St Nazaire Raid, 1942 9781526736307, 1526736306

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St Nazaire Raid 1942

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St Nazaire Raid 1942

STEPHEN WYNN

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First published in Great Britain in 2022 by PEN AND SWORD MILITARY An imprint of Pen & Sword Books Limited Yorkshire – Philadelphia Copyright © Stephen Wynn, 2022 ISBN 978 1 52673 630 7 The right of Stephen Wynn to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Publisher in writing. Typeset in Times New Roman 11.5/14 by SJmagic DESIGN SERVICES, India. Printed and bound in the UK by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY. Pen & Sword Books Limited incorporates the imprints of Atlas, Archaeology, Aviation, Discovery, Family History, Fiction, History, Maritime, Military, Military Classics, Politics, Select, Transport, True Crime, Air World, Frontline Publishing, Leo Cooper, Remember When, Seaforth Publishing, The Praetorian Press, Wharncliffe Local History, Wharncliffe Transport, Wharncliffe True Crime and White Owl. For a complete list of Pen & Sword titles please contact PEN & SWORD BOOKS LIMITED 47 Church Street, Barnsley, South Yorkshire S70 2AS, United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.pen-and-sword.co.uk Or PEN AND SWORD BOOKS 1950 Lawrence Rd, Havertown, PA 19083, USA E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.penandswordbooks.com

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Contents

Chapter One The Importance of the St Nazaire Dry Dock Facility 1 Chapter Two Operation Chariot – Conception of the Raid on St Nazaire 6 Chapter Three Operation Vivid – Training Exercise for 12 the Raid Chapter Four The Journey from Falmouth to St Nazaire 16 Chapter Five The Raid on St Nazaire 21 HMS Campbeltown33 Chapter Six Chapter Seven German Defences at St Nazaire 45 Chapter Eight Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid on St Nazaire 47 St Nazaire – Other Acts of Bravery 69 Chapter Nine Chapter Ten What the Papers Had to Say 78 Chapter Eleven London Gazette – Thursday 2 October 1947 123 144 Chapter Twelve Kapitan zur See Karl-Conrad Mecke Chapter Thirteen Commandos Killed at St Nazaire 146 Chapter Fourteen Naval Personnel Killed at St Nazaire 158 Chapter Fifteen Raymond Couraud 171 Chapter Sixteen Lance Sergeant 5344190 Richard Bradley175 Conclusion185 Sources188 Biography189 Index191

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Chapter One

The Importance of the St Nazaire Dry Dock Facility

The port at St Nazaire in the Loire-Atlantique region of western France has always been of major importance to the country because it is the first port to be reached by merchant ships bringing goods into the country from across the Atlantic. During the First World War, British forces arriving in France landed at the northern ports of Dunkirk, Calais, Boulogne or Le Harve, but a large number of American forces, having made their way across the Atlantic, found themselves stepping foot on European soil at St Nazaire. In fact the first 14,000 American soldiers who made the crossing landed there. Even though attempts had been made to keep the location a secret for fear of attack by German submarines, the first American soldiers to disembark there on 26 June 1917 were greeted by a large and enthusiastic crowd of well-wishers, suggesting that secrecy hadn’t been as good as might have been hoped for. But within this story is hidden another; initially, the port of Brest rather than St Nazaire had been the intended destination. On 6 April 1917 America declared war on Germany and plans to move her troops across the Atlantic to Europe quickly began. In early June 1917, the troop transport ships needed to carry the first batch of soldiers of the American Expeditionary Force to Europe, along with a number of escorting vessels, began gathering in New York Harbour in preparation of the 3,474 mile journey . It was the job of twenty-one vessels which included four cruisers, thirteen destroyers, two fuel tankers and two armed yachts, to escort the seventeen troop-transport vessels, five of which were the USS Tenadores, Saratoga, Havana, Pastores, and a converted captured German merchant ship, the Dekalb. 1

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Germany had announced that their U-boats would engage in unrestricted submarine warfare as of 1 February 1917, so over such a long journey, the US convoy was in real danger of being attacked. If proof of such a danger were needed, the Americans only had to look back to 7 May 1915, when the German submarine SM U-20 torpedoed and sank the Cunard ocean going passenger liner RMS Lusitania, eleven miles off the Old Head of Kinsale in County Cork, Ireland. Of the 1,198 passengers who perished, 128 of them were American. On 17 March 1917, U-boats sank three American merchant vessels, and three weeks later, US President Woodrow Wilson declared war on Germany. By 14 June 1917, the convoy of thirty-five vessels was ready to leave New York on its potentially hazardous journey across the Atlantic. Along with the 14,000 American soldiers were a number of horses, and quantities of ammunition, supplies and equipment. Eight days in to the journey the convoy came under attack from an unknown number of German submarines, but luck was on the side of the Americans as not one of the torpedoes found a target. The ships’ captains dealt with the situation both professionally and calmly, to such a degree that most of those on board the convoy vessels were unaware that they had been under attack. Two days later, the convoy was joined by a number of additional American destroyers off the Irish coast, to escort them on the remainder of their journey towards France. German submarines had been spotted by French aircraft in the waters off Brest, so the convoy was diverted instead towards the port at St Nazaire, where it took some four days to unload all the troops, horses, supplies, equipment and ammunition. In the sixteen months between that initial landing and the end of the war, more than 2 million American soldiers had crossed the Atlantic and fought on the battlefields of Europe, a large percentage of whom had arrived via the port of St Nazaire. The building of the dry dock facility at St Nazaire, also known as the Louis Joubert Dock or the Normandie Dock, had first been considered by the Port Authority of St Nazaire at the end of the First World War. This was due to the port’s inability to accommodate any of the world’s large ocean-going passenger liners, but as with life in general, timing is all important. After four years of bloody fighting came an economic 2

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The Importance of the St Nazaire recession which was only to be expected in the circumstances. This included a massive reduction in the need for ocean-going liners as there were only a small number of people who could afford the price of the luxury offered by such ships. In a post-war era of tightening the belts, the plans for enlarging the port were shelved. In 1925, the French shipping company, Compagnie Generale Transatlantique, internationally referred to as the ‘French Line’, commissioned the building of an ocean-going liner, it was the first such vessel built after the end of the First World War. It was launched on 14 March 1926 and its maiden voyage took place on 22 June 1927. Work on the Louis Joubert dry dock finally began in February 1929. It had been designed by French engineer Albert Caquot, who had served in the First World War when he was mobilised with the 40e Compagnie d’Aerostiers air balloon unit, where he was commissioned with the rank of First Lieutenant. In 1931, he was responsible for the now world famous Christ the Redeemer statue, located at the top of the Corcovado Mountain in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The work on the new and enlarged dry dock at St Nazaire was completed and ready for use in 1933 – ironically at about the same time the Nazi Party came to power in Germany. The dock connected one of the facility’s two original basins, the Perhoet basin, with the Loire River, and was named after Louis Joubert, the former president of the St Nazaire Chamber of Commerce who had died in 1930. When France fell to Germany on 25 June 1940, ending fighting on the Western Front until the Normandy landings on 6 June 1944, German forces found themselves in possession of the entire port facilities at St Nazaire. Not only did it possess the only dry dock facility capable of housing her two massive battleships Bismarck and Tirpitz, but it was situated on France’s west coast, giving the German Kriegsmarine the significant advantage of direct access to the Atlantic Ocean without having to travel via the English Channel, or what is known as the GIUK gap (the area of water between the top of Scotland and Iceland, which is the link between the North Atlantic Ocean, the Norwegian Sea, and the North Sea). St Nazaire was where the Bismarck headed after she was badly damaged during the Battle of the Denmark Strait on 24 May 1941; she and the German heavy cruiser the Prinz Eugen were trying to make their way to the North Atlantic to carry out attacks on Allied merchant 3

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 shipping en route to British ports with much needed supplies. At about 0620 hours, HMS Prince of Wales fired a salvo of shells at the Bismarck, with three of them striking home. The second of the three shells passed straight through the Bismarck’s bow, without exploding, while the third caused damage and flooding to a generator room and a nearby boiler room. She was also leaking oil and listing slightly to her port side. Initially the damage does not appear to have been a major concern and did not stop her from engaging with HMS Hood, striking her with a shell that caused two of her aft magazines to explode. The Bismarck also engaged HMS Prince of Wales, striking her on four occasions, but her own damage was slowly beginning to take its toll. Ironically, the importance bestowed by Germany on the port facilities at St Nazaire ultimately resulted in the loss of the Bismarck. Admiral Johann Gunther Lutjens, who was the Fleet commander of the German navy and on board the Bismarck, prevented the ship’s captain, Kapitan zur see, Otto Ernst Lindermann, from heading towards the German occupied ports of Bergen or Trondheim in Norway, which would have meant a journey of approximately 870 nautical miles, the former being his preferred choice. Instead, Lutjens ordered that the Bismarck should head for St Nazaire. This was a strange decision and made absolutely no sense, as St Nazaire was some 1,390 nautical miles from the Bismarck’s position, which meant having to travel an additional 520 nautical miles – a potentially dangerous journey even for an undamaged Bismarck able to travel at maximum speed. Despite this, Lutjens decided that St Nazaire was the best place to head for. He reasoned that the journey to get there would provide the best opportunity to shake off the British ships who were chasing after her. It was out of the flying range of RAF bomber aircraft, and there was the possibility of finding assistance from both German naval vessels and submarines operating out of Brest. Lindermann was not the only one to find Lutjens’ decision to head for St Nazaire somewhat bizarre; it had also caused utter confusion among the German hierarchy in Berlin, and had even reached the ears of Adolf Hitler. Bismarck’s attempt to reach the dry dock at St Nazaire failed. The pride of the German navy was attacked by British Swordfish biplane torpedo bombers which had taken off from HMS Ark Royal. One of 4

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The Importance of the St Nazaire the torpedoes struck the Bismarck and damaged her rudders, making steering impossible. On the morning of 27 May 1941, while laying crippled in the North Atlantic, the Bismarck was attacked by the British battleships, HMS King George V and HMS Rodney, along with the cruiser HMS Dorsetshire, with the latter of the three ships dealing the final blow that caused her to sink. Only 115 out of Bismarck’s total crew of 2,200 survived.

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Chapter Two

Operation Chariot – Conception of the Raid on St Nazaire

British Commandos had already shown their worth in the Second World War, particularly so in Operation Claymore, the raid on Norway’s Lofoten Islands on 4 March 1941. Their formation had come about as a result of a note sent by Prime Minister Winston Churchill to his chief military assistant, General Hastings Lionel ‘Pug’ Ismay, on 6 June 1940, which spoke of a need for specially trained troops, all of whom would be volunteers. The work they would be expected to carry out would more often than not either be behind enemy lines or into enemy-held territory. What is accepted as the first British commando raid of the Second World War was Operation Collar. It was undertaken by No. 11 Independent Company on the night of 25/26 June 1940, and came in the form of a reconnaissance type raid near to Le Touquet, which is situated in the Pas-de-Calais region of northern France. The second commando raid, Operation Ambassador, took place just three weeks later, on the night of 14/15 July 1940, and was more significant than the first raid had been, not because of anything that it might have achieved, but because it was actually carried out on British soil, albeit that of a British Crown Dependency in the form of the island of Guernsey. The 140 men who took part in the raid were from ‘H’ Troop of No. 3 Commando, and No. 11 Independent Company. By the end of the Second World War, British commandos would see active service in Europe, the Middle East, North Africa as well as the Pacific and the Arctic Circle, such was the demand for their skills and attributes. On Saturday 28 March 1942, what has gone down in the annals of British military history as one of the greatest amphibious commando 6

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Operation Chariot – Conception of the Raid operations of the Second World War took place when British forces carried out an attack on the dry dock facility at the port of St Nazaire – Operation Chariot. The dry dock facility at St Nazaire could cater for some of Germany’s largest warships such as the Admiral Graf Spee, the Bismarck, or the Tirpitz, in the case of them needing repairs or maintenance work. Without access to the facilities at St Nazaire, these vessels would then have had to return to Germany, and to do so would have meant them having to sail either through the English Channel or across the North Sea, which in turn then presented the British navy with the opportunity to engage and destroy them. The port area at St Nazaire also provided a base and secure shelter for a large number of German U-boats; from here they were able to attack the much-needed supply convoys making their way to the UK from America. The idea for such an operation had originated from the Battle of the Denmark Strait, a naval engagement which had taken place on 24 May 1941, between the British navy vessels HMS Prince of Wales and HMS Hood, and Germany’s Kriegsmarine vessels Bismarck and Prinz Eugen. The head-to-head exchange saw the sinking of the battlecruiser HMS Hood after she was hit by a shell from the Bismarck; it took less than three minutes for her to go down. The Prince of Wales was damaged, also after an exchange with the Bismarck, and was damaged sufficiently enough for her to have to retire from the fight. On the German side, the Bismarck was also damaged, albeit slightly, but it was still enough for her to take in water. The decision was taken for it to disengage from the battle, and make its way to St Nazaire, but before it could get there, it was attacked and sunk by British forces. The loss of the Bismarck had simply highlighted the importance to the Germans of the dry dock facility at St Nazaire, and with battleships such as the Tirpitz still at their disposal, something needed to be done, and fast. The last thing Winston Churchill or President Roosevelt wanted was for the Tirpitz to be able to navigate her way around the world’s shipping lanes at will, which she potentially could if she had the dry dock facilities of St Nazaire at her disposal. The North Atlantic was an important stretch of water for both Britain and America. If they wanted to stay in the war they could ill-afford to have it controlled by Germany’s Kriegsmarine and ships, with the potential killing power possessed by that of such a vessel as the Tirpitz. 7

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 If the Kriegsmarine were unable to use the dry dock facilities at St Nazaire, the likelihood was that the Germans would be less likely to risk having the Tirpitz patrolling in the North Atlantic. Winston Churchill was rightly worried about the threat posed by the Tirpitz, but he also realised that the key to dealing with her was St Nazaire. If he could somehow put the dry dock out of action, then there was every chance he could keep the Tirpitz out of the North Atlantic which, if achieved, meant Britain was still in the war and would be for some time. When the planning for the raid began, different options were considered. An airborne raid by paratroopers was looked at, but because of the heavy defensive armaments in place at St Nazaire, it was felt that there was a risk that casualties would be extremely high. There was also the risk that in inclement weather, parachutists could easily end up being blown way off course, which would have potentially meant hundreds of British soldiers landing in German-occupied France, miles away from their intended target. A raid by aircraft from the RAF’s Bomber Command was also considered, but then quickly dismissed for two reasons. First, there were concerns about the number of aircraft and crews that would be lost due to the great number of anti-aircraft batteries Germany had in place in and around the port area. Second, there was also the question of accuracy when dropping bombs from thousands of feet up, as there was no certainty that enough (or even any) bombs would actually hit the dry dock gates. Such a scenario would make the subsequent aerial losses sustained, even harder to bear. Another dimension to an air raid was the French civilian population, as the dock area at St Nazaire was very close to the homes of hundreds of local people. Accidentally killing a large number of French civilians, no matter what the reason, would understandably not be viewed positively by the French. It was felt that the only feasible option left on the table, which not everybody was totally convinced about, was a joint naval/commando raid. But it was known from the outset that the risks involved in carrying out such an operation were great, and there was still no guarantee of success. The biggest problem was how to get a surface ship of any great size, undetected, up the Loire estuary, to the port at St Nazaire, a distance of about six miles. With the combined defensive firepower installed on both sides of the estuary by Germany, any vessel attempting such a journey would, if discovered, be shot to pieces. 8

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Operation Chariot – Conception of the Raid In June 1940, Roger Keyes (later to become Sir Roger Keyes) was appointed as the first Head of Combined Operations, a department of Britain’s War Office, which had been specifically set up to carry out combined army and navy raids on identified military targets along the coastline of German-occupied Europe. In October 1917, during the First World War, Vice-Admiral Roger Keyes became the director of what was entitled the ‘Plans Division’ at the Admiralty. Less than two months later, on 3 December, Keyes submitted detailed plans for the blocking of Zeebrugge harbour, by using old and obsolete cruisers in a night-time operation. There had been similar plans submitted to the Admiralty earlier in the war but they had all been rejected for one reason or another. One of the rejected proposals had been submitted by the eminently qualified Commodore Reginald Tyrwhitt, who was the commander of the Harwich Force. In August 1914 he had been involved in the Battle of Heligoland Blight. In December the same year he saw action during the raid on the Imperial German navy at their base in Cuxhaven, and in January 1915, he was involved in the Battle of Dogger Bank. Not put off by the rejection of his proposed plan, he submitted an even more audacious plan to attack Zeebrugge harbour, capture the Mole before moving on to capture the town and holding it before advancing on Antwerp. Despite Tyrwhitt’s enthusiasm for such derring-do, his revised plan was also rejected by the Admiralty. It was not until Keyes altered and tweaked another version of Tyrwhitt’s plan, which had been submitted by Vice-Admiral Sir Reginald Baker, commander of the Dover Patrol, on 18 December 1917, that the Admiralty approved a plan for a raid on Zeebrugge. As head of Combined Operations, Keyes oversaw commando training, which was then in its relative infancy. He drew on all the knowledge and experience from his service in the First World War, especially his involvement in the Zeebrugge raid, to come up with innovative ideas for similar style raids on German occupied territories. But not only did the Joint Chiefs of Staff not like his suggestions and ideas, they were thought them so unworkable that in October 1941, he was removed from his position as Head of Combined Operations. Despite the lack of any movement on a plan of how best to deal with the St Nazaire situation, Winston Churchill was not prepared to forget the idea. There were important issues at stake, including the merchant seamen who would lose their lives if something wasn’t done to stop 9

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Germany’s massive battleships, like the Tirpitz, from being able to use and operate out of St Nazaire. To this end, Churchill contacted Lord Louis Mountbatten, who had taken over from Keyes as the new man in charge of Combined Operations, along with Commodore John HughesHallet, who was in charge of the Channel Assault Force, and their aides. With the planning underway, one of the initial points which came up for discussion was what route to take – an extremely important issue. There was a channel into St Nazaire which had been dug out, allowing bigger naval vessels in to the port facility, but as it was the obvious route for shipping to take, it was also the most heavily guarded. The other option was that of the Loire estuary, which was not really an option for large naval vessels because of its numerous sand banks. Despite such an obvious natural deterrent, the German defenders took nothing for granted and had placed numerous anti-aircraft batteries along both sides of the estuary, leading from the mouth of the river all the way up to the port at St Nazaire. The initial version of the plan suggested the use of two destroyers. The first of these would contain the explosives and a large team of commandos, and would ram the outer dry dock gates. The commandos would disembark on impact, go ashore and wreak as much havoc and cause as much damage as possible. The time delay fuses on the explosives would be timed to go off while the raiding party were ashore, and when they had completed their task, they would re-embark on the second destroyer and then make good their escape. To give those involved in the raid every chance of success the plan also included the RAF who, while the raid was under way, would bomb the surrounding area. This was extremely dangerous, not only for French civilians but the British commandos and sailors, as the RAF had no way of knowing exactly where they would be at any given time. This plan was not looked upon favourably by the Admiralty because, despite any vessels to be used in the raid coming from those already designated as being obsolete, they were not ‘happy’ with agreeing to the loss of one of their vessels. This was selfish of the navy, especially with what was at stake, the impact on the British and Allied war effort, and the undoubted loss of a large number of commandos. After mulling over the plan, the Admiralty suggested that the proposed second destroyer be replaced by a number of motor launches, and that the destroyer to be used for ramming the Normandie dock 10

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Operation Chariot – Conception of the Raid gates could be one from the French navy. The plan was finally agreed and then submitted to the Joint Chiefs of Staff for final approval. For security reasons, the idea of a French ship being used in the operation was dispensed with. For this to happen the Free French Government in London would have to be approached; if they acquiesced to the request they would no doubt insist that French sailors and soldiers be included in the raiding party. With that many additional people being aware of the details of the operation, the more chance there was of the Germans finding out about the raid. Those tasked with planning the operation knew full well that there were no guarantees that the raid would be successful. There was also the added risk that it could result in the loss of hundreds of commandos, but because of what was at stake, the decision was taken that the raid had to go ahead regardless of the number of casualties incurred. It was already early March 1942, and the raid was planned to take place on 29 March, to coincide with a high tide that would occur in the Loire estuary, although as we now know, that date was subsequently brought forward. The commandos needed to hone their skills in preparation for the raid, so in the preceding weeks they spent their time criss-crossing the country, visiting different port facilities to familiarise themselves with what they would likely find when they arrived at St Nazaire. The most useful of these visits would undoubtedly have been the King George V Dry Dock in Southampton, which had officially been opened on 26 July 1933 by King George V and Queen Mary, and on which St Nazaire was modelled. The commandos had the opportunity to practise setting explosives and climbing inside the docks gates at night, knowing that what they would encounter at St Nazaire would be very similar, if not the same. Despite the commandos sticking to an extensive training programme, the main element of the raid, an obsolete vessel that was expendable, had still to be obtained; by the time of the departure from Falmouth, however, this problem had been resolved.

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Chapter Three

Operation Vivid – Training Exercise for the Raid

The raid on St Nazaire could not simply go ahead blindly. It had to be planned and then practised to give it as much chance as possible of succeeding. The problem was, how to do it without arousing suspicion or drawing attention to what was really taking place, both among members of the local population as well as any unwelcome prying eyes. They achieved this in the form of Operation Vivid, which was, for all intents and purposes, nothing more sinister than a training exercise. The operation was dictated to a degree by nature, insofar as it had to take place during the course of a high tide. This was needed to enable what would be a heavily laden Campbeltown to safely clear the sandbanks which were to be found halfway along the estuary leading up to the port at St Nazaire. If the operation didn’t take place on an evening where there was a high tide, it was possible that the Campbeltown would run aground in mid-channel, where she would become stuck and be a ‘sitting duck’ for all the German defensive guns. The planning of Operation Chariot was so secret that even most of those taking part didn’t know the full story until late in proceedings. Initially, the motor launches and their personnel arrived at Falmouth in the belief that they were taking part in some kind of training exercise. Any enquiries that were made about why so many motor launches were suddenly to be found in Falmouth were fobbed off with a story about them belonging to the 10th Anti-Submarine Flotilla, a unit that didn’t actually exist. Supposedly, the Royal Navy was becoming involved in conducting long-range patrols in their search for enemy submarines, and that the motor launches at Falmouth were there to simply undergo their training for this newly proposed role. 12

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Operation Vivid – Training Exercise Eight of the motor launches: ML 447, under the command of Lieutenant Commander F.N. Woods; ML 298, under the command of Lieutenant Bob Nock; ML 306, under the command of Lieutenant Ian Henderson: ML 307, under the command of Lieutenant Norman Wallis; ML 341, under the command of Lieutenant Douglas Briault; ML 443, under the command of Lieutenant T.D.L. Platt; ML 446, under the command of Lieutenant Dick Falconer; and ML 457, under the command of Lieutenant Tom Collier, came from No. 28 Motor Launch Flotilla. Another four: ML 192, under the command of Lieutenant Commander Bill Stephens; ML 262, under the command of Lieutenant Ted Burt; ML 267, under the command of Lieutenant E.H. Beart; and ML 268, under the command of Lieutenant Bill Tillie, were from No. 20 Motor Launch Flotilla. Four more motor launches: ML 156, under the command of Lieutenant Leslie Fenton; ML 160, under the command of Lieutenant Tom Boyd; ML 177, under the command of Sub-Lieutenant Mark Rodier; and ML 270, under the command of Lieutenant Charles Stuart Bonshaw, arrived from No. 7 Motor Launch Flotilla. The Motor Gun Boat, MGB 314, under the command of Lieutenant Dunstan Curtis, was from No. 14 Motor Gun Boat Flotilla and was a Fairmile Type C class motor launch. Motor Torpedo Boat MTB 74, under the command of Sub-Lieutenant Robert Charles Michael V. Wynn, was, at 70ft, considerably smaller than the other motor launches taking part in the raid, but in this case her much smaller size was not an issue because at a speed of 40 knots she could travel at twice the speed of the other motor launches taking part in the raid. In total she had five engines: three 1,250 horse-power supercharged Packard engines, along with two Ford V8s. The commandos who would be carried on the motor launches during the raid also had to make their way to Falmouth. Their journey took them from their base at Ayr on the West Coast of Scotland, past the Isle of Man, through the Irish Sea, past the Bristol Channel before turning left into the English Channel and finally arriving at Falmouth. They made the journey on board HMS Princess Josephine Charlotte, a Landing Ship Infantry vessel, commonly referred to as an LSI. The vessel had first been launched on 28 June 1930 and was initially used as a passenger liner, but on 28 September 1940 it was requisitioned by the Royal Navy and converted to an LSI. It was a formidable vessel, 13

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 at 360ft in length and weighing some 3,000tons (!), its top speed was 24 knots and its complement was 207. Armaments included two 12-pounder anti-aircraft guns, two 2-pounder anti-aircraft guns, and six 20mm antiaircraft guns, which gave it a formidable defensive capability. The man in charge of her was Lieutenant Commander Stuart Erskine Crewe-Read of the Royal Navy. On arriving at Falmouth HMS Princess Josephine Charlotte kept a low profile, as did her ‘cargo’ of expectant commandos. Security was tight, as would be expected at a major naval base during wartime. HMS Atherstone and HMS Tynedale, two Royal Navy destroyers, had been tasked with escorting the raiding party across the English Channel, around the Brittany Peninsula, and in to the Bay of Biscay, before leaving them to complete the final six-mile leg of their journey up the estuary of the Loire River to St Nazaire. The two destroyers had arrived in Falmouth on 23 March without attracting too much in the way of attention, as such vessels arriving at the harbour were commonplace at the time. The third and final part of the jigsaw needed for the raid at St Nazaire, and quite possibly the most important component of it, was HMS Campbeltown; after all, this was the vessel that would be used as one of the biggest battering rams of all time as she was driven in to the outer gates of the Normandie dry dock at St Nazaire. The Campbeltown was the last to arrive at Falmouth in the early evening of 25 March. All of the alterations required to be carried out on her had been completed at Devonport. Besides having been stripped of any unnecessary equipment, armour plating having been added to strengthen certain sections of the ship, she was made to look as much like a German torpedo boat as was possible, so that when she made her way up the Loire estuary, her true identity would not be immediately discovered. With everybody taking part in the raid having arrived at Falmouth, it was time to bring the operation together by conducting an in-depth briefing, so that everyone knew their part in the operation and what was expected of them. The planners of the operation knew that although the raid on St Nazaire wasn’t a suicide mission, many of those at the briefing would be either wounded, captured or killed, and would not be returning after the operation. To this end, everybody was told they could, if they wished, decline to take part in the raid and stay behind, in the knowledge that those who did so would not face any ‘recriminations or loss of their 14

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Operation Vivid – Training Exercise honour’. Not one man, neither commando nor navy personnel, took this opportunity. Operation Vivid was, in essence, very straightforward. It was, plain and simple, a training exercise to test the defences that were in place at the Devonport naval base. The exercise was far from being a secret. It was more a case of being ‘hidden in open sight’, although in saying that, it did take place during the hours of darkness so as to make it as realistic for those on board the motor launches as possible. To increase the authenticity the training exercise also included the local Home Guard and Civil Defence units, who believed the exercise was largely for their benefit; they were tasked with trying to detect the raiding party with the use of spotlights, and to deal with any of the commandos who managed to make it ashore. By the end of the exercise the Home Guard and Civil Defence members were more than happy with their night’s work, although of course the reality was that the exercise had taken place for the benefit of the raiding party and to give them, if that were at all possible, a flavour of what they were going to experience at St Nazaire. The 10th ML Flotilla, which included their crews and a number of commandos on each of the launches, were given specific locations to aim for within the Devonport base. The main difference was that when they did it for real they would be met by a torrent of intensive gunfire, a number of enemy vessels, and the likelihood that many of them were either going to be killed, wounded or captured. Whether a training exercise could ever replicate such an environment is doubtful, but going through the exercise was better than going on the raid without having had any kind of practice.

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Chapter Four

The Journey from Falmouth to St Nazaire

The raid was originally due to take place on the evening of 28/29 March 1942, to coincide with the high tide on the River Loire, an extremely important element of the raid. Without the high tide, the Campbeltown would likely run aground on one of the numerous sandbanks which occupied the stretch of the estuary needed for the raiding party to manoeuvre along to reach their objective. Commander Robert Ryder, who was in charge of the naval aspect of the raid as well as being the man at the helm of the Campbeltown, made the decision that the raid would go ahead a day earlier. All of the preparations had been completed, everybody was as ready as they were ever going to be, and Ryder felt they were simply sitting round just waiting to go. For the men, the stress of been cooped up, not being allowed off their particular motor launches while just waiting in Falmouth harbour to set off on the raid, could be immense. The weather was good and the waters of the English Channel were relatively calm as the three destroyers HMS Campbeltown, HMS Atherstone and HMS Tynedale, along with eighteen motor launches, quietly left Falmouth harbour at 1400 hours on the afternoon of 26 March 1942, with the Atherstone being the lead vessel. For the early stages of the journey the convoy also had the added safety of air cover to keep an eye out for them. To preserve fuel, both MGB 314 and MTB 74 were towed for the outbound journey. Both of these vessels were considerably smaller than the other motor launches in the raiding party, and therefore could not carry as much fuel. The distance between Falmouth and St Nazaire was about 400 miles, a journey which was going to take some hours to complete. Besides the 16

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The Journey from Falmouth to St Nazaire weather conditions having to be just right, the eighteen vessels involved in the raid had to hope they were not spotted and attacked by German aircraft, naval vessels or submarines. It would have been an extremely nerve-racking journey for both the naval personnel and the commandos, although for all of them, this was exactly the kind of involvement in the war that they wanted. The Plymouth Command had received intelligence reports that a number of German E-boats were in the area through which the British convoy would be travelling. The Commander-in-Chief, Plymouth, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Charles Forbes, radioed Commander Ryder on board the Campbeltown to let him know and to advise him that in the circumstances he would be sending two more destroyers, HMS Cleveland and HMS Brocklesby to join the convoy. By the morning of 27 March, the convoy had already covered half the distance of the journey and up to that point there had been no problems to deal with, but it would prove to be an eventful crossing. One of the escorting destroyers, HMS Tynedale, identified a surface object that was nearer inshore. On closer inspection it turned out to be a German submarine, which was subsequently identified as being U-593, and who, by way of coincidence, was also heading towards St Nazaire, which was her home base. The U-boat appeared unaware of the presence of an enemy vessel; the Tynedale closed in on her and opened fire causing U-593, who was still on the surface, to crash dive. Depth charges followed as the Tynedale went in for the kill. They had the desired effect, because shortly afterwards the panicked U-boat was forced to resurface. Tynedale immediately opened fire but her shots fell short and the U-boat once again dived below the surface for her self preservation. There was no more contact between the two vessels and the decision was made to continue on their way in the hope that the U-boat had been sunk and was unable to transmit a radio message about her encounter. U-593 had managed to transmit a radio message back to her base, but luckily for the raiding party she stated that the convoy that had attacked her was heading west – the opposite direction from St Nazaire – giving no cause for concern that they might in fact be heading their way. A very fortunate turn of events for the raiding party. Soon after this encounter the convoy came across another situation, this time in the form of French fishing trawlers. Although identified as 17

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 being ‘friendly’, the trawlers simply could not be ignored, as there was too much at stake. At the time it was common practice for the Germans to place observers on board French fishing vessels with radios so they could call in any movement of either British naval vessels or merchant shipping. The following passage is taken from a book entitled The French Navy in World War II although the piece I quote below is specifically about fishing trawlers. The fishermen of the Occupied Zone were permitted by the Germans to continue their fishing, but only in small vessels with small crews, and restricted to areas just a few miles off the coast. A German patrol boat generally kept guard over the fishermen, though sometimes a squad of German soldiers would take passage on the fastest boat in the fleet to maintain its surveillance from there. Nor was the Kriegsmarine wrong in distrusting the fishermen of France. Often a fishing boat, slipping past the German patrols at tremendous risk, would carry to England a load of young Frenchmen anxious to re-enter the war, or Allied aviators shot down over France, or even more dangerous cargos, secret intelligence agents. On this occasion there were neither any German observers on board the French fishing vessels, nor Kriegsmarine patrol vessels keeping an eye on them but nonetheless, the decision was made that the trawlers’ crews would be taken off and placed on board one of the escorting destroyers, and their vessels sunk. By 2100 hours on 27 March the convoy were 65 nautical miles off of St Nazaire. The convoy changed direction and lined up facing the estuary of the River Loire, which would take them directly towards the harbour at St Nazaire. For the destroyers Atherstone and Tynedale, their job of escorting the raiding party from Falmouth was finished, but their part in the operation was far from over. On leaving the convoy they were tasked with carrying out a patrol in the immediate area to ensure that no German vessels were able to catch the raiding party by surprise by following in behind them. At 2200 hours the Royal Navy submarine HMS Sturgeon, who was positioned just outside the mouth of the River Loire estuary, shone her 18

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The Journey from Falmouth to St Nazaire navigation beacon out to sea to help guide the raiding party to the exact position they needed to be in. Everything was going according to plan and the final part of the operation was just about to begin. MGB 314 took the lead, with HMS Campbeltown immediately behind. ML 270 and ML 160 were slightly in front and to either side of the aging destroyer. Behind her, and split equally on either side, were twelve motor launches, followed by a single motor launch ML 298, and right at the very back was the motor torpedo boat MTB 74, commanded by Sub-lieutenant Robert Wynn, who had started the war in the British Army, had helped with the evacuations at Dunkirk as a civilian, and was now serving in the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve at St Nazaire. Before beginning this final stage of the journey, the vessels raised the German naval ensign to add to the confusion and fool the German defenders that they were nothing more sinister than vessels of the Kriegsmarine returning to port after a patrol. On the Atlantic coastline of France near to the start of the Loire estuary, was the Wehrmacht radar station at Le Croisic, which the raiding party managed to pass without drawing attention to themselves or setting off any alarm bells. If they needed a reminder of the precarious position they were in, it came not long after entering the estuary in the form of the wreck of the SS Lancastria, whose hull was still visible below the surface of the water. This vessel had been attacked by German aircraft and sunk on 17 June 1940 during Operation Aerial, while picking up British troops and civilians from St Nazaire, just two weeks after the end of the evacuations at Dunkirk. Although no official figure has ever been produced for the number of lives lost, it has been estimated at nearly 6,000. Whatever the actual figure is, it is recognised as the largest singleship loss of life in British maritime history. Soon after passing Le Croisic radar station, the convoy slowly made their way past the Pointe Saint-Gildas, where the Germans had an artillery battery comprising of two separate units. The first was at the Saint-Gildas point and consisted of four 75mm guns, while the other was above the Raize beach and consisted of two 240mm guns, which were more like relics because they were from the First World War. One of the guns was positioned at the very top of the Chemin de la Raize, while the other was located halfway down the cliff face. This was possible because there were a series of caves which had been turned in 19

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 to underground bunkers, that were also used as a small military hospital, a radio communications station and a command centre. The soldiers who manned the guns were from the Marine Artillerie Abteilung 280 unit. They were also responsible for four other batteries in and around the port area at St Nazaire, specifically for the defence of the submarine pens. So it was that at 0120 hours on 28 March 1942, when the convoy was just two miles from their intended target of the Normandie dry dock, the Germans finally realised that they were under attack.

