Sounds of Life : Music, Identity and Politics in Zimbabwe [1 ed.] 9781443888561, 9781443886772

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Sounds of Life

Sounds of Life: Music, Identity and Politics in Zimbabwe Edited by

Fainos Mangena, Ezra Chitando and Itai Muwati

Sounds of Life: Music, Identity and Politics in Zimbabwe Edited by Fainos Mangena, Ezra Chitando and Itai Muwati This book first published 2016 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2016 by Fainos Mangena, Ezra Chitando, Itai Muwati and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-8677-7 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-8677-2

In Memory of Kudakwashe Shane Sambo, a friend and fellow academic who also made a contribution in this volume but could not wait to see the fruits of his sweat, as God, the almighty, had called him. Friend, we miss you. May your soul rest in eternal peace. Our thoughts are with you and your family. We value the contribution you made to this volume.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ..................................................................................... x Introduction ................................................................................................ xi Navigating the Interstices of Music, Identity and Politics in Zimbabwe Fainos Mangena, Ezra Chitando and Itai Muwati Part I: Music and Gender Chapter One ................................................................................................. 2 Zvakaoma Kuva Munhu WeMurume (It is tough to be a Man): Selected Zimbabwean Musicians on the Burdens of Masculinity Ezra Chitando Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 19 Opportunities and Challenges of Female Musicians in Zimbabwe Charity Manyeruke Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 34 Gospel Music in Zimbabwe: Selected Women’s Voices Tapiwa Praise Mapuranga Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 50 Towards Loving Gender Relations: Oliver Mtukudzi’s Wagona Fani Anna Chitando Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 66 Zimbabwean Women in Music: A Catalogue Fred Zindi Chapter Six ................................................................................................ 80 ‘John Rawls in Zimbabwe’: A Reflection on Leonard Zhakata’s Call for Distributive Justice Fainos Mangena

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Chapter Seven............................................................................................ 98 “Threatened Nation, Unfinished Nation”: Discourses of Nation in Contemporary Zimbabwean Music Ngonidzashe Muwonwa Chapter Eight ........................................................................................... 114 Sounds of “Death”: The Adaptation of Madzviti-Muchongoyo Music in Silencing Dissenting Voices in Chipinge (Manicaland-Zimbabwe, 2002-2008) Godfrey Museka, Darmarris Kaguda and Onias Matumbu Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 127 ‘When Propaganda Boomerangs’: The Case of Third Chimurenga Music Visuals Kudakwashe Shane Sambo, Nehemiah Chivandikwa and Kelvin Chikonzo Chapter Ten ............................................................................................. 145 Music as a Contested Terrain in the Dynamics of Politics in Zimbabwe Oswell Hapanyengwi-Chemhuru Chapter Eleven ........................................................................................ 165 Chimurenga Liberation Songs and Dances as Sites of Struggle to Counter Rhodesian Discourse: A Postcolonial Perspective Samuel Ravengai Chapter Twelve ....................................................................................... 182 ‘Violations’ of The Chimurenga Genre in the Music of the Mbare Chimurenga Choir Kelvin Chikonzo, Joel Nyimai and Kudakwashe Shane Sambo Part III: Gospel Music, the Urban Grooves and Politics Chapter Thirteen ...................................................................................... 196 “You shall know them by their names”: A Sociolinguistic Approach to Gospel Music Groups’ Nomenclature in the Shona Society of Zimbabwe Pedzisai Mashiri and Zvinashe Mamvura

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Chapter Fourteen ..................................................................................... 213 The Politicisation of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe’s Crisis Years, 2000-2010 Bridget Chinouriri Chapter Fifteen ........................................................................................ 232 The Urban Grooves as a Music Genre for Zimbabwean Youths: An Analysis Francis Machingura Part IV: Music and Identity Chapter Sixteen ....................................................................................... 248 Voices from Below: Ethnicity and Marginality in Lovemore Majaivana’s Album, “Isono Sami” Zifikile Gambahaya and Itai Muwati Chapter Seventeen ................................................................................... 264 Music, Hunhu/Ubuntu and Identity in Zimbabwe: Unpacking Leonard Zhakata and Oliver Mtukudzi’s Messages Fainos Mangena Chapter Eighteen ..................................................................................... 279 Music and Ethnicity in “a Primitive Society”: A Case Study of Ndebele Wedding Songs Lickel Ndebele and Progress Dube Contributors ............................................................................................. 288

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We would like to take this opportunity to thank the University of Zimbabwe leadership for creating an environment that enabled us to produce this volume. We also would like to thank the contributors to this volume who, despite coming from diverse academic backgrounds, managed to produce solid and well thought-out essays. To our technical editor, Mr. Thomas W Gama, and our proof reader, Dr. JD McClymont, we say: this volume would not have been without your interventions. We thank you.

