society . The play' s endin g i s undeniabl y disturbing : Blu e force s hersel f o n Torch s o tha t the y canno t b e separate d i n th e future ; a s sh e wil l hav e been expose d t o th e illness , she thus mus t b e quarantined . He r desir e t o stay with th e man sh e loves, to experienc e hi m sexually , and t o shar e he r life (an d death ) wit h hi m reek s o f a romantic sensibility . In th e fac e o f a widespread epidemi c tha t i s killin g thousand s o f peopl e annually , th e implication tha t som e peopl e willingl y contrac t i t an d other s willingl y spread i t i n significan t way s serve s th e prevailin g ideolog y tha t thi s pla y seeks so strenuously t o subvert . Unlike Kramer' s play , Beirut i n n o wa y abandon s conventiona l real ism. On e migh t legitimatel y as k whethe r a pla y tha t co-opts , uses , an d projects technique s tha t fo r s o lon g an d s o powerfull y hav e serve d th e bourgeois, phallocentric , heterosexist , patriarcha l societ y coul d b e a "gay" play . Th e bes t tha t ca n b e sai d o f Bowne' s dramaturg y i s that h e attempts t o us e realis m t o accus e an d t o rejec t th e typ e o f cultur e an d ideology tha t hav e mad e hi s wor k possibl e an d necessar y i n th e first place. Joe Pintauro' s Raft of the Medusa i s anothe r instanc e o f th e "rage " response t o AIDS . Dramaturgically , th e pla y i s somewha t o f a muddle , but undeniabl y i t has important thing s to sa y about th e crisis, those wh o suffer fro m it , an d th e societ y i n whic h i t i s happening. Th e pla y suffer s from rampan t tokenism : ther e i s on e exampl e o f ever y kin d o f perso n likely t o contrac t AID S ( a homosexua l man , a prisoner , a n intravenou s drug user , a heterosexua l woma n wit h bisexua l partners , a homeles s person). Among Pintauro' s character s ther e ar e men an d women , Anglo s and Hispanics , black s an d whites , middle- and lower-clas s people. 4 Pintauro organize s hi s play aroun d a suppor t grou p fo r PWA s heade d by a heterosexua l psychiatrist . Ideologically , on e migh t objec t t o Dr . Rizzo a s a representatio n o f th e patriarch y and , indeed , h e function s i n certain respect s a s the paterfamilias t o thi s group. Despite thes e negativ e

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elements, however , h e i s presente d a s enlightene d an d compassionate . He give s clea n needle s t o Nairobi , a homeless , deaf , blac k woma n addicted t o drug s an d infecte d wit h HIV . Lik e th e doctor s i n The Normal Heart, though , h e is utterly unabl e t o cure those h e seeks to comfor t and help . The realis m o f th e suppor t grou p scen e i s violated , however , b y a n apparently gratuitou s fram e o f a deathbe d scen e a t th e openin g o f th e play featurin g th e deat h o f on e membe r o f th e grou p (whos e love r wil l remain i n the group) a s his parents watc h i n helpless sadnes s an d regret . The ghos t o f th e youn g ma n wil l periodicall y appea r i n th e earl y part s of the play, but he is quickly droppe d fro m th e scheme later on . Pintaur o seems no t t o kno w wha t t o d o wit h thi s fram e onc e h e ha s establishe d it; it seems to belong to an early conception o f the play that migh t bes t be abandoned i n favo r o f a strictl y realis t forma t base d o n on e particularl y dramatic meetin g o f th e suppor t group . Although th e anti-realis t element s o f Pintauro' s dramaturg y woul d seem to serv e the interests o f a radically new , gay theater, i n this particu lar instanc e the y i n fac t weake n th e play b y confusing an d obscurin g th e primary plo t lin e an d b y pullin g th e audienc e i n tw o direction s a t onc e as they try to integrat e th e surreal magi c of the ghostly presence with th e detailed realis m o f th e suppor t group . In thi s respec t th e pla y i s hope lessly flawed . Notwithstandin g thes e ver y rea l problems , Raft of the Medusa i s a worthy additio n t o th e "rage " plays . Pintauro's rage , a s migh t b e expected , focuse s o n th e societ y tha t permits (an d eve n encourages ) th e epidemic . Among th e grou p member s is a ma n wh o contracte d th e diseas e i n priso n an d a youn g woma n who contracte d i t fro m he r abusive , drug-addicte d boyfriend . Certainl y Pintauro mean s fo r th e audienc e t o connec t th e society' s failur e t o dea l with th e problem s o f crim e an d drug s wit h th e presenc e an d sprea d of AIDS . Jus t a s society' s problem s manifes t themselve s i n a vastl y overcrowded priso n syste m an d i n violenc e agains t women , society' s problems ar e als o manifes t i n th e AID S crisi s i n whic h onc e agai n a small, relatively wea k an d helples s minorit y segmen t o f societ y ha s bee n allowed t o suffe r whil e th e majorit y refuse s t o hel p o r eve n t o acknowl edge the problem . As in Kramer's play , one character i n Raft of the Medusa i s a reporter . In thi s case , th e reporte r i s merel y posin g a s a perso n wit h AID S t o obtain informatio n o n a soa p oper a sta r wh o become s a membe r o f th e

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group bu t wh o i s no t publicl y ou t an d whos e antibod y statu s i s know n to neithe r hi s fan s no r hi s employers . Certainl y thi s plo t devic e i s Pin tauro's indictmen t o f th e media' s attitud e an d respons e t o AIDS ; rathe r than informin g an d educating , th e medi a i n Raft of the Medusa see k to exploi t an d expose . O f cours e gree d i s th e underlyin g motivation : "exclusive" new s o f th e star' s homosexualit y an d illnes s woul d sel l papers i n a wa y tha t report s o n researc h o r article s o n saf e se x woul d not. When th e reporter' s tru e purpos e fo r attendin g th e grou p i s revealed , in a genuinel y effectiv e an d horrifi c scen e Nairob i stick s hi m wit h a needle an d allow s hi m nearl y t o g o mad wit h fea r befor e acknowledgin g that sh e ha s pricke d hi m wit h on e o f th e clea n needle s jus t give n t o he r by Dr . Rizzo . I s Pintaur o her e advocatin g o r approvin g o f extreme , potentially violen t ways o f forcin g societ y to recognize an d dea l with th e AIDS crisis ? Certainl y h e condemn s thos e wh o woul d exploi t th e epi demic, but hi s other purpose s remai n unclear . Once again , th e titl e o f Pintauro' s pla y i s important . B y citin g th e Gericault painting , Pintauro attache s hi s artisti c response t o a horrifyin g situation t o another , mor e famou s wor k o f ar t wit h socia l significance . He may b e arguing that ar t i s a perfectly appropriat e respons e t o a n ugl y and deadl y circumstance ; als o h e seem s clearl y t o hop e tha t hi s ar t wil l awaken publi c awarenes s an d rais e concer n fo r AIDS . Perhaps Pintaur o also believe s tha t hi s character s ar e lik e thes e peopl e wh o wer e o n The Medusa—adrift i n a n inhospitabl e worl d wit h preciou s littl e hop e o f survival.5 Another pla y tha t migh t aptl y b e describe d a s a "rage " pla y i s E d Cachianes's Everybody Knows Your Name, Rathe r tha n directl y at tacking variou s "public " apparatuse s i n anger , Cachiane s take s o n th e more difficul t tas k o f depictin g th e "private " rag e o f individual s whos e lives are ended o r disrupte d b y the epidemic. Most o f th e play's dialogu e is written i n a campy, "queeny " languag e utterl y appropriate t o the Ne w York ga y subculture . Th e languag e o f Everybody Knows Your Name i s one o f it s chie f beautie s an d th e mai n sourc e o f it s power . Jus t a s a n anti-realist mod e ca n hel p t o rejec t th e bourgeoi s cultur e tha t oppresse s homosexual men , a ga y dialec t als o reject s tha t cultur e b y denyin g th e power o f it s language t o defin e an d circumscrib e discourse . In fundamenta l ways , ou r languag e control s wha t w e thin k since , after w e acquir e languag e i n childhood , excep t fo r primitiv e an d basi c

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thoughts, most o f ou r though t occur s i n language . I f the languag e o f th e prevailing ideolog y dominate s th e thought an d discours e o f thos e peopl e whom tha t ideolog y reject s an d oppresses , then , b y usin g tha t language , the oppresse d pro p u p th e ver y societ y tha t i s se t o n thei r destruction . Cachianes's us e of ga y dialec t permit s a radica l dislocatio n o f th e domi nant discours e an d thu s free s ga y me n t o us e ga y languag e an d no t thereby contribut e t o thei r ow n oppression . Certainl y i t is not stretchin g the poin t t o vie w th e queenin g dialec t a s a manifestatio n o f rage : me n who consciously choose not t o use the mainstream languag e migh t d o s o as a resul t o f ange r wit h th e syste m tha t perpetuate s an d i s perpetuate d by it. The characters' us e of gay language i s crucial i n redefining themselves . When the y feminiz e thei r names , cal l eac h othe r "girl, " o r punctur e th e balloons o f thos e outsid e thei r privat e linguisti c world , the y no t onl y redraw th e boundarie s o f th e discours e tha t delineate s thei r lives , bu t they als o imping e o n tha t dominant , publi c worl d whos e languag e the y distort. Wheneve r the y co-op t th e languag e fo r thei r ow n purposes , o r twist i t int o ne w pattern s o f meaning , o r attribut e ne w signified s t o it s old signifiers , the y buil d thei r ow n fram e o f referenc e tha t i s beyon d appeal t o th e language' s standar d use . Much a s the sexualit y o f ga y me n diverges fro m th e prevailin g heterosexua l mainstream , thei r languag e i s part o f a private world wher e th e grounds o f meaning an d interpretatio n are different . Cachianes als o reject s conventiona l stag e realis m i n favo r o f a mor e flexible dramaturgy . H e i s quit e successfu l i n presentin g th e narrativ e elements o f hi s plo t i n a nonrealis t mode . Th e pla y shift s betwee n dreaming an d wakin g states , betwee n contemporaneou s actio n an d pas t memories, an d betwee n variou s locales—chiefl y apartment s an d a hos pital room . Th e character s no t onl y includ e a ma n dyin g o f AIDS , hi s friends, a Ne w Ag e AID S buddy , an d a nurse , bu t als o th e man' s long dead mothe r wh o appear s i n the nonrealist guis e o f a stand-up comic . Everybody Knows Your Name als o use s surrealisti c transformation s of ordinar y an d mundan e scene s to highligh t th e play's themes . Early o n we se e a drea m o f Andrew , a ma n i n hi s mid-thirtie s wh o i s dyin g o f AIDS; in this dream h e and hi s longtime frien d Car l prepare d fo r a nigh t out i n th e preplagu e days . A s the y prim p i n fron t o f th e mirro r an d apply makeup , trashin g mutua l friend s al l th e while , th e transformin g power o f th e drea m begin s t o tak e effect . Recurrentl y i n a voice-ove r

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above th e diageti c dialogu e w e hea r Andre w screamin g fo r himsel f t o wake up , thu s introducin g an d subsequentl y reinforcin g th e notio n tha t Andrew i s having a nightmare. Late r on , Andrew wil l incomprehensibl y find hi s hands covere d wit h bloo d an d no t b e able to wip e th e bloo d of f his robe . Th e scen e shift s int o an d ou t o f disc o musi c an d dancing — presumably movin g fro m "home " t o "disco " a t will . Scenes suc h a s thi s on e an d th e late r appearanc e o f Andrew' s mothe r with he r rapid-fir e an d ofte n cuttin g humo r hel p t o dismis s th e realis t mode fro m th e stag e i n thi s play . Whe n otherwis e familia r an d realisti c characters ar e confronted wit h incongruous shift s o f location, associativ e trains o f events , and othe r character s wh o violat e th e rule s o f th e realis t conventions, th e stag e become s rip e fo r presentation s o f actio n an d theme tha t wil l fal l a s fa r outsid e th e purvie w o f realis m a s urba n ga y life fall s outsid e th e middle-clas s live s that realis m depicts ; similarly , th e agonies an d fear s o f AID S li e fa r beyon d th e comfortable , insulate d world o f th e bourgeoi s livin g roo m tha t s o ofte n provide s th e se t fo r realist drama . The rag e o f thes e character s manifest s itsel f no t onl y i n ho w thei r actions ar e presente d an d i n ho w the y speak , bu t als o i n wha t the y d o and i n wha t the y say . Althoug h th e rag e i s caused b y th e circumstance s of a minorit y populatio n unde r attac k fro m society , politics , an d mi crobes, thes e character s ven t thei r ange r a t whateve r i s a t hand . The y curse, the y verball y attac k eac h other , the y tortur e themselve s i n night mares an d memorie s o f th e past—al l a s a resul t o f ange r ove r thei r helplessness at the hands of the dominant societ y and their powerlessnes s to alte r th e progres s o f th e viru s tha t i s shatterin g thei r lives . No t onl y are Andrew' s verba l assault s o n hi s AIDS buddy Ray , o n hi s overweigh t friend Ellison , an d o n hi s nurse ofte n hilarious , bu t the y ar e als o usuall y quite frightenin g a t th e sam e time : Andre w i s turnin g humo r (an d th e language i t use s a s a vehicle ) int o a weapon , an d thu s w e laug h a t th e same time that w e blanc h wit h fear . Gay drama' s othe r mai n respons e t o th e AID S crisis has bee n remem brance, fon d nostalgi a an d wistfu l longin g fo r a retur n t o a worl d tha t can n o longe r exist . Th e pla y tha t first define d thi s mod e o f respons e i s William Hoffman' s As Is. Certainl y Hoffman' s character s fee l rag e (a s is demonstrated i n the scen e in which Ric h i s in the hospital an d refuse s t o cooperate wit h hi s nurs e an d insult s th e Hispani c janitor) , bu t th e pri mary moo d o f As Is is one o f regret .

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The play follow s tw o men , Sau l and Rich , past lovers , who a t the star t of the play ar e dividing u p their possession s becaus e Ric h ha s moved ou t to liv e wit h hi s ne w love r Chet . Th e scen e serve s t o introduc e th e audience t o th e mai n characters , an d i t als o contain s Rich' s announce ment t o Sau l tha t h e ha s teste d positiv e t o HI V an d no w ha s swolle n glands. Hoffman choose s to abando n th e realist mode . The pla y has recogniz able playing areas ( a living room tha t i s later transformed int o a hospita l room, an d a bar ) bu t th e actio n shift s i n an d ou t o f chronologica l sequence. On e tric k Hoffma n ofte n employ s i s shiftin g th e actio n t o some othe r local e wheneve r somethin g tha t transpire d outsid e th e mai n playing are a i s remembere d o r discussed . In thi s way , w e se e Ric h attempting t o pic k u p me n a t bars , w e se e th e pas t whe n h e an d Sau l were lovers, we se e him first meetin g Chet , an d w e hear ho w new s of hi s illness affect s hi s friend s an d family . W e se e som e character s merel y identified wit h numbers , Firs t Woman , PW A 5 , Clon e 2 , an d s o on . These character s serv e importan t function s i n variou s scenes , bu t the y are no t individuate d (fo r example , th e clones ' name s al l begi n wit h "Ch"—Chad, Chuck , Chip—perhap s i n a di g a t th e callo w an d selfis h Chet fo r who m Ric h leave s Saul ; i n th e cours e o f th e pla y Che t die s o f complications brough t o n b y AIDS) . They canno t b e see n a s character s in th e realis t sens e o f th e word , an d thus , the y ad d t o th e abandonmen t of realis t techniques . One o f th e mos t beautifu l moment s i n As Is occur s whe n Sau l an d Rich ar e rememberin g th e past : publi c sex i n a hote l windo w whil e crowds i n th e stree t belo w watc h an d cheer ; lat e night s a t famou s Ne w York Cit y gay landmarks; orgies at th e baths ; trips to porn o bookstores ; a vacatio n i n Morocco ; simpl y talkin g dirt y wit h othe r men . The pas t i s presented a s a kin d o f drea m worl d o f plentiful , pleasurabl e se x wit h little more t o worr y abou t tha n ho w t o ge t ri d o f a n undesirabl e partne r tactfully. Hoffma n als o utilize s a scen e i n whic h variou s person s (som e of whom ar e characters, som e of whom ar e simply a kind o f witness an d never reappea r i n th e play ) remembe r whe n the y first hear d o f AIDS . At the en d o f thi s dreamlik e scen e wit h it s nondiageti c character s an d overlapping dialogue , th e actor s simpl y recit e a lon g lis t o f mal e first names, implyin g tha t thes e peopl e hav e die d an d ar e no w par t o f tha t remembered past . These strikingly nonrealis t element s contribute t o the mood o f remem -

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brance an d sho w dramaticall y tha t th e worl d bein g fondl y remembere d is patentl y no t par t o f th e "real " worl d o f th e play' s her e an d now . Certainly thi s wistfu l remembranc e o f th e pas t i s mean t t o conve y a positive ga y image— a tim e whe n th e ga y me n o f Ne w Yor k wer e happy an d mor e o r les s carefree . On e i s lef t hopin g tha t somehow , miraculously, thi s world coul d return . As Is end s wit h Sau l an d Rich' s attemp t t o regai n par t o f tha t los t world: the y hav e se x fo r th e first tim e sinc e th e onse t o f Rich' s illness . The questio n o f whethe r havin g se x wil l hel p resolidif y thei r trouble d relationship i s lef t unanswered , bu t thei r attemp t t o hav e som e sor t o f intimate, sexua l lif e i n th e trouble d time s o f As Is i s admirable . Indeed , the ending o f the play i s hopeful an d optimistic : yes, the past i s irretriev ably gon e an d th e presen t i s frightenin g an d dangerous , bu t w e mus t take the present an d thos e i n it "a s is" if we are to find an y pleasure, an y way o f lif e wit h meanin g an d value . In contras t t o th e rag e plays , th e ange r i n Hoffman' s pla y i s subordi nated t o a n overwhelmin g nostalgia . In the rage plays we se e the charac ters a s th e victim s o f man y wrongs—onl y on e o f whic h i s AIDS. In th e remembrance plays , o n th e othe r hand , th e presenc e o f AID S i s seem ingly the only thing that prevent s gay men fro m bein g happy an d leadin g fulfilling lives . Perhap s thi s i s a bi t reductivis t give n th e richnes s o f th e remembrance plays , bu t non e o f the m take s o n societa l an d politica l wrongs wholesal e i n th e direc t an d confrontationa l manne r o f th e rag e plays. Harvey Fierstein' s thre e shor t play s groupe d togethe r unde r th e titl e Safe Sex ar e bes t see n a s par t o f th e remembranc e mod e a s well . Th e plays ar e linke d b y a share d se t o f themes : lov e an d loss , th e potentia l health risk s o f sexua l activity , th e natur e o f endurin g relation s betwee n gay me n (bot h wit h eac h othe r an d wit h th e "outside " world) . Th e first two one-ac t plays , "Mann y an d Jake " an d "Saf e Sex, " ar e definitel y part o f a n anti-realis t stag e practice appropriat e t o ga y subject matter . "Manny an d Jake" feature s dialogu e that i s almost poeti c in it s rhyth mic progres s an d ofte n elliptica l subjec t matter . Th e pla y depict s tw o handsome youn g men who migh t hav e had sex together i n the past. Jak e is willing, bu t Mann y i s not. Mann y meditate s o n hi s life , o n th e worl d situation, an d mostl y o n th e past . H e look s forwar d t o a ne w world , without th e specte r o f AIDS , in whic h h e will kno w wha t t o d o becaus e he wil l remember i t fro m before . A t th e breathtakin g en d o f th e play ,

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Manny rhapsodize s abou t a future tim e when h e can return t o spontane ous se x wit h a s man y partner s a s h e please s an d promise s t o hav e learned nothin g durin g th e plague—rejectin g overtly , tha t anythin g o f value could com e fro m somethin g s o deadly, s o unfair . The secon d pla y o f th e trilogy , "Saf e Sex, " concern s tw o lovers , Mead an d Ghee , who interrup t themselve s i n the middl e o f makin g lov e because thei r passio n ha s tempte d the m t o b e unsafe . Th e interruptio n sparks a conversation abou t wha t i s possible fo r ga y me n t o d o togethe r and wha t i s necessar y fo r thei r surviva l psychologically ; afte r all , i f ga y men canno t o r wil l no t hav e sex , ho w ca n the y b e overtl y gay ? The y may certainl y continu e t o exhibi t man y o f th e sign s o f bein g gay , bu t they stan d t o los e a defining characteristi c o f homosexuality—th e desir e for an d commissio n o f sexua l act s wit h othe r men . Th e pla y take s o n the fea r o f los s o f selfhoo d an d identit y i f sexualit y i s los t o r to o lon g denied. Through Ghee , Fierstein accuse s som e gay men o f usin g AIDS t o avoid sex , fo r wha t the y ar e afrai d o f i s not disease , bu t homosexualit y itself. As Ghe e an d Mea d rehas h pas t grievance s wit h eac h other , the y remember a world withou t AIDS . They remember se x as fun, a s dirty, a s something the y actuall y did . The y remembe r worryin g abou t herpes , o r the clap , bu t no t abou t dying . Th e worl d ha s transforme d itsel f int o a hostile, dangerou s plac e wher e everythin g mus t b e checke d agains t th e safe list , wher e intimac y i s a potentia l sourc e no t onl y o f argumen t an d frustration o r o f pleasur e an d satisfaction , bu t als o o f horribl e death . The se t o f "Saf e Sex " i s a gian t seesa w o r teeter-totter—whic h i s utterly appropriat e a s a se t fo r th e actio n o f tw o me n arguin g an d making up , tryin g t o balanc e thei r need s an d desire s agains t wha t i s possible an d safe . Th e teeter-totter' s potentia l fo r larg e swing s migh t also represent th e radica l shif t i n th e live s o f ga y men . Certainl y Mead' s standing o n th e edg e o f th e boar d a t th e play' s en d an d hi s darin g an d coaxing Ghe e t o d o th e sam e i s mean t t o demonstrat e th e natur e o f "danger" an d th e necessit y t o fac e i t an d com e t o term s wit h it . Th e anti-realist stag e practic e o f thi s pla y i s brilliant : th e seesa w work s o n a symbolic leve l i n additio n t o bein g a n origina l alternativ e t o th e livin g room o r kitche n se t of th e realist mode . The final play , "O n Tid y Endings, " feature s a man , Arthur , whos e lover, Collin , ha s recentl y die d o f AIDS . A s h e pack s t o vacat e thei r apartment, Arthu r mus t dea l wit h th e man' s ex-wife , Marion . Th e pla y

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is basicall y a domesti c comed y i n whic h th e character s solv e som e serious problem s (survivin g th e los s o f a beloved , sortin g ou t thei r feelings, negotiatin g a relationshi p wit h eac h other ) whil e tradin g a stream o f one-liners . I n hig h realis t fashion , th e livin g roo m o f th e apartment i s the set . "On Tid y Endings" is the longest, most fully develope d an d ultimatel y most disappointin g o f th e thre e plays . Th e play' s onl y ga y character , Arthur, exhibit s unswervin g loyalt y t o heterosexuall y base d mode s o f behavior. H e an d hi s lat e love r hav e ha d a sor t o f marriag e an d famil y that eve n include d th e lover' s eleven-year-ol d son , Jim , wh o calle d Ar thur "Uncle. " Not onl y doe s th e actio n o f "O n Tid y Endings " ideologicall y mirro r prevailing, heterosexua l notion s o f huma n relations , bu t Fierstein' s real ist stag e practic e als o reinforce s tha t ideology . A critic oriente d t o theo retical matter s migh t ter m th e pla y a sellou t t o th e dominan t ideolog y i n both them e an d technique . Arthu r i s presente d throughou t th e play , however, wit h compassion , understanding , intelligence , an d humor . Al though th e en d o f th e pla y ( a presumabl y continuin g connectio n wit h the ex-wif e an d chil d o f hi s beloved ) reek s o f bourgeoi s heterosexuality , Arthur maintain s hi s wi t an d dignit y throughou t th e action . O n th e other hand , th e ex-wife get s all the perquisites, benefits , an d problem s o f a relationshi p wit h Collin : sh e i s sellin g th e apartment ; sh e ha s hi s son ; her nam e wa s mentione d i n th e newspape r obituaries ; sh e wa s sur rounded b y friend s an d famil y a t th e funeral ; an d eve n she , no t Arthur , is HI V positive . Thoug h th e pla y itsel f i s mean t t o b e critica l o f th e society tha t ha s displace d a man's mal e love r a t suc h a difficul t time , th e techniques throug h whic h tha t criticis m i s presente d ten d t o reinforc e the values o f tha t society. 6 Victor Bumbalo' s Adam and the Experts ca n als o b e classifie d a s a remembrance play . It , too , however , contain s a generou s amoun t o f rage, especiall y fro m Eddi e ( a PW A frien d o f th e titl e character ) wh o vents hi s fur y wit h th e syste m (particularl y wit h th e politicians ) i n on e especially memorable an d effectiv e scene . Nevertheless, the central moo d of th e pla y i s remembrance . Ada m ha s reacte d t o th e AIDS crisi s b y retreat an d retrenching . H e ha s pu t hi s se x lif e (an d wit h i t part s o f hi s emotional life ) o n hol d indefinitely . H e i s frequentl y assaile d b y Th e Man, a nondiageti c characte r wh o i s a n embodimen t o f al l thos e thing s Adam ha s denie d o r represse d himself . Th e Ma n i s a visua l reminde r o f

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all tha t use d t o b e i n Adam' s lif e and , a s a resul t o f AIDS , i s n o longe r there. A s such , Th e Ma n constitute s th e chie f vehicl e fo r remembranc e in Adam and the Experts. The Ma n i s by turn s hilarious , demanding , an d wistful . B y the en d o f the play , Eddi e ha s die d an d Ada m ha s com e t o a sor t o f reconciliatio n with Th e Man—acknowledgin g hi s nee d fo r a whol e life , eve n i n th e time o f plague . Thus , a s i n As Is, ther e i s a fain t elemen t o f hopefulnes s at th e en d o f Adam and the Experts tha t som e happines s an d pleasur e can stil l b e salvage d fro m thi s world . Th e not e o f sa d remembranc e fo r the pas t i n Bumbalo' s pla y i s extende d b y inferenc e t o th e presen t an d the future ; towar d th e en d o f th e pla y Th e Ma n speculate s o n wha t might hav e happene d i f Eddi e ha d live d an d me t a nic e youn g ma n a t a party wh o migh t hav e bee n hi s lover . Bumbalo' s character s ar e no t merely rememberin g a lost pas t bu t mournin g a future neve r t o be . Obviously throug h employin g a devic e suc h a s Th e Man , Bumbal o departs fro m realis t practic e i n hi s play . Th e play' s se t i s flexibl e an d contains severa l locale s importan t t o th e action , bu t i t i s no t overtl y designed t o represen t an y o f the m wit h realis t detail . Lik e Hoffman , Bumbalo use s a smal l grou p o f actor s t o doubl e al l th e mino r roles . Th e action shift s bac k an d fort h fro m locatio n t o locatio n an d som e o f th e characters (particularl y a pries t an d tw o ersat z maharishis ) ar e treate d with a grea t dea l o f ofte n funn y satire , whic h render s the m frankl y nonreal. Bumbalo' s dramaturg y help s t o reinforc e th e themati c materia l of hi s play . Ultimately , Adam and the Experts i s on e o f th e mos t satis fying o f th e remembrance plays . Jean-Claude va n Itallie' s Ancient Boys use s a gatherin g o f th e friend s of th e lat e Reuben , a n artis t wh o ha s recentl y died , a s th e basi s fo r it s nonrealistic plot . Th e friend s remembe r Reube n (wh o essentiall y kep t them separat e fro m eac h other) , an d thei r memorie s ar e acte d ou t an d interspersed int o th e relativel y thi n mai n plo t o f th e "memoria l cere mony" itself . Va n Itallie' s achronologica l treatmen t o f hi s materia l i s a great strengt h i n Ancient Boys, fo r w e se e Reube n a t variou s stage s i n his life an d ca n pu t togethe r fo r ourselve s a holistic pictur e o f him . Van Itallie' s us e o f a continuing serie s o f projecte d slide s (scene s fro m Reuben's life , famous work s o f art , picture s o f the characters i n amusin g situations) furthe r violate s th e realis t stag e an d thu s solidifie s thi s re markable play' s wholesal e rejectio n o f th e realis t mode . B y th e en d o f the pla y th e stag e i s dominate d wit h a larg e exampl e o f Reuben' s art ,

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which serve s a s a powerfu l reminde r o f th e grea t potentia l waste d b y this man's death . Reuben himsel f i s a problemati c character . A t time s h e seem s t o succumb t o homophobi c notion s abou t th e nature o f AIDS, arguing tha t the thymus gland s o f peopl e who hav e die d o f AIDS are ofte n shrunken ; since th e thymu s i s locate d nea r th e hear t an d play s a rol e i n th e onse t of puberty , Reube n conclude s tha t ga y me n ar e misusin g thei r hear t energy—their love—an d suffe r healt h consequence s a s a result . A t on e point h e even say s he is tired o f bein g gay and actuall y prefers wome n t o men. I n on e scene , Reube n imitate s hi s mothe r an d remember s th e comforts o f he r garde n an d he r tellin g hi m tha t th e worl d outsid e th e garden wa s a terribl e place . I t i s not stretchin g i t t o rea d thi s a s hetero sexist ideology : i f yo u stra y fro m th e idylli c garden , yo u fac e utte r nothingness an d migh t a s well en d you r life . On th e othe r hand , Reube n offer s positiv e image s o f ga y people whe n he argue s tha t ga y nativ e American s wer e usuall y th e powerfu l an d respected medicin e men o f their tribes ; he even goes so far a s to compar e the gay s t o th e Jew s a s a grou p o f God' s chose n people . Reuben' s dichotomy i s quit e real : h e clearl y reject s hi s mothe r an d he r ideology , but h e i s marked fo r lif e b y it an d ha s co-opte d an d internalize d variou s elements o f the very ideolog y tha t seek s to thwar t hi s happiness . Part o f what i s going on in Ancient Boys i s an exploration o f Reuben' s problems (o f whic h AIDS i s th e mos t lif e threatening , bu t no t th e onl y one): hi s compartmentalizatio n o f hi s life , hi s partia l retrea t fro m o r denial o f hi s artisti c abilities , an d finally hi s inabilit y t o accep t himsel f fully. Certainl y Reube n i n thes e regard s i s typica l o f man y ga y men , but ideologicall y thi s portrai t (an d it s equatin g diseas e wit h certai n stereotypical element s o f gay male psychology) i s disturbing . The endin g o f th e pla y i s troublin g a s well . Reube n opt s fo r suicid e rather tha n livin g throug h a horribl e an d depersonalizin g death . On e could easil y imagin e a play i n which thi s kin d o f decisio n wa s treate d a s a positive , self-affirmin g act , bu t Ancient Boys i s no t suc h a play . Reu ben's final word s (directe d t o hi s mothe r wh o i s no t physicall y presen t at th e time ) indicat e that , rathe r tha n feelin g tha t h e i s taking a positiv e step, h e think s h e i s doin g somethin g shamefu l o r naughty , somethin g for whic h h e needs his mother's forgiveness . In As Is a t on e poin t Ric h aske d Sau l t o ge t hi m enoug h depressant s to kill himself. Saul goes to bu y the drug s an d end s up throwing the m i n

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the gutte r whe n h e ha s th e realizatio n (o n a n unpleasan t stree t i n ugl y weather) tha t ther e i s still beaut y i n th e world ; th e ide a tha t ther e coul d still be beauty i n life even with AIDS is obvious. Reuben i n Ancient Boys is never afforde d a paralle l kin d o f realizatio n an d thu s canno t find an y reason t o den y himsel f a suicide . One furthe r play—Crai g Lucas' s Prelude to a Kiss—warrants consid eration her e an d seem s most nearl y t o fit the remembrance category , s o I have included i t as a sort o f epilogue to my discussion. The play is lyrical and magical ; i t ha s a grea t dea l o f beaut y i n it , bu t it s relatio n t o th e themes discusse d herei n i s ambiguous . AID S i s i n n o over t wa y th e subject o f th e play ; / / th e pla y i s abou t AIDS , i t i s onl y i n a figurative sense. The actio n o f th e pla y consist s o f th e heterosexua l courtship , mar riage, an d mino r marita l problem s o f a young , urba n couple , Pete r an d Rita. At their wedding , Rit a i s kissed b y a mysterious ol d ma n who m n o one knows , an d someho w th e tw o exchang e souls . Peter , wh o ha d married a young, beautiful , health y person , finds himsel f instea d i n lov e with a sick , dying ol d ma n (whos e bod y contain s th e sou l an d personal ity o f hi s beloved) . Certainl y a symboli c representatio n o f AID S ca n b e seen here : i n th e ga y worl d man y me n lik e Pete r fal l i n lov e wit h someone youn g an d health y onl y t o hav e HI V tur n thei r love r int o a dying old man . If thi s readin g i s accepted , the n Prelude to a Kiss i s a remembranc e play, sinc e Pete r expend s s o muc h energ y tryin g t o recaptur e th e worl d he though t h e ha d won . Pete r relentlessl y trie s t o understan d wha t ha s happened an d attempt s t o und o th e change , t o reorien t th e soul s int o their prope r bodie s s o that hi s lif e ca n continu e o n a s h e had envisione d it. Certainl y man y ga y me n fee l th e desir e t o b e abl e magicall y t o retur n the world t o what the y ha d hope d i t would be . Dramaturgically th e nonrealisti c plo t devices ar e reinforce d b y a non specific stag e settin g tha t shift s throug h variou s location s includin g apartments, a suburba n home , a honeymoo n vacatio n spot , a bar , an d so on. Ideologically, the thematic material o f the play is thus underscore d by the dramatic techniques use d on the stage. As is the case with Bowne' s Beirut, on e migh t objec t t o th e heterosexua l contex t i n whic h Luca s places hi s action , an d on e migh t als o se e th e fairy-tal e motif s tha t h e employs (th e magi c kiss , th e Princ e Charming , th e lonel y maiden , th e happily-ever-after ending ) a s servin g a homophobi c ideology . Althoug h

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Lucas does not overtl y take o n th e AIDS epidemic i n his play, Prelude to a Kiss doe s hav e connection s wit h th e play s I have bee n discussin g an d thus mus t b e see n a s a t leas t a cousi n o f th e famil y o f play s considere d here. AIDS play s continu e t o b e produce d i n increasin g numbers . Severa l plays hav e gon e beyon d Ne w Yor k t o tourin g companies , o r t o loca l productions throughou t th e Unite d States , o r t o Wes t En d production s in London . Earl y o n i n th e histor y o f dramati c representation s o f AIDS written b y ga y America n me n fo r th e Ne w Yor k stage , tw o broa d categories of response to the crisis—rage an d remembrance—wer e codi fied b y importan t productions . I n thei r ground-breakin g plays , Krame r and Hoffma n define d th e parameter s fo r treatin g AID S on th e stag e tha t would b e use d i n man y late r plays , no t jus t thos e play s discusse d here . The respons e t o AID S i n bot h o f thes e initia l play s i s couple d wit h a radical departur e fro m realis t stag e practice , which , a s I have argued , i s appropriate, give n tha t th e play s ar e highl y critica l o f th e prevailin g ideology and , i n fact , plac e muc h o f th e blam e fo r th e AIDS epidemi c and th e death s o f thousands o f gay men squarel y o n the shoulder s o f th e society tha t perpetuate s itsel f throug h th e dominan t ideology . Whethe r raging agains t th e lo t o f ga y me n i n th e contemporar y worl d o r sadl y remembering th e fre e an d beautifu l past , thos e play s ar e mos t successfu l that rejec t th e theatrica l technique s o f dramati c realis m an d strik e ou t into territor y unknow n o n th e popular stage ; in very real ways , gay me n in thei r live s hav e bee n abandonin g th e familia r an d explorin g th e new throughou t huma n history . I t i s onl y appropriat e tha t theate r tha t celebrates the m o r mourn s thei r passin g o r erupt s wit h ange r ove r thei r situation shoul d itsel f brea k ne w ground . NOTES

I. Th e quotation fro m Aude n might also be seen as providing a positive gay image, a reference poin t for ga y men who wish to find reassuring reinforcemen t from a culture they created. 2. On e frequentl y hel d homophobi c belie f i s tha t ga y me n threate n societ y merely b y virtu e o f bein g outsid e th e family—tha t ofte n cite d foundatio n o f western societ y an d culture . Th e theor y goe s tha t th e freedo m o f ga y me n threatens societ y b y presentin g a n alternativ e (on e ofte n define d a s selfis h o r egocentric o r immature ) t o th e commitment , responsibility , an d stabilit y o f creating an d maintainin g a family. I might hasten t o point ou t tha t th e nuclea r

Rage and Remembrance 12 5 family i n ou r tim e an d da y i s sufferin g fro m a wid e numbe r o f ills , very fe w o f which coul d b e legitimatel y place d a t th e doo r o f homosexuality . Also , th e function o f th e famil y i n suppressin g "difference " (especiall y sexua l difference ) is noteworth y an d th e famil y i s ofte n see n a s providin g i n microcos m a mode l for th e functionin g o f societ y a s a whole—on e i n whic h th e interest s an d behaviors o f individual s ar e subordinate d t o the power o f a male leader o r fathe r figure. 3. Th e parallel s t o Nathanie l Hawthorne' s The Scarlet Letter her e ar e quit e obvious an d ar e probabl y intentiona l o n Bowne' s par t bu t inadverten t o n th e part o f thos e conservative s wh o i n rea l lif e propose d thi s step . A t an y rate , thi s connection reveal s a fundamentall y America n respons e t o thos e wh o brea k gender an d sexua l rules : brand the m s o that th e "innocent " an d morall y uprigh t elements o f societ y can b e protected fro m thei r rea l o r imagine d contagion . Als o Hawthorne's equatio n o f religio n an d la w i n his shor t nove l probabl y als o play s a rol e i n the measure s propose d t o mar k thos e infecte d wit h HIV . 4. Perhap s Pintauro' s inclusio n o f th e entir e spectru m o f Person s wit h AID S is a reaction t o criticisms o f the Norman Ren e film Longtime Companion, whic h featured onl y middle-class , white male s a s its afflicted characters . 5. I might als o note that i n the Gericaul t paintin g a nude ma n with a beautifu l body an d visibl e genitali a i s presen t i n th e foreground . Perhap s thi s paintin g might b e see n a s a sort o f homosexua l ico n an d thu s a s doubl y appropriat e a s a partial inspiratio n fo r a gay work o f art . 6. Fierstein' s tripartite structur e her e an d hi s movement fro m lyrical , antireal ist practic e t o domesti c comed y duplicat e exactl y th e for m o f hi s Ton y Award winning Broadwa y succes s Torch Song Trilogy, whic h wa s criticize d i n som e gay circle s fo r it s parallel deferenc e t o heterosexuall y base d model s o f behavior . The final pla y o f Torch Song Trilogy i s ver y simila r t o "O n Tid y Endings, " because bot h featur e a ga y ma n tryin g t o reestablis h a "family " afte r th e deat h of a male lover. Significantly , bot h play s end wit h th e main mal e character alon e on stage , seemingly catching hi s breath afte r havin g worked throug h man y o f hi s familial problem s t o creat e a "family " uni t base d i n obviou s way s o n a hetero sexual paradigm .

C H A P T E R7

The Aesthetic Politic s of Rag e CLAIRE KAHAN E

In Jane Eyre Charlott e Bronte , i n a sudde n textua l tur n fro m narrativ e to argument , interpolate s a passag e o n th e nee d fo r actio n i n women' s lives: It is vain t o sa y human being s ough t t o b e satisfied wit h tranquility ; they mus t hav e action ; an d the y wil l mak e i t i f the y canno t find it . . . . Women ar e supposed t o b e very calm generally; bu t women fee l just a s me n feel ; an d i t i s narrow-minde d i n thei r mor e privilege d fellow-creatures t o sa y tha t the y ough t t o confin e themselve s t o making pudding s an d knittin g stockings , t o playin g o n th e pian o and embroiderin g bags . . .. I t i s thoughtles s t o condem n them , o r laugh a t them , i f the y see k t o d o mor e o r lear n mor e tha n custo m has pronounced necessar y fo r thei r sex . When thu s alon e I no t unfrequentl y hear d Grac e Poole' s laugh . (112-113)

Most o f u s recogniz e thi s text : i t wa s cite d b y Virgini a Wool f a s a n example o f narrativ e rupture , cause d b y a n eruptio n o f Bronte' s rag e into he r story . Whil e man y feminist s hav e reproache d Wool f fo r he r criticism an d justifie d Bronte' s digressio n o n narrativ e grounds , ther e i s a break ; fro m a n eloquen t an d passionatel y fel t feminis t appea l i n essa y form, th e text , almos t a s a n afterthought , return s clumsil y t o Jane' s story. Fo r Bront e a s a novelist , a n imaginar y derisiv e an d significantl y Reprinted b y kind permissio n o f Gordo n an d Breac h Scienc e Publishers, Inc., from Literature, Interpretation, Theory, vol . 3 , 19-31 . Copyrigh t © 199 1 b y Gordo n an d Breac h Science Publishers, Inc. 126

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male laug h create d a divisio n withi n th e narrativ e voice , the effec t o f a n interference: o f rage manifest i n the rupture o f story-line, and o f outrage , which provoked th e narrator t o leav e the circulation o f voices and faste n onto he r socia l object : mal e injustice . I want t o delineat e ver y briefl y th e relation betwee n rage , outrage , an d th e bod y an d explor e thei r effect s on literar y voice . Psychoanalytic theor y describe s rag e bot h a s a n infantil e respons e t o separation an d loss , an d a s a prima l aggressivit y agains t th e materna l body, th e mos t ambivalentl y constructe d othe r wh o bear s th e illusor y traces o f self. 1 Ye t becaus e th e violenc e o f thi s archai c affec t ha s a s it s goal no t onl y th e destructio n o f th e object , bu t re-unio n wit h it , i t destroys th e subjec t a s well . Certainl y w e al l hav e ha d som e body knowledge o f rage. We see red, o r experienc e som e other somati c distur bance—stammering, stuttering , o r i n mor e extrem e cases , th e conver sion symptom s o f hysteria . Experience d a s psych e turnin g int o soma , rage disempower s u s a s subjects , makin g u s subjec t t o its regressiv e vicissitudes. Although th e experience of rage silences the subject—like unconsciou s desire, it can never b e directly expressed—onc e objectifie d a s part o f th e symbolic Other , i t ca n hav e a ver y creativ e life , assumin g discursiv e shape a s scenario s o f obliteration , apocalypti c narratives , o r a s thei r more distance d kin , wi t an d caricature . Displace d int o language , rag e i s sublimated throug h th e subject' s identificatio n wit h a patriarcha l sym bolic discours e rathe r tha n confine d t o th e body , an d languag e recuper ates th e object s o f th e obliteratio n i t represents . Ye t eve n sublimate d a s a discursiv e event , rag e i s locke d int o a scenari o whic h ca n onl y repea t the violence o f it s fantasmatic origin . The experience o f rage is powerful , but not political. However, when i t remains repressed an d unsublimated , it leads to the invalidism tha t pathologize d a generation o f women i n th e late 19t h century, an d tha t continue s to wreak havo c on the femal e bod y today. If the violence of rage demands repression an d a barring o f the subject , the violenc e o f outrag e demand s expressio n i n a voic e claime d b y th e subject. Outrage , th e wor d itsel f cue s u s int o th e difference : unlik e rage, outrage—" a violenc e affectin g others " accordin g t o th e Offic e o f Educational Development—i s i n a sens e transitive , requirin g a n object . A socialize d an d mediate d for m o f rage , outrag e i s directe d towar d identifiable an d bounde d other s i n th e externa l world , an d i s thu s les s

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threatening t o th e self . Indeed, whil e stil l tie d t o th e repetitio n compul sion o f it s origin , outrag e fasten s ont o a n objec t an d canno t le t g o unti l it has achieved it s aim: transformation o f the object. Unlike rage, outrag e by it s ver y natur e i s a forc e fo r change , i s political. I want t o propos e a broad generalizatio n here , on e whic h inevitabl y oversimplifie s bu t stil l provides a skeleta l anatom y fo r speculation ; tha t fo r wome n i n th e 19t h century, represse d rag e le d t o conversio n hysteria , displace d rag e t o hystericized fiction an d poetry, and outrag e t o feminism an d essays . This cutting u p o f rag e shoul d no t obscur e th e fac t tha t al l thre e vicissitude s could, an d did , exist within on e subject, an d tha t th e effects o f eac h wer e manifest i n its textual productions . Certainly ther e wa s sufficien t caus e fo r bot h rag e an d outrag e amon g hysterics i n th e 19t h century : Freud' s an d Breuer' s Studies in Hysteria noted tha t hysterica l girl s wer e mor e intelligen t an d mor e ambitiou s than most , more "masculine " accordin g to the boundaries o f gender tha t patriarchal definition s ha d established . Ye t once these gifted middl e clas s adolescents bega n menstruation , the y wer e confine d i n a socia l iden tity— "femininity"—that demande d dependenc e an d fostere d passivity . As Elaine Showalte r notes , Physical activities , traveling , exercise , an d stud y wer e curtaile d o r forbidden. Whil e thei r brother s wen t awa y t o school , mos t middle class girls were educate d a t home , their socia l lif e . . . restricted t o a few saf e c o n t a c t s . . . . A girl' s growin g awarenes s o f thi s socia l dependence an d constrain t . . . may wel l hav e precipitate d a n emo tional crisis . (957 ) Indeed, if , a s th e psychoanalys t Ala n Kroh n suggest s i n Hysteria: The Elusive Neurosis, th e hysteri c utilize s th e dominan t myt h o f passivit y i n his/her cultur e t o represen t a conflic t abou t passivity , th e ver y natur e o f the feminin e sel f a s constructe d b y 19th-centur y discours e an d th e pas sive desire that purportedl y constitute d i t was enough t o provoke hyster ical effects . Suc h symptom s a s aphoni a (los s o f speech) , absence s o f consciousness, an d partia l paralyse s wer e th e al l to o commo n effect s o f an ambivalenc e abou t th e feminin e positio n tha t Freu d locate d a s th e nucleus o f hysteria . For Freu d thi s ambivalenc e wa s a matte r o f interpersona l desire : th e hysteric wa s caugh t betwee n a n unacknowledge d passiv e desir e fo r th e

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father—the cor e fantas y o f th e conventiona l femal e oedipa l complex — and a n unacknowledge d identificatio n wit h hi m tha t too k th e mothe r a s object o f desir e (1908) . Beyon d thi s oedipa l scenario , a s Freu d wa s t o discover later , wa s a mor e prima l figure o f conflict , a materna l fantas m whose inevitabl e los s an d socia l devaluatio n persiste d a s a bur r i n th e psyche o f hysterica l daughter s (1931) . Ye t whateve r th e actua l relation s between daughters , mothers , an d fathers , a s Lacan' s expansio n o f th e field of desir e suggested, the daughter' s paterna l identificatio n concerne d not merel y the actua l fathe r bu t th e Symboli c father , th e discursiv e locu s of intellect , ambition , an d privilege . Sinc e th e Wor d flowe d fro m Him , who woul d no t inheri t th e Father' s estate ? Adolescence , however , con firmed th e daughter' s exclusio n fro m tha t paternity , an d menstruatio n i n particular becam e th e corporea l signifie r bot h o f he r futur e plac e i n th e Symbolic orde r a s materna l body , an d o f he r discursiv e impotence . The disjunctio n betwee n th e daughter' s identificatio n wit h th e Symboli c father, whic h legitimate d he r a s patriarcha l subjec t an d th e subjec t o f language, an d a bod y tha t compelle d identificatio n wit h th e mother , often provoke d a n exces s o f aggressivit y impossibl e fo r daughter s t o express. Thu s th e hysterica l symptom s o f Victoria n daughter s typicall y expressed a rag e turne d punitivel y agains t themselves , a kin d o f bitin g of thei r ow n tongu e instea d o f usin g i t aggressivel y agains t th e othe r i n both it s maternal an d paterna l forms . Unabl e t o assum e the post-oedipa l lineaments o f femininity , th e femal e hysteri c remaine d suspende d a t th e oedipal momen t i n al l it s ambiguou s potential , mimin g i n he r bod y th e script tha t ha d entrappe d her . Alice Jame s i s a cas e i n point : althoug h sh e ha d n o publi c presenc e during he r lif e no r wa s sh e a write r b y professio n o r identity , sh e i s a n interesting figure precisel y because , unlik e he r famou s brothers , wh o inscribed themselve s magnificentl y int o publi c discours e i n spit e o f thei r hysterical symptoms, 2 Alic e James , invalide d fro m th e ag e o f nineteen , became primaril y th e good patient , he r bod y th e mediu m throug h whic h she coul d covertl y represen t th e problematic s o f he r being. 3 Whe n shortly befor e he r death , sh e too k u p th e pe n t o write , he r writin g too k the for m o f a diary , a privat e voice , t o b e acknowledge d onl y afte r he r death. That James intende d he r Diary t o b e read i s clear fro m severa l entrie s in whic h sh e tellingl y addresse s he r imaginar y reade r a s male , a n inflec tion especially bizarr e given that th e better part o f the Diary wa s dictate d