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Chapter Five

The Raid on St Nazaire

With the journey from Falmouth completed, the actual raid part of the mission began at approximately 0120 hours on 28 March. The Harbour Commander’s headquarters at the naval dockyard at St Nazaire was contacted and informed that a large number of vessels had been spotted making their way up the estuary towards the dockyard. For some reason this does not appear to have raised any suspicions of an impending attack, despite the fact that the dockyard had endured what could only be described as an unusual air raid, less than an hour-and-a-half earlier. Part of the air raid had included the RAF bombers circling overhead, albeit the reason for this was low cloud cover and a worry of accidentally killing or wounding French civilians. As far as bombing raids go it was most certainly unusual behaviour, which had already raised the suspicions of Kapitan zur See Karl-Conrad Mecke, who was the commanding officer of the 22nd Marine Flak Regiment, one of the units that were in place to guard the harbour at St Nazaire. He knew from experience that air raids usually consisted of large numbers of enemy bombers dropping hundreds of tons of bombs on their intended targets, and who were not put off from doing so by a bit of low cloud cover. Mecke was so concerned that he warned all his units to be on high alert. Just after the air raid and once again about an hour later, he repeated his initial warning, but added that his men should be prepared for an enemy raid either by parachute or an amphibious attack from the sea. Whether any of Mecke’s men felt that their commanding officer had lost his senses is not recorded, but he was certainly a perceptive individual. Fearing that his anti-aircraft gun batteries and searchlight units were being used by the British as guidance beacons, he ordered that none of his guns should aimlessly open fire, or any of the searchlights

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 be switched on, unless there was a real belief that there was an imminent target for them to highlight. The earlier message, which had been made to the Harbour Commander, was also passed on to Mecke’s headquarters; unlike the Harbour Commander, he acted on it. For him, enough was enough. No more guessing or second-guessing what may or may not be about to happen, he took the decision to inform all German defensive units in the immediate area of the port facility at St Nazaire to prepare for an imminent attack that would result in the landing of enemy forces. As was normal procedure at such facilities, whether they were on British soil or enemy territory, there was a plan to deal with such an eventuality. What the British raiding party could not have possibly known at the time was that their job was about to become a whole lot more difficult because the German defenders would be ready and waiting before they were in a position to disembark from their vessels. This undoubtedly lead to many more British fatalities and casualties than there otherwise would have been. Despite Mecke’s order, there was still confusion among his men. Searchlights from both sides of the estuary began to search the darkness that prevailed. In no time at all they caught sight of what looked like one of their own destroyers displaying a Kriegsmarine German flag, fluttering gently in the breeze of the night. The order that Mecke had given simply did not make sense to those on land, because what they could see in the beam of the searchlight making its way up the estuary was nothing more sinister than a German destroyer, returned to port accompanied by a number of smaller vessels, all displaying German flags. As an alternative to opening fire in tandem, just one German gun fired a shot across the bow of the Campbeltown. Still the British continued to move forward, kept calm, didn’t panic and responded by firing off a green flare, which at its highest, burst into three red stars, the German recognition signal between vessels and inshore facilities, to prevent any such confusion and prevent the firing upon of their own vessels. It was another ten minutes before the ruse was finally confirmed, and each and every one of the German batteries opened fire on the vessels in front of them. With less than a mile to go before they reached their destination the British opened fire and the raid on St Nazaire was well and truly under way. It was like bonfire night with tracer rounds winging their way across the night skies above St Nazaire, accompanied by the 22

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The Raid on St Nazaire loud bangs of shells being fired before they exploded on or near their intended target, the rat-a-tat-tat sound of machine guns firing off their rounds as defender and attacker fought it out between them. There was still a confusion, but now it was of a different kind, this time it was the type that came with such a fight in the hours of darkness. The intensity of gun fire was incredible as those on one side tried to kill those on the other, while at the same time trying to stay alive themselves. Men were killed and wounded on both sides as the Campbeltown, having reached her full speed of 15 knots, rammed in to the outer gate of the Normandie dry dock. It was 0134 hours on 28 March 1942, just four minutes late from the proposed plan. Many of the motor launches were not so fortunate. Made out of wood they stood little chance of surviving the sustained enemy fire they encountered. Set on fire, torn to pieces and sunk was the end for many of them, with those on board who hadn’t been killed or wounded doing their best to make their way ashore before they too were gunned down. Other launches didn’t get to unload their contingents of commandos, many of them killed or wounded before getting anywhere near being able to disembark them. For the lucky ones who made it back to the rendezvous point, there were not many who were not wounded or hurt in some way or another. MTB 74, having seen the Campbeltown complete her part of the operation, deposited her two time-delayed torpedos at the gates of the harbour’s Old Entrance. Another surprise for the German defenders to deal with sometime over the course of the twenty-four hours following the end of the raid. The plan was that once the demolition parties had set their explosives on their intended targets, they and their security parties were to return to the harbour’s Old Mole to be collected by the motor launches. To those who made it back, it quickly became obvious that there would be no vessels coming to collect them, so there was no shock, surprise or panic. Every one of them had known the risks involved in what they had volunteered to do, but still they went ahead and took part in the operation. The last thing they were going to do after so many of their comrades in arms had been wounded or killed, was to complain about how things had turned out for them. But rather than just sit and wait to be rounded up by the Germans, they were ordered by Lieutenant Colonel Newman to separate themselves 23

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 into small groups and try to make their way to the comparative safety of the surrounding countryside. But that was an order easier said than done. First, they had to get out of the harbour, then if they managed that they had to make their way through the town, all the while being chased and fired upon by German soldiers eager to either capture or kill them. For many of them, having run out of ammunition, the only reality of their situation was that of surrender and the knowledge that the rest of the war for them, no matter how long it went on for, was one of incarceration as a prisoner of war. Where exactly that would be, they had no way of knowing. While all of this was taking place, there was still the little matter of the British destroyer left rammed in to the gates of the Normandie dry dock. No one had been giving it too much thought while the Germans had been rounding up the final remnants of the British raiding party. But now that all eyes were on it, the main question was, why? Surely the British hadn’t sailed some 400 miles, lost so many men and vessels, simply to ram one of their ships in to an outer gate of a dry dock, knowing that the damage caused would be repaired a matter of weeks at worst. Because the attack was so audacious the Germans were not really sure what had actually happened, they were certainly not thinking about a connection between the dry dock gates and the Tirpitz. The Germans didn’t even know if the ramming of the Normandie dry dock had been carried out intentionally, or was simply just a mistake by a British naval officer who had lost his way and become confused in the dark and heat of battle. The Campbeltown’s commander, Lieutenant Commander Stephen Beattie, was actually being interrogated by Kriegsmarine officers when an almighty explosion pierced through the relative calm of the morning after the night before. The bomb that had been hidden in the front section of the Campbeltown had detonated, obliterating the forward part of the ship and the enormous gate of the Normandie dry dock. Whoever was on board was killed outright, the exact numbers of which are unclear, but it was certainly in double figures, as a number of German personnel had been looking through and over it, some trying to establish if there was anything of intelligence value, while others were simply there for nothing more than curiosity and an opportunity to obtain souvenirs. Having dealt with the aftermath of the raid, mopped up the remaining British commandos, collected the dead, and dealt with the wounded, 24

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The Raid on St Nazaire the Germans had set about the clean-up operation by members of the Organisation Todt, a German civil and military engineering unit named after its founder Fritz Todt, and who wore military style uniforms. With that still going on the following day, and large numbers of Todt members in the vicinity of the Old Entrance gates, the time delayed fuses on MTB 74’s two torpedoes detonated, and the subsequent explosion resulted in many more deaths. This caused even more confusion, during which time German soldiers, in their panic, fired upon and killed both Todt members and French workers, mistaking them for British commandos and sailors. Germany understandably reported the raid as a total failure, but this wasn’t just propaganda, if it was that at all. It was more a case of ignorance in not fully understanding the real reason behind the raid. While researching this book I came across the following newspaper article from the Northern Whig, dated Tuesday 31 March 1942, just three days after the raid had taken place. This is a good example, even with wartime restrictions in place, of what newspapers could and could not report on. When it suited the government to disclose detailed information about military operations in an effort to boost public morale, they were more than happy to do so. St Nazaire Dock Out of Action For Year Photographs which have been taken over St Nazaire, following the brilliant raid made by combined forces, show that the main object was achieved. The outer lock gate, which was from 20 to 30 feet thick, was blown up, which means the Tirpitz will possibly not be able to use the lock for a year. The raid was actually a lot more successful than the newspaper article states. Not only was the dry dock facility at St Nazaire put out of action for the rest of the war, it did not reopen until 1948. These new facts were disclosed last night by a naval officer who took part in the action. Slim, black-haired, bubbling over with enthusiasm, he told his thrilling story in sharp staccato sentences, almost as if he were rapping out orders on the bridge. 25

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 The un-named naval officer would have only been able to have made such a detailed and frank disclosure with the approval and full backing of senior officers at the Admiralty, and/or senior members of the government. To have done so without such approval would have constituted a breach of the Official Secrets Act 1939. HMS Campbeltown, which rammed the lock gate, was under the command of Lieut. Commander S.H. Beattie. He was seen on the deck after she had rammed the gate. Photographs show no sign of the Campbeltown, but it is possible that half of the ship is now blocking the entrance to the lock. ‘Our principal task,’ said the officer, ‘was to put out of action the large dock which is the only one outside Germany which the Tirpitz could use. ‘After ramming the lock gates Campbeltown was scuttled, leaving her crew, and the commandos she had on board, to scramble over the bows of the ship. While they were going in among the buildings and up to the old lock gate the crew of the Campbeltown lit the fuses for the main charge and scuttling charges, and were then re-embarked by us. ‘We ordered in another of our light craft, which fired two torpedoes at the little lock gate. We came under heavy flak fire, and were under very heavy fire during the withdrawal.’ There is no doubt about it, as the photographs show, that the main lock gate is missing. One of the main objectives for the landing party was to destroy the lock mechanism, together with the pumping house. It was interesting to note that the officer who was being quoted, conveniently or otherwise, forgot to mention that the Campbeltown had four and a quarter tons of explosives hidden in her bows which was connected to an eight-hour, long-delay ‘pencil’ fuse, and then encased in concrete. Just Blazed Away ‘We saw a German guardship of about 600 tons, and thought he was going to shoot us up,’ said the officer, 26

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The Raid on St Nazaire ‘but before he could fire we got a direct hit on his gun. As soon as the Germans on shore heard the firing they opened up on to this wretched flak ship of theirs, firing absolutely indiscriminately. The photographs show that the ship is no longer afloat. The Germans did not seem to mind where their own fellows were but just blazed away. It was only after we had fired upon this flak ship that the Germans replied and sent up fire the like of which I have never dreamed of. The Germans fired from housetops on to their own troops. All the light craft taking part in the operation replied vigorously to the German fire. The whole operation occupied about two hours. Five German torpedo boats had evidently been sent to eat us up but they met some of our ships and on second thoughts changed their tactics for they never met us again,’ said the officer. The same article then continued with a piece specifically about Lieutenant-Commander Stephen Halden Beattie, which makes me think that he was also the un-named officer who was quoted in the piece above. Was in Derry Lieut.-Commander Stephen Halden Beattie was in the destroyer Zulu when war broke out. He is the eldest son of the Rev. E.H. Beattie, vicar of Madley, Hertfordshire, who won the M.C. as an army chaplain in the last war. Lieutenant-Commander Beattie was married in 1931 to Miss Philippa Blanchflower. There are two boys, the younger born in Londonderry last October. When on leave ashore in Londonderry, Lieut.-Commander Beattie lived at a country cottage near the city with his wife and children. In addition to gardening and motoring, he was keenly interested in Rugby football, They both took part in the social life of Londonderry. The raid on St Nazaire was the third time during the course of the war that Beattie had been involved in something newsworthy. He had 27

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 previously been mentioned in despatches for ‘good work’ in a battle with German E-boats, and in November 1940, he was in command of the British destroyer HMS Vivien when she shot down two Junkers aircraft in the North Sea while on convoy escort duty. The article finished with comments made by the First Lord of the Admiralty, who at the time was Mr A.V. Alexander. Speaking at the Mansion House in London he commented on how the raid on St Nazaire was, as far as combined operations went, one of the most stirring events of the war. It was a story of courage, heroism, skilled organisation and accurate navigation. Though it was an operation necessarily carrying casualties, nevertheless it secured a great dividend for the cause in which we are engaged. The main objective of the raid was to put out of action the Normandie dry dock, this was an absolute must. Without achieving this the raid could only be classed as a failure. If in addition to this primary objective other dockyard facilities could also be put out of action, including other lock gates, pumping stations, internal dock bridges and winding sheds, then those achievements would be an absolute bonus. The vicinity of the Old Mole and the original dry dock area were also important aspects of the raid; part of the plan was for this to be secured so that it could be used as the evacuation point for surviving commandos at the end of the raid. This aspect didn’t quite go according to plan. As luck would have it, one of the motor launches nominated to take part in the raid, Motor Torpedo Boat MTB 74, had previously been modified to take part in another Operation, a raid into German-occupied France at the port city of Brest on the Brittany coast. The plan was to attack the two German battleships that were at anchor at the port, Scharnhorst and Gneisenau. This plan had been cancelled when what has become known as the ‘Channel Dash’ took place between 11 and 13 February 1942. This involved the battleships Scharnhorst and Gneisenau leaving the French port of Brest, in company with an escort of one heavy cruiser, six destroyers, fourteen torpedo boats twenty-six E-boats, thirty-two bomber aircraft and 252 fighter aircraft, and making their way up the English Channel, to the safety of ports in Germany. Somewhat remarkably, the 28

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The Raid on St Nazaire German vessels, having left Brest at just after 9 pm on 11 February 1942, had been at steam for some twelve hours before finally being discovered in the Straits of Dover. Despite being attacked by coastal battery units and aircraft from the Royal Navy’s Fleet Air Arm, the Scharnhorst and the Gneisenau made good their escape and arrived safely at German ports on 13 February. Both vessels were damaged, not by the RAF aircraft that attacked them or from the land based artillery units, but by mines in the North Sea. The two powerhouses of the German navy had made the hazardous journey on the explicit orders of Adolf Hitler, who feared a British attack on Norway. With this in mind, he felt that his two best two battleships would be of better use closer to home. Operation Chariot took place not too long after the intended operation at Brest, so it made perfect sense for MTB 74 to be utilised as part of the raiding party at St Nazaire. In preparation for the cancelled operation, MTB 74 had her torpedo tubes raised up slightly and in front of the vessel’s wheelhouse. The reason for this was just in case there were nets in place at St Nazaire to protect the dry dock gates from an attack by torpedo boats. If there were, MTB 74 would be able to fire her torpedos over the nets, allowing them to strike their intended target. HMS Campbeltown was the raiding party’s main vessel, but when the planners were putting the operation together, they had built in the contingency of what to do if, for whatever reason, the modified destroyer did not make it to the dry docks, either through enemy gun fire, mechanical failure or running aground on a sandbank in the Loire estuary. As with the bomb on board the Campbeltown, MTB 74’s two torpedoes had their fuses set to delay so those on board would not be killed when they detonated. Providing Campbeltown was successful in her efforts, MTB 74 was able to fire her two torpedoes at the outer gates of the northern entrance of the submarine basin. Four other motor launches also carried torpedoes: ML 160, ML 170, ML298 and ML 446. After the fighting at St Nazaire was over, one of those tasked by the Germans with identifying the British dead and seriously wounded was Lieutenant (112917) Corran William Brooke Purdon of the Royal Irish Rifles and No. 12 Commando. He had been one of the commandos on board HMS Campbeltown, and during the raid he was in charge of one of the demolition teams. For his actions he was awarded the Military Cross. 29

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Those officers and men who were captured at St Nazaire were initially taken to nearby La Baule, and from there they were sent to Stalag 133 at Rennes in Northern France, and onwards to other prisoner of war camps in Germany. In total 612 men from the Royal Navy took part in the operation; of these only 228 would make the return journey, with many of these having been wounded in some way or other. This gives an insight into just how intense the subsequent fighting had been, and how determined the British sailors and commandos had been in carrying out their mission, no matter what the cost. The bodies of the British commandos and sailors that were recovered were buried with full military honours at the cemetery at Escoublac-la-Baule, just over eight miles away from St Nazaire. Taking into account that more than 300 German soldiers lost their lives at St Nazaire, that they took the time and effort to give their British counterparts funerals with full military honours was extremely respectful. As a prisoner of war, Lieutenant Corran William Brooke Purdon eventually found himself incarcerated at Oflag IVC, better known as ‘Colditz’. As for most British officers who ended up there, it wasn’t the first PoW camp he had found himself a prisoner at. Others involved in Operation Chariot ended up as prisoners of war at Oflag lX-A/H in Spangenberg, a camp for British and French officers located in the thirteenth-century Spangenberg Castle, Hesse, in Germany (Oflag was simply an abbreviation of Offizerslager or officers’ camp, and the letter ‘H’ in the camp’s title, indicated that it was the Hauptlager, or main camp). They were: Bill ‘Tiger’ Watson, of No.2 Commando; Major W.O. Copland, DSO, who was second in command of the troops of No.2 Commando on board HMS Campbeltown; Captain R.K. Montgomery, MC, Royal Engineers, who was in control of the demolitions in the dock area at St Nazaire; Lieutenant Corran Purdon MC – he and the men under his command blew up the Northern Winding House at St Nazaire (he was one of those who escaped from Spangenberg and ended up in the infamous Colditz Castle); Micky Burn of No.2 Commando, who was awarded the Military Cross for his actions during Operation Chariot, and also later ended up at Colditz; Donald ‘The Laird’ Roy, of No.2 Commando, who was awarded the Distinguished Service Order for his actions at St Nazaire. (He escaped from Spangenberg, but was recaptured less than two weeks later.) 30

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The Raid on St Nazaire In the aftermath of the raid Adolf Hitler was certainly not happy about what had happened. He was at a loss to understand how an enemy destroyer and seventeen motor launches managed to get in to the Loire estuary, and then travel six miles along it and crash in to the dry dock gates before his men fully understood what was happening. In fairness to the German defenders, their uncertainty in the matter wasn’t helped any by the raiders’ ability to communicate with them in German on a radio frequency that they should not have even known about. The man who took the blame and was sacked for allowing the raid to take place and putting the Normandie dock out of use for the rest of the war was Generaloberst Carl Hilpert, Chief-of-Staff to the Oberbefehlshaber West, or in English, High Commander in the West, the individual in overall charge of German armed forces on the Western Front. His punishment was short lived and after spending a matter of months on the Army Reserve, he was reinstated before the end of 1942. During the final three years of the war Hilpert, having deemed to have served his penance, was put in charge of twelve different Army Corps or Army Groups. It was while Commander-in-Chief of Army Group Courland, who were in action on the Eastern Front between July 1944 and May 1945, that Hilpert and his men were surrounded by Red Army forces in the Courland Pocket. On 7 May 1945, and with Hitler dead, Hilpert was ordered to surrender by the man who had taken over from Hitler, Admiral Karl Donitz. The following day at 14:00 hours, Hilpert, his staff officers and three divisions of the German 38th Corps, surrendered to the Soviet Marshal, Leonid Govorov. Hilpert died on 1 February 1947 in Moscow, while still being held as a prisoner of the war by the Soviets. The success of the raid at St Nazaire led to a major overhaul by Germany of the entire Atlantic coastline between Spain and Norway. In August 1942, Albert Speer, Germany’s Armaments Minister, was ordered by Adolf Hitler to begin the construction of a further 15,000 bunkers, which he wanted in place and complete by May 1943. With the benefit of hindsight it is quite staggering to think that Hitler waited for five months after what, for him, was the debacle at St Nazaire, before he met with Speer to order the defensive improvements to Germanys Atlantic defences. The raid at St Nazaire was, in essence, a much bigger success than history has actually bestowed on the British forces who took part in the 31

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 raid. Beside putting the Normandie dry dock out of use for the rest of the war and beyond, they caused Nazi Germany to spend time, money, materiel and effort over a period of nine months constructing the ordered defensive structures. Although sadly much of the actual building work would have been carried out by enforced slave labour, a large number of German military personnel would have been allocated to this work as well. The equipment, cost and materials it took to build these structures would have been immense. The biggest achievement, I believe, to come out of the raid on St Nazaire goes back to the original idea and purpose behind the need for the raid in the first place: to put the Normandie dry dock out of use and prevent German naval ships such as the Tirpitz from being able to use it. For the rest of the war, the effectiveness of the Tirpitz was greatly restricted, as she had to spend her time hiding in among the Norwegian fjords and periodically sailing into the waters of the North Sea to attack and harass Allied shipping. The Tirpitz never made it in to the Atlantic Ocean, potentially saving numerous Allied merchant ships from being attacked and sunk, the lives of thousands of Merchant seamen, and an immeasurable amount of much-needed foodstuffs, military equipment and vehicles from being sent to the ocean floor. The Tirpitz was finally destroyed when she was attacked by a number of RAF bombers while at anchor near Tromso in Norway on 12 November 1944. She wasn’t sunk, but instead capsized with the loss of 940 of her crew. The Tirpitz had not really posed a threat to the Allies after having been severely damaged in an air raid carried out two months earlier, on 15 September, by aircraft from the RAF’s No. 9 and No. 617 Squadrons.

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Chapter Six

HMS Campbeltown

The story of HMS Campbeltown dates back to May 1940, and the British Chiefs of Staff Committee. The Battle of France was the German invasion of France and the Low Countries of Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands, and began on 10 May 1940. The British Chiefs of Staff were extremely worried because they knew that if France eventually fell under the weight of Nazi Germany’s rapid and destructive onslaught, they were in real trouble and it was unlikely that Britain and her Empire ‘cousins’ had any real chance of winning. The best case scenario for Britain was that America would enter the war and help in the defeat and destruction of Nazi Germany, but the mood among the American people, most of whom had no desire to become embroiled in what they saw as a ‘European war’, suggested that this would not be the case anytime soon, regardless of whether the political desire was any different. The President of the United States in 1940 was Franklin D. Roosevelt, who was up for re-election in November of that year, and with an estimated 1.2 million German-born immigrants living throughout the country, siding with Britain against their country of birth might just not have been the brightest of political moves to make. Perhaps with this in mind, Roosevelt was understandably careful in his political dealings with Britain, regardless of how sympathetic he might have been to her plight. This wasn’t the only matter Britain had to overcome where America was concerned. There was also the ‘small matter’ of something called the Neutrality Acts, which had been passed by the United States Congress in 1937. This was in response to the increasing likelihood of war breaking out in Europe, and which stated, in essence, that rather than America becoming involved, she would keep a position of isolation. One of the conditions of the Act prevented America from selling arms to any nation who was involved in such a war.

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Regardless of any political restrictions or worries America might have had in relation to becoming embroiled in a war taking place thousands of miles away in Europe, she was certainly not a nation to turn down an opportunity to help herself. In the immediate aftermath of the evacuation of British troops from the beaches of Dunkirk, Winston Churchill and his government knew that if the Royal Navy had any chance of standing up to the might of the German navy and the threat posed by her submarines, she needed more ships. There were two main reasons for this. First, the real and imminent threat of an amphibious invasion by German forces across the English Channel, and second, the safeguarding of essential routes across the Atlantic of food and other much needed supplies. Seizing her opportunity in the belief that Britain was close to having to surrender to Nazi Germany, America asked the British government to lease them their airfields in Bermuda, Newfoundland and Trinidad, but did not offer anything in return. Winston Churchill was quick to turn this down unless the Americans offered something in return. It became an unintended political game of ‘cat and mouse’. What Churchill wanted was naval destroyers, but he didn’t want to come out and just ask for them. Roosevelt offered rifles and ammunition, but to do this he had to declare them as ‘obsolete’ in order to abide by the conditions laid down by his country’s Neutrality Act. In July 1940, the German Luftwaffe had begun its attempt at destroying the RAF and killing off the morale and willpower of the British people, first with what we now know as the Battle of Britain, followed by the Blitz. One of the conditions Hitler laid down to enable the invasion of Britain to take place was the destruction of the RAF. Churchill knew that if the RAF were defeated and lost control of the skies over the English Channel and the south coast of England, the suspected German invasion wouldn’t be far behind. By the end of August 1940, America was coming to the conclusion, politically, that it would not be long before Churchill and the British would have no option but to surrender. But rather than be annoyed about America’s reaction, Churchill used this to his advantage. He told Roosevelt in no uncertain terms that if he was forced to surrender, it would be a decision which could well have far reaching consequences for America. By this he meant that if Britain fell to the Germans, then her colonial islands that were close to American shores, such as Bermuda, 34

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HMS CAMPBELTOWN the Bahamas, Jamaica and the Cayman Islands, to name but a few, could also fall into German hands. The actual language used by Churchill, or the tone in which it was spoken, was not recorded, but whatever and however it was said, it obviously had the desired effect, because Roosevelt agreed the ‘destroyers for bases’ deal. Once again, he managed to sidestep the conditions of the Neutrality Act by having the destroyers being handed over to Churchill certified by Admiral Harold R. Stark as being obsolete and not vital to the national security of the United States. On 2 September 1940, Britain and the United States of America signed the agreement known as the ‘destroyers for bases’ deal. What did the deal mean for both sides? America was allowed 99-year leases, and to establish naval or air bases in: Newfoundland, Bahamas, Jamaica, Saint Lucia, Trinidad, Antigua, British Guiana, and Bermuda. For Roosevelt and America this was an impressive deal which allowed her to greatly enhance the nation’s security, especially if Nazi Germany ever decided on a campaign of world domination. Initially, America handed over fifty vessels, which was a combination of Caldwell, Wickes, and Clemson-class destroyers. Britain had decided their newly acquired destroyers would be named after towns, hence they became known as ‘Town’ class destroyers. Seven of them were handed over to the Royal Canadian Navy, with the remaining forty-three, becoming part of the Royal Navy. It was a deal which greatly benefited America but, because of the state of the destroyers, it was one where she certainly did not cover herself in any kind of glory. These were not new, never-before used vessels fresh off the production line. Far from it. Each and every one of the fifty had been inactive for some time, with many of them being between twenty to thirty years old. During their time in ‘mothballs’ little in the way of maintenance work had been carried out on them. Churchill was far from happy with Roosevelt and wanted to tell him so in no uncertain terms, but Britain needed America like never before and could not afford to cause a rift between the two nations. In the circumstances, Churchill’s response was: ‘We have so far only been able to bring a few of your fifty destroyers in to action on account of the many defects which they naturally develop when exposed to Atlantic weather.’ It was possibly one of the most carefully worded wartime responses Churchill had ever given. His restraint worked and in 1941, Roosevelt 35

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 sent ten, much newer, Lake-class Coast Guard cutters to the UK, which was sufficient to placate Churchill and his government. Out of all of these vessels the one that would without question become the most famous and best known was HMS Campbeltown. She had started life as a Wickes-class destroyer with the United States Navy on 2 January 1919, and was known as the USS Buchanan with the serial number of DD-131. She was first commissioned on 20 January 1919, and soon afterwards joined the Destroyer Flotilla 4, as part United States Pacific Fleet. Despite this, and the fact that she was only three years old, on 7 June 1922, she was deemed to be surplus to requirements and was out of commission for nearly eight years, being left to sit at the United States Pacific Fleet’s naval facility in San Diego on America’s west coast, until she was recalled to service on 10 April 1930. But on 9 April 1937, she was back at the naval facility at San Diego, out of commission once again, where she stayed until 30 September 1939, by which time she was more than twenty years old. Despite her age, she was refitted and when the work was completed, she became part of the newly formed Neutrality Patrol. On 4 September 1939, with Europe now officially at war and the Battle of the Atlantic already under way, America, although not involved, still decided to take steps to protect herself should the need arise. To this end, the United States Chief of Naval Operations (CNO) quickly put together the Neutrality Patrol, which had a combined air and sea capability covering her Atlantic coastline. With the newly formed patrol in place, President Roosevelt declared America’s neutrality on 5 September; despite this declaration, things were not always what they appeared to be. The USS Buchanan and the other American vessels of the Neutrality Patrol carried out escort duties of British cargo ships, while at the same time being under orders to fire on any German submarines on sight, which is a very unusual style of neutrality. The Buchanan continued her duties with the Neutrality Patrol until 22 February 1940, before being sent to undertake further patrols throughout the Florida Straits and the Gulf of Mexico, before being decommissioned from the United States Navy and sent to the UK as part of the ‘destroyers for bases’ agreement. Having arrived at the Devonport naval base on 29 September 1940, the USS Buchanan was renamed HMS Campbeltown and almost 36

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HMS CAMPBELTOWN immediately began a period of refitting which continued through until the end of October. It would be fair to say that she did not have an auspicious start to her time with the Royal Navy. Having being allocated to the 17th Flotilla, she began her sea trials on 2 November 1940, and by the end of the first day had managed to be involved in a collision with SS Risoy, a cargo vessel. Neither vessel sustained any major damage and the Campbeltown made her way to the port of Liverpool for repairs. She then rejoined the 17th Flotilla, which in turn was part of the Western Approaches Command, who were engaged in patrolling an area of the Atlantic Ocean known as the Western Approaches. This was an area to the west of Ireland and stretched between the northern and southern most parts of Britain. Campbeltown’s job was to protect British shipping in that area. The vast majority of vessels, naval or merchant, don’t have a single accident throughout the period of their existence. The Campbeltown was not so fortunate. On 29 November 1940, just five days after having completed her repairs and back on patrol with the 17th Flotilla in the Western Approaches, she somehow managed to collide with and sink a British coaster, the Fiddow, in the Mersey Estuary. Remarkably, like a phoenix rising from the ashes, just over a year later, the Fiddow was salvaged, repaired and renamed the Empire Estuary before being put back in to use with the Ministry of War Transport. As for the Campbeltown, once again she had to undergo some repair work, and soon after this she returned to her operational duties with the 17th Flotilla. Remarkably on 3 December, she had yet another collision, this time with the SS Comus, which resulted in even more repair work having to be carried out on the Campbeltown, this time taking nearly four months to complete. After the repair work was completed on 29 March, she was loaned to the Royal Netherlands Navy and was quickly put to work as part of the 7th Escort Group, but after just two months the ship needed more repairs, so was out of action once again. She returned to the 7th Escort Group in July and between then and December, mainly carried out escort duties between Britain and West Africa. By the end of the year she had returned to the Royal Navy and was sent to Devonport for yet more repairs. It is not clear who made the decision, but while at Devonport the Campbeltown was chosen as the main vessel to be used in the proposed raid on St Nazaire. Maybe it had something to do with the fact that since 37

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 having first arrived at Devonport, she had been involved in three accidents and had spent months at port either undergoing repairs or maintenance work. Maybe the Campbeltown was simply not cost affective to keep afloat anymore. But whatever the reason, the decision had been made concerning the ship’s fate. At least this way she would go out in a blaze of glory and be remembered and talked about for ever more. With Atlantic convoys, especially those from America, being the lifeblood of British wartime hopes, Churchill knew that everything possible needed to be done to safeguard them. If the Royal Navy could keep German battleships such as the Tirpitz and the Bismarck out of the English Channel and the Atlantic Ocean, then there was a chance that Britain might just survive, if only for a little bit longer. If Britain could manage to put the dry dock facility at St Nazaire out of action, her chances of survival would greatly increase. The Campbeltown had previously been determined as surplus to requirements by the Americans, and it would be fair to say that since she arrived in Britain, she hadn’t been the most successful ship ever to have been a part of the Royal Navy. All that was needed was for her to be in sufficiently good condition to sail from Falmouth to St Nazaire, make her way up the estuary of the Loire, and be able to pick up as much speed as possible to ram the outer gate of the dry dock, causing as much damage as possible. For the Campbeltown to have any chance of succeeding she was going to need one or two changes made to her structure. Large sections of armour plate were added to each side of the ship in an effort to make her as strong as possible, due to the expected intensity of the gunfire she would be up against at St Nazaire. Splinter mattresses were added to the bridge and rows of 2ft high plating were added to sections of the deck to protect the commandos who would be on her deck during the approach along the estuary leading up to the harbour at St Nazaire. Her two rear funnels were removed, with the remaining two being cut backwards at an angle to provide the illusion that she was a German naval vessel. Her 4-inch guns, torpedo tubes, and depth-charge tracks and throwers were all removed, but to provide her with more than adequate fire power, one 12-pounder gun, which fired a 3-inch calibre shell, was installed at the front of the ship. In addition to this, eight Oerlikon antiaircraft 20mm cannon, which were based on a German design dating back to the time of the First World War, were added on the ship’s upper 38

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HMS CAMPBELTOWN deck, and two .50 calibre machine guns were added to each side of the bridge. The addition of these guns was essential if she was to have any chance of making it to the dry dock gate; the last half mile in particular was going to be nightmarish, as she made her way up the final straight to her intended target. As the intensity of the German defensive fire increased, to those on board the Campbeltown it must have seemed like they were in the middle of a hail storm, as the bullets smacked into her reinforced hull. One conundrum for the planners of the raid was that the Campbeltown needed the addition of a great deal of armour to ensure that she wasn’t shot to pieces as she made her way up the Loire River, but she also needed to be light in order to move through the water fast enough to hit the gates at optimum speed. To this end, any unnecessary pieces of equipment on board that did not serve a specific purpose were deemed surplus to requirements and removed. This was a one way trip for Campbeltown, so of course, she only required enough fuel for the outward journey. On her own, Campbeltown was never going to cause what could be classed as any real long-term damage to the gates of the dry dock, just by physically ramming into them; the damage caused would last a matter of weeks at most. To this end, something additional was needed, something which ensured that the gates and the dry dock itself would be put out of action for a very long time. After much discussion between Lieutenant Nigel Tibbets of the Royal Navy, other senior naval officers and representatives from the Royal Engineers, who assisted with the onshore demolitions at St Nazaire, a design for a workable bomb was devised. This came in the shape of 4.5 tons worth of naval depth charges, specifically the 24 Mark VII version, each of which weighed some 400lbs, and contained the high explosive amatol, which was a mixture of ammonium nitrate and TNT. To achieve this, a specially made bomb was devised which was then placed in a purpose-built concrete and steel block and placed in the front section of Campbeltown, right next to her fuel tanks. The construction and design of the block was such that it was intended to withstand the initial impact of Campbeltown hitting the lock gates. To a certain degree the plan had to rely on a ‘what if ’ scenario. Best case scenario was that after the initial impact of Campbeltown with the lock gate she would still be afloat, and if this was the case she was to 39

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 be scuttled, which would allow her to sink to the bottom of the river, and recently designed ‘pencil’ style fuses would be set to detonate the massive bomb, some eight hours after impact. As it was, the impact was such that the Campbeltown was left half in and half out of the water as she crashed through, and almost mounted the outer gate of the Normandie dry dock. As dawn broke on the morning of 28 March 1942, the port area at St Nazaire would have been an incredulous sight for the German soldiers. The dead bodies of British commandos lay where they had fallen, while others who were wounded sat around in dishevelled groups waiting to be tended to. The waters of the estuary immediately outside the dock area were festooned with the wrecks of a number of the Motor Launches that had been damaged, burnt out or partially sunk during the raid. Apart from the Campbeltown, MGB 314 and MTB 74, all of the other vessels that were part of the raiding party at St Nazaire, were Fairmile Type B motor launches. These were built by Fairmile Marine during the Second World War for use by the Royal Navy for coastal operations, mainly as submarine chasers. To assist in this role all of them were equipped with sonar as standard. As has been discussed elsewhere, the RAF played their part in the raid at St Nazaire which, as it turned out, was both a help and a hinderance. The help came in the form of the German defensive guns being distracted and having to concentrate on the skies above them. This allowed the Campbeltown, who was flying the flag of the German Kriegsmarine, and the motor launches which accompanied her, to get into the Loire estuary without actually being noticed. It was only when the RAF aircraft did not proceed to drop any bombs that the Germans became suspicious that they might just be a distraction. They then changed their attention to the estuary and spotted the Campbeltown and the motor launches. Fortunately the raiding party didn’t panic and begin firing wildly in to the night. Part of the reason for this is that they were in possession of up-to-date German signal codes, which had been recovered from a German trawler during a raid on the German-occupied Norwegian island of Vagsoy during Operation Archery of December 1941. The man able to communicate with the enemy was German speaking, Acting Leading Signalman LDX 4732 Seymour Charles Pike, of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve. He was able to continue the lie that the raiding party were nothing more than a Kriegsmarine patrol returning to port, which 40

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HMS CAMPBELTOWN provided them with the valuable extra time they needed to get as close to their target as possible before the Germans realised what was happening. Before they reached the Normandie dry dock, and despite Pike’s best efforts at trying to convince the Germans that they were friends and not foes, the skies suddenly lit up as the raiding party came under attack from both sides of the river. Understanding that their ruse was up they returned fire with everything they had. For his part in the raid, Pike, who was on the lead launch, Motor Gun Boat MGB 314, was awarded the Distinguished Service Medal, the announcement of which appeared in the London Gazette newspaper dated Tuesday 19 May 1942. The motor launches were undoubtedly formidable vessels. Some 112ft in length and just over 18ft wide, driven by two 650bhp engines with a top speed of 20 knots, or 23 miles per hour. The original vessels, which first came in to service in September 1940, had a combination of armaments which included a QF 3 pounder Hotchkiss gun, a twin .303 machine gun, along with twelve depth charges, specifically for their role as submarine chasers. The launches were predominantly made of wood, with only the wheelhouse being armour plated. They were in fact the equivalent of a giant model kit, the parts of which were prefabricated and when complete were sent to the particular boat yard where they were to be assembled and fitted out. The launches continued to be built throughout the war with the main alterations being in the vessels’ armaments, which usually meant more fire power, which in turn resulted in an even more formidable piece of equipment. The shock of the raid had resulted in a number of German reinforcements being quickly dispatched to the St Nazaire area, as the German High Command attempted to establish what had happened and why it had taken place. Clarity was needed. Had they just experienced an isolated raid, or was it part of a bigger Allied operation? Besides the obvious damage caused to the outer gates of the Normandie dry dock, German forces had to ensure that all of the British commandos had been accounted for, whether in the dock area, the town or the surrounding countryside. The bodies of those who had been killed, along with their own dead, needed collecting, the wounded needed tending to, and the captured British commandos and sailors needed guarding, before secure accommodation could be found in which to hold them prior to transport to prisoner of war camps. 41

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 For the Germans guarding the port facility at St Nazaire, dealing with air raids was what they were set up for; the expectation of an attack from the sea was the last thing they would have expected, and as such the troops stationed there would not have been from any particularly elite units. German forces were quick to take a number of official photographs on the morning after the raid. The images they recorded captured both the ruined Campbeltown, some of the raiding motor launches, along with dead, wounded and captured British commandos and naval personnel. Although these images were actually taken for German propaganda purposes, they unintentionally helped record for posterity an historical account of what has been called the greatest commando raid of all time. There are at least two photographs that appear in this book which show British prisoners of war who, in the immediate aftermath of the raid, are shown smiling at the camera as their photographs were being taken. It is both surprising and fortunate that neither the German photographer or any accompanying officers or men did not think to question what these men were smiling about. Not that any such enquiry would have been met with a sensible or honest reply. I can only assume that these photographs were taken before 12 noon on 28 March 1942, as that was the time that the Campbeltown exploded, even though it had been due to go off at 4.30 am, and these men knew that the crashing of the ship into the dock gate was most definitely not the end of the matter by any stretch of the imagination. Captain Robert Montgomery, who was attached to No. 2 Commando from the Royal Engineers, said he believed that the reason the bomb on board the Campbeltown took so long to detonate was because some of the acid stored within the pencil detonators had become distilled, which reduced its effectiveness. Another of the Royal Engineers who also took part in the raid was Captain W.H. Pritchard, who had been part of the British Expeditionary Force evacuated from Dunkirk in 1940. At the time of the explosion there were a group of some forty high-ranking German military and civilian personnel on board the Campbeltown, all of whom were killed instantly. It is estimated that in total some 360 German personnel were killed in the explosion. It is debateable if they ever knew why the Campbeltown had exploded. It had, after all, been embedded in the dry dock gates for nearly twelve hours before the bomb on board had detonated. 42

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HMS CAMPBELTOWN With some irony, at the exact moment Campbeltown exploded, the man in charge of her, Lieutenant-Commander Stephen Beattie, was being interrogated by a high-ranking German officer about the purpose of the operation, as he knew that despite the damage caused by the Campbeltown to the outer gate of the Normandie dry dock, it would take no longer than a matter of weeks to repair. According to the book Forgotten Voices of the Second World War (2005) by Max Arthur, Beattie smiled at his interrogator and said, ‘We’re not quite as foolish as you think.’ The German officer’s response to Beattie’s smile and comments was not recorded. During the raid, MTB 74 had fired her two torpedoes at the gates of the original entrance into the inner basin. The fuses of these torpedoes had been put on a delayed setting and eventually detonated on the afternoon of 30 March. At this time, members of the Organisation Todt were in the port basin undertaking a clean-up operation. The exploding torpedoes sent those Todt members in the immediate vicinity running for cover, but some of them were shot and killed by German soldiers who had mistaken them for British commandos. The Campbeltown might well have been past her best by the time she was received by the Royal Navy, but she will go down in history as the vessel that took part in one of the most notable commando raids of all time. By helping to put the dry dock facility out of operation at St Nazaire for the rest of the war, the Campbeltown undoubtedly saved the lives of thousands of Merchant seaman whose vessels would have come under attack from the German navy in the Atlantic. She also helped safeguard the much needed cargo these vessels were bringing to Britain, which helped feed the nation and assist in the country’s war effort. The dry dock facilities at St Nazaire were not used again until 1950, when the first vessel accommodated there was what had been the German ocean-going liner the Europa. After undergoing a refit it was renamed the SS Liberte and handed over to France by the government of the United States by way of compensation for the loss of the French passenger liner SS Normandie in 1942. The SS Normandie, the largest passenger liner in the world at the time, had been at berth at pier 88 in New York City, which is where she just happened to be at the time of France’s declaration of war on Germany in September 1939. Because the United States was a neutral country, she impounded the Normandie in keeping with international 43

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 maritime law; the crew were interned but allowed to remain on board for maintenance purposes. Both the ship and the crew were guarded by the United States Coast Guard. America entered the war following the attack on Pearl Harbor by Japan on 7 December 1941. Shortly afterwards, on 12 December, America exercised her right to seize the Normandie. The vessel was renamed the USS Laffyette and the US Navy began converting her in to a troop carrier. During the work, on 9 February 1942 a fire broke out, and with the ship’s sprinkler system switched off, she was quickly engulfed in flames. It took five-and-a-half hours to extinguish the fire, but the damage was already done; it rolled over onto its side and came to rest on the bottom of the Hudson River.