INTRODUCTION NAVIGATING THE INTERSTICES OF MUSIC, IDENTITY AND POLITICS IN ZIMBABWE FAINOS MANGENA, EZRA CHITANDO AND ITAI MUWATI

Music is as old as humanity. It is one of the many creative undertakings that provide humanity with a ‘second handle to reality.’ It permeates every aspect of human existence and, in the process, reveals connections with the abiding search for meaning in life. The deathless incantatory submission by Milton Obote, the first Ugandan President, that ‘the soul of a nation is to be found in the temple of its literature and arts’ (cited in p’Bitek, 1986:vi) expresses this profound truth. In the Zimbabwean experiential matrix where there have been protracted contestations of nation, identity and politics, music has furnished an important discursive thread, and a platform for illuminating national realities. The numerous struggles for identity, nation and politics have found articulation through music. Zimbabwe’s political history, for instance, is infested with impeccable operationalisations of music in contouring and re-contouring, configuring and reconfiguring nation, politics, and identity. Remarkably, the Zimbabwean experience bears testimony to increasing predilections for top-down renditions of music in a context that is largely epitomised by subaltern compositions. This polarised landscape creates a scenario in which the composition, production, dissemination and ownership of music becomes a highly contested terrain. From about 2000, when the economy witnessed major convulsions, the state, led by the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF), intensified its commitment to produce and control music. This was part of the many control mechanisms intended to construct and foster a state-centred discourse. Similarly, the opposition, represented by the Movement for Democratic Change - Tsvangirai (MDC-T) party invested in music as part of popularising its own brand of politics. On the other

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hand, some of the artists representing the voice of the majority also raised public concerns through music. The contestations over the control and production of music make this volume quite ground breaking. It is redolent of the numerous possibilities and positionalities that music offers and assumes in Zimbabwean polity. For instance, in the run up to the 2008 harmonised elections in Zimbabwe, the late Elliot Manyika of ZANU PF used his music to drum up support for his party, and Paul Madzore of the MDC-T also used his music to criticise the policies of ZANU PF, while at the same time trying to improve the political fortunes of his MDC-T party. In the period leading up to the 2013 harmonised elections, many other musicians and musical groups who sympathised with ZANU PF, as well as those who sang in support of the party’s Indigenisation and Empowerment and Land Reform policies, while musicians and musical groups sympathetic to the MDC-T sang in support of MDC-T’s economic policies, which were summarised under what the party called Jobs, Upliftment, Investment, Capital and the Environment (JUICE). Some of the musical groups that quickly come to mind are Mbare Chimurenga choir and the youthful Born Free Crew, among others. While musicians with a political inclination have made the most noise, it is important to acknowledge that the period between 2000 and 2013 – which is the period under review – has also seen many musicians and musical groups without any political inclination coming to the fore to sing about the daily struggles of Zimbabwe. The unique figuration of this book resides not only in the intersection between music and politics, but more significantly, it interrogates the various ways in which music changed identity discourse in Zimbabwe. As we sample musicians and musical groups in this volume, we are very much aware that every musical genre can be used to disseminate political and identity messages to its listeners; hence the inclusion of secular music known in Zimbabwe as Museve and Gospel music, as well as the Urban Grooves genre of music.

The Chapters in this Volume The first set of chapters focus on gender constructions in Zimbabwean music. It privileges gender and devotes considerable space to this key theme, for the simple reason that gender has become a topical issue in contemporary Zimbabwean society. Chapter one by Ezra Chitando probes the often narrowly conceived subject of gender. It vectors the discussion in a manner that allots discursive space to the man. One can try to label it as some kind of reverse discourse on mainstream perspectives on gender.