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to he r femal e companio n an d amanuensis , Katherin e Loring . Ye t i n thi s gendered addres s James' s tex t speak s th e ver y contradictio n o f th e hys teric: th e imaginar y ea r t o th e listener/reade r belong s t o a mal e subjec t even when sh e is literally speakin g t o a woman. James hersel f comment s upon thi s parado x i n he r entr y o f Januar y 1891 , shortl y befor e he r death: I a m a s muc h amused , dea r Inconn u (pleas e not e th e sex ? pal e shadow o f Romanc e stil l survivin g eve n i n th e mos t rejecte d an d despised b y Man ) a s yo u ca n b e b y thes e microscopi c observation s recorded o f thi s mighty race . (166 ) Such amused acerbi c observation s pervad e James's text, although usu ally sh e direct s he r barb s a t others . Indeed , thoug h Jame s write s i n that mos t persona l o f literar y forms , th e diary , th e actua l passage s o f introspection ar e few . Whe n sh e doe s tur n he r ey e o n herself , he r tex t resonates wit h suggestiv e ambiguities , a s i n thi s wel l know n an d self revealing passage 4 i n whic h sh e describe s th e after-effect s o f he r ow n first hysterica l attack : As I lay prostrate afte r th e storm wit h m y mind luminou s an d activ e and susceptibl e o f th e clearest , stronges t impressions , I sa w s o distinctly tha t i t wa s a fight simpl y betwee n m y bod y an d m y will , . . . Owing t o som e physica l weakness, . . . the mora l powe r pause s . . . an d refuse s t o maintai n muscula r sanity , wor n ou t wit h th e strain o f it s constabulary functions . A s I use d t o si t immovabl e reading i n th e library wit h wave s o f violen t inclinatio n suddenl y invading m y muscles , takin g som e on e o f thei r myria d form s suc h as throwin g mysel f ou t o f th e window , o r knockin g of f th e hea d o f the benignan t pate r a s h e sa t wit h hi s silve r locks , writin g a t hi s table, it used to see m to me that th e only difference betwee n m e an d the insan e wa s tha t I had no t onl y al l th e horror s an d sufferin g o f insanity bu t th e dutie s o f doctor , nurs e an d strait-jacke t impose d upon me , too. Conceiv e o f neve r bein g without th e sens e that i f yo u let yoursel f g o fo r a momen t . . . yo u mus t abando n i t all , le t th e dykes brea k an d th e floo d swee p in , acknowledgin g yoursel f ab jectly impoten t befor e th e immutabl e laws . Whe n al l one' s mora l and natura l stoc k i n trad e i s a temperamen t forbiddin g th e aban -

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donment o f a n inc h o r th e relaxatio n o f a muscle , 'ti s a never ending fight. (149 , italics mine. ) The tw o form s o f he r violen t inclination , self-destructio n o r th e destruc tion o f the father—and her e a particularly archetypa l father , th e "benig nant pater " writing—an d th e totalisti c either/o r synta x spea k a deepl y regressive desir e t o brea k dow n th e boundarie s betwee n sel f an d other , here sel f an d father , a retaliator y desir e roote d i n rage . Not surprisingl y the scen e of thi s melodrama i s the library—th e repositor y o f patriarchy , where th e daughte r ca n rea d th e scrip t bu t no t writ e it , a scen e repeat edly invoke d i n lat e 19th - an d earl y 20th-centur y texts . Thin k o f th e provocative Maggie in The Mill on the Floss—a characte r James loved — reading he r father' s books , o r Dor a i n Freud' s cas e histor y dreamin g o f reading a big book i n her father' s library . But i f Maggi e outdoe s he r brothe r i n intellectua l prowess , James' s leading sympto m i s an intellectua l inhibition . "Cerebratio n i s an impos sible exercis e an d fro m jus t behin d th e eye s m y hea d feel s lik e a dens e jungle int o whic h n o ra y o f ligh t ha s eve r penetrated " (149) , sh e write s of he r inabilit y t o stud y o r thin k concentratedl y withou t grea t anxiety . Given th e phalli c markin g o f intellectua l activities—activitie s i n whic h her particularl y brillian t brother s excelled—i t i s no t har d t o loose n th e knot o f meaning s i n thi s inabilit y t o think , b y whic h sh e avoid s th e domain o f he r brother s an d perform s a conventional femininit y sh e als o despised. "Ho w sic k on e get s o f bein g 'good, ' " sh e writes , "ho w muc h I should respec t myself i f I could burs t ou t an d mak e ever y one wretche d for 2 4 hours" (64) . In a very real sense, Alice was "sick " o f being 'good. ' This restrictio n o f languag e an d consciousness— a for m o f defens e against knowing—wa s n o doub t fostere d b y Alice's relation t o William , who a s Jea n Strous e point s out , playe d th e flirtatiou s mal e wit h hi s sister, hi s letter s provocativel y sprinkle d wit h eroti c doubl e entendre s (52-55). Eroti c ambiguitie s betwee n brothe r an d siste r wer e a stapl e of 19th-centur y discourse , encouragin g fantasie s o f transgressio n an d reactive denials , a s wel l a s figuring a narcissisti c identificatio n wit h th e male othe r t o whic h wome n wer e especiall y subject . Certainl y i t wa s such a n interminglin g o f desir e an d rag e tha t Georg e Elio t represente d in the climactic brother-siste r Liebestod o f Maggi e an d To m drowne d i n an embrac e i n The Mill on the Floss, a nove l especiall y dea r t o Alic e James. Indeed , it s final imag e i s echoe d i n James' s articulatio n o f he r

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own struggl e t o contai n "th e flood " withi n her— a trop e o f exces s tha t her bod y somatize d an d he r discours e inhibited . Thu s no t surprisingl y the Diary seem s restricted i n its scope of inquir y an d attention , an d eve n in her comments o n he r reading—a spac e where her observation s woul d have transcende d th e limit s o f he r environment—he r thought s ar e no t allowed th e expansion o f significan t reflection . He r remark s ar e crabbed , or conversationall y elliptical , he r voic e relievin g it s exces s i n causti c commentary. In thi s regar d i t i s especially strikin g tha t th e mos t acerbi c ruptur e o f the chatty surfac e o f James's pros e i s provoked b y her readin g o f Georg e Eliot's letters , letters which elici t a vigorous reaction : Read th e third volum e o f Georg e Eliot's Letter s and Journals a t last . I'm gla d I made mysel f d o s o for ther e i s a faint spar k o f lif e an d a n occasional remotel y humorou s touc h i n th e las t half . Bu t wha t a monument o f ponderou s drearines s th e book ! No t on e burs t o f joy , not on e ray o f humour , no t on e living breath i n one o f he r letter s o r journals, th e commonplac e an d platitud e o f thes e last , givin g he r impressions o f the Continent , picture s an d people , is simply incredi ble! Whether i t is that he r dank , moaning feature s haun t an d pursu e one thro ' th e book , o r not , bu t sh e make s upo n m e th e impression , morally an d physically , o f mildew , o r som e morbi d growth— a fungus o f a pendulous shape , or a s of somethin g dam p t o the touch . I neve r ha d a stronge r impression . The n t o thin k o f thos e book s compact o f wisdom , humour , an d th e riches t humanity , an d o f he r as th e creato r o f th e immorta l Maggie, i n short , wha t a horribl e disillusion! Johnni e seem s t o hav e don e hi s leve l bes t t o was h ou t whatever littl e colou r th e letter s ma y hav e ha d b y th e unfortunat e form i n which h e has see n fit to print them . (40-41 ) The imag e b y whic h sh e characterize s Elio t her e i s singularl y repulsive . What i s i t abou t Elio t tha t give s Jame s th e impressio n o f a fungus , o f something dam p t o th e touch ? I f we follo w th e logi c o f th e imagery , th e morbid growth , th e milde w an d fungu s al l shar e th e qualit y o f a repug nant parasiti c dependence . Certainl y James' s words , " I neve r ha d a stronger impression, " sugges t som e ver y affectiv e roo t ha s bee n tapped , and wha t follow s nex t i s a radical exposure :

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On th e subjec t o f he r marriag e i t i s o f cours e fo r a n outside r criminal t o sa y anything , bu t wha t a shock fo r he r t o sa y sh e felt a s if her lif e wer e renewe d an d fo r he r t o expres s he r sens e o f compla cency i n th e vestr y an d church ! Wha t a betraya l o f th e muc h men tioned "perfec t love " o f the past ! This sequenc e o f association , fro m Elio t a s a damp fungu s t o he r remar riage, suggest s tha t wha t repulse s Jame s i s Eliot' s indulgenc e o f th e sexual body , a n indulgenc e tha t remarriag e signifie s an d reveals . Indeed , James repeatedl y censure s secon d marriage s bot h a s a n infidelity , a betrayal o f a n imagine d "perfec t love" 5 an d a s a n unworth y cravin g fo r sensation. January 23 , 1891 : Ho w surprise d an d shocke d I a m t o hea r tha t Ellie Emmet, whos e heart , I had bee n le d to suppose , was seare d b y sorrow, i s contemplatin g marriag e again . . . . 'Twoul d see m t o th e inexperienced tha t on e happ y "go " a t marriag e woul d hav e give n the ful l measur e o f connubia l bliss , an d al l th e chord s o f maternit y have vibrate d unde r th e manipulatio n o f si x progeny, bu t ma n live s not t o assimilat e knowledg e o f th e eterna l essenc e o f things , an d only craves a renewal o f sensation . (172 ) As wit h he r respons e t o Eliot' s remarriage , Jame s her e criticize s remar riage a s a "renewal, " criticize s thes e wome n fo r thei r indulgenc e o f th e body agains t whic h sh e was engaged i n a n ongoin g war. 6 If th e bod y a s enem y i s a pervasiv e trop e o f th e Diary, indulgin g i t makes remarriag e a virtuall y "criminal " transgression , a s th e followin g passage intimates : The wome n see m t o d o her e constantl y wha t s o rarel y happen s a t home, marr y again . 'Ti s alway s a surprise , no t tha t I hav e an y foolish youn g inflexibilit y abou t it , fo r I a m onl y to o gla d t o se e creatures gras p a t anything , outsid e murder , thef t o r intoxication , from whic h the y fanc y the y ma y extrac t happiness , bu t i t reveal s such a simple organizatio n t o b e perpetually read y t o rene w experi ence in so confiding a manner. (102 )

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This sardonic juxtaposition o r remarriag e wit h murder , thef t an d intoxi cation, is followed b y a startling synecdoch e i n which th e moral integrit y of th e woma n wh o remarrie s i s analogize d t o th e femal e fles h havin g been torn , with it s connotations o f sexua l violation : As they do i t [remarry ] withi n a year o r tw o th e moral fles h mus t b e as health y a s tha t pin k substanc e o f whic h the y ar e physicall y compact, th e tor n fibres healin g themselve s b y first intention , evi dently. Th e subjectiv e experienc e bein g wha t survive s fro m an y relation, yo u woul d suppos e tha t th e wif e par t o f yo u ha d bee n sufficiently develope d i n one experiment, a t an y rate that yo u woul d like t o contemplat e th e situatio n a bi t fro m th e beref t poin t o f view—but, no , the y ar e read y t o plung e into love again a t a mo ment's notice—a s i f 'twer e quantity , no t quality , o f emotio n tha t counted. (103 ) The trop e o f th e daughte r a s a potentiall y tor n fibre occur s agai n i n her retellin g o f a familia r narrativ e paradigm , a daughte r wh o die s fro m grief a t he r father' s remarriage , " a littl e maid" wh o "passe d wit h peace ful jo y fro m amids t th e vai n shadows . Wil l ther e b e n o stirring s o f remorse i n her father' s boso m fo r th e brutalitie s whic h ren t tha t delicat e fibre?" (195-96) . James' s representatio n o f th e daughte r a s a delicat e fibre tor n b y th e father' s brutalitie s recreate s a pervers e Gothi c famil y romance i n whic h th e consequenc e o f th e renewa l o f paterna l desir e i s imagined a s a violation o f th e daughter . Given thi s contex t o f th e inimical , vulnerable , o r crimina l body , i t i s provocative t o find tha t whe n Jame s represent s he r ow n parents ' mar riage a s ideal, she frame s i t b y an allusio n t o he r ow n body' s vulnerabil ity. Having jus t remarke d o n he r "devilis h headache, " sh e allude s t o th e danger o f microbe s fro m th e influenz a epidemi c invadin g he r chamber . But immediatel y Jame s transmute s th e bod y int o discourse , th e invasiv e materiality o f illnes s t o "ghos t microbes"—ol d letter s fro m he r parent s which hav e a profoun d effec t upo n her , a s sh e writes , "on e o f th e mos t intense, exquisit e an d profoundl y interestin g experience s I eve r had " (78). Althoug h he r metapho r "ghos t microbes " implie s a n infectio n b y the past , th e tex t quickl y transform s thi s representatio n o f th e pas t a s illness to th e past a s a fountain o f perpetua l nurturance :

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It seems now incredibl e t o m e that I should hav e drunk , a s a matte r of course , a t tha t eve r springin g fountai n o f responsiv e lov e an d bathed al l unconsciou s i n tha t flood o f huma n tenderness . Th e letters ar e mad e o f th e dail y event s o f thei r pur e simpl e lives , with soul s unruffled b y th e way s o f men , lik e specia l creatures , spiritualized an d remot e fro m coarse r clay . Fathe r ringin g th e changes upo n Mother's perfection s . . . And Mother' s words breath ing her extraordinary selfles s devotio n a s if she simply embodied th e unconscious essenc e o f wif e an d motherhood . Wha t a beautifu l picture d o the y mak e fo r th e thought s o f thei r childre n t o dwel l upon! Ho w th e emotion s o f thos e tw o dreadfu l years , whe n I wa s wrenching mysel f awa y fro m them , surg e thro ' me . (79) While he r parent s ar e represente d a s "remot e fro m coarse r clay, " th e physicality o f th e imag e o f he r mothe r "breathing " selfles s devotio n i s striking, especiall y i f on e recall s tha t th e ver y dres s o f wome n i n mid 19 th centur y boun d thei r respiratio n unnaturally . Certainl y Jame s seemed stifle d i n relation t o her mother's image , for asid e from th e abov e passage, ther e i s oddl y n o anecdota l recal l o f he r mothe r i n th e Diary. While he r fathe r an d brother s ar e frequentl y remembere d i n writing, he r mother remain s a n absence , th e materna l voic e an d figure virtuall y effaced fro m representation . In it s place ar e substitut e women , includin g herself, wome n wh o b y virtu e o f thei r bodie s ca n i n n o wa y approac h the disembodie d mothe r a s ideal. If her mother's voic e is silent i n the Diary, he r father' s i s not. Whil e i n the abov e passag e James recollect s he r father' s voic e ringing th e change s on materna l perfection , on e o f th e las t entrie s i s a mor e disquietin g memory o f he r father' s voice , thi s tim e ringin g th e change s o n he r ow n character, i n a manne r tha t perhap s account s fo r he r earlie r impuls e t o smash th e paternal pate . After remarkin g o n th e qualit y o f he r mora l judgment s an d shar p wit , she recalls the disapprovin g ring o f Father' s voice , a s h e anathematize d som e shortcoming s o f mine i n Newport on e day : 'Oh , Alice , how har d yo u are! ' and I can remember ho w penetrate d I was , no t fo r th e first time , bu t often , with th e trut h o f it , an d sa w th e repulsio n hi s natur e wit h it s rip e

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kernel o f human benignanc y felt—alas ! throug h al l these years, tha t hard cor e confronts m e still. (192 ) Since this "har d core " (th e imaginar y antithesi s o f th e wanderin g wom b that hysteri a signifies ) contain s precisel y thos e qualitie s tha t ar e he r strengths, sh e i s paradoxicall y confronte d wit h a n imag e o f sel f tha t negates her; her very core identity become s a wound induce d b y internal ization o f th e condemnatory paterna l voice . Clos e upo n thi s recollectio n of paterna l judgmen t i s anothe r memor y whic h furthe r elucidate s he r father's plac e i n he r interna l script : a joke , i n whic h Emerson , a frien d of he r father's , ask s anothe r frien d abou t her : "And wha t sor t o f a gir l i s Alice" . . . . "Sh e ha s a highl y mora l nature". . . . "Ho w i n th e worl d doe s he r fathe r ge t o n wit h her? " (i93) The punch-line, so to speak , is the difference betwee n he r an d he r father , a mora l differenc e i n he r favo r tha t sh e denies b y literally erasin g hersel f as signifie r i n the nex t sentence : "Bu t wh o shal l relat e tha t lon g alliance , made o n on e sid e o f al l tende r affection , solicitou s sympath y an d pater nal indulgence! " Finally, i t i s a disturbin g conflic t abou t self-erasur e i n th e nam e o f th e Father tha t lurk s i n th e gap s o f James' s prose— a self-erasur e whic h would als o eras e th e bod y whil e paradoxicall y inducin g a rag e tha t could onl y b e articulate d throug h th e body. 7 T o und o tha t erasure , sh e makes hersel f a writin g subject ; sh e write s th e Diary bu t write s hersel f out o f i t a s it s primar y object . Onl y a s th e Diary close s o n he r las t year , assuming wha t sh e calle d " a certai n mortuar y flavor," doe s sh e writ e about hersel f wit h mor e sensitiv e self-reflexivity . " I woul d ther e wer e more burst s o f enthusiasm , les s o f th e carpin g ton e throug h this , bu t I fear i t come s b y nature " (218) . Reference s t o th e bod y sh e coul d n o longer ignor e increase , whil e a t th e sam e tim e sh e continue s t o disclai m its significance : If th e ai m o f lif e i s th e accretio n o f fat , th e consumptio n o f foo d unattended b y digestiv e disorganization , an d a successio n o f plea surable sensations , ther e i s n o doub t tha t I a m a failure , fo r a s a n animal for m m y insatiabl e vanit y mus t allo w tha t m y existenc e

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doesn't justif y itself , bu t ever y fibre protest s agains t bein g take n simply a s a sick carcas s . . . for what powe r ha s dissolving fles h an d aching bone s t o undermin e a satisfactio n mad e o f imperishabl e things. (183) Even a s she approached th e end and allowe d hersel f t o b e the object o f her writing , sh e distance d he r bod y b y assumin g th e stanc e o f pur e percipient o f it s outline . "O f wha t matte r ca n i t b e whethe r pai n o r pleasure ha s shaped an d stamped th e pulp within , a s one is absorbed i n the suprem e interes t o f watching th e outline an d the tracery a s the line s broaden fo r eternity" (232) . In spite of this self-representatio n a s passive observer, th e line s tha t broadene d wer e th e line s sh e hersel f penne d i n the Diary, he r manipulation o f the materiality o f language givin g her the only outlin e sh e stil l historicall y retains—a s write r o f th e Diary. No t surprisingly then , Jame s continue d t o mak e manuscrip t correction s t o the last , a s i f mor e tha n he r lif e depende d upo n he r words , an d a s Katherine Lorin g wrote , "althoug h sh e was ver y wea k an d i t tire d he r much to dictate, she could not get her head quie t unti l she had it written: then sh e wa s relieved " (232-33) . Whil e on e mus t b e ver y cautiou s i n attributing psychologica l causalit y t o physical events , cautious, that i s to say, abou t privilegin g th e Imaginar y a s sourc e o f th e Real , especiall y given th e very rea l illnes s whic h Alic e James an d s o many 19th-centur y women suffered , i t remains a n uncanny piec e o f James's histor y tha t she ultimately succumbe d t o breas t cancer , a final physica l sympto m tha t exceeded th e limits of the Symbolic i n a death sh e welcomed wit h relief . If the voice of Alice James was inhibited b y rage, the voice of Florenc e Nightingale wh o lik e Jame s wa s als o bedridde n fo r muc h o f he r lif e seems t o hav e bee n projecte d int o he r tim e b y outrage . Lik e James , Nightingale wa s invalide d fo r mos t o f he r life , bu t unlik e Jame s he r illness di d not prevent he r from exertin g a n influential publi c voice . The youngest o f tw o daughters , Nightingal e gre w u p i n a divide d famil y constellation, i n which sh e was allie d wit h he r father , wh o had himsel f rigorously educate d her , agains t th e mor e conventiona l socia l expecta tions o f he r siste r an d mother . Thi s famil y frictio n too k it s toll : i n her autobiographica l writing s sh e describe s th e dreamlik e trance s an d religious hallucination s o f he r childhood , he r sens e tha t "sh e wa s a monster," an d the voices sh e heard a t traumatic moment s i n her adoles cence callin g he r t o a specia l destin y (Showalter , 62). 8 Defyin g he r

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mother's stron g censur e fo r no t marrying , Nightingal e chos e nursin g a s a vocation . Ye t afte r he r success i n th e Crimea n War , sh e returne d t o London wit h a hos t o f symptoms—includin g hear t palpitation s an d a n extreme nause a whe n presente d wit h food—an d a t th e heigh t o f he r reputation, sh e retire d t o he r bedchambe r fo r almos t hal f a century . That he r illnes s was a hysterical on e i s dramatically rendere d b y the fac t that afte r abou t fort y year s o f invalidism , Nightingale , shortl y afte r he r mother's death , apparentl y recovered . Eve n invalided , sh e wa s on e o f the mos t influentia l wome n i n Europe , writin g prolificall y o n issue s o f public healt h car e an d constitutin g nursin g a s a respectabl e professio n for middle-clas s women . The figure o f th e nurs e ha s dominate d historie s o f hysterics , fro m Anna O.' s nursin g o f he r father , whic h wa s followe d b y he r ow n nee d to b e nursed , no w inscribe d a s a contemporar y myt h o f th e origin s o f psychoanalysis, t o Freud' s remembere d relatio n t o hi s nurse constructe d as a n origi n o f hi s ow n hysterica l proclivities. 9 Tha t Nightingal e ulti mately chos e nursin g a s he r field—and litera l battlefield—o f action , concerned a s i t i s with master y o f th e vulnerabl e body , bu t throug h th e pain o f th e other, seem s certainl y overdetermined . Certainl y on e shoul d note tha t Nightingal e though t o f hersel f no t a s a practicin g nurs e bu t a s an administrator , a s fabricato r o f th e nursing-system , a rol e mor e attached t o th e masculin e executiv e function s tha n th e feminin e nurtur ing ones . Yet i n constructin g th e figure o f th e moder n nurs e an d becom ing tha t figure fo r he r time , a s wel l a s a life-lon g patient , Nightingal e acted ou t i n her ow n bifurcate d lif e a split identificatio n wit h a powerfu l maternal imago , the nurse, and its impotent antithesis , the nursed depen dent child , a spli t tha t a s wit h Alic e James, als o problematize d Nightin gale's writing voice . Writing i s not wha t w e associate with Nightingale, yet she was alway s writing, and wrot e to excess. Among he r papers i s the fragmentary pros e piece Cassandra whic h bega n a s a n autobiographica l nove l bu t whic h she seeme d unabl e t o complet e a s a fiction; eventually , afte r man y revisions, i t metamorphose d int o a lon g an d fracture d essay , par t o f which ha s bee n publishe d b y th e Feminis t Press. 10 I a m no t surprise d that th e polemical essa y was mor e congenia l t o Nightingal e tha n fiction. Clearly th e 19th-centur y fictional paradig m o f a woman' s life , endin g with a marriag e i n whic h th e heroin e finds he r pleasur e a s objec t o f desire, wen t agains t Nightingale' s fierce bu t ambivalen t embrac e o f th e

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subject position . No r surprisingly , i n th e earl y fictional versio n o f Cassandra, he r heroine , unabl e t o liv e ou t he r desire , dies , a scen e Nightin gale retaine d a t th e conclusio n o f th e essa y a s well , an d on e whic h wa s not uncommo n t o th e 19th-centur y heroine' s text . But ther e wer e othe r reason s fo r Nightingale' s dis-eas e wit h fiction, a distrust Cassandra frequentl y suggests , perhap s mos t markedl y i n he r reiterated disparagemen t o f fantasy , whic h sh e represent s a s a danger ously seductiv e substitut e fo r action ; "W e fas t mentally , scourg e our selves morally , us e th e intellectua l hai r shirt , i n orde r t o subdu e th e perpetual day-dreaming , whic h i s s o dangerous! " (27) . Wh y wa s i t s o dangerous? Whil e ther e ar e reference s i n th e essa y t o "th e evil s o f dreaming" tha t allud e to sexual fantasizing , mor e importantly , dreamin g requires a submissio n t o interiority , a passiv e yieldin g t o th e monstrou s Other, o r t o those othe r voice s in the psyche t o whic h Nightingal e coul d not submit . Fictio n require s th e abilit y t o le t g o o f th e first perso n singular, to identify wit h th e voices of the Othe r i n a multiple circulatio n of agent s an d objects , an d thi s Nightingal e seeme d unabl e t o do . I n th e essay, however , a for m whic h foreground s th e subject' s voice , Nightin gale coul d retai n mor e control , coul d circumscrib e th e spac e o f fantas y in the unconscious, and thu s mor e readil y ven t he r outrag e a t he r object : the psycho-social condition s tha t predispose d wome n t o invalidism, con ditions t o whic h sh e wa s subjec t an d abou t whic h sh e wrot e wit h th e clarity o f a great passion . Even a s argument, however , Cassandra bear s al l the marks o f a symptomatic discourse , digressive , fragmentary , inconsisten t i n it s subjec t position, characteristic s whic h cause d J . S . Mil l t o describ e i t a s a "cr i du coeur " eve n thoug h i t had bee n ver y muc h "written. " In thi s contex t Nightingale's proces s o f revisio n o f th e earl y manuscrip t nove l i s revealing. I n it s first versio n Cassandra, althoug h frame d a s a thir d perso n narrative, i s primarily tol d i n th e first perso n voic e o f it s tragi c heroin e Nofriani, a Venetia n princes s wh o complain s o f he r situatio n a s a woman t o he r brothe r Farise o i n a sequenc e o f lon g dramati c dialogue s with littl e action . Whe n a t th e en d sh e dies , he r brothe r recount s he r final words : "Free , free , oh ! divin e Freedom , ar t tho u com e a t last ? Welcome, beautifu l Death! " I n the essa y version, thes e words ar e attrib uted t o som e anonymou s dyin g woman , an d th e quotatio n mark s o f Nofriani's earlie r dialogue are removed thu s transforming a private voic e into a third perso n publi c voic e o f argument. 11 I n a n intermediat e stage ,

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however, Nightingal e excise d th e specificall y feminin e narrativ e voic e altogether; th e voice vacillates betwee n a masculine firs t perso n narrator , Fariseo, the brothe r wh o tell s hi s sister' s story , an d a n anonymou s thir d person narrator . Ultimatel y bot h Nofrian i an d Farise o ar e absorbe d int o the narrativ e voic e o f th e publishe d essay , bu t her e too , i n it s final version, th e voic e inconsistentl y shifte d betwee n a defeminized , disem bodied omniscien t thir d person , an d a first perso n plura l "we " whic h identifies wit h a generalized femal e plight . Not surprisingly , Cassandra almos t obsessivel y articulate s th e dange r of passivity , an d i s perhap s mos t vividl y represente d throug h th e trop e of the voice in Nightingale's descriptio n o f bein g "rea d alou d to, " whic h she calls "th e mos t miserabl e exercis e o f th e human intellect. " It i s lik e lyin g o n one' s back , wit h one' s hand s tie d an d havin g liquid poure d dow n one' s throat . Wors e tha n that , becaus e suffoca tion woul d immediatel y ensu e an d pu t a sto p t o thi s operation . Bu t no suffocatio n woul d sto p th e other . (34 ) The violenc e o f th e metapho r i n which listenin g t o th e voic e o f th e othe r is the equivalen t o f bein g force-fe d an d it s ora l sit e point s t o a familia r infantile fantas y o f a n intrusiv e materna l body , an d on e recall s Nightin gale's symptomati c nausea , the most prima l rejectio n o f tha t intrusion. 12 Just a s psychoanalysi s describe s th e ora l stag e o f infantil e developmen t as a prototyp e o f a late r femininit y i n whic h oralit y i s th e privilege d mode o f conflict , s o Nightingale' s tex t represent s th e feminin e positio n of listenin g rathe r tha n speakin g a s a n ora l dange r provokin g he r rage . Being compelled t o liste n t o th e voic e o f th e othe r become s th e ultimat e threat t o th e self. The issu e o f th e materna l voic e i s a familia r on e t o contemporar y critical discourse, 13 on e o f it s more uncann y feature s bein g its transgres sion o f th e boundarie s o f insid e an d outside . As Kaja Silverma n writes , Since th e voic e i s capable o f bein g internalize d a t th e sam e tim e a s it i s externalize d i t ca n spil l ove r fro m subjec t t o objec t an d objec t to subject , violatin g bodil y limits . (80 ) It i s this spillin g over , this violatio n o f no t onl y he r bodil y limit s bu t he r psychological integrit y that make s the voice of the other s o menacing fo r

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Nightingale, an d tha t prompt s he r t o propos e a n antithetica l imag e o f desire: th e daughter' s passionat e desir e t o talk . Whil e mother s taugh t their daughter s tha t wome n wer e no t passionate , Nightingal e writes , o n the contrary, passion swell s their imaginations . Bu t given the straitjacke t of femininity , i t is displaced int o a passion fo r sympatheti c conversation . Thus Nightingal e represent s th e fantas y o f a voca l interchang e wit h an imaginar y mal e double—recal l Alic e James' s "Inconnu"—a s th e fulfillment o f th e daughter' s desire : That, wit h th e phanto m companio n o f thei r fancy , the y tal k (no t love, they are too innocent, too pure, too full o f genius and imagina tion fo r that , but ) the y talk , i n fancy , o f tha t whic h interest s the m most; they seek a companion fo r thei r every thought; the companio n they find no t i n realit y the y see k i n fancy , o r i f no t that , i f no t absorbed i n endless conversations, they see themselves engage d wit h him i n stirring events . (26 ) Romantic fiction, Nightingal e suggests , appeal s t o wome n fo r th e sam e reason: i t encourage s a fantas y o f liberatio n throug h conversatio n wit h a sympatheti c mal e other . What ar e novels ? Wha t i s th e secre t char m o f ever y romanc e tha t ever was written? Th e first thing . . . i s to place the persons togethe r in circumstance s whic h naturall y cal l ou t th e hig h feeling s an d thoughts o f th e character , whic h affor d foo d fo r sympath y betwee n them o n thes e points—romanti c event s the y ar e called . Th e secon d is tha t th e heroin e ha s generall y n o famil y tie s (almost invariably no mother) or , i f sh e has , thes e d o no t interfer e wit h he r entir e independence. (28 , italics mine ) Note th e barel y disguise d wis h t o eliminat e th e mothe r a s a figure o f constraint, whic h mos t 19th-centur y novel s b y wome n did . Jus t a s i n this passage , th e mothe r i s displaced b y th e imaginar y counterpar t wit h whom sh e can shar e "foo d fo r sympathy " rathe r tha n b e force-fed, s o in her ow n lif e Nightingal e displace d he r mothe r wit h actua l counterparts , significant figures upo n who m sh e depende d fo r sympath y an d who m she rule d a s narcissisti c extension s o f he r wil l an d desire . Whe n ulti -

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mately th e exigencie s o f lif e cause d a n intimat e t o leav e her , sh e re sponded wit h rag e an d symptoms . It seem s propheti c tha t i n Cassandra —written i n 1852 , befor e sh e took t o he r ow n bed—Nightingal e recognize d tha t invalidis m wa s a perverse for m o f aggressivit y whic h corrupt s no t onl y th e individua l life , but impoverishe s th e symboli c orde r a s well . I n on e o f he r formidabl e insights int o the paralysis induce d b y rage she writes: "Th e grea t reform ers o f th e worl d tur n int o th e grea t misanthropists , i f circumstance s . . . do no t permi t the m t o act . Christ, if he had been a woman, might have been nothing but a great complained "(53 , italics mine) . The parado x i s rich: If Christ had bee n a woman, h e would onl y have complained rathe r than acted . Bu t also , i f Chris t ha d bee n a woman , hi s discours e woul d have bee n impotent ; hi s audienc e woul d hav e hear d an d dismisse d hi s message a s onl y a complaint . Chris t woul d hav e bee n Cassandra , th e enraged prophet-daughte r wh o speak s bu t i s destine d no t t o b e heard , whose voic e i s strippe d o f an y clai m t o authority . Lik e a numbe r o f women i n conflic t wit h patriarcha l femininity , lik e Alic e Jame s hearin g her father' s voice , he r brother' s voice , writin g t o he r mal e Inconnu , Nightingale establishe s th e discursiv e potenc y o f th e mal e voice , an d finds he r imaginar y counterpart , he r eg o ideal , i n Christ , th e prophet son, who i s empowered t o spea k a s a woman neve r is . Thus i t i s especiall y tellin g (an d prophetic , fo r Nightingale' s "cr i d u coeur" wa s no t hear d unti l recently ) tha t Nightingal e chos e Cassandr a as he r voic e (sh e referre d t o hersel f a s "poo r Cassandra " i n he r letter s and notes , th e ma d prophet-daughter) . Mor e resonantly , Nightingale' s own prope r famil y name— a nam e he r fathe r assume d i n orde r t o clai m an inheritance—allude s t o a myth—th e rap e o f Philomela—i n whic h a woman's complain t i s silence d b y cuttin g ou t he r tongu e an d changin g her int o a nightingale . Di d Nightingal e hea r hersel f a s Philomela a s wel l as Cassandra ? Th e excisio n o f th e woman' s tongu e i s mean t t o destro y the femal e voic e a s logos , a s meaning. 14 Th e voic e o f th e woma n i n patriarchal discours e mus t remai n th e voic e o f th e nightingale , a voca l image of pleasur e rathe r tha n knowledge , soun d withou t meaning , with out pain . But i f th e myt h o f th e nightingal e conventionall y represent s silenc e a s the for m a s wel l a s consequenc e o f women' s suffering , throug h th e first person plura l Nightingale' s Cassandr a give s suffering a communal voic e and make s pai n a spur t o socia l action :

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Give u s bac k ou r suffering , w e cr y t o heave n i n ou r hearts—suffer ing rathe r tha n indifferentism , fo r ou t o f nothin g come s nothing . But ou t o f sufferin g ma y com e th e cure . Bette r hav e pai n tha n paralysis! (29 ) Although Nightingal e hersel f refuse d th e labe l feminist , i n Cassandra he r outrage turne d th e complain t t o politica l account , enablin g a n identifica tion wit h wome n tha t wa s ultimatel y empowering . NOTES

1. Fo r psychoanalyti c discussion s o f rage , se e especiall y Klein , "Earl y Stage s of the Oedipu s Conflict " (1928) , " A Contributio n t o the Psychogenesis o f Mani c Depressive States " (1935) ; Freud , "Th e Eg o an d th e Id " (1923) , SE XIX ; an d Lacan, "O n Aggressivity " i n Ecrits (1977) . 2. I t i s well documente d tha t bot h Henr y an d Willia m suffere d fro m physica l ailments an d effect s n o les s mysterious an d hysterica l tha n Alice's . See especiall y Jean Strouse , Alice James (Ne w York : Houghto n Mifflin , 1980) . 3. I t i s fascinatin g t o not e tha t i n th e month s afte r he r mother' s death , Alic e James wa s suddenl y n o invalid , bu t rather , hersel f nurse d he r demandin g an d depressed fathe r unti l h e starved himsel f t o deat h les s than a year afte r hi s wife' s death. 4. I n that passage , she discusses Binet' s ide a o f hysterica l "contraction s o f th e field o f consciousness, " instance s o f "absences " o f consciousnes s commo n t o hysteria whic h allo w th e ego to disavo w unacceptabl e impulses . 5. Writin g o f a sufferin g Englis h lad y wh o wa s th e firs t marrie d t o a hand some cavalr y office r b y who m sh e ha d on e daughter , an d wh o the n married , after hi s death , a stodg y curat e b y who m sh e ha d nin e children , Alic e approv ingly note s tha t sh e wa s berate d b y he r daughte r fo r he r secon d marriage , an d by he r siste r fo r havin g s o man y childre n an d settin g a ba d exampl e (146-47 , Oct. 12 , 1890) ; also , se e th e stor y o f th e daughte r dyin g becaus e o f father' s remarriage, a stor y whic h Henr y Jame s use d a s subjec t o f "Th e Marriages " (105, Apri l 2 2 , 1981) .

6. I n thi s wa y on e ca n understan d wh y he r criticis m o f Eliot' s remarriag e i s immediately followe d b y he r unforgivin g censur e o f Eliot' s articulatio n o f he r pain: What a n abjec t cowar d sh e seem s t o hav e bee n abou t physica l pain , a s i f i t weren't degradin g enoug h t o hav e headaches , without jottin g the m dow n i n a row to star e at one for al l time, thereby defeating th e beneficent la w whic h provides tha t physica l pai n i s forgotten . I f sh e relate d he r disease s an d he r

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"depressions" an d tol d fo r th e goo d o f other s wha t armou r sh e ha d forge d against them , i t woul d b e conceivable , bu t the y see m simpl y cherishe d a s the vehicle fo r a moan. (40-42 ) 7. Paradoxically , sh e welcome s he r illnes s a s givin g he r substance ; whe n sh e finally discover s tha t sh e ha s a tumor , sh e i s elate d t o b e abl e t o nam e he r problem a s real. Ever sinc e I hav e bee n ill , I hav e longe d an d longe d fo r som e palpabl e disease,. . . bu t I was alway s drive n bac k t o stagge r alon e unde r th e mon strous mas s o f subjectiv e sensation s whic h tha t sympatheti c bein g "th e medical man " ha d n o highe r inspiratio n tha n t o assur e m e I was personall y responsible for . (207 ) 8. Se e the informativ e introductio n t o Cassandra b y Myr a Star k (Ne w York : Feminist Press , 1979) ; also , Donal d R . Allen , "Florenc e Nightingale : Towar d a Psychohistorical Interpretation " i n Florence Nightingale: Saint, Reformer or Rebel? edite d b y Raymond G . Herbert (Malabar , FL : Robert E . Krieger Publish ing Co. , 1981) ; Showalter , The Female Malady, op.cit. ; Mar y Poovey , Uneven Developments (Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1988) . 9. Se e Jim Swan , "Mater an d Nannie " fo r a ful l discussio n o f thi s comple x maternal imaginar y i n Freud . 10. I first learne d o f th e natur e o f thi s documen t i n conversatio n wit h Elain e Showalter, wh o describe d Cassandra a s a ver y lon g digressiv e work , ver y muc h in the character o f a hysterical pros e piece. Subsequently, Katherin e Snyder , wh o is writin g a boo k o n Nightingale , generousl y provide d m e wit h a cop y o f th e original manuscript . I a m greatl y indebte d t o he r transcriptio n o f Nightingale' s first versio n o f Cassandra, an d he r insightfu l readin g o f manuscrip t change s i n an unpublishe d paper , "Self-Revision , Self-Construction : Th e Manuscrip t o f 'Cassandra.' 11. Snyde r note s suc h othe r alteration s a s Nightingale' s excisio n o f detail s that wer e autobiographica l o r to o conventionall y romantic , an d he r shortenin g of the heroine' s fantasies . 12. Prophetically , th e figure o f bein g forced-fe d becam e a violent realit y fo r a host o f militan t suffragette s decade s later. Also, it was her father wh o rea d alou d to her , no t he r mother . 13. Fo r Juli a Kristev a th e voic e i s a pleasurabl e materna l enclosure , an d th e primordial listenin g experienc e a prototyp e fo r subsequen t auditor y pleasures . Other theorist s insis t o n th e negativ e dimensio n o f th e voic e a s a n experienc e o f maternal entrapment . Fo r Laca n th e voic e i s a fundamenta l objec t o f desire — one o f th e first t o b e distinguishe d fro m th e subject' s ow n sel f an d t o b e introjected. Se e Kaja Silverman , 84-85 .

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14. Psychoanalyticall y speaking , cuttin g ou t th e tongu e i s a castration , i n particular, a n excisio n o f th e powe r o f language . It s relatio n t o th e nightingal e myth wa s reinforce d fo r m e recentl y whe n Professo r Li a Lerner , o f th e Depart ment o f Spanis h an d Comparativ e Literatur e a t Fordha m University , calle d m y attention t o one of Boccaccio's storie s in which a woman i s holding a nightingal e which suddenl y i s transforme d int o a penis . Thu s Silverma n write s tha t th e "female voic e provide s th e acousti c equivalen t o f a n ejaculation, " The Acoustic Mirror, 68 . WORKS CITE D

Bronte, Charlotte . Jane Eyre. Ne w York : New America n Library , i960 . Freud, Sigmund . Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Work (SE). Ed. James Strachey . London : Hogart h Press , 1 9 61. . "Studie s i n Hysteria" (1895) , H 19-135 . . "Hysterica l Phantasie s an d thei r Relatio n t o Bisexuality " (1908) , I X 157-66. . "Th e Eg o and th e Id" (1923) , XIX, 3-63 . . Female Sexuality " (1931 ) XXI , 223-43 . James, Alice. Diary. Hammondsport , Middlesex : Penguin , 1982 . Klein, Melanie. "Earl y Stage s o f th e Oedipu s Conflict " (1928) , " A Contributio n to the Psychogenesis o f Manic Depressiv e States " (1935) , in Selected Papers, ed. Juliet Mitchell . Hammondsworth , Middlesex , England : Penguin , 1986 . Krohn, Alan. Hysteria: The Elusive Neurosis. Ne w York : International Universi ties Press, 1978 . Lacan, Jacques . Ecrits: A Selection. Trans . A . Sheridan . Ne w York : Norton , 1977. Nightingale, Florence. Cassandra. Ne w York : Feminis t Press , 1979 . Showalter, Elaine . The Female Malady: Women, Madness, and English Culture, 1830-1980. Ne w York : Pantheon , 1985 . Silverman, Kaja . The Acoustic Mirror. Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1988. Strouse, Jean. Alice James. Ne w York : Houghto n Mifflin , 1980 . Swan, Jim. "Mater an d Nannie : Freud' s Tw o Mother s an d th e Discover y o f th e Oedipus Complex. " American Imago 3 1 (1974) : 1-64 .

C H A P T E R8

"All Anger an d Understanding " Kureishi, Culture, and Contemporary Constructions of Rage

TERRY L . A L L I S O N an d RENE E R . CURR Y

Hanif Kureish i commit s himsel f t o th e representatio n o f rag e a s vita l narrative forc e whe n depictin g oppressio n i n film and i n literature. Sinc e Kureishi work s bot h i n film an d i n literatur e an d present s rag e a s a multi-issue, multicultural concern , h e provides a n exemplar y representa tion o f th e curren t artisti c engagemen t wit h rage . Kureish i describe s th e particular rag e abou t belongin g tha t a ma n raise d i n Englan d b y a n English mothe r an d a Pakistan i fathe r experience s upo n hi s retur n fro m a tri p t o India : I read i n th e paper tha t a Pakistani famil y i n th e Eas t En d ha d bee n fire-bombed. A child was killed. This, of course, happens frequently . It i s th e pig' s hea d throug h th e window , th e spi t i n th e face , th e children wit h th e initial s o f racis t organization s tattooe d int o thei r skin with razo r blades , as well a s the more polit e form s o f hatred . I was i n a rage. (London Kills Me, 34 ) However, th e artisti c predicament o f displayin g rag e o n a screen o r o n a page prove s difficul t an d multifacete d becaus e rage , b y definition , i s a n unchecked intensit y o f anger , an d becaus e th e behavior s ofte n describe d as rage more accuratel y displa y th e manifestations o f a rage. Rage, th e emotion , serve s a s catalys t t o th e volatil e o r violen t action s we ofte n (mistakenly ) cal l rage . An y attemp t t o represen t rag e i n form s of ar t become s a n attemp t a t containing , understandin g an d formalizin g an emotio n tha t elude s shap e an d control . Nevertheless , a lon g histor y 146

"All Anger and Understanding" 147 of representin g rag e exist s i n th e literar y an d performin g arts . Thi s chapter doe s no t attemp t t o gathe r al l researc h abou t fictional represen tations o f rage , bu t rathe r t o focu s o n late-twentieth-centur y fictional texts. B y surveyin g briefl y othe r curren t fictional text s o n rage , w e wil l situate Kureish i amon g a coalitio n o f filmmakers an d writer s fo r who m the issu e o f rage , it s structura l challenges , an d it s cultura l significanc e constitutes a catalyst fo r artisti c endeavor . Although thi s chapte r wil l addres s methodicall y al l thre e o f thes e aspects o f rag e i n fictional texts , w e mus t first addres s th e particula r problematic associate d wit h assertin g th e cultura l significanc e o f an y work o f art . In accountin g fo r th e fac t tha t filmmakers an d literar y artists fee l compelle d t o recor d th e experienc e o f rag e i n fictional terms , regardless o f it s structural challenges , viewers an d reader s automaticall y leap t o th e assumptio n o f a socia l an d cultura l meanin g tha t lurk s a s backdrop t o these creations. However, critic s in cultural studie s rang e i n their assessmen t regardin g th e cultural "meaning " o f an y given artwork . Joseph Grixt i assert s tha t becaus e fictions constitut e socia l an d cultura l productions, "the y for m par t o f th e symboli c structure s whic h w e use t o make sens e o f an d ascrib e meanin g t o ou r existence " (xii) . Mukerji an d Schudson war n agains t an y suc h "simpl y state d relationships " betwee n artistic product s an d thei r cultura l contex t particularl y becaus e w e liv e in "highl y complex , differentiated , plura l societies " tha t undermin e an y attempt t o mak e direc t correspondence s betwee n product s an d thei r producing societie s (30) . While avoidin g a simply stated relationship , w e interrogate th e particula r cultura l significanc e o f Kureishi' s representa tions o f rage . Furthermore , w e argu e tha t h e participate s i n a powerfu l and rapidl y formin g coalitio n o f rag e productio n aime d a t threatenin g and prophesyin g th e possibilit y o f increasin g manifestation s o f rag e i n the world beyon d th e scree n an d th e page . Before discussin g Kureishi's work , w e want t o outlin e bot h th e critica l tradition an d t o nam e th e coalitio n participant s wh o hel p elucidat e Kureishi's relationship to rage representation an d t o a particular broade r culture. Lik e mos t screenwriters , Kureish i ha d t o find a film directo r willing t o delive r hi s wor k t o th e screen . Kureish i chos e Stephe n Frear s as hi s collaborator , an d th e unio n prove d strategic , simpatico, an d profitable fo r bot h artists . Similar i n political an d artisti c vision , the tw o men produce d th e profoun d cultura l mosaics , My Beautiful Laundrette and Sammy and Rosie Get Laid. Thes e films launche d Frears' s directo -

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rial caree r an d brough t internationa l fame , vi a a n America n Academ y Award nominatio n fo r bes t screenpla y (My Beautiful Laundrette), a s a writer t o Kureishi . Before th e tw o worke d together , Frear s ha d mad e thirty-plu s films for Britis h televisio n an d tw o commerciall y unsuccessfu l genr e films, Gumshoe (1971 ) an d The Hit (1984 ) (Giannett i an d Eyman , 454-54) . My Beautiful Laundrette, Kureishi' s first screenplay , afforde d Frear s a n opportunity t o shif t awa y fro m formulai c cinemati c construction s an d to mov e towar d a livelie r fusio n o f relationshi p issue s wit h politica l contexts. Their compatibilit y stem s fro m a mutua l sens e tha t film imag e and writte n image , wedded b y cinematic technology , ca n for m a power ful union . Frears' s films sinc e hi s collaboratio n wit h Kureish i stil l main tain thi s linkag e wit h th e written imag e i n that h e predominantly adapt s novels t o th e screen . Althoug h successful , Frears' s subsequen t work , financed b y th e America n film industry , "lack s th e livelines s o f Frears ' collaborations wit h Kureishi " (Giannett i an d Eyman , 454) . Likewise , Kureishi's on e sol o fora y int o film directin g London Kills Me (1992 ) lacks th e technica l prowes s an d cinemati c dept h o f bot h Kureishi/Frear s collaborations. Besides taking par t i n a two-person collaboration , Kureish i an d Frear s also tak e par t i n a peculiar groupin g o f director s ben t o n deliverin g rag e to th e contemporar y film screen . Ou r renderin g o f thi s grou p doe s no t propose t o b e interpretive , bu t rathe r t o b e suggestiv e o f a likenes s i n creative productio n an d impetus . At first glance , th e followin g directors , workin g i n th e las t tw o de cades, an d thei r products , see m unlikel y compatriots ; however , the y share a n interes t bot h i n prophesyin g abou t rag e a s well a s i n managin g strategies fo r depictin g th e unrepresentabl e emotion . Thi s coalitio n in cludes, bu t i s no t limite d to , Marlee n Gorri s ( A Question of Silence, 1983), Spik e Le e (Do the Right Thing, 1989) , Bil l Bixb y (The Death of the Incredible Hulk, 1990) , Ridle y Scot t (Thelma and Louise, 1991) , Julie Das h (Daughters of the Dust, 1991) , Aliso n Maclea n (Crush, 1992), an d Joel Schumache r (Falling Down, 1993) . The filmmakers an d their films range i n type fro m mas s media popula r cultur e t o Hollywoo d blockbuster t o independen t arthous e film to foreign fare . Thes e coalitio n members ma y neve r hav e spoke n t o on e another ; however , thei r films speak man y tongue s abou t th e sam e issue: rage, its structural challenges , and it s cultural significance .