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Chapter Seven

German Defences at St Nazaire

With the fall of France, Germany found herself in possession of a number of French ports that could be utilised by the Kriegsmarine. This included those at Bordeaux, Brest, La Rochelle, Lorient and St Nazaire. Some of these ports were increased in size to accommodate submarine pens that were so large and solid in their construction that it would have taken an enormous number of direct hits to put them out of action. Because of its importance to Germany in relation to the Atlantic Ocean, St Nazaire had its defences increased dramatically, especially at the mouth of the River Loire. The numerous gun batteries at St Nazaire were manned by German naval troops under the command of Kapitan zur See Adalbert Zuckschwerdt, who was responsible for all the defensive anti-aircraft batteries in and around the port facility at St Nazaire, including those on either side of the Loire estuary. By all accounts he was a powerfully built, athletic-looking individual who was somewhat of a gentle giant, but he was also an exceptional soldier; a man who was not afraid of making a decision rather than worrying about whether the eventual outcome might be the correct one. Despite his size he was not one prone to ranting and raving, was never heard to swear, and was not a man who was keen on confrontation, although he expected disciplined behaviour from his men. He was a man blessed with a sense of humour, and his relaxed demeanour made him as popular with other officers as it did with his own men. The different units under his command at St Nazaire included the 280th Naval Artillery Battalion, which consisted of a variety of different calibre guns, from 75 mm all the way up to the massive 240 mm railway guns. There were also three battalions from the 22nd Naval Flak Brigade, these were the 703rd, 705th and 809th units, whose weapons included 20 and 40 mm guns as well as a number of 37 mm cannon. Between them, all of these units manned a total of seventy-one guns, including 45

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 forty-three anti-aircraft guns which, when not trying to shoot Allied aircraft out of the skies, could also be used to deal with any potential amphibious threat to the dry dock from the sea. With all of that firepower, the Germans had a formidable array of weapons at their disposal to fend off any seaborne attack. Working alongside these units were a number of searchlight batteries, which included a number of both 60 and 150 mm lights. The harbour at St Nazaire was protected by guard companies which were part of the Harbour Command under Korvetenkapitan Kellerman, who were armed with light machine guns and other small arms. Kellerman was also in charge of the harbour defence boats that periodically patrolled the length of the estuary from St Nazaire to the Atlantic Ocean. Also stationed in the area was the 333rd Infantry Division, which had only been formed in November 1941 as a static division. The men for this newly formed unit came from the 76th and 293rd Infantry Divisions. In and around St Nazaire the Germans had somewhere in the region of 5,000 troops whose job it was to protect the port facility, so no matter how many British commandos made it ashore, it was always debateable how successful they would be if all the German defenders were in place. Once the fighting had stopped, the remaining British commandos and naval personnel had been captured, and the dust had settled on the fighting, the Germans were left to ponder how daring and brave their British counterparts had been at attempting such a raid. With a battledamaged ship of the British Navy embedded in the dry dock gate, they must have been reasonably happy with the outcome of their defensive efforts against a determined enemy force. Little did they know what was about to happen. It would also appear that although the harbour at St Nazaire was heavily defended, the Germans had not recognised the fact that the Normandie dock was a potential target. As far as they were concerned, the only target within the confines of the harbour was the submarine pens, and any attack on them, they assumed, would come in the form of a bombing raid.

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Chapter Eight

Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid on St Nazaire

A total of five Victoria Crosses were awarded to individuals who took part in the raid on St Nazaire, which is remarkable given that the entire raid was over in a matter of hours. The men who received these awards, in no particular order, were: Lieutenant Colonel Augustus Charles Newman, of the Essex Regiment, attached to No. 2 Commando; Sergeant Thomas Frank Durrant, a member of the Royal Engineers, attached to No. 1 Commando; Lieutenant Commander Stephen Halden Beattie, who was in command of HMS Campbeltown; Able Seaman William Alfred Savage, a pompom gunner on the Motor Torpedo Boat 314; and Captain Robert Edward Dudley Ryder, who was the man in charge of the naval aspect of the operation.

Lieutenant Colonel Augustus Charles Newman Lieutenant Colonel Newman was the man in charge of the British Army force tasked with landing in German occupied France to destroy the dock installations. It was always going to be a difficult task as intelligence reports revealed it to be heavily defended, with a myriad of defensive capabilities. But the raid was undoubtedly made even more difficult because of the bad weather that led to the intended addition of air support being abandoned. Despite this added danger, Lieutenant Colonel Newman decided to go ahead with the important task he had been set. He decided to place himself on the bridge of the first British vessel as it made its way up the estuary of the River Loire, despite the fact that they were spotted early on by German defences.

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 In an instant, enemy searchlights lit up the incoming ships while the German defenders opened fire on them from both sides, using everything at their disposal. The incoming rounds were incessant; they thundered into everything within their range, metal and human flesh alike. British casualties quickly mounted, as both commandos and naval personnel had little to hide behind. Amazingly, as Lieutenant Colonel Newman’s vessel reached its disembarkation point within the naval base, he was one of the first ashore, despite the fact that a man of his rank would not have been expected to do so. He certainly was an officer who led from the front; as he and his men made their way in to town he continued to direct the action, personally entering buildings, placing himself directly in front of the German defenders and playing his part in the close-quarter fighting, showing total disregard for his own safety in the process. He was like a man possessed, living in the moment with not the slightest belief he would be struck down by an enemy bullet. Some of the British landing craft, and the men making their way off them, had been targeted by a German machine gun position situated high up on one of the submarine sheds, resulting in heavy casualties. Recognising this could not be allowed to continue, Newman instructed some of his men to target the enemy position with mortar fire. After just a couple of well targeted rounds, the German defenders had been put out of action. The fast moving pace of the raid continued and on spotting a German naval trawler in the inner harbour, Newman then directed his own machine gunners to open fire on the advancing vessel. Their actions were sufficient enough to deter the trawler from coming any closer, preventing further casualties among the raiding party. The British troops who landed at St Nazaire fought extremely bravely, against a much larger defensive force, while providing covering fire for their comrades who had been tasked with setting demolition charges at different locations around the dry dock. There is one issue with the raid at St Nazaire which I find hard to believe was not apparent during the planning stages. Most, if not all, of the vessels which had been used in the raid had by this stage either been sunk or set on fire, meaning there was no way the commandos could escape by sea after they had successfully (or otherwise) carried out their mission, a fact that most, if not all, of those involved would have already worked out for themselves. 48

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Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid With their operational objectives having been achieved, Lieutenant Colonel Newman and his men had two options. They could either surrender, or try and make good their escape by fighting their way inland. They chose the latter. The problem with this was that the only way out of the harbour area into the town and surrounding area was via a narrow iron bridge; a plus for the German defenders, but not so great for Lieutenant Colonel Newman and his men. The Germans had machine gun positions set up on the far side of the bridge making it very easy for them to defend their position. Despite the obvious dangers involved in charging head-on towards an enemy machine gun position, with nothing for protection other than the man in front, Lieutenant Colonel Newman personally led his men as they charged across the bridge towards death or glory. They made it across the bridge, knocking out the enemy positions and taking a number of casualties in the process. Once out of the harbour area they fought their way through the streets of the town and headed towards the nearby countryside, but before they could make good their escape they ran out of ammunition and were left with no alternative but to surrender. The following article about Lieutenant Colonel Newman appeared in the Northern Whig newspaper dated Saturday 2 May 1942. Newman, St Nazaire Commando Leader, a Prisoner Lieut-Col. A C Newman, who led the Commandos in the St Nazaire raid, is a prisoner of war. A friend of Colonel Newman’s wife said: ‘The news came by telegram. Mrs Newman, who is expecting a baby soon, was just thrilled to bits. It was a great joy to her after a period of anxious suspense.’ The telegram simply said that her husband is a prisoner. There are no further details at present. As soon as HMS Campbeltown, the ex-American destroyer, was firmly wedged in the dock gates, Colonel Newman leapt ashore, followed by his Adjutant and small headquarters staff. He was last seen disappearing behind some burning buildings. Born leader and grand fighter, Colonel Newman (37) almost begged to be landed at once so that he could get to his men fighting among the blazing dock installations. Had 49

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 he wished he could have remained in the motor-gunboat from which he landed. Soon after the St Nazaire raid the German radio claimed that Lieut-Commander S H Beattie, 34 year old captain of the destroyer Campbeltown, was also a prisoner. Colonel Newman spent the rest of the war incarcerated at Oflag lX-A/H, Spangenberg. His prison number was 18640. For his actions during the raid at St Nazaire, Newman was awarded the Victoria Cross, but because he was captured and incarcerated as a prisoner of war, the announcement of his award did not appear in the London Gazette until Tuesday 19 June 1945. The King has been graciously pleased to approve the award of the Victoria Cross to Lieutenant-Colonel Augustus Charles NEWMAN (33927), the Essex Regiment (attached Commandos) (Salford, Bucks). The last paragraph of the citation read as follows: The outstanding gallantry and devotion to duty of this fearless officer, his brilliant leadership and initiative, were largely responsible for the success of this perilous operation which resulted in heavy damage to the important naval base at St Nazaire. Augustus Newman remained in the Army, albeit as a Territorial soldier, until he fully retired in 1959, at the age of 54, and having served for a remarkable thirty-four years. He died in Sandwich, Kent on 26 April 1972 at the age of 67.

Sergeant Thomas Frank Durrant Another individual awarded the Victoria Cross for his actions during the raid on St Nazaire, was Sergeant Thomas Frank Durrant, for what was a truly remarkable act of bravery. He was born in Farnborough, Kent, on 17 October 1918. 50

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Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid His award was both unique and unusual. Unique because it is the only time that the Victoria Cross has been awarded to a soldier while involved in a naval action. Unusual because it only came about as the result of a German officer having personally witnessed Sergeant Durrant’s actions. Durrant had actually enlisted in the Royal Engineers on 1 February 1937 as Private 1874047. In 1940 the newly elected Prime Minister Churchill ordered the formation of specially trained troops who would ‘develop a reign of terror down the enemy coast’; Durrant saw his chance for a bit of excitement, something a little bit out of the ordinary, and so volunteered for service with the Special Service Independent Companies. After having successfully completing his training, Durrant was posted to No. 2 Special Independent Company with whom he saw action during the Norwegian Campaign. On their return to the UK, these companies were reformed into battalion sized units and renamed as commandos. It was due to this reshuffle of resources that Durrant became part of No.1 Commando. Motor Launch 306, which was armed with a twin-mounted Lewis gun to the front of the vessel, entered the River Loire and made its way up the estuary towards the port of St Nazaire, but as it began making its final approach it was spotted by the German shore-based defensive units, who opened up with everything they had at their disposal. The incoming fire was so intense that ML306 was unable to make it to its intended destination at the port’s Old Mole to land its troops, and was forced to withdraw. As they did so they were spotted by the German destroyer, the Jaguar. Durrant was not deterred in the slightest, he manned the twin Lewis gun and took the fight to the surprised German destroyer. In the ensuing exchange of machine-gun fire, Durrant was struck in the head, both arms, chest and stomach. He was so badly wounded that the only way he could continue firing his Lewis gun was by strapping himself to it. When requested by the commanding officer of the Jaguar to surrender, Durrant’s response was a burst of gunfire which smashed into the wheelhouse, nearly taking out the German officer in the process. After ML306 was boarded by the crew of the German destroyer, among the dead and wounded they found just one man who was unscathed, Lieutenant (94975) Ronnie Swayne. Both he and Durrant were captured, the latter was taken to a military hospital in St Nazaire 51

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 where his wounds were treated. It was discovered that Durrant had an incredible twenty-seven bullet wounds to his body. The fact he was still alive with so many wounds is a testimony to his toughness and resilience. But despite the best efforts of the German medical staff, Durrant died of his wounds. He was buried at the nearby Escoublac-la-Baule War Cemetery, two days later. As for Lieutenant Swayne of the Herefordshire regiment and No. 1 Commando, the following three years were spent in Oflag lX-A/H Spangenberg. His allocated PoW number while at the camp was 18598. Oflag lX-A/H was no ordinary camp, far from it. For those who stayed there life was somewhat different than it was for most PoWs who lived in wooden huts put together in a large field situated in the middle of nowhere. Oflag lX-A/H PoW camp was a castle. When it first became a PoW camp in October 1939, it was for captured members of the Royal Air Force and France’s Armee de l’Air. Although at first glance the castle had a picturesque and almost fairy-tale like appearance about it, the reality was somewhat different. The discipline was quite severe and the guards were far from being friendly towards those in their charge. The accommodation was not as one might have expected. There were no individual private rooms, just one big dormitory, decked out with wooden bunk beds in what had been the castle’s old Banqueting Hall. The camp closed in February 1941, before reopening again in July the same year when it became a camp for RAF and British Army officers, which is why Lieutenant Swayne ended up there. A week after Durrant’s death a chance meeting took place at a temporary prisoner of war camp at Rennes, where Lieutenant Colonel Augustus Newman, also to be awarded the Victoria Cross for his actions during the St Nazaire raid, was being held. Newman was approached by Kapitanleutnant F.K. Paul, who was the commander of the German destroyer Jaguar, who had exchanged fire with Sergeant Durrant during their brief battle. Paul had witnessed Durrant’s act of extreme bravery at first hand and up close, and it had greatly impressed him and his fellow officers. He was amazed that any man, German or English, could have conducted themselves so bravely in the same manner in the same situation. During conversation Paul suggested to Lieutenant Colonel Newman that he may wish to recommend Durrant for some kind of medal. The announcement of the award of his Victoria Cross was made by the War Office, and in the London Gazette of 19 June 1945: 52

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Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid The KING has been graciously pleased to approve the posthumous award of the VICTORIA CROSS to No.1874047 Sergeant Thomas Frank DURRANT, Corps of Royal Engineers (attached Commandos) (Green Street Green, Farnborough, Kent). For great gallantry, skill and devotion to duty when in charge of a Lewis Gun in HM Motor Launch 306 in the St Nazaire raid on the 28th March 1942. Motor Launch 306 came under heavy fire while proceeding up the River Loire towards the port. Sergeant Durrant, in his position abaft the bridge, where he had no cover or protection, engaged enemy gun positions and searchlights on shore. During this engagement he was severely wounded in the arm but refused to leave his gun. The Motor Launch subsequently went down the river and was attacked by a German destroyer at 50-60 yards range, and often closer. In this action Sergeant Durrant continued to fire at the destroyer’s bridge with the greatest coolness and with complete disregard of the enemy’s fire. The Motor Launch was illuminated by the enemy searchlight and Sergeant Durrant drew on himself the individual attention of the enemy guns, and was again wounded in many places. Despite these further wounds he stayed in his exposed position, still firing his gun, although after a time only to support himself by holding on to the gun mounting. After a running fight, the Commander of the German destroyer called on the Motor Launch to surrender. Sergeant Durrant’s answer was a further burst of fire at the destroyer’s bridge. Although now very weak he went on firing, using drums of ammunition as fast as they could be replaced. A renewed attack by the enemy vessel eventually silenced the fire of the Motor Launch but Sergeant Durrant refused to give up until the destroyer came alongside, grappled the Motor Launch and took prisoner those who remained alive. Sergeant Durrant’s gallant fight was commended by the German officers on boarding the Motor Launch. This very gallant Non-Commissioned Officer later died of the many wounds received in action. 53

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 The reason it took so long for Durrant’s award of the Victoria Cross to be announced was because only when Newman was released from his wartime captivity did the full extent of Durrant’s part in the St Nazaire raid became truly known. It would be a further sixteen months before Durrant’s Victoria Cross was presented to his mother at an investiture at Buckingham Palace on 29 October 1946. The Wiltshire Times and Trowbridge Advertiser dated Saturday 4 July 1945, included the following article about Sergeant Durrant: Woodsmoke Whispers Sergeant Thomas Frank Durrant, Royal Engineers (attached Commandos), one of the heroes of the Commando raid on St Nazaire in March, 1942, is the 17th Scout to be awarded the Victoria Cross during the present War. The award was made posthumously. Sergeant Durrant was in charge of a Lewis gun in a motor launch at St Nazaire and without cover or protection he engaged enemy gun positions and searchlights on shore. Although severely wounded he stuck to his post throughout a running fight with a German destroyer. Sergt. Durrant’s gallant fight was commended by the enemy. Thomas Durrant was a Patrol Leader in the 1st Green Street Green Troop, Kent. His brother also a Scout in the same troop, has been awarded the Military Medal, and a son of a second brother is now a member of the Troop. Of the 152 V.C.s awarded so far in this war, seventeen have been conferred on Scouts. During the last war eleven Scouts gained the Victoria Cross.

Lieutenant Commander Stephen Halden Beattie Stephen Halden Beattie was born on 29 March 1908, at Leighton, Montgomeryshire. His father was the Rev. Ernest Halden Beattie, who was himself a holder of the Military Cross. Bravery and gallantry obviously ran in the family. The citation for Rev. Beattie’s Military Cross was recorded in the London Gazette on 16 September 1918: 54

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Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid Rev. Ernest Halden Beattie, Chaplin Dept. For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty, especially on two occasions. The first, when a position had to be evacuated, he made several journeys under heavy fire, bringing in wounded who would otherwise have been left. On a second occasion, a wounded man had been left out all night, as the stretcher-bearers could not find him in the dark. This officer led out a search party at dawn and after scouring the country for some time under heavy fire, found him and assisted in carrying him in. Stephen Halden Beattie only followed in his father’s footsteps insofar as he decided on a career in the military, but rather than the army, he chose the Royal Navy. He enlisted as a Special Entry Cadet in 1925 when he was 17 years of age, after having been educated at the Abberley Hall Boarding School in Worcester. At the beginning of the Second World War he was 31 years of age and an experienced and seasoned member of the Royal Navy. He was selected to be the commander of HMS Campbeltown for the St Nazaire raid on 28 March 1942. His job was not an easy one by any stretch of the imagination. As we have seen, he had to sail the Campbeltown across the English Channel with only wooden framed motor launches for company, enter the estuary of the Loire River, sail up it for about a mile, all the while keeping calm, knowing that the success or failure of the entire operation rested on him doing his job, while hoping that the German defensive positions on both sides of the river would not open fire on him. To be able to do this, while knowing that his chances of not being either killed or captured by the Germans were slim at best, took some guts; but to do it while knowing he was sitting on top of four and a quarter tons of explosives, beggars belief. In the end he carried out his part of the operation with pinpoint accuracy, crashing his ship into the outer gates of the dry dock. He was captured by the Germans and ended up as a prisoner of war at one of their best known and most prestigious PoW camps: Colditz Castle. Beattie was one of the few who managed to escape from there and made his way to neutral Switzerland. Sometime after he had made good his escape he teamed up with Flight Sergeant Eddie Worsdale, a member of the Royal New Zealand Air Force. Together, and with some 55

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 help from elements of the French resistance movement, they made their way across France and into neutral Spain, and from there back to the UK. An incredible story of a man who just didn’t know when to give up. He remained in the Royal Navy until 1960, having served for thirtythree years. He died on 20 April 1975 at the age of 67. The London Gazette dated Thursday 21 May 1942, included an article about the awarding of a number of Victoria Crosses in relation to the raid at St Nazaire: The KING has been graciously pleased to approve the award of the VICTORIA CROSS for daring and valour on the German Naval Base at St Nazaire, to LieutenantCommander Stephen Halden Beattie, Royal Navy, HMS Campbeltown. For great gallantry and determination in the attack on St Nazaire in command of HMS Campbeltown. Under intense fire directed at the bridge from point blank range of about 100 yards, and in the face of the blinding glare of many searchlights, he steamed her into the lock gates and beached and scuttled her in the correct position. This Victoria Cross is awarded to Lieutenant-Commander Beattie in recognition not only of his own valour but also of that of the unnamed officers and men of a very gallant ship’s company, many of whom have not returned. The Birmingham Daily Mail dated Friday 22 May 1942, included an article about Lieutenant Commander Beattie: Lieutenant-Commander Beattie is the son of the Rev. E.H. Beattie, vicar of Madley, Hertfordshire, and is 34 years of age. He was mentioned in despatches after a battle with E-boats. During the Spanish war he rescued British subjects from a Spanish port. He married in 1933, Miss Philippa Blanchflower, daughter of Paymaster-Captain E.C. and Mrs Blanchflower, of Newbury. Mrs Beattie, who is living at Madley, said last night: ‘I have not heard from my husband since he has been a 56

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Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid prisoner of war, but I know he is not in hospital now. I am wondering how he will hear about the VC. I am terribly glad about Commander Ryder. I know that everybody there did magnificently. I look forward to the great day when I shall go to the Palace after the war to see my husband get the Cross. But just at the moment the children having measles is my big worry.’ Below is an article from the Western Morning News, of Friday 22 May 1942, which covers the awards of three of the five Victoria Cross winners. It does not include the one awarded to Lieutenant Colonel Augustus Newman, with the award to Sergeant Thomas Durrant not even decided upon until after Newman had been released from captivity at the end of the war. Heroes of St Nazaire Three VCs: 16 Other Awards Probably the biggest number of awards ever to be made for a single exploit was announced last night in connection with the epic of St Nazaire. Besides two DSOs and 14 DSCs they include the unique distinction of three Victoria Crosses. Two of the citations record that the award is not only for personal valour, but to mark the outstanding gallantry of many unknown heroes ‘who have not returned’. One of the VCs escaped, another was captured and the third was killed at his guns. The first VC goes to Commander Robert Edward Dudley Ryder, RN, the second to Lieut. Commander Stephen Halden Beattie, RN (HMS Campbeltown), and the third to Able Seaman William Alfred Savage, C/JX 173910. This article is interesting because although it mentioned one of them had been captured, one escaped and the other died at his guns, it did not distinguish which was which, although I dare say it would be obvious to most observers of such events that it would have been Able Seaman Savage who died at his guns. 57

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942

Able Seaman William Alfred Savage William Savage was born in Smethwick, Staffordshire, on 30 October 1912, to parents James and Catherine Savage at the family home of 7 Raglan Avenue, Cape Hill, Smethwick. His father worked at the nearby M&B Brewery as a Brewer’s Drayman. According to the 1911 census, the family at that time included four other siblings: George, who was 15 years of age, Doris who was 12, Kitty 10, and the youngest Roland who was just 8. The older brother James Savage, who was 22 years of age at the time of the 1911 census, had served in the British Army during the First World War. In fact he had enlisted in the Army on 14 October 1907 at Birmingham, just after his eighteenth birthday, becoming a Gunner in the Royal Field Artillery. After being stationed in England for the first two years of his service, he was sent to India on 1 December 1909, where he remained for nearly five years, before leaving there on 5 August 1914 and going straight to France, where he arrived on 26 August. On 17 September 1916, he was wounded when he received a gunshot to his right thigh. On 21 September 1917, James was medically discharged from the Army, after having been deemed to be physically unfit for further wartime service. When William Savage left school, he followed in his brother’s footsteps and went to work at the same brewery where he and his father had both previously worked. When the Second World War broke out, he once again followed in his brother’s footsteps, and joined up, but instead of enlisting in the Army he chose ‘a life on the ocean waves’, and on 18 December 1939, he enlisted in the Royal Navy. After having successfully completed his basic training at Chatham, Kent, he was selected to become a gunner working on small motor launches, rather than one of the bigger ships that new recruits usually found themselves on. It was something that he took to immediately. All those taking part in the raid on St Nazaire knew it was going to be a dangerous one, and that there would be a large number of casualties. The best the men could hope for individually was that they were not going to be one of the casualties. The award of William’s Victoria Cross was announced in the London Gazette on Thursday 21 May 1942: 58

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Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid The KING has been graciously pleased to approve the award of the VICTORIA CROSS for daring and valour in the attack on the German Naval Base at St Nazaire, to: Able Seaman William Alfred Savage C/JX. 173910. For great gallantry, skill and devotion to duty as gunlayer of the pom-pom in a motor gun boat in the St Nazaire raid. Completely exposed, and under heavy fire he engaged positions ashore with cool and steady accuracy. On the way out of the harbour he kept up the same vigorous and accurate fire against the attacking ships until he was killed at his gun. This Victoria Cross is awarded in recognition not only of the gallantry and devotion to duty of Able Seaman Savage, but also of the valour shown by many others, unnamed, in Motor Launches, Motor Gun Boats and Motor Torpedo Boats, who gallantly carried their duty in entirely exposed positions against Enemy fire at very close range. The wording of William’s Victoria Cross seems somewhat strange in my opinion. Although it clearly acknowledges his gallantry, skill and devotion to duty, it then goes on to say that it is awarded in recognition of the valour displayed by others who were in similar vessels as William during the raid. To my mind the wording either devalues William’s award, or implies that others who carried out similar roles were not awarded the Victoria Cross when they quite clearly should have been. The 29-year-old Able Seaman Savage was the pom-pom gunner on Motor Gun Boat 314, the same boat that Commander Robert Ryder was on board. It will not come as a surprise to know that the man who recommended Savage for his Victoria Cross was Commander Ryder, who was also awarded the Victoria Cross for his actions that day. I was interested to read Commander Ryder’s recommendation of Able Seaman Savage. First, it uses the words, ‘Recommendation for decoration’, but does not specifically mention the Victoria Cross. Second, it also does not include the second paragraph which is incorporated in the citation of Able Seaman Savage’s award. 59

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 This is the exact wording of Commander Robert Ryder’s recommendation: Able Seaman Savage showed conspicuous gallantry, skill and devotion to duty as gun layer of the pom pom in MG 314 during the St Nazaire raid. Completely exposed and under heavy fire from time to time, he engaged positions ashore with great accuracy. He also replied with vigorous and accurate fire against ships which attacked us on the way out. It is regretted that Savage was killed at his gun, but he [it] is submitted that his high standard of devotion to duty should be recognised. Commander Ryder’s initial recommendation was subsequently approved by Admiral of the Fleet and Commander-in-Chief, Sir Charles Forbes. William Savage was buried at Falmouth Town Cemetery, and his Victoria Cross is on display at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. The medal was presented to his widow, Doris, at Buckingham Palace by King George Vl on Tuesday 23 June 1942. For many years she simply kept it in her handbag, taking it with her no matter where she went, but in 1990 the medals were bought at auction by the National Maritime Museum, along with the rest of William’s wartime service medals. The Birmingham Mail dated Friday 22 May 1942 included the following article about William Savage. Modest Hero Never Spoke of His Exploits Wife’s Story Able Seaman Savage was a man who never talked. Although his repeated spells of leave from the Navy had become a standing joke with his friends, he never breathed a word of the dangerous raids from which he had just returned. He was completely true to the great naval tradition of silence. With a pleasant smile and a joke he accepted in good part the constant ‘leg-pulling’ by friends whenever he turned up for another day or two of leave at his home at 35 Durban Road, Smethwick. Unknown even to his wife, he had taken part in a number of grim raids with the motor torpedo boat and motor 60

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Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid gunboat units with which he had spent his whole service in the Navy since he joined up at the beginning of the war. ‘He was a most conscientious man, and utterly loyal to his comrades,’ his wife, who is at present employed as a bus conductress on the Hagley Road route of the Birmingham Corporation, told a ‘Mail’ reporter to-day. ‘He would never tell me anything, nor did I ever learn from his letters anything of the dangerous sort of work he was doing. No matter how closely he was questioned, he would never give us the slightest clue. He always had an answer ready to turn the question, and he said he would not tell even me anything until after the war. ‘Not until his brother went down to Falmouth for the funeral did we learn that he had been on other raids across the water before he met his death at St Nazaire. He was so keen that in order to go on the raid to St Nazaire, he actually left hospital, where he was recovering from pulled muscles, before he should have done. Killed on Wedding Anniversary Official notification arrived by post from the Admiralty to-day, informing Mrs Savage that her husband had been awarded the highest honour the country can bestow. She had already learned of his death some weeks ago, while she herself was still in hospital recovering from an operation. The message she proudly displayed began: I am commanded by My Lords Commissioner of the Admiralty to inform you that the King has been graciously pleased to award the Victoria Cross to your husband, Able Seaman William Alfred Savage, for valour in the attack on the German naval base at St Nazaire. This seaman showed great gallantry, skill and devotion to duty as gunlayer of the pom-pom in a motor gunboat. Completely exposed, and under heavy fire, he engaged positions ashore with cool and steady accuracy. On the way out of the harbour he kept up the same vigorous and accurate fire against the attacking ship until he was killed at his gun. Savage was killed on the fifth anniversary of their wedding, his 24-year-old widow said. 61

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 As children they went to the same school at Cape Hill. Bill Savage was born at Smethwick, and for 13 years had been a workman at the Cape Hill Brewery of Mitchells and Butlers, Ltd. His 75-year-old father, who worked there before him as a drayman until nine years ago, now keeps a little general store in Raglan Road, Smethwick. The VC hero was one of five sons, all of whom have fought for their country. One is also serving in the Navy, one was for 10 years a soldier in the East, and two others served in the last war. Loyal Team Mate Mr W E Marston, assistant secretary at Mitchells and Butlers Cape Hill Brewery, where Bill Savage was known as a fine swimmer and a sound athlete, said to-day: ‘He was one of those staunch loyal and trustworthy members who could always be relied upon to turn out for his swimming club on any occasion, and do his very best. In point of fact, he seemed to do his best when swimming on behalf of the club, and it was doubtless this spirit of service to others which gained him the coveted award. He will be greatly missed by all his fellow members, but it was with a great feeling of pride that they heard of the award he received. From everything that has been written about Able Seaman Savage, he is painted as a dedicated and loyal individual, who was always there for friends and colleagues, an attitude which he quite clearly took with him when he enlisted in the Navy. The Evening Despatch dated Wednesday 24 June 1942 included the following article: VC’s widow may punch your ticket TO-MORROW, passengers in a Birmingham Corporation bus will have their tickets punched by a conductress who yesterday received from the King the VC gained by her gallant husband. Mrs Doris Savage, widow of Able Seaman William Savage, who gave his life in the St Nazaire exploit, returned 62

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Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid from Buckingham Palace last night to her home, 35 Durban Road, Smethwick, impressed with the day’s experience, but proudest of all, because of the words the King used: ‘You must be very proud of him.’ Relatives went, too Mrs Savage went to London on Monday, accompanied by her sister, Mrs Benbow, of Pope Street, Smethwick, the VC’s father, Mr James Savage (pensioner of Mitchells and Butlers, in whose service the VC was before he joined the Navy) and Mr Rowland Savage, one of the five brothers who have served their country, and is now a bus driver in Birmingham and a lieutenant in the Home Guard. Mrs Savage has not been on bus duty since intimation on 21 May of the award of the VC to her husband. She intends to start work to-morrow and to-day reported for duty at Harborne garage. William Alfred Savage was born in Smethwick 29 years ago and attended the Cape School, as did Mrs Savage. Mitchells and Butlers employees will remember him as a member of their swimming club and polo team. Mr and Mrs Savage were married at St Matthew’s Church, Smethwick, five years ago. Mrs Savage was in hospital recovering from an operation when she received the news of her husband’s death, eight weeks before the announcement of the award of the VC. The Mayor and Mayoress of Smethwick have invited her to have tea with them at the Council House. The Birmingham Daily Gazette of Thursday 16 April 1953 included the following: A War Hero Painters were yesterday completing the sprucing up of the entrance of Smethwick Council House in readiness for Saturday’s memorial ceremony for Able Seaman William Savage, VC., killed while raiding St Nazaire during the last war. 63

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 A bronze plaque costing about £100 and presented by Smethwick and West Bromwich Sea Cadets, is being unveiled ‘on behalf of the youth of the two boroughs’. The tribute, however does not end in a plaque. The West Bromwich Sea Cadets group is hoping to have a replica of the silver trophy of the gunboat on which Savage died when trying to silence shore batteries, which has been made for a local brewery where the VC worked. This they propose to present for competition by cadets all over the country. The Sandwell Evening Mail dated Monday 28 May 1990 included the following article: War hero’s medals for sale A VICTORIA Cross awarded to a Black Country man killed during a raid on the French port of St Nazaire in 1942, is to go up for auction. The medal was awarded to Able Seaman William Alfred Savage, of Smethwick for his gallantry during the successful raid, code named Operation Chariot. It will be auctioned on June 28 along with the 193945 Star, the Atlantic Star and the 1939-45 War Medal. Sotherbys estimate that the lot numbered 472, will fetch between £50,000 and £100,000. Able Seaman Savage was awarded the top medal, one of only 22 given to Royal Navy servicemen during the last war, for his bravery as a ship’s gunner. Commandos succeeded in blowing up a dry dock, ensuring that the Germans had nowhere to berth the battleship Tirpitz. The former M&B brewery employee was one of 169 men killed out of 611 Allied servicemen who took part. The widow of the former Mitchells & Butler’s employee has decided to sell because of ill health. I always find it interesting when I am reading citations for the award of a Victoria Cross, or newspaper articles which cover the circumstances 64

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Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid of why such an award was made to an individual. It is incredible how, in a time of war, a man can so readily change from being an otherwise ordinary member of the public to a man who can carry out such feats of bravery, sometimes at the cost of their own lives. How many men in the same position would have understandably let go of their gun and sought the safety of some kind of cover from the intenseness of the incoming enemy fire. As for Able Seaman William Savage, he had that single-minded desire to protect his comrades as best he could regardless of the danger he put himself in to do it. On this occasion, his valour and bravery cost him his life, but for him it was a price he was prepared to pay knowing that by doing so, it might just help to save the lives of others around him.

Commander Robert Edward Dudley Ryder Robert Edward Dudley Ryder was born on 16 February 1908 in India, where his father, Colonel Charles Henry Dudley Ryder, was Surveyor General of India. In essence this meant he was in charge of the Department of Survey of India, which, as part of the Indian Government, came under the Department of the Ministry of Science and Technology. Ryder enlisted in the Royal Navy in 1926, soon after his eighteenth birthday, and during the next thirteen years before the outbreak of the Second World War, he most certainly did get to travel and see a lot of the world. His first ship was the Revenge-class super-dreadnought battleship, HMS Ramillies, which had been launched on 12 September 1916 and commissioned a year later on 1 September 1917. He served on her for two years between 1927 and 1929 as a midshipman, after which time he was both promoted to the rank of Lieutenant and then spent the three years between 1930 and 1933, serving on board the submarine HMS Olympus, who spent the years 1931 to 1939 as part of what was known as the China Station, operating in areas of the Pacific Ocean, the waters of the Dutch East Indies, and the coastal waters of China, with its main base being in Singapore. Between 1934 and the beginning of the Second World War, Ryder was involved in a number of British-led expeditions, while still retaining his rank as an officer in the Royal Navy. At the beginning of the Second World War, he was serving as a Lieutenant Commander on HMS 65

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Warspite, a Queen Elizabeth-class battleship, which had seen service during the First World War, most notably during the famous Battle of Jutland, which took place over two days in May and June 1916, in the North Sea off of the coast of Denmark. Between April and June 1940 she took part in the Norwegian Campaign, and round about the same time Ryder was promoted to the rank of Commander and put in charge of the Q-ship, HMS Edgehill, but no sooner had he taken command of her, than she was sunk some 200 miles west of Ireland. She had started out as MV West Lynn and gone on to be SS Willamette Valley, before becoming a Q-ship of the Royal Navy. Their purpose was to trick German submarines in to believing they were simply a merchant cargo ship, so they would surface and then attempt to sink them, only to find out that their intended target was in fact heavily armed. This gave the Q-ship the chance to sink the submarine before they had time to dive. At the very beginning of the war during September and October 1939, the Royal Navy commissioned nine vessels to work as Q-ships in the North Atlantic, including the 4,702 ton Edgehill, which had been built in 1928. On 29 June 1940, she was on patrol in the south-western approaches of the English Channel, when she was struck by a torpedo fired by the German submarine, U-51. This, however, did not sink her. As was hoped the U-51 then surfaced to finish off the job, but unfortunately for the Edgehill she did not come in close, choosing instead to keep her distance. She then fired two more torpedoes at the Edgehill, which saw her slowly sink beneath the waves. Commander Robert Ryder took part in the raid on St Nazaire in March 1942. He was one of five individuals who was awarded the Victoria Cross for their actions during the raid. The citation for his award appeared in the London Gazette dated Tuesday 19 May 1942: The King has been graciously pleased to announce the award of the VICTORIA CROSS for daring and valour in the attack on the German Naval Base at St Nazaire, to: Commander Robert Edward Dudley Ryder, Royal Navy. For great gallantry in the attack on St Nazaire. He commanded a force of small unprotected ships in an attack 66

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Victoria Crosses Awarded for the Raid on a heavily defended port and led HMS Campbeltown in under intense fire from short range, weapons at point blank range. Though the main object of the expedition had been accomplished in the beaching of Campbeltown, he remained on the spot conducting operations, evacuating men from Campbeltown and dealing with strong points and close range weapons while exposed to heavy fire for one hour and sixteen minutes, and did not withdraw until it was certain that his ship could be of no use in rescuing any of the Commando Troops who were still ashore. That his Motor Gun Boat, now full of dead and wounded, should have survived and should have been able to withdraw through an intense barrage of close range fire was almost a miracle. Ryder’s Victoria Cross is, as of March 2021, on show at the Imperial War Museum’s Lord Ashcroft Gallery. As if being involved in, and surviving, the raid on St Nazaire wasn’t enough in one lifetime, less than five months later Ryder was at it once again when, on 19 August 1942, he took part in the mainly unsuccessful Dieppe Raid, or Operation Jubilee. He also took part in the Normandy landings as part of Operation Overlord in June 1944. By the end of the war he had also been mentioned in despatches on three occasions, the notifications of which appeared in the London Gazette on 2 October 1942, 10 November 1944, and 15 December 1944, although none of the entries actually explained what actions he had carried out for the respective mentions. After the end of the war he remained in the Royal Navy and in 1949, he was promoted to the rank of Captain, at which time he was serving as the Naval Attache at the British Embassy in Oslo. He retired from the Navy in 1950 and became the Conservative Member of Parliament for the then new constituency of Merton and Morden, whom he served until 1955. After having twice survived sinkings during his wartime naval service, he sadly died on 29 June 1986, while on a sailing trip to France. A brother of Robert Ryder, Lisle Charles Dudley Ryder, was a Major (20738) in the Royal Norfolk Regiment. He is believed to have been one of the British soldiers who was murdered by German forces in what has become known as the Le Paradis massacre. 67

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 The Birmingham Mail dated Friday 22 May 1942 included the following article about Robert Ryder: Polar Medalist ‘Red’ Ryder, as the Navy knows him, is 34. He also holds the Polar Medal, seldom granted. He won that for a three year expedition in a three-masted schooner to British Graham’s Land, in the Antarctic. He once sailed with a crew of five other naval officers from China to England in a 30ton ketch. He served in submarines in China and later in the Warspite. He married in April last year Miss Constance Hilaire Myfanwy Green-Wilkinson, of Windsor Forest. His father was a colonel of Engineers, his brothers are in the Army,, and his sisters have all married Army men. His eldest brother was killed at Dunkirk. Mr Ryder’s mother said last night: ‘He has been to see us once since the raid, and he told us not one word more about it than had appeared in the newspapers.’ Commander Ryder is the fourteenth recipient of the VC who was educated at Cheltenham College. Six of the awards were gained in the last war. Other awards made for gallantry in the attack on St Nazaire include two DSOs, 14 DSCs, three Conspicuous Gallantry Medals, a bar to a DSM, and 17 DSMs. Two officers and an able seaman are ‘mentioned’ posthumously; and there are 18 ‘mentions’.

