Stalin: an unknown portrait 9789639241190

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~ AN UNKNOWN PORTRAIT

BLANK PAGE

AN UNKNOWN

PORTRAIT

By Miklos Kun

, - ‘CEU PRESS Central European University Press Budapest New York

© 2003 by Miklos Kun English translation © by Miklos Bodoczky, Rachel Hideg, Janos Hideg, Miklos VG6rés 2003

First published in Hungarian as

Az ismeretlen Sztalin

| in 2002 by PolgART.and Athenaeum 2000

, English edition published in 2003 by _ Central European University Press An imprint of the Central European University Share Company Nador utca 11, H-1051 Budapest, Hungary Tel: +36-1-327-3138 or 327-3000

Fax: +36-1-327-3183 |

E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.ceupress.com

: 400 West 59th Street, New York NY 10019, USA Tel: +1-212-547-6932 Fax: +1-212-548-4607 E-mail: [email protected] All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 963 9241 199 cloth

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data | Kun, Miklos, 1946-—

[Az ismeretlen Sztalin. English] Stalin: an unknown portrait / by Miklos Kun. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. Illustrated. ISBN 1. Stalin, Joseph, 1879-1953. 2. Heads of state—Soviet Union—Biography. 3. Soviet Union—Politics and government—1917~-1936.

4. Soviet Union—Politics and government—1936-1953. I. Title. DK268.S8K86513 2003 947.084’2’092—dc21

2003000054

Cover design by Anna Benké Preprint by Attributum Studid, Budapest Printed in Hungary by

. Akadémiai Nyomda, Martonvasar

| Table of Contents | . Acknowledgements | Vil | 1X , PREFACE / In Stalin’s Shadow | PART I. PROLONGED YOUTH CHAPTER 1 / The Childhood of Soso 3 CHAPTER 2 / Why Soso Dzhugashvili Dropped out of the Seminary 21

CHAPTER 3 / ““Comrade Koba” Enters the Scene | 37

CHAPTER 4 / The Past Rewritten , , 47

Mikha Chakaya | 95 CHAPTER 6 / Escape and Love 96 CHAPTER 5/ Why Stalin Was Called a “Mail-coach Robber”’ 59

Kliment Voroshilov 121 CHAPTER 7 / Everyday Life in the Underground Movement 122 Felitks Dzerzhinsky 141 CHAPTER 8 / Why Learn Foreign Languages? 142 |

CHAPTER 9 / Wanted: A Theoretician | 153

, Nikolai Bukharin 161 CHAPTER 10 / The Last Period in Exile 162 PART IT. THE “MASTER’S” FRIENDS AND ENEMIES

CHAPTER 11 / Kira Alliluyeva 181 CHAPTER 12 / The Alliluyev Grandparents 189 | The Hours of Relaxation 199 CHAPTER 13 / Nadezhda Alliluyeva 201

The Rulers in Oriental Dress 220

CHAPTER 14 / Competition for the Widowed Stalin 222

Lazar Kaganovich 229

CHAPTER 15 / All the Soviet World is a Stage 230 ,

Fading Group Pictures 244 CHAPTER 16 / Aleksei Tolstoy, the Soviet Count 246

CHAPTER 17 / Expulsion from Paradise 255

The Cars of the Kremlin 269

CHAPTER 18 / Polina Zhemchuzhina 270

Vyacheslav Molotov 281 CHAPTER 19 / Anastas Mikoyan 282 Secretaries in All Shapes and Sizes 298

CHAPTER 20 / Avel Yenukidze 300 Fourney through the Gulag 312 CHAPTER 21 / A Correspondance Discovered 314

CHAPTER 22 / The Threat of War 332 The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact 338 CHAPTER 23 / Yakov Dzhugashvili 341

CHAPTER 24 / “Red Vaska”’359 351 The Generalissimo

CHAPTER 25 / The Young General in Prison 360

CHAPTER 26 / Anna Alliluyeva 374 Organized Famine in the Ukraine 387 CHAPTER 27 / Fyodor Alliluyev 388 Inspecting New Weaponry 395 CHAPTER 28 / Pavel Alliluyev 396

Mikhail Tukhachevsky 404

CHAPTER 29 / The Destruction of the Svanidze Family 406

Sergo Ordzhonikidze 419

CHAPTER 30 / False Medical Reports 421 : CHAPTER 31 / Yevgenia Alliluyeva 433

CHAPTER 32 / Vladimir Prison Years 440

Lavrenty Berta 449 CHAPTER 33 / “He was an Evil Man, the Wretch” 451

Bibliography 459 Index 467

The Twilight of the Dictator 457

| To the loving memory of my mother, Olga

Acknowledgements

I wish to acknowledge the support of the following institutions and individuals: the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences; the CEU Library and its head, Maria Szlatky; the Library and

Archives of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University; the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the | Republic of Hungary and former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Janos Martonyi; the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Hungary and former Minister of Education, Zoltan Pokorni; the Twentieth Century Institute and Maria Schmidt; the Hungarian Foreign Trade Bank, Ltd. and its Chairman and CEO, Tamas Erdei; the Open Society Institute and the Open Society Archives at Central Euro-

Sandor Demjan Foundation.

pean University; the Viktoria Légrady and Co., Ltd.; the Hungarian Book Foundation and the

I am indebted to those who helped the shaping of the book with their reminiscences, ideas and

advice: Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (Moscow), Margarita Balmaceda (Princeton), Vladimir Bukovsky (Cambridge), Réka Szemerkényi (Budapest), Heléne Carrére d’Encausse (Paris), Alfred Rieber (Budapest), David Bronstein (Moscow), Yury Felstinsky (Boston), Sandor Csoori (Budapest), Kirill Henkin (Munich), Aleksandr Yakovlev (Moscow), Gyorgy Granasztoi (Budapest), Irina Deskova (Moscow), Nadezhda Yoffe (New York), Tatyana Litvinova (London), Stephen Koch (New York), Sergo Mikoyan (Moscow), Irina Pavlova (Novosibirsk), Zsuzsa Kiraly (Budapest), Natalya Rikova (Moscow), Sergei Udartsev (Almati), Laszl6 Ivan (Budapest), Manana Saladze (London) and Janos Horvath (Budapest).

Special thanks to Alex Bandy for his valuable assistance and observations.

Illustrations by courtesy of the David King Collection, London.