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Although th e made-for-television movie , The Death of the Incredible Hulk, succeed s Gorris' s an d Lee' s landmar k films , th e Marve l comi c strip an d the long-running televisio n serie s bot h serv e as predecessors t o big scree n rage . Th e Incredible Hulk , a larg e gree n muscle-boun d ma n who alternatel y growl s an d roars, serve s as the original manifestatio n o f onscreen rage . Bill Bixby's The Death of the Incredible Hulk clarifie s the exact relationshi p betwee n rag e an d th e Hulk . In a rar e momen t o f revelation, Davi d Banner , forme r Princeto n an d Harvar d scientist , speaks abou t hi s transformations int o the Incredible Hulk : I hav e a mutatio n nea r th e rag e cente r o f m y brain . An d durin g moments o f ange r o r fear , i t secrete s a hormone , an d I becom e a mutant thing , a beast, unti l the rage ends . It's not human . In thi s discourse , rag e become s a n inhuma n emotion . Ye t th e mani festation o f rag e o n th e screen , althoug h primitive , i s clearl y human . The visua l constructio n o f rag e o n th e scree n thereb y belie s th e nar rative discours e associate d wit h it . In thi s contradiction , w e rea d a particular cultura l inabilit y t o embrac e feeling s o f rag e a s human , a s normal. The mos t interestin g aspec t o f th e rag e constructe d i n the Incredibl e Hulk i s the human obsessio n wit h viewin g rag e a s a uniquel y persona l problem, an d a s a physica l transformatio n o f th e self, rathe r tha n a s a societal respons e t o injustice s agains t th e self-system. In the Hulk , rag e becomes a n unnatura l emotion . A s Michael Lewi s remind s us , enforce ment o f rage as unnatural an d inappropriate induce s sham e an d actually fuels th e creation o f rage: Anger i s a simpl e bodil y response , wherea s rag e i s a process . Thi s process involve s movin g fro m sham e t o rage , whic h lead s t o mor e shame, which lead s to more rage . ("Th e Development o f Anger and Rage," 159) Bill Bixby' s constructio n o f rag e a s a primitiv e huma n for m codifie s a particular cultura l messag e abou t rage : rag e i s monstrous, unjustifiable , and wrong . In Bixby's version , rag e prophesie s deat h an d hideous trans formation t o the self. Post-Hulk filmmakers workin g o n rag e redefin e rag e alon g Lewis' s

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lines a s a "natura l emotion " (148 ) an d thereb y reasser t it s plac e a s tha t emotion aime d a t protectin g th e sel f fro m shamefu l injustices . I n Dutc h filmmaker Marlee n Gorris' s A Question of Silence, thre e ordinar y women kil l a male shopkeeper i n reaction t o a lifetime o f sham e induce d by dail y dose s o f gender-base d injustice . Gorri s construct s rage' s unrep resentability b y dividing the manifestation scene s into a tension-building , three-part flashbac k tha t utilize s a stalkin g camer a an d tha t addresse s contemporary theoretica l cinem a issues , suc h a s Laur a Mulvey' s theor y of th e gaze . Th e shopkeeper' s las t words , "No w loo k her e ladies, " ironically signa l th e wome n t o mak e ey e contact wit h eac h othe r an d t o then loo k upo n hi m a s a patriarcha l representative . Thi s fil m threaten s the symbol s o f patriarcha l orde r an d prophesie s t o a cultur e th e powe r of ordinar y wome n wit h directe d gaze s to manifes t thei r rage . In Do the Right Thing, Spik e Le e frame s African-Americans ' rag e against th e continuous disrespec t whit e peopl e demonstrat e towar d Afri can-American discours e an d accomplishment . Lee' s signifyin g tech niques use d t o depic t rage , cante d shot s an d extrem e facial close-ups , enable hi m t o produc e a tilted , off-center , jarrin g onscree n world , a world whic h viewer s mus t literall y an d figuratively tur n thei r head s t o view. Thes e technique s allo w hi m t o laye r a serie s o f head-turning , escalating manifestation s o f rage . Le e prophesie s a powerfu l systemi c destruction a s possibl y th e onl y mean s o f maintainin g self-respec t eve n if it results i n self-destruction . In Thelma and Louise, directo r Ridle y Scot t anticipate s Lan i Guinier' s premise tha t peopl e resor t t o unsystemati c an d destabilizin g mean s o f attaining justic e whe n the y forese e n o jus t futur e (5-7) . Thi s film's rag e emerges fro m women' s inabilit y t o fatho m a jus t futur e fo r themselves . Louise tells Thelma's rapist : "I n th e future , whe n a woman i s crying lik e that, sh e isn' t havin g an y fun, " t o whic h th e perpetrato r Harla n replies , "I should'v e fucke d her. " Louise , recognizin g i n Harlan' s word s evi dence o f a n ongoin g unjus t future , kill s him . Scot t construct s thi s rag e through framin g device s tha t detac h th e gun , symbo l o f rag e manifesta tions, fro m Louise' s han d an d devices tha t separat e th e frame s house d by Louis e an d Harlan . The y exis t i n differen t worlds . Th e cultura l significance o f thi s film lie s i n it s deat h prophes y t o thos e wh o threate n a safe future . In "Poe m About M y Rights," June Jordan furthe r reiterate s the cultural threa t pose d b y women wh o hav e bee n raped :

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and I can't tel l you wh o th e hel l se t things u p lik e thi s but I can tel l you tha t fro m no w o n m y resistanc e my simple and dail y an d nightl y self-determinatio n may very well cost you you r lif e (104 ) Rape causes anothe r filmmake r t o discer n method s fo r displayin g rag e on th e screen . I n Daughters of the Dust, Juli e Das h situate s turn-of-the century African-American s fighting amon g themselve s abou t th e mov e North an d it s particula r meanin g t o African-America n women . T o con struct thi s rage , Das h juxtapose s Eula' s volatil e discours e agains t th e rapid an d gyratin g movement s o f Eula' s pregnan t body . Th e particula r cultural significanc e o f thi s depictio n onc e agai n rest s i n th e revelatio n of a rage discours e base d o n women' s relationshi p t o rape . Eula rages : If you'r e s o ashame d o f Yello w Mar y 'caus e sh e go t ruined . . . . Well, wha t d o yo u sa y abou t me ? A m I ruine d too ? . . . A s fa r a s this plac e i s concerned , w e neve r enjoye d ou r womanhood . . . . Deep inside , w e believe d tha t the y ruine d ou r mothers , an d thei r mothers befor e them . An d w e liv e ou r live s alway s expectin g th e worst becaus e w e feel w e don't deserv e an y better . Here Eul a speak s th e unspeakabl e an d thereb y warn s o f a cultur e o f women wh o hav e bee n mad e t o fee l ashamed . Alison Maclean' s Crush als o portrays a rage that burst s fro m withi n a group o f seemingl y homogeneou s people . Thi s film, an d it s rage , break s down th e myt h o f whit e woman' s sisterhoo d fo r th e purpos e o f demon strating tha t som e o f th e rag e agains t patriarch y stem s fro m th e wa y women hav e bee n socialize d t o trea t eac h other . Maclean' s camer a studiously frame s women' s facia l agony—th e fac e o f rage. She locks thi s face i n th e fram e a t th e exac t momen t befor e it s manifestatio n whic h results i n on e woma n killin g another . Th e cultura l significanc e o f thi s film resides i n it s dar k humor . Th e film laugh s a t th e myt h o f women' s nurturing capabilities an d allow s women t o "see " each othe r a s comple x characters capabl e o f multipl e rages . Joel Schumacher' s Falling Down divorce s rag e fro m th e disenfran chised, ye t i t continue s th e themati c o f freedo m an d injustice . In thi s film, a defens e engineer , Willia m Foster , turn s hi s whit e rag e ont o th e

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surrounding community . Schumache r frame s hi s seethin g rag e i n seve n instances, eac h instanc e reflectin g an d reversin g th e celebrate d rage s o f disenfranchised an d reactionar y groups : Koreans , Latinos , teenagers , women, homosexuals , the homeless, supremacists, and th e elderly. Schu macher represent s rag e mostl y throug h it s manifestation s an d throug h third-person narrativ e account s o f Foster' s problems . Whe n Foste r i s finally arreste d an d says , "F m th e ba d guy ? How' d tha t happen ? I protect America, " th e cultural significanc e o f the film becomes clear. Th e film prophesie s th e adven t o f a whit e mal e rag e tha t build s a s defens e against bein g everybody' s ba d guy . Wherea s th e othe r films concentrat e on a singula r an d particula r outburst , whit e mal e rag e threaten s every one i n it s bent o n preservin g th e ultimat e good-gu y image . The constructions employe d b y filmmakers t o represent a n uncontain able emotio n withi n a clearl y define d fram e includ e device s tha t rang e from specia l effects t o narrative expressions . These device s include trans formation o f bodil y for m (Hulk), tension-buildin g scen e divisio n (Question, Falling), stalkin g camer a (Question), redefine d "gaze " (Question), canted shot s (Right Thing), manifestatio n layerin g (Right Thing), fram ing th e fac e o f rag e (Right Thing, Crush), fragmente d frame s (Thelma and Louise), an d image/discours e juxtapositio n (Daughters). In eac h case th e filmmakers desig n a relationship betwee n rag e a s subject matte r and rag e a s filmic representatio n t o varyin g degree s o f success . Th e difficulty alway s stem s fro m film's overwhelmin g abilit y t o depic t actio n over emotion , t o depic t manifestation s rathe r tha n th e precipator y rage . Hanif Kureishi' s an d Stephe n Frears' s Sammy and Rosie Get Laid (1987) provide s a n importan t successfu l exampl e o f rag e representatio n in cinema . Thi s film, a dar k comed y se t i n contemporar y Eas t London , situates a progressive marrie d couple , Samm y an d Rosie , against a back drop o f riotou s event s bot h litera l an d figurative. Th e visi t o f Sammy' s father, a heartles s politica l fugitiv e fro m a n unname d Asia n country , provides opportunitie s fo r Samm y an d Rosi e t o confron t th e race , class, and gender-base d rag e bubblin g withi n thei r relationshi p a s wel l a s th e rage stemmin g fro m thei r politica l values . Kureishi an d Frear s emplo y a wealt h o f cinemati c practice s aime d a t allowing th e rage in Sammy and Rosie Get Laid t o emerge from betwee n various apparat i attemptin g t o contai n it . Thi s tea m seem s particularl y adept a t synthesizin g strategie s t o provid e a pervasiv e sens e o f rag e throughout thei r film narratives .

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In th e makin g o f thi s film , Kureish i an d Frear s talke d "frequentl y about th e shap e o f it , o f pressin g i t experimentall y al l ove r t o locat e the bone s beneat h th e rollin g fat " {London, 184) . Thi s discussio n o f experimenting wit h th e shap e o f film s describe s a concep t tha t Ine z Hedges name s "frame-breaking " (xiv-xv) . Th e cinemati c practice s em ployed b y Kureish i an d Frear s ai m t o brea k th e conceptua l framin g o f rage b y refusing t o mummif y i t o r t o preserv e i t with form . The y desig n space fro m whic h rag e migh t emerge ; the y d o no t fram e rag e i n som e type o f falsifyin g form . Thei r technique s fo r encouragin g a readin g o f rage includ e juxtaposition s o f violen t scenes , vacillation s betwee n dia logue an d dramatization , an d layerin g an d refocusin g o f arguments . At first viewing, th e rag e i n Sammy and Rosie seem s neve r t o com e t o fruition. Upo n studyin g th e film, thi s curbin g o f fruitio n prove s deliber ate; th e director s wan t t o distinguis h betwee n rag e an d it s manifesta tions. Th e camer a ofte n cut s away , refusin g t o dwel l o n an y particula r violent, outrageous , o r horrifyin g event . Kureish i an d Frear s see m t o safeguard th e audienc e fro m a concentrate d violence . Bu t i n fact , th e numerous image s an d discussion s o f violenc e i n th e film linge r i n th e mind, an d th e overal l ton e o f th e film emit s a n ever-threatening , ever growing, never-to-b e resolve d sens e o f rage . Kureish i an d Frear s attac k the scopophilia—th e pleasur e i n looking—o f th e film in order t o recon struct wha t thei r audienc e look s at . In Laur a Mulvey' s terms , suc h reconstruction attack s formatio n o f pleasur e an d allow s thes e filmmakers "t o mak e wa y fo r a tota l negatio n o f th e eas e an d plenitud e o f the narrativ e fiction film" (16) . Kureish i an d Frear s deliberatel y avoi d constructing th e pleasure tha t stem s fro m watchin g an d understandin g a well-formed, thorough , encapsulated , an d containe d scen e o f violence . Instead the y juxtapose scenario s that bot h provok e an d sugges t rage, bu t that sto p shor t o f depictin g it . T o depic t th e result s o f provocation s would mov e th e scene s int o th e real m o f manifestations . T o dwel l to o long o n an y on e attribut e o f th e rag e woul d b e t o familiariz e i t t o th e audience an d t o mak e i t comfortable an d patterned . Sammy and Rosie open s wit h jus t suc h a narrative juxtaposition . On e scene involve s a n arme d polic e rai d o f a blac k woman' s house . A s the y intrude int o th e home , fill her hallwa y an d gra b fo r he r son , sh e hurl s a pan o f boilin g fa t a t them . A youn g co p the n shoot s her . Th e film immediately cut s awa y t o a youn g ma n outsid e th e house , the n t o th e ensuing chao s buildin g towar d a rio t i n th e streets . Kureish i an d Frear s

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juxtapose th e two scenes—tha t o f the woman bein g shot an d tha t o f th e chaos i n th e streets—t o establis h fo r th e viewe r bot h a caus e an d a n effect. Th e juxtapositio n o f th e tw o type s o f chao s provide s a narrativ e friction. Thi s ru b ignite s th e rage . Th e camer a doe s no t hove r lon g enough t o familiariz e eithe r th e shootin g o r th e rioting; it simply catche s the igniting rage an d allow s the chaos—in th e shap e o f the stree t riots — to linge r throughou t th e film . Rage abou t gende r relation s furthe r complicate s Sammy and Rosie. I n one scen e Alic e tell s Raf i ho w bitterl y sh e suffere d when , s o man y year s before, h e ha d promise d t o elop e wit h he r bu t the n jilte d her . Th e camera doe s not simpl y report Alice' s face no r simpl y her words becaus e the frame d fac e o f rag e an d th e languag e woul d hav e serve d a s contain ers for th e expressed anger . Kureishi an d Frear s have Alice take Raf i int o the basement , th e symboli c horror settin g for killing s and fo r revelation s of hidde n evils . I n fact , a ghos t fro m Rafi' s pas t follow s Raf i int o th e basement, a ghos t tha t onl y Raf i an d th e viewer s prov e abl e t o see . I n this basement , th e camer a follow s Alic e a s sh e dramatize s th e situatio n of he r waitin g period . Sh e show s Raf i th e year s o f journa l entrie s sh e made t o him, the suitcase packed an d read y t o go, complete wit h rottin g elopement garments , shoe s an d a perfum e bottle . Th e camera , rathe r than simpl y displacin g th e rag e ont o th e objects , create s a vacillatio n between dialogu e an d objec t s o tha t th e tensio n evoke s a sens e o f rage . The audienc e reel s betwee n th e soun d o f th e bitte r word s tha t encapsu late feelings , th e oppressiv e sensatio n o f th e basement , an d th e sigh t o f the object s tha t represen t th e pain. A simultaneous pullin g o f the object s and a releasin g o f th e word s enact s a n alternativ e marriag e o f anger , shame, and dashe d hop e whic h produce s rag e a s its offspring . Kureishi an d Frear s als o practic e th e narrativ e strateg y o f layerin g situations t o exacerbat e th e rag e o f a politica l argument . I n th e dinne r scene amon g Rafi , Sammy , an d Rosie , Rosi e confront s Raf i abou t hi s government activities , abou t th e torturin g an d murdering , abou t th e hanging o f mullah s upsid e dow n o n skewers . Th e argumen t become s increasingly lou d an d volatile . Th e camer a flash-focuse s o n a tabl e o f young adult s wavin g t o th e manage r t o ton e dow n th e argument . Th e camera refocuse s o n th e manage r attemptin g t o spea k wit h th e arguin g table, bu t hi s voic e lack s th e volum e neede d t o penetrat e th e scene . Th e camera the n turn s t o a grou p o f wome n musician s wh o scuttl e ove r t o the tabl e i n a n attemp t t o drow n ou t th e argument . Th e filmmakers d o

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not desig n thi s particula r constructio n b y juxtapositio n o r cutaway s o r camera vacillations . A s th e entir e mise-en-scen e contain s an d recenter s each o f th e attempt s t o contro l th e argumen t an d t o curtai l th e rage , th e composition become s more layere d an d th e three complex force s feedin g the rage—th e gentilit y represente d b y th e complainin g couple , th e au thority represented b y the manager, an d the competing, non-threatening , melodic art s a s represente d b y th e musicians—becom e par t o f th e ten sions that prov e catalyst s fo r th e creation o f rage . Through th e us e o f narrativ e juxtaposition , vacillations , an d layerin g in th e films , technique s use d t o a lesse r degre e i n My Beautiful Laundrette, an d t o a les s politica l degre e i n th e recen t London Kills Me, directed b y Kureish i alone , thi s filmmake r welcome s a comple x rag e t o his film . A t th e en d o f Sammy and Rosie, th e titl e character s embrac e each other i n consolation fo r Sammy' s fathe r havin g killed himself. They hold ont o a quiverin g bond , a n Englis h woma n an d a Pakistani-Englis h man; the y hol d ont o th e imag e o f a marriag e tha t threaten s t o crumble . However, thi s imag e doe s no t impl y tha t th e marriag e bond s hav e bee n reformed, bu t rathe r tha t connection s ever-boun d b y ragin g issue s o f gender, class, and rac e continue. These forces, a s prophesied i n the image of th e cryin g Rosi e an d Sammy , remai n knotte d togethe r b y tear s an d bound b y an inconsolabl e pain . If w e conside r ho w Sammy and Rosie depict s contemporar y Englan d as corrupt , dangerous , racist , sexist , a plac e wher e a systemi c injustic e which manufacture s rag e prevails , w e migh t easil y expec t tha t othe r contemporary creativ e artist s i n similar societie s shar e Kureishi' s interes t in representin g rage . Simila r t o ho w w e hav e place d Sammy and Rosie within a contemporary cinemati c coalition, w e would lik e to place Kure ishi's nove l o n rage , The Buddha of Suburbia, withi n a fairl y broa d historical literar y practic e o f rage . We the n wil l examin e mor e narrowl y how Kureishi' s nove l represent s an d narrativel y construct s rage , the n how it participates in a contemporary transatlanti c "queer " conversatio n about rage . In the last one hundred year s or s o of Englis h an d America n literature , rage, whe n writte n b y mal e writers , sometime s earlie r appeare d a s a n uncivilized thing , t o b e avoide d i n orde r t o safeguar d gentee l tradition s of behavio r o r traditiona l manl y values . In on e o f th e fe w critica l analy ses o f rag e i n fiction , Margare t Dian e Stet z claim s tha t i n A Passage to India, E . M. Forste r seek s to creat e a philosophical understandin g o f th e

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imperative t o stifl e rage . T o Forster , los s o f contro l o f emotio n migh t lead t o los s o f contro l ove r ar t (300) . Accordin g t o Donal d Pease' s critique o f The Red Badge of Courage, Stephe n Cran e creates a themati c opposition betwee n rag e an d courage . T o Crane , rag e enact s th e los s o f what ma y neve r b e possesse d an d thereb y serve s a s a mer e ineffectua l substitute fo r th e courag e require d t o fac e los s (169) . Fo r Forste r an d for Crane , rag e signifie s onl y impotenc e an d loss . Bot h o f thes e writers , though potentiall y outsider s du e t o thei r literar y expression s o f homo erotic desire , nevertheles s creat e characters , wh o lik e Falling Down's William Foster , belon g t o th e powerfu l whit e mal e authorit y structur e for who m los s o f powe r o r agenc y coul d provid e a primar y incentiv e t o rage. As a male , Englis h writer , Kureish i clearl y mus t com e t o term s wit h this traditiona l mal e treatmen t o f rage . Sinc e males i n mos t societie s ar e deemed t o hav e agency , potency , power, i t appears unjus t t o the m whe n they d o no t posses s thes e qualities . Neithe r Kureish i no r mos t o f hi s central novelisti c o r cinemati c character s ca n full y assum e thi s mal e prerogative a s the y ar e "black, " workin g class , an d t o varyin g extent s queer. Wher e previousl y male s wh o wrot e wer e primaril y thos e wh o possessed agency , contemporar y writer s suc h a s Kureishi , marginalized , hybrid subjects , hav e embrace d rathe r tha n denie d rage . Kureishi's writing follow s mor e in the tradition o f women writer s wh o design narrativ e disjunction s aime d a t negatin g th e silencin g o f rage . According to Mary Helen Washington, Gwendoly n Brooks' s Maud Martha describe s th e character' s famil y situatio n a s a fairl y happ y one , ye t Maud Martha' s outwar d contentmen t conflict s wit h th e terse , truncate d sentences o f he r delivery , thereb y creatin g a contradictio n betwee n con tent an d for m an d a betweennes s fro m whic h rag e ma y b e rea d (455) . Greta Gaar d argue s tha t Louis a Ma y Alcot t strive s t o repres s ange r i n Little Women (12) , when , i n fact , Alcot t display s th e promis e o f a n inherent dange r i n a repressed rage . Her character , Jo, asserts : "I t seem s as i f I could d o anythin g whe n I' m i n a passion ; I get s o savage , I coul d hurt anyone , an d enjo y it . I'm afrai d I shall d o somethin g dreadfu l som e day" (Gaard , 12) . Th e emphasi s o n shall betray s a n admissio n t o th e inevitable uncontrollabilit y o f rage—tha t n o matte r ho w on e trie s t o suppress it , th e futur e shall, i n fact , witnes s th e unleashin g o f rage . Alcott create s a disjunctio n betwee n desir e fo r contro l an d th e fea r o f expression.

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Though outwardl y i t ma y appea r tha t curren t writer s shar e n o suc h constraint i n their willingness to confront rage , they still employ familia r literary narrativ e tension s an d constraint s whic h prophes y o r threate n rage. B y surveying th e text s o f a particularl y outrage d grou p o f curren t queer writers , al l wh o actuall y us e th e word , rage , w e wil l elucidat e a range o f narrativ e technique s effectiv e i n buildin g rag e tha t w e broadl y define a s cyclical . Thi s grou p o f writer s (who , thoug h "queer " i n prac tice, do not necessaril y rally around a common rage ; they form a conver sation, no t a literar y school ) ofte n employ s a name , a n event , a circum stance, or a metaphor whos e repetition signal s another twis t o f the knife , another tur n o f th e scre w i n a tightenin g circl e o f rage . Th e narrative' s cyclical qualit y function s a s a locomotiv e pullin g awa y fro m a station , the wheels chuggin g a t eve r close r interval s buildin g toward s a n inevita ble screa m o f rage . Thoug h th e writer s emplo y simila r narrativ e tech niques t o creat e rage , the y d o s o wit h distinc t finesse, usin g variation s such a s stockpiling, echoing , retelling, returning, an d interrupting . One o f th e mos t obviousl y outrage d writers , Davi d Wojnarowicz , interrupts hi s frequentl y disjunctiv e book-lengt h reportage , Close to the Knives, wit h tw o page s i n bol d print , th e onl y bold-printe d passag e i n the book , thu s creatin g a n immediatel y visibl e tex t withi n th e text . Wojnarowicz write s a bold-face d diatrib e disguise d a s a poe m agains t the smugnes s o f th e U.S . publi c an d politician s wh o wis h tha t AID S would disappea r quietl y alon g with al l the HIV-infecte d people : and I wake u p ever y mornin g i n thi s killin g machin e calle d americ a and I' m carryin g thi s rag e lik e a blood-fille d eg g an d there' s a thi n line betwee n th e insid e an d th e outsid e a thi n lin e betwee n though t and actio n an d tha t lin e is simply made u p o f bloo d an d muscl e an d bone.. . there's a thi n lin e a ver y thi n lin e an d a s eac h T-Cel l disappear s from m y body it' s replaced b y ten pound s o f pressure te n pound s o f rage an d (161-2 ) Through constructin g a singl e tw o pag e run-o n sentenc e connecte d with repeate d "ands, " Wojnarowic z exacerbate s th e sens e o f outrag e expressed i n th e words ' meaning . Th e "ands " stockpil e on e outrag e upon anothe r unti l finally a t th e end o f th e passage, Wojnarowicz write s

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"all I ca n fee l i s th e pressur e an d al l I ca n fee l i s th e pressur e an d the nee d fo r release " (162) . Th e passag e energeticall y return s t o ke y metaphoric phrases , th e thi n line , th e pressure , th e egg , tha t buil d a narrative cycl e which someho w mus t com e t o a n end . Bot h th e content s of th e passage , wit h it s HI V infecte d bloo d threatenin g t o splatter , an d the narrative structur e with its relentless hammer o f the "and, " prophes y more outrage , promise an d threate n eventua l relief . Dorothy Alliso n build s th e final chapter s o f Bastard out of Carolina around a painful questio n t o which th e narrator alread y ha s th e answer , "Where wa s Mama? " (300) . Th e first-person narrator , Bone , wonder s how her mama, Annie , could fai l t o remain a t her side ; after interruptin g her husband' s bruta l rap e o f his stepdaughter, Bone , Annie drop s of f he r daughter a t the hospital an d disappears . Bone's aun t Raylen e tells her : "Your mam a . . . " Sh e stoppe d an d I looke d bac k a t her . "You r mama love s you . Jus t han g on , girl . Just han g on . It'l l b e bette r i n time, I promise you. " I promis e you , sh e said . M y mout h twisted . I stare d a t he r hate fully. Raylene looked a t me as if my rage hurt her , but sh e said nothing . (301)

The phrasa l repetition s creat e a n ech o whic h suggest s th e thro b o f pai n and rag e i n Bone' s head , stil l poundin g fro m th e rape . Later , whe n Mama doe s return , th e ech o effec t resume s a s sh e repeats , " I know, " " I never thought, " an d " I jus t love d him. " Th e repetition s enrag e Bon e a s she mus t as k hersel f wha t he r mothe r knew , wh y sh e di d no t think , an d how sh e coul d stil l lov e a repeatedl y sadisti c rapist . I n A Passage to India, th e ech o i n th e cav e release s hysteria ; i n th e ragin g present' s Bastard out of Carolina, th e echoin g phrase s releas e an d exacerbat e rage. The ech o i n Dale Peck' s Martin and John extend s throughou t th e tex t as Pec k recycle s th e "same " characters , John , Martin , John' s father , Henry, an d mother , Beatrice , to tel l repeate d storie s o f th e son' s desper ate lov e fo r th e fathe r wh o abuse s bot h Joh n an d Bea , interrupte d b y interludes o f solac e wit h Martin . Peck' s reworkin g o f th e simila r storie s and character s create s a n inevitabilit y t o abus e an d injustice , buildin g t o an eventua l self-realizatio n o f th e narrator , John , tha t h e ca n fee l onl y

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"love an d hate , rage an d joy , terror an d numbness " (227) . Several boo k reviewers (Barclay , Kaufman , Texier ) describ e th e novel' s structur e a s fugue-like. Martin and John build s toward s a climax , retreats , build s towards a similar climax , then varie s th e theme onc e again , manufactur ing a music o f rage . Irish writer , Willia m Trevor , create s a quit e differen t moo d i n hi s short story , "Torridge. " Th e character , Torridge , function s a s a n oft repeated jok e for thre e "Ol d Boys, " friends fro m th e sam e public school . Trevor establishe s a simultaneous comfor t wit h the old joke of Torridge , which h e countervail s wit h th e inevitabilit y tha t th e punc h lin e o f th e joke will finally arrive with hi s own punch . When Torridg e doe s appear , he mysteriousl y introduce s an d reintroduce s int o th e conversatio n th e name o f a fello w schoolmate , Fisher . Eac h time , however , Torridg e deliberately withdraw s fro m th e nam e an d seemingl y return s t o trivia l politeness, establishin g a falsel y peacefu l interlud e fro m whic h hi s rag e eventually seeps . When Torridg e finally tell s hi s truths , tha t Fishe r hun g himsel f ove r spurned lov e fro m on e o f th e "Ol d Boys " an d tha t Torridg e himsel f "performfs] sexua l act s with men, " h e leave s on e o f th e me n "quiverin g with rage " (262) . Torridge's suav e deliver y contrast s wit h th e catalo g o f shame an d rag e o f th e other s presen t a t th e dinne r party . "Torridge " effectively unveil s th e hypocris y o f "Ol d Boys " wh o wis h t o forge t thei r own implicatio n i n boyhoo d homoeroticis m an d romance . A t th e sam e time, th e story' s buildin g o f tensio n throug h polit e interlud e effectivel y reproduces th e simmerin g rag e o f a sincer e bo y whom , chil d o r adult , the "i n crowd " treat s onl y a s a joke. Jeannette Winterson' s post-moder n novel , Sexing the Cherry, com bines man y o f th e narrativ e technique s tha t th e abov e author s employ . Winterson recycle s man y bit s o f history , mythology , an d folklor e t o reread the m throug h women' s rag e agains t th e patriarchy . Th e entir e novel contain s a n ech o effec t a s character s i n bot h th e sixteent h an d twentieth centurie s ma y b e imaginin g o r hallucinatin g eac h other . Win terson aim s thes e characters ' rage , particularl y tha t o f he r Rabelaisia n Dog Woma n an d he r moder n counterpart , agains t th e hypocritica l rul e of the patriarchal puritan s an d capitalists . However, a t th e greates t moment s o f rage , Winterso n interject s hu mor. Comi c interruptio n provide s a particular challeng e t o th e narrativ e structuring o f rage, as it may easily undermine a gathering moo d o f rage.

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In a n alread y disjointe d narrative , whic h doe s no t attemp t t o sustai n a particular mood , suc h a s Sexing the Cherry's, th e humo r ma y actuall y deflate rage . Fo r example , Do g Woma n surprise s he r hypocritica l puri tan mal e opponent s jus t a s the y read y t o dispor t wit h eac h othe r i n a brothel, dresse d a s Brutu s an d Caesar . Do g Woma n appear s a s a n executrix, sayin g " I cam e t o bur y Caesar , no t t o prais e him, " the n further, "quotin g fro m a playwrigh t whos e nam e I can' t remember " (96). Later , Do g Woman' s contemporar y counterpart , a chemist , seek s to end global economic problems b y rounding u p the board o f the Worl d Bank an d tossin g the m al l int o a sack , thoug h sh e "throw[s ] i n a fe w calculators s o they won't b e bored" (138) . Winterson's comi c interruptions ma y serv e as black humor , th e laugh ter tha t get s stuck i n the throat , providin g a disjuncture fro m whic h rag e may emerge . Fo r example , i n anothe r episode , "Fortunata' s story, " th e narrator flatl y describe s Orion' s rap e o f Artemi s an d he r retribution . "Orion rape d Artemi s an d fel l asleep . Sh e though t abou t tha t tim e fo r years. I t too k jus t a fe w moments , an d he r onl y sensatio n wa s th e hai r on his stomach matte d wit h sand . Her reveng e was swif t an d simple . She killed hi m wit h a scorpion " (151-52) . Th e juxtapositio n o f prosai c language with brutall y swif t reveng e contrasts wit h Do g Woman's comi c killing o f th e puritans , creatin g th e possibilit y fo r multipl e reading s o f the rage. The fragmente d metho d o f narrativ e an d th e recyclin g o f othe r stories, combine d wit h a n ofte n ribal d humo r presen t possibilitie s bot h of constructin g an d deconstructin g rage . I n a discussio n o f Kureishi' s novel, The Buddha of Suburbia, w e wil l furthe r pursu e th e proble m o f comedy's intersectio n wit h rage . Kureishi's novel, The Buddha of Suburbia, reenact s many of the multifaceted tension s a t pla y i n hi s first tw o screenplays . Th e nove l depict s a series o f racist , sexist , classist , an d homophobi c outrage s agains t th e novel's hero, Karim Amir , an d agains t hi s fellow first - o r second-genera tion Sout h Asia n immigrant s t o Britain . Th e frequentl y comi c interrup tions of these outrages may diminish o r enhance the novel's reproductio n of rage . B y providin g comi c narrativ e disjuncture , Kureish i ma y invit e the question , "Wha t a m I laughin g about?, " a questio n whic h ma y intensify a readin g o f rage . Thoug h episodi c an d somewha t cinematic , Kureishi's narrativ e ma y fill i n threatenin g gap s wit h a n overridin g comic mode . Kureish i employ s som e o f th e structura l technique s whic h heighten rag e i n th e othe r fictions, bu t th e nove l cyclicall y inflates , the n

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deflates th e rage , wit h th e chanc e o f explosio n substantiall y diminished . The rag e stil l emerge s fro m th e text , bu t sometime s wit h a splutter , no t a bang . The Buddha of Suburbia tell s th e stor y o f Kari m Amir , hal f English , half Pakistani , " a funn y kin d o f Englishman" (3) , as he moves through a series o f picaresqu e adventure s whic h carr y hi m fro m th e Sout h Londo n suburbs t o the London stage , on t o the United States , and finally bac k t o London an d a Britis h televisio n series . In Thatcher' s Britain , Karim' s hybrid ethnicity , hi s bisexuality , an d hi s lower-middl e bu t upwardl y mobile clas s statu s repeatedl y caus e hi m t o suffe r constan t insul t an d thus t o experienc e a n ongoin g rage . Kureish i relie s o n traditiona l the matic construction s o f mal e rage , particularl y aroun d agenc y an d impo tency, while h e also parodies them . Karim become s a n acto r i n th e novel , bu t on e withou t agency . H e enacts o n th e stage , on televisio n an d i n hi s relationship s th e stereotypi cal role s o f "native " o f th e subcontinent , immigran t tax i driver , an d passive Oriental . Tha t Kari m studies , observes , an d analyzes , i n othe r words, intellectualize s thes e role s befor e performin g them , doubl y dis tances hi m fro m hi s agency , thu s unde r th e traditiona l mal e themati c o f rage, shoul d exacerbat e hi s rage . Instead , Karim' s first perso n narrativ e reports hi s ow n hypocrisy . Kari m thu s implicate s himsel f rathe r tha n others i n his own lac k o f agency . He rage s no t solel y agains t th e system s of injustice , bu t feel s saddene d an d chastise d b y hi s ow n inabilit y t o recast himsel f ou t o f non-stereotypica l roles . Karim use s hi s limite d agenc y t o parod y thes e roles , no t t o rag e against them . Fo r example , h e transform s Mowgli' s exaggerate d colo nized Indian accen t int o a South Londo n one , questioning th e audience' s Orientalist readin g of The Jungle Book. Kari m onl y plays at the margins . His ow n inabilit y t o represen t full y hi s ow n readin g o f wha t h e call s "The Jungl e Bunn y Book " frustrate s hi m an d manufacture s rag e withi n the novel . Man y time s whe n suc h frustratio n threaten s t o explod e int o rage, however, th e narrativ e burst s int o comed y o r conciliation . Kureishi doe s no t alway s retrea t fro m th e rag e throug h comedy . Fo r example, when Karim' s director , Matthe w Pyke , literally stick s i t to hi m on stag e an d off , Kureishi' s narrativ e structur e recall s tha t o f Maud Martha, wit h a competing staccat o formin g a disjuncture wit h th e capit ulation o f Karim' s statements . "S o despit e wha t he' d don e t o me , m y admiration fo r hi m continued . I didn' t blam e hi m fo r anything . I wa s

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prepared t o pa y th e price " (217) . Karim's martyre d acceptanc e o f abus e works i n counterpoin t t o th e ters e narrative , creatin g a possibilit y o f emerging rage . However , thi s passag e remain s atypica l o f The Buddha of Suburbia. Thre e othe r scene s exemplify Kureishi' s softenin g techniqu e of exposing , then retreatin g fro m rage . In th e firs t scene , Karim stop s b y to se e Helen, who m h e ha s jus t me t at a party . Whe n Helen' s father , who m Kari m call s "Hair y Back, " notices tha t Kari m i s "black, " h e pull s Hele n bac k int o he r room , charges t o th e fron t doo r an d unleashe s agains t Kari m a strin g o f racis t obscenities a s wel l a s a Grea t Dane . Karim , wh o ha s muttere d cleve r wisecracks i n respons e t o th e verba l attack , contemplate s vandalizin g Hairy Back' s automobile , whe n h e suddenl y realize s th e potentia l threa t of th e Grea t Dane . H e quickl y determine s t o escap e whe n th e do g "attacks" him . My sof t word s obviousl y affecte d th e dog, for suddenl y ther e wa s a flurr y an d I fel t somethin g od d o n m y shoulders . Yes , i t wa s th e dog's paws . The dog' s breat h warme d m y neck. I took anothe r ste p and s o di d th e dog . I kne w b y no w wha t th e do g wa s u p to . Th e dog wa s i n lov e wit h me—quic k movement s agains t m y ars e tol d me so. Its ears were hot . I didn't thin k th e do g would bit e me, as it s movements wer e increasing , s o I decide d t o ru n fo r it . Th e do g shuddered agains t me . (41 ) Kureishi juxtapose s Karim' s impotenc y an d inactio n agains t th e Grea t Dane's pursui t an d sexua l potency . Though Kari m immediatel y become s "fucking bad-tempered " afte r th e scene , the physical residu e o f the dog' s actions an d no t Hair y Back' s viciou s racis m infuriat e Karim . H e trans fers hi s potentiall y explosiv e rag e fro m th e fathe r t o th e dog , fro m rag e against politica l stance s t o ange r agains t th e libidinou s action s o f th e dog. Th e pu n o n potenc y ma y greatl y undermine , eve n parod y rage . However, anothe r readin g o f th e sam e scen e migh t sugges t tha t Kari m becomes eve n mor e enrage d a s i t become s clea r t o hi m tha t h e doe s not eve n posses s th e powe r o f a n animal . Thu s th e comi c interruptio n introduces a n unstabl e readin g o f rag e whic h ma y eithe r diffus e o r refocus th e rage . In a secon d scene , Karim's "uncle " Anwa r flie s int o a rage agains t hi s son-in-law, Changez . Anwa r ha s force d hi s daughter , Jamilla , t o marr y

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this mail-orde r groo m fro m Bomba y bu t become s angr y whe n h e finds Changez partiall y disable d an d pathologicall y lazy . Lik e th e narrator , Karim, Anwar direct s his fury agains t himsel f bu t admit s thi s to non e o f the othe r characters . After som e tim e o f no t seein g Changez , Anwa r spot s hi m an d hi s Japanese mistres s o n th e street . Whe n h e spie s Changez , Anwa r let s ou t a wa r cr y hear d fo r severa l neighborhoods . Anwa r doe s no t hol d bac k this time "No ; the disappointe d father-in-la w wa s intendin g t o crac k hi s son-in-law ove r th e loa f righ t now—an d possibl y clu b hi m t o death " (210). Changez , grossl y fat , stil l manage s t o avoi d Anwar' s attempte d blow an d smack s Anwa r wit h a large , knobb y dild o h e ha s jus t bough t in a sex shop . Kureishi counter s Anwar' s rag e a t hi s impotenc y i n controllin g Changez, in turning the fat lum p into a hard working , grandson-produc ing, son-in-law, with a dildo. Changez parries th e usua l thrus t o f mascu line rag e b y it s parody , a fabricate d symbo l o f mal e potency . Kureish i stages rage , cleverl y playin g wit h symbol s o f mal e rage , bu t i n creatin g these satisfying ironies , Kureishi's nove l ultimatel y ma y neithe r prophes y nor threate n rage . Laughter ma y fill in where th e pulse could quicken . In the third example , contemplation, no t comedy , interrupt s th e scen e of impotence-producin g rage . Kari m woul d lik e t o seduc e fello w actor , Terry, who m h e ha s know n fo r som e time . However , thei r meetin g begins in rage. Karim denounces Terry's party-line diatribes : "Sometime s I fee l disguste d b y you r ignorance . You r fuckin g stupi d blindnes s t o things" (240) . Afte r mor e conversation , the n narrativ e i n whic h Kari m reveals that h e "hate[s ] th e flood o f opinion , th e certainty, th e easy talk " (241), Kari m deflect s hi s rag e agains t monolithi c politica l structure s towards Terr y a s a sexual object . When Kari m begin s to touch Terry , he asks Karim to stop. Karim con tinues, eve n mor e aggressively , the n doe s sto p a s h e look s Terr y i n th e face: "Howeve r angr y I was with him, however muc h I wanted t o humiliate Terry , I suddenly sa w suc h humanit y i n hi s eyes , an d i n th e wa y h e tried t o smile " (241) . B y appealin g t o a universa l humanism , Kureish i tames hi s rag e a s deftl y a s E . M . Forste r might . In thi s scene , Kureish i tames no t hi s sexua l urge , bu t th e urg e t o humiliat e another , t o belittl e him, t o reduc e another' s humanit y throug h manifestin g hi s rage . Whe n Karim looks in Terry's face he sees not a reflection o f his own impotency , despite th e faile d seduction , bu t a reflectio n o f hi s shame . Kureish i con -

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structs th e seemingl y self-effacin g Kari m a s a t leas t potentiall y superhu man, able to recognize and withdraw fro m hi s action, to acknowledge hi s shame without expressin g it as rage that could harm others . We do not cite these comic or conciliatory passage s i n order t o dismis s Kureishi's comed y o r eve n hi s humanistic stance , but t o demonstrat e th e particular proble m o f eithe r threatenin g o r prophesyin g rag e throug h comedy. Fiv e page s fro m th e en d o f th e nove l Kureish i stil l seem s t o prophesy a continuin g stat e o f rage : "Mayb e yo u never sto p feelin g lik e an eight-year-old i n front o f your parents. You resolve to be your matur e self . . . bu t withi n five minute s you r intention s ar e blow n t o hel l an d you're babblin g an d screamin g i n rag e lik e a n angr y child " (280) . Yet , the novel' s final sentence , " I though t o f wha t a mes s everythin g ha d been, bu t tha t i t wouldn' t alway s b e th e same " (284) , invite s reading s both o f a futur e whe n ther e wil l b e n o messe s an d o f a futur e whe n th e "mess" o f rag e will simpl y shift , rathe r tha n subside . Where Sammy and Rosie supplie d a clea r invitatio n t o rage , The Buddha of Suburbia sug gests a continuing rage , but als o promotes comedy , irony , an d parod y a s means o f deflectin g a mounting rage . Although hi s cinematic constructions prov e more amenable to creatin g an uncontrolle d rag e tha n doe s hi s writte n narrative , th e growin g bod y of wor k reflect s a n interrogatio n o f sufferin g tha t Kureish i credit s t o James Baldwin . Durin g a particularl y "frightene d an d hostile " tim e i n his life, Kureishi turne d t o a picture o f Baldwi n fo r consolation : On th e cove r o f th e Pengui n editio n o f The Fire Next Time, wa s James Baldwi n holdin g a child , hi s nephew . Baldwin , havin g suf fered, havin g bee n there , wa s al l ange r an d understanding . H e wa s intelligence an d lov e combined . A s I planne d m y escap e I rea d Baldwin al l the time. {London, 8 ) When Kureish i work s alon e i n writin g hi s novel , h e may , throug h com edy, soften th e threat o f rage . However, hi s particular interes t i n explor ing a multi-inflecte d rag e correlate s wit h hi s cinemati c work . Kureishi' s fictional wor k o n rage distinguishes itsel f fro m othe r curren t writers wh o consider rag e largely aroun d a single issue, such a s AIDS, child abuse , o r the patriarchy . Kureishi' s wor k become s remarkabl e a s h e struggle s t o present th e man y dimension s o f rag e whic h a single , fictional characte r may face .

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Kureishi's an d Frears' s filmmaking, althoug h situate d withi n a wid e alliance o f othe r filmmakers workin g t o represen t rag e o n th e screen , stands ou t a s particularl y intereste d i n diversifyin g an d problematizin g the multicultura l cause . I n thei r complicate d rendition , the y distinguis h themselves a s intereste d i n posin g difficul t question s abou t th e "culture " within multiculturalis m an d th e monolithi c denotation s tha t th e word , culture, carrie s wit h it . Thi s particula r theoretica l projec t align s Kureish i and Frear s wit h suc h postcolonia l critic s a s H o m i Bhabha , w h o desig nates thes e type s o f artist s a s thos e w h o "demonstrat e th e contemporar y compulsion t o mov e beyond ; t o tur n th e presen t int o th e 'post' ; o r , . . . to touc h th e futur e o n it s hithe r side " (18) . Kureish i an d Frear s immers e themselves int o a post-celebratory , post-identit y politic s mod e o f cre ation. The y prophes y a futur e tha t exist s fo r th e many , bu t onl y o n th e hither sid e o f a n ever-threatenin g rage . WORKS CITE D

Allison, Dorothy . Bastard out of Carolina. Ne w York : Dutton , 1992 . Barclay, Steven . "Escapin g fro m Pai n i n Private Fictions. " San Francisco Chronicle, 28 Fe b 1993 , Sunday Review , 4 . Bhabha, Hom i K . The Location of Culture. Ne w York : Routledge , 1994 . Crush. Dir . Alison Maclean , 1992 . Daughters of the Dust. Dir . Julie Dash, 1991 . Death of the Incredible Hulk. Dir . Bil l Bixby, 1990 . Do the Right Thing. Dir . Spik e Lee, 1989 . Falling Down. Dir . Joel Schumacher , 1993 . Gaard, Greta . "'Self-Denia l Wa s Al l th e Fashion' : Repressin g Ange r i n Little Women." Tapers on Language and Literature (Winte r 1991) : 3-19 . Giannetti, Loui s an d Scot t Eyman , eds . Flashback: A Brief History of Film. Englewood Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice Hall , 1991 . Grixti, Joseph. Terrors of Uncertainty: The Cultural Contexts of Horror Fiction. New York : Routledge , 1989 . Guinier, Lani . The Tyranny of the Majority: Fundamental Fairness in Representative Democracy. Ne w York : Macmillan , 1994 . Hedges, Inez. Breaking the Frame: Film Language and the Experience of Limits. Bloomington: Indian a Universit y Press , 1991. Jordan, June . "Poe m Abou t M y Rights. " Naming Our Destiny: New and Selected Poems. Ne w York : Thunder's Mout h Press , 1989 . Kaufman, David . "Heroe s Wit h a Thousan d Faces. " Nation, 1 5 Marc h 1993 : 347-349-

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Kureishi, Hanif. The Buddha of Suburbia. Ne w York : Penguin , 1990 . . London Kills Me: Three Screenplays and Four Essays. Ne w York : Penguin, 1992 . Lewis, Michael . "Th e Developmen t o f Ange r an d Rage. " I n Rage, Tower, and Aggression. Ed . Rober t A . Glic k an d Steve n P . Roose . Ne w Haven : Yal e University Press , 1993 . Mukerji, Chandra , an d Michae l Schudson , eds . Rethinking Popular Culture: Contemporary Perspectives in Cultural Studies. Berkeley : University o f Cali fornia Press , 1991. Mulvey, Laura . Visual and Other Pleasures. Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press, 1989 . My Beautiful Laundrette. Dir . Stephe n Frears , 1985 . Pease, Donald . "Fear , Rage , an d th e Mistrial s o f Representatio n i n The Red Badge of Courage." Ed . Eri c J. Sundquist . American Realism: New Essays. Baltimore: Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1982 . Peck, Dale. Martin and John. Ne w York : Farrar , Straus , Giroux, 1993 . Question of Silence. Dir . Marleen Gorris , 1983 . Sammy and Rosie Get Laid. Dir . Stephe n Frears , 1987 . Stetz, Margare t Diane . "E . M . Forster : Abinger Harvest, Ange r an d th e Lette r 'C'." The South Atlantic Quarterly (Summe r 1987) : 296-311 . Texier, Catherine . "Love s o f a Young Hustler. " New York Times Book Review, 28 February , 1993 , 7:12. Thelma and Louise. Dir . Ridle y Scott , 1991 . Trevor, William . "Torridge. " Ed . Davi d Leavit t an d Mar k Mitchell . The Penguin Book of Gay Short Stories. Ne w York : Viking, 1994 . Washington, Mar y Helen . "Tamin g Al l Tha t Ange r Down ' Rag e an d Silenc e i n Gwendolyn Brooks' s Maud Martha." Massachusetts Review (Summe r 1983): 453-66 . Winterson, Jeannette. Sexing the Cherry. Ne w York : Vintage, 1991. Wojnarowicz, David . Close to the Knives: A Memoir of Disintegration. Ne w York: Vintage, 1991.

C H A P T E R9

The Psychohistor y o f Jewis h Rag e and Redemptio n a s Seen throug h Its Ar t MOSHE DAVIDOWIT Z

Jews ar e people. Whatever th e psychodynamic s o f peopl e ma y b e can b e applied t o Jew s a s well . Thi s i s prett y obvious , bu t th e mos t difficul t thing to se e is the obvious. As deMause suggests , "Psychohistor y i s more a rediscover y tha n a discovery—i t i s a proces s o f finding ou t wha t w e already kno w an d ac t upon." 1 A good dea l o f th e Jewish histori c experienc e o f th e las t fe w hundre d years i n Europ e ha s bee n fraugh t wit h traum a an d hatred . That , too , i s obvious an d i s wha t w e alread y know . Bu t ho w di d Jew s ac t upo n thi s powerfully negativ e environmen t i n whic h the y lived ? Wha t wa s thei r reality? Ebe l writes tha t "Realit y i s terribly har d t o bear , sinc e its uncer tainties threate n ou r imminen t an d ofte n painfu l demise , an d th e prim e function o f th e huma n institution s an d cultura l artifact s w e cal l 'group fantasies' i s therefore t o put realit y unde r a fantasy control." 2 How di d Europea n Jew s o f th e Middl e Age s dea l wit h th e realit y o f their persecution , an d wha t group-fantasie s di d the y creat e t o le t the m live with som e semblance of sanity in such a hostile environment? When ever a n individua l o r a group i s persecuted an d hated , ther e i s a reactio n of ange r an d rag e a t th e tormentor . Bu t ho w ca n yo u dea l wit h tha t anger whe n t o stat e i t i n a n obviou s wa y coul d caus e a pogrom o r mor e restrictive law s agains t you ? If you can not expres s it to the external world, you can a t least expres s it t o you r interna l communit y wh o shar e muc h th e sam e emotiona l Reprinted b y kind permissio n o f The Journal of Psychohistory 6 (Fall 1978) : 273-84 .