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Focusing on what he calls the “patriarchal burden”, as opposed to the “patriarchal dividend”, Chitando demonstrates the vulnerable state of patriarchy in performance zones that are often associated with “winning” masculinities. In highlighting the burdens that men face in their day-to-day lives, Chitando cites Silberschmidt (2005: 195), who argues that: “Patriarchy does not mean that men only have privileges, patriarchy also means that men have many responsibilities.” Charity Manyeruke, in chapter two, observes that apart from gender stereotyping orchestrated by patriarchy in Zimbabwe, women cannot make it in music because of social, economic and biological obstacles. Such obstacles include societal attitudes that promote anything male and discourage anything female, a view of marriage which restricts a woman to the kitchen, as well as the natural processes of childbearing and care. The few women who escape from this yoke of patriarchy and pursue music find it difficult as, in most cases, they fail to procure music equipment because of gender stereotypes. In chapter three, Tapiwa Praise Mapuranga builds on the theme of women in Zimbabwean music as she offers a critical discussion of the positive imaging of women in Zimbabwe’s gospel music. Like Manyeruke, she argues that patriarchy has inhibited women’s ability to participate in public spaces as musicians or dancers in Zimbabwe. Those women who have braved the storm have oftentimes been labeled as “stray”, “loose”, and “dangerous”, among other negative labels. Despite this challenge, Mapuranga argues that female gospel musicians have managed to navigate these constricting spaces and have contributed immensely to the liberation of women in Zimbabwe. Anna Chitando’s contribution, “Towards Loving Gender Relations: The Case of Oliver Mtukudzi’s Wagona Fani,” is the volume’s fourth chapter. The chapter critically looks at music as a site of gender struggles, with a particular focus on the music of Mtukudzi, an internationally renowned musician. The chapter gives a vibrant demonstration of the way in which music has exposed the everyday struggles of married women of African descent in their fight for gender emancipation. In the search for workable solutions, Chitando appeals to both feminism and Africana womanism. It is clear in Chitando’s mind that while feminism is a Western-based gender theory, Africana womanism is an African-centred gender theory. With particular reference to Africana womanism and Mtukudzi’s Wagona fani (You have done so well), Chitando argues that the song reveals Mtukudzi’s unwavering commitment to the birth of a society where both men and women lead a mutual and complementary existence.

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In chapter five, Fred Zindi, a long time researcher and critic of Zimbabwean music, concurs with the views expressed in the earlier chapters by highlighting the impact of patriarchal ideologies on the marginalisation of women. He describes how women occupy peripheral positions in the music industry. Relying, to a larger extent, on personal experience, Zindi proffers a very penetrating and informative account into the careers of some women who have risen to prominence in the music sector. He creatively manipulates his personal experience and thorough knowledge of the sector to capture the multiple struggles that women continue to undergo in order for them to be accepted as legitimate cultural workers in Zimbabwe. The next set of chapters focuses on the appropriation of secular music in national politics. Chapter six by Fainos Mangena is a philosophical discussion of Leonard Zhakata’s music and its implications on the theme of distributive justice. The chapter draws parallels between Zhakata’s music and renowned British philosopher John Rawls’ theory of justice (1971), which is premised on the idea that national resources must be shared in a manner that benefits the least advantaged group of the citizenry. The chapter samples four albums from Zhakata. The sampled albums, which are Maruva enyika (Flowers of the World), Pakuyambuka (When Crossing the River), Mubikira (Catalyst) and Gotwe (Last Born), demonstrate Zhakata’s commitment to the theme of justice, particularly distributive justice. Thus, the chapter argues that Zhakata’s music is profoundly philosophical. Chapter seven by Ngonidzashe Muwonwa focuses on “singing” the nation, and it looks at how Zimbabweans began to use music to “imagine” the configurations of the nation in the period from 1999 to 2008. The chapter defends the argument that, during the period under review, the production, consumption, and distribution of music – in its various genres – carried symbolic weight and reflected different conceptions of nationhood and national identity. This symbolic weight reflected specific historical and political circumstances of its actors. The chapter also exposes the intersection between the public and official portrayal of the nation. In chapter eight, Godfrey Museka, Darmarris Kaguda and Onias Matumbu examine the deployment of traditional music, drums, and dance by ZANU PF in its quest to lure people to vote for its candidates from 2002 to 2008. The authors argue that ZANU PF adopted and adapted tradition in the form of Madzviti-Muchongoyo as cultural resources for political mobilisation in a context beset by vigorous and violent political

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contestations. In order not to overgeneralise, they confine their findings to Manicaland province. Chapter nine, by the late Kudakwashe Shane Sambo, Nehemiah Chivandikwa, and Kelvin Chikonzo, is an interrogation of the Third Chimurenga musical genre, and how it has been used as propaganda to defend the status quo. The chapter begins by tracing the history of Chimurenga music in Zimbabwe, showing how this type of music has undergone various changes in response to the political and economic dynamics of the country. The chapter is well thought-out and thoroughly critical. In chapter ten, Oswell Hapanyengwi-Chemhuru interrogates the historical role of music in the political and social development of the nation of Zimbabwe. For Hapanyengwi-Chemhuru, both those in leadership positions, and those who are governed to advance their interest, use music in Zimbabwe as a vehicle. Chapter eleven by Samuel Ravengai uses postcolonial theory to discuss the Chimurenga musical genre. In so doing, the chapter discusses the interconnection of indigenous cultural texts with occidental cultural forms, showing how these texts have resisted a specific form of colonial discourse, herein called Rhodesian discourse. Ravengai argues that while Chimurenga songs and dances have responded to Rhodesian discourse by appropriating occidental cultural forms, they have refused to be wholly assimilated, as seen by the keying in of indigenous cultural texts and forms through the agency of guerrillas and the masses, in both training camps and operational war zones. In chapter twelve, Kelvin Chikonzo, Joel Nyimai, and the late Kudakwashe Shane Sambo, delineate the borders of Chimurenga music with a view to ascertain whether recent offerings of this brand of music by the Mbare Chimurenga choir confirm or disrupt this generic regime. The chapter compares previous versions of Chimurenga music with the songs of the Mbare Chimurenga choir. In doing this, the chapter is alive to the fact that attempts to discern the generic regime of Chimurenga music are bedevilled by a number of problems that are inherent in any classification system. In chapter thirteen, Pedzisai Mashiri and Zvinashe Mamvura focus on the nomenclatural dynamics of gospel music groups in Zimbabwe. They trace the use of nomenclature as the modus operandi for expressing particular views about the world. They argue that names have been operationalised as symbolic expressions and articulations of social, spiritual, economic, and political dynamics. Similarly, names provide an