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Wounded British commandos being placed on the back of a lorry. (Bundesarchiv)

Two dead British commandos laying on the quayside at St. Nazaire. (Bundesarchiv)

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Two captured British commandos being escorted by German guards. (Bundesarchiv)

A group of captured British Commandos. (Bundesarchiv)

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A dead British commando at St. Nazaire. (Bundesarchiv)

HMS Campbeltown embedded in the outer gate of the Normandie dry dock. (Bundesarchiv)

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A kilt wearing, wounded and captured British commando at St. Nazaire. (Bundesarchive)

Dead British commando at St. Nazaire. (Bundesarchiv)

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HMS Campbeltown being altered and prepared for her final journey.

Michael Burn, a Captain in command of number 6 Troop, No. 2 Commando, captured at St. Nazaire. (Bundesarchiv)

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HMS Campbeltown embedded into the outer gate of the Normandie dry dock at St. Nazaire. (Bundesarchiv)

An aerial photograph of St. Nazaire taken before the raid. The Normandie dry dock is in the bottom right of the photograph.

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Germans inspect HMS Campbeltown oblivious to the fact they are standing on top of a 4.5 ton bomb.

A motor launch, the type of which were deployed in Operation Chariot at St. Nazaire.

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Motor Gunboat MGB 314 used in the raid on St. Nazaire.

HMS Campbeltown and another destroyer September 1940.

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St. Nazaire Memorial at Falmouth.

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Above: Wounded British soldiers from the St. Nazaire raid. Left: A British commando assisting a wounded colleague whilst being escorted by German guards.

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Two men of the Royal Navy captured at St. Nazaire.

Two British Commandos captured at St. Nazaire.

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Three men of the Royal Navy, forced to have their photograph taken by an official German photographer.

British prisoners at St. Nazaire doggedly smiling for the German photographer.

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The body of a dead British commando being removed from a house in St. Nazaire.

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Notification of Sergeant Durrant’s death.

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Right: Sergeant Durrant’s mother, Harriet, having received his VC at Buckingham Palace. Below: Marlag and Milag PoW camps where some of those captured at St. Nazaire were sent to.

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A large number of British PoWs waiting around on the quayside at St. Nazaire.

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Chapter Nine

St Nazaire – Other Acts of Bravery

As a result of the raid on St Nazaire a total of eighty-nine officers and men who were involved in the operation were awarded decorations for their acts of bravery and gallantry. Besides the five Victoria Crosses that were awarded, there were four Distinguished Service Orders, four Conspicuous Gallantry Medals, five Distinguished Conduct Medals, seventeen Distinguished Service Crosses, eleven Military Crosses, twenty-four Distinguished Service Medals, fifteen Military Medals, as well as fifty-one men who were mentioned in despatches, three of which were posthumous. France also awarded their Croix de Guerre to four participants of the raid. The following were taken from an entry in the London Gazette of Tuesday 19 May 1942, which includes awards and citations officially released and announced by the Admiralty in Whitehall on Thursday 21 May 1942. The issue number of the newspaper is 35566 and includes pages 2225 to 2227 inclusive. This official announcement by the Admiralty does not include all of the known awards which were issued as a result of the St Nazaire raid. By way of example it only includes the citations of three of the awards for the Victoria Cross. The awards for Newman’s and Durrant’s VCs were not announced until 19 June 1945, after Newman had been released from captivity and made known the actions of Durrant which led to the decision to also award him the Victoria Cross. Others who received awards as a result of their actions during the St Nazaire raid, but who are not included in the Admiralty’s announcement of 21 May 1942. Temporary Lieutenant Thomas Douglas Laverick Platt of the Royal Naval Reserve, who was a member of the crew of Motor Launch 447, was awarded the Distinguished Service Order. The citation for his award was made in the London Gazette dated Thursday 21 May 1942. 69

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 His Majesty has been graciously pleased to give orders for the following appointments to the Distinguished Service Order, and to approve the following awards for great gallantry, daring and skill in the attack on the German Naval Base at St Nazaire: To be companions of the Distinguished Service Order: Temporary Lieutenant Thomas Douglas Laverick Platt, RNR For great gallantry in command of a Motor Launch Flotilla. In the face of steady fire at point blank range, and bombardment by grenades from the jetty above, Lieutenant Platt tried to run his craft alongside, and when, ten feet from the jetty, it became a blazing wreck, he did all he could, under heavy fire, to save survivors. Temporary Lieutenant Thomas Wilson Boyd, RNVR For great gallantry and skill in bombarding enemy positions on shore at point blank range; and in taking his own craft, in the full light of searchlights, and in the face of concentrated Enemy fire from a range of less than 100 yards, to the rescue of the crew of a burning Motor Launch. Lieutenant Boyd was part of the crew of Motor Launch 160. In addition to this Major William Oranmore Copland, South Lancashire Regiment and No. 2 Commando, and Captain D.W. Roy, Cameron’s and No. 2 Commando, were also awarded the Distinguished Service Order. The following is a list of men who were awarded: Distinguished Service Cross Arnold, Temporary Sub-Lieutenant Hugh Wilson, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, Motor Launch 446. Burt, Lieutenant E.A., Motor Launch 262. Clegg, Temporary Sub-Lieutenant Leo Anthony, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, of Motor Launch 307 Curtis, Temporary Lieutenant Dunstan Michael Carr, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, of Motor Gun Boat 314. Dickie, MB, B.Ch., Probationer Temporary Surgeon Lieutenant Johnstone, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve.

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St Nazaire – Other Acts of Bravery Fenton, Lieutenant L., Motor Launch 156. Green, Lieutenant Alick Reginald, Royal Navy, of Motor Gun Boat 314. Irwin, Lieutenant Charles Stuart Bonshaw, Royal Navy Reserve, of Motor Launch 270. Lock, Lieutenant N.R., Motor Launch 258. Locke, Warrant Engineer W.H., HMS Campbeltown. Machin, Sub-Lieutenant N.G., Motor Launch 156. Stephens, Acting Lieutenant Commander William Lawson, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, of Motor Launch 192. Tait, Temporary Sub-Lieutenant James Adie, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, of Motor Launch 160. Tibbits, Lieutenant Charles Stuart Bonshaw Irwin, Royal Navy Reserve, of HMS Campbeltown. Tweedie, Lieutenant Commander Hugh Edward Forbes, Royal Navy. Wallach, Lieutenant Cecil William, Royal Australian Volunteer Reserve, of Motor Launch 270. Wallis, Temporary Lieutenant Norman Bryan Hamilton, Royal Australian Naval Volunteer Reserve, of Motor Launch 307. Worsley, Temporary Sub-Lieutenant Robert Thomas Christopher, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, of Motor Gun Boat 314. Wynn, Temporary Sub-Lieutenant Robert Charles Michael Vaughan, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, of Motor Torpedo Boat 74. Conspicuous Gallantry Medal: Lamb, Acting Petty Officer P/JX.141113 Leonard Sidney, of Motor Launch 160. For great bravery in rescuing many men from a blazing Motor Launch under intense fire at very short range, and for selfless devotion in tending the wounded on the way back from the raid.

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Lambert, Able Seaman C/JX.171403 Dennis Norman, of Motor Launch 447 Though himself wounded and under heavy fire from the Enemy, this Able Seaman remained on board a blazing Motor Launch after the order to abandon ship had been given, and with great bravery helped a wounded ship mate across to another Motor Launch. Tew, Ordinary Seaman D/JX.303154 Albert Walter, of Motor Launch 446. For great gallantry and in standing by his gun, though badly wounded, and in continuing to lay it, in an exposed position and under heavy fire from the enemy, until it was silenced by a direct hit. Lovegrove, Chief Motor Mechanic William Henry, of Motor Torpedo Boat 74. Bar to the Distinguished Service Medal Froud, D.S.M., Yeoman of Signals P/JX.136915 Gordon. Distinguished Service Medal Ball, Stoker Leonard Harry, of ML 262. Bracewell, Motor Mechanic C/MX.77574 Harry, of ML 443. Brady, Leading Seaman P/MV.37 Patrick, of ML 443. Catton, Acting Leading Seaman C/JX.151796 Frederick Herbert Charles, of ML 270. Davidson, Ordinary Telegraphist G.C. of ML 192. Elliot, Able Seaman C/JX.193225 John Leslie, of ML 270. Hambley, Petty Officer R., of ML 298. Hemming, Petty Officer Motor Mechanic C/MX.76053 Frank Stuart, of MGB 314. Holloway, Stoker First Class C/KX.120309 Leslie Albert, of ML 270.

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St Nazaire – Other Acts of Bravery Howard, Chief Engine Room Artificer P/M.31976 Harry, of HMS Campbeltown. McKee, Acting Leading Seaman C/SSX.28218 Fred, of MGB 314. Miller, Able Seaman C.H., of ML 177. Morris, Leading Motor Mechanic C/MX.89993 Frederick, of ML 160. Moyes, Able Seaman T.A.D., of ML 156. Newman, Petty Officer on board HMS Campbeltown. Ormiston, Able Seaman C/SSX.32879 Frederick, of ML 446. Overton, Leading Seaman D/J.99478 Frederick, of ML 447. Pike, Acting Leading Signalman LDX.4732 Seymour Charles. Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, of MGB 314. Reeves, Able Seaman P., of ML 156. Roberts, Ordinary Seaman C/JX.260208 John Stanley, of ML 307. Smith, Able Seaman D/JX.159400 Francis Albert, of MGB 314. Underhill, Stoker Petty Officer P/K.66657 Reginald Francis, of HMS Campbeltown. Walker, Petty Officer Motor Mechanic C/FX.78743 Cowan Dunn, of ML 160. Woodward, Ordinary Seaman P/JX.263654 Frederick William Joseph, of ML 307. Mentioned in Despatches (Posthumously) Baker, Temporary Sub-Lieutenant Graham McNaughton, Royal Canadian Naval Volunteer Reserve, of ML 447. For great bravery and unshaken devotion to duty in control of a gun in his Motor Launch, and afterwards in trying to take a rope on to a jetty heavily enfiladed by intense Enemy fire. Chambers, Temporary Lieutenant Herbert Stewart, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, of ML 447.

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 For dauntless devotion to duty at the forward gun of the Motor Launch which led the port column. Quite unprotected, in the face of intense fire at close range, he showed unshaken coolness until he was killed at his gun. Stephens, DSM, Able Seaman P/JX.131369 Albert Richard Carver, of MGB 314. For great skill and dauntless devotion to duty as second coxswain of a Motor Gun Boat. He was mortally wounded while helping at the pom-pom. Mentioned in Despatches Barber, Stoker E.C. of ML 457. Baxter, Stoker Petty Officer C.W.H., HMS Campbeltown. Bennet, Able Seaman HMS Campbeltown. Bott, Able Seaman H.E. HMS Campbeltown. Bourne, Canteen Manager Mr James, Navy, Army, and Air Force Institutes (NAAFI) of HMS Campbeltown. Burtenshaw, Lieutenant R.J.G., serving with the Cheshire Regiment and No. 5 Commando. Callaghan, Ordinary Seaman P/JX.289094 Stanley. Clear, Ordinary Seaman Douglas, of ML 298. Denison, Lieutenant M.C., serving with the Royal Fusiliers and No. 2 Commando. Elliott, Private A.J., serving with the Kings Regiment and No. 2 Commando. Fairbank, Lieutenant John Merryn Atkinson, Royal Navy. Falconer, Lieutenant H.G.R., of ML 446. Gough, Lieutenant C.H., HMS Campbeltown. Gwynne, Private J.E.H., serving with the Cameron Regiment and No. 2 Commando.

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St Nazaire – Other Acts of Bravery Hallet, Ordinary Seaman G.H., of ML 192. Hargreaves, Mr H., Torpedo Gunner, HMS Campbeltown. Henderson, Lieutenant I.B.H., of ML 306. Holland, Private W.A., serving with the Border Regiment and No. 2 Commando. Holman, Mr John Northcott Gordon, War Correspondent, Exchange Telegraph Company Limited. He was also awarded the French Croix de Guerre. Hopwood, Lieutenant H.G.L., serving with the Essex Regiment and No. 2 Commando. Howarth, Lance Corporal A., Grenadier Guards and No. 2 Commando. Awarded the French Croix de Guerre. Jenks, Lieutenant-Commander Robert Fergus, Royal Navy. Jones, Ordinary Telegraphist, of HMS Campbeltown. King, Sergeant A.W., served with the Royal Norfolk Regiment and No. 1 Commando. Leaney, Leading Seaman W.E.F., of ML 262. Lewis, Able Seaman D/JX.145031 Richard George. McKeown, Leading Seaman W.E.F., of ML 262. Milne, Gunner R., serving with the Royal Engineers and No. 2 Commando. Mitchell, Able Seaman R.S., of ML 177. Morgan, Lieutenant R.F., serving with the South Lancashire Regiment and No. 2 Commando. Moss, Regimental Sergeant Major A., serving with the Cameron Regiment and No. 2 Commando. Newbold, Leading Seaman L.J., HMS Campbeltown. O’Flaherty, Temporary Acting Petty Officer D/JX.137515 Laurence James. 75

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Pritchard, MC., Captain W.H., Royal Engineers and Special Service Brigade. Pyke, Stoker Petty Officer P/K.65048 Daniel Charles, of HMS Campbeltown. Awarded the French Croix de Guerre. Reay, Engine Room Artificer Fourth Class P/MX.58620 Horace John, of HMS Campbeltown. Awarded the French Croix de Guerre. Rivett, DSM., Leading Seaman S.W., of ML 268. Rob, Chief Petty Officer D/J.103936 Angus Gordon Waddell. Rodier, Lieutenant M.F., of ML 177. Ross, Leading Cook (O) P/JX.80767 Arthur William. Royal, Temporary Lieutenant Peter, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, of ML 443. Rushworth, Able Seaman Reginald, of ML 177. Sargeant, Leading Seaman W.G., of ML 306. Shields, Temporary Lieutenant Eric Eber Murray. Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, of ML 443. Simpson, Lance Corporal H.L., serving with the Gordons Regiment and No. 2 Commando. Smalley, Lieutenant C.J., serving with the Manchester Regiment and No. 2 Commando. Snowball, Chief Motor Mechanic George, of ML 192. Stevens, Stoker H., of HMS Campletown. Stogdon, Temporary Sub-Lieutenant Edgar David. Stuchbury, Lieutenant J.F., of the Gordons Regiment and No. 2 Commando. Thompson, Private R., serving with the Essex Regiment and No. 2 Commando. Tillie, Lieutenant A.B.K., of ML 268. Webber, Able Seaman D/SSX.26847 Frederick. Whitworth, Sick Berth Attendant D/MX.73238 Arthur. 76

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St Nazaire – Other Acts of Bravery Williams, Petty Officer Telegraphist P/JX.135604 Dennis Robert. Williamson, Temporary Sub-Lieutenant John Leslie. Winthrop, Surgeon Lieutenant W.J.W., of HMS Campbeltown. Young, Lance Corporal A., serving with the Gordons Regiment and No. 2 Commando. It is truly amazing that so many awards for gallantry were given to so many men for a raid which lasted for only a matter of hours. For the men on the Motor Launches who stayed at their posts while facing the intensity of close-range enemy gun fire, when every sinew in their bodies must have been screaming at them to find cover, is simply unbelievable.

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Chapter Ten

What the Papers Had to Say

On the following pages are a number of newspaper articles either about the raid on St Nazaire or some of the individuals who took part in it. They vary in their content and when they were written and by whom, but they all provide an image of heroism and gallantry on the part of the British soldiers and sailors, as well as a perspective on the raid. The first article, which is taken from the Nottingham Journal dated Monday 30 March 1942, just two days after the raid, does not, I would respectfully suggest, provide its readers with a true picture of what actually took place. Indeed, the matter-of-fact style in which it is written does not reflect the seriousness of the operation at all. The St Nazaire Raid The Germans seem to have been caught in a considerable flurry in our latest successful Commando raid on St Nazaire. The British evidence that the enemy fired so indiscriminately as to sink one of its own flak ships will be accepted in preference to the highly coloured German account of their splendid resistance to a most daring and damaging raid. There are bound to some losses in such an adventure, and certain of our forces appear to have failed to escape. But the moral and material results of the adventure appear to have been well worth the price. The last word I believe anybody involved in the raid would have used to describe the carnage, fear, death, noise, smell and intense firepower they had experienced is ‘adventure’. An article in the Dundee Courier on Monday 30 March 1942 provides an interesting account of how the raid was initially reported by Germans: 78

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What the Papers Had to Say The St Nazaire Raid Unable to protect their long European coastline, the Germans have adapted their propaganda machine for the instant belittlement of any forays or assaults from the British side of the Channel. This was evident yesterday when the enemy wireless went in to action with a wealth of detail almost immediately after the raid on St Nazaire docks. First accounts left the impression that a landing in force had been attempted, and during the day there was an almost hysterical insistence upon the complete failure of the attack. Then the alarm began to decline, and the broadcasts entered a diminuendo which finished with a reference at the end of the later bulletins to an ‘operation undertaken by a small enemy force’. On this occasion the time lag between the German and British detailed accounts did not cause great misgiving here because of the anxious haste of the Germans to claim a successful defence. So strong was this feeling that when the news came of the panic of the St Nazaire garrison the true version caused little surprise. The initial German reports were probably accurate when they were reported, because they had not considered the dry dock gates being of such importance that they warranted an enemy raid. With that in mind, they more than likely believed the raid to be in relation to their U-boat pens, and as the British had not caused any damage to them, they believed the raid had failed. For all they knew, the fact that the British had smashed one of their destroyers in to the outer dry dock gate could have been nothing more sinister than the captain of the vessel not seeing where he was going in the heat of battle. Of the initial reports on the raid, I would say the one in the Northern Whig dated Monday 30 March 1942 was one of the more balanced and more detailed articles published about the raid. This seems strange, given that the same news would have been available to all the media outlets, which in 1942, was mainly either radio or newspapers. However, I do have to challenge some aspects of the article which do not necessarily 79

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 agree with what is universally known and accepted about the raid or the order of those events. St Nazaire Raid was British Epic Brilliant Destroyer and Commandos Exploit The raid on St Nazaire, carried out by a combined force of the Commandos, the Royal Navy and the RAF, will go down in history as an epic of British courage, writes Reuter’s correspondent from a home port. St Nazaire, strategically important Nazi-held port on the French coast has been smashed, and the huge dry dock is blocked with the explosion and twisted remains of the gallant former United States destroyer, Campbeltown. Cost Not Light The most daring and, in many ways, the most important of combined operational attacks on the enemy so far undertaken was met with splendid success, but the cost has not been light. Many of the Commando troops who forced home the attack, fought on until they were either casualties or taken prisoner, but they completed one of the finest aggressive operations we have engaged in since the War started. Naval personnel took the specially prepared destroyer Campbeltown from England to her destination astride the gates of the big dry dock at St Nazaire. They defied enemy submarines, mines, coastal defences, and concentrated harbour fire, and did not stop until they had crashed through the boom defences and charged the dock entrance. The full extent of the crew’s courage was only manifest to the Germans some time later, when the five tons of high explosive in the Campbeltown blew the ship and dock entrance, and a lot more besides, into a tangled, twisted ruin. The Commandos went ashore and systematically wrecked harbour installations, lock gates and power houses. They were met by strong opposition but this they overcame with the utmost determination. 80

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What the Papers Had to Say A Grimmer Note I was in a motor gunboat with Commander R.E.D. Ryder and Lieutenant-Colonel A C Newman, commanding the naval and military forces respectively. The newspaper article was not credited to any one individual, but the only member of the press (that I am aware of) who took part in the raid at St Nazaire was Mr Gordon Holman, a well-known war correspondent of the time. There was only one motor gunboat that was part of the raiding party, that was MGB 314, which was also the lead vessel ahead of the Campbeltown and the two motor launches ML 270 and ML 160. As we pushed up the estuary towards our objective two powerful searchlights swept the water, picking up the leading ships as if it had been daylight, and the Germans fired a burst of flak. Then came another burst of fire, which this time was answered by Campbeltown. The match had been set to the conflagration. The roar and rattle of gunfire filled the night. Dozens of searchlights lit the scene but accurate fire from the ships soon reduced the number considerably. The Campbeltown continued on her way under constant heavy fire from both sides of the river. We watched her finish her journey by magnificently shooting up a German flak ship which she left in flames before speeding up to about 20 knots for the charge in to the dock gates. She piled herself up on them with the sureness of a ferret diving into a hole. It is interesting that Holman makes no mention of the radio communications conducted between a Royal Navy signalman who was on the same vessel as he was, and the Germans on shore, which bought the raiding party the valuable time they needed to get as near to the dock gates as possible before the Germans grasped what was happening. Commander Beattie on board the Campbeltown only ordered the lowering of the German flag and the raising of the White Ensign at 0128 hours, just six minutes before the obsolete destroyer smashed into 81

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 the outer gate of the Normandie dry dock. I am not sure Holman has the sequence of events in the correct order. He would certainly not have been stood calmly watching the events unfold before his eyes. Once the raid began in earnest and MGB 314 started travelling at speed and taking incoming fire, he would have been laid on the floor trying to make himself as small as possible. In regards to the reference to the German Flak ship, it wasn’t just Campbeltown who opened fire on her, a number of the motor launches in the raiding party fired upon her. Being in the lead vessel meant that nearly everything Holman describes was happening behind him, so how accurately he was able to record events as they unfolded is, dare I respectfully suggest, questionable. Soon an even grimmer note was added to the constant cannonade by the roar of big explosions. ‘There go the first demolitions,’ said Colonel Newman. ‘I told you they would get in.’ He jumped ashore followed by his adjutant and small headquarters staff. He disappeared round some blazing buildings, making towards the dry dock. Picked Up Survivors We lay alongside the jetty for a few minutes while survivors of the Campbeltown scrambled on board. Inshore great fires were raging in many places and the battle was intensified from time to time by a shattering explosion. A big burst of fire went straight down the inner basin, indicating that the Commandos had secured yet another position and were raking the U-boat moorings with mortars and brens. We made a full-speed dash down the river and became the target for literally hundreds of enemy guns at short range. Only a hard turn to port prevented us running into a German flak ship. She opened fire on us at 20 yards range, but with our last shells we silenced her and then saw her destroyed by the fire of her own shore batteries, who believed it was our boat disabled in mid-stream. Aided by this muddle, which was only one of many such incidents for the Germans who frequently shot up each 82

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What the Papers Had to Say other in their anxiety, we raced down the estuary under the fire of the heavy batteries at the entrance. We reached the open sea. Behind us was a scene of blazing destruction which reminded one of the worst London Blitz nights. The Germans were still shooting away madly in all directions. The overall success of the raid was rather dependent on men carrying out their allocated role. The only problem with that was when individuals or groups of men didn’t make it to their proposed positions within the dock area, which a number did not because they either didn’t make it off their motor launch or were killed or wounded en route to their designated position. But part of commando training is the ability to be able to adapt and overcome when things didn’t go according to plan. What was achieved throughout the dock area at St Nazaire during the course of the raid showed that these were traits and abilities that commandos had in abundance. For some days before the attack I lived with the Commandos, who aided by demolition parties from other Commandos, were carrying out the operation. A large percentage of the men came from the London area and they were as tough as any Commando troops I have yet met, and that is saying a lot. There were Scots and a few Welshmen and men from the north-west coast. On our run in to the attack one of the Scots was found changing from his trousers into a kilt which he had brought secretly in to battle. ‘Let me wear it for the occasion’, he pleaded and received special permission. Much later I saw a Scots officer, also kilted, gravely wounded. Although any movement meant agony for him, he murmured to the doctor, ‘Don’t cut my kilt please.’ Colonel Newman, a great leader and gallant comrade, was a London builder before the War. At 38 he led a Commando and had the complete faith and affection of officers and men alike. Among his officers were an Oxford Rugby blue, a former ‘Times’ correspondent, an author, a stockbroker who played for the Wasps, and two doctors. One of the latter insisted on going on the expedition although an 83

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 X-ray photograph just previously showed that an important bone in one of his legs was fractured. No finer job was done in the course of a great night’s work than that by the engine-room staff of the [...] destroyer. They carried on until after the Campbeltown had crashed in to the dock gates. They did not even trouble to lie down on the deck when they knew the crash was coming. A stoker told me: ‘We could hear the bombardment outside and it shook the ship, but we still had our job to do. We knew we were nearly finished and then the crash came. After she hit we went down in to the boiler room, but there was nothing else for us to do and we made our way up to the deck. There we saw the motor gunboat and made a dash for it.’ Holman went on to explain that the British commandos swept ashore with a speed and precision which no doubt caught the Germans by surprise. In what seemed like no time at all the commandos had fixed explosive charges to bridges, dock gates, pumping stations and a few buildings, which detonated in a matter of minutes. The confusion which this type of raid caused was maybe best highlighted when one looks at the initial communique released by German authorities, which mentioned that the enemy troops who had carried out the raid had been so quick that they had to be paratroopers, which of course they were not. Holman finished his report with: ‘A small body of men ‘they have won a victory for their country, they have struck a blow which will be felt by the enemy for many months to come, perhaps to the end of the war.’ A very detailed and interesting account of the raid by a man who was there; although, of course, we cannot know how much of it is based on what he witnessed personally, and how much is from information he received from others who took part in the raid. The Scotsman of Monday 30 March 1942 included an extensive coverage of the raid which included the following observations, claims and counter-claims from both sides as both claimed victories. To some extent, both were right. As far as the Germans were concerned they had beaten off the British attack, had destroyed a number of enemy 84

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What the Papers Had to Say vessels and captured or killed hundreds of their men, possibly without understanding the true purpose of the British attack. The entire article is written by an unnamed member of the headquarters staff of the Combined Operations, quite possibly somebody who had actually been on the raid. The first part of the article considers the commandos’ role in the raid, but it also covers the final part of Campbeltown’s journey in to the gate of the dry dock. Task of the Commandos To the commandos fell the lot of forcing home this attack on an area which has the concentrated defences of a small Portsmouth or a Plymouth. They went ashore in the early hours of the morning and systematically wrecked harbour installations, dock gates, and power-houses. They were met with strong opposition, but this they overcame with the utmost determination. The British naval forces approached St Nazaire during the course of an RAF bombing attack on the harbour. I was in a motor launch with Commander R.E.D Ryder and Lieut.-Colonel A.C. Newman, commanding the naval and military forces respectively. The German flak rose in to the sky in staccato bursts of fire as we entered the estuary of the Loire, tracer shells went up on either side of us, forming a strange Gothic archway of fire. Clever navigation had brought us right to the mouth of the river, although we were a good many miles out at sea when darkness fell. Suddenly, as we pushed up the estuary towards our objective, two powerful searchlights swept the water, picking up the leading ships as if it had been daylight, and the Germans fired a burst of flak. There was a brief and tense interval, and then there came another and more continuous burst of fire, which this time was answered by the Campbeltown. The match had been set to the conflagration. The article then goes on to describe the ferocious gun battle that ensued between the British raiding party and the Germans’ defensive shore 85

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 batteries. It was most definitely not a fair fight as the Royal Navy motor launches were not much more than wooden boats, which had to carry extra fuel on their decks to get them to St Nazaire and back to the south coast of England again. When it came to actual gunfire, each of the British motor launches had variants of machine guns, while the German shore batteries had more powerful weapons. The Enemy Replies In a second the whole river was covered with a fantastic criss-cross pattern of fire marked by the varied coloured tracer, shells and bullets. The roar and rattle of gunfire so filled the night that it was impossible to hear orders shouted only a yard or so from the bridges of the motor launches to the gunners on the deck below. Dozens of searchlights hit the scene, but accurate fire from the ships soon reduced the number considerably. The British force which had been moving slowly, cracked on all the speed they had, and continued up river toward St Nazaire and the docks. They went in face of fire from many shore positions which gave the raiders all they had got. The Campbeltown attracted the defenders’ attention and she continued on her way under constant heavy fire. Our motor gun-boat blazed her way past the last barrier before the entrance to the dry dock. She then swung round in comparatively wide water, and while shells screamed over the top of us, we watched the Campbeltown finish her last journey by magnificently shooting up a German flak ship, which she left in flames before speeding up to about 20 knots for the charge in to the dock gates. The story moves on to describe how some of the British commandos had managed to make it ashore and set about placing their demolition charges on their nominated targets. The First Demolitions Soon a new and even grimmer note was added to the constant cannonade by the roar of big explosions. ‘There go the first demolitions,’ said Colonel Newman. ‘I told you they would 86

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What the Papers Had to Say get in.’ He also begged to be landed at once, so that he could get his men on shore. Then our MGB nosed her way round the stern of the Campbeltown, which was stuck by the bows as if climbing a steep hill, and got alongside the jetty of a smaller inner harbour. Colonel Newman, giving a final tightening pull to his equipment, jumped ashore, followed by his adjutant and small headquarters staff. ‘Good luck,’ we shouted, and he disappeared round some blazing buildings making towards the dry dock. Heavy fire was coming from the direction of the main basin, and also across the harbour. Screened from the former by some buildings, we lay alongside the jetty for a few minutes, while survivors of the Campbeltown scrambled on board. We then headed out in to the main channel again and immediately came under fire of German shore positions. Round the corner they swept the MGB with rapid fire with a range of less than 50 yards. Although a number of the crew were wounded, we replied with machine-gun fire and pom-pom fire. On the exposed forecastle gun a gunner took careful aim at a German pill-box, and scored a direct hit, which caused the captain to shout from the bridge, ‘Well shot, do it again.’ But the gunner had fired his last shot. He was killed immediately afterwards. The British were most certainly not going to have it all their own way, and far from it. They quickly discovered that in the German defenders they were up against a determined and formidable enemy who were not simply going to roll over and give up without a fight. Heavy Opposition to the Landing The first news of the raid was given in a brief communique issued by Combined Headquarters at two o’clock on Saturday afternoon. It described the operation as a ‘small raid’. A further communique issued late that night, said that a signal had been received from the raiding force, which was returning safely from the raid, saying that the Campbeltown rammed the main dock at 1.34 in the morning, only four minutes late on the programme time. 87

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Special Service troops were landed and carried out prearranged demolitions in the dockyard, in the face of very heavy opposition. There is every hope that this raid accomplished, though not without some casualties, the main task, namely the destruction of the large dock at St Nazaire, the only one of the Atlantic coast capable of taking the Tirpitz. The final part of the story is the homecoming after the raid. There were no big crowds, nor marching bands waiting to pipe them ashore, just tired, weary and wounded men with the knowledge and comfort of a job well done. The Homecoming The end of the raid came yesterday morning, when a naval ship, with her flag at half-mast, drew quietly alongside the quay at a British port. Ambulances were waiting, Naval ratings carried wounded men ashore on stretchers and transferred them to the care of nurses who took them to local hospitals. Many of the men were seriously injured, but they were cheerful and pleased with their work. The article also included a German account of the same raid released by their High Command in Berlin on the evening of Saturday 28 March 1942: St Nazaire Raid – The German Account The German High Command announced in Berlin on Saturday night that enemy planes, flying over St Nazaire shortly before midnight on 28 March, caused a diversion while British naval forces attempted to penetrate the Loire estuary. ‘The enemy had drawn up his plans on the model of the Zeebrugge enterprise of the First World War, which was also directed against a German U-boat base,’ the announcement stated. Saying that events took place at great speed, the report said that the British destroyer blew up with a thunderous 88

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What the Papers Had to Say explosion before reaching the sluice gates. It claimed that torpedo boats, speed boats, and assault boats went down under the fire of coastal batteries. Some enemy ships succeeded in landing troops, but these were dispersed. Small groups were said to have given themselves up. Fight with Destroyers After saying that ‘All attacks had been repelled, and enemy landing troops wiped out,’ the statement declared that German torpedo boats had a running fight with British destroyers, and that five torpedo hits were secured. German vessels opened fire on a speedboat of the motor gunboat type, and it was said that 15 prisoners were taken off the damaged ship. This gunboat, it was claimed, was towed back to port. An earlier communique claimed that such forces as succeeded in landing were wiped out when they attempted to attack the lock and penetrate into the town. A destroyer, nine speedboats, and four torpedo-boats of the enemy were said to have been destroyed. Apart from heavy losses, the enemy left over 100 prisoners in our hands. On the German side, not a single war vessel was lost. Yesterday’s communique said that, west of St Nazaire, German aircraft sank a British MTB, in a daylight dive-bombing attack. Rubber-Soled Soldiers A German war correspondent’s account of the raid, quoted by the German News Agency, said: ‘British units consisted mainly of motor gunboats and a destroyer. Several Commandos of Scottish units reached the land in rubber boats, and noiselessly occupied the shore. Their shoes were so made as to avoid making any sound when they moved. The men who followed occupied moles and quay. They therefore actually succeeded in gaining a foothold in some parts of the harbour area.’ 89

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 The account said the enemy was soon picked out by a German searchlight battery and in a short time ships were ablaze. They were mostly small gunboats equipped with two small calibre guns. Their fire was no match for the coastal batteries. At some points the British were said to have offered fierce resistance. ‘It was hopeless. They had to retreat before the German sailors and infantry. Their route to the water was cut off, and it was not possible to return, so they withdrew in to some of the streets surrounding the harbour. From some French houses they fiercely defied fate, but they hadn’t a chance.’ The correspondent said that each house had to be systematically combed through. ‘Mostly a few hand grenades were sufficient to destroy the enemy. Our casualties were very small, as specialists in street fighting were used.’ By 8 o’clock in the morning the harbour and town were completely in German hands. The Yorkshire Evening Post of Monday 30 March 1942 included an article about the raid, written by an unnamed ‘exchange war correspondent who travelled to St Nazaire in a motor-launch.’ From reading through the article I can ascertain that the correspondent must have been Mr Edward ‘Ted’ Gilling, an Exchange Telegraph War Correspondent, who was in Motor Launch ML 307, one of only three launches which eventually made it back to England. There was another member of the press present on the raid, Mr Gordon Holman, but he was in motor gunboat MGB 314, which was hit numerous times by enemy fire and eventually had to be scuttled at St Nazaire. What I find particularly interesting about the article is the description of the outward journey, and the buoyant mood of the men as they made their way to one of the most written-about such events in history. It was almost on par with, ‘Into the valley of Death rode the six hundred,’ from Tennyson’s ‘The Charge of Light Brigade’, referring to the Battle of Balaclava during the Crimean War in 1854. A smaller force up against a larger and better-armed enemy, with similar numbers of those who took part, survived and were killed. 90

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What the Papers Had to Say I have just returned to port after taking part in the most daring operation that the three services have yet attempted in this war. I have spent 72 hours in a motor-launch which crossed from this country, took part in the operation at St Nazaire, and then returned to this country under its own power. The operation was certainly filled with the most thrilling and exciting moments of my life, and I wish to pay tribute to the Navy and also the gallant Commandos on the way they did their job. The work of the Navy was beyond the highest praise. They had a job to do and they carried it out to the best possible finality. The attack on the base came as a nasty shock to the Germans, and the fact that the ex-American destroyer Campbeltown was sunk at the entrance to the dock in which they could have put the Tirpitz, or any other big warship, will certainly limit their bases on the French coast. Mr Gilling makes a good point about the raid being a big shock to the Germans, because it was just that. Although the estuary had numerous anti-aircraft batteries on both sides, these were put in place to defend against bombing raids from the skies. The other aspect to this is the sand banks that existed in the estuary, which in reality would prevent larger naval vessels from being able to safely make their way along it without the real risk of running aground. When we left a British port [Falmouth] all the forces, both naval and military (Army) were full of joyful anticipation. We set out, a gay convoy with escorting destroyers, in brilliant sunshine, and we passed a peaceful day at sea. Despite the positive mood, once the men knew what and where their target was, there would have been those who realised that some of them would not be making the return journey. We continued on our course. We were feeling pretty good, and then through the day we sailed to our objective without 91

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 interference of any kind. As darkness approached we neared the French coast, and the Commandos began to prepare for the assault. We all took up our positions with the gallant Campbeltown as we approached the mouth of the River Loire. While I was standing on the bridge I heard our skipper say, ‘The RAF are there boys,’ and I then saw flak going up and heard the sound of exploding bombs. The skipper of ML 307 was Lieutenant Norman Arthur Kingsley Wallis of the Royal Australian Naval Volunteer Reserve, one of only three Australians involved in the raid. For his actions at St Nazaire, Wallis was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross. Everything seemed to be going splendidly. We sneaked in to the estuary and no searchlights were to be seen until suddenly one was switched on. After a circle of the skies it swung low over the water and appeared to pick up the Campbeltown. It went out, and I thought that we had got away with it, till I saw a signal light flashing, and then six searchlights were switched on to the Campbeltown and her accompanying motor-launch. For a few minutes it looked as though our bluff had succeeded. But then suddenly the guns on either side of the river opened fire. Edward ‘Ted’ Gilling then gave his account of the raid, beginning with how both sides opened up on each other with bullets, tracer rounds and shells flying about all over the place, as the race was finally on between the British raiding party and the German shore batteries. The question was, who would win? He then gave a personal account of an act of bravery he had witnessed, which as it turned out, was one of many that he saw that night. I have read of many acts of gallantry, but one I witnessed in our vessel will always live with me. A sergeant from Derby was firing a twin Lewis when suddenly I saw him stagger. He fell on the deck, but got to his feet again and continued to fire. A few moments later he again fell, but got to his feet 92

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What the Papers Had to Say and continued to fire the guns till he shouted and asked for someone to take over the guns. He slumped to the deck, and when later he was examined by the doctor it was found he had a bullet in his leg which caused him to stagger for the first time, while another bullet in the chest had thrown him down on the second occasion. While all this was going on we were steaming steadily up the river towards the docks. Perhaps it would be easier for people to understand that a fair comparison would be to say that the operation was the same as that of a German force steaming up the Thames to Tilbury. The intensity of the incoming gunfire appeared to reach a crescendo as their motor launch closed in on their target of the Old Mole where they were to disembark their commandos. To give them a chance of achieving this their own gunners kept up a ferocious onslaught of their own to try and keep the Germans at bay. As they drew alongside the Old Mole a German soldier suddenly came in to sight and made ready to throw a grenade on to the motor launch, but before he could do so, ‘a commando captain standing by my side had a Bren gun to his shoulder, and caught the German with a burst of fire just as the grenade was about to be thrown.’ The commando officer referred to as being on aboard motor launch ML 307 was, to the best of my knowledge, a man by the name of Captain 77384 Elkin William ‘Bill’ Bradley, Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers. He was attached to No. 3 Commando, but as was the case with the entire commando contingent from ML 307, he did not manage to get ashore as was intended, after the vessel came under sustained enemy fire. Bradley was one of those who made it back to England; he survived the rest of the war and even remained in the Army afterwards. For some time the battle continued. Bullets splattered all around us. A tracer bullet missed our skipper by a hair’s breadth. When the order to withdraw was given five of our gunners were wounded. Getting out of the river was not going to be easy. We saw the gallant commandos scrambling ashore, and suddenly heard a heavy explosion aboard an enemy destroyer. Out in the centre of the river we could see nothing but burning 93