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tension a s you do . The ange r ca n b e expressed i n words, bu t tha t ca n b e dangerous, sinc e anythin g i n writing—i n prin t o r i n manuscript—ca n and ofte n i s held agains t you , proving your "perfidiou s nature. " But ther e wa s a wa y i n whic h Jew s coul d expres s thei r emotion s i n a way tha t wa s relativel y safe : i n thei r art . Upo n occasion , th e Jew s use d their visual symbol s a s a group-fantasy t o deal with thei r ange r an d rage . One cas e in point t o illustrat e thi s i s a series o f ful l pag e illumination s i n a manuscript Passove r Haggadah execute d i n fifteenth-century Germany . The Passove r Haggada h ca n b e seen a s a group-fantasy tha t organize s history alon g th e basi c them e o f freedo m fro m oppression . I t view s history no t onl y a s a serie s o f chronologica l event s bu t rathe r add s th e "why" t o th e "what , when , an d who " o f standar d historica l writing . The Haggada h i s not a n historica l text , althoug h ther e i s some histor y in it . I t i s primaril y a psychohistorica l tex t writte n fro m a ver y specifi c point of view that concretized th e collective mythos o f the Jewish histori c consciousness. The narrativ e o f th e Haggada h set s u p a n historica l mode l o n thre e basic planes: (i) th e heroes—the Jews, (2 ) the oppressor—Pharoah, an d (3) th e Controlle r an d Master y o f history—God . Whil e th e tex t tell s u s little abou t th e actua l histori c event s i t purport s t o describe , i t indicate s a tremendou s amoun t abou t ho w th e normativ e Jewis h min d perceive d those events . The focu s o f th e Sede r them e i s twofold . Th e first i s t o vie w th e Exodus o n a n historica l plan e o f a n even t tha t happene d ther e an d then—thousands o f year s ago , and thousand s o f mile s away . Bu t als o i t focuses o n th e significanc e o f th e even t a s a here-and-no w experience , for Jew s ar e aske d t o adjus t thei r ow n persona l fantasie s a s i f the y themselves were slave s and participate d i n the Exodus . The ritual syste m is designe d t o establis h a mythi c tim e o f rediscoverin g th e event s o f th e past i n th e presen t an d a re-experiencin g th e distan t plac e withi n one' s own home . Th e narrativ e als o allowe d fo r histori c transposition s o f th e continuing repression s i n any given generation . How doe s on e dea l wit h th e demonic , th e shado w i n life ? Yo u ca n attempt t o destro y i t i f yo u can . Bu t i f yo u ca n not—the n what ? I n addition, yo u ca n onl y destro y a n externa l demon . Ho w d o yo u cop e with a n implode d interna l demon ? One possibl e wa y wa s throug h histori c analogies . T o th e Jew s o f

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Medieval Europ e thei r oppresso r wa s no t th e Pharoa h o f Ancien t Egyp t but th e the n presen t Christia n antagonis m an d persecution . Th e them e was that, just a s Pharoah wa s destroye d b y the wrath o f God , s o too th e contemporary Christia n tyrann y wil l b e destroyed b y the wrath o f God . Indeed, moder n Jewr y di d an d doe s exactl y th e sam e thing . Th e Haggadah wa s an d i s responsive t o th e historic experienc e o f the presen t context. In the moder n edition s o f the Haggada h section s wer e adde d t o the tex t dealin g wit h th e Holocaus t unde r th e Nazis , th e creatio n o f th e State o f Israel , an d th e pligh t o f Sovie t Jewry . In al l probability , th e Passover Haggada h i s the mos t popula r an d widel y use d psychohistori cal text o f th e Jew. The Darmstad t Haggadah , o f th e Germa n rite , wa s execute d i n th e Middle Rhin e i n th e secon d quarte r o f th e fifteent h century . I t i s a manuscript writte n b y Israe l ha-sofe r be n Mei r o f Heidelberg . W e d o not kno w whethe r th e scrib e als o di d th e illuminations . I t i s probabl e that the y wer e don e b y severa l artist s o f th e sam e schoo l o f fifteenth century mid-Rhin e wit h eithe r Italia n o r Netherlandis h Gothi c influ ence.3 W e wil l dea l wit h thre e illustrate d page s t o explor e on e o f th e group-fantasies o f th e Jews o f th e period . The mos t widel y know n illustratio n o f thi s tex t i s th e pictur e o f twenty youn g women bein g taught b y a n elderl y mal e teache r se t withi n a classi c Gothi c architectura l framewor k (figur e 1) . I t i s reasonabl e t o infer tha t thi s manuscrip t wa s execute d fo r a woma n a s thi s typ e o f illustration i s rare an d unusual . O n th e botto m o f th e pag e i s a "Seder " scene (se e figure 2) . The Sede r scen e i s clearl y designe d t o illustrat e th e Last Suppe r o f Jesus . We ca n se e th e youthfu l Jesu s i n th e cente r o f th e table pointin g t o a perso n wearin g a "Judenhut"— a Jewis h hat , a n obvious referenc e t o Judas . Ther e ar e onl y nin e person s a t th e table , perhaps th e ful l complemen t o f th e twelv e Apostle s woul d b e muc h to o obvious fo r safety . Th e tex t i n th e cente r o f th e pag e i s a n interestin g one. I t i s th e Hebre w tex t o f "Shefoc h Hamatcha, " th e sectio n rea d a t the Sede r whe n th e doo r i s opene d t o le t Elijah th e Prophe t ente r int o the hom e a s the harbinge r o f th e Messiani c Age . The larges t lette r i s th e initial lette r o f th e text , a large "Shin. " Thi s lette r "shin " i s also the first letter o f th e mos t commonl y use d nam e o f God—"Shadai. " Th e tex t i n this pag e i s a mosai c composit e o f Biblica l verse s whic h translat e a s follows:

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FIGURE 2

Pour ou t th y wrat h upo n th e nation s tha t d o no t kno w Yo u an d upon th e kingdom s tha t d o no t cal l upo n You r name ; for the y hav e eaten Jaco b an d lai d wast e hi s dwellin g (Psalm s 79:6, 7) . Pou r ou t your wrat h upo n them , an d ma y th e fierceness o f You r ange r over take them (Psalms 69:25) . Pursue them with ange r an d destro y the m from unde r th e heavens o f th e Lor d (Lamentation s 3:66) . This juxtaposition of such a powerful tex t with the illustrations conveys a significant aspec t o f Jewis h consciousnes s o f th e period . A n historica l note i s in order . Thi s perio d wa s rathe r clos e to th e las t o f th e memorie s of the Crusades where Jewish communities were systematically destroye d along the Rhine Valley. Jewish communities had a very precarious tenur e by virtu e o f a specia l invitatio n o f som e loca l rulers . The y wer e alway s subject to the waves of unreasoning violence so especially characteristic of Germany. War, civic disturbance, the activities of some envenomed apos tate, th e disappearanc e o f a Christia n child , continue d t o b e regarded a s ample cause for assaul t and massacre, sometimes followed b y expulsion. 4 Jews wer e legall y considere d a s chattel , propert y o f th e loca l ruler , an d not even considered a s being really human .

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If th e outsid e worl d doe s no t accep t you r a s human , a t leas t yo u ca n accept yoursel f a s huma n an d creat e a fantas y establishin g you r ow n self-validation. I t ma y b e that th e issu e here was no t th e developmen t o f a countervailin g powe r bu t rathe r o f maintainin g a group-fantas y tha t allowed fo r sanity . One wa y t o dea l wit h you r rag e wa s t o focu s i t o n th e histori c pas t where yo u wer e th e victor , namel y th e stor y o f th e Exodu s a s told i n th e Passover Haggadah . Bu t ho w ca n yo u d o tha t i f yo u us e a n ancien t tex t that ha s n o correlatio n wit h you r presen t histori c situatio n an d wher e you woul d no t alte r th e receive d text ? Yo u ca n substitut e picture s fo r words an d establis h visua l analogie s tha t us e art a s one vehicle t o le t ou t the inne r tension s an d anxietie s o f fea r an d anger . Thi s art , then , ca n become a synergy o f a n histori c tex t an d contemporar y ar t tha t i n effec t deals wit h th e traditio n i n a psychohistorica l manne r i n additio n t o th e straight interpretatio n o f history . This sectio n o f th e Sede r i s an interestin g one . Classicall y th e hom e i s established a s a sacre d space , a spac e whic h i s organize d an d ordere d along th e mythi c model s yo u se t u p tha t separat e th e outsid e worl d o f chaos fro m th e insid e spac e o f cosmos. 5 I f th e externa l spac e i s hostil e and murderous , the n th e inne r spac e is especially sacred . At this point i n the Seder , th e doo r whic h separate s th e tw o domain s i s opened t o allo w Elijah t o enter . Thi s signifie s th e entranc e o f th e presenc e o f th e promis e of Go d o f th e Covenan t t o ente r one' s histori c present . Elija h bring s with him , a s God' s messenger , th e spiri t o f th e sacre d myt h o f Jewis h redemption. Fo r Elija h herald s th e comin g o f th e Messia h whe n Jewis h oppression wil l end an d th e Jews' full humanit y wil l b e accepted bot h b y the outsid e world , an d mor e importantly , b y the Jew i n hi s inne r world . This indee d i s perhaps on e o f thos e occasion s wher e a profound psycho historic even t i s experienced, no t onl y written an d spoke n about . The kinestheti c syste m use d wher e on e mus t wal k t o th e door , ope n it, al l th e participant s rise , a specia l larger-than-lif e goble t o f win e i s filled, an d al l recit e an d chan t thos e powerfu l an d damnin g phrases , would see m t o b e psychohistory i n actio n an d psychohistor y a s ritual — an even t wher e psych e become s myth . Elija h i s the instrumen t o f powe r in the journey o f th e her o a s Jew. Through patience , faith—helplessnes s is transformed int o salvation . At tha t momen t o f recitin g th e words , "Pou r ou t You r wrat h upo n the Gentile s wh o d o no t kno w You, " th e fantas y an d th e histori c myt h

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are enacted: I f I can no t b e safe now , i f I can no t destro y m y persecutor s now; then Go d indee d can , an d will—whe n th e time comes . Seeing th e pictur e o f th e symbo l o f thei r arc h persecutor—th e church—and o f "Jesus, " i n whos e nam e s o man y Jew s wer e killed , th e myth o f th e fantas y i s experience d an d th e ar t become s a channe l fo r the emotional discharg e o f s o much negativ e energy . This wa s no t a lat e fantasy , either , fo r th e Bibl e als o ca n b e see n a s manifesting simila r sentiments . Whil e ther e i s a grea t dea l o f th e tradi tional positiv e expression s o f hop e an d love , o f sweetnes s an d light , o f peace an d goodness , ther e i s als o th e complemen t o f ange r an d rag e i n the biblica l texts a s well. The obviou s i s that th e Bibl e a s a boo k o f Lif e an d livin g deal s wit h all form s o f emotiona l expression . Just t o mentio n a fe w clea r example s of thi s ar e the following : The prophe t Nahu m writes : "th e Lor d i s a jealous an d avengin g god , the Lor d avenget h an d i s ful l o f wrath ; th e Lor d taket h vengeanc e o n His adversaries , and H e reserve s wrath fo r Hi s enemies, " (Nahum , 1:2) . The them e o f a jealous an d avengin g Go d i s an ech o of thi s concept i n Exodus 20:5 , 34:14 , an d Deuteronom y 32:21 . And , o f course , th e las t chapters o f th e Boo k o f Esthe r describ e i n avi d detai l th e rag e an d destruction wrough t b y th e Jew s o n thei r enemie s i n ancien t Persia . Another powerfu l statemen t i s found i n Psalms 13 7 verses 7-9 : (7) "Remember , O Lord , agains t th e childre n o f Edo m th e da y of Jerusalem ; wh o said : 'Raz e it , raz e it , eve n t o th e foundatio n thereof.' " (8) " O daughte r o f Babylon , tha t ar t t o b e destroyed ; Happ y shal l he be, that repayet h the e a s thou has t serve d us. " (9) "Happ y shal l h e be , tha t taket h an d dashet h th y littl e one s against th e rock. " In hi s introductio n t o thi s Psalm , Rev . Cohen , th e edito r o f th e Son cino Bible , writes i n 1950 : The feeling s whic h move d th e write r o f thi s Psal m wil l bes t b e understood i f w e thin k o f hi m a s a n exil e recentl y bac k fro m Babylon, viewin g wit h horro r th e havo c wrough t i n th e cit y h e dearly love d . . . Critic s writin g i n comfor t an d security , usuall y

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deplore th e bitte r vindictivenes s o f th e imprecatio n whic h end s th e Psalm. Refugee s fro m th e continent , whe n the y retur n an d se e ho w their nativ e cit y ha s bee n turne d int o masse s o f rubbl e b y th e Germans, will shar e th e mood o f th e Psalmist. 6 And A . MacLaren, a Christia n Hebraist , i n reference t o vers e 9 muse s that: "Perhaps , i f som e o f thei r moder n critic s ha d bee n unde r th e yok e from whic h thi s Psalmis t ha d bee n delivered , the y woul d understan d a little bette r ho w a goo d ma n o f tha t ag e coul d rejoic e tha t Babylo n wa s fallen an d al l its race extirpated." 7 Yet, wit h al l o f th e apologetics , ange r an d rag e ar e a s muc h a par t o f living a s i s an y othe r emotion . Th e issu e is : How doe s on e dea l wit h it ? How doe s a communit y allo w fo r th e saf e expressio n o f th e powe r an d energy o f thi s feelin g flow , an d ho w doe s i t organiz e it s group-fantasie s around it ? A n explosio n o f suc h emotiona l energ y wa s no t onl y danger ous i n relatio n t o th e externa l hostil e worl d bu t i t ca n als o b e a sever e threat t o one' s ow n psychi c world . Communa l implosio n ofte n lead s t o a collectiv e depressiv e state . Ritual s suc h a s this , augmente d b y th e power o f th e visua l image s tha t focuse s th e emotiona l impact , mitigate d some o f the negativ e energ y o f th e implode d ange r an d rage . But th e group-fantas y di d no t en d her e an d neithe r doe s th e Hagga dah. Th e tex t end s wit h th e sentimen t o f "Nex t yea r i n Jerusalem, " a psychohistoric fantas y o f th e tim e i f eve r ther e wa s one . Fo r th e im ploded rag e ca n en d o n a not e o f salvationa l histori c mythos . Th e Covenant an d it s psychological implication s ar e sublimate d t o a positiv e hope tha t helpe d sustai n sanit y an d a value d sel f imag e o f bein g a member o f a chose n people . Afte r th e tex t end s ther e ar e tw o mor e ful l page illustration s tha t furthe r emphasiz e th e psychohistori c fantas y o f the covenanted relationshi p o f th e members o f th e community o f Israel . The illustratio n tha t follow s immediatel y afte r th e conclusio n o f th e text i s uniqu e i n th e iconograph y o f Hebre w manuscrip t illuminatio n (see figure 3) . Here i s depicte d a rathe r obviou s symbo l borrowe d fro m the Christia n environment : "th e Hortu s Conclusus"—th e enclose d gar den—a symbo l o f the virgin Mary, who while closed a s a virgin yet gave birth t o th e Christia n Savior—th e centra l flowerin g tree . The artis t too k this them e an d picture d a specificall y Judai c fantas y i n it . Withi n th e garden scen e i s th e figure o f Elija h ridin g o n a whit e hors e blowin g a shofar—heralding th e comin g o f th e Jewis h Messiah . Thi s Messia h i s

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FIGURE 3

about t o sav e th e deer— a symbo l o f Israel—whic h i s enclose d withi n the garde n fenc e an d ca n no t escape . However , th e dee r ha s it s hea d turned lookin g a t it s redeemer, Elijah . This scen e i s als o o f a secula r activity— a sta g hunt . Bu t i n Jewis h symbol system s o f th e perio d i t i s a commonl y use d allusio n t o th e

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FIGURE 4

persecuted Jewish nation . T o th e community o f Israel , this seem s to b e a clear exampl e o f a psychohistoric group-fantas y tha t i s encoded visuall y in artisti c pictoria l symbols . Any member o f th e inne r communit y coul d decode it s meanin g an d significance . Thi s seem s t o lea d t o th e nex t illustration whic h concludes th e visual presentation o f the group fantasy .

The Psychohistory of Jewish Rage and Redemption IJJ This las t scen e depict s a fountain o f yout h (se e figure 4) . One see s ol d and cripple d me n an d wome n climbin g th e step s o f th e fountai n an d coming ou t healthie r an d younger . Th e mythi c syste m continue s bu t now close s a s i t reache s it s ful l circle . Ever y mythi c journe y end s wher e it begins . Her e i t i s wit h th e life-givin g natur e o f water . Th e Exodu s story begin s wit h th e savin g nourishin g wate r o f th e Se a o f Reeds—i n a distant histori c past . Bu t i t conclude s i n th e savin g water s o f a fountai n of yout h an d eterna l salvation . Wate r i s the ofte n use d symbo l o f birth death an d re-birth . T o di e an d t o b e rebor n i s n o eas y matter . Ye t th e rewards ar e many . Also , th e pictoria l forma t o f th e hun t chas e scen e i s confined an d close d in . The tre e i s growing bu t i t is fenced in . Fo r i n th e historic presen t al l on e ca n d o i s loo k i n hop e towar d Elijah fo r th e future salvation . In the final illustration o f th e fountain, th e pictorial elemen t i s vertical without an y fence s an d n o constraints—th e salvatio n ha s come . Interestingly, th e first illustratio n o f th e Sede r scen e (figur e 1 ) i s als o in the design of a Gothic tower, bu t there, one sees a border tha t enclose s it. The borde r i n th e origina l i s red—the symbo l o f blood . However , i n the las t scen e (figur e 4 ) th e towe r i s open—wit h n o fence s an d n o borders, with it s spires pointing towar d Heaven . It i s interestin g t o speculat e a s t o whethe r th e ide a o f th e unio n o f body-mind i s t o b e foun d here . Sinc e Reich , w e ar e awar e o f th e man y ways i n whic h emotiona l state s ar e store d i n th e musculatur e an d skele tal system s o f th e body . Th e ver y thin g whic h i s transforme d i n thi s panel i s the body . Th e armoring , th e muscl e tension s tha t produce d th e cripple wh o enter s i s psychologicall y an d spirituall y heale d throug h hi s participation i n th e ritua l o f a profoun d group-fantas y i n action—th e Passover Seder . Psychohistory use s th e histori c document s o f th e past—textua l record s of word s upo n whic h i t ca n illuminat e th e psychologica l "why " o f th e historical "what. " I t woul d see m tha t th e medieva l Germa n Jew s wh o created thi s document use d thei r artisti c talen t a s another focu s o f doin g much th e same thing. Many archetypa l symbol s o f which Jung speak s s o much o f ar e eviden t i n thes e panel s whic h us e suc h emotionall y charge d images depictin g som e o f th e group-fantasie s tha t deal t wit h suc h tre mendous amount s o f psychic energ y an d allowe d th e inne r communit y a focus t o discharg e som e o f th e store d negativ e energ y o f fea r an d rage . In som e smal l wa y i t mitigate s som e o f th e ange r tha t i s boun d t o b e

178 M

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imploded an d depressive , an d the n t o transfor m som e o f th e energ y int o the positive , eg o maintainin g o f fantasie s o f a tim e o f safet y an d peace , and salvation . NOTES

My sincer e appreciatio n goe s t o Mr . Pete r Ehrentha l o f Moria h fo r allowin g m e to us e his copy o f th e Darmstadt Haggada h fo r th e illustrations fo r thi s article . 1. Lloy d deMause , "Th e Independenc e o f Psychohistory " i n The New Psych ohistory, Lloy d deMause , ed. , Th e Psychohistor y Press , Ne w York , 1975 , p. 25 .

2. Henr y Ebel , "Th e Ne w Theology : Sta r Trek , Sta r Wars , Clos e Encounters , and th e Crisi s o f Pseudo-rationality " i n The Journal of Psychohistory, Vol . 5 , No. 4 , Spring, 1978 , p. 488. 3. Bezale l Narkiss , Hebrew Illuminated Manuscripts, Kete r Publishing , Jeru salem, 1969 , p. 126 . 4. Ceci l Roth , A Short History of the Jewish People, Eas t an d Wes t Library , London, 1959 , p. 255-56 . 5. Mirce a Eliade , The Sacred and the Profane, Harcourt , Brac e and World , A Harvest Book , New York , 1959 . See especially chapte r 1 . 6. A . Cohen, ed. , The Psalms, Soncin o Press , London, 1950 , p. 447. 7. Ibid. , p. 448.

C H A P T E R l

O

Aborted Rage in Beth Henley' s women ALAN CLARK E S H E P A R D

Beth Henley' s tragicomedie s stud y th e effect s o f th e feminis t movemen t upon a few , mostl y proletaria n wome n i n rura l Mississippi , wh o ar e more likel y t o rea d Glamour tha n Cixou s an d Clement' s The Newly Born Woman. 1 W e ar e invite d t o sympathiz e wit h isolate d heroine s whose fantasie s demonstrat e th e difficult y o f conceivin g femal e subjec tivity whil e entrenche d i n patriarcha l epistemes , whos e resilienc e i s ex pressed i n their canny, survivalis t compromise s wit h th e codes o f passiv e southern womanhood. 2 Thei r compromise s ma y b e precisel y locate d i n the recurrin g imager y o f homicid e an d suicid e tha t pervade s Henley' s scripts. Tak e Elai n i n The Miss Firecracker Contest (1979), 3 fo r exam ple, a n agin g beaut y quee n i n fligh t fro m a suffocatin g marriag e an d motherhood. Whe n he r estrange d husban d worrie s tha t sh e ma y kil l their childre n i n a fit of fury , Elai n answer s hi m b y quashin g th e ide a o f her represse d rag e spiralin g murderousl y ou t o f control : "Oh , fo r God' s sake, Franklin , n o one' s goin g t o bak e the m int o a pie!" 4 Franklin , borrowing fro m classica l tragedy , bait s Elai n t o circumscribe , eve n t o annul he r ange r an d he r flight. On e subtex t o f hi s inflammatory trop e o f filicide i s tha t Elain' s bi d fo r greate r autonom y threaten s t o incit e a domestic "tragedy " (50) . Ye t th e wor d "tragedy " i s Elain' s ow n assess ment o f impendin g doom . Thoug h Frankli n make s he r "ill " (24) , with out hi m sh e is "feelin g nothin g bu t terro r an d fea r an d loneliness! " (50) . And so , afte r a fe w minute s o f "reckless " infam y unde r th e wisteri a bushes wit h a n alcoholi c carniva l hand , sh e expect s t o retur n t o he r "dreary, drear y life " (101) . No Mede a she , Elain occupie s th e peripher y Reprinted b y kind permissio n o f The Journal of Psychohistory 6 (Fall 1978) : 273-84 .

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of Miss Firecracker, bu t th e ar c o f he r brie f rebellio n illuminate s a paradigm o f femal e surrende r runnin g throug h Henley' s plays . Th e southern heroine s populating her tragicomedies frequently erup t i n ange r toward thos e (includin g themselves ) wh o enginee r o r sustai n th e emo tionally impoverishin g circumstance s o f thei r privat e lives ; an d jus t a s often, the y retrea t fro m th e scheme s o f violenc e bre d b y tha t anger . They relis h murderou s an d suicida l fantasies , the n repudiat e them . Th e problematics o f thei r rag e i s my subject . The shado w o f violen t deat h i s diffuse d acros s Henley' s landscapes . At times i t is treated wit h th e sprezzatura o f blac k comedy . Accident s o f nature abound , wack y i n their studie d randomness : Carnelle' s fathe r ha s died chasin g "th e Tropica l Ic e Crea m truck " {Firecracker, i) , he r Uncl e George fel l "t o hi s deat h tryin g t o pul l thi s bird' s nes t ou t fro m th e chimney" (12) ; Popeye' s brothe r ha s bee n fatall y bitte n "b y a wate r moccasin dow n b y th e Pear l River " (12) ; Lenny' s hors e Bill y Bo y ha s been "struc k dead " b y lightning; 5 Jamey Foste r ha s bee n fatall y "kicke d in th e hea d b y a cow"; 6 a n orphanag e ha s burnt , bloo d vessel s burst , cars an d pig s exploded . Katt y observe s tha t "lif e i s s o ful l o f unknow n horror" {Wake, 8) . But a t othe r time s th e half-bake d threat s o f homicid e an d suicid e swerve towar d th e ran t o f reveng e tragedies . Unlike accident s o f nature , these threats hav e knowable i f not justifiabl e causes , reactions t o betray als an d injustice s mad e visibl e a s th e play s unfold . Ye t th e fantasie s o f murder entertaine d b y thes e heroine s signif y n o commitmen t t o th e principle tha t drive s reveng e tragedies , namel y tha t reveng e i s a n heroi c prerogative o f th e wronge d party , fo r traditionall y reveng e ha s bee n a masculine mode , fro m whic h thes e heroine s mostl y dra w back . Th e fantasies secrete d i n Henley's text s ar e indeed no t s o much retributiv e a s palliative. The y ar e strategie s o f copin g wit h th e residua l scar s o f emo tional abandonment , o r wit h a fresh crisi s of th e same , a recurring moti f in Henley' s art . Conside r thos e o f th e wido w Marshae l i n The Wake of Jamey Foster (1982) . Estrange d fro m he r husban d Jamey , wh o eventu ally die s fro m bein g filliped i n th e head—b y a cow—durin g a pastora l tryst wit h hi s mistres s Esmerelda , Marshae l i s abandoned a secon d tim e in a thunderstor m b y famil y frien d Brocke r Slade , t o who m sh e ha s turned i n he r grief , a s the y ar e travellin g hom e fro m th e hospita l be d o f her then-critically-il l husband . Slad e late r surface s a t Marshael' s hous e to launc h a half-hearted campaig n t o cajole he r int o forgiveness , cooing ,

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8 i

"God, M. , honey, . . . I' m abou t read y t o ru n jum p int o th e Bi g Blac k River." T o hi s self-pit y sh e replie s coolly , "Well , don' t forge t t o han g a heavy stone around you r scrawn y ol d neck" (47-48) . But recommendin g his suicid e i s a s fa r a s Marshael' s rag e goes . I t rapidl y devolve s int o despair, with Marshae l vestin g herself i n the role of invalid . The particu lar stresse s o f earlie r days , inscribe d i n th e "purpl e an d swollen " (20 ) ulcers o n he r gums , the ras h o n he r knuckles , hav e no w becom e genera l and overwhelming : sh e is , she says , "sic k o f betrayal ! Sick! " (47) , echoing Elain' s sentimen t i n Miss Firecracker tha t he r husban d Frankli n makes he r "ill. " Ye t a s i n Firecracker, agai n i t i s a ma n wh o i s bot h th e source an d th e cur e o f a heroine' s disease . The Wake of Jamey Foster ends i n a tablea u o f Slad e soothin g Marshae l t o slee p wit h th e lullab y "This Ol d Ma n Come s Rollin g Home, " i n whos e refrai n (o f th e sam e words) Marshae l take s comfor t fro m it s implici t promis e o f Slade' s enduring paterna l presence. 7 H e i s redeemed , n o longe r a "scrawn y ol d neck," bu t a n "ol d man" (m y emphasis) . A s th e cur e suggests , then , Marshael's rag e agains t betraya l i s not a liberatin g o r eve n die-breakin g action signallin g he r escap e fro m heterosexis t oppression , bu t a conser vative, paradigmati c strateg y fo r recuperatin g a n emotionall y dysfunc tional man . The embry o o f thi s patter n o f repudiate d rag e appear s i n Am I Blue (1972), th e first o f Henley' s play s t o b e staged . Am I Blue investigate s the pressure s o f gende r relations , specificall y o f sexua l initiation , fel t b y two adolescents , Ashb e an d Joh n Pol k (o r J.P.) . The y mee t i n a seed y New Orlean s bar , retur n t o th e apartmen t Ashb e share s with he r alway s absent father , and , compromising , agre e t o danc e unti l dawn . Agains t our gendere d expectation s tha t me n ar e alway s th e sexua l aggressor , i t is th e younge r Ashb e wh o presse s J.P . t o hav e intercourse . Whe n h e refuses, fearin g tha t Ashb e woul d "ge t neurotic , o r pregnant , o r som e damn thing, " 8 she retaliates—she feign s havin g poisoned hi s drink dye d a suspiciou s blue : impulsivel y sh e hypothesize s hi s murder , onl y t o recant th e fiction immediately , the n internalize s he r anger , which , though tie d t o J.P.'s refusal , speak s o f large r rejection s an d wounds . Yet more striking than Ashbe' s threa t o f th e mickeyed highbal l ar e th e fantasies o f murde r entertaine d b y bot h teenagers . E n rout e t o th e apartment, Ashbe , scoopin g u p a stra y ha t fro m th e street , wonder s aloud whethe r i t migh t no t hav e bee n " a butcher' s wh o slaughtere d hi s wife o r a silver pirate wit h a black bir d o n hi s throat"; J.P. fears tha t sh e

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"probably [has ] got som e gan g o f mugger s waitin g t o kil l me " (12). While h e registers th e practical risk s o f pickin g u p a strange r i n a bar , she romanticize s murder ; th e pirate Blackbear d roam s th e interstices of her imagination . In Ashbe' s terms , a pirate' s violenc e bot h create s an d signifies hi s autarkic self ; and Ashbe, virtually alon e in the world, vicari ously produce s one , too, through he r well-developed fantas y life , whic h privileges th e swashbuckle r mode , wher e violenc e i s glamorous , sover eign, an d artificial . Bu t othe r fragment s o f he r fantas y lif e beli e he r pose o f nonchalanc e towar d violence . They sho w Ashb e grapplin g wit h feelings o f inexplicabl e rage , inexplicabl e t o he r becaus e sh e possesse s only a n adolescent , eve n nascent , sens e o f hersel f a s a n autonomou s being. Fo r example , sh e describe s visitin g a grocer y t o smas h bag s o f marshmallows (14) , a n ac t o f rag e comicall y diverte d fro m it s tru e object; she claims to have stolen ashtray s from th e Screw Inn (it discriminates agains t th e helpless, she says pointedly), and to have practice d th e passive-aggressive ar t of voodo o agains t a cliqu e o f schoolmates . Fro m all this , J.P. avers tha t Ashb e i s "probabl y on e of thos e peopl e tha t liv e in a fantas y world " (17) . In the most bizarr e fligh t o f fancy , sh e hold s out hop e o f having sex with J.P. s o that sh e might conceive , the n trave l to Toky o fo r a n abortion , explainin g tha t sh e i s "s o sic k o f schoo l I could smas h ever y marshmallow i n sight" (24) . Mary Fiel d Belenk y and others hav e observe d tha t oppresse d wome n wh o ar e reconstitutin g themselves as autonomous subject s sometime s us e "the imagery o f birth , rebirth an d childhoo d t o describ e thei r experienc e o f a nascen t self." 9 But Ashbe' s struggl e t o develo p a s a subjec t result s onl y i n th e cross eyed impulse s t o smas h marshmallow s an d t o conceiv e onl y t o abort . The latter mirror s the pattern o f repudiated rage : she imagines internaliz ing, the n expellin g no t onl y a fetus , bu t als o th e pressure s o f conven tional commitments impose d upo n youn g women to reproduce; to please and serv e men, whatever th e cost (recal l Ashbe's imaginar y butche r who slashes hi s wife's throat) ; to disavo w th e aggression typicall y associate d with th e masculin e sphere . I n th e end , however, lik e Marshael , Ashb e abandons he r resistanc e and , encircle d b y J.P.'s arms , dance s t o Billi e Holiday. Relinquishin g th e murderous powe r o f a blu e micke y fo r "th e blues" a s soon a s a man's compan y i s even provisionall y secured , Ashb e goes passiv e towar d he r ow n pain . Eve n th e play' s interrogativ e titl e serves notic e o f he r surrende r t o th e externa l regulatio n o f he r ow n feelings: Am I Blue?

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3

Henley's heroine s wh o hav e passe d beyon d adolescenc e d o no t simi larly romanticiz e th e murde r an d mutilatio n o f wome n i n late r texts , where th e playwrigh t explore s relationship s betwee n men' s abus e o f women an d women' s surprising , apparen t diffidenc e o r eve n absenc e o f rage i n return. Breakin g th e conspiracy o f silenc e that surround s domes tic abuse , a conspirac y onc e silentl y tolerated , the n contested , b y Bab e in Crimes of the Heart (1981) , fo r example , whos e medica l histor y narrates th e injurie s inflicte d b y he r husband , Zackery , thes e text s ma p out th e cycle of emotional an d physica l battering . The abus e comes first; and thoug h bid s fo r greate r subjectivit y sometime s follo w a sudde n escalation o f the abuse, 10 enduring, transformative rag e seldom does , fo r that i s largely a privilege o f "autarki c selfhood, " 1 1 about whic h Henley' s women, lik e Ashbe , seldo m mor e tha n fantasize . I f i t i s true, a s Georg e Mariscal ha s said, "tha t al l forms o f subjectivit y ar e conceived i n a bitte r struggle fo r powe r an d hegemony, " 12 the n th e absenc e o f rag e o r it s diffident expressio n b y Henley' s abuse d wome n invite s u s t o stud y th e strategies b y whic h th e me n organize , control , eve n amputat e th e hero ines' "bitte r struggle. " Key moment s expos e th e violenc e agains t wome n inscribe d i n th e situations o f marriag e an d motherhoo d i n Henley' s plays . Tw o mar riages near th e brin k o f collapse—one peripheral , on e central t o a plot — illustrate their strategies . In The Wake ofjamey Foster Katty an d Wayn e Foster arriv e t o mour n Jamey' s sudde n death . Th e wak e itsel f Henle y depicts humorously ; i t i s th e spectacl e o f Wayne' s treatmen t o f Katt y that transform s comed y int o tragicomedy . Lik e Delmoun t i n Miss Firecracker, wh o dream s a t nigh t o f women' s bodie s dismembere d (100) , Katty an d Wayn e liv e i n a violentl y phalli c universe . Wayne , wh o call s Katty a "twat " (Wake, 36) , sexuall y harrasse s hi s sister-in-la w Collard , confident tha t me n ar e entitle d t o contro l women' s bodies : callin g he r "Charlotte," imposin g hi s preference fo r he r "prope r name, " h e lifts he r chin, markin g he r a s hi s sexua l property . Collar d protests : "Liftin g m y chin u p lik e that—you'r e makin g m e fee l lik e som e sor t o f goddam n horse— . . . Oh , s o yo u d o lik e you r wome n dirty? " (49) . Katt y wit nesses thi s exchange , an d immediatel y move s t o protec t he r ow n clai m to Wayne' s twiste d affections : "Jus t becaus e I los e thos e babie s i s n o reason t o trea t m e viciously—n o reaso n a t all ! Yo u kno w I can' t hel p it!" (50)—a s i f i t migh t b e possibl e eve r t o justif y suc h abuse . Falsel y blaming herself , Katt y fail s t o see , a s Collar d does , ho w h e i s titillate d

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by dehumanizin g wome n int o chattel . Ye t wha t Katt y ha s see n precipi tates a househol d crisis . Sh e barricade s hersel f i n sham e i n a n upstair s bath, emerging much late r t o announce , i n sorrow an d frustration , I hate th e m e I have t o b e with him . I f onl y I could hav e th e bab y i t would giv e me someon e t o lov e and mak e someon e who' d lov e me. There'd b e a reaso n fo r havin g th e fine hous e an d th e lovel y yard . (57) Of cours e th e sam e impuls e tha t ha s drive n Katt y t o mol d hersel f t o Wayne's desir e fo r a submissiv e wif e keep s he r fro m reconfigurin g he r life. Sh e remain s committe d t o thei r marriage , answerin g Marshael' s inquiry int o he r nex t mov e wit h num b resignation : "Why , nothing . That's al l I can do . I don't hav e children o r a career lik e you do . Anywa y I don't lik e changes" (58) . Katty take s refug e behin d th e "incompetenc y 'demands' o f th e conventional feminin e role." 1 3 What make s Katt y interestin g a s a specime n o f rag e repudiate d i s no t her respons e to Wayne's cruelt y bu t a childhood experienc e sh e confide s during a n intimat e tal k wit h th e othe r women , wh o hav e congregated i n Marshael's bedroo m t o comfor t an d chee r he r a s she mourns. The light s go u p o n the m i n th e mids t o f thei r tradin g storie s o f th e cruelles t thin g they hav e eve r done . The segu e t o Katty' s stor y suggest s it s dramaturgi c importance: (Pulling at her hair with glee.) Oh , it' s s o awful ! It' s to o horrible! You won' t thin k I' m swee t anymore ! COLLARD W e don' t care ! We don' t care ! PIXROSE No, we don't care ! Tell us ! (54-55 ) KATTY

Collard an d Pixros e functio n a s a Gree k chorus . The y delive r th e judg ment o f a communit y o f women—"W e don' t care ! W e don' t care! " — that sharpl y contrast s wit h th e conventiona l commitmen t t o sentimen tality impose d upo n wome n b y the male characters i n these texts. Moreover, i t i s possibl e t o hea r i n Pixrose' s "Tel l us " a resemblanc e o f a similar momen t i n Portrait of the Artist i n whic h Joyce ma y b e punnin g on th e Gree k nou n telos. 14 Lik e Stephe n Dedalus , wh o i s engage d i n challenging th e authority o f the Roma n Catholi c Churc h t o establis h th e

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ultimate purpos e o f life , Katt y challenge s wit h he r stor y o f girlhoo d violence th e authorit y o f me n t o establis h th e telos o f women : On e Easte r Sunda y I was walkin g t o churc h wit h m y maid , Lizzie Pearl. Well, I was al l dressed t o kil l fo r i n my white ruffle d dress and m y white Easte r bonne t an d carryin g m y white parasol . Well, Harr y an d Virgini a Doole y cam e u p an d shove d m e dow n into a hug e mudhole . . . . [Late r tha t day ] . . . Lizzi e Pear l an d I sneaked bac k ove r t o thei r bac k yar d an d yanke d th e chirpin g heads of f o f ever y on e o f thei r colore d Easte r chicks—W e mur dered the m all with ou r bar e hands ! (55 )

KATTY

It i s difficul t t o reconcil e thi s portrai t o f Katt y wit h th e othe r tha t prevails. In Wayne' s absence , sh e paint s hersel f "wit h glee " a s full y capable o f retaliatin g violentl y agains t indignitie s sh e ha s suffered . I n Wayne's presence , however , sh e regresse s t o th e rol e o f a child , eve n using baby-tal k t o sooth e hi m a s h e pretend s t o griev e th e los s o f hi s brother: "Wh y we'r e al l gonn a d o ever y littl e bitt y thin g w e ca n d o t o unburden poor , ol d Pap a Swee t Potato" (9) . Katty's regressio n i s intriguingl y linke d t o he r apparen t inabilit y t o carry a fetu s t o term . Becaus e Wayn e reduce s Katt y t o a "twat, " h e continuously snuff s ou t he r adul t interiority , wher e interiorit y signifie s not simpl y a n emotiona l an d physica l readines s t o bea r childre n bu t als o a matur e knowledg e o f th e terrai n o f one' s ow n imagination , memory , and will . Thi s lin k betwee n mal e sexualit y an d th e deat h o f femal e interiority i s reiterate d elsewher e i n The Wake whe n Collar d abruptl y propositions Slade : "Brocker , hone y . . . yo u gonn a leav e m e foreve r unravished?" (46-47) . Wit h hi s ey e o n Marshae l instead , Brocke r Slad e refuses, an d Collard , affronted , strike s back : "Oh , Marshael . Right , Marshael. Well , that' s al l righ t then . 'Cours e she' s nothin g lik e me . Sh e doesn't cares s deat h an d dange r wit h ope n legs " (47) . Her e Collar d represents heterosexua l intercours e a s an ac t o f heroic bravado , a poten tially fata l sacrific e o n th e woman's part . (Th e metaphor als o evoke s th e literal ris k o f deat h tha t wome n fac e durin g childbirth. ) Later , he r observation tha t sex wit h me n threaten s th e deat h o f th e femal e subjec t is explicitl y linke d t o Katty' s instinctiv e regression . A s Slad e serenade s Marshael fro m outsid e he r window , Collard , protectin g he r siste r a s

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well a s herself , throw s a nes t o f bird' s egg s a t him , the n assign s hi m responsibility: "Look ! No w you'v e mad e m e murde r thes e bab y eggs ! I've don e murder! " (62) . Just a s Collar d sacrifice s th e embryoni c live s of birds i n a feebl e attemp t t o war d of f th e danger s o f Slade' s predator y and a t thi s tim e unwante d sexua l advance s towar d Marshael , s o Katt y has kille d Easte r chick s t o signif y he r resistanc e t o th e convention s o f feminine obsequiousness , perhap s eve n t o th e expectatio n o f mother hood. I t i s no acciden t o f th e tex t tha t Katt y remain s childless , her bod y expelling th e embryoni c fruit s o f he r sexua l relation s wit h Wayn e t o preserve wha t littl e interiorit y i s left he r b y thei r marriage . Sh e control s her uteru s i f nothing else . Although thes e narrative s o f "murder " intuitivel y lin k Katt y an d Col lard, Collar d i s distinguished b y openly resistin g the impositio n o f patri archal conventions . As we have seen , sh e furiously reject s sexua l harass ment fro m he r brother-in-la w Wayne , an d i n anothe r memorabl e scene , as h e insist s tha t Marshae l atten d Jamey' s wake , lik e i t o r not , Collar d mocks him : "Look , jus t becaus e you'l l alway s hav e th e tast e o f leathe r in your mouth , doesn' t mea n th e res t o f u s have to " (67) . Turning upo n Wayne th e equestria n metapho r previousl y applie d t o herself , Collar d scorns him for havin g accepted the patriarchal bridle . Reversing the sign , she emphasize s th e doubl e standar d b y whic h me n profit , an d wome n suffer, fro m submittin g t o patriarchy—w e kno w tha t Wayn e ha s be come a powerfu l small-tow n banker , Katt y hi s slave . Ye t i t i s als o Collard wh o mos t articulate s th e tol l o f women' s resistanc e agains t patriarchy. Ambivalen t towar d Slade , who m sh e onc e invite d t o "rav ish" her , Collar d i s even mor e ambivalen t towar d he r ow n reproductiv e freedom. I n a magneti c scene , sh e recount s fo r th e othe r wome n th e aftermath o f he r abortion , whic h sh e imagines t o b e a violent act : I wen t ou t an d at e frie d chicken . Go t a ten-piec e bucke t fille d wit h mashed potatoe s an d gravy , coleslaw, an d a roll. First it tasted goo d and greas y an d gooey . The n I fel t lik e I was eatin g m y baby' s ski n and fles h an d vein s and all . I got s o sick—(58 ) In contras t t o Ashbe' s flippan t schem e t o parla y a n abortio n int o a Tokyo vacatio n i n Am I Blue, thi s painfu l memor y illustrate s th e an guishing materia l consequence s o f Collard' s resolv e no t t o b e bridled . I t leaves he r no t simpl y "sick, " bu t nightmarishl y guilty . Agai n Henle y

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records th e cos t o f women' s liberatio n i n graphi c image s o f anima l dismemberment. 15 Associatin g th e fetus an d the fried chicken , whic h i s the thir d appearanc e i n The Wake of Jamey Foster o f the trope o f fow l destroyed (Easte r chicks/bir d eggs/frie d chicken ) a s a sign of challenge to the convention s o f gender , especiall y o f th e obligatio n t o nurture , Collard imagines herself feedin g of f her own interior: " I felt lik e I was eating my baby' s ski n an d fles h an d veins. " Fro m anothe r poin t o f view , though, Collar d i s no t a canniba l bu t a survivor . I n thi s instance , t o reject th e fetu s i s t o preserv e he r nascen t clai m t o self-determination . Perhaps i t i s that clai m tha t produce s a s much guil t a s the abortio n it self. If Henley' s play s collectivel y forecas t th e high pric e ye t to b e paid b y virtually everyon e for the manifold inequitie s lon g born e b y women, the most expansiv e treatmen t o f this ide a i s in Crimes of the Heart. No t the fairy tal e o f femal e bondin g tha t Lorima r mad e i t ou t t o b e i n it s 1986 production , Crimes of the Heart studie s th e origins an d effect s o f domestic abuse , tracin g th e rise an d fal l o f it s principal heroine' s rage , fingering th e femal e conspirator s o f culturall y sanctione d violenc e against women, exposing the link betwee n sexis m and racism, suggestin g the ofte n grav e cost s o f women's comin g t o know themselve s a s wholly volitional beings . Hovering ove r th e MaGrath famil y i n Crimes of the Heart i s a curs e as particula r a s any in Ibsen, Tennesse e Williams , o r Sa m Shepard, and as genera l a s post-classica l Wester n cultur e itself : lon g ago , the matri arch o f th e MaGrath clan , i n fur y an d despair , hange d hersel f an d her cat i n th e fruit cella r o f th e famil y home . He r suicid e affirme d fo r her daughter s th e ideologica l lin k betwee n women' s exercis e o f self determination an d death , a lin k datin g a t leas t fro m earl y Christia n constructions o f Eve' s prima l disobedience. 16 Crimes of the Heart dra matizes its continuing damag e t o the next generation , especiall y throug h the fallou t fro m Bab e an d Zacker y Botrelle' s explode d marriage . Lon g physically abuse d b y "th e riches t an d mos t powerfu l ma n i n al l o f Hazlehurst" (21) , Babe ha s denied th e significance o f her own fracture s and bruises , breaking fre e onl y afte r watchin g Zac k mau l Willie Jay, her fifteen-year-old African-America n lover . Althoug h Bab e i s enrage d b y Zack's racis m an d his consequent physica l abus e o f Willie Jay, 17 Babe' s first respons e i s t o thin k o f suicide , a s he r mothe r ha d done , the n epiphanically t o reject suicid e as a viable respons e t o explosive anger :

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Why, I wa s gonn a shoo t of f m y ow n head ! . . . I though t abou t Mama . . . how she' d hun g herself . The n I realized—that's right , I realized ho w I didn' t wan t t o kil l myself ! An d she—sh e probabl y didn't wan t t o kil l herself. (49 ) Instead, fittingly , sh e shoots Zac k i n the belly , inflicting quid pro quo a n ironic eve n i f uncalculate d reveng e o n a "bully " wh o ha d threatene d t o cut ou t Willie' s "gizzard " (42 , 49) . Thoug h Bab e i s n o avenger , he r shooting Zacker y migh t see m t o presag e a heroine' s decisiv e ne w com mitment t o self-determination . Bu t nea r th e en d o f Crimes of the Heart Henley dashe s tha t hope , havin g Bab e comicall y regres s towar d suicide . Without succes s sh e trie s t o hang , the n t o asphyxiat e hersel f i n a ga s oven. Bab e suffer s th e by-now-familia r arc : onc e vented , he r rag e boomerangs. In effec t sh e mentall y implodes , jus t a s he r compatrio t Marshael doe s i n The Wake. Recal l tha t Marshael , thoug h liberate d by he r husband' s deat h fro m on e cycl e o f emotiona l neglect , i s stil l furiously angr y a t him , confessin g tha t sh e feels a s i f " a hole' s bee n sho t through me , an d al l m y inside s hav e bee n blow n ou t somewher e else " (Wake, 43) . In earlie r plays , heroine s abor t thei r rag e or , wha t amount s t o th e same thing, turn i t inward, fo r obliquel y palpable reasons that spectator s must infer . I n Crimes, however , th e playwrigh t deliver s a direc t caus e o f Babe's reversal , namel y Zackery' s intentio n t o commi t he r t o th e Whit field psychiatri c hospita l (114) . Hi s pla n disorient s bu t als o catalyze s Babe, wh o "slam s th e phon e dow n an d stare s wildl y ahead : He' s not . He's not . . . . I'll d o it . I will. And h e won't" (114) . The indicativ e verb s here signif y tha t Bab e agai n turn s t o suicid e a s th e onl y gestur e o f self determination availabl e i n a universe otherwis e controlle d b y those suc h as he r estrange d lawyer-husband , wh o i s ominousl y confiden t tha t psy chiatric clinic s stan d read y t o isolate , punish , an d perhap s reprogra m women who , i n thei r rage , repudiat e th e hegemon y o f men . Zacker y i s obviously a "tota l criminal " (43) , a s Babe' s defens e lawye r claims . Ye t Henley insist s w e no t dismis s hi m a s a n aberran t loner , bu t se e hi m a s an integra l membe r o f a communit y tha t permits , eve n expects , me n t o abuse women, an d tha t expect s women t o cope with i t b y clinging to th e theorem o f femal e martyrdom . Tha t theore m i s bes t expresse d i n a colloquial commonplac e b y Elain , th e ex-beaut y queen , wh o counsel s Carnelle o n he r los s o f th e Mis s Firecracke r title : "Jus t tr y t o remembe r

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how Mama wa s enlightened b y her affliction " {Firecracker, 80) . Though none o f th e wome n i n Crimes of the Heart ha s i n s o man y word s similarly advise d Bab e t o toug h ou t Zackery' s abuse , Bab e nevertheles s has learne d wel l no t t o expec t other s t o validat e he r supposedl y unfemi nine rage , neithe r befor e no r afte r sh e shoot s Zackery . Thu s whe n he r sister Lenny and cousin Chic k questio n Bab e as to motive, she is virtually mute, offerin g onl y tha t sh e "didn' t lik e [Zackery's ] looks " (27) . Obvi ously ridiculous , this re d herrin g intensifie s he r silence . Elizabeth Stank o observes tha t abuse d women' s silenc e "i s linke d t o a n understandin g o f [their] powerlessness ; i t i s a recognitio n o f th e contradictor y expecta tions o f femalenes s an d probabl e judgment s other s commonl y rende r about an y woman' s involvemen t i n mal e violence." 18 Henle y sharpen s her critiqu e o f wome n wh o collud e wit h oppressiv e force s b y depictin g Babe's attorne y Barnett e Lloy d a s steadfastl y supportiv e o f hi s accuse d client, suggestin g ho w littl e one' s gende r necessaril y dictate s one' s poli tics. Indeed, in small ways and large, Lenny and especiall y Chick reproduc e the inequitie s o f gende r tha t hav e bee n insinuate d int o ever y socia l discourse. Lenny , fo r example , anticipate s Zack' s psychiatri c prescrip tion, tellin g Meg , " I believ e Bab e i s ill . I mea n in-her-hea d ill " (17) . Lenny fail s t o se e ho w he r diagnosi s reinforce s a doubl e standar d o f provocation, i n whic h men' s "retaliator y behavio r i s acceptable, " an d women's i s not. 19 Bu t i t i s cousi n Chick , wh o work s th e syste m wel l enough t o hav e bee n accepte d t o membershi p i n th e Hazlehurs t Ladies ' Social League , wh o i s Zackery' s fa r mor e malignan t i f stil l unwittin g conspirator. Deployin g th e concep t o f "shame " t o polic e othe r women , Chick consistentl y attack s wha t sh e take s t o b e th e MaGraths ' lac k of obedienc e t o a cod e o f womanhoo d tha t emphasize s decorum , no t subjectivity; submission , no t independence . Sh e i s no t simpl y a watch dog, bu t a burlesque 20 obsesse d b y "th e skeleton s i n th e MaGraths ' closet" (6 ) her ange r risin g a s the sisters ' violations mount . Afte r spyin g Meg returnin g fro m a nigh t wit h Doc , fo r example , Chic k bashe s Me g in orde r t o recrui t Lenn y int o consciou s allianc e wit h th e mode l o f suffocating femal e subjectivit y endorse d b y th e Ladies ' Socia l League. 21 Chick pitie s not Me g bu t Lenny : You must b e so ashamed! Yo u must just want t o die! Why, I always said tha t gir l wa s nothin g bu t chea p Christma s trash ! . . . Meg' s a