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effective way to better comprehend the mission and thought system of gospel music groups in Zimbabwe. Bridget Chinouriri, in chapter fourteen, portrays gospel music as the fastest growing musical genre in Zimbabwe, as well as an important aspect of Zimbabwe’s social and political furniture. Chinouriri argues that gospel music, just like other musical genres in Zimbabwe, has undergone a paradigm shift by assuming a dual character. The dual character manifests itself in the manner in which it at once addresses spiritual and secular matters. For instance, apart from addressing spiritual matters, gospel musicians became major voices relating to the socio-political dynamics of Zimbabwe’s Fast Track Land Reform Programme of 2000. While most of the musicians and musical groups discussed so far in this volume belong to the Chimurenga, Gospel, and Museve genres, there is a certain kind of musical genre by Zimbabwean youths that emerged in the new millennium called the Urban Grooves, which was, and still remains, a fusion of Museve and R’n’B music. In chapter fifteen, Francis Machingura helps us to discuss this type of musical genre in detail. In particular, he looks at the manner in which this fledgling genre, which is mainly popular among the youth, contributes to identity-making and identity-formation dynamics in Zimbabwe. His argument is that identity making is not unrelated to music and various narratives. For him, the Urban Grooves music has contributed immensely to the shaping of youth identity in the post-2000 era. In chapter sixteen, Zifikile Gambahaya and Itai Muwati focus on Lovemore Majaivana, a prominent musician of Ndebele origin. In their discussion, they reveal ethnicity as a critical existential code in identity formation and politics in Zimbabwe. They argue that despite his burgeoning popularity in and outside Zimbabwe, Majaivana remains largely marginalised due to his ethnic identity. Majaivana sings about this marginalisation in most of his albums. Commenting on the marginalisation of the Ndebele people, Hadebe (2001: 16) remarks that: “The Ndebele people’s history, philosophy and world-view have been neglected in mainstream history.”

Gambahaya and Muwati argue that this marginalisation finds unalloyed revelation in an album titled, “Isono Sami”, which the authors operationalise as a revelation of the skewed ethnic terrain in contemporary Zimbabwe. Chapter seventeen by Fainos Mangena provides an exploration into the notions of hunhu/ubuntu and identity, as portrayed in the music of two legendary Zimbabwean musicians: Leonard Zhakata and Oliver Mtukudzi.

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Thus, through listening to Zhakata and Mtukudzi’s messages, one gets to know that community needs are more important than individual needs, and that the benefits and burdens of society must be shared. Commenting on the importance of ubuntu in identity constructions, E.K Yamamoto (1997) remarks that: “Ubuntu is the idea that no one can be healthy when the community is sick. Ubuntu says ‘I am human only because you are human. If I undermine your humanity, I dehumanize myself.’”

Chapter eighteen by Lickel Ndebele and Progress Dube discusses the role of Ndebele music in the construction of the Ndebele identity. The discussion unravels through the analyses of Ndebele wedding songs, which are cast as a repository of Ndebele identity. The argument is that Ndebele songs provide a window into the Ndebele philosophy of life. Ndebele and Dube begin their discussion by defining ethnicity and primitive society in order to foreground their thesis. The chapter relies on the work of prominent historian Sabelo-Gatsheni Ndlovu (2003) to define Ndebele ethnic constructions.

Conclusion Music accompanies individuals from the cradle to the grave (and, in the case of traditional spirituality, back to life in ancestral form). It is because of its importance in the lives of the people that music plays a critical role in identity formation. For this reason, the chapters in this volume have examined the deployment of music during a significant phase in Zimbabwe’s history. The volume has argued that as the political and economic situation in Zimbabwe has worsened, music was used to accomplish multiple roles. It was deployed to placate citizens who had become tired of queuing up for basic commodities. It was appropriated to celebrate ruling party politicians inasmuch as it was an instrument of generating hope and excitement among opposition activists. Music was used to galvanise men who had become weary of working for little pay, and to motivate women who had continued to pray for the salvation of the nation. Thus, the chapters in this volume confirmed the centrality of music in understanding the highly complex construction called “Zimbabwe.”