PREFACE

In Stalin’s Shadow As Tolstoy famously said, all happy families resemble one another, each unhap-

py family is unhappy in its own way. In the same way, the chronicle of Stalin’s RE ean many biographies is long and unending. They range from unscrupulous apolo- ao “ WP: gies to personal diatribes of hatred. Bulky Stalin biographies that are still quoted an a SVT,

today by some writers frequently use “double entry bookkeeping” that forgives ——_ 00 the Soviet dictator’s genocide—or even justifies it. There are also after-the-fact a ie ss ce a

explanations by former leading Soviet politicians who for decades worked with — is

the Master of the Kremlin, and who likewise have bloody hands. ‘ee ae a

Just as varied is the phylogenesis of Stalin biographies; they have been created i a | for many different personal reasons, more reasons than usual for historiography. i. =

At first glance, this book which puts a number of unpublished documents from ; oe. |

the dictator’s archives into the reader’s hands, is similar to its predecessors. I was ee. | eight years old, living in a small Russian town called Orekhovo-Zuyevo, when ne a | I read Aleksei Tolstoy’s Peter the First. | was enthralled. In many ways, it was this tf book, full of monumental battle scenes and unexpected adventures, that helped 4 —. | me decide to become a historian. Of course, at that point I didn’t know that the “e ey : “Soviet Count”, had brazenly lifted some of the best parts of the book from the a

works of the noted Russian writer, Dmitry Merezhkovsky, who had been forced = ™ - f into emigration. Nor did I know the that the descriptions of the tsar had been cov- Dea ae ered with a gloss of class warfare—that this, too, had been made to fit the wishes ee |

ture, were made to illustrate political points, and, thereby, humble the reader. 7g oe \ ‘e

Anyone who has picked up Peter the First comes face to face with the similarities | between the empire-building tsar and the man who, from a pockmarked Joseph Stalin; ae oe elin (Khozyain) Georgian Seminary student, became the Generalissimo who expanded the Soviet

Empire to the Vistula and Bug rivers. The parallels probably hit me in the little : school in Orekhovo-Zuyevo, too, since I carefully pasted a small photograph of Joseph Stalin on the title page. In large letters I scrawled “December 21st, 1879”. ‘This was the Soviet dictator’s official birthday, a day celebrated each year by millions. [am proud that, decades later, I was able to successfully piece together how

Stalin and his circle changed this from the original date, December 6th, 1878. -

However, for a long time I was convinced that I had seen the Master of the Kremlin myself. At the end of April 1952, when I was six year old, to my great delight I was able to go to Moscow. I left my parent’s sewerless wooden house, which was built next to and owned by the penniless rural hospital. And I went to a metropolis, ornamented with brilliant skyscrapers and shinning holiday decorations. I went riding on the shoulders of a doctor colleague of my father’s, to take part in the May Day parade. My memories of the colorful group of party leaders, quite a few of them uniformed, waving from the Lenin mausoleum, are cloudy. But I would have been ready to swear that the one in the middle, with his army cap in his hand, the “Master,” waved to me. Not long ago, I talked again with that “young” doctor, who had since emigrated. I realized I had been living half a century with the wrong impression. My old acquaintance, who is a retired professor living in New York, said that when

he carried me on his shoulders to Red Square in 1952, Stalin—who was having | 1X

trouble breathing and had suffered several smaller cerebral hemorrhages—was

| no longer on the podium. He had gone into a small waiting room that had been set up for him in one of the wings of the mausoleum. And so I found that the story of my life was one legend the lesser. These things went through my mind when I finished my book, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait [Az ismeretlen Sztalin]. I breathed a sigh of relief that day: May 4th, 2001. For decades I had felt that this man, who had ruled with an iron hand both his own subjects as well as those outside the Soviet border, had hardly left me in peace. I had spent years dusting off documents that had never been published or had been unavailable for so long. One by one, I had knocked on the doors of the ancient, desiccated people who had worked with him. I went to the homes of those who had survived the Gulag, the Soviet death camps. For days I talked with the descendents of the pre-war Soviet elite, an elite now almost vanished. I must confess that this was sometimes emotionally taxing, and for I while I shut several chapters, which had become as convoluted as the coils of a snake, in the drawer of my desk. There they joined the unpublished (even in Russian), letters between Stalin and Kliment Voroshilov, the unmistakable evidence of senility of the ageing “Master”, the fight amongst his subordinates for succession and the post-war Soviet trials. These chapters are still waiting to be published. This book is also built on hundreds of previously unknown documents. It consists of two closely related sections. Prolonged Youth covers the events of Stalin’s life chronologically. For this section, I relied heavily on resources of the American and the then-Soviet archives. These chapters deal with episodes in the life of Iosif Dzhugashvili—known also as Soselo, Soso, Koba and finally Stalin—

before 1917, episodes that foreshadowed the character of the Soviet tyrant. I touch on the succession of conflicts with his violent-tempered, alcoholic father and his double life, a life of endless lies. I write about the overage student’s flight from a Tiflis Seminary, a flight that happened strangely close to the end of his studies; his early absorption into a pointless, dissolute lifestyle. His dreary pri-

vate life, which only increased his original frustration. These are important moments that have not been emphasized enough even in the most detailed of biographies. The primary reason for this is Stalin himself. He methodically and systematically obliterated many sources that could blacken or contradict the picture he had created of himself. As this book proves, he handpicked the numerous important documents that were allowed to be published. He also burned pictures from his past if they showed him to a disadvantage. Photos that were not burned were retouched. The writers of his hagiographies, though, were rewarded with benefits both at home and at work. Even by the middle of the thirties, the institutes and research groups studying Stalin’s life were already hard at work on their subject. ‘The ill-tempered revengeful politician with the piercing glance was an unpar-

allelled master at creating legends. He invented, for example, the fact that by 1903 he had, as an anonymous Georgian party worker, already begun a secret relationship with Lenin, “the golden eagle”, who was living in exile. Stalin’s collected works were rewritten by editors and secretaries, trembling like aspen leaves before him, on the pretext of translating from Georgian the articles he’d

| written when he was young. After this rather skimpy collected works didn’t fit the picture of the “passionate revolutionary”, he and Beria, “governor” of Georgia and later the feared head of the NK VD, scraped together documents that could prove his alleged acts of heroism. But he did not even trust his fellow Georgians who outdid each other in slavishness. In the end, the effusions and X

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As a sign of his loyalty he regularly sent crates of tangerines to the Kremlin. They were meant as a gift to the Caucasian clan in the Kremlin and to the Master himself. At the same time Lakoba welcomed in the province under his control those Moscow politicians who had fallen out of favor. Among them was the seriously ill Leon Trotsky, who later spoke very warmly of the two Lakoba brothers, Nestor and Mikhail, who was the Abkhazian minister of internal affairs and later of agriculture. In 1924 the two brothers looked after him for several months.>

According to the recollections of various contemporaries, whenever Stalin spent his holidays in Abkhazia or Georgia the first thing he did was to summon Nestor Lakoba. During lavish meals, punctuated by long toasts, that would last into the early hours and often ended in complete drunkenness, he is rumored to have forced the short Abkhazian, who had a reputation for being a good marksman, to produce his old Mauser rifle and, like some twentieth-century William Tell, to entertain the company with shooting tricks. In the meantime, Joseph Stalin reveled in stirring up quarrels between Lakoba, whom he showered with medals and expensive gifts, and his main rival, Lavrenty Beria. | For a while it seemed that the rivalry between these two politicians, which was

by no means without risks, was evenly matched. However, it would eventually work , out in favor of Beria, who was able to assimilate more quickly than others the—in many respects new—rules of the Great Terror. In December 1936, at a dinner he gave at his own home, Beria, the Georgian party leader, like some Oriental despot, poisoned “the deaf man”. Feigning inconsolable grief he then organized a grand funeral for Lakoba, who was said to have died of a “heart attack”. A year later, however, Beria targeted the family and clientele of his rival. The commando unit of the Tiflis NKVD—probably with Stalin’s knowledge—traveled to Abkhazia where they staged a bloodbath that lasted for months among the relatives and followers of the dead party leader. No mercy was shown even to women and young children in their methodical elimination of the Abkhazian political elite, nor did they spare the mortal remains of Nestor Lakoba, who had in the meantime been

labeled a spy and a saboteur. In Abkhazia even today there are several legends telling how Beria had the coffin of his rival removed from the cemetery.®