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low-class tram p an d yo u nee d no t hav e on e mor e blesse d thin g t o do with he r an d he r disgustin g behavior . (112 ) When Lenn y refuse s t o conced e Meg' s depravity , Chic k explodes , inad vertently revealin g th e root o f he r anger : I've jus t abou t ha d m y fill of yo u trash y MaGrath s an d you r trash y ways: hangin g yourselve s i n cellars ; carrying o n wit h marrie d men ; shooting your ow n husbands! . . . [Turning toward Babe] And don' t you thin k she' s no t gonn a en d u p a t th e stat e priso n far m o r i n some—mental institution . Why , it' s a clear-cu t cas e o f manslaugh ter wit h inten t t o kill ! . . . That's wha t everyone' s saying , deliberat e intent t o kill ! And you'l l pa y fo r that ! D o yo u hea r me ? You'l l pay ! (112-13)

"Manslaughter," fro m th e lexico n o f law , aptl y describe s Chick' s judg ment o f the MaGraths' violations , their buddin g refusal s t o "pay " int o a patriarchal discours e tha t brand s wome n "chea p Christma s trash, " tha t blames th e victi m fo r spous e abuse , tha t agai n insinuate s deat h a s th e inevitable consequenc e o f women' s self-determinatio n ("yo u mus t jus t want t o die!") . In Chick' s eyes , resistance i s indeed man/slaughter . Against Chick' s slavis h dependenc e upo n perniciou s communa l val ues, Henle y juxtapose s Meg' s apparentl y fierce independence . Face d with th e artifact s o f he r sister' s medica l history , fo r example , whic h records th e consequence s o f Zack' s spousa l violence , Me g rants , "Thi s is madness! Did he do this to her? I'll kill him; I will—I'll fr y hi s blood! " (43); in the Seneca n imag e Me g boldl y claim s th e prerogativ e o f reveng e abdicated b y mos t o f Henley' s othe r heroines . An d later , sh e quell s Babe's self-criminations b y erasing the privileged lin e between sanit y an d madness, declaring , "Why , you'r e jus t a s perfectly san e a s anyone walk ing th e street s o f Hazlehurst , Mississippi " (119) ; i n Meg' s circuitou s compliment w e ma y hea r a n indictmen t o f th e citizenr y fo r continuin g to tolerat e domesti c violence . In thes e moment s o f bravad o Me g seem s stronge r tha n Bab e fo r openly resistin g th e force s unde r whic h Bab e ha s lon g suffered , bu t elsewhere Henle y suggest s tha t Me g likewis e suffer s fro m dee p ambiva lence abou t th e scop e an d strengt h o f he r ow n freedom . Feignin g heroi c indifference towar d th e danger s o f smoking , fo r example , sh e reiterate s

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the lin k betwee n women' s self-determinatio n an d deat h tha t le d he r mother t o han g hersel f i n th e frui t cellar : "That' s wha t I lik e abou t [smoking], Chick—takin g a dra g of f o f death . . . . Mmm ! Give s m e a sense o f controllin g m y ow n destiny . Wha t power ! Wha t exhilaration ! Want a drag? " (28) . Unlik e Lenn y an d Babe , wh o seeme d glue d t o Hazlehurst, Me g ha s attempte d t o wres t he r destin y awa y fro m th e Ladies' Socia l Leagu e b y exilin g hersel f t o Lo s Angeles , a mov e tha t demonstrates autonom y an d mobility . I n L.A. , though , sh e ha s me t failure. Onc e a n aspirin g singer , she has succumbe d t o clerking fo r a do g food compan y (23) , and i n her word s ha s recentl y gon e "insane, " wind ing up i n the psychiatri c war d o f L.A . Count y Hospita l (85) . The cause , as w e graduall y com e t o see , i s th e residua l effect s o f he r mother' s suicide. Much lik e Carnell e i n Miss Firecracker, wh o lament s tha t "peo ple've bee n dyin g practicall y al l m y life, " an d " I gues s I shoul d b e use d to i t by now" (12) , Meg ha s stoicall y attempte d t o bloc k ou t th e pain o f having bee n th e on e t o discove r he r mother' s body. 22 Ye t Bab e recall s that durin g girlhoo d outing s t o th e publi c librar y an d th e Dixielan d Drugstore, Meg would spen d al l her tim e readin g an d lookin g throug h thi s ol d black boo k calle d Disease of the Skin. I t wa s ful l o f th e mos t sickening picture s you'v e eve r seen . Thing s lik e rotting-awa y nose s and eyeball s droopin g of f dow n th e side s o f people' s faces , an d scabs an d sore s an d eaten-awa y place s [A t Dixielan d Drugs , exam ining a crippled-childre n poster , Me g woul d say ] "See , I can stan d it. I can stan d it . Just loo k ho w I' m gonn a b e able to stan d it. " (6667) The memor y illustrate s Meg' s resolv e t o stee l hersel f agains t loss , a n early decisio n tha t continue s t o sabotag e he r lif e a s a n adult . Reversin g the usua l pattern i n Henley's plays , it has bee n Meg who abandone d he r sometime love r Doc , rathe r tha n vic e versa , durin g Hurrican e Camille : returned fro m L.A. , sh e confesses t o him , "I t wa s m y faul t t o leav e you . I was crazy . I thought I was choking . I felt choked! " (84) . Meg's fea r o f "choking" 23 no t onl y recall s he r mother' s suicid e b y hanging , bu t als o illuminates wha t i s fo r he r virtuall y a synapti c lin k betwee n romanti c alliances wit h me n an d th e potentia l snuffin g ou t o f he r ow n life . But , she tell s Doc , "" I wa s crazy. " Apologizing , labellin g he r earlie r percep -

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tions o f ris k a s sign s o f menta l illness , Me g no w repudiate s he r ow n intuition an d thu s repatriate s hersel f int o th e Hazlehurs t community . A la Elain i n Miss Firecracker, sh e too "come s home. " Meg's maneuve r i s consonan t wit h th e patter n o f surrende r tha t i s woven throug h Henley' s scripts . W e ma y conclud e tha t thes e heroine s engage i n quasi-feminis t rebellion , i f they engag e i n i t a t all , for psycho logical rathe r tha n politica l motives . Bab e make s th e poin t bes t whe n she refute s wha t i s t o he r th e alarmin g possibilit y tha t sh e intende d he r interracial liaiso n wit h Willi e Jay t o b e a politica l statement : "I' m no t a liberal! I'm a democratic ! I was jus t lonely ! I was s o lonely . And h e wa s so good " (48) . Babe' s verba l slip—a n adjectiv e fo r a noun—reveal s a n inarticulate comman d o f th e political , a t leas t disqualifyin g he r fro m playing th e consciou s iconoclast . A s i n thi s instance , Henley' s heroine s seem not to recognize a s such the feminist awakening s tha t bubbl e t o th e surfaces o f thei r consciousnesses , a s the y see k t o repai r an d preserv e their live s withi n th e syste m the y hav e inherited . Ye t the y com e t o lif e inside Henley' s crucibl e o f populis t tragicomedy , i n whic h regressiv e comic fantasie s an d tragi c aspiration s collide ; osmoticall y th e heroine s have absorbe d som e o f th e energie s o f th e feminis t movement , an d i n their ow n ways , they grope towar d liberty. 24 NOTES

1. O n the implications of community for Henley's characters, other commentators hav e tende d t o rea d mor e optimistically . Hargrove , fo r example , find s "ultimately cheering and sustaining" the fact "Tha t each plays ends with two or more character s joine d togethe r i n a bon d o f huma n solidarity " (Nanc y D . Hargrove, "Th e Tragicomi c Visio n o f Bet h Henley' s Drama, " Southern Quarterly, 22: 4 [1984 ] 69); Harbin emphasize s th e "awakene d sens e o f th e restor ative power s o f familia l trus t an d communion " i n Crimes of the Heart, bu t concedes tha t th e othe r play s leav e character s suspende d i n "hopeles s resigna tion" (Bill y J. Harbi n "Familia l Bond s i n the Play s of Bet h Henley, " Southern Quarterly, 25: 3 [1987) , 88 , 93); Laughlin, emphasizin g Crimes of the Heart, too, claims it "proposes a vision of women bonding with each other and dramatizes a joyful celebratio n of this bond" (Kare n L. Laughlin, "Criminality , Desire and Community : A Feminist Approach t o Beth Henley's Crimes of the Heart," Women and Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory, 3 : 1 [1986] , 48) . I argue tha t Henle y dramatize s a fa r mor e ambiguou s visio n o f community , o f "female bonding " in particular.

Aborted Rage in Beth Henley's Women 19 3 2. Fo r discussio n o f politicall y radica l heroine s i n th e traditio n o f Souther n proletarian fiction, se e Sylvia Jenkins Cook , "Poo r Whites , Feminists, and Marx ists," i n From "Tobacco Road" to Route 66 (Chape l Hill , 1976) , 98-124 . 3. Year s i n parentheses refe r t o th e dat e o f first production . 4. Bet h Henley , The Miss Firecracker Contest (Garde n City , NY , 1985) , 38 . Hereafter cite d a s Firecracker. 5. Bet h Henley , Crimes of the Heart (Ne w York , 1982) , 19 . Hereafte r cite d as Crimes. 6. Bet h Henley , The Wake of Janey Foster (Ne w York , 1983) , 12 . Hereafte r cited a s Wake. 7. Harbi n mistakenl y argue s tha t Marshael' s "gri m sufferin g remain s unre lieved throughout th e play" (93) . 8. Bet h Henley, Am I Blue (Ne w York , 1982) , 23. 9. Mar y Fiel d Belenk y et al., Women's Ways of Knowing: The Development of Self Voice, and Mind (Ne w York , 1986) , 82 . 10. Belenk y point s ou t tha t man y wome n star t a transitio n t o subjectivis t autonomy an d powe r onl y afte r experiencin g a crisi s i n thei r trus t o f mal e authority (58) . 11. Gordo n Braden , Renaissance Tragedy and the Senecan Tradition: Anger's Privilege (Ne w Haven , 1985) , 2 . 12. Georg e Mariscal , "Th e Othe r Quixote, " i n Nanc y Armstron g an d Leo nard Tennenhouse , eds. , The Violence of Representation (Ne w York , 1989) , 113.

13. Belenky , 104 . Belenk y i s citin g N . Livso n an d H . Peskin , "Psychologica l Health a t Age 40: Predictions fro m Adolescen t Personality, " i n D. Eichorn et al., eds., Present and Past in Mid-Life (Ne w York , 1981) , 191. 14. Edmun d L . Epstein , The Ordeal of Stephen Dedalus: The Conflict of the Generations in James Joyce's "A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man" (Carbondale, IL. , 1971) , 10 . 15. Henle y use s th e techniqu e t o comi c advantag e whe n Marshae l bite s th e ears off a chocolate Easte r rabbi t a s the play opens . 16. Elain e Pagel s cite s Tertulian , a second-centur y Carthaginia n theologian , excoriating women : "Yo u ar e th e devil' s gatewa y . . . Yo u ar e sh e wh o per suaded hi m who m th e devi l di d no t dar e attac k . . . do you not know that every one of you is an Eve?" Se e Adam, Eve, and the Serpent (Ne w York , 1988) , 6 3 (her emphasis) . 17. Belenk y et al. observe tha t abuse d wome n ofte n respon d b y continuing t o care for others , but no t fo r themselve s (166) . 18. Elizabet h Stanko , Intimate Intrusions: Women's Experience of Male Violence (London , 1985) , 72 . Laughli n (43 ) say s tha t "Eliss a Gelfan d an d other s have highlighte d th e tendenc y o f (predominantl y male ) criminologist s t o explai n

194 A L A N CLARK E S H E P A R D the femal e criminal' s surprisin g departur e fro m th e expecte d pattern s o f inactiv ity and domesticit y a s 'monstrous'. " 19. Jame s Ptacek , "Wh y D o Me n Batte r Thei r Wives? " i n Kerst i Yll o an d Michele Bogard , eds. , Feminist Perspectives on Wife Abuse (Newbur y Park , CA , 1988), 145 . 20. Jacob s trace s th e literar y evolutio n o f caricature s o f th e souther n poo r white t o Willia m Byr d IP s History of the Dividing Line (1728) , no t publishe d until 1841 , but circulatin g i n manuscrip t muc h earlier . Rober t D . Jacobs, "Tobacco Road: Lowlif e an d th e Comi c Tradition, " i n Loui s D . Rubin , Jr., ed. , The American South: Portrait of a Culture (Bato n Rouge , 1980) , 206-26 . Hargrov e notes tha t Chicks ' nam e fit s her : sh e "i s nervous , nosy , an d bossy , verball y 'pecking' a t everyone " (63) . 21. Laughli n observe s tha t Chick' s "attempt s t o divid e o r degrad e th e Ma grath [sic ] sisters play directl y int o th e hand s o f th e patriarchal order " (55) . 22. Hargrov e admire s th e characters ' collectiv e "strengt h o r stoicism, " de claring tha t "perhap s th e dominan t them e o f he r dram a ultimatel y i s th e valu e of love " (55) . 23. Se e Mac Sam' s ironi c observation , " I wa s almos t choke d t o deat h b y m y mama's umbilica l cor d a t birth " (Firecracker, 63) . 24. Thank s t o m y colleague s Lind a K . Hughes , Rober t Donahoo , an d Ro b McDonald fo r readin g earlie r draft s o f thi s essay , an d especiall y t o Steve n Wozniak fo r hi s encouragement an d counsel . An earlier versio n o f thi s essay wa s presented o n 1 4 Februar y 199 2 befor e a sessio n o f th e Souther n Humanitie s Conference, meetin g a t th e Universit y o f Nort h Carolina , Chape l Hill . Thank s to Professor s Annett e Co x fo r invitin g m e an d Robert a Rosenber g fo r goo d conversation abou t Crimes of the Heart.

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My Words to Victor Frankenstei n above the Village of Chamouni x Performing Transgender Rage SUSAN STRYKE R

INTRODUCTORY NOTE S

The followin g wor k i s a textua l adaptatio n o f a performanc e piec e originally presente d a t "Rage ! Across th e Disciplines, " a n arts , humani ties, and socia l science s conferenc e hel d June 10-12 , 1993 , at Californi a State University, Sa n Marcos. The interdisciplinar y natur e o f th e confer ence, it s theme , an d th e organizers ' cal l fo r bot h performance s an d academic paper s inspire d m e t o b e creativ e i n m y mod e o f presentin g a topic the n muc h o n m y mind . A s a membe r o f Transgende r Nation— a militantly queer , direc t actio n transsexua l advocac y group— I wa s a t th e time involve d i n organizin g a disruptio n an d protes t a t th e America n Psychiatric Association' s 199 3 annua l meetin g i n Sa n Francisco . A good deal o f th e discussio n a t ou r plannin g meeting s concerne d ho w t o har ness the intense emotions emanating from transsexua l experience—espe cially rage—an d mobiliz e the m int o effectiv e politica l actions . I wa s intrigued b y th e prospec t o f criticall y examinin g thi s rag e i n a mor e academic settin g throug h a n idiosyncrati c applicatio n o f th e concep t o f gender performativity . M y ide a wa s t o perfor m self-consciousl y a quee r gender rathe r tha n simpl y tal k abou t it , thu s embodyin g an d enactin g the concep t simultaneousl y unde r discussion . I wanted th e forma l struc ture o f th e wor k t o expres s a transgende r aestheti c b y replicatin g ou r abrupt, ofte n jarrin g transition s betwee n genders—challengin g generi c Reprinted b y kin d permissio n o f Gordo n an d Breac h Scienc e Publishers , Inc. , fro m GLQ 1:3, 237-54 . Copyrigh t © 199 4 b y Gordo n an d Breac h Scienc e Publishers, Inc.

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classification wit h th e form s o f m y word s jus t a s m y transsexualit y challenges th e convention s o f legitimat e gende r an d m y performanc e i n the conferenc e roo m challenge d th e boundarie s o f acceptabl e academi c discourse. Durin g th e performance , I stoo d a t th e podiu m wearin g gen derfuck drag—comba t boots , threadbar e Lev i 501 s ove r a blac k lac e body suit , a shredde d Transgende r Natio n T-shir t wit h th e nec k an d sleeves cu t out , a pin k triangl e quart z crysta l pendant , grung e meta l jewelry, an d a six-inc h lon g marli n hoo k danglin g aroun d m y nec k o n a length o f heav y stainles s stee l chain . I decorate d th e se t b y drapin g m y black leathe r bike r jacket ove r my chair a t the panelists' table. The jacke t had handcuff s o n th e lef t shoulder , rainbo w freedo m ring s o n th e righ t side lacings , an d Quee r Nation-styl e sticker s readin g SE X CHANGE , DYKE, and FUCK YOU R TRANSPHOBI A plastere d o n th e back . MONOLOGUE

The transsexua l bod y i s a n unnatura l body . I t i s the produc t o f medica l science. It is a technological construction . I t i s flesh tor n apar t an d sew n together agai n i n a shap e othe r tha n tha t i n whic h i t wa s born . I n thes e circumstances, I find a dee p affinit y betwee n mysel f a s a transsexua l woman an d th e monste r i n Mar y Shelley' s Frankenstein. Lik e th e mon ster, I am to o ofte n perceive d a s les s than full y huma n du e t o th e mean s of my embodiment; lik e the monster's a s well, my exclusion fro m huma n community fuel s a dee p an d abidin g rag e i n m e that I , like th e monster , direct agains t th e conditions i n which I must struggl e t o exist . I a m no t th e first t o lin k Frankenstein' s monste r an d th e transsexua l body. Mary Dal y make s th e connectio n explici t b y discussing transsexu ality i n "Boundar y Violatio n an d th e Frankenstei n Phenomenon, " i n which sh e characterize s transsexual s a s th e agent s o f a "necrophili c invasion" o f femal e spac e (69-72) . Janice Raymond , wh o acknowledge s Daly a s a formativ e influence , i s les s direc t whe n sh e say s tha t "th e problem o f transsexualit y woul d bes t b e served b y morally mandatin g i t out o f existence, " bu t i n thi s statemen t sh e nevertheles s echoe s Victo r Frankenstein's feeling s towar d th e monster : "Begone , vil e insect , o r rather, stay , that I may trample yo u t o dust . You reproac h m e with you r creation" (Raymond , 178 ; Shelley , 95) . I t i s a commonplac e o f literar y criticism t o not e tha t Frankenstein' s monste r i s his ow n dark , romanti c double, th e alie n Othe r h e construct s an d upo n whic h h e project s al l h e

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cannot accep t i n himself ; indeed , Frankenstei n call s th e monste r "m y own vampire , my ow n spiri t se t loos e fro m th e grave " (Shelley , 74) . Might I sugges t tha t Daly , Raymon d an d other s o f thei r il k similarl y construct th e transsexual a s their ow n particula r golem? 1 The attributio n o f monstrosit y remain s a palpabl e characteristi c o f most lesbia n an d ga y representation s o f transsexuality , displayin g i n unnerving detai l th e anxious , fearfu l undersid e o f th e curren t cultura l fascination wit h transgenderism. 2 Becaus e transsexualit y mor e tha n an y other transgende r practic e o r identit y represent s th e prospect o f destabi lizing th e foundationa l presuppositio n o f fixed gender s upo n whic h a politics o f persona l identi y depends , peopl e wh o hav e investe d thei r aspirations fo r socia l justic e i n identitaria n movement s sa y thing s abou t us ou t o f shee r pani c that , i f sai d o f othe r minorities , woul d se e prin t only i n th e mos t hate-riddled , whit e supremacist , Christia n fascis t rags . To quot e extensivel y fro m on e lette r t o th e edito r o f a popula r Sa n Francisco gay/lesbia n periodical : I conside r transsexualis m t o b e a fraud , an d th e participant s i n i t . . . perverted. Th e transsexua l [claims ] he/sh e need s t o chang e his / her bod y i n orde r t o b e his/he r "tru e self. " Becaus e thi s "tru e self " requires anothe r physica l for m i n whic h t o manifes t itself , i t mus t therefore wa r wit h nature . On e canno t chang e one' s gender . Wha t occurs i s a cleverl y manipulate d exterior : wha t ha s bee n don e i s mutation. Wha t exist s beneat h th e deforme d surfac e i s th e sam e person wh o wa s ther e prio r t o th e deformity . Peopl e wh o brea k o r deform thei r bodie s [act ] out th e sic k farc e o f a deluded, patriarcha l approach t o nature , alienate d fro m tru e being . Referring b y name t o on e particula r person , self-identifie d a s a transsex ual lesbian , who m sh e ha d hear d spea k i n a publi c foru m a t th e Sa n Francisco Women's Building , the letter-write r wen t o n t o say : When a n estrogenate d ma n wit h breast s love s a woman, tha t i s no t lesbianism, tha t i s mutilate d perversion . [Thi s individual ] i s no t a threat t o th e lesbia n community , h e i s an outrag e t o us . He i s not a lesbian, h e i s a mutan t man , a self-mad e freak , a deformity , a n insult. He deserve s a slap in the face . Afte r that , h e deserve s to hav e his body an d min d mad e wel l again. 3

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When suc h being s a s thes e tel l m e I wa r wit h nature , I find n o mor e reason t o mour n m y oppositio n t o them—o r t o th e orde r the y clai m t o represent—than Frankenstein' s monste r fel t i n it s enmit y t o th e huma n race. I d o no t fal l fro m th e grac e o f thei r company— I roa r gleefull y away fro m i t lik e a Harley-straddling , dildo-packin g leatherdyk e fro m hell. The stigmatizatio n fostere d b y thi s sor t o f pejorativ e labellin g i s no t without consequence . Suc h words hav e the power t o destro y transsexua l lives. On January 5 , 1993, a twenty-two-year-old pre-operativ e transsex ual woma n fro m Seattle , Filis a Vistima , wrot e i n he r journal , " I wis h I was anatomicall y 'normal ' s o I coul d g o swimming . . . . Bu t no , I' m a mutant , Frankenstein' s monster. " Tw o month s late r Filis a Vistim a committed suicide . Wha t drov e he r t o suc h despai r wa s th e exclusio n she experience d i n Seattle' s quee r community , som e member s o f whic h opposed Filisa' s participatio n becaus e o f he r transsexuality—eve n though sh e identifie d a s an d live d a s a bisexua l woman . Th e Lesbia n Resource Cente r wher e sh e serve d a s a voluntee r conducte d a surve y o f its constituenc y t o determin e whethe r i t shoul d sto p offerin g service s t o male-to-female transsexuals . Filis a di d th e dat a entr y fo r tabulatin g th e survey results; she didn't hav e to imagine how people felt abou t he r kind . The Seattl e Bisexua l Women' s Networ k announce d tha t i f i t admitte d transsexuals th e SBW N woul d n o longe r b e a women' s organization . "I'm sure, " on e membe r sai d i n referenc e t o th e inclusio n o f bisexua l transsexual women , "th e boy s ca n tak e car e o f themselves. " Filis a Vis tima wa s no t a boy , an d sh e foun d i t impossibl e t o tak e car e o f herself . Even i n deat h sh e foun d n o suppor t fro m th e communit y i n whic h sh e claimed membership . "Wh y didn' t Filis a commi t hersel f fo r psychiatri c care?" aske d a columnis t i n th e Seattl e Gay News. "Wh y didn' t Filis a demand he r civi l rights? " In thi s case , no t onl y di d th e angr y villager s hound thei r monste r t o th e edg e o f town , the y reproache d he r fo r bein g vulnerable t o th e torches . Di d Filis a Vistim a commi t suicide , o r di d th e queer communit y o f Seattl e kill her? 4 I wan t t o la y clai m t o th e dar k powe r o f m y monstrou s identit y without usin g i t a s a weapo n agains t other s o r bein g wounde d b y i t myself. I will sa y this a s bluntl y a s I know how : I am a transsexual , an d therefore I a m a monster . Jus t a s th e word s "dyke, " "fag, " "queer, " "slut," an d "whore " hav e bee n reclaimed , respectively , b y lesbian s an d gay men , b y anti-assimilationis t sexua l minorities , b y wome n wh o pur -

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sue erotic pleasure , an d b y sex industr y workers , word s lik e "creature, " "monster," an d "unnatural " nee d t o b e reclaimed b y the transgendered . By embracing an d acceptin g them , eve n piling on e o n to p o f another , w e may dispe l their abilit y to har m us . A creature, afte r all , in the dominan t tradition o f Wester n Europea n culture , i s nothin g othe r tha n a create d being, a mad e thing . Th e affron t yo u human s tak e a t bein g calle d a "creature" result s from th e threat th e term pose s to your statu s a s "lord s of creation, " being s elevate d abov e mer e materia l existence . A s i n th e case o f bein g calle d "it, " bein g calle d a "creature " suggest s th e lac k o r loss of a superior personhood . I find no shame , however, i n acknowledg ing m y egalitaria n relationshi p wit h non-huma n materia l Being ; every thing emerge s fro m th e sam e matri x o f possibilities . "Monster " i s de rived fro m th e Lati n nou n monstrum, "divin e portent, " itsel f forme d o n the roo t o f th e ver b monere, "t o warn. " I t cam e t o refe r t o livin g thing s of anomalou s shap e o r structure, or to fabulou s creature s lik e the sphin x who wer e compose d o f strikingl y incongruou s parts , becaus e th e an cients considere d th e appearanc e o f suc h being s t o b e a sig n o f som e impending supernatura l event . Monsters, lik e angels, functioned a s messengers an d herald s o f th e extraordinary . The y serve d t o announc e impending revelation , saying , i n effect , "Pa y attention ; somethin g o f profound importanc e i s happening. " Hearken unt o me , fello w creatures . I wh o hav e dwel t i n a for m unmatched wit h m y desire , I whose fles h ha s becom e a n assemblag e o f incongruous anatomica l parts , I who achiev e th e similitud e o f a natura l body onl y throug h a n unnatura l process , I offe r yo u thi s warning : th e Nature yo u bedevi l m e with i s a lie . Do no t trus t i t t o protec t yo u fro m what I represent, fo r i t i s a fabricatio n tha t cloak s th e groundlessnes s o f the privileg e yo u see k t o maintai n fo r yoursel f a t m y expense . Yo u ar e as constructe d a s me ; th e sam e anarchi c wom b ha s birthe d u s both . I call upo n yo u t o investigat e you r natur e a s I hav e bee n compelle d t o confront mine . I challenge yo u t o ris k abjectio n an d flouris h a s wel l a s have I . Hee d m y words , an d yo u ma y wel l discove r th e seam s an d sutures i n yourself. CRITICISM

In answe r t o th e questio n h e poses i n the titl e o f hi s recent essay , "Wha t is a Monster? (Accordin g t o Frankenstein) ," Pete r Brook s suggest s that ,

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whatever els e a monste r migh t be , i t "ma y als o b e tha t whic h elude s gender definition " (219) . Brook s read s Mar y Shelley' s stor y o f a n over reaching scientis t an d hi s troublesom e creatio n a s a n earl y dissen t fro m the nineteenth-centur y realis t literar y tradition , whic h ha d no t ye t at tained dominanc e a s a narrativ e form . H e understand s Frankenstein t o unfold textuall y throug h a narrativ e strateg y generate d b y tensio n be tween a visuall y oriente d epistemology , o n th e on e hand , an d anothe r approach t o knowin g th e trut h o f bodie s tha t privilege s verba l linguisti cally, o n th e othe r (199-200) . Knowin g b y seein g an d knowin g b y speaking/hearing ar e gendered , respectively , a s masculin e an d feminin e in th e critica l framewor k withi n whic h Brook s operates . Considere d i n this context , Shelley' s tex t i s informe d by—an d critique s fro m a wom an's poin t o f view—the contemporar y reorderin g o f knowledg e brough t about b y th e increasingl y compellin g trut h claim s o f Enlightenmen t science. The monster problematize s gende r partl y throug h it s failure a s a viable subjec t i n th e visua l field; thoug h referre d t o a s "he, " i t thu s offers a feminine , an d potentiall y feminist , resistanc e t o definitio n b y a phallicized scopophilia . Th e monste r accomplishe s thi s resistanc e b y mastering languag e i n orde r t o clai m a positio n a s a speakin g subjec t and enac t verball y th e very subjectivit y denie d i t in the specula r realm. 5 Transsexual monstrosity , however , alon g wit h it s affect , transgende r rage, ca n neve r clai m quit e s o secur e a mean s o f resistanc e becaus e o f the inabilit y o f languag e t o represen t th e transgendere d subject' s move ment ove r tim e betwee n stabl y gendere d position s i n a linguisti c struc ture. Ou r situatio n effectivel y reverse s th e on e encountere d b y Franken stein's monster . Unlik e th e monster , w e ofte n successfull y cit e th e culture's visua l norm s o f gendere d embodiment . Thi s citatio n become s a subversive resistanc e when , throug h a provisiona l us e o f language , w e verbally desir e th e unnaturalnes s o f ou r clai m t o th e subjec t position s we nevertheless occupy. 6 The prospec t o f a monster wit h a life an d wil l of it s own i s a principa l source o f horro r fo r Frankenstein . Th e scientis t ha s take n u p hi s projec t with a specifi c goa l i n mind—nothin g les s tha n th e inten t t o subjec t nature completel y t o hi s power . H e finds a mean s t o accomplis h hi s desires throug h moder n science , whose devotees , i t seem s t o him , "hav e acquired ne w an d almos t unlimite d powers ; the y ca n comman d th e thunders o f heaven , mimi c th e earthquake , an d eve n moc k th e invisibl e world wit h it s shadows . . . . More , fa r more , wil l I achieve, " though t

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Frankenstein. " I will pionee r a new way, explore unknow n powers , and unfold t o the world th e deepest mysterie s o f creation" (Shelley , 47). The fruit o f hi s efforts i s not, however , wha t Frankenstei n anticipated . Th e rapture h e expecte d t o experienc e a t th e awakenin g o f hi s creatur e turned immediatel y t o dread . " I saw the dull yello w eye s of the creatur e open.. . . His jaw s opened , an d h e muttere d som e inarticulat e sounds , while a gri n wrinkle d hi s cheeks. H e migh t hav e spoken , bu t I di d no t hear; one hand was stretched out , seemingly to detain me, but I escaped" (Shelley, 56 , 57). The monster escapes , too, and parts compan y wit h it s maker fo r a numbe r o f years . In th e interim , i t learn s somethin g o f it s situation i n th e world , an d rathe r tha n bles s it s creator , th e monste r curses him . Th e ver y success o f Mar y Shelley' s scientis t i n hi s self appointed tas k thu s paradoxicall y prove s it s futility: rathe r tha n demon strate Frankenstein' s powe r ove r materiality , th e newl y enlivene d bod y of th e creatur e attest s t o it s maker' s failur e t o attai n th e master y h e sought. Frankenstei n canno t contro l th e min d an d feeling s o f th e mon ster he makes. It exceeds an d refutes hi s purposes. My ow n experienc e a s a transsexua l parallel s th e monster' s i n thi s regard. Th e consciousnes s shape d b y th e transsexua l bod y i s n o mor e the creation o f the science that refigure s it s flesh tha n th e monster's min d is the creation o f Frankenstein. The agenda tha t produce d hormona l an d surgical se x reassignment technique s i s no less pretentious, an d no mor e noble, tha n Frankenstein's . Heroi c doctor s stil l endeavo r t o triump h over nature . Th e scientifi c discours e tha t produce d se x reassignmen t techniques i s inseparabl e fro m th e pursui t o f immortalit y throug h th e perfection o f the body, the fantasy o f total mastery throug h th e transcendence o f a n absolut e limit , an d th e hubristic desir e t o creat e lif e itself. 7 Its genealog y emerge s fro m a metaphysica l ques t olde r tha n moder n science, an d it s cultura l politic s ar e aligne d wit h a deepl y conservativ e attempt to stabilize gendered identit y in service of the naturalized hetero sexual order . None o f this , however , preclude s medicall y constructe d transsexua l bodies fro m bein g viabl e site s o f subjectivity . No r doe s i t guarante e th e compliance o f subjects thu s embodie d wit h th e agenda tha t resulte d i n a transsexual mean s o f embodiment . A s w e ris e u p fro m th e operatin g tables o f ou r rebirth , w e transsexual s ar e somethin g more , an d some thing other , tha n th e creature s ou r maker s intende d u s t o be . Thoug h medical technique s fo r sex reassignmen t ar e capabl e o f craftin g bodie s

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that satisf y th e visua l an d morphologica l criteri a tha t generat e natural ness a s thei r effect , engagin g wit h thos e ver y technique s produce s a subjective experienc e tha t belie s th e naturalisti c effec t biomedica l tech nology ca n achieve . Transsexua l embodiment , lik e th e embodimen t o f the monster , place s it s subjec t i n a n unassimilable , antagonistic , quee r relationship t o a Nature i n which i t must nevertheles s exist . Frankenstein's monste r articulate s it s unnatura l situatio n withi n th e natural worl d wit h fa r mor e sophisticatio n i n Shelley' s nove l tha n migh t be expecte d b y thos e familia r onl y wit h th e versio n playe d b y Bori s Karloff i n Jame s Whale' s classi c films fro m th e 1930s . Fil m criti c Vit o Russo suggests that Whale's interpretatio n o f the monster wa s influence d by the fac t tha t th e directo r wa s a closeted ga y ma n a t th e tim e h e mad e his Frankenstei n films . Th e patho s h e imparte d t o hi s monste r derive d from th e experienc e o f hi s ow n hidde n sexua l identity. 8 Monstrou s an d unnatural i n th e eye s o f th e world , bu t seekin g onl y th e lov e o f hi s ow n kind an d th e acceptanc e o f huma n society , Whale's creatur e externalize s and render s visibl e th e nightmaris h lonelines s an d alienatio n tha t th e closet ca n breed . Bu t thi s i s no t th e monste r wh o speak s t o m e s o potently o f my ow n situatio n a s a n openl y transsexua l being . I emulat e instead Mar y Shelley' s literar y monster , wh o i s quick-witted , agile , strong, an d eloquent . In th e novel , th e creatur e flee s Frankenstein' s laborator y an d hide s i n the solitud e o f th e Alps , where , b y stealth y observatio n o f th e peopl e i t happens t o meet , i t graduall y acquire s a knowledg e o f language , litera ture, an d th e convention s o f Europea n society . A s first i t know s littl e o f its ow n condition . " I ha d neve r ye t see n a bein g resemblin g me , o r wh o claimed an y intercours e wit h me, " th e monste r notes . "Wha t di d thi s mean? Wh o wa s I ? Wha t wa s I ? Whenc e di d I come ? Wha t wa s m y destination? Thes e question s continuall y recurred , bu t I wa s unabl e t o solve them" (Shelley , 116 , 130) . Then, i n the pocket o f th e jacket i t too k as it fled th e laboratory, th e monster finds Victo r Frankenstein' s journal , and learn s th e particular s o f it s creation . " I sickene d a s I read, " th e monster says . "Increas e o f knowledg e onl y discovere d t o m e wha t a wretched outcas t I was" (Shelley , 124 , 125) . Upon learnin g it s histor y an d experiencin g th e rejectio n o f al l t o whom i t reached ou t fo r companionship , th e creature' s lif e take s a dar k turn. "M y feeling s wer e thos e o f rag e an d revenge, " th e monste r de clares. "I , lik e th e arch-fiend , bor e a hel l withi n me " (130) . I t woul d

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have bee n happ y t o destro y al l o f Nature , bu t i t settles , finally, o n a more expedien t pla n t o murde r systematicall y al l thos e who m Victo r Frankenstein loves . Onc e Frankenstei n realize s tha t hi s ow n abandone d creation i s responsibl e fo r th e death s o f thos e mos t dea r t o him , h e retreats i n remors e t o a mountai n villag e abov e hi s nativ e Genev a t o ponder hi s complicit y i n th e crime s th e monste r ha s committed . Whil e hiking o n th e glaciers i n the shado w o f Mon t Blanc , above th e villag e of Chamounix, Frankenstei n spie s a familiar figure approachin g hi m acros s the ice . O f course , i t i s the monster , wh o demand s a n audienc e wit h it s maker. Frankenstei n agrees , an d th e tw o retir e togethe r t o a mountain eer's cabin . There , i n a monologue tha t occupie s nearl y a quarte r o f th e novel, the monster tell s Frankenstein th e tale o f its creation fro m it s ow n point o f view , explaining t o hi m ho w i t becam e s o enraged . These ar e my word s t o Victo r Frankenstein , abov e th e villag e o f Chamounix. Lik e th e monster , I coul d spea k o f m y earlies t memories , and ho w I becam e awar e o f m y differenc e fro m everyon e aroun d me . I can describ e ho w I acquired a monstrous identit y b y takin g o n th e labe l "transsexual" t o name parts of myself tha t I could not otherwis e explain . I, too, have discovere d th e journal s o f th e me n wh o mad e m y body , an d who hav e mad e th e bodie s o f creature s lik e m e sinc e th e 1930s . I kno w in intimat e detai l th e histor y o f thi s recen t medica l interventio n int o th e enactment o f transgendere d subjectivity ; scienc e seek s t o contai n an d colonize th e radica l threa t pose d b y a particula r transgende r strateg y o f resistance t o th e coercivenes s o f gender : physica l alteratio n o f th e geni tals. 9 I liv e dail y wit h th e consequence s o f medicine' s definitio n o f m y identity a s a n emotiona l disorder . Throug h th e filter o f thi s officia l pathologization, th e sound s tha t com e ou t o f m y mout h ca n b e sum marily dismisse d a s the confused rantin g o f a diseased mind . Like the monster , th e longe r I live in these conditions , th e mor e rag e I harbor. Rage colors me as it presses in through the pores of my skin, soaking in until it becomes the blood that courses through my beating heart. It is a rag e bre d b y th e necessit y o f existin g i n externa l circumstance s tha t work agains t my survival. But there is yet another rage within. JOURNAL (FEBRUAR Y 18 , 1993

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Kim sa t betwee n my sprea d legs , he r bac k t o me , he r tailbon e o n th e edge of th e table. Her lef t han d grippe d m y thigh s o hard th e bruise s ar e

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still there a week later . Sweatin g and bellowing , she pushed on e last tim e and th e bab y finally came . Through m y lover' s back , agains t th e ski n o f my own belly , I felt a child mov e ou t o f anothe r woman' s bod y an d int o the world . Strangers ' hand s snatche d i t awa y t o suctio n th e stick y gree n meconium fro m it s airways . "It' s a girl, " somebod y said . Paul , I think . Why, jus t then , di d a jumbl e o f dark , unsolicite d feeling s emerg e word lessly fro m som e quie t bac k corne r o f m y mind ? Thi s momen t o f mira cles wa s no t th e tim e t o dea l wit h them . I pushe d the m back , knowin g they were to o stron g t o avoi d fo r long . After thre e day s w e wer e al l exhausted , slightl y disappointe d tha t complications ha d force d u s t o g o t o Kaise r instea d o f havin g th e birt h at home . I wonde r wha t th e hospita l staf f though t o f ou r littl e trib e swarming al l ove r th e deliver y room : Stephanie , th e midwife ; Paul , th e baby's father ; Kim' s siste r Gwen ; my so n Wilson an d me ; and tw o othe r women wh o make u p ou r family , Ann e an d Heather . An d o f course Ki m and th e baby . Sh e name d he r Denali , afte r th e mountai n i n Alaska . I don't thin k th e medica l folk s ha d a clu e a s t o ho w w e al l considere d ourselves t o b e relate d t o eac h other . Whe n th e labo r firs t bega n w e al l took turn s shiftin g betwee n variou s supportin g roles , bu t a s th e ordea l progressed w e settle d int o a mor e stabl e pattern . I foun d mysel f actin g as birt h coach . Hou r afte r hour , throug h dozen s o f set s o f contractions , I focused everythin g o n Kim , helping he r sta y i n control o f he r emotion s as sh e gav e hersel f ove r t o thi s inexorabl e process , holdin g o n t o he r eyes wit h min e t o kee p th e pai n fro m throwin g he r ou t o f he r body , breathing ever y breat h wit h her , bein g a companion. I participated, ste p by increasingl y intimat e step , i n th e ritua l transformatio n o f conscious ness surroundin g he r daughter' s birth . Birt h ritual s wor k t o prepar e th e self fo r a profoun d opening , a n openin g a s psychi c a s i t i s corporeal . Kim's bod y brough t thi s ritua l proces s t o a dramati c resolutio n fo r her , culminating i n a visceral , catharti c experience . Bu t m y bod y lef t m e hanging. I had gon e o n a journe y t o th e poin t a t whic h m y companio n had t o g o o n alone , an d I neede d t o finish m y tri p fo r myself . T o conclude th e birt h ritua l I ha d participate d in , I neede d t o mov e some thing i n me a s profound a s a whole huma n life . I floate d hom e fro m th e hospital , filled wit h a vita l energ y tha t wouldn't discharge . I puttered abou t unti l I was alone : my e x ha d com e over fo r Wilson ; Ki m an d Denal i wer e stil l a t th e hospita l wit h Paul ; Stephanie ha d gone , and everyon e els e was ou t fo r a much-needed walk .

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Finally, i n th e solitud e o f m y home , I burs t apar t lik e a we t pape r ba g and spille d the emotional content s o f my life throug h th e hands I cupped like a sieve over m y face . Fo r days , as I had accompanie d m y partne r o n her journey , I ha d bee n progressivel y openin g mysel f an d preparin g t o let g o o f whateve r wa s deepes t within . No w everythin g i n m e flowe d out, movin g u p fro m insid e an d ou t throug h m y throat , m y mout h because thes e thing s coul d neve r pas s betwee n th e lip s o f m y cunt . I knew the darknes s I had glimpse d earlie r woul d reemerge , bu t I had vas t oceans o f feelin g t o experienc e befor e tha t cam e u p again . Simple jo y i n th e presenc e o f ne w lif e cam e bubblin g ou t first , wav e after wav e o f it . I wa s s o incredibl y happy . I wa s s o i n lov e wit h Kim , had s o muc h admiratio n fo r he r strengt h an d courage . I fel t prid e an d excitement abou t th e quee r famil y w e were buildin g wit h Wilson , Anne , Heather, Denali , an d whateve r babie s woul d follow . We'v e al l tasted a n exhilarating possibilit y i n communa l livin g an d thes e nurturing , bonde d kinships fo r whic h w e have n o adequat e names . We joke abou t pioneer ing o n a revers e frontier : venturin g int o th e hear t o f civilizatio n itsel f t o reclaim biologica l reproductio n fro m heterosexis m an d fre e i t fo r ou r own uses . We'r e fierce; i n a worl d o f "traditiona l famil y values, " w e need t o be . Sometimes, though , I stil l mour n th e passin g o f old , mor e familia r ways. It wasn't to o lon g ago that m y e x and I were married, woma n an d man. Tha t lov e ha d bee n genuine , an d th e grie f ove r it s los s real . I ha d always wanted intimac y wit h wome n mor e tha n intimac y wit h men , an d that wantin g ha d alway s fel t quee r t o me . Sh e neede d i t t o appea r straight. Th e shap e o f m y flesh wa s a barrier tha t estrange d m e from m y desire. Lik e a bod y withou t a mouth , I wa s starvin g i n th e mids t o f plenty. I would no t le t myself starve , even i f what i t took t o ope n mysel f for a dee p connectednes s cu t of f th e deepes t connection s I actually had . So I abandoned on e lif e an d buil t thi s ne w one . Th e fac t tha t sh e an d I have begu n gettin g alon g again , afte r s o muc h strif e betwee n us , make s the bitternes s o f ou r separatio n somewha t sweet . O n th e da y o f th e birth, thi s pas t los s wa s presen t eve n i n it s partia l recovery ; hel d u p beside th e newfoun d fullnes s o f m y life , i t evoke d a poignant , hopefu l sadness that inundate d me . Frustration an d ange r soo n welle d u p i n abundance . In spit e o f al l I' d accomplished, my identity stil l felt s o tenuous. Every circumstance o f lif e seemed t o conspire agains t m e in on e vast, composit e ac t o f invalidatio n

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and erasure . I n th e bod y I wa s bor n with , I ha d bee n invisibl e a s th e person I considere d mysel f t o be ; I ha d bee n invisibl e a s a quee r whil e the for m o f m y bod y mad e m y desire s loo k straight . Now , a s a dyk e I am invisibl e amon g women ; a transsexual , I am invisibl e amon g dykes . As the partne r o f a ne w mother , I am ofte n invisibl e a s a transsexual , a woman, an d a lesbian—I'v e los t trac k o f th e friend s an d acquaintance s these pas t nin e month s who'v e aske d m e i f I was th e father . I t show s s o dramatically ho w muc h the y simpl y don' t ge t wha t I' m doin g wit h m y body. Th e hig h pric e o f whateve r visible , intelligible, self-representatio n I hav e achieve d make s th e continuin g experienc e o f invisibilit y mad deningly difficul t t o bear . The collective assumptions o f the naturalized orde r soo n overwhelme d me. Nature exert s suc h a hegemonic oppression . Suddenl y I felt los t an d scared, lonel y an d confused . Ho w di d tha t littl e Mormo n bo y fro m Oklahoma I use d t o b e gro w u p t o b e a transsexua l leatherdyk e i n Sa n Francisco wit h a Berkele y Ph.D. ? Keepin g m y bearing s o n suc h a lon g and strang e tri p seeme d a ludicrou s proposition . Hom e wa s s o fa r gon e behind m e i t wa s gon e forever , an d ther e wa s n o plac e t o rest . Battere d by heav y emotions , a littl e dazed , I fel t th e inne r wall s tha t protec t m e dissolve t o leav e m e vulnerabl e t o al l tha t coul d har m me . I cried , an d abandoned mysel f t o abjec t despai r ove r what gende r ha d don e t o me . Everything's fucked up beyond all recognition. This hurts too much to go on. I came as close today as I'll ever come to giving birth — literally. My body can't do that; I can't even bleed without a wound, and yet I claim to be a woman. How? Why have I always felt that way? I'm such a goddamned freak. I can never be a woman like other women, but I could never be a man. Maybe there really is no place for me in all creation. I'm so tired of this ceaseless movement. I do war with nature. I am alienated from Being. I'm a self-mutilated deformity, a pervert, a mutant, trapped in monstrous flesh. God, I never wanted to be trapped again. I've destroyed myself. I'm falling into darkness. I am falling apart. I enter the realm of my dreams. I am underwater, swimming upwards. It is dark. I see a shimmering light above me. I break through the plane of the water's surface with my lungs bursting. I suck for air —and find only more water. My lungs are full of water. Inside and out I am surrounded by it. Why am I not dead if there is no difference between me and what I am in? There is another surface above me and I swim frantically towards it. I see a shimmering light. I break the plane of the

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water's surface over and over and over again. This water annihilates me. I cannot be, and yet —an excruciating impossibility —J am. I will do anything not to be here. I will swim forever. I will die for eternity. I will learn to breathe water. If I cannot change my situation I will change myself. In this ac t o f magica l transformatio n I recognize myself again . I am groundless an d boundles s movement . I am a furious flow . I am on e with th e darknes s an d th e wet . And I am enraged . Here a t las t i s the chaos I held a t bay . Here a t las t is my strength . I am no t th e water — I am th e wave , and rag e is the forc e tha t move s me . Rage gives me bac k m y bod y as its own flui d medium . Rage punches a hole i n wate r around whic h I coalesce to allo w the flo w t o com e through me . Rage constitutes m e in my primal form . It throws my head bac k pulls my lips back ove r m y teet h

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opens m y throa t and rear s m e up t o howl : : and n o soun d dilutes the pur e qualit y o f m y rage . No soun d exists in this place without languag e my rage i s a silen t raving . Rage throws m e bac k a t las t into thi s mundane realit y in this transfigured flesh that align s me with th e powe r o f m y Being . In birthin g m y rage , my rage ha s rebirthe d me . THEORY

A forma l disjunctio n seem s particularl y appropriat e a t thi s momen t because th e affec t I see k t o examin e critically , wha t I'v e terme d "transgender rage, " emerge s fro m th e interstice s o f discursiv e practice s and a t th e collaps e o f generi c categories . Th e rag e itsel f i s generated b y the subject's situatio n i n a field governed b y the unstable bu t indissolubl e relationship betwee n languag e an d materiality , a situatio n i n whic h language organize s an d bring s int o significatio n matte r tha t simultane ously elude s definitiv e representatio n an d demand s it s ow n perpetua l rearticulation i n symboli c terms . Withi n thi s dynami c field th e subjec t must constantl y polic e th e boundar y constructe d b y its own foundin g i n order t o maintai n th e fictions o f "inside " an d "outsid e agains t a regim e of signification/materializatio n whos e intrinsi c instabilit y produce s th e rupture o f subjectiv e boundarie s a s one o f it s regular features . Th e affec t of rag e a s I seek t o defin e i t i s locate d a t th e margi n o f subjectivit y an d the limi t o f signification . I t originate s i n recognitio n o f th e fac t tha t th e "outsideness" o f a materialit y tha t perpetuall y violate s th e foreclosur e

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of subjectiv e spac e withi n a symboli c orde r i s als o necessaril y "inside " the subjec t a s grounds fo r th e materialization o f it s bod y an d th e forma tion o f it s bodily ego . This primar y rag e become s specificall y transgende r rag e whe n th e inability to foreclose th e subject occur s through a failure t o satisfy norm s of gendere d embodiment . Transgende r rag e i s th e subjectiv e experienc e of bein g compelle d t o transgres s wha t Judit h Butle r ha s referre d t o a s the highl y gendere d regulator y schemat a tha t determin e th e viabilit y o f bodies, of bein g compelled t o ente r a "domai n o f abjecte d bodies , a field of deformation " tha t i n it s unlivabilit y encompasse s an d constitute s th e realm o f legitimat e subjectivit y (16) . Transgende r rag e i s a quee r fury , an emotiona l respons e t o condition s i n whic h i t become s imperativ e t o take up , fo r th e sak e o f one' s ow n continue d surviva l a s a subject , a se t of practice s tha t precipitate s one' s exclusio n fro m a naturalized orde r o f existence tha t seek s to maintain itsel f a s the onl y possible basi s for bein g a subject . However , b y mobilizin g gendere d identitie s an d renderin g them provisional , ope n t o strategi c developmen t an d occupation , thi s rage enable s th e establishmen t o f subject s i n ne w modes , regulate d b y different code s o f intelligibility . Transgende r rag e furnishe s a mean s fo r disidentification wit h compulsoril y assigne d subjec t positions . I t make s the transitio n fro m on e gendered subjec t positio n t o anothe r possibl e b y using th e impossibilit y o f complet e subjectiv e foreclosur e t o organiz e a n outside forc e a s a n insid e drive , an d vic e versa . Throug h th e operatio n of rage , the stigm a itsel f become s th e sourc e o f transformativ e power. 10 I wan t t o sto p an d theoriz e a t thi s particula r momen t i n th e tex t because i n th e live d momen t o f bein g throw n bac k fro m a stat e o f abjection i n th e aftermat h o f m y lover' s daughter' s birth , I immediatel y began tellin g mysel f a stor y t o explai n m y experience . I starte d theoriz ing, using al l the conceptua l tool s m y educatio n ha d pu t a t m y disposal . Other tru e storie s o f thos e event s coul d undoubtedl y b e told , bu t upo n my retur n I knew fo r a fac t wha t li t th e fus e t o m y rag e i n th e hospita l delivery room . I t wa s th e non-consensualit y o f th e baby' s gendering . You see , I told myself, wiping sno t of f m y face wit h a shirt sleeve , bodie s are rendere d meaningfu l onl y throug h som e culturall y an d historicall y specific mod e o f graspin g thei r physicalit y tha t transform s th e flesh int o a usefu l artifact . Genderin g i s th e initia l ste p i n thi s transformation , inseparable fro m th e proces s o f formin g a n identit y b y mean s o f whic h we're fitted t o a system o f exchang e i n a heterosexual economy . Author -

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ity seize s upo n specifi c materia l qualitie s o f th e flesh , particularl y th e genitals, a s outwar d indicatio n o f futur e reproductiv e potential , con structs thi s fles h a s a sign , an d read s i t t o enculturat e th e body . Gende r attribution i s compulsory; i t code s an d deploy s ou r bodie s i n way s tha t materially affec t us , ye t w e choos e neithe r ou r mark s no r th e meaning s they carry. 11 Thi s wa s th e ac t accomplishe d betwee n th e beginnin g an d the en d o f tha t shor t sentenc e i n th e deliver y room : "It' s a girl. " Thi s was th e ac t tha t recalle d al l th e anguis h o f m y ow n struggle s wit h gender. Bu t this was als o the ac t that enjoine d m y complicity i n the non consensual genderin g o f another . A genderin g violenc e i s th e foundin g condition o f huma n subjectivity ; havin g a gender i s the tribal tatto o tha t makes one' s personhoo d cognizable . I stoo d fo r a momen t betwee n th e pains o f tw o violations , th e mar k o f gende r an d th e unlivabilit y o f it s absence. Coul d I sa y whic h on e wa s worse ? O r coul d I onl y sa y whic h one I felt coul d bes t b e survived ? How ca n findin g one' s sel f prostrat e an d powerles s i n th e presenc e o f the La w o f th e Fathe r no t produc e a n unutterabl e rage ? Wha t differenc e does it make i f the fathe r i n this instanc e wa s a pierced, tatooed , purple haired punk fa g anarchist who helped his dyke friend ge t pregnant? Phal logocentric language, not its particular speaker , is the scalpel that define s our flesh . I defy tha t La w i n m y refusal t o abid e b y its origina l decre e of my gender. Though I cannot escape its power, I can move through it s medium. Perhaps if I move furiously enough , I can deform i t in my passing to leave a trace of my rage. I can embrace it with a vengeance to rename myself, declare my transsexuality, an d gain access to the means of my legible reinscription. Thoug h I may no t hol d th e stylu s myself , I ca n mov e be neath it for my own dee p self-sustaining pleasures . To encounter th e transsexual body , to apprehend a transgendered con sciousness articulating itself, is to risk a revelation o f the constructednes s of the natural order . Confronting th e implications of this constructednes s can summon up all the violation, loss, and separation inflicte d b y the gendering proces s tha t sustain s th e illusio n o f naturalness . M y transsexua l body literalize s thi s abstrac t violence . A s th e bearer s o f thi s disquietin g news, w e transsexual s ofte n suffe r fo r th e pai n o f others , bu t w e d o no t willingly abid e th e rag e o f other s directe d agains t us . An d w e d o hav e something else to say, if you will but listen to the monsters: the possibilit y of meaningfu l agenc y an d actio n exists , eve n withi n fields o f domina tion tha t brin g abou t th e universa l cultura l rap e o f al l flesh . B e fore -

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warned, however , tha t takin g u p thi s tas k wil l remak e yo u i n th e process . By speakin g a s a monste r i n m y persona l voice , b y usin g th e dark , watery image s o f Romanticis m an d lapsin g occasionall y int o it s brood ing cadence s an d grandios e postures , I emplo y th e sam e literar y tech niques M a r y Shelle y use d t o elici t sympath y fo r he r scientist' s creation . Like th e creature , I asser t m y w o r t h a s a monste r i n spit e o f th e condi tions m y monstrosit y require s m e t o face , an d redefin e a lif e w o r t h living. I hav e aske d th e Miltoni c question s Shelle y pose s i n th e epigrap h of he r novel : "di d I reques t thee , M a k e r , fro m m y cla y t o moul d m e man? Di d I solici t the e fro m darknes s t o promot e m e ? " Wit h on e voice , her monste r an d I answe r " n o " withou t debasin g ourselves , fo r w e hav e done th e har d wor k o f constitutin g ourselve s o n ou r ow n terms , agains t the natura l order . Thoug h w e foreg o th e privileg e o f naturalness , w e ar e not deterred , fo r w e all y ourselve s instea d wit h th e chao s an d blacknes s from whic h natur e itsel f spill s forth. 1 2 If thi s i s you r path , a s i t i s mine , le t m e offe r whateve r solac e yo u ma y find i n thi s monstrou s benediction : M a y yo u discove r th e enlivenin g power o f darknes s withi n yourself . M a y i t nouris h you r rage . M a y you r rage infor m you r actions , an d you r action s transfor m yo u a s yo u struggl e to transfor m you r world .