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References Hadebe, S. “The Songs of Lovemore Majayivana and Ndebele Oral Literature”. In African Oral Literature: Functions in Contemporary Contexts, 16-20, edited by R Kaschula (Claremont, South Africa: New Africa Books, 2001). Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. “Dynamics of Democracy and Human rights among the Ndebele people of Zimbabwe, 18-18- 1934.” (PhD diss., Harare: University of Zimbabwe, 2003). p’Bitek, O. Artist the Ruler: Essays on Arts, Culture and Values. Nairobi: Heinemann, 1986 Rawls, J. A Theory of Justice. London: Oxford University Press, 1971 Silberschmidt, Margrethe. “Poverty, Male Disempowerment, and Male Sexuality: Rethinking Men and Masculinities in Rural and Urban East Africa,” in Lahoucine Ouzgane and Robert Morrell, eds., African Masculinities: Men in Africa from the Late Nineteenth Century to the Present. Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2005 Yamamoto, E.K. “Race Apologies.” Journal of Gender, Race and Justice, Vol. 1(1997): 47-88

PART I: MUSIC AND GENDER

CHAPTER ONE ZVAKAOMA KUVA MUNHU WEMURUME (IT IS TOUGH TO BE A MAN): SELECTED ZIMBABWEAN MUSICIANS ON THE BURDENS OF MASCULINITY EZRA CHITANDO

Introduction The notion of the patriarchal dividend (Connell 1995) has received considerable attention in scholarly discourses on masculinity. This concept refers to the benefits that men enjoy by virtue of being men. These benefits include the tendency to identify men with leadership positions in the home, family, institutions, and nations. This has led to the cliché: “It’s a man’s world.” However, there has been less focus on the patriarchal burden. Whereas the “patriarchal dividend” refers to the advantages that men enjoy, I am employing the concept of the “patriarchal burden” in this chapter to refer to the weight of expectations that men have under patriarchy. Being a man is not always about enjoying the privileges that come with masculinity, it is also about the burden that men carry by virtue of being men. Selected male Zimbabwean musicians have brought out the challenges of being men in their songs. In this chapter, I concentrate on music by James Chimombe, Leonard Dembo, and Oliver Mtukudzi. These artists have lamented the burdens that men have to carry simply because they are men. While patriarchy certainly bestows favours upon men, the same men are expected to live up to the ideals of “real men.” This is not easy, as the expectations surrounding a “real man” are burdensome. In this sense, then, men are as much victims of patriarchy as women are. In this chapter, I suggest that in order to ensure gender justice, men too must be liberated from patriarchy. I agree fully with Eunice Kamaara (2012: 301) when she

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recommends that “men and women have to work together as complementary agents for effective gender reconstruction and consequently for development.”

In Search of Hwitakwi (Big Men): An Overview of Shona Constructions of Masculinity In order to appreciate the lamentations of male Zimbabwean musicians, it is critical to understand the social construction of men in indigenous cultures. While this constitutes a broad area of study on its own, some salient features may be noted. First, a “real man” is associated with having the ability to defend his family and dependants. To a very large extent, this is associated with having an impressive physique. Having the appropriate physical stature marks off one as having the ability to defend one’s family and territory. The musician Kapfupi captures this vividly when the wife’s persona in the song, “Mai Nga” makes a distinction between a physically imposing “real man”, and a weakling. She retorts, “ava ndivo vanonzi varume ava! Kwete vakanyorwa pamatoireti” (This is a real man! Not the stick man painted on toilets). A physically imposing man is called hwitakwi in Karanga, a dialect of Shona. This concept conjures the image of a tough, fearless, and impressive man. A hwitakwi accomplishes manly tasks effortlessly. In sharp contrast to a hwitakwi is a siri (weakling). A siri is a man devoid of the critical masculine trait of physical strength. A siri is weak, effeminate, and soft (kuvota/kuwota). As Williams (2010: 140) argues in relation to Roman homosexuality, “softness is the antithesis of masculinity” (italics in original). A siri, therefore, represents all that is lacking in a “real man.” In fact, a siri remains a boy, as he does not graduate into manhood on the basis of his failure to embody the traits associated with manhood. As well as being able to defend one’s family from physical danger, a “real man” is expected to provide for his family, and others who may be in need. This is why traditionally successful farmers (hurudza) and outstanding hunters (hombarume) were celebrated members of the community. They were rated highly as they were able to support their families and other vulnerable members of the community. A man who could not provide for his household was not a “real man.” Such a man is “only a man in the absence of other real men” (murume pasina vamwe varume). Thus, “African cultures tell boys that their way to becoming men is by providing, protecting, and owning property” (MEW, 2008: xviii). A man confirms his manhood by getting married and having children. He must be heterosexual and contribute towards the growth of his lineage. Consequently, homosexuality is taboo, although some men do engage in