It was subsequently forbidden even to mention that it had been the posthumously “excommunicated” Lakoba who had “invented” Hashim Smirba, one of the important characters in Stalin’s “shadow theater”. The Abkhazian leader, The underground Lakoba had made it appear that the illiterate old man had been an important Party worker in 1905-06.

helper of the young revolutionary Soso in his efforts to coordinate from the wings the conspiracy among the Batumi workers in 1902. On the basis of his conversations with the garrulous old man, Nestor Lakoba had his colleagues produce a small pamphlet titled Stalin and Hashim, written in the style of a folktale. In the foreword Lakoba claimed simply to have set down in writing at the request of his acquaintances among the Abkhazian working peasants what had been preserved in the memory of the local population concerning “the politician; the practical executioner, the strategist, and the tactician of Bolshevism; the greatest figure of an entire era; the kind of man whom history produces only once in every one or two hundred years”.? The promoter of Abkhazian autonomy included several tale-like motifs in the narrative. He described how young Iosif Dzhugashvili marched through the streets of Batumi at the head of a crowd of three thousand. He also recounted the advice that Dzhugashvili had given to the Batumi workers who were intending to protest in front of the state prison in the hope of setting their imprisoned comrades free. When the workers hesitated at the last moment, fearing that force would be used against them, Dzhugashvili urged

49

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them on: “The soldiers won’t shoot at us. And don’t be afraid of their commanders. Just strike them over the head! We will achieve freedom for our comrades.”’ The gray-uniformed tsarist troops, which were ordered from the inner provinces to the Black Sea coast, quashed the attack by the demonstrators. According to local historians fourteen workers died and another forty-six were wounded as a result of the volleys fired into the crowd in Batumi. According to Lakoba, Soso, who had left the scene in good time, hid in a nearby village at the home of Hashim Smirba. However, to prove his steadfastness of purpose, he set up an illegal printing press there. “Once, when Comrade Soso was alone with Hashim, he said to him: ‘Hashim, perhaps you are troubled by the fact that I am carrying out an activity in your home that may have serious consequences for you. Perhaps you do not want to be sent to prison with me, Hashim. I don’t want to be a nuisance to you. If you think I should leave, I will go.’” Before answering, like any genuine folk hero Hashim sucked on his pipe for several minutes. ‘Then he looked at Soso gravely before speaking: “You must have seen that I keep two fierce dogs in my yard. You can stay here. These two ferocious beasts won’t let any strangers in.” In another episode of the lengthy epic the host sighed: “’You could be a very good man, Soso! It’s a pity you’re not a Muslim.’ ‘Why would it be better if I were a Muslim?’ asked Comrade Soso. “Because if you adopted the Muslim faith I would find you seven beautiful women to marry. The kind you’ve never even dreamed of. So, do you want to be a Muslim?’ Comrade Soso answered with a smile: ‘Of course!’, and shook Hashim by the hand.” “Hashim would never forget this exchange until his dying day,” explained Nestor Lakoba to his fellow countrymen. “It was branded on his memory how tolerant Soso was of his old-fashioned philosophy. Soso hadn’t laughed at the old man for proposing that he should convert to the Muslim faith.” However, the long parable was still not finished. According to Lakoba, the next morning Hashim cheerfully addressed his friend Soso: “’Don’t be afraid! [...] Your cause will triumph.’ ‘How do you know?’ asked Comrade Stalin. ‘I had a dream, Soso. I dreamed that you set the whole of Caucasia free from the tsarist

50

troops, and that we all lived at ease, in prosperity and freedom. You should be aware that this is a very good thing. This is a very good thing, Soso!’’’? Ivan Tovstukha, in spite of being one of the early initiators of the cult of Stalin, confided in a letter, dated March 11, 1934, to Lazar Kaganovich, then the deputy of the General Secretary of the party, that he had doubts concerning the Smirba tales: “Lazar Moyseyevich! I have held back the Hashim text for a while as I have been working on Stalin’s new book. There were still things to correct and rewrite. Unfortunately, I have almost no material to rely on. I read through several books but have found only vague references. Not even copies of Jskra19 from the time mention the events in Batumi. All that was published were some excerpts from

the court hearing, but only after the trial. I still believe the book should be pub- | lished. It promises to be interesting. But what shall I do about the foreword? I can’t rewrite it. It should be thrown out. With Communist greetings!”’!!

The writer of the letter of course did not dare propose that the rest of the improbable tales by Lakoba be “thrown out” since he knew, better than anyone else, that this kind of byzantine legend-making took place with Stalin’s consent and often even on his direct orders. Such naive stories were largely used to manipulate the less erudite stratum of the population. ye As he approached his sixtieth birthday, which was celebrated with massive pomp, Joseph Stalin came up with some new ideas. He ensured that his official biography be published continuously in huge print runs, along with the short history of the Bolshevik Party, the famous-infamous Kratky Kurs, and the volumes of his Collected Works. He considered it fitting that after working hours, or in the course of university lectures, the majority of the Soviet population should study these texts under the supervision of professional propagandists. He doubtless thought that in this way he could right an old injustice. Even though, from the beginning of the 1920s, Stalin had achieved prominence as General Secretary of the party, for a long time it was not his works that lined the bookshelves of the Soviet elite and of the libraries, but those of Lenin, Trotsky, Zinovyev, and Kamenev.!2 This was not, as Trotsky supposed, due to his weakness of style, which would force him to remain in the background. In this respect the Soviet dictator was no different from other Bolshevik political writers. Most Soviet party leaders, Trotsky himself, generally expressed their ideas in simplistic, longwinded, cliché language, especially when addressing a larger audience. Bearing this in mind, Stalin could in fact have published his Collected Works in the 1920s.13 The truth was, however, that he had written relatively little. Among his thematic collections, Concerning Questions of Leninism and On Opposition, which were written in the heat of the power struggles, were nevertheless widespread, !4

and the combined print runs of smaller Stalin collections or pamphlets containing individual speeches amounted to several million. Strangely enough, the chief opponent of the Master of the Kremlin, Trotsky, did not attribute any significance to this flood of publications: “Why doesn’t

a selected series of Stalin’s speeches and writings and his Collected Works appear?” he asks in the pages of his book on Stalin. And he immediately answers his own question: “There can be little doubt that the idea of such an edition has arisen in the heads of young careerists willing to go to any lengths.!5 But Stalin had no option but to quash these plans in their embryonic stage. Nothing could have been more dangerous for him. The nine years he spent in a Church School have left an indelible trace on his personality. [...] TShe Russian language that he learned in scholastic theology classes remains a half-alien, artificial language for him, with a Seminary veneer. [...] Of course, no one could expect Stalin to have 51