NOTES

1. Whil e thi s commen t i s intende d a s a monster' s disdainfu l dismissal , i t nevertheless allude s to a substantial debat e o n th e status o f transgender practice s and identitie s i n lesbia n feminism . H . S . Rubin , i n a sociolog y dissertatio n i n progress a t Brandei s University , argue s tha t th e pronounce d demographi c up surge i n th e female-to-mal e transsexua l populatio n durin g th e 1970 s an d 1980 s is directl y relate d t o th e ascendanc y withi n lesbianis m o f a "cultura l feminism " that disparage d an d marginalize d practice s smackin g o f a n unliberate d "gende r inversion" mode l o f homosexuality—especiall y th e butch-femm e role s associ ated with working-class lesbia n ba r culture. Cultura l feminis m thu s consolidate d a lesbian-feminis t allianc e with heterosexua l feminis m o n a middle-class basi s b y capitulating t o dominan t ideologie s o f gender . Th e sam e suppressio n o f transgender aspect s o f lesbia n practice , I woul d add , simultaneousl y raise d th e spectre o f male-to-female transsexua l lesbian s a s a particular threa t t o the stabil ity an d purit y o f nontranssexua l lesbian-feminis t identity . Se e Echol s fo r th e broader contex t o f thi s debate , an d Raymon d fo r th e mos t vehemen t exampl e o f the anti-transgende r position .

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2. Th e current meanin g o f the term "transgender " i s a matter o f som e debate . The wor d wa s originall y coine d a s a nou n i n th e 1970 s b y peopl e wh o resiste d categorization a s eithe r transvestite s o r transsexuals , an d wh o use d th e ter m t o describe thei r ow n identity . Unlik e transsexual s bu t lik e transvestites , transgen ders d o no t see k surgica l alteratio n o f thei r bodie s bu t d o habituall y wea r clothing that represent s a gender othe r tha n th e on e to which the y were assigne d at birth . Unlike th e transvestites bu t lik e the transsexuals, however , transgender s do no t alte r th e vestimentary codin g o f thei r gende r onl y episodicall y o r primar ily fo r sexua l gratification ; rather , the y consistentl y an d publicl y expres s a n ongoing commitmen t t o thei r claime d gende r identitie s throug h th e sam e visua l representational strategie s used b y others to signif y tha t gender . The logic under lying thi s terminolog y reflect s th e widesprea d tendenc y t o constru e "gender " a s the socio-cultura l manifestatio n o f a materia l "sex. " Thus , whil e transsexual s express thei r identitie s throug h a physica l chang e o f embodiment , transgender s do s o through a non-corporeal chang e i n public gende r expressio n tha t i s never theless mor e comple x tha n a simple change o f clothes . This essa y use s "transgender " i n a mor e recen t sense , however , tha n it s original one . That is , I use it here a s a n umbrell a ter m tha t refer s t o al l identitie s or practice s tha t cros s over , cu t across , mov e between , o r otherwis e quee r socially constructe d sex/gende r boundaries . The ter m includes , but i s not limite d to, transsexuality , heterosexua l transvestism , ga y drag , butc h lesbianism , an d such non-Europea n identitie s a s th e Nativ e America n berdach e o r th e India n Hijra. Lik e "queer, " "transgender " ma y als o b e use d a s a ver b o r a n adjective . In thi s essay , transsexualit y i s considere d t o b e a culturall y an d historicall y specific transgende r practice/identit y throug h whic h a transgendere d subjec t en ters int o a relationshi p wit h medical , psychotherapeutic , an d juridica l institu tions i n orde r t o gai n acces s t o certai n hormona l an d surgica l technologie s fo r enacting an d embodyin g itself . 3. Mikuteit , 3-4 , heavil y edite d fo r brevit y an d clarity . 4. Th e precedin g paragrap h draw s extensivel y on , an d sometime s para phrases, O'Hartiga n an d Kahler . 5. Se e Laqueur , 1-7 , fo r a brie f discussio n o f th e Enlightenment' s effec t o n constructions o f gender . Feminis t interpretation s o f Frankenstein t o whic h Brooks respond s includ e Gilber t an d Gubar , Jacobus, and Homans . 6. Openl y transsexua l speec h similarl y subvert s th e logi c behin d a remar k b y Bloom, 218 , that " a beautifu l 'monster, ' o r eve n a passable one , would no t hav e been a monster. " 7. Billing s an d Urban , 269 , documen t especiall y wel l th e medica l attitud e toward transsexua l surger y a s on e o f technica l master y o f th e body ; Irvine, 259 , suggests ho w transsexualit y fit s int o th e developmen t o f scientifi c sexology , though cautio n i s advised i n uncritically acceptin g th e interpretation o f transsex -

My Words to Victor Frankenstein 21 3 ual experienc e sh e present s i n thi s chapter . Meyer , i n spit e o f som e extremel y transphobic concludin g comments , offer s a goo d accoun t o f th e medicalizatio n of transgende r identities ; fo r a transsexua l perspectiv e o n th e scientifi c agend a behind se x reassignmen t techniques , se e Stone , especiall y th e sectio n entitle d "All o f realit y i n lat e capitalis t cultur e lust s t o becom e a n imag e fo r it s ow n security" (280-304) . 8. Russo , 49-50 : "Homosexua l parallel s i n Frankenstein (1931 ) an d Bride of Frankenstein (1935 ) aros e fro m a visio n bot h films ha d o f th e monste r a s a n antisocial figure i n th e sam e wa y tha t ga y peopl e wer e 'things ' tha t shoul d no t have happened . I n bot h films th e homosexualit y o f directo r Jame s Whal e ma y have bee n a force i n the vision. " 9. I n th e absenc e o f a reliabl e critica l histor y o f transsexuality , i t i s bes t t o turn t o the standard medica l account s themselves: see especially Benjamin , Gree n and Money , an d Stoller . Fo r overview s o f cross-cultura l variatio n i n th e institu tionalization o f sex/gender , se e Williams , "Socia l Constructions/Essentia l Char acters: A Cross-Cultura l Viewpoint, " 252-76 ; Shapiro , 262-68 . Fo r account s of particula r institutionalization s o f transgende r practice s tha t emplo y surgica l alteration o f the genitals, see Nanda; Roscoe. Adventurous reader s curious abou t contemporary nontranssexua l genita l alteratio n practice s ma y contac t E.N.I.G.M.A. (Eroti c Neoprimitiv e Internationa l Genita l Modificatio n Associa tion), SAS E to LaFarge-werks , 232 9 N . Leavitt , Chicago , IL 60647 . 10. Se e Butler, "Introduction, " 4 and passim. 11. A substantia l bod y o f scholarshi p inform s thes e observations : Gayl e Ru bin provide s a productiv e startin g poin t fo r developin g no t onl y a politica l economy o f sex , bu t o f gendered subjectivity ; o n gende r recruitmen t an d attribu tion, se e Kessler an d McKenna ; o n gende r a s a syste m o f mark s tha t naturalize s sociological groups base d o n supposedl y share d materia l similarities , I have bee n influenced b y some idea s on rac e i n Guillaumi n an d b y Wittig. 12. Althoug h I mea n "chaos " her e i n it s genera l sense , i t i s interestin g t o speculate abou t th e potentia l applicatio n o f scientifi c chao s theor y t o mode l th e emergence o f stabl e structure s o f gendere d identitie s ou t o f th e unstabl e matri x of materia l attributes , an d o n th e productio n o f proliferatin g gende r identitie s from a relatively simpl e se t of genderin g procedures . WORKS CITE D

Benjamin, Harry . The Transsexual Phenomenon. Ne w York : Julian, 1966 . Billings, Dwigh t B. , an d Thoma s Urban . "Th e Socio-Medica l Constructio n o f Transsexualism: A n Interpretatio n an d Critique. " Social Problems 2 9 (1981): 266-82 . Bloom, Harold . "Afterword. " Frankenstein, or The Modern Prometheus. Ne w

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York: Signet/NAL , 1965 , 212-23 . Orig . P u b- "Frankenstein, o r Th e Ne w Prometheus." Partisan Review 3 2 (1965) : 611-18 . Butler, Judith . Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex." Ne w York: Routledge , 1993 . Daly, Mary . Gyn/Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical Feminism. Boston : Bea con, 1978 . Echols, Alice . Daring to Be Bad: Radical Feminism in America, 1967-19-75. Minneapolis: U of Minnesot a P , 1989 . Gilbert, Sandra , an d Susa n Gubar . "Horror' s Twin : Mar y Shelley' s Monstrou s Eve." The Madwoman in the Attic. Ne w Haven : Yale UP, 1979 . 213-47 . Green, Richard , an d Joh n Money , eds . Transsexualism and Sex Reassignment. Baltimore: Johns Hopkin s UP , 1969 . Guillaumin, Colette . "Rac e an d Nature : The Syste m of Marks." Feminist Studies 8 (1988) : 25-44 . Homans, Margaret . "Bearin g Demons : Frankenstein' s Circumventio n o f th e Maternal." Bearing the Word. Chicago : Chicago UP , 1986 . 100-19 . Irvine, Janice. Disorders of Desire: Sex and Gender in Modern American Sexology. Philadelphia : Temple UP, 1990 . Jacobus, Mary . "I s Ther e a Woma n i n thi s Text? " Reading Woman: Essays in Feminist Criticism. Ne w York : Columbi a UP , 1986 . 83-109 . Kahler, Frederic . "Doe s Filis a Blam e Seattle? " Editorial , Bay Times [Sa n Fran cisco], 3 June 1993 , 23. Kessler, Suzann e J. , an d Wend y McKenna . Gender: An Ethnomethodological Approach. Chicago : U of Chicag o P , 1985 . Laqueur, Thomas . Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP , 1990 . Meyer, Morris . " I Drea m o f Jeannie : Transsexua l Stripteas e a s Scientifi c Dis play." Drama Review 35 , 1 (1991): 25-42 . Mikuteit, Debbie . Letter. Coming UP! Feb. 1986 , 3-4 . Nanda, Serena . Neither Man Nor Woman: The Hijras of India. Belmont , CA : Wadsworth, 1990 . O'Hartigan, Margare t D . " I Accuse." Bay Times [Sa n Francisco], 2 0 May 1993 , 11.

Raymond, Janic e G . The Transsexual Empire: The Making of the She-Male. Boston: Beacon , 1979 . Roscoe, Will . "Priest s o f th e Goddess : Gende r Transgressio n i n th e Ancien t World." America n Historica l Associatio n Meeting , 9 Januar y 1994 , Sa n Francisco. Rubin, Gayle . "Th e Traffi c i n Women : Note s o n th e 'Politica l Economy ' o f Sex." Toward an Anthropology of Women. Ed . Rayn a R . Reiter . Ne w York: Monthly Revie w P, 1975 . 157-210 .

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Russo, Vito . The Celluloid Closet: Homosexuality in the Movies. Ne w York : Harper an d Row , 1981 . Shapiro, Judith. "Transsexualism : Reflection s o n th e Persistenc e o f Gende r an d the Mutabilit y o f Sex, " Body Guards: The Cultural Politics of Gender Ambiguity. Ed . Juli a Epstei n an d Kristin a Straub . Ne w York : Routledge , 1991. 248-79 . Shelley, Mary. Frankenstein, or The Modern Prometheus. Orig . pub. 1817 . Ne w York: Signet/NAL , 1965 . Stoller, Robert . Sex and Gender, Vol . 1 . Ne w York : Scienc e House , 1968 . The Transsexual Experiment. Vol . 2 o f Sex and Gender. London : Hogarth , 1975Stone, Sandy . "Th e Empir e Strike s Back : A Posttranssexua l Manifesto. " Body Guards: The Cultural Politics of Gender Ambiguity. Ed . Juli a Epstei n an d Kristina Straub . New York : Routledge , 1991 . 280-304 . Williams, Walter. The Spirit and the Flesh: Sexual Diversity in American Indian Culture. Boston : Beacon , 1986 . Wittig, Monique. "Th e Mar k o f Gender. " The Straight Mind and Other Essays. Boston: Beacon , 1992 . 76-89 .

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"I believ e thi s communit y i s a hard-ha t communit y an d ver y fe w har d hats tak e i n Shakespeare . They'r e mor e Oklahoma types . I' d lik e t o se e [the compan y do ] mor e thing s tha t th e citizen s o f Garde n Grov e woul d come ou t to. " S o reasoned Cit y Councilma n Raymon d T . Littrell , a s h e and othe r member s o f th e counci l i n my hometow n o f Garde n Grove , California, decide d i n June 198 8 t o withdra w a n $83,00 0 subsid y fro m the Grov e Shakespear e Festiva l (Herman , 9) . Cit y council s sometime s debate th e valu e o f subsidizin g art s organizations , an d ofte n th e debat e is conducte d ove r cultura l taste , th e relativ e merit s o f Oklahoma an d Othello, bu t seldom , I think , d o naysayer s suggest , a s di d Councilma n Littrell, tha t th e subsid y migh t b e justifie d i f th e Grov e Shakespear e Festival produce d dinne r a s well a s theater . As o f thi s writing , th e Grov e Shakespear e Festiva l stil l limp s along , each year securing funding fro m variou s source s to make u p the shortfal l and t o contribut e t o Orang e County' s cultura l life . Shakespear e i s har d to shake , eve n i n a cit y almos t adjacen t t o Disneyland , whos e principa l claim t o fam e is , locally , it s par t i n a burgeonin g Littl e Saigo n and , nationally, it s status as the corporate headquarter s fo r a successful televi sion preacher. In 1994 , as I read an d thin k an d writ e abou t Shakespear e or th e cano n o r literar y theory , th e fus s ove r th e Grov e Shakespear e Festival ofte n come s t o mind . Whe n i t does , I kno w tha t wha t bother s me about th e councilman's remark s i s not tha t the y almos t den y the very possibility o f me , th e daughte r o f a har d ha t wh o gre w u p i n Garde n Reprinted b y kind permissio n o f Temple University Pres s from This Fine Place So Far from Home: Voices of Academics from the Working Class (forthcoming) .

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Grove an d becam e a Shakespearean, no r eve n that the y homogeniz e an d stereotype th e working-clas s constituent s th e councilma n i s electe d t o represent. Th e proble m i s tha t basicall y th e councilma n i s correct , an d that a s a n academi c I a m implicated—seriously , strongly , probabl y permanently—in reason s why "ver y few har d hat s take in Shakespeare. " I wis h t o discus s severa l o f thes e reasons , reason s that , becaus e I lef t the workin g clas s t o clai m a career i n the academy , strik e m e a s undeni able realities , obviou s truths . Thes e (shal l w e say ) deepl y experientia l truths, however , ar e one s tha t colleague s i n Englis h departments , wh o usually lac k th e weigh t o f m y experience , ten d t o resis t o r t o qualify — when the y consider the m a t all . Yet I am convinced tha t unti l progressiv e academics i n Englis h confron t rathe r tha n dismis s thes e kind s o f experi ences an d arguments , w e wil l b e unabl e t o exten d t o th e workin g clas s the kind s o f opportunitie s successfull y extende d i n recen t year s t o women an d racia l minorities . Joh n Guillory , I believe , i s correct : th e category o f clas s i s incommensurabl e wit h tha t o f rac e o r gender , an d the marginalit y o f th e workin g clas s "canno t b e redresse d b y th e sam e strategy o f representation " tha t ha s worked , mor e o r less , fo r wome n and racia l minoritie s ( n ) . Unless , therefore , w e rethin k ou r critiqu e o f the cano n an d o f th e university , "th e categor y o f clas s i n th e invocatio n of race/class/gende r i s likely to remai n merel y empty " (14) . To mak e tha t invocatio n les s empty require s a n understandin g o f wh y few har d hat s tak e i n Shakespeare , whic h i n tur n require s on e t o con front wha t ar e perhap s som e har d truth s abou t academi c wor k an d it s functions i n society . M y firs t point , therefore , i s tha t academic s mus t acknowledge what on e might call the liminal importance fo r th e workin g class o f readin g book s or , late r o n perhaps , wishin g t o writ e them . In a working clas s milieu , a child' s desir e t o rea d book s o r t o succee d i n school signifie s difference—no t jus t emotiona l o r intellectua l differenc e but materia l differenc e a s well . Conside r this , fo r instance : th e chil d must leav e the home an d eve n the neighborhood t o find novel s o r storie s to read , cajolin g he r skeptical , eve n fearful , parent s t o driv e he r t o an d from th e publi c library , becaus e i n he r ow n house , i f sh e i s lucky , the librar y consist s o f Reader's Digest, Guideposts, an d he r neighbor' s fingered National Enquirer. Th e desire s o f thi s working-clas s child , i f acted upo n successfully , eventuall y separat e a working-clas s chil d fro m her peer s an d family , an d fro m he r culture , a s Anni e Ernau x point s ou t in her autobiographica l nove l Cleaned Out:

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Books . . . books. . . . [My mother ] believe d i n them , sh e woul d have give n m e book s t o ea t i f sh e could have , she carried the m a s if they wer e th e Hol y Sacrament , wit h tw o hands . . . . She told m e t o look afte r them , no t t o ge t the m dirty . Wha t sh e didn' t realiz e wa s that thes e sam e book s wer e shuttin g m e of f fro m her , takin g m e away fro m the m an d thei r cafe , showin g m e how awfu l i t was. (77 ) What th e book s offe r is , partly , a windo w ont o th e attraction s o f a life o f th e mind . The y als o offe r a glimps e o f a lif e i n whic h th e cultur e of the school—taste, manners , a standard language , in short, the cultur e of th e middle - an d upper-classes—i s no t jarringl y discordan t wit h th e culture o f one' s ow n everyda y life . Tha t culture , tha t life , i s wher e yo u look fo r space , loo k fo r privacy , loo k fo r books—an d fin d none . In stead, yo u d o you r homewor k unde r ba d ligh t a t th e kitche n table , ignoring a s bes t yo u ca n th e nois e an d nois e an d nois e tha t surround s you. For good reasons , desire to rea d book s o r t o succee d i n school i s ofte n seen a s a betraya l o f th e value s an d th e integrit y o f th e community . Working-class kid s pla y sport s o r wor k o n car s o r tak e car e o f younge r siblings; the y don' t rea d an d study . Thus , " 'smart ' boy s ar e ofte n la belled 'fags ' [or ] 'ass-kissers ' . . . whe n the y d o wel l i n clas s . . . [and ] working-class girl s suffe r simila r ostracism, " repor t Stanle y Aronowit z and Henr y A . Girou x (12) . Novelis t Pau l Monett e describe s a mor e physical respons e t o suc h desires : "Da d . . . used t o hi t m e fo r reading, " seethes a n adul t an d dyin g To m i n Halfway Home (19) . In a memor y that migh t b e a refrai n i n thi s nove l o f violenc e an d reconciliation , h e sees himsel f "a s a littl e kid , blac k crewcu t an d shoulder s slumped , reading i n secret s o my father wouldn' t bea t me " (97 ; see also 167) . Cleaned Out record s a Frenc h working-clas s universit y student' s bur den o f sham e an d alienation , especiall y wit h respec t t o he r parents , whose wa y o f lif e sh e learn s t o disdain , whos e wa y o f lif e sh e mus t disdain i f sh e is to learn . Indeed , thi s i s the usua l destin y o f a chil d wh o accepts tha t goal : t o abandon , seemingl y wit h fe w regrets , th e languag e and cultur e o f he r birth . A s Lillia n B . Rubin observes , upwar d mobilit y implies a value judgment : "thos e wh o clim b u p hav e a differen t sens e of themselves an d o f thei r relationshi p t o th e worl d aroun d them . . . . And whether the y bea r the lash of resentment o f those they left behind , o r th e smile o f approva l o f thei r newfoun d peers , th e message s the y ge t rein -

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force thei r self-imag e a s no t jus t differen t bu t better " (9) . Nevertheless , a working-clas s student' s sham e an d alienatio n ca n b e aime d i n th e opposite direction , too, with respec t t o the knowledg e an d cultur e on e i s trying t o acquire , th e knowledg e an d cultur e tha t allow s on e a bette r life. My parent s kne w earl y o n tha t I was especiall y bright : o n a trip hom e from college , I onc e foun d a lette r my mothe r ha d writte n m y father , who i n i96 0 ha d take n a long-term constructio n jo b in northern Califor nia becaus e ther e wa s non e a t home . I n th e letter , ami d detail s o f siblings, th e house , an d th e neighborhood , sh e briefl y note s he r jo y an d wonder a t th e doing s o f thei r four-year-old . B y the tim e I was seve n o r eight, test s confirme d wha t the y alread y knew , an d I becam e unlik e th e working-class kid s in my immediate neighborhood , separate d fro m the m during schoo l hour s an d place d instea d i n a classroo m o f othe r brigh t children draw n fro m severa l elementar y schools . The y were , b y an d large, childre n wh o di d no t liv e th e wa y I lived, whos e familie s di d no t live th e wa y m y famil y lived . (Th e reasonin g seeme d t o b e tha t i f I weren't tracke d out , I migh t ge t o n th e wron g track. ) T o b e sure , I took readil y t o th e challenge s o f th e advance d schoolwork—regula r elementary schoo l classe s ha d bore d me—an d eventuall y I foun d i t advantageous tha t th e childre n o f professional s like d me : I could watc h their colo r televisio n sets , liste n t o thei r Beatle s record s o n bi g consol e stereos, an d fee l th e freedo m thei r larg e house s afforded . Bu t eve n a s a child I knew al l this wa s no t simpl y advantageous , an d fo r man y year s I bore a doubl e burde n o f guilt : amon g m y middle-clas s friend s I wa s embarrassed b y my parents an d m y home, and amon g m y working-clas s friends I was embarrasse d b y m y intellectua l privilege . Suc h separation , such opportunity , i s a blessin g an d a curse. I remembe r bein g chastise d i n fourt h grad e b y th e daughte r o f a n aerospace engineer fo r sayin g ain't al l the time; "ain't ain' t i n the diction ary," sh e sneere d i n a voic e th e entir e clas s coul d hear . I n 1964 , ain' t wasn't; bu t i t wa s i n th e vocabular y o f m y neighborhoo d i n Garde n Grove, and stun g thoug h I was, I vowed a t tha t momen t neve r finall y t o cross t o th e othe r side , the sid e I was alread y tracke d onto . And I like t o think I haven't . Year s an d year s o f professiona l training—graduat e school a t Berkele y unde r th e tutelag e o f Greenblatt , Fineman , Barish , e t al., an d si x year s teachin g Shakespear e a s a n assistan t professo r a t the Universit y o f Alabama—hav e no t smoothe d m y roug h edges . M y

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colleagues hav e not like d m y position, o r th e politics implici t i n a n essay like thi s one ; an d som e o f the m fough t bitterl y an d unsuccessfull y t o deny me tenure. Even my parents, who understan d littl e of wha t I do fo r a living—"yo u teac h ho w man y hour s a week?"—teas e m e abou t th e occasional ungrammaticalnes s o f m y spoke n English , m e thei r Englis h professor. I hav e refuse d t o memoriz e an d the n recit e line s o f literatur e in conversatio n wit h colleagues , finding i t to o smooth , to o genteel , a part o f th e rol e t o resist . Often , i n fact , I keep my professor's rol e firmly at arm' s length ; part s o f th e role , som e o f th e behavio r associate d wit h the role , I avoid—o r reinterpret—t o sui t myself . Clothes , haircut , th e car I drive, the joke s I make i n class : I am makin g thi s Hamle t m y own , out o f respec t fo r my alienatio n an d shame , alienatio n fro m an d sham e at what I'v e become , not onl y what I left . No doub t al l professors sprun g fro m th e workin g clas s kno w o f wha t I speak , sham e an d alienatio n o f variou s sorts , movin g i n on e directio n and the n another , humiliation s tha t shoul d no t coun t bu t do . Neve r knowing where to place a fork o r spoon . Bein g told there' s a proper wa y to ski n a carrot . Laughin g of f awkwardnes s unti l i t hurts . A s Pierr e Bourdieu explains , The manne r whic h designate s th e infallibl e tast e o f th e "taste maker" an d expose s the uncertain taste s o f the possessors o f an "ill gotten" cultur e i s s o important , i n al l market s an d especiall y i n th e market whic h decide s th e valu e o f literar y an d artisti c works , onl y because choice s alway s ow e par t o f thei r valu e t o th e valu e o f th e chooser, an d because , t o a larg e extent , thi s valu e make s itsel f known an d recognize d throug h th e manne r o f choosing . Wha t i s learnt throug h immersio n i n a worl d i n whic h legitimat e cultur e i s as natura l a s th e ai r on e breathe s i s a sens e o f th e legitimat e innat e choice s o sur e o f itsel f tha t i t convince s b y th e shee r manne r o f th e performance, lik e a successful bluf f (91-92) . In Bourdieu' s view , professor s fro m th e workin g clas s b y definitio n possess "ill-gotten " culture ; ou r performance s alway s revea l us . Bu t some o f us , i t seems , tak e som e pleasur e i n revealin g ourselves , i n refusing a performance tha t w e know wil l onl y betra y us . One migh t thu s wis h t o clai m tha t a working-class professor' s refusa l or appropriatio n o f he r rol e i s revolutionar y practice , an d perhap s no t

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in suc h a smal l wa y a s i t migh t seem . Fo r whe n he r performanc e differ s from tha t o f a n upper-clas s whit e male , sh e challenge s th e norm s o f he r society, sinc e ho w a perso n perform s a rol e influence s th e rol e itself , either b y reinforcing others ' (an d one' s own ) expectation s fo r th e role o r by openin g u p a possibilit y fo r chang e i n them . Surely , fo r example , movements t o democratiz e th e cano n resul t partl y fro m decision s b y individual scholar s t o interpre t par t o f th e professor' s rol e differentl y from expectation , t o tak e a s object s o f stud y text s tha t ha d no t seeme d to b e appropriate t o seriou s scholarship . Undoubtedly, suc h a n argumen t carrie s muc h truth : i n th e lon g ru n performance counts , ou r choice s affec t th e structur e o f everyda y life , th e personal i s political. Yet suc h trut h doe s not, I think, obviat e Bourdieu' s functionalist mode l o f reproductio n throug h education . Lik e muc h soci ology, Bourdieu's mode l doe s not sugges t the impossibility o f change bu t rather th e difficulty o f change within institutions , since, as Guillory note s (55-63), onc e established , institution s ten d t o persist . Institutions , Pete r L. Berge r an d Thoma s Luckman n observe , "confron t th e individua l a s undeniable facts " (60) , facts that , despit e one' s potentia l fo r radica l agency, will outlas t th e individua l eve n a s they antedat e hi m o r her . This, then , i s my secon d point : I am, an d doubtles s th e reade r is , par t of a n institutio n whos e principa l functio n i n societ y i s to distinguish , t o separate, t o launc h th e meritorious , howeve r defined . Th e privilegin g o f intellectual work , th e judgin g o f merit , i s itself a principal wa y i n whic h society reproduces itself . As Evan Watkins observes , in the United State s "the boundar y line s o f clas s ar e draw n throug h a serie s o f contac t points staffe d b y intellectua l worker s . . . [who ] 'ear n thei r right ' t o b e intellectual worker s b y having demonstrate d thei r meri t fo r th e wor k i n school" ("Intellectual, " 204 , 205) . Al l o f whic h suggests , a s Richar d Terdiman explains , tha t "ther e i s alway s clas s i n ou r classes " becaus e "the ac t o f classin g itsel f presuppose s powe r i n th e for m o f a superio r instance authorize d t o decid e the membership o f the categories specified . A syste m o f classe s (o f whateve r kind ) alway s implie s evaluation , an d hence it s inevitable i f guilty accompanist , subordination " (228) . I a m writin g thi s essay—rathe r tha n waitressin g o r drivin g a bu s o r cleaning u p a t Disneyland , lik e th e kid s I gre w u p with—i n larg e par t because th e institutio n di d tha t jo b o n me . In class, the institutio n foun d me willin g an d appropriate , tha t is , meritorious , materia l o n whic h t o work. It then classed me accordingly. Thus, though I know that engagin g

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the institution throug h m y sometimes bizarr e performance i n the profes sor's rol e i s progressiv e o r a t leas t disruptive , I als o kno w tha t th e institution stil l work s t o distinguis h an d separat e an d tha t I wor k t o distinguish an d separate . I know wha t ever y ex-working-clas s academi c or professiona l knows : "schoo l knowledg e i s loade d i n clas s terms " (Aronowitz an d Giroux , 12) . Th e upwardl y mobil e working-clas s stu dent i s wrenche d fro m th e cultur e o f he r birt h an d reconstitute d ac cording t o th e norm s o f middle - an d upper-clas s culture—standar d English, taste , manners , an d today , perhaps , politica l correctness . N o more ethni c slurs , n o mor e homophobia , n o mor e hatin g everyon e no t of th e clan . In class , we lear n t o class , as Terdima n suggest s (227) . An d we learn tha t w e belon g n o longe r t o th e working class . A continuing sourc e o f frustratio n fo r m e a s a writer an d professo r o f English, and thi s is the third poin t I wish t o addres s here, is the apparen t controversy o f thi s assertion : "Professor s o f Englis h ar e no t working class." Agai n an d again , i n print, a t conferences , i n casual conversation , I encounte r colleague s wh o gai n a comfortabl e an d secur e livin g i n institutions tha t si t ato p a hierarch y o f institution s geare d towar d th e sorting an d siftin g o f huma n live s an d wh o a t th e sam e tim e clai m solidarity wit h o r den y thei r differenc e fro m thos e wh o hav e faile d i n o r been faile d b y thos e ver y institutions . Amon g colleague s an d friends , that is , resistanc e t o recognizin g th e clas s position s o f intellectual s i s strong, an d t o m e almos t perverse , a serie s o f refusal s an d excuses , suc h that almos t an y discussio n o f thi s issu e become s heate d and , worse , convoluted an d imprecise . Distinction s dissolv e i n a choru s o f "bu t . . . but. . . buts": a professor's salar y i s but thirt y o r fort y thousan d dollar s a year , hardl y mor e tha n a plumber' s o r mechanic's ; an d th e angs t o f a family lik e tha t i n "Ordinar y People " prove s tha t lif e i s miserable, too , for thos e i n th e upper-middl e class ; an d th e fac t tha t ethni c working class Americ a ha s abandone d libera l politics , finding som e comfor t i f not rea l help among th e Republicans , show s tha t the y ar e not wort h ou r trouble o r concern anyway . I know an d ca n understand , an d indee d hav e explore d i n print , som e of th e reason s wh y som e academic s i n Englis h refus e t o acknowledg e their position s amon g th e elites , and wh y other s identif y wit h th e work ing clas s o r clai m working-clas s status : guilt , ideology , politics , igno rance, shee r huma n kindnes s al l pla y thei r par t (se e O'Dair , "Vest ments"). Wha t concern s me , however , fro m th e vantag e o f bot h theor y

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and practice , i s th e possibilit y tha t attempt s t o dissolv e clas s i n set s o f common experienc e actuall y constitut e a n abandonmen t o f working class people . Recently , fo r example , i n ligh t o f it s weakene d positio n i n the West , th e lef t ha s determine d tha t th e workin g clas s "faile d i n it s historical missio n o f emancipation " an d thu s n o longe r "represent s th e privileged agen t i n whic h th e fundamenta l impuls e o f socia l chang e resides," a s Ernesto Lacla u an d Chanta l Mouff e observ e (169 , 177) . But such a theoretica l determination , wit h it s attendan t emphasi s o n ne w agents o f chang e suc h a s women, homosexuals , o r peopl e o f color , doe s not an d canno t eliminate the disadvantage o f the working class. (Perhap s it ca n onl y mak e i t worse , a s onc e again , th e workin g clas s i s judge d wanting, thi s tim e failin g no t jus t a course i n history , bu t histor y itself. ) Nor, I think , ca n suc h theoretica l twistin g an d turnin g dodg e th e fac t that clas s distinction s exis t i n th e Unite d States—i t is , say s Rubin , " a structured realit y tha t there' s n o roo m a t th e to p an d littl e roo m i n th e middle" (211) ; and tha t educationa l institutions , includin g th e academy , are vitally , perhap s essentially , involve d i n maintaining them—"school s appear th e moto r forc e wher e a syste m o f clas s boundarie s reproduce s itself," a s Watkins insist s in Work Time (245) . A fe w year s ago , I presente d a pape r a t a conferenc e dedicate d t o exploring class-bia s i n highe r education . Tensio n develope d fro m famil iar debate s abou t definition s o f socia l clas s an d th e rol e o f educatio n i n constructing clas s distinctions . Discussio n becam e highl y charge d a s th e conferees graduall y confronte d th e proposition tha t clas s bias is differen t from an d thu s canno t b e equate d wit h racia l bia s o r sexua l bia s i n th e academy. Bu t a s bickerin g an d fighting an d posturin g continued , slowl y there emerge d a sens e tha t a lo t o f u s indee d share d a certai n kin d o f background, upbringing , an d experienc e o f educatio n an d th e academy . Slowly peopl e cam e t o deman d o f speaker s an d o f eac h othe r tha t the y reveal themselves , to deman d tha t someon e wh o claime d t o spea k fo r u s in fac t b e one o f us . Suddenly, yo u ha d t o hav e credential s o f a differen t sort—not wher e yo u too k you r Ph.D . o r wher e yo u taugh t no w o r whether yo u wer e somethin g othe r tha n a whit e male—bu t wha t you r father o r you r mothe r di d fo r a living . Colleague s wh o answere d "pro fessor" o r "physician " rathe r tha n "truc k driver " o r "ban k teller " foun d themselves relegate d t o th e margins , silent an d awkward . What I experience d ther e was , I imagine , somethin g quit e lik e wha t blacks o r wome n fel t a generatio n ag o whe n the y wer e organizin g

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themselves an d layin g clai m t o a particula r experienc e o f Americ a an d the academy— a grea t an d all-encompassin g relie f tha t other s under stand yo u an d yo u understan d them . Wh o care s wha t instrumen t t o us e on crem e brule , o r eve n ho w t o spel l it ? Wha t I experience d ther e wa s the matter , th e weigh t an d significanc e o f class : clas s matter s i n way s that ar e painfull y obviou s t o u s an d almos t invisibl e t o ou r colleague s who ar e not fro m th e working class . Let m e su m u p wha t Councilma n Littrel l fro m m y hometow n seem s to intuit . Fo r th e workin g class , book s tak e yo u away , an d distinguis h you fro m you r peers ; an d the y giv e yo u th e powe r t o judg e others , o r perhaps mor e accurately , book s giv e others th e power t o judge you. Th e professor, situate d i n th e academ y an d perhap s th e suprem e warde r o f books, institutionalize s subordinatio n an d thu s clas s throug h he r abilit y to evaluate, to pass on o r t o fail. The power o f her authority , a s Watkin s points out , "visibl y an d immediatel y seem s t o contro l th e outcom e o f the situatio n an d visit s its humiliations o n you " ("Intellectual, " 209) . Shakespeare, wh o succeede d i n letter s despit e hi s smal l Lati n an d les s Greek, expresse s thes e points well , in Caliban' s instruction s t o Stephan o and Trincul o abou t ho w t o overthro w Prospero : 'tis a custom wit h hi m F th ' afternoo n t o sleep : there tho u mays t brai n him , Having first seiz' d hi s books ; or wit h a lo g Batter hi s skull, or paunc h hi m wit h a stake , Or cu t hi s wezand wit h th y knife . Remembe r First t o possess hi s books ; for withou t the m He's bu t a sot, a s I am, no r hat h no t One spiri t t o command : the y al l do hat e hi m As rootedly a s I. Burn bu t hi s books . (The Tempest, 3.2.85-93 ) "Burn bu t hi s books, " fo r surel y i t i s Prospero' s book s tha t enabl e hi m to "contro l th e situatio n an d [visit ] it s humiliations " o n Caliban , t o inflict physica l punishmen t o n th e recalcitran t slave : "tonigh t tho u shal t . . . b e pinch'd/A s thic k a s honeycomb , eac h pinc h mor e stinging/Tha n bees tha t mad e 'em " (1.2.327-32) . And , o f course , Prospero' s book s prove impossibl e t o bur n o r t o possess , an d relation s o f powe r an d privilege i n The Tempest remai n structurall y unchanged . Still , it please s

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me t o thin k tha t Shakespear e revele d i n th e iron y o f includin g i n thi s play celebratin g th e powe r o f book s a n "abhorre d slave " w h o succinctl y anatomizes th e use s o f educatio n fo r mos t workers : "Yo u taugh t m e language; an d m y profi t on't/Is , I k n o w h o w t o curse " (1.2.365-66) . With respec t t o powe r an d privileg e i n late-twentieth-centur y America , class matters , an d books , lik e Shakespeare's , m a p class . S o i t i s tha t "th e school function s a s a syste m o f credentializatio n b y whic h i t produce s a specific relatio n t o culture . T h a t relatio n i s differen t fo r differen t people , which i s t o sa y tha t i t reproduce s socia l relations " (56) . T h a t relatio n i s different fo r differen t people , whic h i s wh y th e Councilma n i s correct : "very fe w har d hat s tak e i n Shakespeare. " Th e h a r d hat s w h o d o find themselves i n a positio n a s conflicte d an d uneas y a s tha t o f th e professo r w h o gre w u p workin g class . WORKS CITE D

Aronowitz, Stanley , an d Henr y A . Giroux . Postmodern Education: Politics, Culture, and Social Criticism. Minneapolis : Universit y o f Minnesot a Press , 1991.

Berger, Pete r L. , an d Thoma s Luckmann . The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. Garde n City : Doubleda y an d Company, 1967 . Bourdieu, Pierre . Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Trans. Richar d Nice . Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1984 . Ernaux, Annie . Cleaned Out. Trans . Caro l Sanders . Elmwoo d Park , IL : Dalke y Archive Press , 1990 . Guillory, John . Cultural Capital: The Problem of Literary Canon Formation. Chicago: University o f Chicag o Press , 1993 . Herman, Jan . "Grov e Theatre' s Supportin g Cast : Ente r th e Philistines. " Los Angeles Times. Ma y 1988 , Orange Count y ed. , VI 9. Laclau, Ernesto , an d Chanta l Mouffe . Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. Trans . Winsto n Moor e an d Pau l Cammack. London : Verso, 1985 . Monette, Paul. Halfway Home. Ne w York : Crow n Publishers , 1991 . O'Dair, Sharon . "Vestment s an d Veste d Interests : Academia' s Suspicio n o f th e Working Class. " I n Working Class Women in the Academy: Laborers in the Knowledge Factory. Ed . Michell e M . Tokarczy k an d Elizabet h A . Fay . Amherst: University o f Massachusett s Press , 1993 . Rubin, Lillia n B . Worlds of Pain: Life in the Working-Class Family. 1976 . Ne w York: Basi c Books.

Class Matters 22 9 Shakespeare, William . The Tempest. Ed . Fran k Kermode . Ne w York : Methuen , 1986. Terdiman, Richard . "I s Ther e Clas s i n Thi s Class? " I n The New Historicism. Ed. H. Ara m Veeser . New York : Routledge , 1989 . Watkins, Evan . "Intellectua l Wor k an d Pedagogica l Circulatio n i n English. " I n Theory/Pedagogy/Politics. Ed . Donal d Morto n an d Mas'u d Zavarzadeh . Urbana: Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1991. . Work Time: English Departments and the Circulation of Cultural Value. Stanford : Stanfor d Universit y Press , 1989 .