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 ships and buildings, lighting the night into day. The shore batteries were still going at it. Machine-gun bullets, cannon shells, light shells and heavy shells fell all around us. It must have been an amazing experience for Edward Gilling. There to record the events of the raid, remember what he had witnessed, while at the same time trying his best to stay alive. Just because he was a reporter, he was not exempt from being hit by a bullet or struck by a piece of wayward shrapnel. The Germans were not aware of his presence. As far as they were concerned everybody who was part of the British raiding party was either a soldier or sailor and therefore a legitimate target. Our tough little Australian skipper, with his steel helmet tilted on one side, directed his gunners from the bridge as we made our way out of the river. This proved to be the hardest task, but with shells bursting all around us, and with searchlights picking out our lines very clearly, we zigzagged from one side of the river to the other till we reached the open sea, when our skipper turned to me and said in a casual voice, ‘Light me a cigarette, please.’ In some respects it could be argued that those five simple words, epitomised everything that was good and positive not just in the raid on St Nazaire, but throughout the war in general. Here was a group of men, who were still in a fight for their lives, and the man in charge of them still has the calmness of mind, coupled with a sharp sense of humour, to make such a request. We then tried to assess our damage. We knew we had five wounded men. What about the ship? We found cannon shell holes in the hull, but were thankful that they were above the waterline, bullets were embedded all over the superstructure. Our skipper, after a thorough examination, decided to make out to sea with another motor-launch following us. Through the few hours of darkness the two little ships went out at full speed in to the Bay of Biscay. We had a rendezvous with the destroyers, but as we were still slightly off our course, we did not pick them up. 94

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What the Papers Had to Say Our skipper decided to keep going as fast as possible, to get away from any surface craft the enemy might have operating in the area. Later we saw a third motor-launch, which joined us, and so the little convoy decided to keep going together. Gilling’s detailed account of the raid on St Nazaire in its entirety, the outward journey, the actual raid and the return journey, provide an historical account of one of the most daring commando style raids ever conducted, and it is those details which provide ‘meat on the bones’ to events which may have otherwise been lost to history. Gilling described how the three motor-launches, now travelling together, headed back to Falmouth on the southern coast of England. After a while they noticed smoke on the horizon which brought the men on ML 307 to action stations. There was uncertainty about what it was they were heading towards. But before long they spotting an aircraft taking evasive action as it was being attacked by a surface vessel, but which side the aircraft and it’s attackers were on, was at first unclear. As they drew closer it became clear that the aircraft was a German one, a Heinkel seaplane as best they could determine. The two vessels were British destroyers who had been on their way to rendezvous with them. As ML 307, ML 160 and ML 443, continued their journey home, the destroyers passed them as they headed towards the Bay of Biscay to see if any of the motor-launches had belatedly managed to escape from St Nazaire. The trio of Royal Navy motor-launches took nothing for granted; they knew that they were still not out of danger, so it was all hands on deck as they kept a constant watch on the skies above them. A check on the fuel levels showed there was plenty, so Lieutenant Norman Wallis made the decision to keep on travelling as fast as the launch could take them. He knew that the faster he travelled, the quicker his fuel would be used up, but getting back to Falmouth as fast as they could meant less time spent at sea, reducing the time that they would a potential target for any passing German aircraft. Despite the level of almost constant high alert on board all three motor launches, Edward Gilling, Lieutenant Wallis and the rest of the men on board still had time for a much needed mug of piping hot tea. At just after 11 am another aircraft was spotted, tensions ran high as it slowly circled 95

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 the three launches, but good fortune was on their side. It was British, panic over. Not only that, but it stayed with them, helping to keep them safe, like a guardian angel, for over an hour. No sooner were the launches on their own again, than another aircraft was spotted, but this time they were not so fortunate. This time it was a German Heinkel III, and no sooner had he spotted his prey, than he came in for the kill. Tension on the three small motor-launches was at fever pitch. The German aircraft having clearly seen the three motor-launches, lined itself up to make its first attack. Down it came in a textbook dive with its bomb flaps down. Those manning the guns on all three vessels held their nerve and waited. It was a potentially dangerous situation for the British soldiers and sailors. The gunners wanted the Heinkel to be as close as possible to make their shots as effective as possible, but the longer they left it to open fire, the more of a risk they ran that the German aircraft would either open fire themselves or drop their bombs, either of which would have a devastating effect on the British motor launches and those on board. The gunner on ML 307, an outfitter’s assistant before the war, took aim, and opened fire. His first burst was perfect. The rounds smashed in to the engine and did the work they were intended to do. The Heinkel crashed into the sea about a mile away from the motor launches. It was pats on the back all afternoon for the gunner and his ever-so-accurate shooting. ML 307’s other two officers, Sub-Lieutenant Leo Clegg and SubLieutenant J.A.G. Williamson, both members of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, had been wounded at St Nazaire. After having been awake and at the bridge for somewhere in the region of twenty-one hours, Wallis was in dire need of some rest. Despite having a wound on his neck that was heavily bandaged, it was down to Sub-Lieutenant Clegg to step up and take his place. But no sooner had Wallis gone to lie down, the lookout reported another aircraft. Without any commands or orders having to be given, all of the crew took their positions and waited. It was another Heinkel seaplane and having spotted his target, he quickly manoeuvred into position and began his descent. As the German aircraft reached the bottom of his dive, the three motor launches moved in unison, as if taking part in some kind of synchronised operation; they swung hard over, and the Heinkel’s bombs fell harmlessly into the sea. But unperturbed, he once again climbed high into the sky and readied himself for another attack. All three launches opened fire as soon as he 96

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What the Papers Had to Say began his dive. That was enough for the Heinkel pilot, he had tried and failed, but better to have failed and still be alive to fight another day, so he quickly veered off, never to be seen again. As Sunday morning dawned, the lookout on ML 307 spotted land. It was the south coast of England and home. There was, however, a ‘but’, which came in the form of an unidentified number of ships steaming towards them as well. There were feelings of uncertainty, almost trepidation and a collective feeling of ‘so near yet so far’. Wallis, who by now was suitably refreshed and back in command, examined the situation through his binoculars. There was a deathly silence as he focused in on the ships that were coming their way. ‘It’s a convoy, boys,’ a cheer went up, more out of relief than anything else, and with that they slowly made their way into the harbour at Falmouth. At last they were safely back on friendly dry land. St Nazaire was not the only time Edward Gilling would find himself in German-occupied France. Just over two months later on the night of 3/4 June 1942, he took part in Operation Bristle, a raid on St Cecily Plage, which is situated between Le Touquet and Boulogne on the French coast. The target of the raid by elements of No. 6 Commando was to seize Freya and Wurzburg equipment from a German radar station. Gilling was in German-occupied France by 26 June 1944, and reporting on Operation Epsom, a British offensive to seize the Germanoccupied city of Caen during the Battle of Normandy. The article he wrote about the operation appeared in The Manchester Guardian, dated 28 June 1944. Much to my surprise, Edward Gilling does not appear to have written a book about his involvement in Operation Chariot, or one on his collective involvement in all of the wartime raids and operations in which he took part. Sadly, there seems to be little available information about him, but undoubtedly a very brave man. The Londonderry Sentinel of Tuesday 31 March 1942 included the following: The St Nazaire Raid What Photograph Shows Great Damage to Lock Gates A naval officer, who took part in the St Nazaire raid, last night produced an enlarged photograph of the port showing 97

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 clearly that the thirty foot outer lock-gate to the dry dock was blown to pieces when rammed by the explosive in HMS Campbeltown. ‘The Tirpitz will possibly not be able to use the lock for a year, and it is the only one outside of Germany and this side of Singapore that she can use,’ he said. He disclosed the Campbeltown was commanded by Lieut.-Commander Stephen Holden Beattie. Gun fire, ‘the like of which I never dreamed of,’ was encountered by our forces, but the Nazis were evidently panic-stricken and fired on their own soldiers. The officer said he considered Lieut.-Commander Beattie the principal performer in the operation. The photograph also gives the lie direct to the German claim to have sunk the Campbeltown before she reached the lock gates. Radio commentators, according to a New York message today, regard it as an important forerunner of further attacks, a powerful stimulant to pro-Allied sentiment in France, and a valuable psychological as well as military blow at the Axis. Describing the event as a feat of gallantry to set beside the Zeebrugge raid of the last war, the ‘New York Times’ says: ‘So bold an answer to the home demand for offensive action must lift the fighting spirit of the whole British people.’ A Reuter correspondent says the circumstances were similar to what might occur if a German force steamed up the Thames at Tilbury. The article included an additional paragraph which was an official comment from the Admiralty: Speaking yesterday, Mr A V Alexander, the First Lord of the Admiralty, said the raid was one of the most stirring events in Combined Operations that we have had in this war. It told a story of courage, heroism, skill, organisation and accurate 98

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What the Papers Had to Say navigation. Although it was an operation in which we had suffered casualties, it had secured a great dividend for the cause in which we are engaged. Alexander’s words were certainly glowing and positive in respect of the raid as a whole, although when it came to making a reference to casualties, he gave absolutely no clue as to what that figure was, or whether ‘casualties’ referred to those who had been killed, wounded or both. There was also no mention of the large number of men who had been captured and became prisoners of war. As was normal in such circumstances, obtaining accurate and detailed figures of casualty numbers wasn’t easy. This was often because until the names had been confirmed of those who had been left behind and captured, it wasn’t possible to ascertain if someone was a prisoner of war or had been killed in action. The Dundee Courier newspaper of Thursday 2 April 1942 included the following article on that very topic. St Nazaire Raid Leaders Missing Neither Lieutenant-Commander S H Beattie, 34-year-old captain of the ‘suicide’ destroyer Campbeltown which blocked the huge dry dock in the raid on St Nazaire, nor Lieutenant-Colonel A C Newman, 37-year-old leader of the Commandos, returned from the raid. Commander Beattie’s father, Rev. E. H. Beattie, vicar of Madley, Hertfordshire said; ‘We have been in communication with officers who were there and I am afraid that all the ships have come back. His wife has had no official communication from the Admiralty, so I expect the possibility of his being alive has not been finally dismissed. But from what we heard I am afraid it is remote.’ On Saturday 4 April 1942, the Portsmouth Evening News reported the St Nazaire raid: Rumours that British Commandos suffered heavy losses in the St Nazaire raid are untrue. In view of the success of the 99

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 operation and its strategical importance, our casualties were slight. The total including missing, was well under 300, and the Germans, it will be recalled, have claimed at least 200 prisoners, so probably the killed number fewer than a hundred. The dry dock at St Nazaire is the only one on the Atlantic seaboard capable of taking the Tirpitz. The destruction of the gate of the large dock means therefore that the risk to the enemy of engaging the Tirpitz in the Battle of the Atlantic has been greatly increased, for if she suffered any underwater damage she would now have a considerable distance to go before she could reach a safe dock for repairs. Germany’s crack battleship, Bismarck was believed to be attempting to reach St Nazaire when she was sunk. Repairs to the dock gates cannot, owing to their size and the damage done, be completed for many months at least. From that point of view alone the naval strategical importance of the raid will be appreciated, as will also the small price in casualties which was paid for this successful action. According to official figures produced by the Admiralty and printed in the London Gazette newspaper number 38086, dated 30 September 1947, there were 353 members of the Royal Navy and 268 British Commandos who took part in the raid on St Nazaire. Of these, naval losses were thirty-four officers and 157 ratings who were either killed or missing. In the case of commando losses, thirty-four officers and 178 men from the other ranks were either killed or missing in action. The figures for those men included as being missing in action doesn’t automatically mean they were killed. It is quite possible they were captured and spent the rest of the war as prisoners. The article’s claim that only 100 men had been killed in the raid was clearly inaccurate; it’s possible that this was intentional for the sake of public morale and military security. The following article about an officer who was reported as being missing in action, appeared in the Burnley Express, of Saturday 4 April 1942. 100

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What the Papers Had to Say Missing After St Nazaire Raid Following his participation in the British combined operation against St Nazaire last Saturday, Sub-Lieut. Sam Preston Haighton, 24 year old son of Mr E Haighton, a director of Messrs V E Haighton, Ltd., Park Mill, Barrowford, and Mrs Haighton, Lower Emmott, Laneshawbridge, is reported by the Admiralty to be missing. Sub-Lieut. Haighton enlisted in the Royal Naval Auxiliary Patrol in June 1940, and while serving as a Petty Officer in an armed motor cruiser in January of last year, he was awarded the George Medal for courage and devotion to duty during an air raid. It subsequently transpired that Haighton was captured by the Germans during the raid and spent the following three years as a prisoner of war in Poland, where his prisoner of war number was 18668. Haighton had tried to enlist in the Royal Navy but had been prevented from doing so as he had a fused backbone, which understandably made him medically unfit for wartime military service. He was made aware by a family connection that the Thames Patrol of the Port of London Authority was to be incorporated into the Royal Naval Patrol Service. On discovering this he quickly joined the Port of London Authority as a seaman, and duly joined the Navy automatically after passing a cursory medical examination. He was then transferred to Coastal Forces. It was on 14 January 1941, while serving as a seaman with the Port of London Authority that he was awarded his George Medal, for rescuing a number of civilian casualties during an enemy air raid in London. The Nelson Leader of Friday 17 January 1941 included the following brief article, which it should be remembered was written under wartime reporting restrictions. George Medal For Colne Sailor Courage During an Air Raid Seaman (Acting Petty Officer) Sam Preston Haighton, who resided at Bleak House, Colne before joining the Navy, has been promoted to the rank of Petty Officer and has been 101

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 awarded the George Medal for courage and devotion shown during an air raid in the London area. Mr Haighton is the son of Mr and Mrs Ernest Haighton of Lower Emmott, Laneshaw Bridge, Nelson and Barrowford. Before joining the Navy in June he was a departmental manager in the firm of Messrs. V E Haighton of Park Mills, Barrowford. He was connected with Christ Church. No information has been received yet about the incident in which Petty Officer Haighton won the medal, but it is understood that he accomplished very brave and good work during an air raid. The investiture for his award was made at Buckingham Palace on 21 October 1941. At the time of the raid on St Nazaire Haighton was stationed at HMS Attack, which was the Coastal Forces base at Portland. His father, Ernest Haighton, was in charge of his local Home Guard, setting a fine example of just how much good a family could do to help the nation’s war effort. On Wednesday 8 April 1942, the Boston Guardian carried an article about two men from the town who took part in the raid at St Nazaire. Bank Manager’s Son Wounded Boston Commandos in St Nazaire Raid Mr and Mrs. Alan Oughtred, of Heckington Hall, have received intimation that their son, Lieutenant Neil Oughtred, of the Commandos, was wounded in the St Nazaire incident. Happily, it is believed that his wounds are slight. Mr Alan Oughtred is the manager of the Midland Bank at Boston. Boston Lad Safe Among a group of heroes of the St Nazaire raid published in a daily paper last week, we noticed Private Roland Tucker, of Boston, of the Commandos who took part. This happy picture removed fears Mr and Mrs A.G. Tucker, of the Rum Puncheon Hotel, Boston, had naturally felt concerning their son’s safety. 102

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What the Papers Had to Say Prior to joining up, Private Tucker was a clerk for Mr. Phil Rysdale, of Bargate End. Lieutenant Oughtred was one of the commandos on board motor launch ML 446. He was one of those who had already been wounded before the launch had reached the Old Mole; he made it back to the UK, where he was admitted to hospital to have his wounds treated. As for Private Tucker the only man I could find who served with the commandos and was involved in the raid at St Nazaire was Fusilier 6460951 Edward Arnold Tucker of the Royal Fusiliers. He was on board motor launch ML 156 that was hit by German fire before she was able to disembark her commandos at the Old Entrance. With her steering literarily shot to pieces she had become a sitting duck and had no option but to head back down the estuary; being steered manually, she was under fire from both sides. Having made it out to sea, her crew and the commandos were transferred to the destroyer HMS Atherstone, and the launch was scuttled. The Dundee Evening Telegraph of Wednesday 8 April 1942, covered the story of Lieutenant Ronald Swayne: Missing from St Nazaire Road Lieutenant Ronald O.C. Swayne, a ‘Commando’ officer, who is reported missing after the St Nazaire raid, was married in January. His wife is the only daughter of Major and Mrs W.E.P. Cairnes, of Eardisley, Hereford. The guard of honour at the wedding was provided by Indian soldiers from a Red Cross auxiliary hospital of which Mrs Cairnes is commander. Lieutenant Swayne is the son of Colonel and Mrs Swayne, of Tillingham Court, Hereford. Lieutenant Ronald Oliver Carless Swayne, known to his fellow officers as ‘Ronnie’, was on board motor launch ML 306. He was in charge of a nine-man demolition team tasked with blowing up specific lock gates and a bridge within the dock facility. Swayne’s men were covered by a five-man protection team, to allow them to to be able to concentrate on the job in hand. 103

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Swanye was captured and taken as a prisoner of war. His incarceration was at the Oflag lX A/H Spangenberg. For his gallantry at St Nazaire, Swayne was awarded the Military Cross. Unconnected to the raid, but still worthy of mention, on 26 June 1979, he became Sir Ronald Swayne. Wartime for relatives of those involved in the fighting is difficult at the best of times, but when they are informed that their loved one is missing in action it takes it to a whole new level. The uncertainty becomes all enveloping; not knowing if someone is alive or dead can eat away at a person like a cancer. This was the case for the family of one of the officers who took part in the raid at St Nazaire. The following article appeared in the Larne Times on Thursday 9 April 1942: Brooke Purdon’s son Missing in St Nazaire Raid It has been announced that one of those missing from the brilliant Commando raid on St Nazaire is Lieut. Corran W.B. Purdon, son of Major-General William Brooke Purdon, D.S.O., O.B.E., M.C. Lieut. Purdon, who joined the Commandos about 18 months ago, also took part in the successful raids on Norway. Educated at Campbell College and Sandhurst, he was posted to the Royal Ulster Rifles. It was while serving with the Royal Ulster Rifles that Lieutenant 112917 Corran William Brooke Purdon joined the commandos. He was quick to grab the opportunity with both hands finding himself attached to No.12 Commando. During the raid on St Nazaire he was one of the commandos who disembarked from HMS Campbeltown after she had smashed into the outer gate of the Normandie dry dock. He was in charge of a four-man demolition party, all fellow members of No. 12 Commando, group 3B, whose role in the raid was to blow up a designated winding station. He was one of those who were captured by the Germans at the end of the raid. Along with a number of fellow officers, he was sent to a prisoner of war camp in Germany. He later escaped from the camp but 104

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What the Papers Had to Say was recaptured not too long after, but rather than send him back to the camp from where he had previously been held, he was sent to Oflag IVC, in Saalhaus – better known as Colditz. For his actions at St Nazaire, Purdon was awarded the Military Cross. At such times it’s the uncertainty that makes life terribly unsettling for the families of those reported as missing in action. They just want to know whether their loved one is dead, or has been captured by the enemy and incarcerated as a prisoner of war. The Liverpool Echo of Friday 17 April 1942 sets out that very scenario – not once, but six times. Commando Raiders Mrs Edith Holt, of the Boot Inn, Wallasey Road, Wallasey, has received news that her husband, Corporal Frederick Holt, of the Commandos, is missing from the St Nazaire raid. He is 28, a well-known Wallasey man and was in the Liverpool Scottish before joining the Commandos. Mrs Holt would be glad of any news. A Liverpool Commando is missing following the raid on St Nazaire. He is 28-year-old Private Robert Milne, son of Mr and Mrs Milne, of 44 Holden Street, Liverpool 8. His mother would welcome any news. Mr and Mrs W. A. Eckman of 15 Spurgeon Street, Everton, have received news that their eldest son, Commando William John Eckman, aged 22, has been missing from operation since March 28. He volunteered for service with the Territorials six months before war broke out. Sergeant Louis Walter Brown, aged 24, also a Commando who took part in the St Nazaire raid, son of Mr and Mrs W. Brown, of 47 Wyndham Avenue, Liverpool 14, is reported missing. Any information from friends would be gratefully received. He was in the Liverpool Scottish for five years. Among Commandos now reported missing after the successful combined operations at St Nazaire is Private Francis Kelly, of the Border Regiment, son of Mr and Mrs Joseph Kelly, 51 Lynstead Road, Dovecot, Liverpool. Private Kelly, who was a bricklayer before joining up, has 105

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 been a member of the Commandos for some time, and took part in the last Norwegian exploit at Vaagso. Lieut J. E. Vanderwerve, of the Kings Regt. (Commando), is reported missing on March 28 after the St, Nazaire operations. Any information will be gratefully received by his mother, Mrs Newbrook, Village Road, Heswell, or by his fiancée, Miss Hutton, Blencathra, Rotchell Park, Dumfries, Scotland. This is the first article I have seen where relatives publicly request information about their loved ones, despite, one would assume, having been already informed through official channels about the known status of their relatives. It shows, understandably I might add, just how desperate people can become in such circumstances. Of the six men named above, Brown, Holt, Milne and Eckman had all become prisoners of war and of these, Brown and Milne had also been wounded, with Milne having been shot in the back. Both Kelly and Vanderwerve had been killed during the raid on St Nazaire. The Sunderland Daily Echo and Shipping Gazette of Saturday 11 July 1942, featured a happier story about one of those who had taken part in the raid: Hero Wed’s Wren Lieut. Thomas Platt. RNR, who won the D.S.O for his daring and skill in the attack on German occupied naval base at St Nazaire on May 21, has married a ‘Wren’. Lieut. Platt commanded a motor-launch flotilla in the raid. While visiting Appledore (Devon) about six weeks ago he met Miss Margaret Green of Grimsby, who is in the WRNS. A month later they were married at Clovelly. The Thomas Platt mentioned above was Thomas Douglas Laverick Platt DSO, who served with the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, and had been awarded his DSO on 21 May 1942. By the end of the war he had been promoted to the rank of Temporary Acting Lieutenant Commander and, between 21 December 1944 and the end of the war in Europe, was in charge of HMS LST 3. The initials 106

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What the Papers Had to Say LST stand for Landing Ship Tank, but although the acronym was always referred to as LST, when mentioned in full, they were referred to as a Tank Landing Ship. A really interesting report on the raid appeared in the Aberdeen Press and Journal of Wednesday 6 May 1942. What caught my interest was the fact that, unusually, the article is mainly about the effect that the raid had on the local French population. The article begins with: Frenchmen Fought Three and a Half Days Alongside Commandos Eye Witness Story of St Nazaire Two British officers, to convince the Germans that the destroyer Campbeltown, which rammed the docks at St Nazaire contained no explosives, boarded the vessel and allowed themselves to be blown up with her. Although I have come across this story before, the names of the two officers concerned don’t appear to be recorded anywhere. The Commonwealth War Graves Commission website includes the details of nine officers killed during the raid at St Nazaire, and who were buried at Escoublac-la-Baule War Cemetery: Lieutenant Eric Henry Beart, 37 years of age, a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve. Lieutenant 89395 Robert James Glover Burtinshaw, MiD, 25 years of age, a member of the 6th Battalion, Cheshire Regiment, attached to No. 5 Commando. Sub-Lieutenant Kenneth George Hampshire, 22 years of age, a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve. Lieutenant Ian Bernard Henry Henderson, MiD, 31 years of age, a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve. Sub-Lieutenant Kenneth Ian Hills, 23 years of age, a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve. Captain 130871 Harold Hammond Pennington, 23 years of age, a member of the Hampshire Regiment, attached to No. 4 Commando. 107

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Lieutenant 76488 William Henry Pritchard, MC, MiD, 27 years of age, a member of the Royal Engineers, attached to the Special Service Brigade. Lieutenant 104117 Philip Walton, 25 years of age, a member of the Bedfordshire and Hertfordshire, attached to No. 2 Commando. Surgeon Lieutenant 79230 William James Windthrope, MiD, 24 years of age, a member of the Royal Canadian Naval Volunteer Reserve. The same website has the details of the following officers who were killed during the raid but have no known grave, although their names are commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial in Surrey: Captain 75234 Eric Stewart Hodgson, 23 years of age, a member of the Bedfordshire and Hertfordshire Regiment, attached to No. 2 Commando. Second Lieutenant 157336 Morgan Jenkins, 26 years of age, a member of the Welch Regiment, and attached to No. 2 Commando. Lieutenant 138278 Mark Woodcock, 21 years of age, a member of the Lancashire Fusiliers, attached to No. 3 Commando. Lieutenant 117921 John Edward Vanderwerve, 23 years of age, a member of The King’s Regiment (Liverpool), attached to No. 2 Commando. Lieutenant 92876 Christopher John Smalley, 31 years of age, a member of the Manchester Regiment, attached to No. 5 Commando. Lieutenant 112912 Thomas Grenville Pitt Peyton, 20 years of age, a member of the Kings Royal Rifle Corps, attached to No. 2 Commando. Captain Hodgson was the officer in charge of the commando contingent who were on board motor launch ML 446 during the raid.

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What the Papers Had to Say Vanderwerve was on board ML 306, which never managed to land its contingent of commandos. This was also the motor launch that had Sergeant Frank Thomas Durrant on board, who was subsequently awarded a posthumous Victoria Cross for his actions. Jenkins was on board ML 268, which was engaged by one of the German shore batteries and exploded, killing him before he could be disembarked. Peyton was on board ML 192, which did not manage to land any of its commando contingent; several were killed when the launch was struck by enemy fire while trying to disembark them. In essence, that only leaves Lieutenants Woodcock and Smalley as army officers who were captured, but there is no specific claim as to whether the two officers who gave up their lives were from the army of the navy. There are no names of any naval officers recorded on the Brookwood Memorial, but there are some commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Sub-Lieutenant Arthur Spraggon, on board ML 298. Lieutenant Nigel Thomas Bethune Tibbits, DSC, on board HMS Campbeltown. Sub-Lieutenant Kenneth Batchelor on board ML 268. Lieutenant Christopher Hugh Clare Gough, on board HMS Campbeltown. Having accounted for all the officers involved, I am nowhere nearer being in a position to identify the two who are said to have given up their lives on the Campbeltown, which leads me to wonder whether the story in the Aberdeen Press and Journal was actually true. Common sense suggests that the officers selected by the Germans to go on board the Campbeltown with them would have been the two most senior officers captured, and that was quite clearly not the case. Furthermore, the names of the two officers would have been known by other officers captured at St Nazaire, who would in turn have recommended them for the Victoria Cross for their valour in the face of the enemy, and this did not happen.

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 It is inconceivable that if two British officers had sacrificed their lives in such a manner, their names would never have been recorded. The article continues: French people fought for three and a half days beside the Commandos, while terrific explosions still blasted the submarine base. Germans, terrified because they thought the Allied invasion had come, attacked defenceless French women. The Union Jack was hoisted in St Nazaire railway station. These are facts revealed in one of the war’s most dramatic inside stories, an eye-witness account of the British raid on St Nazaire and the nightmarish days and nights that followed. Germans Stunned ‘First hint of the raid,’ said this account, given by Free French circles in London last night came at 11.30 p.m. on March 27, when British planes appeared overhead. The Germans descended in to the shelters. At 1 a.m. British forces began to land. The Germans reacted very poorly. They were stunned and seemed unable to believe their own eyes. They maintained intense but inaccurate fire on the Campbeltown as she approached the dock gate. Meanwhile the mechanism of the gate had been put out of action by British landing parties. Other detachments rapidly occupied the Penhoet shipbuilding yards and the railway station, which they held for two hours, and where they hoisted the Union Jack. At this time confusion reigned because the only ones who knew for certain what was actually taking place were the British. French Attacks The French population spontaneously left their houses and attacked the Germans in the street, ‘The Germans showed signs of panic. They were expecting a full-scale British 110

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What the Papers Had to Say invasion. Two thousand of their sailors were immediately ordered to evacuate inland.’ Meanwhile, German authorities were questioning two British officers who had been taken prisoner. The Campbeltown, which was firmly wedged in the dock gate, had not yet exploded. The Germans asked the two British officers if the Campbeltown contained explosives. The Britons replied in the negative. To test their good faith, the Germans then asked them if they would accompany a party which was going to inspect the destroyer. The two British officers immediately agreed. They accompanied a party of high German naval officers and engineers on board. No sooner were they on board when the Campbeltown and the dock gate blew up. The two heroic British officers and all the Germans who were on board were instantly killed. The last three paragraphs above just do not add up. If the Germans were interrogating British officers, common sense strongly suggests that those individuals would have been the highest ranking officers present. The three highest ranking officers who were captured at St Nazaire were: Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Augustus Newman, the man in overall charge of British military forces involved in the St Nazaire raid. He was captured and spent the rest of the war incarcerated as a prisoner of war. Lieutenant-Commander Robert Edward Dudley ‘RED’ Ryder, in overall command of all naval forces involved in the raid on St Nazaire. Lieutenant-Commander Stephen Halden Beattie, the man in charge of HMS Campbeltown and who was responsible for ramming it in to the Normandie dry dock. He was captured, imprisoned in Colditz Castle, later escaped and made his way back to England in late 1944. The most obvious of the three men for the Germans to have interrogated would have been the commander of HMS Campbeltown, LieutenantCommander Beattie, and the other could have been either Newman or Ryder. But all three of these men survived and were subsequently awarded the Victoria Cross for their actions. 111

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 By 8 a.m. calm had temporarily been established. The Germans had succeeded in re-taking the submarine base, but only after re-embarkation of the British. Commandos Fought On What the Germans did not realise was that a number of commandos had been left behind. Throughout the afternoon the Germans were in a state of wild agitation. The town was in a ferment. At 7 p.m. the old entrance to the submarine base, at which two delayed-action torpedoes had been fired the previous night blew up with a violent explosion. It is quite possible that the Germans believed that the raid on St Nazaire, was part of something bigger, such as the Allied invasion of Germanoccupied France. Furious Battles As though by a pre-arranged signal, fighting immediately broke out between the Germans, who had completely lost their nerve, and the French population and the Commandos. A series of small but ferocious battles were fought in the streets, in cafes, and in private houses. Hostilities continued without respite over the weekend and ended only on Tuesday the 31st. The French population rose in a body and fought tigerishly with any arms on which they could lay their hands. The Commandos also fought magnificently, although they must have known that they had little hope of escape. Thought It Was Invasion Most of the French and the Germans thought that the Allied invasion had come. The impression was heightened by a number of explosions which rocked the town at different periods between the twenty-eighth and the morning of the thirty-first. These explosions were caused either by the Commandos or by delayed-action charges laid by British landing parties. On Monday the docks pumping station blew up. Late on Monday night the Basse-Loire electric power station blew up. The horrible brutality of the Germans, maddened with 112

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What the Papers Had to Say terror and rage, had to be seen to be believed. A German jumped in to a shelter and shot a helpless seventy-year-old Frenchman at point blank range. Dozens of bodies of French civilians, men and women whose faces had been mutilated by the Germans, were taken to St Nazaire hospital. Why the French civilian population believed this was the start of the Allied invasion is unclear, as in such an eventuality the French resistance would have been informed and their members utilised to assist any invading force, but no such contact had been made. The sad aspect of such French bravery and heroism was always going to be the subsequent reprisals that would ultimately be carried out by the Germans. List of Hostages The Feldkommandant has announced that 10 per cent. of the male French population in all districts where fighting took place will be shot. Long lists of hostages have been established in towns all along the coast. The German losses in the St Nazaire fighting were between 300 and 400 dead and an unknown number of wounded. About 500 French civilians were killed. One year on from the raid, the Sunday Post of Sunday 28 March 1943, carried the following article about St Nazaire: One Year After St Nazaire Raid Great Dry Dock Still Useless So effectively did the Royal Navy and Army do their work in the St Nazaire raid a year ago, that the great dry dock, largest on the Atlantic seaboard of Europe, is still completely useless. This was disclosed in a broadcast last night by a United States Army Air Force officer serving with the Combined Operations Command. The latest aerial picture taken a month ago, he said, showed that the dry dock was dry. The wreck of the Campbeltown which rammed the gates is clearly visible on the bottom. Where the gates once stood there is a mass of banked up sand. This is as far as the Germans have been able to go in a year’s effort at repair. 113

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Given the strategic importance of the dry dock to the Germans, specifically in relation to the Tirpitz, it seems strange that repairing the damage was not an absolute priority for them. The Tirpitz was not destroyed by the Allies until 12 November 1944 off Hakoy Island near Tromso. With events such as the raid on St Nazaire, it is quite often the stories of senior officers that are told and repeated, so it is refreshing when one of the men gets a mention. On Thursday 3 May 1945, the Shields Daily News carried one such story: Surprise Home Coming Shields Survivor of St Nazaire Raid A North Shields member of the crew of the ‘suicide’ destroyer Campbeltown which blocked the huge drydock in the British raid on St Nazaire on March 28, 1942, and was taken prisoner after being five hours in the water, Gunner Harry Wood R.N., aged 30, second son of Mr. and Mrs. John Wood, of 156 Chirton West View, returned home unexpected this morning. He was in the house when a postcard arrived from him giving the news that he had been liberated, and he was still waiting the delivery of a telegram he despatched from London yesterday when an evening news reporter saw him. Surprise For Mother His arrival home, therefore, came as a complete surprise to his parents. In answer to a knock at the door at 7 am, Mrs Wood opened it and received a very pleasant shock. ‘She was speechless,’ declared Gunner Wood, who looks very well in spite of the hardships of a three months march in which he covered 800 miles on starvation food. He flew to England on Tuesday after being in the hands of the Americans for a week. ‘I have been looked after very well by the Yanks,’ he said. ‘They could not do enough for us and you could actually see our men getting fatter on the excellent food we received.’

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What the Papers Had to Say St Nazaire Experience Describing his experience at St Nazaire, Gunner Wood, who is the first North Shields Royal Navy man to return home from captivity said, ‘After the Campbeltown rammed the gates we could not get over the fo-castle head to get ashore on account of being on fire. The men who were alive got in a motor launch and proceeded down the river. At the entrance while on our way home, the craft was sunk by a four-inch gun battery and we were thrown into the water. Five hours later we were picked up by a Jerry trawler and were eventually taken to Malag Naval Camp. In August of the same year I was moved to Lamsdorf, and a month afterwards was sent to B.A.B. 20, Heydebresk, where I remained two and a half years. In the latter camp the Red Cross parcels came through well and supplemented the food.’ 800 Miles March Gunner Wood was working on a benzine still erecting pipe lines. He said sport was well organised in the camp. ‘On January 22 this year we started the big march of 800 miles which finished on April 23 when we were about 100 kilometres north east of Nuremberg. We were starved on the march, but a five day halt in Czechoslovakia pulled the majority of the boys through. The people there were nearly as good as the Yanks have been and treated us very well indeed. Most of the men had no soles to their boots and a lot of them suffered from frostbite during the winter weather. In that three months march we only got bread for one month and in that month we only received it once a week when a four pound loaf was divided between seven men. We lived mainly on potatoes. We could hear gunfire gradually catching us up until eventually the Americans entered the village where we were. The village had been surrendered. Needless to say there was great excitement.’