CER OI UR ee) a writer’s gift. His style, however, reveals the nature of his thoughts. As soon as

Pe OS he enters the realm of abstraction his language becomes uncertain and hesitant. a _.-] His sentences are connected artificially.” eg s. my | troubled Joseph Stalin very little. Perhaps all that is revealed by his correspon-

aa a dence is that in the Russian-language edition of his Collected Works he attemptye Po ed to eliminate—or his have colleagues—the rather slapdash wording By)have _ “tteeliminated ovisinal txts,by It may been this that held up for so long the publica ee ge 7 | tion of the first volume. The appearance of the small-format, brown-covered,

; ae a Mee for 1940. However, the first volume in the sixteen-volume series was eventually SO ie Ne «| SCStalin’s Georgia-related early writings, the translation and editing, which was

EE EA] | carried out simultaneously in Moscow and in Tiflis, took years to complete. In

SE re the 1930s Stalin thoroughly edited the Russian translations of his Georgian-lanPRLog Pa guage writings.!8 The suspicious dictator—at this time more or less justifiably— EN ao Se thou gh the members of the editorial team were, from autumn 1934, already fullLy «s time employees at the richly subsidized local Stalin Institute in the Georgian cap-

—- ECTAAHH to Mamia Orakhelashvili, a former Georgian party leader who was exiled to — XATNUM — the party. “What is especially disturbing is the number of them employed there.

(io ON EE EIS) Forty-seven people. [...] And this year, for instance, they say they have pub-

CL 8 MARGE G recone LOR OE Tovstukha did not speak Georgian and was therefore unable to supervise his SoS ee ag ca | colleagues in Tiflis properly. The Georgian Menshevik emigrants, however, who

RE OS ees had once published their articles in the same local publications as “Comrade

oe) srat journalist Arsenidze compared the original Stalin quotations used in the Hashim Smirba adzhar peasant. Georgian-language works of Beria with the Russian translations included in the We still do not know whether first volume of the Collected Works of the Soviet dictator. He warned the exclu-

or not he wrote the stories sively Russian-speaking readers: “I found some very serious differences in the

praising Koba. wording, in the line of thought, and in the argumentation.” 2! Irrelevant from the point of view of the later career of the young Koba, however, is the issue of how many texts were added to his works from among the writings of Georgian Social Democratic authors who published without signing what they had written.22 What was more important during the period in which he was emerging as a politician were the character-forming influences to which he had been exposed in the stifling atmosphere of the conspiring circles, that is,

how the somewhat dishonorable methods used during the period of underground activity were applied by Stalin in his struggle for total power as a mature politician and omnipotent dictator.23 From the recollections of Natrishvili, one of Stalin’s classmates at the Seminary, written in the 1930s at the request of the “Beria brigade”, it appears that

52

ve eT ee

fa 4. A .

Kee (x), i.Fw Singer / i)Coladize, Lakoba (xx)Bera and Stalin

Ss mortally ill old woman. as early as April 1897 Stalin’s presence created a split in the secret study circle at the Tiflis Orthodox Seminary. Before the arrival of Soso Dzhugashvili, the group had been led by Seid Davderiani, a student from one of the higher classes: “Initially, Seid appreciated Soso’s contributions. Later, however, Soso gath-

ered the students around himself and [...] gave the meetings a revolutionary , focus. Seid disapproved. He became angry and called him ‘nasty’. He said that Soso was undermining the cause of both the circle and the revolution.” 24 The reason for the conflict was not that Iosif Dzhugashvili was dissatisfied with

the program of the conspiring study circle. He could not have been, since, according to other sources, it was Seid Davderiani who represented at the meet- . ings the unique spirit of the first Georgian Marxists, that is, the editorial board of

the Kval: periodical and the semi-legal movement known as Mesame-Dasi. Davderiani’s mentors wrote a special course of study for him.25 The debate was rather about who should be the leader of the secret study circle. Seid Davderiani and a few of his followers were in the end forced to leave. In the course of the final clash the offended Davderiani even called Soso “obnoxious”’.26 The writers of the official Stalin biographies welcomed the recollections of Natrishvili, since they radiated Stalin’s “uncompromising revolutionary determination”. At the same time, they must have been in some doubt as to what to do with Seid Davderiani’s insults. Any expression—such as “nasty” or “obnoxious”—that might still have offended the Soviet dictator more than thirty years

later, was omitted from the manuscript that was sent to the printers. On the other hand, the drastically abridged text was supplemented by a didactic explanation not present in the original manuscript: “Soso was of the opinion that the study circle existed in order to form conscious militant revolutionaries and

staunch Marxists.”27

Piecing together other parts of the jigsaw it turns out that the young Soso often antagonized his acquaintances, among them members of the editorial board of

Kvali who were much older than he and who had earlier supported him. Along with a few fellow seminarians he had joined the periphery of the Kvali circle in late 1898, half a year before he left the Seminary. He was even entrusted with a task by the editors of the journal. He was asked to deliver lectures to workers at

the Tiflis Railway Workshop. However, a few months later, in the early spring of | 1899, an outraged “Silva” Dzhibladze told Noi Zhordania, a key figure in both 53

the Kvali circle and Mesame-Dasi, that Soso did not agitate so much against tsarism as against them, the members of the two workers’ study circles.28

The antagonisms between Soso and his first mentors in the movement were not so much down to ideological differences as to fairly banal personality clashes. From the recollections of his fellow seminarians it appears that the young Stalin was inordinately vain. The editors of Kvali, who published one of his poems in 1896, gravely offended him by not continuing to publish his writings. In his recollections, in which he recounts several minor but fascinating details of the youth of his friend, Elisabedashvili refers to this fact: “I remember how Soso was furious with the editors of Kvali. Noi Zhordania was the most influential person at the journal at that time. Comrade Filipp Makharadze and others also worked there.22 Comrade Soso was very dissatisfied with the editorial board and with the Kvali circle. He was especially angry with Filipp Makharadze. As I remember, he refused to publish [...] one of Stalin’s contributions.”3° As the years passed, members of the editorial board of Kval1, which had ceased publication in the meantime, became, with the exception of Makharadze, prominent Georgian Mensheviks, although they were generally more radical than their Russian counterparts.3! On a personal level, however, from the very beginning they clashed fiercely with Lenin and his Georgian followers. Thus Iosif Dzhugashvili, who was a faithful, even a “fanatical”, Leninist—his Menshevik opponents mockingly referred to him as “Lenin’s left foot’32—attacked them so savagely that the exchanges were reduced to little more than a wrestling match.33 Nevertheless, the old relationships were not severed for a long time, not even as a result of the particularly cruel outbursts between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. Between 1905 and 1907, the years of the Russian “bourgeois democratic” revolution, the struggle against the common enemy—the military governor of Tiflis—unquestionably united the two camps to such an extent that the representatives of the most diverse Social Democratic trends occasionally wrote admiringly in their recollections about certain of their opponents. However, all the Mensheviks remembered Stalin as a troublemaker. According to Grigol Karadzhyan, who, using the pseudonym Arkhomed, was the first to write a history of the Caucasian labor movement, Soso Dzugashvili—whose name he does not mention, although he makes quite clear who he is referring to—as early as December 1901 “carried out hostile and disruptive agitation against the leadership of the Social Democratic Party organization in Tiflis’’.34