C H A P T E R 1 3

Second-Rate o r Second-Ran k The Human Pyramid of Academe SHENG-MEI M

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The academe , i n th e Unite d State s an d elsewhere , i s a huma n pyrami d bound togethe r b y capitalist hypocrisy . A limited numbe r o f elit e institu tions perc h o n th e precipitou s ti p o f thi s pyrami d lik e captain s o f indus try, dominatin g th e preponderanc e o f resources , whil e th e bul k of , i n James Sosnoski' s term , "Toke n Professionals " labo r an d swea t a t th e swampy botto m o f thi s triangl e t o hol d u p th e weigh t o f th e structure , subconsciously resigne d t o th e fat e o f slave s carryin g o n thei r shoulder s what Sosnosk i call s th e "Maste r Critics. " A preferenc e fo r thi s statu s quo i s understandable amongs t th e ruling clas s i f they were al l apolitica l academicians wit h a veste d interes t i n remainin g blind . Bu t quit e vex ingly, a larg e numbe r o f leadin g intellectual s toda y ar e fro m th e lef t (o f Marxist, feminist , postcolonial , minority , queer , o r othe r radica l vin tage), hence theoretically concerne d wit h the ideology an d fac t o f exploi tation. They , ironically , preac h thei r gospe l o f justic e an d equalit y fro m a privilege d positio n i n academ e modele d afte r non e othe r tha n capital ism—the concentratio n o f resources , the hierarch y base d o n wealt h an d power. Eve n thes e leftist s see m t o partak e comfortabl y i n wha t Loui s Althusser coin s a s the "Ideologica l Stat e Apparatuses" sinc e the reproductio n o f labo r powe r require s no t onl y a reproductio n of it s skills, but also , at the sam e time, a reproduction o f it s submis sion t o th e rule s o f th e establishe d order , i.e . a reproductio n o f submission t o th e rulin g ideolog y fo r th e workers , an d a reproduc tion o f the abilit y to manipulate th e ruling ideology correctly fo r th e agents o f exploitatio n an d repression , s o that they , too, will provid e 230

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for th e dominatio n o f th e rulin g clas s "i n words. " (Althusser , 132 33) Regardless o f politica l persuasions , th e upper-clas s an d th e masse s o f "intellectual laborers " shar e a secre t allianc e i n maintainin g th e illusio n that thi s profession i s not wha t i t really is— a huma n pyramid—an d th e fact o f standin g o n people' s head s o r bein g stompe d int o th e mu d i s justified throug h th e abilit y o r th e lac k thereo f of , amon g othe r things , "manipulating] th e rulin g ideolog y . . . 'i n words ' "—i.e. , one' s facilit y with Theory . By Theory , I mea n philosoph y i n disguise , whic h ha s bee n i n vogu e for quit e som e time , despit e a n increasin g backlash . Althoug h ever y piece o f critica l scholarshi p ha s theor y a t it s core , thi s kin d o f high Theory detache s itsel f fro m literar y text s o r an y cultura l artifacts . Pur e thought i n a vacuum , i t addresse s a selec t audience—othe r theorists , while averag e (les s gifted? ) professor s stan d i n aw e o f th e immens e incomprehensibility o f suc h intellection . I t eventuall y evolve s int o a game o f names , a s Terr y Caesa r note s i n "Theor y i n th e Boondocks" : "The sam e names , fro m th e sam e universities , continue t o spea k t o eac h other abou t th e sam e questions " (226) . Thi s gam e o f exclusio n relie s heavily o n one' s deploymen t o f bi g name s an d thei r Theories , o f per forming menta l gymnastic s wit h ever-escalatin g level s o f difficult y i n order t o compet e i n th e ever-shrinkin g jo b market . Theory , innocen t i n and o f itself, thus become s th e floor pla n a s well a s the superstructur e o f this network o f power/knowledge. It differentiates amon g contenders fo r positions, publications , grants , an d conferences , metin g ou t thei r fat e and academi c career . Theor y make s th e elite . An insightfu l analysi s o f th e us e o f theor y come s fro m Pau l Lauter' s Canons and Contexts (1991) . Laute r astutel y distinguishe s th e afore mentioned "formalis t criticism " fro m hi s "canonica l criticism " i n term s of th e former' s heav y deb t t o "Continenta l philosophy " an d it s dee p concern wit h "question s o f epistemology " (134) . Laute r i s certainly no t referring t o Ne w Criticis m alon e bu t include s criticis m o f a mor e recen t kind whic h substitute s "theorists " fo r "poets " a s unacknowledged legis lators an d whic h " separate [s] literar y text s . . . a s wel l a s critica l act s from history , . . . ignor e [s] th e particula r rol e thei r wor k i s playin g i n educational institution s an d i n society , . . . [and ] turn[s ] th e domai n o f literature . . . int o a 'vast , enclosed , textua l an d semanti c preserve ' "

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(138). The privilegin g o f theory , i n Lauter' s words , "deepen[s ] th e abys s . . . betwee n thos e wh o dwel l i n th e tower s o f academ e an d thos e wh o inhabit th e trenches, " exercisin g "practica l criticis m . . . i n th e class room" (141) . Various proposals hav e been put forwar d t o revamp th e discipline an d to yoke together theor y an d practice . One o f the argument s i s Sosnoski' s Token Professionals and Master Critics (1994) , whic h advocate s tha t theory o r criticis m b e move d fro m a text-oriente d t o a person-oriente d practice an d fro m it s indefensibl y objectiv e pretensio n t o a candidl y subjective position . Suc h innovativ e ideas , nevertheless , continu e t o dwell aroun d th e borderlan d o f academi c discourse , overshadowe d b y a select grou p o f towerin g figure s an d thei r incessant , incestuou s self reproduction i n writing . Th e obstacl e Sosnoski' s subjectiv e criticis m (t o borrow fro m Davi d Bleich' s boo k wit h tha t title ) confront s i s eviden t when Sosnosk i acknowledge s tha t h e ha s recas t i n th e voic e o f "th e implicating 'we ' " (xxix ) man y persona l anecdote s no t unlik e Terr y Caesar's i n "O n Teachin g a t a Second-Rat e University. " Thi s calculate d move provide s a n aur a o f generalit y an d objectivit y t o esche w th e ava lanche o f criticis m suffere d b y Caesar , suc h a s th e repor t an d letter s i n The Chronicle of Higher Education, immediatel y afte r hi s courageou s (to those lette r writers , outrageous) confession s (Sosnoski , xxiv-xxvii). My strateg y o f forgoin g an y pretensio n t o hig h Theor y i n Lauter' s definition derive s fro m tw o reasons , bot h relate d t o th e praxi s i n th e classroom. Firs t o f all , t o describ e m y experienc e a t a teachin g colleg e does no t requir e th e assistanc e o f Theory , whic h I do no t hav e th e tim e to tak e u p full y anywa y an d whic h i s neve r neede d i n gradin g studen t papers fro m m y fou r course s pe r semester . Theor y i s th e luxuriou s plaything of the upper-class i n the academy, like playing golf a t exclusiv e country club s for th e rich. Caddie s like me write whatever an d wheneve r we can , ofte n withou t th e leisur e (o r shee r agon y an d boredom ) o f reviewing theorist s first (th e mor e abstrus e th e better) . Secondly , t o resort almos t entirel y t o m y persona l experienc e serve s t o subver t th e supremacy o f Theory , th e rul e o f th e gam e se t u p b y elit e critics . M y lived experienc e the n become s th e foundatio n o f m y oppositiona l dis course. I onl y lamen t tha t m y languag e an d though t hav e alread y bee n contaminated b y th e academi c tren d towar d hig h Theory . I to o hav e tried i n vai n t o clim b u p fro m th e huddle d masse s t o th e ti p o f th e pyramid through—wha t else?—theorizin g fo r theorists . An d I , alas ,

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continue t o d o s o i n m y mor e forma l scholarl y writings , sustaine d b y what Sosnosk i describe s a s "th e myt h o f advancemen t b y merit, " i.e. , writing one' s "wa y ou t o f 'bad ' jobs " (xvii) . At an y rate , th e whol e issu e o f "second-rate " explode d i n m y fac e when I naively characterize d mysel f a s teachin g a t a "second-rate " uni versity i n tw o nationa l conference s i n th e summe r o f 1993 . I was imme diately assaulte d fro m bot h sides , b y colleague s fro m first-rat e an d sec ond-rate institutions . Let m e recal l on e inciden t whic h prompte d m e t o sa y tha t first-rate institutions woul d rejec t suc h a label a s vehemently a s the lesser schools . I attende d th e annua l meetin g o f th e Associatio n o f Asian-America n Studies (AAAS ) a t Cornel l University , June 2-6 , 1993 . This was th e first time I had participated i n AAAS activities and ther e were many surprises . I wa s struck , fo r instance , b y ho w man y presenter s wer e graduat e stu dents fro m th e Universit y o f Californi a syste m an d fro m th e Iv y League . This showed tha t AAA S was an organizatio n fo r th e future, a part o f th e surging tid e o f Asian-America n power . Th e fac t tha t mos t o f th e gradu ate student s cam e fro m prestigiou s institution s onl y strengthene d m y conviction. Bu t by the sam e token, th e conference lacke d rea l substance , as I listened to , in one paper afte r th e other , graduate student s theorizin g theories. One o f th e las t session s i n th e conferenc e wa s o n "Problem s i n th e Teaching of Asian-American Studies. " I attended tha t "practical " sessio n with grea t interest , bot h becaus e I ha d confronte d man y difficultie s i n trying t o teac h abou t th e Asian-America n experienc e "eas t o f Califor nia" an d expecte d som e advic e fro m th e sessio n an d becaus e th e panel ists were all distinguished professor s fro m renowne d institutions : University o f California , Irvine ; Universit y o f California , Berkeley ; Universit y of Colorado , Boulder ; an d Stat e Universit y o f Ne w York , Albany . Th e last panelist , a n eminen t sociologist , however , ha d recentl y move d fro m Albany t o Duke . Al l th e chair s o f th e session s featurin g th e sociologis t loved t o mentio n thi s beneficia l caree r mov e i n thei r introduction s o f her. On e wa s a bi t to o dramati c i n stoppin g himsel f mid-wa y an d whispering t o he r (jus t loudl y enoug h fo r th e microphon e t o pic k up) : "Am I allowe d t o revea l this? " Hypocris y a t it s height , decorate d b y playacting. As it turned out , fou r ou t o f th e five panelists an d th e discussan t kep t

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scribbling o n thei r notepad s throughou t th e Chair' s introductio n a s wel l as th e ensuin g presentations . Ther e wa s n o doub t i n anybody' s min d that the y wer e preparin g thei r script s whil e th e sessio n wa s actuall y i n session. I sa t i n th e fron t ro w an d sa w tha t th e notepad s wer e blan k when the y firs t sa t dow n an d tha t wha t the y ha d writte n (an d nothin g else) becam e th e basi s fo r thei r subsequen t presentations , whic h wer e al l clearly extemporaneous—bu t no t i n a wa y tha t suggeste d brillianc e i n improvization. Som e panelist s appeare d almos t trippin g ove r thei r ow n talks, wherea s on e professe d tha t h e di d no t hav e muc h t o say . M y suspicion wa s confirme d month s late r whe n onl y on e presente r re sponded t o th e Chair' s cal l fo r th e panelists ' papers—t o b e edite d fo r a special issu e o f UCLA' s Amerasia Journal. Thi s off-hande d treatmen t o f a well-attende d sessio n betray s th e lo w priorit y th e expert s giv e t o teaching an d pedagog y a s wel l a s thei r shee r arrogance . I n contrast , when th e panelist s delivere d thei r "scholarly " paper s a t thi s conference , they read , measuredly , fro m prepare d scripts . Nevertheless , I was awe d by th e sigh t o f eminen t scholar s makin g scrawl s o f thei r talk s five minutes befor e thei r turn . I assume d tha t thi s wa s ho w distinguishe d scholars operated . (Sinc e m y tri p t o Cornell , I was inspire d t o postpon e my ow n wor k unti l jus t befor e th e deadline . Bu t I invariabl y mad e a mess o f i t i n th e end . I guess I a m no t mean t fo r greatness. ) Ther e wa s only on e exceptio n t o thi s casual attitude . Th e professo r fro m Colorad o had t o struggl e t o condens e hi s twenty-five-page pape r int o te n minutes . His wor k ethi c ma y reveal , ironically , a n origi n a s "humble " a s mine — he ha d bee n teachin g a t Sa n Francisc o Stat e Universit y fo r ove r te n years. My ange r bega n t o buil d up . Durin g th e questio n session , I le t the m have it—i n m y feebl e an d second-rat e way . I stated tha t thei r presenta tions wer e al l California-base d (thu s havin g littl e t o d o wit h th e are a "east o f California, " whic h i s muc h o f th e country ) an d wer e al l con cerned with first-rate institutions . The dynamics o f teaching Asian-Amer ican material s a t second-rat e o r teachin g college s (an d ther e ar e appar ently mor e o f thes e school s tha n theirs ) wa s utterl y ignored . I might no t have bee n a s luci d a s th e abov e statements , sinc e m y remark s wer e marred b y a tremblin g voice , whic h sprun g fro m m y suppresse d rag e over thei r hastil y assemble d an d poorl y thought-ou t presentations . Th e arms o f al l the panelist s sho t u p afte r m y question . In fact , th e professo r from Irvin e coul d no t eve n wai t unti l I ha d finished an d immediatel y

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began t o refut e m y distinction betwee n first- an d second-rate . This argu ment ove r rating s continue d fo r quit e som e time , totall y brushin g asid e my poin t abou t teachin g Asian-America n texts , s o t o speak , i n th e rea l world. Ha d I been abl e to respon d t o th e panelists ' face-savin g evasions , I woul d hav e sai d tha t I coul d understan d an d sympathiz e wit h thei r defensiveness, fo r n o conscientiou s intellectua l wishe d t o admi t one' s privileges coexiste d perenniall y with , i f no t themselve s posite d upon , someone else' s bein g deprive d o f them . Bu t suc h i s th e inescapabl e fac t of competitio n i n capitalism. I n the educationa l syste m a s it stands now , there ha s t o b e a broa d bas e t o buttres s th e elit e institutions , o r wh o i s going to teac h th e populac e an d t o grappl e wit h th e statistic s o f literacy , one o f th e cornerstone s o f democracy ? T o sa y otherwis e woul d b e disingenuous. Afte r th e session , I i n fac t walke d t o th e professo r wh o had bee n laudin g teachin g college s ove r hi s own , Irvine , an d aske d hi m to exchange school s with me . (H e asserted earlie r tha t h e would sen d hi s child t o a teachin g college , bu t tha t remain s t o b e seen. ) H e coul d com e to my school , I suggested, an d carr y m y teachin g loa d an d I could enjo y Irvine fo r a fe w months . H e dodged . Eve n i f he had accepte d m y offer , I doubt tha t Irvin e (no t s o much m y school ) woul d comply . This hierarch y o f institutions , faculty , an d student s wa s reflecte d i n the conferenc e structur e itself . I , wit h m y ric h experienc e o f teachin g Asian-American texts , ha d t o si t i n th e audienc e an d liste n t o som e tal k scribbled minute s before . I was no t alone . Ther e wa s a t leas t on e othe r man i n th e roo m usin g simila r text s a t a communit y colleg e i n Califor nia, wh o wa s invite d b y on e o f th e panelist s t o giv e hi s view , after th e issue o f first- an d second-rat e (an d th e naggin g suspicio n o f exclusion ) was brough t up . I f nothin g else , I thin k I ha d succeede d i n disquietin g the cal m water s o f Asian-America n Studies , thoug h jus t fo r on e after noon. Th e panelist s an d th e audience , I trust, wil l simpl y retur n t o thei r respective circl e an d remembe r thi s episod e a s a n aberratio n cause d b y a disgruntled—whoeve r h e is—fro m a college—whos e nam e escape s them. Reflecting now , I a m mos t concerne d wit h th e fals e hop e thi s sessio n as well as the entire conferenc e create d fo r th e bul k o f the audience, wh o were graduate students . These young me n an d wome n woul d tak e awa y from Cornel l th e sens e that Asian-America n Studie s o r Ethni c Studie s i n general i s associate d wit h first-rate institutions . Resource s fo r Asian American Studie s o r an y othe r disciplin e ar e indee d concentrate d i n

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schools lik e th e one s the y ar e attending , bu t certainl y th e disseminatio n of thei r expertis e wil l involv e a muc h broade r vie w o f Americ a an d academe. A n extremel y hig h percentag e o f the m ar e goin g t o win d u p teaching, i f the y ge t job s a t all , a t college s lik e o r les s ideal tha n min e ( I suspect tha t th e communit y colleg e professo r wa s onc e th e panelist' s student a t Berkeley!) , havin g t o conten d wit h limite d resource s an d research time , i n additio n t o perhap s a widesprea d provincialis m an d uneasiness ove r th e contentious, potentially politica l Ethni c Studies . On th e othe r hand , second-rat e school s ar e no t abou t t o swallo w tha t label, either . Stil l reelin g fro m th e clas h a t Cornell , I fle w t o Californi a to atten d th e conference o n "Rage ! Across the Disciplines " a t Californi a State University , Sa n Marco s (Jun e 10-12 , 1993) , an d presente d a n early draf t o f "Th e Politic s o f Teachin g Asian-America n Literatur e Amidst Middle-class , Caucasia n Student s 'Eas t o f California. ' " Thi s conference, du e t o it s "newsworthiness " (a s oppose d t o mos t confer ences wit h a heav y scholarl y bent) , wa s covere d by , amon g others , tw o major new s agencies : Conni e Chung' s Eye To Eye o n CB S an d U.S. News and World Report. In Chung's program , a three-day conference wa s condensed int o thirt y seconds, wit h th e mos t inflammator y remark s take n ou t o f contex t t o satiate th e audience' s appetit e fo r sensationalism . Fo r instance , one mili tant feminist' s pape r an d subsequen t intervie w became : "Whit e male s have powe r becaus e the y ar e white an d hav e penises. " I only than k Go d that I was no t th e Chose n On e t o b e put o n th e air . I wa s no t s o luck y i n U.S. News and World Report. Th e reporter , John Leo , caricatured th e conferenc e a s " a maratho n o f pique, " th e titl e of hi s article . M y presentatio n wa s bashed ; quote s wer e take n fro m m y paper an d rearrange d t o suppor t th e writer' s ow n bias . Amon g othe r distortions, Le o charge d tha t I complaine d becaus e "Eas t Coas t whit e students" refuse d t o "se e themselve s a s guilty oppressors o f Asian Americans" (emphasi s mine) . Consisten t wit h hi s long-standin g anti academic an d reactionar y career , Le o portraye d m e a s name-callin g whites, henc e provokin g th e majority' s pent-u p ange r ove r "politica l correctness." Whil e suc h attack s agains t academ e i n news magazines ar e banal, Leo's acquired a n added dimensio n o f viciousness when h e alleged that I had sai d "[I ] was force d t o teac h a t a second-rate college " becaus e I wa s Asian . Throughou t m y twenty-page , thirty-minut e paper , I use d the ter m "second-rate " bu t once , bu t nowher e ha d I asserte d tha t be -

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cause o f m y ethni c background , I wa s condemne d t o a second-rat e university. Th e reporter , indeed , ha d alread y implie d tha t I wa s privi leged rathe r tha n disadvantage d du e t o m y ethnicity . Hi s interpretatio n was base d a s muc h o n twiste d logi c a s o n wha t h e wishe d t o rea d int o my paper . In th e end , h e ha d completel y mangle d m y argument , eve n though h e added : "Durin g th e questio n perio d h e [Ma ] sai d thi s was , of course, a n ironi c statement , no t t o b e take n literally. " Bu t n o reade r would remembe r thi s belate d disclaimer ; onl y on e wor d stuc k i n thei r mind, evidence d b y the reactio n fro m th e colleagues a t m y home institu tion, from students , an d fro m students ' parents . After a long, at times heated, debate with a few colleagues at my hom e university ove r th e grea t ga p i n implicatio n betwee n "second-rate " an d "second-rank," I conceded tha t thi s linguisti c subtlet y escape d m e whe n I wrot e m y paper , a s i t ha d elude d m e whe n I ha d bee n a t Cornell . I would hav e avoide d a grea t dea l o f controvers y ha d I switche d t o "second-rank." (Bette r still , I might hav e adopte d Sosnoski' s mor e pol ished phrases : "toke n professional s fro m mainstrea m [non-elite ] Ameri can universities." ) Havin g sai d that , i t woul d b e misleadin g t o attribut e the misunderstandin g solel y t o th e fac t tha t Englis h remain s m y secon d language. I take i t also a s an ac t o f linguisti c transgressiveness b y a non native speaker, who has not yet mastered th e entire range of euphemism s and th e relate d decorum . Euphemism s an d decoru m ten d t o sugarcoa t the unpleasan t truth ; an d I unintentionall y offende d people' s sens e o f propriety b y vocalizin g wha t wa s unspoke n bu t understood . Ye t b y elucidating th e cultural difference s surroundin g th e word "second-rate, " I intend onc e agai n t o brin g academi c hypocris y int o shar p focus . In m y nativ e tongu e an d i n th e mind s o f mos t Pacifi c Ri m residents / emigrants o f Chines e descent , th e hairsplittin g distinctio n betwee n "sec ond-rate" an d "second-rank " (Wha t abou t "second-class"? ) wit h refer ence t o school s i s nonsense . Th e educationa l system s i n Taiwan , Hon g Kong, Singapore , an d Chin a ar e s o hideousl y competitiv e tha t schools , students, an d facult y ar e stratifie d accordingly . "Erh-liu " o r "second rate," define d a s "o f inferio r o r mediocr e quality " i n Webster , i s in fac t used i n the Chines e contex t t o describ e th e statu s o f certai n institutions . The sens e o f inadequac y i n thi s expressio n i s no t unfamilia r to , thoug h not particularly welcom e by , most Chines e associate d wit h thos e institu tions, wh o tak e th e "offensive " wor d a s spurrin g the m o n i n thei r academic pursuit . Americans—and I coun t mysel f a s a hybridize d Asian-American —

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tend t o find "second-rate " distastefu l becaus e i t undermine s thei r self esteem an d threaten s t o cance l thei r effort , a s the clich e goes , "t o b e th e best the y ca n be. " Whil e th e hierarch y i n th e Chines e languag e an d society i s inexcusabl y stifling , th e drasticall y divergin g connotation s at tributed t o two almos t identica l words of four letter s each (rat e vs. rank) belie th e uniqu e wa y American s vie w this world . Shape d b y the myt h o f democracy an d equality , American s hav e refine d thei r languag e t o suc h an exten t a s t o obliterat e o r a t leas t downpla y suc h issue s a s hierarch y and class , which , o f course , exis t al l aroun d us . Thi s tendenc y t o glos s over actua l differences i s compounded , i n th e U.S . academe , b y th e illusion o f egalitarianis m embrace d b y mos t intellectuals . Academician s here hav e traditionall y fel t tha t i f ther e wer e an y aren a wher e peopl e were treated equitably , i t would b e in their circle . With hi s ric h cross-cultura l experience s o f teachin g abroad , Caesa r makes the same point (an d Chin a i s cited as his first example) b y likenin g athletic rivalrie s betwee n America n universitie s an d college s to academi c ones. Observin g tha t i t is impossible i n an y foreig n countr y fo r a Rober t Morris Colleg e to compet e athleticall y wit h a University o f Kansas , as is indeed th e case in the first round o f NCAA Division I basketball playoff s in 1990 , Caesa r conclude s tha t suc h indeterminacie s withi n th e syste m "are distinctivel y America n . . . [and ] crucia l t o ou r mythologie s abou t class o r ou r belief s abou t ho w educatio n equalize s becaus e the y expres s an antagonisti c energ y o r flui d evaluativ e possibilit y tha t n o othe r coun try ha s i n highe r education " (Conspiring, 155) . Whil e critiquin g thi s myth o f "difference s unde r erasure, " eve n Caesa r appear s heartene d b y the fac t tha t Rober t Morri s Colleg e "cam e close . I t coul d hav e [beate n Kansas, ranked No . 2] " (154). But how rarel y d o suc h team s meet , ho w predictable th e outcom e is , and , ironically , ho w intensel y American s relish th e prospec t o f cheerin g fo r th e underdog , a s I di d fo r m y schoo l against Florid a Stat e wit h Sa m Cassel l i n th e 199 4 NCA A basketbal l playoffs. A t tha t moment , non e o f u s wishe s t o remembe r th e odd s stacked agains t th e underdog . Precisely to comba t thi s national amnesia , my deploymen t o f "second-rate " seek s t o expos e thi s facad e an d farc e of impartialit y ascribe d t o highe r education—athletic , academic , or oth erwise; I se e fa r to o man y inequitie s i n th e system , suc h a s betwee n research universitie s an d teachin g colleges , no t t o poin t ou t th e mirag e we strai n t o kee p up . Caught betwee n thes e tw o perceptions , however , ar e Chines e Ameri -

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cans. Thi s i s perhaps wh y Chines e American s see m t o harbo r thi s driv e to excel , fo r goin g dow n eve r s o slightl y woul d onl y mea n becomin g "second-xxxx." Thi s impuls e fo r excellenc e ofte n lead s t o brillian t per formances fro m Chines e Americans , bu t i t als o create s generationa l conflicts betwee n immigran t parent s an d thei r American-bor n children . For instance , wha t appear s t o th e parent s t o b e a second-rat e schoo l their Americanized chil d choose s t o atten d ma y b e seen b y the child a s a first-rate schoo l amon g second-ran k institutions , whic h is , parentheti cally, how my home universit y woul d lik e to characteriz e itself . I wa s als o le d t o us e "second-rate " because—an d thi s demonstrate d my naivet e a s wel l a s provincialis m mor e tha n anythin g else— I picke d up th e ter m fro m Terr y Caesar' s essa y "O n Teachin g a t a Second-Rat e University" i n th e South Atlantic Quarterly, a journa l publishe d b y Duke. I wa s unde r th e impressio n tha t sinc e SAQ ha d publishe d thi s piece, i t mus t hav e becom e a n accepte d practic e t o distinguis h betwee n first an d secon d rat e i n academi c discourse . Disastrousl y unawar e wa s I of th e barrag e o f attac k agains t Caesa r i n th e Chronicle of Higher Education, no r di d I heed Caesar' s repeate d musing s o n th e utte r silenc e of publi c discours e o n th e issu e o f second-rate . Thi s placi d ignoranc e was perhap s endemi c t o an y second-rat e condition , assiste d i n n o smal l measure b y th e materia l circumstances—i n m y case , a librar y i n dir e need of expansion, a n intellectua l communit y deprive d an d demoralized , and othe r insufficiencies . Ye t exactl y becaus e o f thi s condition , I wa s instantly electrifie d b y Caesar's brutall y hones t exegesis : Second-rateness i s not solel y a matter o f variet y o f program s o r siz e [of university] , althoug h eac h o f thes e helps. . . . Arguably, it' s no t strictly a matte r o f provincialit y o r mediocrity , althoug h eac h o f these help s eve n more . . . . Second-ratenes s i s ultimatel y a matter , more tha n anythin g else , o f perception. I believ e i t wa s a n Israel i poet wh o onc e sai d tha t "th e differenc e betwee n m e an d Aude n i s that I have to b e aware o f him, whereas he doesn't hav e to b e awar e of me. " Th e second-rat e alway s ha s t o b e awar e o f som e greate r measure o f anythin g distinguished , fro m whic h it s ow n lesse r mea sure is derived. {Conspiring, 149 ; emphasis mine ) I was struc k b y how relativ e an d volatil e th e hierarchy migh t be . Auden, indeed, wa s perceive d b y th e Israel i t o b e a majo r poet , a n assessmen t

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subject t o som e debate . O n th e othe r hand , th e Israeli, though remainin g anonymous, wa s afte r al l cited, whereas hundred s o f thousand s o f mod ern writer s neve r eve n grace d a footnot e i n scholarship . Mor e signifi cantly, I bega n t o to y wit h th e ide a o f th e potentia l o f subversivenes s within th e academi c discours e i n th e vei n o f Caesa r and , mor e dynami cally, th e postcolonia l rewritin g o f Prosper o an d Caliban . I f Aim e Ces aire i n A Tempest reverse d Shakespearea n role s an d calle d int o questio n the legitimizing Western hegemony , couldn't w e grotesque "mimi c men " deconstruct th e syste m whic h reduce d u s to , slightl y recastin g Hom i Bhabha's term , "no t quite/no t theoretical " ("O f Mimicr y an d Man, " 132). Yet th e parado x wa s tha t eve n a s I sought t o empowe r mysel f an d others, I di d s o i n th e nam e o f greate r men—Cesaire , Bhabha , and , ironically, Caesar , jus t a s they ha d don e i n the nam e o f Shakespear e an d other canonica l writers . Nonetheless , I bega n t o fee l tha t m y opposi tional discours e agains t th e hypocritica l academ e migh t b e echoe d an d appreciated. I was sorel y mistaken , mor e sobe r no w afte r th e backlas h a t Cornel l and a t m y ow n school . M y colleague s wh o ar e friendl y enoug h t o jok e about m y "California n betrayal " ar e onl y th e ti p o f th e iceberg . Thos e who d o no t brin g u p th e inciden t trul y worr y me , a s I ha d receive d anonymous phon e call s inquirin g no t to o politel y abou t m y allege d remark an d I had bee n informed (deliberately? ) tha t parent s o f incomin g freshmen ha d calle d th e schoo l fo r clarificatio n o f m y allege d statement . Some student s storme d int o m y offic e t o deman d a n explanatio n and , i n a culminating moment , a xeroxed cop y of the U.S. News repor t wa s sen t to m e through th e regular chai n o f comman d fro m th e President's Offic e of m y university . A perso n wh o calle d himsel f " a concerne d taxpayer " in Virgini a photocopie d thi s repor t an d maile d i t t o th e President , wit h scribblings o n th e margin s brandin g m e "thi s ass " an d " a disgrac e to" m y school . Th e documen t ma y hav e originate d fro m som e miffe d individual bu t i t gaine d i n statur e i n term s o f th e grea t distanc e withi n the bureaucrac y i t ha d traveled—throug h th e entir e administratio n un der whic h I continue d t o b e employe d a s a tenure-trac k assistan t pro fessor. The ter m "second-rate " i s s o insultin g t o bot h "Toke n Professionals " and "Maste r Critics " because , a s I hav e argued , i t expose s th e institu tionalized elitis m and hypocris y we as academics an d societ y a t larg e live

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by. Afte r all , fo r an y collectio n o f huma n being s t o maintai n harmon y and t o function , certai n taboo s ar e require d t o defin e propriety , a trans gression agains t whic h woul d b e me t wit h immediat e condemnatio n and eve n punishment . Th e silenc e abou t "second-rate " institution s i n academic discours e i s on e o f thes e taboos . Withou t ponderin g one' s inferior position , on e coul d theoreticall y g o abou t th e busines s mor e efficiently. Bu t by retrieving int o scholarl y debate s suc h term s a s second rate, a s hars h a s the y ma y sound , w e impar t t o ou r professio n som e degree o f honesty . Thi s ter m doe s no t hav e t o b e wor n lik e a badg e o f victimhood an d resul t in what Edwar d Sai d calls "th e politics o f blame" ; instead, i t enable s u s t o ma p institutiona l reality . Wit h th e diagra m o f the pyrami d i n mind , th e broa d bas e o f th e structur e coul d perceiv e th e framework whic h weigh s o n th e botto m an d valorize s th e top . Thi s realization make s possibl e th e revolutio n o f turnin g th e communicatio n channel upsid e down . Thi s "unnatural " proces s o f th e botto m speakin g to the top invariabl y yield s unique insights , as Care y McWilliam s put s i t in a different context : One o f th e bes t way s t o vie w an d understan d a societ y i s t o se e i t from th e botto m lookin g up . T o b e sure , th e undervie w i s incom plete. Botto m dog s see , know, an d lear n a lo t bu t thei r perspectiv e is limited . Bu t the y se e more , I hav e com e t o believe , tha n thos e who occup y th e middl e an d uppe r reaches ; thei r vie w i s les s inhib ited, les s circumscribed . Th e vie w fro m dow n unde r expose s th e deceits, self-deceptions , distortions , apostasies . . . . I t offer s a good , if limited , guid e t o wha t th e societ y i s reall y like , no t wha t i t professes t o be . (xx ) Such a class-based , Marxis t critiqu e i s wel l intentioned . Bu t fo r i t t o truly function , th e practitione r o f thi s critiqu e mus t b e keenl y awar e o f his o r he r ow n positionality , o f th e inheren t parado x o f a privilege d person speakin g fo r th e subaltern . Arguably , th e whol e issu e o f second rate closely resembles the contestation ove r subalternity . While consider ing mysel f somewha t privilege d a s a n academicia n withi n thi s capitalis t economy, I remai n submerge d i n th e subalter n clas s o f thi s professio n and m y argumen t wil l clos e wit h som e reflectio n o n a persona l stor y where facet s o f th e subalter n intersect . I di d hav e a chanc e t o catapul t mysel f fro m th e "bondage " o f schol -

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arly subalter n clas s a t th e Moder n Languag e Associatio n conferenc e i n Toronto i n Decembe r 1993 . I interviewe d with , amon g othe r institu tions, University o f California , Riversid e with it s paradisal teachin g loa d and abundan t opportunitie s fo r leave s an d interna l grants . Durin g th e thirty-minute conversatio n ( a generou s allotmen t compare d wit h som e other interviews) , I wa s pointedl y aske d wha t I though t o f Gayatr i Chakravorty Spivak' s "Ca n th e Subalter n Speak? " Du e t o "temporar y insanity" abou t whic h I ca n no t elaborat e a t thi s point , I blurte d ou t that th e criti c wa s a hypocrite pretendin g t o spea k fo r th e downtrodde n from a n enviable academi c position. I went o n to lecture the interviewer s with respec t t o professiona l taboo s suc h a s "theor y i s th e playthin g o f the uppe r class. " M y "deranged " menta l stat e compelle d m e t o assum e a fa r mor e contentious person a tha n an y level-heade d interviewe e woul d ever have , no matte r ho w malcontent . Towar d th e en d o f th e interview , the chai r asked , wit h mor e civilit y tha n som e school s tha t treate d m e like a wretche d o f th e earth , ho w I woul d fee l t o b e i n a departmen t where al l fel t tha t theor y wa s centra l t o wha t the y wer e doing . I an swered wit h a silly grin: " I thrive o n debates. " Personal an d immediat e reason s aside , my explosiv e behavio r derives , academically, fro m th e elitis m an d hypocris y tha t I witnes s i n employ ment, publication , conferences—indee d th e entir e profession . Whil e standing b y thi s genera l observation , I concede no w tha t m y timin g fo r eruption i s off . On e ha s t o wai t unti l bein g grante d membershi p a t an y of th e exclusiv e club s befor e articulatin g unpleasan t thoughts , whic h then miraculousl y acquir e th e statu s o f a "debate, " th e lifestyl e o f th e rich an d famou s amon g intellectua l laborers . S o here i s a belate d expla nation fo r m y outburst: while making statement s lik e McWilliams' "bot tom dogs " o r Spivak' s subalternity , i t i s incumbent upo n u s t o examin e how an d wh y w e ar e authorize d t o mak e suc h statement s i n th e first place. Th e widesprea d lac k o f self-reflexivit y i n thi s matte r i s wher e academic hypocris y lies . A cas e i n poin t i s Spivak . I admir e Spivak' s work fo r th e India n subalter n and , i n particular , women , bu t I find he r assessment regardin g he r ow n positio n rathe r disingenuous . I n respons e to a n interviewer' s final questio n abou t he r "prestigiou s positio n i n a very prestigious universit y i n the United States, " Spiva k states : Well, m y positio n i s no t altogethe r prestigious . I hav e bee n no w twice i n prin t describe d a s someon e wh o onl y go t i n clandestinel y

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because o f politica l correctness... . I don't thin k I am i n a positio n yet to utte r a last word o n thi s positioning. (Phen g 159 ) The right-win g attac k agains t he r resemble s Joh n Leo' s charg e agains t me, bu t i f tha t exempt s m e o r Spiva k fro m scrutinizin g institutionalize d elitism, w e becom e ou r detractors ' accomplices , guilt y i n acquiescin g t o and profitin g fro m th e capitalis t system . Spivak' s strateg y o f invokin g right-wing criticism t o circumvent an y discussio n o f he r shinin g stardo m versus masse s o f blurre d extra s i n th e show-bi z o f academ e i s deepl y troubling. Bu t thi s self-defens e stem s fro m he r self-appointe d rol e a s a spokesperson fo r th e subaltern . Sh e has consistentl y maintained , a s Ari f Dirlik deride s i n a footnot e t o hi s essay , "tha t sh e di d no t belon g t o th e 'top leve l o f th e Unite d State s academy ' becaus e sh e taugh t i n th e Sout h and th e Southwest wherea s th e 'cultura l elit e in the United State s inhabi t the Northeaster n seaboar d o r th e Wes t Coast ' " (330 ; the singl e quota tion mark s refe r t o Dirli k citin g fro m Spivak' s The Post-Colonial Critic, 114). Dirlik conclude s hi s footnote rathe r satirically : "Sinc e the n Spiva k has move d t o Columbi a University. " Ye t Dirli k inadvertentl y taunt s himself a s well: his quibble i s published i n the renowned Critical Inquiry and written a t the renowed sit e of Duke University, a first-rate institutio n despite its location i n the South. As such, these leading intellectuals carr y on debate s no t unlik e famil y squabble s an d conten d ove r wh o trul y represent th e subalter n i n som e o f th e most prestigiou s scholarl y spaces . I do no t mea n t o b e a carping critic , drawing evidenc e eithe r fro m th e closing gestur e o f dismissa l i n Spivak' s highl y intellectua l intervie w o r from on e mocking footnot e amon g the other thirty-fiv e well-documente d ones i n Dirlik' s essay . Ye t i t i s Spiva k wh o comment s disparagingly , again i n a footnot e t o "Ca n th e Subalter n Speak?" , tha t th e Europea n thinkers' influenc e ove r U.S . academia come s primarily fro m thei r trans lated interview s rathe r tha n book-lengt h works . Consequently , I a m merely subjectin g Spiva k t o a readin g o f th e "peripherals, " fo r I am jus t as shallo w a s th e nex t America n academician . (Incidentally , "Ca n th e Subaltern Speak? " analyzes a conversation betwee n Miche l Foucault an d Deleuze fro m Foucault' s Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews.) I kno w peopl e ma y accus e m e o f ventin g per sonal gripe s or , a t best , performin g dubiou s critica l move s b y focusin g on th e margin s o f academi c discourse , bu t wher e els e i n thei r seamles s arguments ca n on e discove r rupture s o f persona l voice s o f thes e distin -

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guished scholars , Marxis t o r not ? Afte r all , it i s i n thei r interes t n o t t o interrogate th e h u m a n pyrami d o f academ e whic h yo u an d I liv e off — or under . WORKS CITE D

Althusser, Louis . "Ideolog y an d th e Ideologica l Stat e Apparatuse s (Note s To wards a n Investigation). " I n Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays. Trans. Ben Brewster. New York: Monthl y Revie w Press, 1971 . 127-86 . Bhabha, Homi . "O f Mimicr y an d Man : Th e Ambivalenc e o f Colonia l Dis course." October 2 8 (1984): 125-33 . Caesar, Terry . Conspiring with Forms: Life in Academic Texts. Athens : Univer sity of Georgia Press , 1992. . "O n Teaching a t a Second-Rate University. " The South Atlantic Quarterly 90. 3 (Summe r 1991) : 449-67 . . "Theor y i n the Boondocks." Yale Journal of Criticism 6. 2 (1993): 2 2 1 35Dirlik, Arif. "The Postcolonial Aura : Third Worl d Criticis m i n the Age of Global Capitalism." Critical Inquiry 20. 2 (Winter 1994) : 328-56 . Eye To Eye. Hosted b y Connie Chung . CBS . 23 June 1993. Foucault, Michel . Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews. Trans . Donal d F . Bouchard an d Sherr y Simon . Ithaca : Cornel l University Press , 1977. Lauter, Paul . Canons and Contexts. Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1991 . Leo, John. " A Marathon o f Pique." U.S. News and World Report 1 2 July 1993, 22.

McWilliams, Carey . Introduction . I n Carlo s Bulosan . America Is in the Heart. Seattle: University o f Washington Press , 1973 . vii-xxiv. Pheng, Cheah . "Situation s o f Value : Gayatr i Chakravort y Spiva k o n Feminis m and Cultura l Wor k i n a Postcolonial Neocolonia l Conjuncture. " Australian Feminist Studies 1 7 (Fall 1993) : 141-61 . Sosnoski, James. Token Professionals and Master Critics: A Critique of Orthodoxy in Literary Studies. Albany : State University of New Yor k Press , 1994. Spivak, Gayatr i Chakravorty . The Post-Colonial Critic: Interviews, Strategies, Dialogues. Ed . Sarah Harasym . New York: Routledge , 1990.

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The Rage of innocent s

On Casting the First Stone in a Sea of Cultural Vain DON KEEFE

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Within th e wall s o f academia , mos t al l o f u s fee l ourselve s t o hav e become casualtie s i n th e wa r ove r politica l correctness . Som e P C propo nents hav e los t thei r job s fo r thei r fight fo r cultura l parity . A fe w PC-opponents ma y hav e los t thei r job s fo r thei r resistanc e o r lac k o f compliance wit h th e ne w trend s withi n th e academy . Man y hav e bee n wounded o n bot h sides . Rober t Hughes , i n The Culture of Complaint, describes ou r societ y a s a growin g populatio n o f cry-babies . W e hav e become thin-skinne d an d preoccupied , h e says , wit h th e negative , an d many bas k i n th e self-righteou s bat h o f victimhood. 1 Advocate s fo r th e victims wra p themselve s i n th e mantl e o f self-proclaime d goodness . Many liv e i n a stat e o f fea r tha t the y wil l b e th e nex t victims , tha t thei r ideas wil l b e dismisse d becaus e o f thei r political-colo r o r becaus e o f th e color o f th e perso n speaking . Course s wil l b e deraile d b y a studen t o r students who fee l entitle d b y their cultura l identit y t o disrup t th e flow. I t is jus t a s likel y o r unlikel y tha t a professo r i n a nontraditiona l course , for example , women' s studies , b e treate d wit h disrespec t a s a professo r of a traditional , mor e canonica l course . Whit e male s complai n the y cannot get hired. Female s o f al l colors an d male s o f colo r complai n the y cannot ge t promotions . W e al l rag e inwardl y o r outwardl y abou t ou r innocence. To b e honest, however, these incidents ar e like the acts of real violenc e in our society . They ar e spars e i n the grand schem e o f things . But it onl y takes one incident i n the community t o se t in motion th e well-oiled gear s of fea r an d suspicion . Wit h fear , th e min d clamp s shut . Wit h suspicion , 2-45

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a see d o f resentmen t grow s int o a stone . Jus t a s i n urba n settings , w e now liv e behin d protectiv e bars , an d w e ar e ofte n arme d wit h alarm s and weapons , likewis e i n academi a eac h sid e confront s th e othe r i n th e debates ove r politica l correctness , wit h a monumenta l stonines s tha t only partiall y cover s th e protectiv e bars , alarms , an d weapon s fro m sight. We ar e i n a cold civi l war . The campaig n fo r politica l correctnes s i s essentiall y a wa r o n th e prejudice agains t people s deeme d b y large r societ y t o b e differen t i n a way that make s them someho w lesse r people. Corne l West describe s thi s as an intellectua l paradig m shift : I would g o s o fa r a s sayin g tha t a ne w kin d o f cultura l worke r i s in the making , associate d wit h a ne w politic s o f difference . Thes e ne w forms o f intellectua l consciousnes s advanc e reconception s o f th e vocation o f criti c an d artist , attemptin g t o undermin e th e prevailin g disciplinary division s o f labo r i n the academy , museum, mas s medi a and galler y networks , whil e preservin g mode s o f critiqu e withi n the ubiquitou s commodificatio n o f cultur e i n th e globa l village . Distinctive feature s o f th e ne w cultura l politic s o f differenc e ar e t o trash th e monolithi c an d homogeneou s i n th e nam e o f diversity , multiplicity an d heterogeneity ; t o rejec t th e abstract , genera l an d universal i n ligh t o f th e concrete , specifi c an d particular ; an d t o historicize, contextualiz e an d pluraliz e b y highlightin g th e contin gent, provisional, variable , tentative, shiftin g an d changing. 2 Some subse t o f thi s movemen t o f ne w cultura l worker s is , therefore , more militantl y an d insistentl y challengin g th e mechanism s o f pas t an d present socia l cruelt y tha t hav e bee n use d t o demean , demote , an d demoralize group s tha t d o no t fit th e advertise d an d institutionalize d ideals o f mainstrea m society . Wes t cleverl y call s thi s malestream soci ety! 3 I t i s th e radica l fring e o f th e ne w worker s tha t see m t o b e mor e about policin g th e though t an d speec h o f other s tha n increasin g th e grounds o f affirmatio n i n the groups tha t the y advocate . The term , PC , capture d fo r th e traditiona l libera l an d conservativ e alike wha t wa s problemati c abou t th e ne w cultura l practice s associate d with th e wa r o n prejudic e an d xenophobia . I t coalesce d int o a n ortho doxy whic h wa s rendere d al l to o predictabl e i n it s dogmatis m an d repertoire o f subject s fo r condemnation . Grou p thin k replace d individu -

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alism. The individua l wa s bein g written ou t o f history. 4 Th e greates t si n of PC , however , wa s it s evangelica l zeal . Despit e thei r obviou s limita tions, the horror storie s ar e emblemati c an d legendary . Case in point: A University o f Michigan studen t wa s discipline d unde r a newl y enacte d Hat e Speec h polic y fo r expressin g th e ide a i n on e o f hi s classes tha t homosexualit y i s a disease , treatabl e b y therapy. 5 Th e Su preme Cour t struc k dow n th e polic y a s violatin g th e Firs t Amendmen t right o f fre e speech . Where thi s cas e i s discussed, discussio n doe s no t g o into dept h abou t ho w th e studen t expresse d hi s ide a no r abou t wha t type o f punishmen t th e Universit y o f Michiga n issued . Ou r opinion s about these minimal detail s will serve as an index of our political correct ness. Tha t is , there i s a preferre d attitud e t o hav e abou t thi s issue . Th e politically correc t approac h i s tha t "word s harm " an d tha t a n enlight ened societ y mus t ac t t o preven t suc h injur y whic h ma y imped e a stu dent's educationa l potential . Wha t seem s s o lamentabl e i s tha t ther e seems to b e no middl e ground . W e ar e no t allowe d t o as k abou t contex t or tone . I n th e abstract , i t woul d appea r tha t a n entir e classroo m o f students wa s deprive d o f a n opportunit y t o learn . A n opportunit y t o discuss wha t constitute s normalcy , nature , disease , wh o decides , an d s o on wa s deraile d t o protec t anyon e i n th e clas s wh o migh t happe n t o b e homosexual. For example , certai n section s o f Plato' s Symposium wil l provok e a discussion o f homosexuality . Sometime s student s wil l argu e tha t homo sexuality i s immora l becaus e i t i s unnatural . Why , I ask ? Becaus e ther e can b e n o issu e fro m th e sexua l unio n o f tw o member s o f th e sam e sex . Why pra y tel l the n i s 99 percen t o f heterosexua l se x considered natural , when were we convinced o f natural issu e we wouldn't ris k sexua l union ? Invariably, thi s lead s t o a n interestin g discussio n o f man y importan t topics tha t woul d hav e bee n misse d ha d th e studen t bee n bullie d b y political correctionis m int o silence . Nonetheless, t o as k mor e questions , to questio n politica l correctio n i s politically incorrect . There i s a cor e valu e i n th e P C movemen t whic h I imagine fe w o f u s rejecting. Ever y huma n deserve s t o b e treate d wit h dignity . Nothin g expresses tha t mor e deepl y tha n th e educationa l missio n o f th e univer sity. I n th e ne w worl d o f participatory , interactiv e pedagogies , blin d grading may not b e enough t o insur e ful l acces s to educational offerings . More an d mor e w e fin d ourselve s calle d t o wor k wit h students ' cultura l

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funds an d backgroun d t o maximiz e thei r potential . Th e cor e valu e o f PC, civility , aim s a t a professiona l ethi c o f opennes s i n academi a whic h protects al l involved, students an d facult y alike , from th e sorts of intoler ance tha t ma y hav e deraile d th e educationa l missio n i n th e past . Henc e much t o admir e exist s i n th e hear t o f wha t inspire s PC : a grea t concer n for civilit y an d it s lin k t o improvin g th e missio n o f ou r universities . These nobl e goal s ar e underwritte n b y a sens e o f historica l huma n tragedy: Wester n history , fa r fro m bein g a pur e progressio n o f huma n moral an d technologica l achievement , i s one o f misse d opportunities , o f oppression, torture , cultura l eradication , genocide . I t i s a sorrowfu l narrative tha t form s th e potentia l plotline s fo r th e narrative s o f individ ual women , blacks , an d gay s i n ou r cultur e an d member s o f th e Thir d World wh o ar e victim s o f colonialism . Suc h cultura l sensitivit y i s itsel f admirable. All thi s come s a t a tim e whe n ther e i s muc h i n th e large r worl d t o worry about . Hat e i s o n th e rise . Anti-Semitis m i s apparen t fro m th e recent Natio n o f Isla m flap , wher e Loui s Farrakha n an d a discipl e claimed tha t a high percentag e o f Jews wer e responsibl e fo r th e colonia l slave trade. 6 Homophobi c violence . Violenc e agains t women . Religiou s intolerance her e an d abroa d i n central circl e o f hell , Bosnia, could shak e one's confidenc e i n humanity . I t woul d appea r tha t th e worl d coul d us e a bi t o f politica l correcting ! The questio n i s wha t wen t wron g here ? Ho w di d th e almos t saintl y values o f th e P C movemen t com e t o incit e a civi l war , a rage , i n th e university? To answe r thi s question , I will loo k no t t o ke y events . Al l o f u s hav e our stories . Som e o f u s hav e persona l incident s o f suc h clashes . What i s apparent i s tha t th e hos t o f anecdote s tha t w e currentl y traffi c i n d o nothing mor e tha n confir m ou r convictions . In othe r words , a s interest ing a s th e incident s ma y be , as provocative o r definitive o f th e problem s that traditiona l o r nontraditiona l facult y fac e i n thi s regard , the y wil l only serv e to revea l symptom s o f som e deepe r academi c dis-ease . While the values of PC fit well a progressive an d enlightened universit y environment, i t i s i n thei r executio n tha t th e problem s begin . Thei r academic style o f criticis m an d debat e i s quit e ofte n confrontational , dismissive, an d mean-spirited . Thi s combativ e interactiv e styl e i s facili tated b y a "hermeneuti c o f suspicion, " tha t is , a foregroundin g o f th e imputed selfis h motive s o f an y speaker , that i s a constant i n the interpre -

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tation, analysis , and criticis m o f thei r "texts. " The results o f this genetic, psychoanalytic snoopin g ar e the n systematicall y ranke d i n a for-us / against-us category. For example, in coming out agains t PC, some woul d say, I a m expressin g m y ange r an d hur t a t thei r decad e lon g attac k o n white males . It i s my hur t tha t fuel s thi s attemp t t o reclai m th e tur f los t to non-white, non-males . As such, I am a n enemy . This styl e an d methodolog y lea d t o tw o inconsistencie s tha t ar e no t tolerable i n an y settin g dedicate d t o th e fai r exchang e o f ideas . First , even whe n th e hermeneuti c o f basi c motivatio n i s applie d consistently , the psychoanalysi s i s inconsisten t an d biase d i n it s mora l coloring . On e group i s viewed a s having fundamentall y base , selfish, self-serving , pow ermongering motive s (whicheve r grou p i s in power) , th e othe r ha s full y acceptable o r eve n superio r motivation . Bu t al l to o ofte n on e metho d i s employed t o benignl y interpre t th e protected grou p an d anothe r metho d is to hun t fo r th e ill-wil l i n the words o f th e oppressin g group . Thus, th e political correctionist s ar e psychologicall y la x i n thei r reading s o f thei r own. Accordin g t o Corne l West , thi s desir e t o protec t th e endangere d peoples mad e i t virtuall y impossibl e t o fight agains t th e Clarenc e Thomas nominatio n fo r th e Suprem e Court. 7 Secondly , i t appear s tha t in drawin g a protectiv e circl e aroun d endangere d peoples , th e P C see k to protect themselve s fro m thei r ow n method s o f suspicion . That is , they remain abov e suspicion . I t i s thi s fundamenta l inconsistenc y regardin g who i s suspec t tha t make s fo r th e sens e tha t th e intellectua l an d socia l space for fre e an d fai r exchang e o f idea s i s being sundered . I hear a voic e tha t wonder s abou t th e myt h o f academi c fre e an d fai r exchange o f ideas . Wh o amon g u s ha s no t bee n measure d b y lengt h o f our vita ? Wh o amon g u s ha s no t fel t snubbe d b y someon e convince d they wer e mor e naturall y o r prestigiousl y endowe d i n thei r field? An d i t wasn't tha t lon g ag o when th e questio n o f wha t philosopher s ha d t o sa y about wome n woul d hav e bee n take n a s relevan t t o th e centra l issue s of philosoph y a s th e sibling s o f Lad y MacBet h t o interpretatio n o f Shakespeare. Ther e neve r wa s a leve l playin g field, th e voic e intones . Lamentably so , bu t i s i t progres s toward s greate r cultura l justice , tha t new wound s an d ne w hierarchie s base d merel y o n group-identification s are formed ? A consequenc e o f th e politicall y correc t depth-psychologica l searc h and destro y missio n t o eradicat e prejudic e i s a styl e o f intoleranc e no t tolerable withi n th e academi c community . Thi s style resort s t o name -

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calling an d mora l shaming . I n he r recen t revie w o f Kat e Roiphe' s ne w work o n th e proble m o f dat e rap e o n colleg e campuses , The Morning After, bel l hooks chastised Roiphe' s work fo r failin g t o take into accoun t the experienc e o f African-America n women. 8 Becaus e hook s ha d littl e if any analysi s an d criticis m o f othe r aspect s o f Roiphe' s book , i t wa s no t clear tha t sh e had don e anythin g mor e tha n consul t th e inde x an d coun t citations t o blac k author s an d reference s t o wome n o f color . The politica l zea l o f thos e mobilize d toward s th e politic s o f differenc e actually flows fro m a sense of moral outrage . Sexism, like ethnocentrism , and racis m ar e no t merel y politicall y problemati c posture s i n a demo cratic society . The y ar e form s o f mora l failing . A t a n institutiona l level , they for m th e basi s o f socia l injustic e o r unfai r discrimination . A societ y has morall y faile d t o th e exten t tha t i t permit s suc h practices . Likewise , individuals, deemed , fo r example , a s racis t o r sexist , ar e judge d t o b e disposed t o discriminat e agains t other s o n th e basi s o f complexion , hai r length, biolog y an d s o on . The y ar e judge d rightl y a s morall y corrupt . The charg e o f sexis m o r racis m i s n o smal l mora l charge—no t t o b e taken lightly . It i s certai n tha t bein g raise d i n a polarized , fragmented , unequa l society wil l engende r prejudicia l attitude s an d stereotype s tha t woul d predispose on e toward s form s o f sexua l an d racia l cruelt y an d discrimi nation. Th e surve y o f ou r nation' s publi c school s b y Jonatha n Kozo l reveals tragi c inequitie s betwee n urba n educationa l settings , which serv e principally poo r blac k familie s an d th e educationa l resource s i n th e affluent suburba n settings. 9 I f educatio n i s th e ke y t o a n individual' s future, the n w e ar e providin g defectiv e key s t o man y o f ou r mos t de prived citizens . Certainly , thi s i s th e measur e o f continue d racis m i n America o n a n institutiona l level . Whil e w e ar e makin g grea t stride s i n higher educatio n an d business , with greater democratization , w e still live in a societ y tha t ca n b e sai d t o betra y bia s agains t women . A surve y o f women livin g i n larg e U.S . cities report s tha t wome n fee l unsaf e i n thei r neighborhoods a t night. 10 A large numbe r o f the m tak e self-imprisonin g precautions t o b e secure . Thu s i n ou r "fre e society, " wome n ar e no t equally fre e t o b e outsid e a t night. 11 Wome n ar e s o endangere d b y domestic violenc e tha t virtuall y ever y stat e ha s a tas k forc e devote d t o the issue . Fully a third o f publi c hospita l emergenc y visit s b y women ar e due t o domesti c violence . Thes e ar e jus t th e mos t blatan t sign s o f ou r living i n a racis t an d sexis t society . Bein g raise d i n thes e condition s i s

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likely t o creat e ange r o n on e sid e an d a morall y numbin g sens e o f privilege o n th e other . But , jus t a s survivor s o f chil d abus e ar e capabl e of recognizin g an d overcomin g thei r dispositio n t o continu e th e cycl e of abuse, so too ca n the good peopl e o f ou r unequa l societ y brea k th e cycl e of socia l and cultura l cruelty . Too often , th e charges o f sexis m o r racis m are levele d a t individual s wh o becom e th e scapegoat s fo r punishin g th e society's institutiona l inequities . In thes e cases , suc h mora l condemna tions ar e ofte n ill-conceive d a t best , baseles s an d sometime s injuriou s i n real life terms , at worst . Consider: In a debate ove r the work o f Rober t Mapplethorp e betwee n a Catholi c conservativ e professo r o f philosoph y an d on e o f hi s youn g black femal e students , word s becam e hot . Thi s professo r foun d th e infamous photo s obscene . Th e studen t defende d the m a s Art . Sh e ma y have questione d th e professor' s motivatio n fo r hi s condemnation . H e reacted b y tellin g he r sh e ha d "ba d breeding. " Th e conservativ e profes sor immediatel y apologize d fo r havin g los t hi s temper . H e wa s contrit e for havin g behave d "unprofessionally. " Sh e was , however , no t t o b e placated. Sh e took th e matte r t o th e administratio n b y lodgin g a forma l complaint o f racis m agains t th e professor . Thoug h n o forma l actio n was taken , th e administratio n apparentl y side d wit h th e studen t i n it s sympathies. The professor, s o disappointed b y the lac k o f mora l suppor t he received fro m hi s institution, too k i t as a vote o f no confidence i n hi m and opte d fo r a n earl y retirement . Th e realit y is , the administratio n ha d lost al l confidenc e i n it s ow n mora l intelligenc e an d mora l courag e t o adjudicate charge s o f discrimination . I f a member o f a protected people s feels hurt , thei r perspectiv e an d judgmen t appear s t o b e th e final cour t of decision . I t ma y b e tru e tha t thi s retire d professo r hel d homophobic , sexist, an d racia l prejudice s a s par t o f hi s cultura l inheritance , bu t th e real issue s her e ar e actua l racia l discriminatio n an d whethe r o r no t th e harm don e i n his insulting reactio n i s irreparable. Suppos e w e agree tha t he mean t t o questio n thi s student' s upbringing . H e wa s speculatin g offensively tha t ha d thi s studen t bee n brough t u p properl y sh e woul d not entertai n suc h idea s whic h h e too k t o b e reprehensible . I t i s stil l possible tha t thi s blac k studen t look s bac k o n th e whol e lamentabl e history o f black s i n America . Th e choic e o f th e term , breeding, call s t o mind, slaver y an d chattel . Har d no t t o tak e offense . I don' t doub t th e offensive natur e o f this episode. But why d o we resort t o disciplin e prio r to a clarification an d atonemen t whic h woul d dignif y al l involved ?