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homosexuality. Having children certifies one as a “real man.” On the other hand, childlessness is understood as a tragedy of immense proportions. Consequently, extreme measures, including the ritual of kupindira, where a male relative would clandestinely impregnate the wife of the infertile man, have been resorted to. According to Barker and Ricardo (2005: 3), “The cultural imperatives of achieving manhood in sub-Saharan Africa (and much of the world) include getting married or forming a family (or being sexually active), and becoming a provider or working.” Competence in the realm of sexuality is another distinguishing feature of masculinity. Boys grow up preoccupied with the size of their male organs. They use herbs, sympathetic magic – for example inserting the penis into a mumveve, which is a wild fruit with the shape of a human penis – and other strategies to try and elongate their penises. “Fertility tests,” such as detecting whether one’s semen floats or sinks, are undertaken in an effort to guarantee early detection of fertility challenges. Men are scared of infertility (Shoko, 2012: 99). Crucially, a “real man” is expected to provide maximum sexual satisfaction to his female partner/s. While missionary religions have introduced the “one man, one woman” concept, the phenomenon of “small houses” (mistresses) confirms the persistence of multiple concurrent sexual liaisons (see for example PACANet 2011). However, this is not unique to Zimbabwe, it is in keeping with the influence of patriarchy across the world. Thus: “…The powerful form of heterosexual manhood in many societies of the world is defined by men’s sexual prowess, as shown by the number of women with whom they have sex, the sexual attractiveness of their female partners, the claims about the number of ‘sexual rounds’ they can have with women, among other sexual games and concerns (Ratele 2011: 416).”

The trend in indigenous cultures has been to construct the man as the provider. Although women can assist him in this process, ultimately the task of ensuring the survival and thriving of the family unit is his responsibility. He is charged with leading and accomplishing administrative and religious duties at the family level. While colonialism and the attendant Western influences have had a notable impact on the construction of masculinity, the notion that the man has to have the capacity to provide for his family has remained firmly in place. “Baba” (father) is a concept that conjures images of authority, power, and provision. However, as I shall argue in this chapter, “hubaba” (fatherhood) also confers a lot of pressure on men. Thus, most men fail to live up to the expectations of their families and of society. This becomes more pronounced in times of severe socio-economic difficulties, such as

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those that Zimbabweans experienced from the late 1990s. The following passage identifies the core factors at play when men struggle with fatherhood: “One reason why many fathers don’t take up their fatherhood role is lack of resources. Poverty is the most important factor undermining the role of fatherhood and the involvement of fathers… Fathers who are unable to meet what they consider to be a father’s responsibility, to provide for their family, are more likely to deny or flee from the fatherhood role.” (Morrell 2006: 20)

Overall, Shona society respects men who are fit/strong in the holistic sense of being “strong” (varume vakasimba). Small boys and young men aspire to graduate into this category of men. Although they are few, they are taken as role models, as they meet the cultural expectations associated with manhood. On the other hand, society detests siri or “incomplete men.” The capacity to provide and lead is thus critical to the achievement of manhood. Paul Dover provides a detailed analysis of the fit/strong man (murume akasimba) among the Korekore in the Northeast of the Zimbabwean plateau (but also found on the Zambian side of the border). I cite him at considerable length below: “…The man of power is self-reliant, hardworking, and successful. He provides for all his family’s needs, and helps his kin. He does not show fear; he is always calm and decisive, slow to anger... He does not complain in hard times or show pain. He is generous, and people come to him for advice. The opposites of the man of power are the lazy man, the one who fears, fails, and falls, and the drunkard. Women can also be given the epithet akasimba, but this denotes a woman who, admirably, exhibits manly virtues.” (Dover 2005: 178)

Music: An Avenue for Crying Out Having outlined the characteristics associated with masculinity in Shona culture, in this section I proceed to summarise the role of music in enabling men to cry out when they struggle to live up to the ideals of masculinity. Music provides an opportunity for those who wish to communicate their struggles. Whereas men have been socially constructed as strong, creative, and effective, the reality is that they struggle to live up to the image that society has constructed. Men are not always able to provide for their families. The situation becomes more complicated in contexts of rapid social change and economic implosion. From the 1990s, Zimbabwe has been experiencing