, Even several years later Radzen Arsenidze, the stylistically sophisticated Menshevik political journalist, described the role played by the young Stalin in the increasingly cruel atmosphere. This text, which was not published in the author’s lifetime, appears credible despite his bias, especially since other former renowned Georgian Social Democrats recorded similar memories of “Comrade Koba’s” outbursts of anger, which would end in paroxysms of rage: “He spoke with cruelty and hostility. His cruelty, however, radiated energy. His words were imbued with raw power and determination. He was often sarcastic or ironical. His cruel witticisms were often extreme, like the lash of a whip. [...] Sometimes he would use harsh words or would curse obscenely. Only the protests of his outraged listeners could somewhat reduce the stream of invective. On such occasions he usually apologized, explaining that he was speaking the language of

the proletariat who were taught neither subtle manners nor aristocratic eloquence. According to him, the manual laborers talked straightforwardly and bluntly, but they always told the truth. And he was following their example.”’35 In such situations Soso would often mention his Menshevik opponents and,

, 54

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abroad to the Central Committee.”86 According to Boris Sapir, one of the outRoosevelt thought that he met Standing Menshevik researchers on the subject, Stalin, as well as all the particia gentleman living in the Kremlin. pants in the 1907 Tiflis expropriation, were expelled from the party by the

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ve held in 1909 made it possible for them to return to the party.

The documents mentioned by Arsenidze are most probably identical with the unpublished archive sources, the records of the Voznesensky interrogations among them, which I found in the mid-1990s in the course of my research in Moscow. However, the text of the disciplinary decision condemning Iosif Dzhugashvili still has not been found. Perhaps it never will be, since the man in question, when he became General Secretary, preferred to get rid of any evidence against him, such as the Georgian-language works on party history that mentioned his “mail-coach robber” period. On Beria’s orders the men of the NK VD pulped the copies of the b)

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earlier banned periodical Revolutione Matiane (Revolutionary Chronicle) that had remained in Georgian libraries, in which these texts were published. Even the yellowed issues of the periodical were confiscated from former subscribers.88 Only verbal recollections remained. These, however, with the exception of the vociferous Moscow press debate in 1918, never really harmed Stalin, since if any

of his political enemies accused him of taking part in the Caucasian terrorist

attacks and robberies he could respond by demanding that they produce docu- | ments backing up their charges. The scandal surrounding the Yerevan Square incident only arose for a second time following the October of 1917, when Iosif Dzhugashvili (Stalin)—who for a while still used his name in this form—became a member of the Council of Peoples’ Commissars (Sovnarkom), chaired by Lenin, the Soviet Russian government at the time. From then on he opposed his former Menshevik comrades even more fiercely. A significant part of his writings at the time were targeted at them.8? For as long as freedom of the press could be practiced the Menshevik politicians fought back. They produced floods of anti-Bolshevik articles in opposition publications, airing before the public all the dirty laundry of the past. In the Stalin archives in Moscow there is a whole collection devoted to the press polemics that Yuly Martov, the most respected Menshevik leader, launched against Stalin, the people’s commissar for nationalities, in spring 1918. In the first exchange he attacked Pravda, the central Bolshevik organ, since it had compared the Menshe-

viks in government in Georgia to tsarist gendarmes and had accused them of shooting vast numbers of Georgian peasant revolutionaries. Martov reacted to this accusation on March 31, 1918 in the Menshevik paper Vperyod, which was published in the Soviet Russian capital, by targeting one of the front members of the Bolsehvik Party, Stalin: “As expected [...] Stalin refers to the heroic exploits of the robber gangs terrorizing the peasants as a peasants’ revolt. However, these highwaymen wipe out whole families. They rob not only the landlords but others as well. The local Menshevik authorities have opposed these gangs with huge forces. This is why the anarchic Caucasian Bolsheviks accuse them of supporting the landlords. [...] But it was the Caucasian Bolsheviks themselves who /1n the early years of the century—M. K./ took part in such glorious enterprises as expropriation. Mr. Stalin knows this very well, since in the past he was expelled by the party organization for his involvement in expropriations.” Stalin’s reaction to the attack revealed his deep unease. He even went to extremes. Not only did he fiercely attack Martov through the columns of Pravda, he also passed on the case to the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal, a court which had, among other things, rights over censorship.99 At the same time, on April 1, 1918, he placed a short statement in the Bolshevik press: “In issue 51 of the newspaper Vperyod, an article appeared, signed by Martov [...], stating that Stalin was once expelled from the party for involvement in expropriations. I regard it as my duty [...] to declare that I, Stalin, was never called before the dis-

ciplinary committee of any party organization. In particular, I was never expelled from the party organization. I regard Martov’s accusation as the contemptible action of an unbalanced man who has suffered total defeat in open political battle and who, in his despair, as a last resort falls back on filthy libel. I therefore request that proceedings be started against Martov.”?! With this, events took a new turn. The ink had scarcely dried on the pen of the people’s commissar for nationalities when Yuly Martov was summoned before the tribunal. The favorite of the old Social Democrats was aware that this body had the right to ban any publication if there was proof that it was spread81

ing untruths. A few weeks earlier this had happened in the case of the opposition daily Misl, which, when criticizing the actions of the Bolshevik Council of Peoples’ Commissars, had mistakenly claimed that Martov had been killed. While the person in question was naturally not happy to have been pronounced dead, Martov regarded as a far more serious problem the fact that the error was used as an excuse to practice censorship: “It is much easier and simpler to ban a newspaper for spreading news about the death of an opposition politician than to put an end to those circumstances due to which [...] such news emerges every day and appears quite credible”, Martov wrote.?4 In this atmosphere the Revolutionary Tribunal convened on April 5, 1918 before a “full house”. In the room appeared Joseph Stalin himself. He was accompanied by another Bolshevik politician, Sosnovsky, who, in 1908, was a journalist in Baku. As a representative of the Caucasian proletariat a Georgian worker by the name of Filya was also with them. Yuly Martov also arrived with an escort. His “second” was a well-known Menshevik publicist, Lapinsky, who was also once a party worker in Baku. He was also accompanied by a laborer called Aleksandrovsky from the town of Tula. From the still unpublished records, which were at one time regarded as highly confidential, we learn that Yuly Martov objected because Stalin had not turned to the district judge competent in civilian disputes but had instead called him before a political jury. But the Bolsheviks did not accept this argument. Stalin stated that his honor had been attacked as part of a political campaign, and in such affairs “competence lies with such political institutions as the tribunal”. The Bolshevik chairman of the tribunal brought the issue to a close by making a pre-judgment. “This is not a simple libel case”, he declared. “This case concerns a libel in the press, thus it belongs within the competence of the