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 The camp he mentions I believe is actually called Heydebreck. I believe that BAB stands for Bau und Arbeits Battalion, which in essence means it was a work camp, and there were numerous chemical facilities in the area including nitrogen and methanol plants. There are reports in the British national archives of the mistreatment of British PoWs at the camp, and that there was even an occasion when British prisoners were shot. Two of the guards, who I believe were brothers, Asmus and Karl Eggers stood trial at Nuremberg for war crimes they committed at the camp. The Belfast News-Letter of Monday 4 August 1947 told how British survivors of the raid revisited St Nazaire. It can only be guessed at what the British soldiers and sailors felt emotionally, not only about their own experience, but knowing that some of their friends and comrades had died there during the raid. St Nazaire Raid Survivors Revisit Town In the presence of more than 100 survivors of the British Commando and Navy raid on St Nazaire on March 27, 1942, M Ramadier, French Prime Minister, on Saturday unveiled a monolith in honour of the dead. A bronze plaque worded: ‘They achieved much, having dared all’, was placed on the memorial by Mr C.O. White, of Hayling Island, Hants, a naval gunner in one of the motor gunboats in the raid and Mr Jack Harrington, of Seymour Street, London, W.1, who was a Commando corporal. The survivors had drawn lots out of a Commando’s beret for the honour of carrying the plaque. A total of 6,300 [the figure was actually 612] men took part in the raid. Some 150 were killed or missing, and 215 were taken prisoner. It was estimated that 50 survivors were later killed in other spheres. With two V.C. leaders of the raid, Colonel A.C. Newman and Commander R.E.D. Ryder, RN, the party had arrived from Portland in the British cruiser Sirius. The warship’s guns fired a salute as M. Ramadier and M. Jacquinot, the Navy Minister arrived in the French destroyer, Kleber. The Kleber replied, and townspeople thronging the gaily bedecked quay, cheered excitedly. 116

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What the Papers Had to Say At dawn long before St Nazaire was in sight, Commandos and Navy men of the St Nazaire Society, nearly all in their pyjamas and dressing gowns, had gone forward to catch a glimpse of the port. Most had never seen it in daylight. They said they found it more ghostly this time; it was all so quiet, with not a ship to be seen except two escorting minesweepers.’ Even though the war was over, there was still an awful lot of unexploded ordnance on land and sea which had been left behind by both sides. ‘The men reminded each other how at that particular spot “the machine guns had been pretty grim,” how at this spot they had lost comrades, and how at the little iron bridge from the mole to the dock they had tried to fight a way out to the town and possible liberty. After the unveiling ceremony the survivors visited the graves of their comrades. Saved Guardsman At night there was a happy reunion in the town. At this, Mlle. Jacqueline Baratte, who saved a British Guardsman Commando seriously wounded in the raid, learned for the first time what happened to him afterwards. She learned that he got back to England and fought again with the Commandos at Salerno. He was again badly wounded and died in November 1944. The first words of Mlle. Baratte were: ‘Do you know what happened to Guardsman Commando Arnold?’ Colonel Newman who knew of the courage of the French woman who had saved Arnold Howarth, whose parents live at Rochdale, told her of Howarth’s death. The news brought tears to her eyes. On the night of the raid she found Howarth in a garden. She raced home and obtained a suit of dungarees from her father, Professor Baratte, who once taught at Heriot’s School, Scotland, and is now headmaster at Pornichet. She managed to get Howarth into the dungarees and struggled home with him leaning on her shoulder. 117

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 She and her mother tended him for several days and then with the aid of the French ‘underground’ smuggled him out of St Nazaire to England. Captain Corrin Purdon, Adjutant of the Territorial Battalion of the Royal Ulster Rifles, and Captain Gerald Brett, Royal Ulster Rifles, represented the Royal Ulster Rifles at the St Nazaire ceremony. Both took part in the raid and were wounded and captured. For their gallant services on that occasion each was awarded the Military Cross. The story of Lance Sergeant 3448514 Arnold Howarth of the Grenadier Guards, attached to No. 2 Commando, is truly poignant. He had enlisted in the Grenadier Guards not long after his eighteenth birthday, at the beginning of the Second World War. But by the end of the following year he had responded to a request for volunteers to join a newly formed commando unit, and became a member of No. 2 Commando. During Operation Chariot he was one of the Commandos on board HMS Campbeltown, as part of the fourteen man Assault Party 3C. Once ashore it was their job to attack one of the German flak positions which guarded the Normandie dry dock. Having done that they were to destroy designated fuel dumps, and to then drop back and help prevent German forces from attacking the Old Mole, from where British forces were due to be evacuated at the end of the raid. When it was realised that there was to be no rescue the order was given that those who could, should make good their escape the best way that they could. Arnold was wounded, he had a cut to his face and a large number of pieces of shrapnel embedded in his back, but along with several of his comrades he managed to get in to the town of St Nazaire where they hid in the cellar of a bombed out building; after a short while they decided they had more chance of getting away if they split up. It was soon after this that Arnold was discovered by Mademoiselle Baratte, and initially cared for by her and her family. Although the newspaper article talks about him being smuggled out of St Nazaire to England, he actually took a train to Bordeaux, which was in the unoccupied Vichy section of France. Along the way he was captured by French Gendarmes and ended up in Fort de La Revere in Nice, from where he eventually managed to escape and return to 118

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What the Papers Had to Say England. On his return he was awarded the British Empire Medal for his escape, Mentioned in Despatches for his actions at St Nazaire, and the Croix de Guerre for the same actions. The report of his being wounded at Salerno and subsequently dying of his wounds is correct, but his death isn’t quite as it might at first appear. Once back home he rejoined No. 2 Commando and served with them in Salerno, Italy, as part of Operation Avalanche, or the Battle of Salerno, which took place between 9 and 18 September 1943. It was during this fighting that he was once again wounded, and again by shrapnel, pieces of which were embedded in his stomach and one of his thighs, resulting in him being sent home for further treatment. As far as his military days were concerned, this was the end of the road and he was medically discharged from the Army at the end of 1943. On 8 November 1944, having been married for less than two weeks, he was admitted to hospital in Rochdale General Hospital, complaining of being in ‘unbearable pain’. He was operated on the same day, but sadly did not survive the operation. According to Pete Rogers on the commando veterans’ website, Arnold’s death certificate records cause of death as being a perforated duodenal ulcer. This was no doubt connected to the shrapnel wound which he received at Salerno. Sub-Lieutenant Wynn’s involvement in the raid was covered in the Independent on Sunday 23 October 2011. On 28 March 1942, Sub-Lieutenant ‘Micky’ Wynn, later Lord Newborough, played a decisive part in the most spectacular and daring seaborne raid of the Second World War. The target was St Nazaire, the only port on the Atlantic seaboard where the newly completed German battleship Tirpitz could be docked. Operation Chariot was an audacious plan in which [...] destroyer, Campbeltown, laden with 24 time-fused charges, was to ram the gates of the harbour, release the commandos on board to destroy vital installations on shore and later explode, with luck destroying the dock caisson. To accompany Campbeltown were two destroyers, a motor gun boat (MGB 314), 16 motor launches and a motor torpedo boat, MTB 74, commanded by Micky Wynn, which carried two delayed-action torpedoes to be 119

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 fired at the dock caisson in the event of Campbeltown not succeeding in her task. Chariot force sailed from Falmouth with Wynn’s MTB 74 towed by Campbeltown. They crossed 400 miles of open sea and were three miles up the estuary of the Loire before the Germans opened fire. Campbeltown, which was flying the German ensign, immediately replied in German by Morse and Aldis lamp, and the enemy batteries held their fire, allowing Campbeltown to creep closer to its target. At 1.27 am and closing on the gate, Campbeltown replaced the German flag and hauled up the British ensign. Under intense fire Campbeltown cut through the torpedo net and rammed the dock gates at 1.34am. Wynn, who had been cast off from Campbeltown, now fired his two torpedoes at his secondary target, the gate at the old entrance. Having picked up survivors from Campbeltown and an MTB, Wynn was proceeding down the river at full speed (40 knots). Three-quarters of the way down he saw two men on a Carley float directly ahead of him. He had to make a snap decision, either to stop, which could be done quickly, or to drive on, which would have meant that the men would be washed off their float and probably drowned. He was to record later, ‘it was an awful decision. I decided to stop the vessel and we pulled up right alongside them. My crew had got hold of them, but unfortunately at that very moment the German shore batteries found their mark and two shells went straight through us.’ Wynn was blown from the bridge down in to the bilges. Only the presence of mind of his chief motor mechanic, Chief Petty Officer Lovegrove, who decided to search that area before jumping overboard, saved him. He held the severely injured Wynn as they made their way to the other survivors on a Carley float. In the intense cold the men began to slip away. When the Germans found them 12 hours later, there were only three left out of thirty-six. That morning after hours of chaos, a number of German officers and technicians were inspecting Campbeltown just as five tonnes of ammonal blew up rendering the 120

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What the Papers Had to Say dock completely useless. Two days later, just when the Germans thought it was all over, Wynn’s two well-placed torpedoes exploded and blew the gates of the old entrance to pieces. Now a PoW and blinded in one eye, Wynn had the satisfaction of hearing the explosion. For his actions at St Nazaire, Wynn was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross (DSC). After having his wounds treated by his German captors they provided him with a glass eye and sent him to the Marlag Nord PoW camp for British and Canadian members of the Merchant and Royal Navy, which was situated some twenty miles north of the city of Bremen in northern Germany. This was also the same camp where Captain Micky Burn of No. 2 Commando, and another man also captured at St Nazaire were held. Wynn subsequently escaped from the Marlag Nord camp, and in January 1943 he was sent to the infamous Oflag IVC – Colditz Castle. Two years later in January 1945, after having feigned sickness, he was repatriated back to the UK. His story is a very interesting one because the reality is that ‘Micky’ Wynn would not, in normal circumstances, have even been at St Nazaire. At just 18 years of age in 1935, he received a commission in the 9th Queen’s Royal Lancers, a cavalry regiment of the British Army. He later transferred to the 5th Royal Inniskilling Dragoon Guards, before ending up in the 16th/5th The Queens Royal Lancers. It was while serving with the latter that he was invalided out of the army in early 1940. Despite having served in the army he had always had a love of the sea. In May 1940, living life as a civilian again after five years in the military, he was put in charge of an Air Sea Rescue boat at Lee-on-Solent in Gosport, Hampshire, for the town’s Naval air station. Very soon after this, members of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) had been forced to retreat to Dunkirk by rapidly advancing German forces. This resulted in Operation Dynamo, and the evacuation of some 338,000 troops from the beaches of Dunkirk. Wynn became involved in the operation and sailed his Air Sea Rescue boat across the English Channel to help evacuate members of the BEF. He successfully did this on five occasions but on his sixth trip he was hit by German shellfire, and just about made it back to Ramsgate on the Kent coast. 121

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Rather than thinking how lucky he had been and calling it a day, not wanting to test providence or using up all of his good fortune, he swapped vessels, took command of a Norfolk fishing boat and sailed back across the English Channel to the beaches just south of Calais where it was believed British soldiers were hiding among the sand dunes. He stopped his fishing vessel just short of the beach, dropped anchor and then rowed ashore to try and find some British soldiers. As he would be stepping on to German occupied French soil he took the precaution of having the Admiralty supply him with a naval uniform so that if discovered and captured, he would not be shot as a spy. During his search among the sand dunes he found neither British nor German soldiers. He calmly turned round, got back in his rowing boat, returned to his fishing vessel, and sailed back home across the English Channel. He had impressed in his efforts to bring back evacuated British soldiers to the UK, so much so that fourteen months later he was offered a commission in the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, and by the time of the raid on St Nazaire he just happened to have been in charge of a motor torpedo boat. At this juncture I would like to point out that Sub-Lieutenant Robert Charles Michael Wynn is no relation to the author of this book. With a story such as that, however, I would have been only to proud to say that I was related to him.

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Chapter Eleven

London Gazette – Thursday 2 October 1947

On 13 April 1942, Admiral of the Fleet, Sir Charles M. Forbes, GCB, DSO., Commander-in-Chief, Plymouth, delivered a Despatch to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. This same report appeared in the London Gazette newspaper on Thursday 2 October 1947. I regard the attack on St Nazaire on the 28th March, 1942, the report of which is herewith forwarded for the information of Their Lordships, as more difficult than that on Zeebrugge, as a large weakly armed force had to make an undetected passage of over 400 miles to the scene of the action at an average speed of 11½ knots, although through an area usually covered by the enemy’s air reconnaissances. The success of the attack reflects great credit on all who took part, but chiefly on Commander R.E.D. Ryder, Royal Navy, who displayed, not only during the operation, but in the preparations beforehand, outstanding qualities of leadership, ingenuity and determination. (2) The matter in which he bluffed his way past defences of the Loire to within a mile of the objective, was admirable and was carefully worked out. (3) Results of the Operation (a) The principal object of the attack was achieved, as the large lock capable of taking the TIRPITZ should be out of action for a considerable time. The outer caisson was destroyed by the blowing up of HMS CAMPBELTOWN, and the demolition parties 123

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 destroyed the pumping station and the operating mechanism of the outer and inner caissons. Commander Ryder speaks very highly of the speed with which these demolitions were carried out. (b) The demolition of other port facilities including the possible destruction of the caisson at the Old Entrance. Subsidiary results were (c) The killing of a considerable number of Germans, partly by their own fire. (d)  The certain damage, and possible sinking of a U-Boat by HMS TYNEDALE. (e) The destruction of a number of enemy aircraft by HMS BROCKLESBY, MLs and aircraft of No. 19 Group, RAF. (f) The probable diversion of troops and armaments to Biscay ports. (g) The moral effect on the enemy of an attack on one of his principal bases. (4) Losses  Our naval losses amounted to 34 officers and 157 ratings killed or missing out of a total of 62 officers and 291 ratings who sailed from England. A considerable number of these are likely to be prisoners of war. Of the 18 coastal craft employed, ten were sunk by enemy action, one was destroyed by our own forces as it was unable to make the return journey, three were destroyed by our own forces by order of the Commanding Officer of HMS CLEVELAND, as he considered they were unable to make the return journey (a decision with which I do not agree), and four returned safely but damaged. Taking into consideration the extreme vulnerability of the coastal craft, neither the losses in men or material can be considered as excessive for the results achieved. The losses in Commando troops, 34 officers and 178 other ranks out of 44 officers and 224 other ranks, were high, but again, it is hoped that a number have survived as prisoners of war. 124

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LONDON GAZETTE – THURSDAY 2 OCTOBER 1947 It is interesting to note that although Sir Charles Forbes included in his report that he did not agree with the decision made by the commanding officer of HMS Cleveland to sink three British vessels which he believed would not make it back to their base, he did not name him. Records show that the commanding officer of HMS Cleveland (L46) type l Huntclass destroyer, between 10 October 1941 and 29 January 1943, was Commander Guy Bouchier Sayer, DSC, Royal Navy, who went on to reach the rank of Vice-Admiral. (5) Surprise For success, surprise was essential. The unseen passage to the Loire was due partly to favourable weather conditions, which helped to prevent the force being detected from the air, and partly to careful routeing to keep the force out of the tracks of Zenits and reconnaissance flights by the enemy. It was also due to the almost certain sinking of a U-Boat at 0815 on 27th March by HMS TYNEDALE. Surprise in the final approach was, as pointed out in paragraph 2, due to the methods employed by Commander Ryder to deceive the enemy. The U-Boat that it was stated had been sunk by HMS Tynedale was U-593, but it wasn’t sunk at all. The German submarine was under the command of Kapitanleutnant Gerb Keibling. It could not have been known at the time, but the British convoy on its way to St Nazaire was sighted by U-593, and it was most probably because of this that the attack on the port installation was such a success. The sighting of the convoy was, as would be expected, reported by Keibling, but because of the direction that the convoy was travelling at the time of the sighting, its true destination was not guessed. What happened next saved the lives of hundreds of British commandos and naval personnel. The message sent by Keibling caused the bulk of the German destroyers who were at the port of St Nazaire, to leave and head west, the direction in which the British raiding party had last been seen heading. What would have happened if those same German destroyers had been in the port at St Nazaire when the raiding vessels arrived can only be guessed at, but it would not have ended well for the British, and 125

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 HMS Campbeltown may never have made it to the entrance gates of the dry dock. As for U-593, she met her end on 13 December 1943. After having been forced to the surface by depth charges dropped by British destroyers, HMS Wainwright and Calpe, off Bougie, Algeria, her entire crew of more than fifty officers and men surrendered. It was also fortunate that there were no patrols covering the approach over the mud flats. That surprise was not complete was principally due to the noise of the MLs’ engines (which on a still night, are clearly audible three miles away) and to the inability of our bomber aircraft to locate their targets in the difficult weather conditions. Though the bombers (for whose services I had asked) fulfilled a useful purpose by helping to drown with their engines the noise of the MLs’ approach, their presence overhead ensured that every AA gun in the neighbourhood was manned and ready to open fire at any moment. Whilst the air activity covered the approach of the seaborne forces, it thus meant that these guns, unimpeded by falling bombs, were able to concentrate their fire on the MLs once the alarm was given. This part of the operation makes for a really good discussion point about how matters would, or could, have turned out if the intended full air support had also taken part. To be clear, a total of sixty-two RAF aircraft did leave their bases in the UK to take part in the raid. There were thirty-five Armstrong Whitworth AW 38 Whitley, twin-engine bombers, along with twenty-seven Vickers Wellington, twin-engine long-range bombers. The crews of these aircraft were operating under very strict rules. Their main purpose was to attract the attention of German defensive anti-aircraft batteries and give the naval vessels as much chance as possible of getting as close to the port at St Nazaire as they could before the German defenders spotted them. This was an extremely important aspect of the raid, because between the mouth of the estuary of the Loire River and the dock area at St Nazaire, there were numerous German defensive positions in place on both sides of the river, which would have made it an extremely perilous journey to undertake. 126

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LONDON GAZETTE – THURSDAY 2 OCTOBER 1947 The RAF bombers were instructed to stay in the area for about an hour and only to bomb clearly identified German military targets, and in doing so, only to drop one bomb at a time. Because of inclement weather conditions in the area at the time, out of the sixty-two aircraft that took part in the raid, only ten of them managed to drop any bombs at all, four of which found targets within the dock area, while the other six attacked targets nearby. For a large number of RAF aircraft to have been involved in the operation, would, I believe, have caused more problems than it would have resolved. The noise emanating from a large number of aircraft would most definitely have drowned out the noise of the Royal Navy vessels making their way up the Loire River. The other aspect would have been communications which, on more than one occasion throughout history has not always gone according to plan. Imagine the chaos of British aircraft dropping their bombs all over St Nazaire just as British Commandos had landed and were carrying out their raid. (6) Fatigue Thanks to the fine weather and probably also to the stimulus provided by the prospects of attacking the enemy, there were no reports of fatigue being observed among the naval forces before the attack. Those officers and men who returned in the coastal craft arrived in very good heart, but reaction followed in about twenty-four hours and they would not have been fit for further operations for some days. (7) Fitting out of HMS Campbeltown The work done by Davenport dockyard was admirably quick and efficient. I have requested the Admiral Superintendent to convey my appreciation to all concerned. (8) Co-operation with Aircraft of Coastal Command  Although not referred to in the report, aircraft of 19 Group, RAF did much useful work in covering the withdrawal of the forces from St Nazaire. 20 sorties occupying 105 flying hours were carried out during which one HE lll and two HE ll5 were encountered, and one enemy aircraft was destroyed. A/S sweeps in the 127

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Bay of Biscay were also carried out during the outward passage of the force; they were arranged because such sweeps are the normal procedure in suitable weather, and they provided a measure of security for our surface forces without arousing enemy suspicions. (9)  Conclusion There is little in this report about the admirable work ashore of the Commando because unfortunately none who took part has returned to tell the tale; nor is there any officer from HMS CAMPBELTOWN to give the full story of her gallant exploits. Results must be the silent witnesses of their achievements. (Signed) C.M. Forbes Admiral of the Fleet Commander in Chief. 1st April 1942. 10th A/S Striking Force. Sir Charles Morton Forbes was the man who initiated the raid on St Nazaire, at which time he was Commander of the Fleet, Plymouth. Sir Charles retired on 24 August 1943, and to lose such an experienced officer during a time of war, might seem a strange state of affairs at first glance, but he had been in the Navy since 1894. The article in the London Gazette continued with the following additional report from Commander R.E.D. Ryder: I have the honour to submit the following report of proceedings for Operation ‘Chariot’ from the time of sailing at 1400 on 26th March 1942, until joined by HMS CLEVELAND and HMS BROCKLESBY at 0906 on 28th March 1942. (Signed) R.E.D. Ryder Commander, RN Senior Officer, 10th A/S Striking Force. General Description of the Operation Briefly the operation constituted a frontal attack by a small force of unarmoured vessels on the heavily defended port 128

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LONDON GAZETTE – THURSDAY 2 OCTOBER 1947 of St Nazaire. To a greater extent than possibly ever before, did we rely on the element of surprise. In this and many other features the raid resembled that of the Zeebrugge raid of the last war; we had however certain disadvantages. Our force was smaller, we were more liable to detection from the air and by R.D.F.* which was to our disadvantage, also Zeebrugge had direct access from the open sea whereas we had to go into a river mouth, and finally the tremendous development in close range rapid firing weapons constituted a formidable threat to our wooden craft carrying petrol. These factors, then, had to be faced in drawing up the naval and military plan for attack. Having already identified that the inclusion of so many wooden craft in such an operation brought with it inherent dangers for the men on board those vessels, as well as the overall success of the operation, it seems a strange decision for the planners to have made. (2) The principal object of this raid was the destruction of the large entrance lock to the Penhoet basin, the secondary object was to render tidal the basins containing the submarine pens. The plan in brief was for the CAMPBELTOWN to ram the outer lock gate, for the troops from No. 2 Commando to scramble ashore over her bow and then, having started a delay action fuse, to scuttle the CAMPBELTOWN so that she would blow up with 3 tons of high explosive some 2½ hours later and so demolish the gate. In addition to this landings were to be made from MLs at the Old Mole and in the Old Entrance. Landings therefore were planned at three points, and the landing parties were to carry out an extensive programme of demolitions on the dock entrances and lock work machinery. (3)  It was agreed by the Force Commanders that CAMPBELTOWN being the main unit, should receive prime consideration in all matters. Light craft were, in fact, to lead her in and give her full supporting fire. The possible alternative that CAMPBELTOWN, a 129

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 steel ship, should bear the brunt of the fire while the light craft came in under her shelter was discussed but rejected. In our minds and in our plans, therefore, we envisaged sacrificing, if necessary, everything in order to get the CAMPBELTOWN in. The exact wording of this section of the report would appear to have been given quite a bit of consideration. I believe it is as near as possible to saying that this was, in essence, a suicide mission. What must any man be thinking when he was as certain as he could possibly be, that he was taking part in an action that was more than likely to result in his own death. How is a man able to override such a mental state of mind, purely with his physical capabilities. Bravery and heroism of the highest order. (4) We all hoped to get well in undetected and to bluff the enemy for just sufficient time to achieve our objective. We had to realise, however, that though we might get in unseen and by bluff, there was no question of doing so on the way out. For this purpose we hoped that smoke would help. (5) The accompanying narrative will I hope show that all ranks and ratings under my orders endeavoured to their utmost to carry the plan through. (6) As far as can be ascertained the principal objective which was allotted to the CAMPBELTOWN and the troops she carried, was entirely successful. The landing carried out at the Old Entrance may have been partially successful, but our assault on the Old Mole, was repulsed with heavy loss, and it was not possible to re-embark the troops we had landed. Narrative Report on Operation ‘Chariot’ In accordance with the Operational Orders for ‘Chariot,’ the 10th A/S Striking Force, consisted of MGB 314 (Headquarters Boat), MLs 192, 262, 267, 268, 156, 177, 270 and 160 constituting the 1st Flotilla, MLs 447, 341, 457, 307, 443, 306, 446 and 298, constituted the 2nd Flotilla. 130

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LONDON GAZETTE – THURSDAY 2 OCTOBER 1947 MTB 74, HMS CAMPBELTOWN (Block Ship) and HMS’s TYNEDALE and ATHERSTONE (Escorting Destroyers), sailed from Falmouth at 1400/26/3/42. MLs were sailed in advance so as to form up outside. (2) The Naval Force Commander took passage in HMS ATHERSTONE with MGB 314 (Flotilla No. 0) in tow and left in Company with HMS CMPBELTOWN towing MTB 74 (Flotilla No. 17) and HMS TYNEDALE. (3) The force formed up in Cruising Order, No. 2 off D Buoy and proceeded down the outward track as laid down by the Commander-in-Chief, Plymouth, at 13 knots. Wind, east-north-east force 4 with considerable haze. (4) At about 0230 on 27th March the haze cleared and surface visibility was extreme when dawn broke. At dawn German ensigns were hoisted in the destroyers, and White ensigns hauled down in the ships. (5)  At 0700, in position C, course was altered to 112 degrees, and as we had time in hand speed was reduced to 8 knots. This, it was hoped would reduce our chances of being spotted from the air. (6) At 0720, in position 46 degrees 34’ North 05 degrees 41’ West, TYNEDALE reported an object bearing 002 degrees, which appeared to be either a submarine conning tower or a trawler. TYNEDALE was ordered to investigate and reported a few minutes later that it was a submarine. It appeared to be steering 070 degree. This was quite clearly the very same German Kriegsmarine submarine, U-593 under the command of Kapitanleutnant Gerd Kelbing that I have mentioned early in this chapter. At 0736 CAMPBELTOWN was ordered to take charge of the ML’s in my absence, and ATHERSTONE, slipping MGB 314, proceeded to join TYNEDALE. At 0740, 2 trawlers were sighted to starboard of the submarine. It was my intention to close the trawlers while TYNEDALE dealt with the submarine as it appeared probable that the submarine had a rendezvous with the trawlers and that we 131

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 would be reported by W/T. When TYNEDALE was about 5 miles from the submarine the latter fired a recognition signal of a sort of Very light which burst in to 5 or 6 silver stars and spread out in an umbrella shape. After this the submarine continued on the surface, and apparently on the same course. When TYNEDALE had closed to about 4,000 yards she hoisted the White Ensign and opened fire. The submarine crash dived. TYNEDALE subsequently fired a pattern of depth charges. After the first charge the submarines conning tower broke surface and was immediately engaged by the short range weapons of TYNEDALE. The conning tower was not visible for more than 20 seconds, but TYNEDALE states that one of his charges exploded within 70 feet of the conning tower and that she was possibly hit by gunfire. History records that the Tynedale was not correct in her assumption that she had caused damaged to the German submarine, and that such a belief was nothing more than wishful thinking. It is highly unlikely that Kapitanleutnant Kelbing did not radio in the fact that he had been engaged by a British destroyer. The bigger point of discussion for the Germans must surely have been surrounding the fact of why an enemy vessel was displaying a German flag, which certainly wasn’t the normal conduct of either side during the course of the Second World War. By this time it seemed clear that the trawlers were merely French fishing trawlers without any armament. In any case, it appeared more important to hunt for the submarine with TYNEDALE so I altered towards the position in which she had last been seen. Contact was obtained with a good echo in about the correct position but this faded out at about 1,000 yards. TYNEDALE’s asdics were then reported as being out of action and I agreed to a search around the position of last sighting the conning tower, but without obtaining any echoes that could be contacted. When I read this section I was at somewhat of a loss to understand what was actually going on. Here were twenty vessels of the Royal Navy 132

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LONDON GAZETTE – THURSDAY 2 OCTOBER 1947 carrying more than 600 men between them, on their way to conduct a military operation of some significance in enemy occupied territory, and they break off to spend two hours searching for an enemy submarine which they believe they ‘might’ have already hit. Any message the submarine was going to send would have been transmitted soon after they had spotted the convoy of British vessels, so I am unclear as to why they needed to locate the German submarine. The other aspect to consider here is what if the Tynedale, or another of the British destroyers, had come in to contact with U-593 and had been damaged or sunk, it could have resulted in the raid on St Nazaire being postponed until another destroyer could join them, or cancelled altogether. (8) At 0920 we broke off the hunt and proceeded to regain the force by an indirect route, steering southwest for 7 miles. The sky became covered with low cloud, greatly reducing the prospect of detection from the air. In breaking off the hunt for this U-Boat, I took into account that within two hours she might surface and make an enemy report. I considered, however, that the U-boat had not sighted the MLs and that we would simply be reported as two destroyers steering southwest. I decided therefore to continue. (9) At 1135 TYNEDALE was ordered to investigate a trawler which appeared to be coming across our track from the northward. This trawler was boarded by TYNEDALE, the crew taken off and the ship sunk. The trawler was French, flying a French flag superior to a white triangular flag and carried a German fishing licence. (10) At about 1200 another trawler was sighted fine on our starboard bow. This one I considered my bird, and slipped MGB 314, ordering her to take off all the crew, all the papers, charts, etc., that they could find. I then sank this trawler, which like the other was French. The whole crew appeared friendly and professed to be keen to come to England. The Captain seemed particularly friendly and quite a good sort. He stated, among other things, that they always fished 133

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 in groups of three just inside the 100 fathom line in about latitude 47 degrees. The Captain also stated that he had swept up some mines, some of which exploded, in position 47 degrees 05' North, 07 degrees 30' West. It seemed quite clear from these two trawlers that none of them carried radio, so I did not consider it necessary to investigate any of the large number that were subsequently seen. The French fishing trawlers caused somewhat of a dilemma for the British naval vessels of Operation Chariot because, despite being crewed by Frenchmen, it was simply too risky to let them carry on about their business. It would only take one member of crew from any of the trawlers to be a German sympathiser, or to make mention of having seen the British vessels once they returned to shore, and that could prove to be a real problem for the raiding party. There is no reference made in the report as to which of the British vessels the French fisherman were placed on for their own safety. (11) At 1240 I received Commander-in-Chief, Plymouth’s signal timed 1111/27 stating that the 5 torpedo boats previously located in St Nazaire had been located at Nantes pm 25th March. At 1718, I received Commander-in-Chief, signal timed at 1794/27 stating that these torpedo boats had again been reported in the neighbourhood of St Nazaire and might be met. This had to be considered as they constituted a superior force. As however, the submarine had apparently not as yet got a report through, and as we had not been sighted from the air, it still seemed probable that our presence was unknown, and there seemed no reason for any change of plan due to the threat which these torpedo boats constituted. In essence, this was nothing more than sophisticated guesswork, hope and supposition by the British raiding party that they had not in fact been spotted by the Germans, who then hadn’t managed to work out their intentions. 134

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LONDON GAZETTE – THURSDAY 2 OCTOBER 1947 (12)  At 2200 I stopped and transferred to MGB 314 with the Military Force Commander. The MLs and CAMPBELTOWN were formed up into Special Cruising Order No.3 and were taken towards position Z at 12 knots, with ATHERSTONE and TYNEDALE spread on either beam. (13)  At 2200 STURGEON’s light was sighted right ahead and we passed within hailing distance at 2215. After passing STURGEON, TYNEDALE and ATHERSTONE continued on their patrol. Mist came down and visibility became poor down to about 2 miles. (14) From about midnight gun flashes were seen in the distance to the north east. At about 0030 on 28th March when still 12 miles off, it was obvious that considerable air activity was in progress as gun flashes extended over a wide arc together with a considerable flak. (15) No definite land was sighted until about 0045 when in the vicinity of Le Chatelier Shoal the northern shore could be dimly discerned. CAMPBELTOWN acting as guide was ordered to steer 050 degrees and MGB 314 thus freed was able to alter course freely to obtain ranges of the shore by RDF and also to run off to either side to obtain soundings. A considerable northerly set was experienced so that the course of 050 degrees was held until Les Morees Tower was passed about two cables to port at about 0125. (16) Up till our arrival at Les Morees Tower no searchlights had been used and we had obviously been undetected. But at this time one searchlight from No. 3 Heavy Coastal Battery was switched on down the Charpentier Channel. The warning had evidently been given and this was the signal for all the searchlights on both banks of the river to be switched on. From that moment the entire force was floodlit but for what seemed like five minutes, no fire was opened. I can only guess at what the commandos and Royal Navy crews must have been going through at that time. Once the vessels of the raiding 135

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 party had been lit up by the German coastal searchlight batteries, the anticipation, trepidation, fear and excitement they were experiencing, to differing degrees, must have been palpable. The wait for the German batteries to open fire must have seemed like an eternity, as the men readied themselves for the inevitable barrage of incoming fire, while wondering if they would make it ashore before the firefight began. (17) During this time we made our bogus identity to the shore signal station at No. 3 Battery and signalled in German that we were ‘proceeding up harbour in accordance with instruction’. On receipt of this signal some of the searchlights switched out but we were then called up from the south entrance and passed a similar message. While this was in progress, however, the force was fired on by light flak from one position so we made the signal for a ‘a vessel considering herself to being fired on by friendly forces’. This stopped him for a bit. At this time we must have been recognised as definitely hostile as we were suddenly fired on heavily and the action became general. It is difficult to describe the full fury of the attack that was let loose on both sides, the air became one mass of red and green tracer travelling in all directions, most of it going over. It did not appear that any of the shore surface batteries opened fire although the rear portion of the line may have been fired on by them. As soon as the fire was opened, a flak ship was observed right ahead and she opened fire from her bridge with some small automatic weapon. Due to the very accurate firing by our pom-pom, the flak ship fire was ineffective and was soon silenced although it was necessary to pass uncomfortably close to her. It would have been at this stage that any doubts as to whether they had been discovered were totally dispelled. The raid had now begun in earnest, and for those of the raiding party whose first time it was in action, it was the moment of truth. The question as to how they would react under enemy fire was about to be answered. 136

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LONDON GAZETTE – THURSDAY 2 OCTOBER 1947 (18) We passed the Old Breakwater Light at about one and a half cables and then sheered off to starboard while the CAMPBELTOWN continued in to her objective. We lost her for a while in the glare of the searchlights but at 0134 she struck the lock and we saw a burst of flame on her fo’c’sle, this however seemed to die away after a minute or two and we could only see her Oerlikons firing hard. Once CAMPBELTOWN struck the dry dock gates the raid had well and truly started. At that stage of proceedings there was definitely no turning back. An Oerlikon is a heavy machine gun, usually a 20 mm or a 35 mm twin cannon affair. In essence, an extremely powerful weapon which, when used at close quarters, would have an absolutely devastating effect on anything in its way. (19) While MGB 314 hauled round preparatory to going in to land, ML 160 opened an accurate fire with her 3 pdr. On the flak positions to the east of CAMPBELTOWN and on her starboard bow and silenced them. The leading ML of the starboard column, ML 192, was the first to be hit and beached herself against the Old Mole ablaze from end to end. It is not known accurately what happened to those in the starboard column following her but some of them anyhow probably succeeded in landing their troops safely in the Old Entrance. At this stage it appeared that the situation was being got under control. Firing had temporarily decreased and was mostly confined to the flak positions on the house tops. What the report doesn’t mention is the important role that ML 192 had in the raid. If for whatever reason the Campbeltown had been prevented from ramming the dry dock gates, it was her job to take out the German guns guarding them. The commandos on board had been tasked with taking out some of the defensive flak towers within the dock area. Twelve of those on board ML 192 were killed, and it is known that at least one of the crew members, Sub-Lieutenant Sam Haighton, was wounded, captured by the Germans and spent the rest of the war in captivity. 137

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 (20) The port column, however, was less fortunate. The leading boat, ML 447, grounded while still ten feet off the jetty in the face of withering fire from a pill box on the jetty and flak from the house tops. She attempted to go astern out of it but the ML was set ablaze almost at once. The soldiers and crew were most gallantly rescued by ML 160. ML 447’s part in the raid was to land the commando team it had on board enabling them to secure the Old Mole. The reason for this was twofold. Firstly, this allowed other units to land safely and at the end of the raid for those same units to be able to re-embark their vessels and make good their escape. (21) While this was going on we in MGB 314 ran into the Old Entrance and landed Colonel Newman on the south side, who with his staff hurried off to join his men. Finding one ML to be following us in we hailed her to go alongside CAMPBELTOWN’s stern, which she did, and was seen to shove off with a considerable number of her crew. At the same time MGB 314 turned round and secured by the north side of the Old Entrance and received on board some 20 to 30 men from the CAMPBELTOWN. (22) MTB 74 then came in and reported for instructions. I had in mind using her to torpedo the CAMPBELTOWN if the latter’s scuttling charges failed. On landing therefore I went and examined the block ship from the dock side and hailed her but she appeared to be deserted. After waiting some ten minutes and seeing four of the scuttling charges go off, I considered that all was well. I therefore returned to MGB 314 and told Sub-Lieut. Wynn in MTB 74 to take of six of CAMPBELTOWN’s crew, torpedo the lock gates at the Old Entrance and proceed back independently. (23) While in the Old Entrance we could hear the military demolition parties doing good work with surprising rapidity. Close by us the building containing the 138

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LONDON GAZETTE – THURSDAY 2 OCTOBER 1947 lock working mechanism was blown up, the debris wounded two men on board. This was followed by the pumping house and another shed in the vicinity which was set ablaze. The flames from this shed cast a lurid glow lighting up the adjacent waters and silhouetting craft in the river to the batteries on the opposite bank. What I find truly amazing is that St Nazaire was a place none of those who were involved in the raid had ever been to before, yet despite this, all of the commandos knew exactly where they had to go to find their allocated target, individually and collectively. For the British this was an extremely important aspect of the raid. In the darkness of the early morning hours, and with the added confusion of fires, exploding grenades and gunfire, the last thing that was needed was the additional problem of not being able to identify their allocated task. Having seen MTB 74 torpedo the lock gates at the Old Entrance and leave at high speed, I proceeded in MGB 314 to see how the assault on the Old Mole was progressing. On leaving the Old Entrance, however, I could see that matters had fared badly there. The approaches were floodlit by searchlights from all directions and a deadly fire was being poured on the MLs still gallantly attempting to go alongside. (25) With accurate fire from our pom-pom MGB 314 twice silenced the pill box, but it came to life again; we also tried to knock out some of the positions on the house tops but these were extremely difficult. At one stage the firing showed signs of decreasing and if only I could have rushed in a force reserve at that moment we might well have carried the positions that were so vital for our withdrawal. As it was I had to realise that at both the landing places the opposition was now getting the upper hand. (26) All this time MGB 314 was lying stopped about 100 yards off the Old Entrance and although fired on fairly continually by flak positions and hit many times, she was by the Grace of God not set ablaze. On looking 139

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 round the harbour, however, I counted about seven or eight blazing MLs and was forced to realise that MGB 314 was the only craft left in sight. In consequence of this a more concentrated fire was directed upon her so she dropped a naval smoke float while I called a council of war. No withdrawal signal had been sent and no contact made with the shore by W/T. There was still at least another half an hour before one could expect any of the landing party to reach the point of evacuation. I would have returned to the Old Entrance but I could see a heavy cross fire across this inlet and it appeared that enemy forces on both banks were shooting each other. It was clearly impossible for MGB 314 to return. With some thirty to forty men on board and her decks piled with seriously wounded I decided at 0250 that she was in no position to take off the soldiers we had landed. It was unlikely that MGB 314 would survive another five minutes with the fire that was then being concentrated in her direction and so I left at high speed. Although it had been possible for the British raiding party to make their way up the Loire River and bluff their way to the point that they were able to ram the Campbeltown in to the gates of the dry dock, once the Germans realised they were under attack, they defended their positions tenaciously. This report doesn’t give any indication that the British had any knowledge of how tough the German defences were going to be, both along the banks of the Loire River, and at the dock facility at St Nazaire. If the exact number of flak guns they would be up against had been known beforehand, would they have carried out the raid with the same type of vessels, or would they have used something more substantial? By the time the raid was over, the British had lost a number of vessels, sixteen in total, which included HMS Campbeltown, thirteen Motor Launches, one Motor Torpedo Boat, as well as one Motor Gun Boat. Only two Motor Launches survived the raid. (27) When abreast of the southernmost Mole MGB 314 passed another surviving ML and I instructed her to 140

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LONDON GAZETTE – THURSDAY 2 OCTOBER 1947 follow and laid smoke for her. During their withdrawal both craft were floodlit by searchlights and subjected to intense crossfire from both banks of the river. On passing Les Morees Tower the coastal artillery opened fire on them and continued to straddle them with near misses until in the vicinity of Le Chatelier Shoal about four miles off the land. Splinters from a nearby shell caused further casualties on board MGB 314, killing her pom-pom gunlayer. In the excitement of battle it would have been imperative for the German gunners on either side of the river bank to be extremely careful when they opened fire on any of the British vessels, to ensure that they didn’t end up killing themselves in a crossfire situation. (28)  Just when we were beginning to get out of the searchlights MGB 314 came upon an armed trawler which opened an uncomfortably heavy fire upon her but fortunately she did no serious damage. (29) After another ten minutes I came across ML 270 who was steering from aft. She seemed capable of doing 15 knots so we went on together. After a further ten minutes a short action was seen to take place to the north westward between what appeared to be a small vessel firing tracer and a larger vessel but I altered to the southward to keep clear. (30) At about 0330 a further action was seen to take place to the south westward between heavier forces. (31) I passed Y at 0430 and continued towards position T at 12 knots in view of possible interference by the 5 enemy torpedo boats. Being discovered by German torpedo boats would have been an interesting scenario for MGB 314, as they would have posed a real threat. The term ‘torpedo boat’ suggests a small craft, but these German versions were far from small. They were roughly the size of a Royal Navy destroyer. During the course of the war there were three different types of torpedo boats: the type 39, the type 40 and the type 41, which 141

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 related to the year in which they were built, which was not necessarily the year they came in to service. The ones referred to in the report were more than likely of the type 39 variety. They were also referred to as the Elbing class due the location where they were built, which after the Second World War was renamed as Elblag and became a city in northern Poland. (32)  When it got light I reduced to 8 knots and ML 270 opened out to 3 miles. With the daylight the atmosphere seemed to clear, and the visibility again became extreme, I saw another ML some way astern. I therefore stopped and altered round to close her. A few minutes later ATHERSTONE and TYNEDALE appeared over the horizon. I had several very seriously wounded on board and more than a dozen less seriously wounded, so I immediately went alongside ATHERSTONE to transfer them and make up the MGB’s crew, of whom only four seaman remained, with volunteers from the ATHERSTONE. (33) MGB 314 had been holed in the starboard side of the fore peak and the water was gaining slowly but it seemed probable that this could be kept in hand. (34)  ATHERSTONE and TYNEDALE had with them two other MLs Nos 446 and 156. As soon as all the wounded had been transferred I proceeded with these two, MGB 314 and ML 270, transferring myself to ATHERSTONE. (35) At about 0745 a Heinkel 115 appeared and stayed with us for about 20 minutes. As soon as he had gone a Beaufighter made contact which considerably improved the situation. However, a quarter of an hour later a Junkers 88 arrived; he was at once attacked and rammed by the Beaufighter. (36) At 0906 HMSs CLEVELAND and BROCKLESBY joined and I placed my force under the command of HMS CLEVELAND who was the senior officer present.

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LONDON GAZETTE – THURSDAY 2 OCTOBER 1947 Both HMS Cleveland and HMS Brocklesby had been allocated by the Admiralty as reinforcements for the operations return journey, which for the surviving vessels, MLs 8, 12, and 13, saw them return to Plymouth and not Falmouth from where they had left. The report also included two maps which were strangely entitled, ‘Plan 1’ and ‘Plan 3’. Plan 1 was a track of 10th A/S striking force before and after the attack on St Nazaire on 27 and 28 March 1942. Plan 3 was a detailed map of the attack on the port installation at St Nazaire, which showed the start time of the operation as being at 0130 hours on 28 March 1942. The map included a total of eighteen light antiaircraft guns which the Germans had in place in around the port area at St Nazaire. Out of these, the raiding party managed to put eight out of action, which included the six that were situated in the immediate area of the dry dock gates. The fact that twelve of the anti-aircraft guns were not put out of action gives some idea of the intensity of the firepower that the raiding party were up against.