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serious social and economic problems. Musicians such as Thomas Mapfumo, Leonard Zhakata, Andy Brown, Simon Chimbetu, and others have voiced their concerns by exploiting the artistic license that cultural workers enjoy. They have recorded protest music that has challenged political elites to become more sensitive to the plight of the majority. Alongside facilitating the expression of direct political sentiments, music is also strategic for communicating social struggles. Unfortunately, most music critics tend to focus on direct political commentaries by artists, at the expense of analysing the social dimension (see, for example, Palmberg 2004). Music provides a valuable opportunity for individuals and social groups to express their feelings. Zimbabwean female musicians, for example, have utilised music to protest against gender-based violence and the oppression of women (Makore, 2004 and Magosvongwe, 2008). However, concentrating on women’s struggles runs the risk of overlooking the serious challenges that men are experiencing. Men are supposed to be strong, fearless, resourceful, and always in control of matters. A “real man” is, therefore, expected to overcome all the challenges that come his way. To reinforce this, a number of proverbs and sayings are deployed. For example, a man only dies when his intestines come out (kufa kwemurume kubuda vura) and a man does not die because of one blow (murume haafi netsvimbo imwe) are sayings that are used to promote courage and determination in men. It is important to pay attention to such proverbs as they play an important role in the socialisation of the boy child. Observations made by Abasi Kiyimba in relation to the Baganda in Uganda are applicable to the Shona in Zimbabwe: “The proverb, like the narrative, is a key medium of expression among the Baganda and these two genres interact closely in dialogue with sociocultural processes that produce the gendered identities under discussion. In both genres, the portraits of the powerful male as husband, father, and political leader are cumulative social constructs that have absorbed many factors, and are part of the various mechanisms that the system of patriarchy uses to sustain notions of masculine superiority.” (Kiyimba 2010: 36)

Whereas the proverbs noted above encourage men to suffer and persevere in silence, music provides an outlet for men. Through music, men verbalise their challenges, and cry out for help. Music allows men to speak out and not die in silence. As the proverb ‘the child that does not cry out might die strapped to the mother’s back’ (Mwana asingachemi anofira mumbereko) suggests, it is crucial for those who feel burdened to cry out. Music allows men to lament when they are forced to carry heavy burdens. Although this brings masculinity into question, I argue that it is

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therapeutic. It is vital for men to cry, as this will enhance their sensitivity, especially in the face of HIV and AIDS (Chitando and Chirongoma 2012). Through music, men challenge the dominant idea that they are enjoying life. Music allows men to question gender activists who portray them exclusively as beneficiaries of patriarchy. As they sing about their struggles, male musicians are asking society to pause and take stock of the heavy burdens that they carry. It takes a lot of courage for a man to indicate that he is in fact struggling badly. Music in which men express their vulnerability is therefore important, as it lays bare the challenges that men face. Male musicians who have come out to openly admit that they are struggling to live up to social expectations are speaking on behalf of millions of men. Embodying values associated with a “real man” puts a lot of men under pressure. The situation becomes worse in contexts of complex socio-economic challenges. How does one become or remain a fit/strong man (murume akasimba) when one’s financial resources are non-existent due to hyperinflation? How does one remain the breadwinner when one’s wife brings in more resources through cross-border trading? Indeed, how does one meet sexual demands when the most important sexual organ, the brain, is overstretched by schemes to eke out a living? Faced with a Zimbabwean crisis that has multiple dimensions, Chiumbu and Musemwa (2012) ask this existential question: How does one retain one’s fatherhood (hubaba)?

Lamenting the Patriarchal Burden: The Case of James Chimombe James Chimombe brings out the challenges associated with masculinity in Zimbabwe in his song, Zvakaoma kuva munhu womurume (It is tough to be a man). The late Chimombe was a versatile social commentator who addressed pressing social issues such as disability and marital relations. Blessed with a rich, crispy voice, Chimombe challenged his audience to overcome injustice. While in the first section I outlined the construction of masculinity among the Shona, Chimombe feels that the framing of a “real man” as a provider is burdensome. At the end of the day, the man is obliged to address all the issues arising in a household. Thus: Zvakaoma kuva munhu wemurume (x 2) Rent yakamirira ini Fees dzakamirira ini Hembe dzakamirira ini Zvikwereti zvakamirira ini