Revolutionary Tribunal.” However, the commissar for nationalities had little time to enjoy the obvious sympathy of the tribunal, since Martov was accusing him of something that could further damage his prestige. He asked the jury to call as witness Isidor Ramishvili95, “‘a deputy in the First State Duma and president of the /1908 disciplinary—M. K./ court that met in Baku prison. The participants had examined [...] whether the Baku committee of the RSDLP, of which Stalin was a member, had indeed been involved in Baku in robbing the ship the Nikolai [.”’% Neither then nor now did “Comrade Koba” give a meaningful answer in reply

to this accusation. He merely turned to Martov with the words: “You are a wretched individual!” This gave the Menshevik politician the opportunity to come out with his third, no less serious, accusation. He claimed that he could prove by means of witnesses that Iosif Dzhugashvili had had a worker by the name of Zharikov (or, according to another version, Zhareny), who knew of his past affairs, beaten half-dead. Martov mentioned about half a dozen people who had been working in Baku at the time and who could have known about Stalin’s dubious dealings, including Gukovsky, the commissar for finance in the Bolshevik government, and Martov’s own brother, Yezhov (Tsederbaum).?’ The Bolshevik politician perhaps realized at this point that he was in serious trouble. The old Social Democrats mentioned by Martov had indeed participated in the disciplinary hearing against Iosif Dzhugashvili, or, as Baku party workers, could have heard from others that in 1908 Stalin had been expelled from the local party organization. Instead of an answer, therefore, the future Master of the Kremlin dictated a list of his activities to the record clerk: “Since 1898 I have spent a total of six years in prison?’ and I have been abroad. Nowhere, whether

82

as a free man, or in prison, or abroad, have I ever faced party proceedings. And by no means was I ever expelled. If you are unable to prove that I faced party proceedings I will be free to regard Martov as a common libeler.”99 Yuly Martov then spoke again. ‘The records read as follows: “At that time [...] the parties were working illegally and there were no written documents recording disciplinary decisions. He therefore recommended that witnesses mentioned by him should be heard next, who could have been involved in Stalin’s expulsion.” !00 ‘The discussion finally focused on the issue of how many days it would take to. summon the eye-witnesses mentioned by Martov. Many of them lived in distant

Baku and Tiflis, cut off from the Soviet Russian capital. However, there were some who lived in Petrograd and who were therefore within reach. It is hardly surprising that Joseph Stalin, who was extremely wary of the testimony of his Baku and Tiflis comrades, now wanted to put an end to the Revolutionary ‘Tribunal as soon as possible. He also knew that it would go against him if the tribunal summoned as witness the former Menshevik Isidor Gukovsky. In 1908 in Baku prison Gukovsky had led the investigation against members of the local party committee, which included Stalin, who had been accused of conduct that was in breach of party discipline. Chances were good because Gukovsky lived in Moscow, as did Georgy Chicherin, a famous Menshevik politician, who, while living in emigration abroad, had held in his hands the various threads of the disciplinary proceedings in connection with expropriation. However, in the mean-

time both of Martov’s key witnesses had become members of the Bolshevik Party | and were part of the establishment: Gukovsky was the people’s commissar for finances in the Lenin government and Chicherin was responsible for foreign affairs. Since they regularly took part, along with Joseph Stalin, in the meetings of the Soviet Russian government, they could not have been expected to disclose the earlier dealings of “Comrade Koba” lightheartedly. On the other hand they were both men of discipline and would certainly have answered the jury summons.

However, “due to lack of time” no such summons was issued. On the other hand, nor was Martov given a particularly severe punishment. There is every indication that the Bolshevik functionaries who were manipulating the Revolutionary ‘Tribunal from the wings at first wanted to use the case as serious anti-Men-

shevik retaliation. The bulletin of the Smolensk soviet, for example, recorded that Martov “was sentenced to seven days in prison” even before the second phase of the trial had begun.!01 In fact, the sentence turned out to be much more lenient: the Menshevik politician was merely given a reprimand. This was explained by the fact that Martov, as a public figure, had criticized the Bolshevik government and had thus proved himself to be “irresponsible”. However, the inner Bolshevik party leadership regarded even this as excessive, even though, by that time, many of them had lost

most of their sentimental feelings towards their one-time Menshevik allies. Despite the press polemics Lenin, along with the majority of the “founding fathers”, still respected Martov. At the first opportunity they even voiced this attitude in the Central Executive Committee of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets,

of which the Yuly Martov was a member. At a session of this body Nikolai Krylenko, the Bolshevik Party’s legal expert who later became people’s commissar of justice during the first show trials, came up with an unexpected proposal. He suggested that the case should be referred back to the Revolutionary Tribunal

since, according to him, the judges had made several mistakes in matters of form. . Martov then stood up with the intention of supporting the truth of his claim with further facts. The chairman of the Central Executive Committee, Yakov 83

Sverdlov, however, did not allow him to speak, nor did he permit other Menshevik politicians to address the session. ‘There was no further meeting of any committee in connection with the case. Thus several blank spots in the Tiflis and Baku life of “Comrade Koba” remain even today.!92

ye A curious omission from the old Tiflis and Baku underground activists whom, in spring 1918, Yuly Martov wished to summon to the trial, was Sergei Alliluyev, Stalin’s future father-in-law, one of the founders of the Caucasian workers’ movement. In one of his manuscripts we read: “I returned to Baku in April 1907 from exile in the North, but I was arrested again as early as May 5. After I left prison I met Comrade Dzhugashvili (Koba) for the second time. He had arrived in Baku after May 5, when most activists in our organization had been snatched by the police. The need /1n the local Bolshevik commumty—M. K.] for fresh forces and a strong leadership was therefore greater than ever. Only a few comrades escaped arrest, like Alyosha Dzhaparidze, Suren Spandaryan, etc.”103 Pavel Sakhvarelidze, who at the time was also a good friend of Stalin, was another omission from the list of Martov’s witnesses. Like the elderly Alliluyev he did not have a great career following the Bolshevik takeover, and he was among those who never came into conflict with the unpredictable “Comrade Koba”’. Stalin wrote: “I certify that in 1907/1908 Comrade Pavel Sakhvarelidze (“the Long Pavel”) worked together with me, A. Dzhaparidze, S. Shaumyan, Spandaryan, and others in the Baku Social Democratic organization. He was a member of the higher leadership of the Baku organization, in which he was regarded as one of the most outstanding figures. J. Stalin, April 6, 1936. P. S. Perhaps it is worth mentioning that P. Sakhvarelidze became a member of the Social Democratic Party in 1902 and joined the party’s Bolshevik wing at the time of its establishment. J. Stalin.” 104