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Chapter Twelve

Kapitan zur See Karl-Conrad Mecke

Karl-Conrad Mecke, having been born in Bremen, Germany in 1894, was certainly old enough to have fought during the First World War, but I can find no record of him having done so. Having been awarded the Iron Cross 2nd and 1st Class in 1939, he would go on to win the Knights Cross of the Iron Cross on 11 April 1943, for his role in combating the British Commando raid on St Nazaire. It was an award given to recognise extreme battlefield bravery or successful military leadership. Mecke, who during the Second World War served with Germany’s Kriegsmarine, was a well-liked and respected naval officer – both by his fellow officers and the men who served under him At the time of the raid, Kapitän zur See Karl-Conrad Mecke was in charge of an anti-aircraft brigade, 22 Marine-Flak Regiment, elements of which were part of the defensive measures in place at the port. All three of its divisions, 703, 705 and 809, were in place at St Nazaire. Mecke, whose headquarters were at St Marc, was obviously a very astute officer. Purely because of the unusual actions of the British aircraft in the skies above St Nazaire, Mecke found what they were doing strange, and not in keeping with what would be expected from attacking Allied aircraft. He wasn’t entirely certain what was afoot, but his gut instincts told him that something wasn’t quite right. Initially he believed that an Allied raid by parachutists might be underway and he ordered his men to be on high alert. An hour later, and with no obvious sign of any Allied parachutists having landed, he gave the order for all his guns to cease fire and for the searchlights to be switched off, fearing that they were simply helping the British bombers to positively identify the exact location of the port. Despite the possible aerial threat in place, he then ordered all of his men, those from other harbour defence units as well as ships’ crews, out of their air raid shelters, to be observant and stay alert.

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Kapitan zur See Karl-Conrad Mecke Mecke’s orders paid dividends as soon he received information from a lookout that he could see some kind of movement out to sea. Mecke still believed that an Allied landing of some description was about to take place and ordered his gun batteries covering the mouth of the estuary to be extra observant. Unbeknownst to Mecke, the British raiding party were inching their way closer and closer to the port at St Nazaire. As we know, they managed to get within eight minutes of their intended target before they were caught in the beams of the German searchlights from both sides of the estuary. Just before 1.30 in the morning of 28 March 1942, Beattie ordered that all vessels in the raiding convoy should lower their German flags and replace them with the White Ensign. It could be rightly argued that the German flak defences failed miserably during the raid on St Nazaire, but if it hadn’t been for Mecke, things could have been a whole lot worse for the German defenders. If Mecke hadn’t put his men on high alert when he did, a lot more of the British commandos would have been disembarked at the harbour’s Old Mole, allowing them to have caused a lot more havoc than they were able to. As for Mecke, he was a brave and skilled front-line soldier, who on 11 April 1943 was awarded the Knight’s Cross of the Iron Cross for his role in helping to repel the British raid at St Nazaire. He and his men inflicted heavy casualties amongst Allied forces and distinguished himself during the battles in the Normandy region, in 1944, in the immediate aftermath of the Normandy landings. He went on to become the High Commander of the Naval Flak and Coastal Artillery School in September 1944, this was a position he held for only a matter of weeks. On 15 September 1944, during Operation Tanne Ost, he led German forces during the landings on the island of Hogland in the Gulf of Finland, before it could be captured by Soviet forces. It was an important capture for the Germans as in doing so they were able to lay minefields, which helped keep the Soviet’s Baltic Fleet at their base in the Russian port city of Kronstadt. The initial success of the operation did not last long, and soon the entire German invading force had either, like Mecke, been captured or killed by Soviet forces. He remained in captivity in Russia until he was released in 1955.

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Chapter Thirteen

Commandos Killed at St Nazaire

The following is a list of men who were killed during the raid on St Nazaire on 28 March 1942, and unless otherwise stated, were buried at the Escoublac-la-Baule War Cemetery, which is situated in the LoireAtlantique region of France. Aird, Private 3772603 Michael Derrick, 24 years of age, served with The Kings Regiment (Liverpool) and No. 2 Commando. He was one of those on board ML 268. His name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Beveridge, Sergeant 4534228 Robert, 31 years of age and a married man from Leeds, served with the West Yorkshire Regiment (Prince of Wales’s Own), attached to No. 5 Commando. Blount, Corporal 3972221 Arthur Harvey, 26 years of age from Morden, Surrey, served with the South Wales Borderers Regiment, attached to No.12 Commando. Borgman, Lance Corporal 7911119 Robert Bernard John, 25 years of age, served with the Royal Armoured Corps and No. 4 Commando. He was one of those on board ML 268. His name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Boyce, Private 5952406 John Douglas, 23 years of age from Glamorgan, Wales, served with the Bedfordshire and Hertfordshire Regiment, attached to No. 3 Commando. Bryan, Lance Corporal 3775300 Edward ‘Ted’ Joseph, 25 years of age, and served with The Kings Regiment, attached to No. 4 troop of No. 2 Commando during the raid on St Nazaire. He was one of the eight Commandos on board ML 267 who were killed during the raid which 146

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Commandos Killed at St Nazaire was struck by heavy enemy fire and sank. His name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Burgess, Lance Corporal 1877628 Leslie, 27 years age from Aylesbury in Buckinghamshire, and one of those killed during the raid while part of the commando contingent who were on board ML 268. He served with the Royal Engineers and was attached to No. 9 Commando. His name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Burns, Rifleman 6895664 Ronald Edward David, 22 years of age from Brockley, London, who served with the 11th (1st Battalion, The Queen’s Westminster’s) Battalion, King’s Royal Rifle Corps, attached to No. 2 Commando. Burtinshaw, Lieutenant 89395 Robert James Glover, 25 years of age from Bramhall, Cheshire, served with the 6th Battalion, Cheshire Regiment, attached to No. 5 Commando. He was Mentioned in Despatches for his actions at St Nazaire. Chetwynd, Corporal 4977274 Samuel Ernest, 22 years of age, a married man from Shildon, County Durham, served with the Sherwood Foresters (Notts and Derby Regiment) and No. 12 Commando. He was part of the commando unit who were on board ML 457, with their role being that of a demolition control party. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Coughlan, Lance Corporal 3781807 John, 31 years of age, a member of 4 Troop, No. 2 Commando, who was on board ML 267 when it was struck by enemy fire and sunk, resulting in his death, those of seven of his fellow commandos, along with a number of naval personnel as well. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Coulson, Sapper 1881715 Garnett, from Romford in Essex, was 24 years of age and served with the Royal Engineers and No. 4 Commando. He was part of the commando contingent on board ML 268. He has no known grave, but his name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Cunningham, Private 3781746 Henry Peter, 22 years of age from Old Swan in Liverpool, a member of The Kings Regiment (Liverpool) attached to 4 Troop, No. 2 Commando, and was one of those on board 147

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 ML 267 that was sunk by German fire. His name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Deans, Corporal 2079518 James, 23 years of age and served with the Royal Engineers, attached to No. 9 Commando. Diamond, Private 3779240 Thomas, served with The Kings Regiment (Liverpool), attached to No. 2 Commando. He is buried at the Sarzeau Communal Cemetery, which is situated in the Morbihan region of France. He is one of only two Allied servicemen who are buried in the cemetery. Donaldson, Lance Corporal 2884838 John, 25 years of age, a married man from Dundee and a member of the London Scottish, The Gordon Highlanders Regiment, attached to 3 Troop, No. 2 Commando. He was one of those on board HMS Campbeltown, and was part of the main assault party that went ashore at St Nazaire. He was a well-liked and respected member of his team. Lance Corporal Donaldson is another of the commandos who have no known grave and whose name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Duncan, Lance Corporal 2032723 Ronald, 27 years of age from Aberdeen in and served with the Royal Engineers and No. 9 Commando. He was one of the raiding party who had been allocated to ML 268. With no known grave, his is one of the names commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Durrant, (VC) Sergeant 1874047 Thomas Frank, 23 years of age and served with the Royal Engineers, attached to No. 1 Commando. He was awarded the Victoria Cross for his actions at St Nazaire. Eldridge, Sergeant 6461633 Leonard Frederick, only 20 years of age, despite already holding the rank of sergeant and being a married man. He was from Tunbridge Wells in Kent and a member of the Royal Fusiliers (City of London) attached to number 2 troop of No. 2 Commando, and one of those on board ML 447. He was destined to have had a glittering military career, one that was so cruelly cut short for a young man in the prime of his life. His final resting place is unknown but his name is one of those commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Ferguson, Sergeant 1426074 William, 36 years of age and a married man from Riddrie, Glasgow, who served with the Royal Artillery, attached to No. 5 Commando. 148

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Commandos Killed at St Nazaire Garratt, Lance Corporal 5338655 Arthur Ernest, 22 years of age from Islington, London, who served with the Royal Berkshire Regiment, attached to No. 2 Commando. Gibson, Lance Sergeant 2879864 William, 22 years of age and a member of the Gordon Highlanders, attached to 6 Troop, No. 2 Commando and allocated to ML 268. He was killed in action during the raid on St Nazaire. Before setting off on the raid he wrote a final and prophetic letter to his father. I have reproduced the content of this letter in full below, in keeping with the request to do so by the Commando Veterans’ Archive. Gibson’s letter is, quite simply, breath-taking. Written with raw emotion, it is personal, honest, and from the heart. It most certainly brought a tear to my eye when reading it. Written by an extremely brave man who willingly took part in Operation Chariot, fully expecting not to return, but knowing that the part the raid would have on his country’s overall war effort, more than made up for the sacrifice he knew he would have to make. My Dearest Dad, By the time you get this I shall be one of the many who have sacrificed their unimportant lives for what little ideals we may have, my own ideals, I can thank you for. The job we have been on has been something worthwhile, it has virtually been suicide but the repercussions after we have finished our task will be very far reaching in as much as the raiders who sink so many of our merchant ships will be put out of action for at least six months, so the food line from America should be unimpaired. Peter and I will be together, our task is just a wee bit dangerous, but if we can hold jerry off it will mean the saving of the lives of a lot of our pals. We have been on this boat for a fortnight now, and we are all determined to see this through. I salute you all, No. 2 Commando, they are a great lot of lads. Tomorrow morning I am going to Holy Communion, the first communion I have ever been at, but I know God will help us all if he can, and I pray Dad, that he will help you, 149

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 and bless Betty for all she has been to us. My will has been made out, it seems so silly but we have all had to do it. I would like you Dad, to write a note to my Irish girl and let her know what has happened. You will get her address in any of the letters, her name is Anne Brien, would you do this for me. The reason I am writing this at all Dad, is just the thought that it might be a little better for you to get this rather than the dreaded telegram. I don’t think I have made any enemies in the world. I have made a lot of good friends, but you’re the best pal I’ve ever had. Your influence, plus our Alex’s, has certainly helped me to pass through life with a character which, though a bit rough in some things, still has all the fine thoughts gained from both of you. Sandy, I suppose, I’ll have met by this time so don’t be worried Dad. It seems ever so peculiar to be writing this letter. We’ve just finished our tea and the sunshine is streaming through the portholes. We’ve been on deck sunbathing all day. Peter is very red now, and I am myself, and everything seems so far removed from the job ahead of us. We have not been allowed to leave the boat for over a fortnight now except for organised parties to get some exercise. With spring in the air and everything looking so beautiful we can only now appreciate how lovely everything is, almost like condemned criminals. Well, dad dearest, I’ll close now. Don’t worry and don’t be too unhappy, remember what you always told me, to keep my chin up. I’ll have done what chance has made my duty, and I can only hope that by laying down my life the generations to come might in some way remember us, and also benefit by what we’ve done. It is necessary for me to tell you how sorry I am not being able to do a lot of the things I have longed to do to pay you back for the chance you gave me. In a time like this I turn to you Dad, and God. I hope there will be peace for everyone soon. Give my love to everyone, I’ll remember you. Your loving son Bill. 150

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Commandos Killed at St Nazaire In the letter he makes mention of his comrade and good friend, Peter. This is a reference to 26-year-old Lance Sergeant 2879689 Peter Harkness, who served with him in both the Gordon Highlanders and No. 2 Commando. He was also killed in the raid. Death would separate the two men, with Gibson having no known grave and being commemorated on the memorial at Brookwood, while Harkness was buried at Escoublacla-Baule War Cemetery. Gibson’s parents were Alexander and Margaret Gibson, but it is apparent by the time of writing the letter, he had a step-mother, Elizabeth Gibson, with the family home being in Thornliebank, Glasgow. Goss, Fusilier 6459167 Leonard George William, 36 years of age from Brixton in London, served with the Royal Fusiliers (City of London Regiment) but during the raid on St Nazaire, he was attached to 6 troop of No. 2 Commando, and was one of those on board ML 192, which sustained so much damage during the raid due to the sustained attacks from German defensive positions, that it was put out of action and set on fire. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Brookwood Memorial. Grose, Guardsman 26 17390 William Ernest, 25 years of age and served with the Grenadier Guards, attached to 2 troop of No. 2 Commando. During the raid on the port at St Nazaire, he was one of those on board ML 447. The commandos on board had been tasked with capturing the Old Mole, so that comrades in their respective MLs could pull alongside without coming under sustained close quarter attack. It quickly became apparent that due to the fight in the German defensive position, ML 447 was confronted with withering machine fire and a deluge of grenades, preventing the raiding party from disembarking and capturing the Old Mole. Having sustained a number of casualties, including Grose, and on fire, ML 447 was forced to move away from the Old Mole. Gwynne, Private 2929834 John Edward Herbert, 21 years of age and served with the Liverpool Scottish (Queens Own Cameron Highlanders), attached to No. 2 Commando. He was Mentioned in Despatches for his actions at St Nazaire. Harkness, Lance Sergeant 2879689 Peter, 26 years of age and served with the Gordon Highlanders, attached to No. 2 Commando. He was 151

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 very good friends with William ‘Bill’ Gibson, also of No. 2 Commando and who was also killed on the raid. Harrison, Lance Sergeant 6896247 Maurice, 20 years of age from Streatham, London, served with the 11th (1st Battalion, The Queen’s Westminster’s) Battalion, Kings Royal Rifle Corps, attached to No. 2 Commando. Hay, Lance Corporal 325315 William, 21 years of age from Carluke, Lanarkshire, served with the Royal Armoured Corps, and was attached to No. 2 Commando. He is buried at the Pornic War Cemetery which is situated in the Loire-Atlantique region of France. Heather, Lance Corporal 6400817 William Bernard, of the Royal Sussex Regiment, who was attached to 2 troop of No. 2 Commando, was another member of ML 447, the motor launch that was prevented from landing at the Old Mole, by a sustained German defensive fire. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Brookwood Memorial. Hempstead, Sergeant 6014969 Stanley, 22 years of age and served with the Essex Regiment, attached to No. 2 Commando. Hodgson, Captain 75234 Eric, 23 years of age and served with the Hertfordshire Regiment; affectionately known by the nickname of ‘Bertie’. During the raid on St Nazaire he was the officer in charge of 1 troop, No. 2 Commando who were on board of ML 446. On the journey to St Nazaire, she had taken on board the commandos who had been on ML 341 who had decided to return to Falmouth due to mechanical problems. Ironically, the survivors on board ML 446 were taken on board HMS Atherstone after the raid as she had been badly damaged during the raid. Hudson, Lance Corporal 6896827 George Herbert, 22 years of age and served with the 11th (1st Battalion, The Queen’s Westminsters) Battalion, Kings Royal Rifle Corps, attached to No. 2 Commando. Ide, Sergeant 2321335 George Edward, 28 years of age, a married man from Romford, Essex, who served with the Royal Corps of Signals, attached to No. 5 Commando.

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Commandos Killed at St Nazaire Jameson, Lance Sergeant 821516 Robert Evan was 27 years of age and one of the men of No. 9 Commando who were on board HMS Campbeltown. He was on attachment from the Royal Artillery. He has no known grave but his name is one of those commemorated on the Brookwood Memorial. Jenkins, 2nd Lieutenant 157336 Morgan was 26 years of age and a married man who lived in London. He was a member of the Welch Regiment and attached to No. 2 Commando. He had also served with and No. 5 Independent Company and No. 1 Special Services Battalion. Jenkins was one of those who had seen the coming of the war and with this in mind, and to prepare himself for such an eventuality, he enlisted in the London Rifle Brigade of the Territorial Army in 1937. During the raid at St Nazaire, he was one of those on board ML 268 whose task it was to provide protection for one of the demolition teams. Attacked by German defensive guns, their sustained fire resulted in an explosion on board ML 268 which killed fifteen of the Commandos on board, including Morgan. He is another of those who has no known grave and whose name is commemorated on the Brookwood Memorial. Johnson, Lance Sergeant 3531584 Bertie Lawrence, 22 years of age from Stockport, Cheshire, who served with the Manchester Regiment, attached to No. 5 Commando. Jones, Corporal 3962759 Harri Harvard, 26 years of age from Rhymney, Monmouthshire, and a member of the Welch Regiment, attached to No. 12 Commando, who was part of a demolition team on board the ill-fated ML 268. His body was not recovered but his name is commemorated on the Brookwood Memorial. Kelly, Private 4467369 Francis, 21 years of age from Liverpool, and served with the Border Regiment, attached to No. 2 Commando. Lewis, Guardsman 2617158 John Frederick of the Grenadier Guards, 25 years of age and a married man from Didsbury, Manchester; one of the members of 2 troop, No. 2 Commando, who were on board ML 447. He has no known grave, but his name is commemorated on the Brookwood Memorial. Llewellyn, Corporal 4036505 Fred, 22 years of age from Worcester, and served with the Kings Shropshire Light Infantry Regiment, attached to No.1 Commando.

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Lucy, Fusilier 6461459 Albert James, 22 years of age from Kentish Town, London, and served with the Royal Fusiliers (City of London Regiment), attached to No. 2 Commando. Maylott, Private 3654748 Jesse, 21 years of age from Warrington, Lancashire, a member of the South Lancashire Regiment who was attached to 4 troop, No. 2 Commando, and was one of those on board Motor Launch ML 267 that was hit by enemy fire and sunk, which resulted in the death of Maylott and seven of his comrades. He has no known grave, but his name is commemorated on the Brookwood Memorial. Mather, Lance Corporal 3656822 Harry, 22 years of age from Bolton, Lancashire, who served with the South Lancashire Regiment, attached to No. 2 Commando. Moss, Warrant Officer Class l 2930992, 32 years of age, a married man from Rock Ferry, Birkenhead, who served with the Liverpool Scottish, Queen’s Own Cameron Highlanders, attached to No. 2 Commando. He was Mentioned in Despatches for his actions at St Nazaire. Moss was actually wounded during the fighting at St Nazaire and died of his wounds the following day. Neal, Private 7349551 Alfred William, 24 years of age and a married man from Norwich. He served with the Royal Army Medical Corps and was a member of No. 2 Commando. He was also one of those on board ML 447. His name is commemorated on the Brookwood Memorial. Paterson, Lance Corporal 5442424 Kenneth Albert, 28 years of age from Bristol, a member of the Duke of Cornwall’s Light Infantry, attached to 2 troop, No. 2 Commando, and was one of those on board ML 447. His name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Pennington, Captain 130871 Harold Hammond, 23 years of age from Makerfield, Lancashire, who served with the Hampshire Regiment, attached to No. 4 Commando. Peyton, Lieutenant 112912 Thomas Grenville Pit, 20 years of age from Englemere Wood, Berkshire, and served with the Kings Royal Rifle Corps. During the St Nazaire raid, he was in charge of 6 troop, No. 2 Commando, who were on board ML 192, whose task on the raid was to deposit its contingent of Commandos by the Old Entrance to the Dry Dock. They were also a back-up to HMS Campbeltown in the eventuality 154

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Commandos Killed at St Nazaire that the latter failed in her task of ramming the outer gates of the dry dock. Peyton and seven of his men were killed during the raid. Peyton has no known grave and his name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Pritchard, Lieutenant 76488 William Henry, 27 years of age from Llandaff, Glamorgan, who served with the Royal Engineers, attached to the Special Service Brigade. He was a holder of the Military Cross and had also been Mentioned in Despatches. Roach, Rifleman 6849064 Thomas Ypres, 25 years of age from Bridgend, Glamorgan, who served with the 11th (1st Battalion, The Queen’s Westminsters) Battalion, Kings Royal Rifle Corps, attached to No.2 Commando. Robinson, Guardsman 2619196 Sydney, 21 years of age and served with the Grenadier Guards, attached to No. 2 Commando who during the raid were on board ML 268. As the Motor Launch approached the Old Entrance of the port facility, she was hit by heavy German fire and exploded. Fifteen of the commandos, including Guardsman Robinson, were killed. His name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Shenton, Private 5046468 Joseph, 29 years old and a married man from Bucknall, Stoke-on-Trent, served the Kings Shropshire Light Infantry and attached to No. 9 Commando, was one of the fifteen commandos killed on board ML 268, when she was struck by enemy fire. He is another whose name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Smalley, Lieutenant Christopher John, 31 years of age and a married man from Long Buckby, Northamptonshire. He served with the Manchester Regiment, and was attached to No. 5 Commando. He was in charge of one of the demolition parties. Having disembarked from HMS Campbeltown, he and his men were successful in completing their part of the operation, but he was killed shortly after while trying to make good his escape on one of the remaining motor launches. The following entry appeared in the London Gazette number 37162, pages 3493 and 3494, dated Thursday 5 July 1945, more than three years after the raid on St Nazaire. 155

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 War Office 5th July 1945 The KING has been graciously pleased to approve that the following be Mentioned in recognition of gallant and distinguished service in action against the enemy during the raid on St, Nazaire on the night of 27th March 1942. Manch. R. Lt. C.J. SMALLEY (92876) (killed in action). He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Spaul, Corporal 6088619 William Albert, 21 years of age from Aldershot, Hampshire, who served with The Queen’s Royal Regiment (West Surrey), attached to No. 2 Commando. Stokes, Lance Corporal 5186568 George Stanley, 22 years of age from Easton, Bristol, and served with the Royal Welch Fusiliers, attached to No. 5 Commando. Taylor, Sergeant 7598084 Gerald, 22 years of age from Shiregreen, Sheffield, who served with the Royal Army Ordnance Corps, attached to No. 2 Commando. Tomblin, Private 6144878 Edward Charles, 24 years of age, a married man from London, who served with the East Surrey Regiment, attached to No. 1 Commando. Tomsett, Corporal 6896917 Reginald Maurice, 21 years of age from Croydon, Surrey, who served with the 11th (1st Battalion, The Queen’s Westminsters) Battalion, Kings Royal Rifle Corps, attached to No. 2 Commando. Vanderwerve, Lieutenant 117921 John Edward, 23 years of age and served with The King’s Regiment (Liverpool), attached to No. 2 Commando and one of those who was on board ML 306, the same one that was attacked by the German destroyer Jaguar, and which eventually saw Sergeant Frank Durrant awarded the Victoria Cross. Vanderwerve has no known grave, but his name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Walton, Guardsman 2618526 George William, 20 years of age from New Mills, Derbyshire, and served with the Grenadier Guards, attached to No. 2 Commando. 156

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Commandos Killed at St Nazaire Walton, Lieutenant 104117 Philip, 25 years of age from Bedford, and served with the Bedfordshire and Hertfordshire Regiment, attached to No. 2 Commando. Woodcock, Lieutenant 138278 Mark, 21 years of age, was in charge of one of the operation’s demolition teams from No. 3 Commando who were on board ML 262. His regiment was the Lancashire Fusiliers. One of the many who were killed during the raid and whose bodies were never recovered, but who are commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial. Woodman, Fusilier 6467448 Robert Salonicka, 24 years of age from Battersea, London, was one of the commandos of number 6 troop, No. 2 Commando, who were on board ML 192. His primary unit was the Royal Fusiliers (City of London Regiment). His name is commemorated on the Brookwood 1939–1945 Memorial.

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Chapter Fourteen

Naval Personnel Killed at St Nazaire

The following list includes those men from the Royal Navy who were killed during the raid on St Nazaire. When there is no location mentioned as being their final resting place, these individuals were buried at the Escoublac-laBaule war cemetery, in the Loire-Atlantique region of France, although there were many others whose bodies were never recovered, and for those individuals their names are recorded on a number of different war memorials to ensure that they, and what they stood for, are never forgotten. Where that is the case I have recorded the names of the individual memorials. I have compiled the list of names in order of the motor launch on which each man was serving at the time of the raid. This also shows how many naval personnel were lost from each of the launches Motor Torpedo Boat 74, whose position was right at the back of the raiding party and consisted of a total of ten officers and men. During the raid she fired her two torpedoes, but unfortunately did not make it back home after the raid. Five men lost. Bowyer, Telegraphist P/JX 155912 Daniel, 20 years of age from Blackey, Manchester. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Hargreaves, Able Seaman D/JX164512 Eric, 21 years of age from Douglas on the Isle of Man. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Liddel, Able Seaman C/JX 142792 Charles Wilson, 23 years of age. No other information is known about him. Simmonds, Leading Stoker D/KX 79831 Harold, 32 years of age from Kirkdale, Liverpool. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. 158

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Naval Personnel Killed at St Nazaire Ward, Petty Officer P/JX 132189 Raymond Reginald, 29 years of age from Coventry. Motor Launch 177, which was the vessel two in front, and to the right, of MTB 74. On board her were a total of sixteen officers and men. She was the only launch of the entire raiding party who was able to disembark the commandos she had on board at the Old Entrance of the St Nazaire port installation. During the raid ML177 went to the assistance of the remaining naval personnel who were on board HMS Campbeltown. She then made off to begin the return journey to the safety of the south coast of England, but was hit by German shore batteries which set her on fire. Those who had managed to survive this onslaught abandoned her and were picked up by other British naval vessels. Four men lost. Brown, Able Seaman P/JX 274917 John, 21 years of age from Sandford Hill, Stoke-on-Trent. He has no known grave, but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Hextall, Ordinary Seaman D/JX 291986 John Gilbert, 31 years of age from Horley in Surrey. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Pitt, Leading Seaman C/JX 311777 Kenneth Kean Sleeman, 26 years of age and from Bournemouth, Hampshire. His father was the Reverend G.W. Pitt. Pitt has no known grave, but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Rodier, Sub-Lieutenant 177 Mark Fleming, 25 years of age from Wilmslow, Cheshire, and a member of the Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. There is a bit of confusion surrounding Rodier having been mentioned in despatches. By this, I do not mean there is question mark as to whether or not this actually took place, but rather what it related to. The London Gazette of Tuesday 10 November 1942, shows on page 4884 that his posthumous mention in despatches was, ‘For great bravery when HMS Hermes was attacked by Japanese aircraft.’ HMS Hermes was an aircraft carrier which was sent out to Dakar in Senegal in October 1939, to assist the French navy hunt German war ships. She was sunk by Japanese aircraft on 9 April 1942 off Sri Lanka. 159

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 The problem with this, of course, is that Rodier had been killed during the St Nazaire raid on 28 March, twelve days earlier. Interestingly enough the previous entry on the same page as the one for Rodier, was also in relation to being mentioned in despatches, for two men who had also taken part in the St Nazaire raid. I believe the entry for these two men should have also included Rodier. Motor Launch 192, which was situated immediately behind and to the right of HMS Campbeltown in the formation of the raiding party, as they entered the estuary of the Loire River. In total, the launch carried a crew of seventeen officers and men. Three of the crew were killed in the raid. Three men lost. Hale, Ordinary Signalman D/JX 216489 Angus Edmund, 26 years of age from Sunderland, County Durham. Hallett, Able Seaman C/SSX 33257 George Henry, 22 years of age from Windsor in Berkshire. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. On Friday 18 January 1946, almost four years after the raid, the London Gazette featured an announcement that Hallett, who was shown as an Ordinary Seaman, had posthumously received a Mention in Despatches for his actions during the raid at St Nazaire. Little, Ordinary Seaman D/JX 286577 Hugh Wilson, 21 years of age from St Thomas, Swansea. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Motor Launch 262, which was immediately behind launch ML 192 as the raiding party made their way towards the naval installation at St Nazaire. In total there was a crew of three officers and thirteen men aboard the vessel. Seven men lost. Gough, Motor Mechanic C/MX 76180 Ronald George, 24 years of age and a married man from Hornsey, Middlesex. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Hills, Sub-Lieutenant Kenneth Ian, 23 years of age, a married man and a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, who was from Lemington, Northumberland.

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Naval Personnel Killed at St Nazaire Hollands, Stoker 1st Class C/KX 120816 Frederick Richard Winton, 24 years of age, a married man from Sevenoaks. He has no known grave, but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Jones, Able Seaman D/SR 16362 George Joseph, was 21 years of age and has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Martin, Able Seaman P/JX 273919 William Jesse, 35 years of age and a married man from West Wickham, Kent. McKeown, Able Seaman D/SSX 26259 Stafford, was 21 years of age and has no known grave, but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. He was Mentioned in Despatches for his actions during the St Nazaire raid, but it was four years before the announcement was made in the London Gazette on Friday 18 January 1946. The reason for the delay of the announcement remains unexplained. Walker, Able Seaman C/JX 238901 James Donald, 21 years of age from Aspley, Nottinghamshire. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Motor Launch 267, which was immediately behind ML 262 and had a total crew of sixteen officers and men. She was destroyed during the raid and abandoned by the surviving members of her crew. Ten men lost. Bartlett, Ordinary Seaman D/JX 303020 Arthur, was 21 years of age and is buried at the Escoublac-La-Baule War Cemetery, which is situated in the Loire-Atlantique region of France. Beart, Lieutenant Eric Henry, 37 years of age and a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve.. Bell, Ordinary Seaman D/JX 302132 Gordon, 19 years of age and from Silverdale, Lancashire. Chick, Leading Stoker P/K 77967 Edward John, 34 years of age, a married man from Bridport, Dorsetshire. Kenningham, Motor Mechanic C/MX 92453 Eric Edmund, a 31-year-old married man from Bridlington in Yorkshire. He has no known grave, but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. 161

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Leech, Able Seaman C/JX 172643 John, a 30-year-old married man from Liverpool. His name is also commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Oliphant, Stoker 1st Class P/KX 104974 William, 24years of age from Edinburgburgh. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial Roots, Motor Mechanic C/MX 77022 Sidney William, 25 years of age and a married man from Maidstone, Kent. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Shepphard, Able Seaman P/JX 176878 Albert, 23 years of age from Liverpool. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Westcott, Ordinary Seaman D/JX 255867 Harold, 30 years of age and a married man of Wellington, Somerset. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Motor Launch 268, which consisted of three officers and twelve men and was lined up immediately behind ML 267, but was put out of action very early in the raid when she was struck by German land-based defensive units. Five men lost. Bachelor, Sub-Lieutenant Kenneth, 22 years of age and served with the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Howard, Motor Mechanic C/MX 72041 Albert, 21 years of age from Blackpool, Lancashire. He has no known grave, but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Kirkup, Leading Seaman D/JX 272122 Kenneth Corderoy, 33 years of age and a married man from Blundellsands, Lancashire. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Rakusen, Leading Seaman C/JX 278486 Montague 32 years of age and a married man from Leeds in Yorkshire. Rakusen has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Smith, Able Seaman P/SSX 25139 John Whan, 22 years of age and a married man from Parkstone, Dorsetshire. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. 162

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Naval Personnel Killed at St Nazaire Motor Launch 298, which was at the rear of the raiding party and immediately in front of Motor Torpedo Boat 74. Her complement was made up of three officers and thirteen crew. She was not carrying any commandos on board. Her raid came to an abrupt end as a result of her accidentally sailing through a patch of burning oil on the surface of the water, setting her on fire. Six men lost. Dodd, Ables Seaman D/SSX 18169 Edwin, 24 years of age from Royton, Lancashire. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Mathers, Stoker 1st Class P/KX 127354 James Reith Mathers was 31 years of age. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Ramsay, Chief Motor Mechanic C/MX 77462 Robert, he was buried in the Pornic war cemetery which is situated in the Loire-Atlantique region of France. Smith, Stoker 2nd Class P/KX 127178 Leslie Charles, 37 years of age, a married man from Holloway, London. Spraggon, Sub-Lieutenant Arthur, 25 years of age and a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, from Sunderland in County Durham. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Swann, Ordinary Seaman P/JX 275608 Gilbert Charles, 21 years of age and from Camberwell, London. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Motor Launch 306, which was on the left hand side of the raiding party, two from the back. The launch became involved in a firefight with the German destroyer Jaguar, which she eventually lost. Her remaining crew were taken prisoner while the launch was kept and repaired by the Germans. Four men lost. Bennett, Motor Mechanic C/MX 77401 Alexander Leslie, 21 years of age, was buried at the Escoublac-La-Baule War Cemetery. Garner, Ordinary Seaman P/JX 274947 Thomas Norman, 31 years of age, a married man from Stoke-on-Trent.

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Henderson, Lieutenant Ian Bernard Henry, 31 years of age, a married man and a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, from Dousland, Devon. Sargent, Leading Seaman P/JX 283330 Walter George, 21 years of age from Cheadle Hulme, Cheshire. He had previously been Mentioned in Despatches. Motor Launch 447, which was on the left-hand side of the raiding party and immediately behind HMS Campbeltown. She had a crew of fifteen, which included three officers. As she attempted to pull alongside the Old Mole, she came under heavy attack by German forces. The intensity of what the launch was up against became apparent when she caught fire. Three men lost. Broome, Stoker 1st Class C/KX 120120 David, 19 years of age and from Belfast, Northern Ireland. Drapper, Able Seaman C/SSX 18281, Harold Gordon, 21 years of age from Herne Bay, Kent. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Parker, Leading Motor Mechanic C/MX 77799 Thomas George, 28 years of age and a married man from Upgate, Norfolk. He is buried at Falmouth Cemetery in Cornwall, which indicates that he was either killed on the St Nazaire raid on 28 March 1943, or died of his injuries the same day on the return journey home. Either way his body was brought back to the UK. Motor Launch 457, which was immediately behind motor launch ML 447. She had a total crew of fifteen which included three officers. During the raid the launch came under sustained enemy fire, which resulted in the launch becoming damaged beyond repair. Nine men lost. Barber, Stoker 1st Class C/KX 121341 Edwin Charles, 26 years of age, a married man from Wroxham, Kent. On Tuesday 22 January 1946, nearly four years after the raid on St Nazaire, the announcement that Barber had posthumously been Mentioned in Despatches, was announced in the London Gazette. The entry stated his rank was that of Stoker 2nd Class, which is different from the entry on the Commonwealth War Graves Commission website, which records him as being a Stoker 1st Class. 164

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Naval Personnel Killed at St Nazaire He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Brierly, Able Seaman C/JX 214729 George, 21 years of age from Leeds, Yorkshire. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Collier, Lieutenant Thomas Alexander Mackay, 30 years of age, and a married man from Holborn, London, who served with the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve. He is buried at the Les Moutiers-en-Retz communal cemetery, and had previously been Mentioned in Despatches. Dickson, Ordinary Seaman D/JX 287185 Leith, 20 years of age from Aberdeen, Scotland. He has no known grave but is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Hampshire, Sub-Lieutenant Kenneth George, 22 years of age and a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Service, from South Ockenden in Essex. Jones, Telegraphist D/JX 233791 Albert Hague, 29 years of age, had previously been Mentioned in Despatches, and was buried at the Bouin communal cemetery which is situated in the Vendee region of France. Mooney, Petty Officer Motor Mechanic C/MX 76288 Peter, 36 years old and a married man from Longsight in Manchester. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. Onsorge, Leading Seaman C/JX 277938 Slavoj John, 29 years of age, a married man from the City of London. Parsons, Able Seaman C/SSX 12587 Joseph, 36 years of age and a married man from Aston, in Birmingham. His name is commemorated on the Chatham Naval Memorial. HMS Campbeltown, arguably the operation’s most important vessel with a crew of seventy-six officers and men. In normal circumstances this would have been a minimum of 120, and sometimes more. With the intensity of the German gunfire unleashed on the Campbeltown, it is actually quite surprising that more of her crew were not killed in the raid. It shows just how effective the additional armour which had been added to the ship was. Twenty-five men lost. 165

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Bailey, Able Seaman P/JX 150587 Ronald James, 21 years of age from Buckland in Portsmouth. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Baker, Able Seaman P/SD/X 1287 Alfred Sydney, 24 years of age and served with the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve. He was a married man from Brighton, East Sussex. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Berry, Leading Stoker P/KX 92564 William Henry, from Fulham, London. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Bott, Ordinary Seaman P/JX Harold Edward, 20 years of age. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. An announcement in the London Gazette of Friday 7 September 1945, some three-and-a-half years after the raid on St Nazaire, reported that Bott had in fact received a posthumous Mention in Despatches, although the entry recorded him as holding the rank of Able Seaman rather than that of Ordinary Seaman. There was no explanation about what he had done to warrant the mention Bowman, Able Seaman P/JX 167793 Douglas Frank, 23 years of age and from Wembley, Middlesex. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Brenton, Leading Stoker P/KX 91674 William C., 23 years of age from Christchurch, Hampshire. Findlay, Able Seaman P/SSX 32325 Thomas, 24 years of age from Bonnyrigg, Midlothian. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Findley, Able Seaman D/SSX 19545 William Ritchie, 22 years of age from Belfast, Northern Ireland. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Giles, Able Seaman P/JX 143517 Samuel Walter, 24 years of age and a married man from Aberdeen in Scotland. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial.

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Naval Personnel Killed at St Nazaire Hargreaves, Gunner Harold, 38 years of age and had been Mentioned in Despatches. He was buried at the Le Clion-sur-Mer communal cemetery, which is situated in the Loire-Atlantique region of France. Hodder, Petty Officer Stoker P/K 66784 Reginald Joseph Charles, 39 years of age, a married man from Charlestown, Dorset. Howard, Able Seaman D/JX 142239 Victor, has no known grave but is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Kemp, Petty Officer P/JX 273919 Leslie, 25 years of age from Leeds. He was a holder of the Distinguished Service Medal. Mawby, Leading Seaman P/JX 145116 Peter, 23 years of age, a married man from Leith in Edinburgh. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Miller, Able Seaman P/CD/X 2949 Joseph, 20 years of age from Glasgow, Scotland. He was a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, and is buried at the L’Epine Communal Cemetery, at Ile de Noirmoutier, which is situated in the Vendee region of France. Nelson, Able Seaman P/KX 82598 Harry Elvin, 23 years of age from Eye, Northamptonshire. On 14 January 1941, for gallant conduct and devotion to duty, he was awarded the Medal of the Military Division of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire for Meritorious Service. The announcement of the award appeared in the London Gazette on Friday 10 January 1941. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Nelson, Engine Room Artificer 4th Class P/MX59887, Richard Ruthven, 23 years of age and from Streatham in London. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Purver, Petty Officer Stoker P/KX 82598 John William, has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Ross, Ordinary Seaman P/JX 294635 Alexander, 20 years of age from Aberdeen, Scotland. Smith, Leading Seaman D/JX 129993 James, 31 years of age and from Glasgow. He had no known grave and his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial.