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These reflection s poin t ou t th e mora l fundamentalis m tha t politica l correctionists embrace . Thu s fa r I hav e show n tha t P C proponent s dis play intoleranc e fo r differenc e o f opinio n tha t make s th e movemen t suspect i n academi c quarters . I hav e questione d th e consistenc y o f th e values. I have shown administration s alignin g themselves with th e movement i n sometime s cowardl y ways . I woul d no t b e surprise d t o find a greater numbe r o f time s whe n administration s cowe r i n th e opposit e direction, whe n the y ough t t o b e actin g t o protec t student s o r fello w faculty threatene d b y discriminator y practices . Al l o f thi s goe s som e distance to explaining th e growing frustration an d ange r directe d agains t those comin g t o b e called th e "though t police. " Despit e th e sharin g o f a professional ethi c o f civilit y an d equa l acces s t o education , w e for m a divided camp . No w I hav e pointe d m y finger a t them—callin g the m moral fundamentalists . I n th e nex t section , I want t o sketc h wha t suc h moral fundamentalis m is , and wh y w e shoul d b e committed t o avoidin g it. I tak e m y cu e fro m th e America n philosopher , Willia m James , i n hi s construction o f a moral philosoph y cognizan t o f a pluralisti c universe — that i s a huma n worl d compose d o f mor e tha n on e person , wher e ther e is complexit y o f good s an d claims. 12 Jame s conclude s tha t moralit y and it s claims rest not o n divin e command, logic , or some transcendenta l realm, bu t tha t "[t]th e onl y possible reason wh y an y phenomeno n ough t to exis t i s that suc h a phenomeno n i s actuall y desired. " 13 In a univers e populated b y divers e claimant s then , Jame s writes , "[T]her e i s som e obligation whereve r ther e i s a claim." 14 Th e mora l o f James' s view , the ai m th e philosophe r o f moral s shoul d have , is "t o satisf y a t al l time s as many demands as we can. Tha t ac t mus t b e th e bes t act , accord ingly, whic h make s fo r th e best whole, i n th e sens e o f awakenin g the leas t su m o f dissatisfactions . . . . [T]hos e ideal s mus t b e writte n 15 highest whic h prevail at the least cost" 15 Jame s furthe r distinguishe s profound distinctio n i n th e purvie w o f thi s alread y complicate d mora l stance: The deepes t difference , practically , i n th e mora l lif e o f ma n i s th e difference betwee n th e easy-goin g an d th e strenuou s mood . Whe n in th e easy-goin g moo d th e shrinkin g fro m presen t il l i s ou r rulin g consideration. Th e strenuous mood , o n the contrary, makes us quit e indifferent t o presen t ill , if only the greater idea l b e attained. 16

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James's vie w i s no t unproblematic . H e i s ultimatel y to o deferentia l t o tradition. 17 Som e ma y find i t har d t o distinguis h Jame s her e fro m Ben tham an d hi s hedoni c calculus . Nonetheless, i n James w e se e an attemp t to wor k ou t a complex , democratic , an d potentiall y muscula r sens e o f what i t ca n tak e t o mak e th e worl d les s evil . Witness th e shif t fro m th e easy-going mod e o f livin g t o th e strenuou s mora l natur e depicte d i n Oscar Schindler . Jame s reject s th e possibilit y o f a final transcendenta l picture o f a n ethica l world . In Richar d Rorty' s terms , ther e i s n o final vocabulary i n whic h th e value s o f th e worl d wil l ultimatel y b e bes t described.18 Thi s i s a view tha t leave s ope n th e possibilit y o f dissension , conflict, an d shift s o f value . Fo r al l it s flaws, i t give s u s a comple x vie w against whic h t o describ e mora l fundamentalism . Moral fundamentalis m i s th e absolut e privilegin g o f an y singl e valu e or clai m o r subse t o f claim s fro m th e tota l univers e o f demands . Suc h privileging wind s u p settin g th e demand s o f on e group , o r certai n de mands i n th e population , a t th e expens e o r los s o f other s an d th e justification fo r th e priorit y wil l b e i n som e sens e axiomatic . James' s target her e i s theisti c ethics . James acknowledge s tha t i f Go d i s amon g the univers e o f claimants , the n Go d woul d wi n hand s down . Neverthe less, h e notes , give n th e vagarie s o f divin e commandmen t an d such , conflicts o f interpretatio n o f wha t Go d reall y wants , huma n ethic s an d divine ethic s ar e o n a t leas t equa l footing. 19 Th e equa l footin g recall s Rawls's calculatio n o f justic e behin d th e vei l o f Ignorance . Wha t i s challenging abou t James' s vie w i s tha t i t shift s th e philosophica l ethic s search fo r principle s an d a calculu s fo r rankin g t o th e mor e comple x question o f what sor t o f lif e doe s one want t o live ? The equal footednes s of answer s t o thi s question , i n James' s pluralisti c univers e o r Rawls' s Original Positio n negat e morall y simpl e o r merel y ego-centri c ap proaches t o th e question . Mora l fundamentalist s ar e no t move d b y thei r reasoning. Eschewin g egoism , an d apparentl y self-interest , the y woul d say they hav e a higher mission . In fact , on e ma y b e mor e likel y t o find tha t th e politicall y correc t ar e guilty white s i n searc h o f salvation . A t a majo r college , a professo r o f literature introducin g a note d blac k poet , publicl y declare d he r unwor thiness t o introduc e suc h a n illustriou s ambassado r fro m th e oppresse d peoples o f th e world , saying , " I don' t kno w wha t a fish-belly whit e i s doing introducin g thi s eminen t blac k poet! " Th e badg e o f proo f o f admission t o th e recen t Whitne y Biennia l exhibitio n i n Ne w Yor k Cit y

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was a badg e o f admissio n t o th e politically correc t self-loathin g brigade . It wa s a butto n tha t wa s embosse d wit h th e message : " I woul d neve r dream o f bein g a whit e person. " Wha t underlie s thi s self-loathin g an d public self-flagellatio n i s th e axio m o f evaluatio n basi c t o th e mora l fundamentalism o f th e PC : nothing shor t o f radica l affirmativ e actio n i n every aspec t o f human , personal , an d socia l lif e i s sufficient t o apologiz e and mak e restitution t o the groups that hav e been mistreated b y Wester n civilization. Thu s th e origina l si n o f bein g whit e ca n onl y b e atone d fo r by constant intonement s o f mea culpae an d encouragemen t o f other s t o recognize the extant mangle d heritag e o f groups oppresse d b y whips an d chains o f the white man an d t o lament what coul d hav e bee n bu t wasn't . The horribl e politicall y correctionis t stigm a o f bein g mal e ca n onl y b e shed b y ceasin g t o speak , judge , o r eve n loo k upo n anothe r wit h desire . Finally, mora l salvatio n ca n onl y b e attaine d b y th e humanis t throug h admission o f hi s own cultura l fraudulence . Th e simpl e and nobl e sympa thies fo r th e victim s o f ou r lamentabl e historie s ha s bee n turne d int o a dance o f moral exhibitionist s wh o stru t thei r righteousnes s a s a badg e o f their saintly , simultaneousl y self-denyin g an d self-promotin g natures . Ironically, w e fin d th e perpetuatio n o f racia l stereotypes—som e o f them capabl e o f perpetuatin g continue d feeling s o f insecurity . Bren t Staples, a write r o n cultura l affair s fo r th e New York Times, write s about hi s graduat e schoo l experienc e a t th e Universit y o f Chicago , School o f Psychology. 20 H e wa s greete d b y a Germa n professor , wh o said tha t i t ma y b e har d fo r him , bu t whit e peopl e hav e bee n ver y ba d by blac k peopl e an d tha t sh e woul d b e sur e t o ge t hi m through . I t le d him t o questio n hi s adequac y fo r graduat e school , despit e a sterlin g academic performanc e a s a n undergraduate . African-America n student s are capabl e o f rathe r stron g reproac h fo r th e patronizin g attitude s o f white professors . I n such cases, they asser t their desir e to hav e thei r ow n space to b e who the y are , not t o b e burdened wit h bein g a spokesperso n or exempla r o f thei r race . Jus t a s th e mor e commo n typ e o f mora l fundamentalist put s genera l an d abstrac t principle s ahea d o f particula r and concret e situation s an d people , s o the P C fundamentalis t ofte n put s genera abov e th e individua l member s o f th e group . The socia l cos t o f th e dwellin g o n th e negativ e i s increasingl y recog nized b y wome n an d black s a s the y attemp t t o shif t th e spotligh t ont o positive aspect s o f thei r historie s an d presen t successes . Rhod e Islan d i s establishing a n African-America n Heritag e Museu m whic h wil l provid e

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a repositor y o f image s o f prid e an d hono r a s well a s th e recor d o f slav e trade an d othe r injustices . It s sponsors ar e quit e adaman t abou t th e one sidedness o f th e historica l pictur e tha t youn g black s receive . Naom i Wolfe's recen t book , Fire with Fire, challenge s th e victimograph y tha t she charge s i s writte n int o muc h o f moder n feminis m tha t sh e finds ultimately disempowering. 21 What i s a t stak e fo r thes e group s i s thei r group autonomy. A peopl e have group autonomy when they are "regarde d b y others as the foremos t interpreters o f thei r historical-cultura l traditions , i t bein g understoo d that th e ai m o f other s i s no t t o sho w tha t thos e tradition s shoul d b e jettisoned b y th e grou p o f adherents." 22 Th e grea t endurin g cruelt y o f multigenerational enslavemen t durin g th e ag e o f America n slaver y wa s the eradicatio n o f thei r cultura l an d historica l memories , wha t Orland o Paterson calls , natal alienation. 13 Laurenc e Thoma s notes : One woul d no t expec t a natall y alienate d peopl e t o hav e grou p autonomy, a s on e woul d no t expec t suc h a peopl e t o hav e sociall y unencumbered affirmation. . . . Racis m agains t black s i s th e vie w that black s ar e incapabl e o f ful l mora l an d intellectua l maturity . I t is next t o impossibl e t o hol d tha t vie w abou t peopl e whil e simulta neously regardin g the m a s th e foremos t interpreter s o f thei r ow n historical-cultural traditions. 24 I take i t a s fairl y straightforwar d tha t th e consequence s o f lo w expec tations o f performanc e an d capabilit y t o one' s self-imag e ar e lo w self esteem, a sens e o f hopelessness , an d hig h potentia l fo r failure . Ho w much mor e multiplie d an d disablin g whe n suc h lo w expectation s an d social stigm a ar e reflecte d b y th e worl d aroun d yo u abou t you r rac e o r gender. O n thi s score , proponent s o f diversity , multicultura l education , and th e politicall y correc t hav e bee n allie s i n th e searc h fo r affirmation s of cultura l worth . Bu t Thomas finds th e approac h wron g headed . A s h e implies, it ghettoizes th e culture, in this case of blac k Americans : It would see m that on e o f th e bes t ways t o ge t other s t o respec t on e is t o ge t the m t o respec t th e observation s tha t on e make s abou t them. For , psychologically , thi s make s i t ver y difficul t no t t o tak e one seriousl y whe n on e speak s abou t oneself . Thus , i t ma y b e tha t one way for a people to achieve group autonom y i n a hostile societ y

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is b y becomin g a n authorit y o n thing s tha t th e member s o f tha t society value . I t ma y b e necessar y fo r black s t o tak e thi s cours e i n the United States . It ma y b e a mistake t o thin k tha t focusin g simpl y upon th e blac k experience , b y wa y o f ra p musi c o r fil m o r dance , will ensur e th e mora l an d politica l standin g o f black s i n oppressiv e societies. Fo r thes e accomplishments , importan t a s the y are , d o no t suffice t o comman d th e respect o f nonblacks. 25 I a m her e reminde d o f Opra h Winfrey' s wis e counsel , "Th e greates t argument agains t prejudic e i s excellence. " Whil e excellenc e i s fo r th e moment base d upo n th e standard s an d practice s o f th e cultur e tha t hasn't accepte d black s o n thei r ow n terms , Thoma s an d Winfre y ar e both pragmati c moralist s i n reckonin g thei r project s i n term s o f th e rea l world. I t i s no t th e onl y viabl e strategy , bu t i t doe s giv e paus e t o th e endless affirmation s o f th e P C movemen t whic h appea r o n Thomas' s logic to b e unhelpful . There ar e two furthe r problem s wit h th e moral fundamentalis m o f th e political correctionist . The y shar e wit h som e o f thei r brethre n o n th e religious right an almost Herculean indifferenc e t o the suffering o f other s and virulen t intoleranc e fo r an y othe r viewpoint . I do no t wan t t o pain t all Christian s wit h thi s brush , bu t historically , Christian s sinc e Roma n times hav e relishe d th e sufferin g o f sinners , wh o refuse d th e word . Tertullian wrot e abou t ho w th e damne d woul d b e treate d durin g th e second comin g an d ho w thi s woul d b e par t o f th e faithful' s reward. 26 Aquinas constructe d a heave n whic h overlooke d th e punishmen t o f th e sinful i n hell , s o tha t goo d folk s i n heave n coul d bette r appreciat e thei r lofty reward! 27 Likewise , th e politica l correctionist s snif f ou t discours e like hermeneuti c bloodhound s huntin g fo r a n indictabl e clue . Whe n a n idea i s deeme d offensive , the y rus h t o th e scen e read y fo r disciplinar y action. Sometimes it is a patronizing reprimand . Sometimes , it is a publi c shaming. Sometime s on e mus t los e one' s head . ( I imagin e a n Aquinia n politically correct academic heaven where the labor-force o f new cultura l workers loo k dow n fro m thei r iv y paradise s ont o th e hel l o f retiremen t communities wher e th e damne d hav e bee n sen t t o ste w i n thei r irrele vance an d self-importance! ) None o f this should b e taken t o indicate tha t w e shouldn't correc t on e another, shar e ou r misgivings abou t on e anothe r t o on e another, tha t w e would d o bes t t o kee p quiet . Bu t bot h fundamentalist s insis t tha t ther e

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is onl y on e conversatio n t o have . Certai n subject s ca n b e viewe d onl y one way. O n this , the P C fundamentalist s hav e anothe r strikin g analog y with som e extreme Christia n fundamentalists : i t is a kind o f hermeneuti c monism. Man y religion s hav e specia l code s fo r interpretin g God' s mes sage throug h th e world . I n som e religion s thi s i s a secre t code . Herme neutic monis m woul d hol d tha t al l symbolis m find s it s meanin g i n bu t one fina l translation . I t migh t b e possibl e t o construc t hermeneuti c monisms fo r po p psycholog y fo r example . Lik e th e religiou s fundamen talism searc h fo r sign s o f Satan' s wor k i n ou r world , th e politicall y correct polic e ar e har d a t wor k detectin g sign s o f oppressio n fro m th e ruling party i n every cultural produc t tha t the y encounter . Analogous t o playin g roc k an d rol l record s backward s t o searc h fo r the word s o f th e devil , suc h film s a s Fatal Attraction ar e interprete d t o become warning s fro m patriarcha l cultur e o f socia l cost s o f wome n i n the workplace . I t i s interesting ho w th e tw o ca n blen d int o on e another , Eve's tast e o f th e corporat e appl e lead s t o th e temptatio n o f th e famil y man, Adam , an d he r subsequen t transformatio n int o a death-dealing , castrating Medusa . In anothe r example , som e member s o f th e speec h protection polic e deman d tha t th e wor d Ma n ca n neve r b e used t o refe r to bot h me n an d wome n inclusively . Ever y assumptio n o f inclusio n o f women unde r th e us e o f th e wor d ma n i s suspect , no w a s wel l a s i n th e past. In a bi t o f twiste d logic , the us e o f th e word , man , t o refe r t o bot h men an d women , a s in the Bil l of Rights , is seen as ultimately demeanin g to women . What i s ironi c abou t thi s powe r spi n strateg y i s it s departure , o r convenient ignoranc e o f th e prevalenc e i n today' s humanis t communit y of hermeneuti c indeterminacy . Man y hav e take n th e hermeneuti c circl e to b e a basi c conditio n o f perception . I n othe r words , theor y an d back ground assumptions , feelings , influenc e wha t w e see . There is no innocent eye. Moreover , mos t o f th e politica l correctionist s ar e dedicate d deconstructionists. The y hav e fixed upo n thos e infinitesima l detail s i n the parade o f words t o enunciate th e hidden biases , to invert hierarchies , to cal l int o questio n th e rulin g assumptions . I se e muc h o f thi s a s continuous wit h th e Socrati c missio n o f th e humanis t agenda . Bu t th e hobgoblin o f thi s smal l min d want s greate r consistency . Jus t a s Jame s thinks tha t mora l pluralis m ough t t o humbl e u s int o a mor e cautious , humane, democrati c mora l philosophy , s o shoul d ou r hermeneuti c in sights abou t filters an d meanin g humbl e u s t o acceptin g a muc h mor e

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complicated univers e o f textua l readers . I n thi s sense , the reader s o f th e PC squa d deplo y a s imperialisti c a readin g o f text s a s an y o f th e mos t strenuous Ne w Critic s an d th e Positivists o f the lat e 1940s . I hav e littl e doub t tha t s o muc h o f th e bashin g tha t goe s o n i n thes e academic circle s i s a measur e o f continuin g frustration s an d a sens e o f impotence ove r th e problem s tha t plagu e th e large r society . Traditiona l scholarship i s a n eas y an d durabl e target . Writin g i n th e margin s ha s become centralized, ye t the authorit y o f the new work i n cultural studie s is often tenuou s an d despit e th e growin g number s o f ne w scholars , thei r power i s quit e localize d t o thei r camps . Student s approac h schoo l a s consumers today . They bring consumer-like demand s to the table filtered through thei r ethnicit y an d gende r tha t the y hav e bee n tol d i s thei r essential identit y marker . N o doub t th e backlash , th e bashin g o f P C comes fro m th e sens e o f erosio n o f th e studen t poo l t o mor e 'sexy ' courses, the braze n interrogatio n b y students an d fello w facult y o f tradi tional approaches , an d th e sens e o f tha t administration s ar e bein g hel d hostage t o thes e ne w values . O n thi s las t issue , Richar d Bernstei n re 8 ported a lamentabl e inciden t i n th e New York Review of Books. 28 Th e University o f Ne w Hampshir e ha s fired on e o f it s professor s fo r sexua l harassment. According to the article, the culpable ac t here was that som e of th e professor' s lectur e wa s deeme d b y som e o f th e femal e student s a s offensive. Th e professo r i s seekin g a highe r cour t rulin g o n th e matter . As always i n these anecdotes , we have the bar e bone s even t rendered fo r maximum mora l outrage . Bu t th e climat e thes e storie s produc e ar e ver y much lik e ho w w e hea r whe n w e lear n a frien d ha s bee n mugge d o n a n avenue tha t w e frequent . W e begi n t o fee l vulnerabl e t o thes e sort s o f attacks. One o f th e criteria o f sexua l harassmen t i s that certai n actions , words, or image s ar e capabl e o f creatin g a chill y climat e whic h inevitabl y interferes wit h th e victim' s abilit y t o d o he r o r hi s jo b properly . Thi s reasoning ha s bee n properl y extende d t o th e academi c settin g t o adjudi cate case s where on e person ha s acte d i n suc h a way a s to interfer e wit h another's learning . I t seem s t o m e tha t w e ar e o n th e verg e o f academi c harassment, wher e w e hav e th e creatio n o f a chill y climat e wher e i t i s becoming increasingl y har d t o d o ou r jo b fo r fea r o f offendin g someon e who ma y tur n ou t t o have a politically correc t a x to grind. I suspect tha t this is the fundamental issu e here. Academic freedo m ha s bee n abuse d i n the past—perhap s b y th e UN H professor . Th e inquisitoria l approac h

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can onl y lea d t o silence an d blandness . I t i s th e conversatio n tha t i s threatened—a conversatio n upo n whic h educatio n i n our da y i s based . I wa s give n a lesso n i n th e wort h o f thi s conversatio n recently . I n a seminar o n aesthetic s an d th e practice s o f art , on e o f m y student s di d a presentation o n th e marginalizatio n o f wome n i n ar t histor y a s wel l a s the curren t ar t scene . Sh e wa s arme d t o th e teet h wit h statistics . Ho w many wome n wer e models , ho w man y wome n wer e displaye d i n galler ies an d s o on . I t wa s clea r fro m thi s catalo g o f inequitie s tha t th e ar t world wa s fa r fro m kin d t o women. I should ad d tha t al l o f m y student s are fine art s o r desig n majors ; the y al l hav e a n obviou s futur e stak e i n these issues. After documentin g th e sexism apparen t fro m thes e stats, the student fel t compelle d t o speculat e ho w sh e would dea l wit h it . Sh e sai d that sh e woul d no t ge t involved . Sh e woul d loo k fo r a differen t marke t place tha n thi s Ne w Yor k cosmopolitan , internationa l cuttin g edge , avant garde , hig h roller s venue . Her fello w student s wer e appalled . On e student note d tha t statistic s ar e jus t that . Eas y t o interpre t howeve r yo u like. Another complaine d tha t ther e wer e storie s behin d thos e statistics . But th e mos t appallin g thin g t o th e student s wa s tha t sh e ha d surrend ered, allowed hersel f t o b e undone b y the negativism. I suspect that wha t happened tha t nigh t taugh t thes e student s valuabl e insight s abou t ho w the pictur e o f th e worl d the y carrie d aroun d migh t effec t thei r sens e o f how the y se e themselve s an d thei r prospects . Thes e wer e lesson s tha t never woul d hav e bee n learne d ha d th e logi c o f femal e victomograph y reigned chillingly suprem e that night . My suspicio n run s high abou t this , because i t was a night o f learnin g fo r me . I wan t t o conclud e b y considerin g ho w muc h th e politica l correctio n movement i s bor n ou t o f th e basi c academi c etho s itself . I t i s no t th e bastard Edmun d strikin g bac k o n hi s fathe r t o blin d hi m with a knife. I t is mor e likel y th e daughter s Lea r whos e tongue s hav e bee n sharpene d more piercin g tha n a serpent' s toot h a t thei r father' s table . Wha t I mean b y thi s i s tha t academi a ha s bee n sinc e it s foundin g a plac e o f discriminating judgment . On e onl y needs to think o f Abelard, whose us e of logic circumvented th e dictate s o f th e Church , t o realiz e that Occam' s Razor wa s ofte n use d fo r non-metaphysica l reasons . Bu t mor e recen t moments o f intolerance ca n b e found i n the cultural writing s o f Theodo r Adorno, Walter Lippman , Ala n Bloom , an d Camill e Paglia . What lie s a t the hear t o f academi c intoleranc e i s mos t ofte n a n elitis m tha t put s academics beyon d judgment . Conside r th e familia r sor t o f culturall y

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critical charge . Almost everyon e agree s that watchin g televisio n i s harm ful t o th e viewer . Al l wil l agre e tha t i t stupefies . Al l hol d tha t it s far e numbs th e viewe r t o rea l worl d problems . However , almos t everyon e who adhere s t o thi s indictmen t o f televisio n viewin g exempt s themselve s from th e deleteriou s effect s o f television . Likewise , ideolog y studie s depict the common ma n a s a puppet o f the ruling class, while the critica l social scientis t i s saf e beyon d th e reac h o f ideology . Wha t thi s indicate s is tha t i n relatio n t o it s envelopin g culture , th e universit y ha s take n a n elitist an d self-servin g vie w o f tha t culture . Th e poin t i s tha t fo r quit e some tim e the essenc e o f th e humanist wa s critica l judgment . Tha t i s the ability t o justifiabl y ran k object s i n th e worl d o n som e scal e o f value . The cataclysmi c event s o f thi s centur y probabl y mak e critica l socia l judgment al l th e mor e urgen t tha n th e discriminatio n o f taste . S o I tak e the lin e betwee n Theodo r Adorno' s dismissiv e indictmen t o f jaz z a s a cultural narcoti c fo r th e poo r an d Catherin e MacKinnon' s clai m tha t magazines, suc h a s Playboy, ar e a cultura l stimulan t t o rap e t o b e a rather shor t one. 29 What ma y throw on e of f th e scen t i s that s o much o f PC i s anti-elitist , supposedly . I t i s no t clea r tha t P C succeed s i n it s underprivileged populism . Man y a literary theoris t wh o beat s th e drum s for diversit y ha s harshl y punishe d th e substandar d linguisti c abilitie s o f the ver y student s wh o ar e underprivilege d i n thi s society . Interestingly , some o f th e greates t stickler s fo r gramma r tur n ou t t o b e th e mos t vociferous editor s o f socia l attitude s o f ou r time. 30 Occasiona l article s i n The Chronicle of Higher Education hav e noted th e apparen t hypocrisy . In speculatin g abou t th e judgmenta l natur e o f academia , I can sugges t only th e bares t alternative . Whethe r i t i s for th e sak e o f certaint y o r th e appearance o f exper t authority , w e hav e to o ofte n staye d defiantl y o n a train tha t w e suspec t o r other s ar e tellin g u s wil l no t tak e u s wher e w e want t o go . Critica l perceptio n i s no t somethin g w e ca n o r shoul d giv e up. However , w e could becom e bette r listener s whos e challenge s ar e no t to silence , but t o provok e riche r an d deepe r understandin g o f th e world . When i n doubt , w e coul d us e ou r creativ e imagination s t o construc t more rationalizin g context s fo r th e proposition s o f other s w e woul d s o quickly otherwis e dissec t an d reject . T o paraphras e Wordsworth , w e murder t o reject . Thus word s ca n harm . Word s matter . W e hav e bee n reckles s i n th e past. Bu t the y ar e mor e likel y t o d o irreparabl e damag e i f th e conversa tion i s stifled an d arrested . Makin g sur e this is the broades t conversatio n

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which include s a s man y voice s a s possibl e i s a s dauntin g a charg e a s James's mora l philosophica l suggestio n tha t we seek to create a world where as many desires are satisfied as possible, bu t i t ha s th e advantag e of bein g full y human . Th e histor y o f word s an d action s o f ou r comple x society ha s create d a se a o f cultura l pai n an d mistrust . I t i s int o thos e gray an d turgi d water s I cast thes e word s i n th e hop e tha t w e ma y com e to convers e mor e humanely .

NOTES

Many thank s g o t o Pembrok e Stat e University , it s Philosoph y an d Religio n Department, an d the Matchette Foundatio n fo r it s sponsorshi p o f thi s lectur e delivered a t PSU on February 10 , 1994. Particular thank s go to Jeffrey Gelle r for his invitation . Hi s comments o n an earlier versio n o f this pape r wer e crucia l t o the shapin g of this one. 1. Rober t Hughes , The Culture of Complaint: The fraying of America, (Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1993) . Se e also Wend y Kaminer , Vm Dysfunctional, You're Dysfunctional (Ne w York : Vintage Press , 1993) . 2. Corne l West, Keeping Faith: Philosophy and Race in America, (Ne w York : Routledge, 1993) , 3. 3. Ibid. , 4. 4. Thi s commen t beg s fo r much deepe r investigation . Th e rejection o f meth odological individualis m b y structuralist socia l scienc e a s an explanatory mode l has give n wa y to wha t migh t b e calle d "methodologica l socialism, " wher e a social group' s experienc e an d ideology become s th e locus o f explanation . Thi s coupled wit h an y acknowledgment o f a fracture d societ y o r cultura l relativis m quickly yield s a rich pluralisti c hermeneutic . W e soon relaiz e tha t no t all group perspectives ar e create d equal . Thi s give s ris e t o th e politic s o f cultur e tha t underwrites muc h o f th e politica l correctionist' s motivatio n an d theorizing . Methodological socialis m is neutral on the competing vision s of the world. Wha t it offer s ever y group , ever y individua l wh o ha s determine d t o se e the worl d through hi s group, is instant legitimation . Thi s in itself migh t not be problematic even i n practice i f the bits o f the world interprete d b y each grou p wer e no t the other groups . Bu t the real situatio n i s that eac h grou p ha s its own view o f the other groups . Historically, thi s has denied grou p autonom y (discusse d below ) to blacks, for example. Now, the leveling process of methodological socialis m give s way to a contest o f interpretations o f group identities . Within th e scheme o f the politics o f difference , thi s mean s tha t th e contest wil l b e won only b y constan t agitation an d politica l an d cultura l action—Corne l West' s ne w cultura l workers?

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Jeffrey Geller , i n hi s reactio n t o thi s paper , likene d th e ne w politician s o f difference t o Socrates ' combatants , Glauco n an d Thrasymachu s i n Plato' s Republic. Thi s woul d mea n tha t ultimatel y th e P C movemen t i s n o mor e tha n th e cultural an d politica l opportunis m (egois m a t a grou p level ) underwritte n b y postmodernism an d nihilism . I a m persuade d b y thi s readin g fo r som e portio n of th e movement . However , I wish t o resis t this view for a number o f reasons . I t is quit e possibl e tha t man y o f th e noisies t agitant s o n P C patro l ar e simpl y genuinely concerne d fo r thei r charges . Fa r fro m bein g nihilistic , opportunisti c sophists, they se e themselves a s continuing i n behes t o f th e humanist tradition . 5. Jo n Wiener , "Fre e Speec h fo r Campu s Bigots? " Nation, Februar y 20 , 1990, reprinte d i n Bigotry, Prejudice and Hatred: Definitions, Causes and Solutions, edite d b y Rober t M . Bair d an d Stuar t E . Rosenbaum , (Buffalo : Prometh eus, 1992) , 87 . 6. I t i s interesting t o not e tha t Islami c tradin g o f Africa n slave s continue d til l quite recentl y i n suc h countrie s a s Saud i Arabia . Slaver y unde r Isla m i s no t a s racially annihilatin g a s i t wa s i n th e America n experience . Nonetheless , slaver y is slavery , an d th e nation s o f Isla m di d pla y a formidabl e rol e i n slav e trad e during colonia l times . See Hughes, ibid., 140-47 . 7. Corne l West, "Th e Pitfall s o f Racia l Reasoning," i n Race Matters, (Boston : Beacon Press , 1993) , 23-32 . 8. bel l hooks, "Review, " New Republic, January , 1994 . 9. Jonatha n Kozol , Savage Inequalities (Ne w York: Crow n Books , 1991) . 10. Stephani e Rige r an d Margare t Gordon , The Female Fear: The Social Cost of Rape (Urbana , IL : University o f Illinoi s Press, 1991) , 8-22 . 11. Ibid. , 118 . 12. Willia m James , "Th e Mora l Philosophe r an d th e Mora l Life, " reprinte d in J. McDermott , The Writings of William James, (Chicago : Universit y o f Chi cago Press, 1977) , 615-16 . 13. Ibid. , 617 . 14. Ibid , 617 . 15. Ibid. , 623 . 16. Ibid. , 627 . 17. Ibid. , 624 . Jame s writes , "Th e presumptio n i n case s o f conflic t mus t always b e in favor o f th e conventionally recognize d good . Th e philosophe r mus t be a conservative , an d i n th e constructio n o f hi s casuisti c scal e mus t pu t th e things mos t i n accordanc e wit h th e custom s o f th e communit y o n top. " Eithe r we ar e pas t thi s sens e o f communit y today , o r ther e reall y d o see m t o b e time s when th e community's ow n scal e seems in need o f a critique an d challenge . 18. A s develope d i n Richar d Rorty' s Contingency, Solidarity, and Irony (Cambridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1989) , ch. 1 . 19. James , op. cit., 618-19 .

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20. Bren t Staples , Parallel Time, Growing up Black and White (Ne w York : Pantheon Books , 1994) , 196-97. 21. Naom i Wolf , Fire with Fire (New York : Rando m House , 1994) . 22. Laurenc e Thomas , Vessels of Evil (Philadelphia : Templ e Universit y Press , 1993), 182 . 23. Ibid. , 160-65 . Paterson' s ter m i s develope d i n hi s Slavery and Social Death (Cambridge , MA: Harvard Universit y Press , 1982) . 24. Thomas , ibid. , 185 . 25. Ibid. , 188 . 26. Tertullian , De Spectaculius, ch . 29 , following . I ow e thi s referenc e t o Friedrich Nietzsche' s Genealogy of Morals, Firs t Essay , sectio n 15 , i n Walte r Kaufmann, ed. , Basic Writings of Nietzsche (Ne w York: Modern Library , 1968) , 485. Likewis e the quot e fro m Aquinas . 27. Sain t Thoma s Aquinas , Summa Theologiae, III, Supplementum, Q . 34 , Art. 1 : "I n orde r tha t th e blis s of th e saint s may b e more delightfu l fo r the m an d that the y ma y rende r mor e copiou s thank s t o Go d fo r it , i t i s give n t o the m t o see perfectly th e punishment o f th e damned. " 28. Richar d Bernstein , "Guilt y I F Charged, " New York Review of Books, January 13 , 1994, n - 1 4 . 29. Se e Catharine MacKinnon , Feminism Unmodified: Discourses in Life and Law (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press , 1987) , 138 . 30. Steve n Pinker , "Gramma r Puss : The Fallacie s o f th e Languag e Mavens, " New Republic, vol . 210 , no. 5 , issue 4124 (Januar y 15 , 1994): 19-26 .

I N D E X

Abuse; o f children , 20-27 , 3 0 n . 3 , 48, 158-59; o f employees , 37 , 40 , 46-48 , 52; sexua l abus e o f women , 18-2 2 Academia, 2 , 8-9 , 219-63 ; freedo m of , 258; an d gay/lesbia n identit y politics , 75, 78-83 , 8 6 nn . 6-9 ; hypocris y of , 230-44, 260 ; huma n pyrami d of , 230 44; opennes s in , 24 8 ACT UP , 76 , 10 8 African-Americans, 75 , 91-103 ; filmmak ers, 91-106 ; mal e unemployment , 101 ; sources o f rage , 101-2 ; students , 254 55. See also Blac k o n blac k violence ; People o f colo r AIDS, 107-24 , 157-5 8 Alcott, Louis a May , Little Women, 15 6 Alienation, 22 3 Allison, Dorothy , Bastard Out of Carolina, 15 8 Anderson, Steve , South Central, 9 9 Anzaldua, Gloria , 8 4 Art: pictoria l representation s o f rage , 167 78; pictoria l symbols , 176 ; visual analo gies, 17 2 Asian-Americans, 236 ; an d power , 233 . See also Chinese-Americans ; Peopl e o f color Asian-American Studies , 233 ; teachin g Asian-American literature , 23 6 Baldwin, James, 16 4 Bixby, Bill , The Death of the Incredible Hulk, 149 , 15 2

Black o n blac k violence , 98-10 3 Blacks. See African-Americans ; Peopl e o f color Body. See Politics , bod y Bourdieu, Pierre , 223-2 4 Bowne, Alan , Beirut, 110-1 2 Bronte, Charlotte , ]ane Eyre, 126-2 7 Brooks, Gwendolyn , Maud Martha, 156 , 161 Bumbalo, Victor , Adam and the Experts, 120-21 Butler, Judith, 84 , 20 9 Cachianes, Ed , Everybody Knows Your Name, 114-1 6 Caesar, Terry , 232 , 238-4 0 Canada, 9 , 1 1 n. 1 , 29 ; statistic s o n "un wanted sexua l acts, " 18-1 9 Cesaire, Aime , A Tempest, 24 0 Chinese-Americans, 238-39 . See also Asian-Americans; Peopl e o f colo r Chung, Connie , Eye to Eye, 23 6 Civility, 74 , 78 , 85 , 25 2 Class, 92 , 98-102 , 219-29 . See also Mid dle class ; working clas s Class bias , 226 ; an d "ga y community, " 76 Clytemnestra, 62 , 68-7 1 Crane, Stephen , Red Badge of Courage, 156 Culture: an d exclusion , 219-29 ; and politi cal correctness , 245-63 ; and Wester n civilization, 65-7 4

265

z6 6 Index Daly, Mary , 19 6 Darmstadt Haggadah , 169-7 8 Dash, Julie, Daughters of the Dust, 10 3 n . 4, 15 1 Domestic partnership , 79-83 , 8 6 nn. 7- 8 Domestic violence , 38 , 187-90 , 250 . See also Violenc e agains t wome n Eliot, George , 131-3 3 Elitism, 235 , 241 , 25 9 Employees an d violen t rage , 41-46 . See also Manageria l practice ; Managers ; Postal worker s England, 126-48 , 152-56 , 159-6 5 Ernaux, Annie , Cleaned Out, 220-2 2 Fathers, 21-23 , 129-31 , 134-3 6 Feminists, rag e against , 15-1 7 Fierstein, Harvey , Safe Sex, 118-20 ; Torch Song Trilogy, 12 5 n. 6 Film, rag e in , 97-100 , 146-15 5 Forster, E . M. , A Passage to India, 155 156 Foucault, Michel , 82-83 , 24 3 Frankenstein, Victor , 19 5 Frears, Stephen , My Beautiful Laundrette, 147-48, 155 ; Sammy and Rosie Get Laid, 147-5 5 Freud, Sigmund , 69 , 7 2 nn . 15-16 , 128 29, 131 , 138, 14 3 n. 1 Gay an d lesbia n community , 74-85 , 8 5 n . 2, 85-8 6 n . 3 , 197-9 8 Gay bashing , 5-6, 74 , 84-8 5 Gay men' s rage , 108-16 , 12 4 Germany, 167-7 8 God, 257 , 26 3 n . 2 7 Gorris, Marleen , A Question of Silence, 150 Hate speech , 74-75 , 24 7 Henley, Beth , 7 ; Am I Blue, 181-86 ; Crimes of the Heart, 187-92 ; The Miss Firecracker Contest, 179-92 ; The Wake ofjamey Foster, 180-8 8 Hermeneutic indeterminacy , 25 7 Heterosexuals, a s dominant , 75-85 , 11 1 Hoffman, William , As Is, 107 , 116-18 , 122-23 Homophobia, 76-85 , 10 8

Homosexuality, 83 , 12 4 n . 2 , 159 , 24 7 hooks, bell , 25 0 Hysteria, 63 , 71 n . 1 , 128-30 , 136 , 13 8 Incest. See Abus e Institutions, 224 , 235 , 25 0 Interdisciplinary approaches , 3-4 , 35 , 19 5 Irigaray, Luce , 63-64 , 66-69 , 7 1 n . 2 James, Alice , 129-3 7 James, William , 252-53 , 260-61 , 26 2 n . 17 Jews, European , 167-7 8 Job loss , 5 3 Jordan, June , 150-5 1 Judaism, 167-7 8 King, Rodney , 91 . See also Lo s Angele s riots (1992 ) Klein, Melanie , 14 3 n . 1 Kramer, Larry , The Normal Heart, 107 10 Kristeva, Julia , 14 4 n. 1 3 Kureishi, Hanif , 7 ; Buddha of Suburbia, 155-65; London Kills Me, 146 , 16 4 Lacan, Jacques, 129 , 14 3 n. 1 , 14 4 n. 1 3 Language, 65-68 , 70-71 , 114-16 , 127 , 129, 260-6 1 Lee, Spike , 91 ; Do the Right Thing, 9 1 92, 96-98 , 100 , 150 ; Malcolm X, 91 ; She's Gotta Have It, 92 , 9 6 Lesbians, 74-87 , 197-98 , 20 6 Los Angele s riot s (1992) , 91 , 10 2 Lucas, Craig , Prelude to a Kiss, 123-2 4 Maclean, Alison , Crush, 151-5 2 Males: violen t action s of , 35-62 , 91-106 , 189. See also Rape ; Violenc e agains t women Managerial practice , 46-5 5 Managers, 40 , 48-4 9 Mapplethorpe, Robert , 25 1 Maternal voice , 140-4 2 Memoirs, 129-37 , 157-5 8 Men: violen t action s of , 35-62 , 91-106 , 189; whit e men , 38 , 43, 65, 76 , 110 , 155-56, 236, 24 9 Methodological socialism , 26 1 n . 4 Middle class , 76 , 12 8

Index 2 6 Military: an d gay s an d lesbians , 79 , 84 ; veterans, 4 6 Misogyny, 27-29 , 3 0 n. 4 Monette, Paul , Halfway Home, 22 1 Monsters, 149 , 198-200 , 202-3 , 21 1 Montreal massacre , 15-18 , 26-29 ; an d Marc Lepine , 16 , 27-29 ; lis t o f wome n massacred, 12 9 Moral fundamentalism , 252-5 3 Mothers, 63 , 65, 135 , 140-4 2 Murder, 5 , 62-65 , 67-69 , 71 , 99, 101-2 ; fantasies of , 180 ; o f children , 63 , 65 Myth, 64 , 67-7 0 Nightingale, Florence , 137-4 3 Novels, 138-43 , 155-56, 196-97 , 200-3 , 211,220-22 Outrage, distinctio n fro m rage , 2 , 6-7 , 127-28 Pakistani-English people , 146-48 , 152-56 , 160-65 Parks, Gordon , 92-93 , 95-9 6 Patriarchy, 62-71 , 129 ; conventions of , 186 Peck, Dale , Martin and John, 158-5 9 People o f color , 76-77 , 8 5 n. 3 , 245 . See also African-Americans ; Asian-Ameri cans; Chinese-Americans ; Pakistani-En glish peopl e People wit h AIDS , 76 , 107-25 , 157-5 9 Pintauro, Joe, Raft of the Medusa, 112 14, 12 5 n. 4 Plays, 6 , 62 , 68-71 , 107-25 , 146 , 164 , 219, 227-28 , 24 0 Political correctness , 9 , 236 , 245-63 ; an d moral fundamentalism , 252 ; an d mora l outrage, 250-5 3 Politics: body , 15-29 , 62-71 , 126-45 , 195-211; feminist , 15-29 , 138-43 ; identity, 76-80 , 85 , 197 , 201 ; queer, 74-85 , 205; o f representation , 91-92 , 96-100 , 146-65, 168-78 , 195-9 6 Postal workers , 35 , 45-47, 49 , 5 4 Pragmatic moralists , 25 6 Psychohistory, 167-7 8 Queer Nation , 76-77 , 8 4 Queers: an d families , 78-83 , 203- 6

7

Racism, 76-78 , 146 , 151 ; stereotypes, 9 7 98, 254 ; i n white s an d amon g others , 97-98 Rage: aborted , 179-92 ; an d class , 219-29 ; and comedy , 159-63 ; and revenge , 180 , 202; a s inhuman , 149 ; basi c question s about, 3-4 ; definition s of , 2-8 , 127 , 146-47; i n th e academy , 2 , 8-9 , 2 1 9 63; manifestation s of , 2 - 3 , narrativ e strategies, 126-27 , 146-66 ; predictio n of, 3 , 17 , 44, 150-51 , 156-57 ; preven tion of , 4 , 35 , 52 ; repudiated , 181 ; safe expression of , 174 ; transgender , 195 215; unutterable , 21 0 Rage! Acros s th e Discipline s Conference , vii, 2 - 3 , 195 , 23 6 Rape, 18-19 , 22 , 24 , 40 , 150-51 , 15 8 Religion, 257 . See also Judais m Revenge, 180 , 20 2 Rich, Matty , Straight Out of Brooklyn, 99-100 Rubin, Gayle , 8 6 n. 9 Russo, Vito , 202 , 21 3 n . 8 Schumacher, Joel , Falling Down, 151-5 2 Scott, Ridley , Thelma and Louise, 15 0 Sexual harassment , 25 8 Shakespeare, William , 219-20 , 227-28 , 249; Othello, 219 ; The Tempest, 2 2 7 28, 24 0 Shame, 151 , 159 , 189-90 , 22 3 Shelley, Mary , Frankenstein, 196-97 , 200-3,211 Silencing, 127 ; o f abuse d women , 189 ; of women, 63 , 68-71 , 140-4 3 Silverman, Kaja , 140 , 14 4 n. 1 3 Singleton, John , Boyz N the Hood, 92 , 98-99, 10 3 Spivak, Gayatr i Chakravorty , 242-4 4 Students, 15-18 , 26-29 , 220-23 , 227-28 , 233-63 Suicide, 15-16 , 35 , 41, 187 , 19 8 Teaching, 219-6 3 Transgendered: definitio n of , 21 2 n . 2 ; rage of , 195-21 5 Transgender Nation , 19 5 Transsexuality, 8 , 197 , 200- 2 Trauma, 22-2 6 Trevor, William , "Torridge, " 15 9

2 6 8 Index University professors , 78-83 , 219-6 3 van Itallie , Jean-Claude, Ancient Boys, 121-23 Van Peebles , Melvin , Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song, 94-95 , 10 3 n. 1 Violence agains t women , 17-29 , 40 , 250 ; and th e emotionall y enrage d employee , 35-61. See also Domesti c violenc e Violence i n th e workplace . See Workplac e violence West, Cornel , 246 , 249 , 26 1 n . 4 Whites; a s dominant , 77 , 92-93 , 96 , 9 8 100, 103 ; as guilty , 25 3 Winterson, Jeannette , Sexing the Cherry, 159-60

Wojnarowicz, David , Close to the Knives, 157-58 Women: a s murderers , 62-73 ; Bet h Hen ley's, 179-94 ; bonding , 187 ; com munity of , 184 ; martyrdom , 188 ; rag e of, 62-73 , 126-45 , 179-94 ; victimogra phy, 259 ; violen t action s of , 62-71 ; white, 151 . See also Violenc e agains t women; Workin g class , wome n Working class , 219-29 ; workin g clas s women, 179 . See also Class ; Middl e class Workplace violence , 35-55 ; reducin g risk s of, 46-5 5 'Zines, 6 , 7 5