Such a recommendation was as good as a letter of exemption in the period before the Great Terror. Its value was further increased by the fact that Stalin hated the movement from which he had started out in the early years of the century. In the second half of the 1930s former Tiflis and Baku party workers were taken away one after the other in the “black crows” (chorny voron), the police vehicles used to transport prisoners. In the years of the Great Terror about twothirds of the once underground Tiflis Bolshevik leadership, and at least half of the earlier leading Baku party workers, were killed. ‘There were many irrational elements in the way in which the Soviet dictator exterminated his former comrades in Caucasia, since in the 1930s they did not present much of a threat to him. By that time the majority of the more famous Baku and ‘Tiflis Mensheviks had emigrated or were in prison in the Gulag. And the majority of the old Bolshevik leaders had been politically marginalized. ‘They could regard themselves as fortunate to find shelter in some insignificant economic office. Furthermore, Stalin’s activity in Baku in 1908 was not such an obvious failure that he had to take revenge on his former acquaintances in order to erase it

from the common memory. According to the already quoted Tatyana Vulich, the future Soviet dictator had won serious respect among the local Bolshevik community over the years: “It must be admitted that he had many followers, men who were unconditionally loyal to him, among the Caucasian Bolsheviks [...] and especially among the Georgian comrades. He was respected as the second member of the party, after Lenin, of course. At that time Stalin had no desire to appear as a theoretician. [...] However, he had an unquestionable influence over certain people, and he achieved a lot from them. ‘There were some who were ready to do anything at one word from him. It is also true that the pro-

84

pagandists and people from a higher intellectual level liked and appreciated him less, but almost everyone admitted that in the whole of Caucasia he was one of the most zealous party members.” !05 Nevertheless, outside the region Dzhugasvili was obviously not regarded as a truly successful politician. Not even in 1907 was he really able to find his way to the forefront, even though, while commuting mostly between Tiflis and Baku,

the two Caucasian metropolises, he left his homeland on two occasions on official affairs. It may appear important that he had taken part in the RSDLP’s 5th Congress in London, and on returning home had published a detailed “Leninist” article in the illegal Baku Bolshevik press.1°6 However, the delegates meeting in the English capital did not elect him onto any official body since the Caucasian Mensheviks, with whom he had arrived at the congress, queried the validity of his delegate’s card. Nor was he included among the members of the highly secretive informal Bolshevik leadership, who worked in parallel with the reunited RSDLP’s newly elected Central Committee. 197 In addition, Iosif Dzhugashvili almost ended up behind bars during one of the breaks at the London Party Congress. He got into a fight in a London pub with some of the slightly inebriated customers. Maksim Litvinov, who was with him, came to the aid of the hot-tempered Georgian. Even decades later Stalin was grateful to him for his assistance: “Perhaps this was the reason why he let him live at the time of the mass executions”, mused Litvinov’s daughter during our meeting in England in the mid-1990s. “Even though he had him removed from the Central Committee and fired him from his job twice”, she added. I have also heard from her that Stalin rewarded the commissar of foreign affairs with a royal gift when the Soviet Union became member of the League of Nations and established diplomatic relation with the USA: he gave him one of his dachas. In addition an eight-member squad of bodyguards was ordered to guard him against terrorist attacks. And also to watch him round the clock. From the early nineteen-twenties, for almost 25 years Stalin worked closely with Litvinov. He respected him for his knowledge of foreign languages and for his expertise. ‘This, however did not mean that he would not be suspicious of Litvinov, who—apart from a few minor incidents—was loyal to Stalin. In the private correspondence of the dictator we find frequent nasty, occasionally vulgar remarks about Litvinov. (Not to mention the fact that the Soviet political police carried out several attempts—staged car accidents—on Maksim Litvinov’s life. Once even Beria himself turned up to inspect the site of a planned “accident”, which he would never have dared to do unless on Stalin’s orders.198) Litvinov knew about these, but being a proud and daring man, did not care about Stalin’s wrath.!99 His English wife refused to behave according to the unwritten rules of the “Bolshevik elite”, she even took his favorite goat for walks in the city of Moscow on a leash.!1!0 He behaved strangely also when, in the middle of the Second Word War, he was dismissed from his position of Soviet ambassador in Washington and for a second time he found himself on the periphery of political life. Although for years he strove to paint a positive picture of the Soviet system in the diplomatic circles he moved in, he dared twice to warn the Western elite not to trust Stalin and his associates. ‘This, of course was promptly reported to the dictator through NK VD channels.!11

Was it his fame that rescued the aged diplomat, or did Stalin still remember the incident in the London pub? Fact is that, when in 1948 Litvinov became severely ill and felt that he was dying, he again decided to speak his mind. According to his daughter Tatyana, he criticized the foreign policy of Molotov 85

in a lengthy memo, which he locked up in his desk. Needless to say, the criticism was, of course, directed against Stalin.

Unfortunately I could not trace this document in the archives in Moscow. Maybe it has been destroyed. According to Tatyana Litvinova entire passages from this document could be identified in Khrushchev’s foreign affairs doctrine of “thaw”. I have found two important letters by Litvinov supporting the recollections of his daughter. In one of these, dated 24 October 1948, he asked “comrade Koba” to support his children. He wrote: “To J. V. Stalin, Head of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union. Dear Iosif Vissarionovich! I turn to you with a last wish before my death. Since I feel that my end is approaching, I am unable not to think about the fate of my family, especially my wife. My children, too, need support. So far practically they all had relied on me, so they will be unable to support their mother. Therefore, I would like to request at least a special pension for her and also, if possible, that my family may continue to live in our present flat, that is if they can afford it. | am dying with a clean conscience knowing that I made everything in my power for the communist cause and for our beloved country. It is not my fault if I could do no more. With this last message of mine, I wish you good health and a long life, M. M. Litvinov. October 24, 1948.”112 However, Litvinov temporarily recovered from his severe cardiac condition. He

died a few years later in December 1951. His flat was invaded by the political police, who found both documents mentioned above: the lengthy memo on Soviet foreign policy and the personal letter to Stalin. Tatyana Litvinova, having read this letter added the following note, entirely uncharacteristic of those times: “Dear Iosif Vissarionovich! I have learned about the contents of my father’s letter which he wrote to you in 1948. I wish to add that we—his children Mikhail Maksimovich and ‘Tatyana Maksimovna—have since grown up and are entirely capable of supporting ourselves. We do not want to give you the impression that we are imploring for support. Very best wishes: ‘Tatyana Litvinova. December 31, 1951.”113 It is a miracle that Stalin did not imprison the two young Litvinovs in response.

ye We know from indirect references that in 1907 “Comrade Koba”, not long before the Yerevan Square “expropriation” met Litvinov in secret in the German capital. Litvinov was then one of the main handlers of the Bolshevik Party’s secret funds. Even today this trip by Stalin, during which he even met with Lenin in great secrecy, remains rather obscure.!!14 Nor can we be entirely certain if Lenin traveled to Berlin simply in order to meet Stalin, although this is generally regarded as axiomatic in the Stalin literature. It rather seems to be the case that Lenin traveled to the German capital independently of the visit by the Georgian Bolshevik, but that once he was there he ordered Koba to meet him, along with several others. However, it is undeniable that in those months Iosif Dzhugashvili was one of the links between the Caucasian terrorists who were busy preparing new bank robberies, and the top-secret three-member Bolshevik Financial Group. Stalin’s

presence in Berlin is striking from this point of view, if, in the name of this group, it was in fact mainly Leonid Krasin who controlled Kamo’s Caucasian terrorist community.!15