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Tibbits, Lieutenant Nigel Thomas Bethune, 29 years of age and a married man. He was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross for his actions in the raid at St Nazaire, the notification of which appeared in the London Gazette dated Thursday 21 May 1942. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. His father was retired Vice-Admiral Charles Tibbits, CBE, MVO, who had served in the Royal Navy during the First World War. Vyall, Stoker 2nd Class D/KX 117366 David Manning, 19 years of age and from Hungerford, Berkshire. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Plymouth Naval Memorial. Wade, Petty Officer Stoker P/KX 75027 Albert Thomas Frederick, 34 years of age and a married man from Portsmouth. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Wellsted, Chief Petty Officer P/J 98586 Albert Percy, 43 years of age, a married man from Chichester in Sussex. He has no known grave but his name is commemorated on the Portsmouth Naval Memorial. Westwell, Signalman P/JX 199563 Albert, 24 years of age from Blackburn in Lancashire. Other motor launches that took part in the raid were: ML 156 had a crew of fourteen which consisted of three officers and eleven ratings. Her role in the raid was to occupy and supress German defensive positions situated on the approach to the port installation. ML 270 had a support role in the raid and was one of the vessels who did not have any commandos on board. She was hit and effectively disabled by German defensive fire. Her crew of seventeen officers and men were taken on board the destroyer HMS Brocklesby who was one of the nominated escort vessels for the return journey back to England. The motor launch was then scuttled. ML 307 had Ted Gilling, a member of the press, on board. ML 443 had a crew of fifteen men and four officers and was the lead launch on the left-hand, or port side, of HMS Campbeltown. She managed to get to within ten feet of the Old Mole but as she did so, she was met by sustained German fire and also had to contend with a 168

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Naval Personnel Killed at St Nazaire number of grenades that were thrown on to her deck, the combination of which set her ablaze. The crew were rescued by ML 160. For his actions in successfully carrying out the rescue of the crew of ML 443, temporary Lieutenant Tom Boyd of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, was awarded the Distinguished Service Order. The citation for his award appeared in the London Gazette on Tuesday 19 May 1942: His Majesty has been graciously pleased to give orders for the following appointment to the Distinguished Service Order, and to approve the following award for great gallantry, daring and skill in the attack on the German Naval Base at St Nazaire: To be a companion of the Distinguished Service Order. Temporary Lieutenant Thomas Douglas Laverick Platt, RNR. For great gallantry in command of a Motor Launch Flotilla. In the face of steady fire at point blank range, and bombardment by grenades from the jetty above, Lieutenant Platt tried to run his craft alongside, and when, ten feet from the jetty, it became a blazing wreck, he did all he could, under heavy fire, to save survivors. During the same action, Temporary Lieutenant Reginald Verity, of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve was Mentioned in Despatches, the announcement of which was made in the same copy of the London Gazette. On board ML 446 was wireless operator Thomas O’Leary, a Welshman from Port Talbot. On 25 August 2016, he gave an interview to BBC News: One commando was remarking how pretty the tracer fire, red and green was. A moment later one blew the back of his head out. I was down below with my tin hat because by now the bullets were going through [the boat] and out the other side. If I wanted to get about I had to crawl on my hands and knees and I was lucky nothing came through at my level. We couldn’t get in [to the objective] and all of a sudden the 169

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 wounded started coming down. By then all our guns had jammed and most of the other ships were on fire. ML 446 managed to collect a number of wounded commandos from the area of the Old Mole, but in doing so sustained a number of hits, which resulted in all of the men she had on board being transferred to the destroyer HMS Atherstone; ML446 was then scuttled. MGB 314 was part of the ‘Special Operations’ Flotilla, that was stationed at Dartmouth. Prior to St Nazaire the vessel had been used in a number of clandestine operations by Naval Intelligence. At St Nazaire, as the lead vessel, the operation was never going to be an easy one. With crew and other military personnel on board, MGB 314, was carrying. thirty-two people. Having landed the personnel that she needed to, the rest of her time was spent helping other vessels of the raiding party as best she could in a number of ways, but having been hit numerous times, her crew had no other option but to abandon her and put her out of action once and for all. Out of the seventeen motor launches, including MGB 314 and MTB 74 who had been part of the raiding party, only three, ML 160, ML 307 and ML 443, made it back to England.

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Chapter Fifteen

Raymond Couraud

Operation Gaff was a plan to assassinate and/or capture German Field Marshal Erwin Rommel. To this end, a six man unit of Special Air Service commandos were parachuted in to Orleans, some 120 kilometres south west of Paris, in German occupied France on Tuesday 25 July 1944. The location of Rommel’s headquarters was the chateau of the Dukes de la Rochefoucauld in the village of La Roche-Guyon, situated in northern France. Three days after they had arrived they discovered Rommel had in fact been badly injured when his staff car had been strafed by Allied aircraft on 17 July, making their plan redundant. The man in charge of the six specially trained assassins who had been sent to capture or kill Rommel, was SAS Captain, Jack William Raymond Lee. His actual name was Raymond Couraud, a Frenchman, soldier and gangster, who because of his wartime exploits became a highly decorated, and extremely capable member of the French section of Britain’s Special Air Service. Interesting as this may be, the obvious question here, is what on earth does this have to do with Operation Chariot and the raid on St Nazaire on 28 March 1942. The connection is that Raymond Couraud, or Jack William Raymond Lee, which ever you prefer, took part in that operation. Couraud was no ordinary soldier, or man for that matter. His military life had begun when he had enlisted in the French Foreign Legion two months after his eighteenth birthday on 19 March 1938. At that time, 18 was not old enough to enlist in the Foreign Legion, but having made up his mind about what he wanted to do he gave his date of birth as 12 January 1916, which made him 22 years of age, and old enough to be accepted as a Legionnaire. On 3 March 1940, on the successful completion of his basic training, he was posted to the Legion’s 5th Company of the 13th Brigade. 171

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 His first taste of active service was during the Battle of Narvik, which had begun on 9 April 1940, and continued for two months until 8 June. Couraud took to soldiering like a duck to water; he was a natural. It quickly became apparent that he was both brave and well suited to his chosen profession. During the battle his unit found themselves unable to move forward due to the presence of two determined German soldiers who were well ensconced in a defensive position higher up on a small cliff. Couraud, without hesitating, volunteered to go forward and attempt to deal with the two enemy combatants. He managed to get close enough to the two Germans to accurately throw a grenade, killing one of them and wounding the other. Couraud and his unit were then in a position to safely move forward. For his actions that day he was awarded the Croix de Guerre with palm. Intentionally or otherwise, this set the standard for the rest of his military career. On his return from Norway he once again found himself fighting the Germans, this time near Marseille with the French Army. By now it was July 1940, France had already surrendered with half of the country already occupied by the forces of Nazi Germany; what remained of the French Army was in tatters. It did not go well for his newly acquired French comrades, with most of them being either killed, wounded or captured. Couraud didn’t fancy the idea of becoming a prisoner of war, so he decided that he would continue fighting the Germans and would do this by making his way to England and join the Free French Forces, but within a matter of weeks he was captured and placed before a military tribunal, where he was acquitted and released. Initially, Couraud became a gangster of sorts, involved in the exportation and importation of illegal or hard-to-come-by goods, known at the time as the ‘black market’ or the ‘wartime economy’. He also became involved in a non-military group who had made it their ‘job’ to assist France’s intellectual class and artisans to escape Nazi occupation, either by walking them through the Pyrenees mountains into Spain, or smuggling them out of the country on board merchant cargo ships. One of those he helped escape was German Jewish physician and biochemist, Otto Fritz Meyerhof, who in 1922 had been awarded a Nobel Prize in the field of Physiology and Medicine. He had escaped from the clutches of the Nazi regime in 1938 and began a new life in Paris, but with their subsequent German occupation of France, he once again had to uproot himself and his family and start 172

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Raymond Couraud again. He arrived in America in 1940, where he took up a position at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. Couraud arrived in England on 12 October 1941, and enlisted in the Free French Forces, which was part of the French government in exile in London under the command of General Charles de Gaulle. Couraud’s variety of skills were put to good use straight away and he was posted to the Central Bureau of Intelligence and Operations, which would subsequently become the French Intelligence Service. He found himself working for Colonel Maurice Buckmaster who ran the French section of the Special Operations Executive. Between December 1941 and February 1942, he underwent a period of intense and specialist training, which involved such tasks as night time parachuting, and reconnaissance raids on French beaches which included those in the Loire-Atlantique region of France. Once he had successfully completed his training he was commissioned as a 2nd Lieutenant, under the new name of Jack William Raymond Lee. On 28 March 1942, Lieutenant 221062 Jack William Lee took part in the raid at St Nazaire, as a French liaison officer who was attached to No. 2 Commando, on board Motor Launch ML 447. The task set the commandos of ML 447 required them to be set down in the area of the port’s Old Mole, take out the German defensive positions located there, and then secure it to allow other Motor Launches to drop off their teams of commandos. Including Captain David Birney, there were a total of fifteen commandos on board ML 447. It most definitely did not go according to plan, with some of the commandos being wounded before they had even managed to disembark from their motor launch, because of the intensity of the machine gun fire unleashed at close quarters by the German defenders. Realising that the situation was becoming futile to continue, the officers of ML 447 took the decision to pull away from the Old Mole, by which time the wooden framed vessel was already on fire. Lee, along with the other surviving members of ML 447, were rescued by ML 160, who in turn was one of only three Motor Launches who were not destroyed in the raid, made it to the return rendezvous point where they met up with their escorting destroyers, making it back to England the following day. Nearly half of those who returned were wounded, Lee was one of them, having sustained gunshot wounds to both legs. On his return to England he was admitted to Falmouth Military Hospital to have his 173

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 wounds treated, where he spent nearly four months recovering from his injuries. He eventually returned to active service in August the same year, when he took part in a beach raid near Cannes on the French Riviera. Couraud’s somewhat maverick and cavalier attitude meant that he didn’t always see eye to eye with his senior officers. In part due to this, he was transferred to No. 62 Commando in January 1943, under the command of Colonel Bill Stirling, which then became 2nd Regiment SAS. Two months later Couraud was promoted to the rank of captain and became the commander of the newly formed 2 SAS French 2nd Squadron, and was involved in a number of subsequent commando operations. After having to abort the operation to kidnap or assassinate Rommel in July 1944, Couraud and his men made good their escape and eventually joined up with General Patton’s advancing American 3rd Army outside of Pontchartrain in the Ile de France region of France on 12 August 1944. But not before Couraud and his men had taken out their frustration at having their operation cancelled by attacking trains and German Army units. He left the British Army in December 1944, and became a member of the General Staff of the French Army in Paris. Couraud’s involvement in the raid on St Nazaire was the only time during his active service that he was wounded in action. A truly remarkable individual who had certainly played his part in ensuring that Nazi Germany was defeated

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Chapter Sixteen

Lance Sergeant 5344190 Richard ‘Dick’ Bradley

During the Second World War Lance Sergeant 5344190 Richard Bradley, served with the Royal Berkshire Regiment but also volunteered to serve as a commando. After having successfully completed training, most of which took place in Scotland, he was attached to No. 2 Commando. He was one of those who took part in the raid at St Nazaire on 28 March 1942, during which he was wounded. When the fighting had finished Bradley was one of those captured by the Germans and he spent the rest of the war as a PoW at the Stalag 344 camp, situated at Lamsdorf, Poland. He was subsequently awarded the Military Cross for his actions during the raid. I first came across the story of Richard Bradley while researching this book. It had been included on the BBC’s ‘WW2 People’s War Stories’ web site and had been submitted by his daughter, Monica Robinson, on 22 November 2005. It was his personal account of the part he played in the raid on St Nazaire, his subsequent capture and experiences as a prisoner of war, and his eventual escape from the German PoW camp, Stalag 344. I contacted the St Nazaire Society and was pleased to discover that they knew of the Bradley family and were able to put me in touch with Monica Robinson. Richard Bradley died on 26 February 2004 at the age of 89, before the BBC started gathering stories for their archive. Monica said that her father ‘would have been delighted to know that his story lives on’, and was happy for me to include his words here. To read the powerful and detailed first-hand recollection of someone who actually took part in the raid on St Nazaire is an honour and a privilege: In due course volunteers were needed for special service and so, on the last day of 1940, I found myself on the way to 175

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Paignton, in Devon, to join No. 1 Special Service Brigade. It was on the first day in Paignton, 1st January 1941, that I met Alf Searson who had also volunteered for special service. No. 1 Special Service Brigade was eventually formed into No.1 and No. 2 Commando. Alf Searson and I became members of No. 1 Troop, No. 2 Commando and by the middle of 1941 we were both Section Leaders in No. 1 Troop with the rank of Sergeant. The last six weeks of 1941, I spent at Achnacarry, Scotland, training new volunteers for the Commandos. Here I met Jimmy Brown who was one of the new intakes. He in due course went to No. 5 Commando. About the middle of February 1942, small units of different Commandos met at Rothsay, Scotland, for special demolitions training. From there half the party went for ten days to Cardiff Docks, the other half to Southampton Docks, and then vice versa, laying demolition charges on all parts of the docks, day and night, until we could almost do it blindfold. Here I came across Jimmy Brown again and I introduced him to Alf Searson and we became great friends for a few days. All the demolition parties from the docks in Cardiff and Southampton left for Falmouth, in Cornwall, where we met up with a special assault party of No. 2 Commando, plus a number of naval forces. Our quarters were a pre-war converted cross channel steamer, waiting for us in the harbour. Also in the harbour were sixteen motor launches. Each motor launch, in addition to its naval crew, carried a small demolition and assault party of Commandos. Every day all sixteen motor launches went out to sea with the Commandos to exercise in glorious spring sunshine, but no one as yet had any idea what specific operation we were training. On Tuesday 24th March 1942, each demolition and assault group had to study a large scale model of a naval and U-boat dock. From then on we had no more contact with the mainland. On Wednesday 25th March, all commando units were addressed by Colonel Newman, in charge of the military forces for the operation, and told that the next day, 176

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Lance Sergeant 5344190 Richard ‘Dick’ Bradley 26th March, we would leave Falmouth soon after midday to attack the docks and U-boat harbour of St Nazaire at precisely 1.30 am on Saturday 28 March. The Raid on St Nazaire Our flotilla, leaving Falmouth at midday on 26th March, consisted of sixteen motor launches, one motor gunboat, and one old Yankee destroyer, Campbeltown by name. The Yankee destroyer was converted to look like a German Moewe Class destroyer, flying the German flag and loaded with five tons of high explosive. Our journey took us all Thursday afternoon and evening into the Atlantic and then in a wide half circle all day Friday towards the Loire estuary in the Bay of Biscay, where we arrived at midnight on Friday 27th March. Although Richard Bradley mentions that there were sixteen motor launches, there were, if one includes ML 341, the launch which had to return to Falmouth, along with the motor torpedo boat, MTB 74, actually sixteen motor launches, an MTB and a MGB, so eighteen in total. Keeping up our bluff with the German flag and German signals we got within two miles of the docks when our bluff came to a halt. Our German flag came down and the Ensign went up and all the guns from our flotilla went into action as well. At precisely 1.34 our destroyer rammed the Normandie dock as planned. Alf Searson and I were in motor launch number eleven, carrying about 60lbs of demolition charges in each rucksack. Bradley was in Motor Launch number eleven, which I believe is a reference ML 457. This was the only one of the raiding party launches which managed to drop its contingent of fifteen commandos off at the Old Mole. This group was made up of a demolition party whose job it was to place the demolition charges on pre-determined locations within the harbour. They were accompanied by a group of their comrades who were with them to provide for their security while they laid their charges. 177

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Although we made a perfect landing I didn’t get to our destination. On the way a bullet hit me in the chest, went through my lung and came out through my back below the shoulder blade. For a split second I thought that somebody had given me a push, then I could feel the warm blood running down my back and front and my knees giving way. Lt Watson, who was next to me, gave me a morphine injection, so what with that injection and the enormous loss of blood I began to lose consciousness, saying a prayer and thinking of my mother. Here begins my story as a prisoner of war. The second part of his story at St Nazaire is from just before he was captured and his time subsequently spent as a prisoner of war at a camp on the border of Czechoslovakia and Poland. Sometime later I seemed to be half-conscious as I felt myself being hit in the thigh. After that I could hear two commandos passing by, one shouting to the other, ‘Oh, he’s a goner.’ In my half sleepy state I agreed with them, feeling the blood still pouring from my chest and back. In due course I could hear two German soldiers near me, one saying to the other, ‘Dem Geb ich noch eine kugel im fall er einen streich an uns spielt’ da sagt der andere, ‘lass ihn doch, derist schon tod.’ In plain English one said, ‘I’m going to put a bullet through him, in case he plays a trick on us,’ so the other said, ‘Leave him alone, he’s dead.’ At first, one might be thinking how could a dying man who was drifting in and out of consciousness while still losing blood from his wounds, understand and remember what a passing German soldier had said to his colleague while deciding whether he was alive or dead. I had exactly the same thought until I read how Richard had, for nearly four years between 1926 and 1930, lived in Austria near Lake Constance, and attended a school run by Cistercian Monks. It was while there that he learned to speak, read and write German. It is strange how fate plays such a part in life. If the German soldier who wanted to shoot Richard Bradley had been on his own, it is more than 178

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Lance Sergeant 5344190 Richard ‘Dick’ Bradley likely he would have pulled the trigger on his rifle and ended Richard’s life there and then. Thankfully, because the other German soldier intervened, Richard survived, made it back to England, got married, had a family, and wrote these notes of his involvement in the raid. Sixty years later, his daughter, Monica, submitted them on the BBC’s ‘WW2 People’s War’ archive, and sixteen years after that I discover them and am able to include them in this book; a journey spanning some seventy-six years. I don’t think I ever kept so motionless in all my life. I don’t know how long I lay there, dead to the world, when I realised I was being picked up by two German Sanitateers (Medical Corps) and taken to an air raid shelter. Here I was given first aid by a French woman using the first aid kit which every soldier carried. The next thing I remember is lying on the pavement on Saturday morning with the other wounded waiting for transport to take us to an emergency hospital in la Baule, a French seaside resort roughly ten miles north of St Nazaire. This journey turned out to be a nightmare for me. We travelled in an open lorry on a very rough country road and I could feel the blood pouring out of my chest and back. I don’t know how I survived this journey. The human body is capable of replacing the plasma from one pint of blood within twenty-four hours. It takes four to six weeks for the body to completely replace the red blood cells from one pint of blood, according to the American Red Cross. New cells are formed in the bone marrow and transported through the bones to the bloodstream. Thankfully, the human body continues replacing its blood, non-stop, twenty-fours a day. We all landed in the dining hall of what must have been a large seaside hotel in better times. It was now Saturday afternoon, 28th March 1942. The medical staff were working overtime to see the wounded, both English and German. My turn to be looked after came next day, Sunday afternoon. The chest and back wounds were dressed and the thigh wound was operated on by cutting away large pieces of flesh. The injury was most likely caused by a piece of shrapnel. I did not have 179

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 any kind of injection for this operation and I did hear later that the Germans were very short of painkiller drugs, they didn’t have any for us or for their own wounded. That he was operated on, had bits of flesh cut away from one of his legs, without any kind of pain-killing medication, is incredible. Having already suffered the pain and trauma of receiving gunshot and shrapnel wounds, he also had to endure being operated on without pain relief. Time went by and very much to my surprise I was still alive a week later. There were no such things as blood transfusions or anything like that. On Easter Saturday we were taken to Rennes by hospital train and landed in a French prisoner of war camp. There we came under the care of French doctors. After a few days in Rennes I became very ill with a high temperature. The doctors sent me for an X-ray where they found a foreign body in my chest which looked like a bullet. I was informed that they would operate on me the same day. That was some operation! They laid me on the table in the kitchen and two huge Senegalese prisoners held me down, one on the feet and the other on the shoulders. The bullet hole was still there as it had not yet healed. The senior doctor had a very long thin pair of tweezers which he put in the bullet hole, trying to grab this object and pull it out, which he managed after a long period. This is incredibly more complicated than it sounds, because although the doctor needs a steady hand as he guides the tweezers along the bullet tract, he has to be careful not only in making sure that he does not cause any further damage to any organs, veins or arteries that the bullet passed through, but he also has to ensure that when he comes in contact with the offending bullet he does not accidentally push it in any further as he slowly opens the tweezers in an attempt at gripping it. The other aspect to consider is to ensure that in carrying out this procedure, any internal debris that might still be in the wound, such as material from the man’s uniform, is not pushed further in to the wound which would increase the risk of infection, especially if the entrance to the wound is subsequently stitched up. 180

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Lance Sergeant 5344190 Richard ‘Dick’ Bradley At this time I was fully conscious and had been given no anaesthetic whatever. I might add that these two doctors smoked non-stop while doing this, in my opinion, very serious operation. The only treatment I received after the operation was a course of M and B tablets. The Second World War was responsible in part for advancements in medical treatments in the area of infections. Although work in this field had been on-going throughout the 1930s, the war had certainly been a catalyst for the acceleration of this research. It had been in 1936 that ‘M+B’ was first produced by the firm May and Baker, a British chemical company founded by John May and William Gerrard Baker in Wandsworth, London in 1839. ‘M+B 693’ were the first effective sulphonamides that could be used for a variety of infections. It was used as a treatment for such things as sore throats, pneumonia and gonorrhoea. Later in the war an improvement of the original form of the drug came along and was simply called ‘M+B 760’, but both variants proved extremely effective as treatments against infections. However, the very nature of war meant that both treatments were needed in far greater quantities than during peacetime. Therefore, probably for the first time since the First World War, production of such medication was placed on a war footing so that sufficient supplies were produced. Winston Churchill was given ‘M+B 693’ to treat a bout of pneumonia in December 1943, and so impressed was he with its effectiveness that he announced: ‘This admirable ‘M+B’ from which I did not suffer any inconvenience, was used at the earliest moment and after a week’s fever the intruders were repulsed.’ It took the war to force companies such as May and Baker to develop a way of making the highly effective medicine on an industrial scale. Credit for this goes to Howard Florey and Ernst Chain, which resulted in many soldiers who had been wounded in combat having to be thankful to Florey, Chain and their team of researchers. For this research and achievement, Florey and Chain shared the Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine in 1945, along with Alexander Fleming for his research into and the discovery of antibiotics. 181

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 After this my condition improved but it took many months before I could take a deep breath. In the days before I was captured I was a great smoker so I asked the doctor if it would be alright to smoke, and he said, ‘Sure young man. You’ll then be able to see the smoke come out of your chest.’ I quite enjoyed those French cigarettes which we were able to get hold of now and again. Weeks went by and soon Whit Sunday was on the doorstep. My health and strength seemed to build up despite the hunger and frustration. Most of the other wounded had also made enough progress to be in a reasonably fit state to travel, so around Whitsun the journey began to a prisoner of war camp in Germany. [In 1942, Whit Monday was on 25 May.] The first stop was Paris where we had to change and walk to a different platform and news spread that we were British prisoners of war and in no time the French gave us cigarettes, cherries and other goodies. This happiness did not last long as we were not used to so many cherries and the after effects were awful. The journey Richard Bradley and his comrades had to endure lasted for nearly four days before they arrived at the German village of Westertimke in northern Germany, which is situated about thirty miles north of Bremen, a distance in total of more than 500 miles, which on today’s autobahns would take about nine hours. This was the location of the Marlag and Milag Nord camp, a naval prisoner of war and internment camp. Marlag is an acronym for Marinelager and Milag is short for Marine-Internierten-Lager. The journey to Westertimke took Bradley and his comrades through France, Belgium, the Nertherlands and Germany. All officers and men who were not wounded at St Nazaire were already there and it was a wonderful reunion, despite the tragic circumstances. There were members of the St Nazaire party in our compound which was surrounded with lots of barbed wire but very near some woods. Some of the men were hard at work digging a tunnel through which some of us hoped to escape in due course. One fine day we 182

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Lance Sergeant 5344190 Richard ‘Dick’ Bradley had news that there was an escape through a tunnel in the main camp. Because of this a search party arrived at our camp and that was the end of our tunnel. […] About this time, the German Commandant, Admiral Schurr, had ordered a special roll call for a personal inspection. When he arrived, Colonel Newman called us to attention and Admiral Schurr asked LieutenantCommander Beattie, commander of the Campbeltown, to step forward and he addressed him. ‘Commander Beattie, I have the honour to inform you that you have been awarded the Victoria Cross by his Majesty King George the Sixth.’ That certainly was a grand compliment by an enemy officer. Soon after this event we were gradually split up. The army officers went to Oflag, some ending up at the famous Colditz, most naval personnel stayed at Marlag und Milag. The rest, including myself, found their ultimate destination to be Stalag VlllB in Upper Silesia on the Czech-Polish border approximately sixty miles east of Breslau. It was while in a PoW camp in Rennes, France that Kapitanleutnant F.K. Paul of the German Kriegsmarine, bumped into the British Commander of the Commandos at St Nazaire, Lieutenant-Colonel Newman, and told him of the heroic actions of Sergeant Thomas Frank Durrant, which resulted in him being posthumously awarded the Victoria Cross. The journey to Stalag VlllB was in a very long cattle truck and very uncomfortable. The camp held between 40,000 and 50,000 prisoners of war plus thousands more in working parties attached to the camp. As you entered the camp you were deloused which included a hot shower, the only hot shower you ever had in Stalag VlllB. This huge camp was encircled with barbed wire about ten feet high. There were also six observation towers with a manned machine gun on each. In a camp of such size and housing so many men, sanitation was always going to be a problem. The toilets consisted of wooden boxes 183

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 with wooden lids on the seats. When these were lifted the smell was understandably foul and the excrement in the bottom was absolutely smothered with flies. The picture which that description conjures up is certainly not a pleasant one. The final part of Richard Bradley’s story about the beginning of his incarceration ends with a link between the raid he was involved in at St Nazaire and the subsequent disastrous British commando and Allied forces raid at Dieppe on 19 August 1942. In the immediate aftermath of the raid, the German High Command ordered that all commando prisoners at Stalag VlllB were to be tied up. To this end a contingent of SS troops arrived at the camp to ensure this was carried out, which was done with the string from Red Cross parcels. Bradley and his comrades remained tied up for seventy-two hours straight before they were untied. After that it lasted from six o’clock in the morning until six o’clock in the evening, and this went on for ten days before the string was replaced with lengths of 18-inch chains. On top of this the men were further punished by having their Red Cross parcels, cigarette rations and letters stopped for six weeks. Despite the men’s annoyance, they didn’t let on to the Germans about their drop in morale, they wouldn’t have given them the pleasure; after all, these men, including those who had carried out the raid at St Nazaire, were not men to be easily overcome.

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Conclusion

The raid on St Nazaire was without question extremely daring, and brave beyond belief. Looking at the details of the raid some eighty years after it took place, there may be some younger readers among you who will think how heroic it was; you would not be wrong. But in those times, now a bygone era, the ethos and attitude displayed by the men who planned and executed the raid on St Nazaire, was considered to be a normal trait among many British men, as it was for our Commonwealth cousins. It was their attitude, dedication to duty, commitment and willingness to sacrifice one’s self for the greater good if necessary, which to a greater degree got us through those dark and troubled times. These personality traits began at the top with Winston Churchill. I for one am convinced that if he had not been Prime Minister during the Second World War, the Allies would not have won. Not only that, but I also believe if somebody else had been in charge, they would have surrendered and Britain would have ultimately been subservient to Nazi Germany. Besides Winston Churchill, there were others who were cut from the same cloth, men who were an inspiration to others, innovative, and not afraid to take risks and push the boundaries. Many men deserve a place on such a list, but here are just a few of them. Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery, who saw victory in both North Africa and in Europe. Major-General Orde Wingate who created the Chindits, who carried out long range penetration patrols behind enemy lines during the Burma campaign of 1943–1944. Wing Commander Guy Gibson, VC, DSO & Bar, DFC & Bar, of the Royal Air Force, who completed more than 170 war time missions, and the Royal Navy’s well respected and more than capable, Lord Louis Mountbatten. Add to this list the 181 men who were awarded the Victoria Cross, and the thousands 185

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 more who awarded numerous other medals for bravery and valour, and it was clear that the nation was blessed with a sufficient number of brave individuals. They all had one thing in common, a tough mental attitude and a desire to find a way to get the job done, no matter what it took. As they saw it there was nothing that could not be achieved, it was more about how far a man was prepared to push himself and just how much he was ultimately prepared to sacrifice that made the difference. Mountbatten was appointed captain of the Royal Navy’s aircraft carrier, HMS Illustrious in August 1941, a posting with which he was extremely happy, but at the time the vessel lay at anchor in Norfolk, Virginia, undergoing repairs. In an attempt at trying to curb his frustration at not being able to get started in his new position, he took himself off to Pearl Harbor on the island of Oahu in Hawaii. This was in September 1941. He was actually quite shocked at the apparent lack of urgency and awareness, as he knew that historically Japan had started wars with surprise attacks. During his return to Norfolk, Virginia, he received a telegram from the Prime Minister Winston Churchill ordering him to return to the UK immediately. Mountbatten was not impressed with having lost the command of HMS Illustrious, especially as he never got to actually serve on her at sea. At their subsequent first meeting at his official country residence, Winston Churchill spoke with Mountbatten prior to appointing him as the new head of Combined Operations. During the meeting Churchill informed him that it was his job ‘to be offensive, train for the offensive, work out the craft, the equipment, the tactics, the administration, and everything else needed to initiate and sustain the offensive’. There is not a single negative comment in that statement. There is no waffle, what ifs, maybes or can’t dos. It is simply about having a positive attitude and getting the job done. Somewhat ironically in the circumstances, Mountbatten’s predecessor Roger Keyes had been unceremoniously side-lined because some of his ideas were considered to be a step too far outside the accepted military tactics of the day, which in essence was exactly what Mountbatten was being asked to do. In Operation Chariot, the raid on St Nazaire was so far outside the parameters of military tactics as they were at the time, most senior officers would not have dared come up with such an idea; the results at 186

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Conclusion St Nazaire, however, show just what could be achieved with an ‘outside the box’ kind of thinking, the right leader and a dedicated group of officers and men who were prepared, willing and capable of turning an audacious plan into a reality. It was almost an old fashioned ‘derring-do’ British way of getting things done, no matter what it took. The raid at St Nazaire was an outstanding achievement which impacted greatly on Britain’s war effort. It was a feat which undoubtedly not only kept the nation in the war, but also helped in the final victory and the defeat of the evil that was Nazi Germany. But to many of us, the manner in which it was achieved was not a surprise. For detailed information about the raid on St Nazaire and the men who took part in it, the following websites, all of which make for compelling reading, are well worth a look. www.commandoveterans.org www.st-nazaire-raid.co.uk www.cfv.org www.operation-chariot.org

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Sources

www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar www.feldgrau.com www.nationalarchive.org www.homeusers.prestel.co.uk www.cwgc.org www.ancestry.co.uk www.commandoveterans.org www.uboat.net www.britishnewspaperarchives.co.uk Arthur, Max, Forgotten Voices of the Second World War: (2005) British Army Casualty Lists. British Prisoners of War, 1939–1945. London Gazette. Special thanks also to Monica Robinson for her permission to use the words of her father, Richard Bradley.

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Biography

Stephen is a very happily retired police officer having served with Essex Police as a constable for thirty years between 1983 and 2013. His wife, Tanya, is also his best friend. Both his sons, Luke and Ross, were members of the armed forces, collectively serving five tours of Afghanistan between 2008 and 2013. Both were injured on their first tour. This led to his first book; Two Sons in a Warzone – Afghanistan: The True Story of a Fathers Conflict, which was published in October 2010. Both of his grandfathers served in and survived the First World War, one with the Royal Irish Rifles, the other in the Mercantile Navy, while his father was a member of the Royal Army Ordnance Corp during and after the Second World War. Stephen corroborated with one of his writing partners, Ken Porter, on a book published in 2012, German POW Camp 266 – Langdon Hills. It spent six weeks as the number one best-selling book in Waterstones, Basildon, in 2013. They later collaborated on four books in the Towns & Cities in the Great War series by Pen and Sword, for which Stephen has written other titles independently. In 2017 The Surrender of Singapore – Three Years of Hell 1942-45 was published. This was followed in March 2018 by Against All Odds: Walter Tull – The Black Lieutenant. October 2018 saw the publication of Animals in the Great War, and in January 2019, A History of the Royal Hospital Chelsea, 1682-2017: The Warriors Repose. These last two books were written with his wife, Tanya. March of the same year saw the publication of Disaster before D-Day: Unravelling the Tragedy of Slapton Sands. Mystery of Missing Flight F-BELV, which includes the personal story of the death of his uncle during the Vietnam war, was published alongside City of London at War, 1939–45 in March 2020, followed by Holocaust: The Nazis’ Wartime Jewish Atrocities in April. In June 2020, Churchill’s Flawed Decisions: 189

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Errors in Office of the Greatest Britain, was published, and this was followed by The Rise & Fall of Imperial Japan, and Countering Hitler’s Spies: British Military Intelligence, 1940–1945. Stephen has co-written three crime thrillers which were published between 2010 and 2012 featuring a fictional detective protagonist named Terry Danvers. When he is not writing, Stephen enjoys the simplicity of going out for a morning coffee with his wife and walking their four German Shepherd dogs early while most sensible people are still fast asleep in their beds.

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Index

Brookwood 1939-1945 Memorial, 108–109, 146–8, 151–7 Brown, Sergeant Louis Walter, 105 Buchanan, USS, 36 Burt, Lieutenant E.A., 70

Admiral Graf Spee, 7 Alexander, First Lord of the Admiralty, Mr A.V., 28, 98–9 Ambassador, Operation, 6 Arnold, Temporary Sub-Lieutenant Hugh Wilson, 70 Atherstone, HMS, 16, 18, 131, 133, 135, 142 Baratte, Mademoiselle Jacqueline, 117–18 Beattie, Lieutenant-Commander Stephen, 24–5, 27, 43, 47, 50, 54, 56, 81, 98–9, 111 Beattie, Rev. Ernest Halden, 54–5, 99 Bismarck, 3–4, 7, 38, 100 Bond, Temporary Lieutenant Thomas Wilson, 70 Boyd, Temporary Lieutenant Tom, 169 Bradley, Captain Elkin William ‘Bill’, 93 Bradley, Lance Sergeant Richard ‘Dick’, 175 Brett, MC, Captain Gerald, 118 Brocklesby, HMS, 17, 124, 128, 142–3

Campbeltown, 12, 14, 16–17, 19, 22–6, 29–30, 33, 36–40, 42–3, 49, 55–6, 67, 80–2, 86–7, 91–2, 98, 104, 107, 109–11, 115, 123, 126–31, 135, 137–8, 140, 159 Chariot, Operation, 6, 29–30, 118–19, 128, 130 Chatham Naval Memorial, 159–62, 164–5 Claymore, Operation, 6 Clegg, Temporary Sub-Lieutenant Leo Anthony, DSC, 70, 96 Cleveland, HMS, 17, 124–5, 128, 142–3 Collar, Operation, 6 Conspicuous Gallantry Medal, 71–2 Copland, Major William Oranmore, DSO, 70 Couraud, Raymond, 171–4

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ST NAZAIRE RAID, 1942 Denmark Strait, Battle of, 3, 7 Distinguished Service Cross, 70–1 Distinguished Service Medal, 72–3 Durrant, Sergeant Thomas Frank, 47, 50–4, 57, 109, 183 Eckman, William John, 105 Escoublac-la-Baule War Cemetery, 107–108, 146–9, 151–7, 159–64, 166–8 Falmouth (Harbour), 16, 21, 91, 95, 120, 177 Forbes, GCB, DSO, Sir Charles Morton, 17, 123, 128 Gilling, Mr Edward ‘Ted’, 90, 92, 94–5, 97, 168 Gneisenau, 28–9 Haighton, Sub-Lieutenant Sam Preston, 101–102, 137 Harrington, Corporal Jack, 116 Hilpert, Generaloberst Carl, 31 Holman, Mr Gordon, 90 Howarth, Lance Sergeant Arnold, 118–19 Keibling, Kapitanleutnant Gerb, 125 Kellerman, Korvetenkapitan, 46 Kelly, Private Francis, 105 Keyes, Roger, 9 Le Croisic, 19 Lee, Captain Jack William Raymond, 171, 173

Lindermann, Kapitan zur See, Otto Ernst, 4 London Gazette, 41, 67, 100, 123, 128, 166, 169 Lovegrove, Chief Petty Officer, 120 Marine Artillerie Abteilung 280 Unit, 20 Mecke, Kaptain zur See Karl-Conrad, 21–2, 144–5 Mentioned in Despatches, 73–7 Milne, Private Robert, 105 Montgomery, MC, Captain R.K., 30, 42 Motor Gun Boat 314, 170 Motor Launch, 13 156, 168 160, 169–70 177, 159 192, 160 262, 160 267, 161 268, 162 270, 168 298, 163 306, 163 307, 168, 170 341, 177 443, 168–9 446, 169–70 447, 164, 173 Motor Torpedo Boat 74, 158, 163, 170, 177 Naval Flak Brigade, 45 Newman, Lieutenant-Colonel, Augustus Charles, 23, 47–50, 52, 57, 82–3, 85–6, 111, 116, 183 192

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Index Normandie Dry Dock, 2, 10, 20, 24–5, 31, 41, 46 O’Leary, Wireless Operator Thomas, 169 Oughtred, Lieutenant Neil, 102–103

Scharnhorst, 28–9 Speer, Albert, 31 Stalag 344, 175 Sturgeon, HMS, 18, 135 Swayne, Lieutenant Ronald Oliver Carless, 51–2, 103–104

Pike, Acting Leading Signalman, Seymour Charles, 40–1 Platt, Temporary Lieutenant, Thomas Douglas Laverick, DSO, 69, 106, 169 Plymouth Command, 17 Plymouth Naval Memorial, 158–63, 165–8 Portsmouth Naval Memorial, 109, 158–9, 162–3, 166–8 Princess Josephine Charlotte, HMS, 14 Purdon, Lieutenant Corran William Brooke, MC, 29–30, 104–105, 118

Tirpitz, 7–8, 24, 26, 32, 38, 98, 100, 114, 123 Todt, Organisation, 25 Tucker, Private Roland, 102–103 Tynedale, HMS, 16, 18, 124–5, 131–3, 135, 142

Roy, Captain D.W., DSO, 70 Ryder, Captain Robert Edward Dudley, 47, 57, 59–60, 65–6, 68, 85, 111, 116, 123, 128

Wallace, Lieutenant Norman Arthur Kingsley, 92, 95 Williamson, Sub-Lieutenant J.A.G., 96 Wynn, Sub-Lieutenant Robert Charles Michael, DSC, 19, 119–21

Savage, Able Seaman William Alfred, 47, 57–65

U-593, 17, 125–6, 133 Vanderwerve, Lieutenant J.E., 106, 109 Verity, Temporary Lieutenant Reginald, 169 Vivid, Operation, 12, 15

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