Leon Trotsky, however, came up with a somewhat different version: “The London Party Congress ended on April 27 [/1907—M. K./. The Tiflis expropriation took place on June 12, one and a half months later. Between returning from

abroad and the day of the expropriation Stalin was left with too little time to direct such a complicated enterprise personally. Besides, the members of the combat squad must have gelled together and familiarized themselves with one another in the course of previous dangerous enterprises. Some of the members 86

were perhaps insecure about what Lenin thought /following the ban issued at the congress—M. K./ about expropriations. They were waiting for a sign, and fol-

lowing his return home Stalin may have given that sign.”!16 This reasoning seems logical enough. However, the former Caucasian Mensheviks, and even several of the Bolsheviks, stated that Koba, in the year of the great “expropriation”, was more than a simple courier. In the spring of 1907, at the time of his

trip to Germany, he was regarded almost as “Lenin’s extended arm” by the Caucasian Bolshevik terrorists. However, he never wrote down a word about his secret mission to Berlin, although he did let a few remarks slip out: “A long time

ago in Germany they truly respected the law. In 1907, when I was forced to spend two or three months in Berlin, we Russian Bolsheviks often laughed at our German friends because of this”, he said in April 1932 to Emil Ludwig. He also

recounted an anecdote, according to which two hundred German Social Democrats missed a demonstration because, in the absence of the ticket collector, they did not dare to board the train without a ticket.117 In the Second World War Stalin also mentioned his stay in Germany when conversing with Churchill during a break in official negotiations. However, the Berlin trip was omitted from the biographical chronology at the end of the second volume of his Collected Works.!!8 Nevertheless, the researchers who maintained the files in the Stalin archives containing biographical data recorded the Berlin trip twice.119

The chronology of the Soviet party leader’s life also contains gaps at other points. Although recorded on the filing cards in the archives, the fact that in the summer of 1907 Iosif Dzhugashvili, who was then staying illegally in Baku, visited

the oil wells owned by the oil baron Kokharev, where there had recently been a number of cases of arson, is not included in the printed version of the chronology. The later decision by the censors can readily be understood in this case: they did not wish to alert readers to the fact that ““Comrade Koba” could have had anything to do with these incidents, which were referred to as “economic terror” by the Baku

revolutionaries. The reference is also omitted from the book by Bagirov, which deals in great detail with Stalin’s crucial role in the Baku workers’ movement. !20 ‘The arson attacks were not characteristic of the situation in the “city of black gold”. In early 1908, when Tiflis was on the verge of chaos, Baku was still rela-

tively peaceful since the authorities and the oil barons wanted to come to terms with the revolutionaries who were carrying on a desperate rearguard action. According to the recollections of Tatyana Vulich the local propagandists “were acting openly. They often held their meetings in workers’ hostels. The Bolshevik and Menshevik committees also met openly. The police were even happy to give out information as to when and where the committees would be meeting. These sessions usually took place in schools or other educational institutions. Shaumyan, Stalin, Budu Mdivani, Spandaryan, and others walked along the street quite openly. They would speak out at committee meetings as well as at public meetings and in private apartments.”!21 The local Menshevik leadership, which was far more militant than in Russia and which not much earlier had been in armed conflict with the tsarist authorities, was at that time willing to abandon its offensive tactics. The Mensheviks would readily have withheld strike action as well if, in return, the employers had made a collective contract with the oil workers and had improved their standard of living substantially. However, Stalin and his Bolshevik followers did everything they could to undermine the compromise that was taking shape. On the principle of “the worse it is the better it is”, and on the basis of nationality, they

turned the mostly Russian skilled workforce, who sympathized with the 87

Mensheviks, against the unskilled laborers, who had moved to Baku from the nearby Tatar and Azerbaijani villages and who were mostly illiterate and could barely speak Russian. Tatyana Vulich was told by her acquaintances that “Stalin wanted to obtain a majority, thus he herded along to the meetings /where the decisions were made with respect to strike action and arson attacks—M. K./ not only the elected delegates but everyone he met. I remember how surprised I was by the

sight of the many Tatar Bolshevik delegates. They’ were obviously not active party members at all. ‘The majority of them did not understand Russian and did not even know what was going on. They sat in one block. A ‘Tatar student walked up and down near them; he was a member of the Bolshevik party organiza-

tion and very loyal to Stalin. When it came to the vote, at his sign everyone raised their hand and thus with a majority of votes they defeated those decisions with which the Bolsheviks did not agree.” !22 Among the followers of “Comrade Koba” in Baku there were a few Russian Social Democrats as well, mostly people who, even at that time, were willing to give in to his will. Kliment Voroshilov, who had escaped from exile in northern

Russia, was one of them, whom the party, in the phrasing of the time, “commanded” to Baku. The future red marshal mentioned his acquaintanceship with Stalin in an autobiographical text written in the early 1920s: “Between January and September 1908 I worked in Baku as the secretary of the oil industrial trade union. At the same time I was a member of the Baku party committee, along with comrades Shaumyan, Mdivani, Stalin, and others.”!23 In another version of the autobiography almost the same names are mentioned in relation to his time in Baku: “I worked there with Shaumyan, Dzhaparidze, Stalin, Sosnovsky, and others, until the autumn (of 1908), after which I traveled to St. Petersburg.” !24 The old statesman, at the twilight of his life and with the help of his secretaries, , edited his lengthy memoirs for publication and from this version left out the names of Mdivane and Sosnovsky. In the meantime both these men had been executed as Trotskyites. On the other hand he always wrote in glowing terms about the “Master” and his meetings with him at that time: “On one occasion J. V. Stalin learned that I had fallen ill. In the evening he came to visit me, even though he was an extremely busy man and at that time we were not even such good friends as we were to become later during the Civil War. By the time he arrived I was no longer confined to bed. He was very pleased about this. He joked a great deal. He said that poetry and music elevate the spirit, which is good for health.” Then Stalin asked him if he enjoyed poetry. “When I answered that I did he asked me to recite a poem by Nekrasov. He called it an excellent poem that should be made known to as many workers as possible. ‘Then we sang together the song ‘I look up to the sky’. It turned out that he had a good voice and a fine ear for music.”’!25 In the manuscript of his book, written at the end of the 1960s at a time of apparent re-Stalinization, Kliment Voroshilov wrote about Stalin as if he had directed the Bolshevik-oriented Baku workers on his own. In reality, however, following the Russian revolution of 1905-1907, at least two opposing groups were working in the Bolshevik community of the Azerbaijani capital: the “rightists” grouped around “Alyosha” Dzhaparidze, and the “leftists” sympathizing with “Koba” Dzhugashvili.!26 It would be a mistake to believe that these adjectives refer to major differences, since among the followers of Dzhaparidze there were similar ruthless terrorists as in the circle around Stalin.!27 However, relations became so poisonous between the two groups that the emigrant Bolshevik leadership had to send Grigory Aleksinsky, and later Rozalia Zemlyachka, to “restore order”. Both of them came into conflict with Stalin almost immediate-

88 |

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