Chapter One

8 It is tough to be a man (x 2) Rent waits for me School fees wait for me Clothing waits for me Debts wait for me

The persona in Chimombe’s song is clearly a man in an urban context. Space considerations prevent us from examining the impact of urbanisation on Shona culture. Many novels in English and Shona have addressed this issue. The trend has been to identify the city as the deathbed of African culture. Within the context of the discourse on masculinity, it is instructive to note that the urban context raises new questions about what it means to be a “real man.” The transition from an agrarian to a cash economy makes new demands on masculinity. The need to land and hold on to a well-paying job becomes critical to the definition of masculinity. A “real man” in an urban context must have money and other material possessions in abundance. The persona in Chimombe’s song is struggling with the basics and has therefore failed to “man up.” Chimombe’s song forcefully brings out the challenges that men face in an urban context. The burden of patriarchy in this particular instance is predominantly economic. The man is crushed by the expectation that he has to meet all major financial demands. This is what indigenous culture and missionary religions such as Christianity are prescribing. However, they seem to do so without empowering the man to access the resources that would enable him to meet all these obligations. Suffocating under these expectations, he can only lament, zvakaoma kuva munhu womurume (it is tough to be a man). Chimombe’s song captures the struggles that men undertake as they seek to attain and retain hubaba (fatherhood) in the broader sense. Whereas a man is expected to carry his burdens heroically, the persona in his song cries out. This suggests that the burden has become too heavy for him. Global and national financial systems have robbed the man of his breadwinning capacities and have left him unable to pay for rentals. Worse still, there are debts to be met. Observations by Margrethe Silberschmidt in East Africa are applicable to the Zimbabwean context. Thus: “While men do have relative freedom compared to women, particularly in sexual and reproductive behaviours, lack of access to income earning opportunities has made men’s role as heads of household and breadwinners precarious. With a majority of men reduced to “figureheads” of households, men’s authority has come under threat, and so has their identity and self-esteem. Patriarchy does not mean that men have

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only privileges. A patriarch also has many responsibilities.” (Silberschmidt 2005: 195)

By repeating that it is tough to be a man, Chimombe challenges the conventional wisdom that men have it all easy. While women are indeed struggling and are definitely facing greater challenges than men, it is critical to hear men’s voices. Failure to do so results in interventions that do not promote gender justice as they overlook men’s challenges. Chimombe shows how financial demands leave men feeling sapped. They experience masculinity as oppressive. Leonard Dembo reinforces this feeling, as I shall illustrate in the following section.

Iwe Wotosevenza Mukoma (Brother, You Have to Work): Leonard Dembo and the Demands of Masculinity By the time of his death in 1996, Leonard Dembo was the leading musician in the country, outselling Mtukudzi and Mapfumo. A reclusive individual, Dembo was another perceptive social commentator. His music addressed social strife, poverty, and the struggle to overcome the odds. While the song Chitekete brought him international recognition when it was adopted as the theme song for the Miss Universe contest in Namibia in 1994, most of Dembo’s songs radiated a rich cultural heritage. In Kushanda Nesimba (To work hard) Dembo addresses the challenges that a young man, addressed as mukoma (brother), has to face. The young man has to contend with a multiplicity of challenges because of his gender and age. He has no choice but to face them head on, since he is a man. Critically, he has to sevenza (work) in order to overcome these challenges. Thus: Iwe wotosevenza mukoma; Vakuru vakaenda; Kumakupiro mukoma; Mhuri yose iyi; Yatomira neweka mukoma; Hona kanorwara ndiwe; Kari apo ndiwe; Kari pano ndiwe; Kanochema ndiwe; Kanotamba ndiwe; Kari kuchikoro ndiwe; Kanoda kupfeka ndiwe iwe;

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Chapter One Brother, you have to work; Our elders have gone To the other world; The whole family Depends on you; Look, you have responsibility for the sick one; You are responsible for the one over there; You are responsible for this one here; You are responsible for the one crying; You are responsible for the one playing; You are responsible for the one at school; You are responsible for the one that needs clothes.

Masculinity and responsibility are constantly conjoined in Dembo’s song. The young man has to take responsibility for the family because he is a man. In the absence of the deceased elders/parents, the young man has to step in and provide for the family. The itemising of spheres of responsibility is overwhelming. The sphere of responsibility is not defined narrowly: it is so broad that it is paralysing. The young man is not only responsible for this one here: he is equally responsible for all those, over there! Dembo achieves the desired effect by rolling out the multifarious individuals that need the young man’s attention. Dembo’s song addresses the challenges that a young man faces as he takes over the responsibility of looking after the family. It becomes clear that the young man faces a daunting task and that the odds are heavily stacked against him. He has no one to turn to. He has to find resources (financial but also emotional) to enable him to shoulder all the responsibilities. Unfortunately, the advice that he has to work is not enough in the face of growing unemployment in the country. One feels sorry for the young man who has to become the provider overnight. He has to muster all the courage that he can gather in order to cope with the demands that will come from numerous fronts. The Marxist Brothers had called for courage and determination in the song, Shinga Mwana WeDangwe (Be Courageous, First Born Child). The song challenges the first born to be strong as nhamo yepasi yakanangana newe (problems of the world face you directly). One of the most poignant aspects of Dembo’s song is that the young man who is being counselled to work hard in order to support the family comes across as a “lone ranger.” Essentially, the young man experiences the world as a very lonely place. He is out on his own. In particular, he may not rely on women (for example, his sisters) to assist him to face the intimidating challenges. Although Shona wisdom suggests that men must support each other (kutsva kwendebvu varume vanodzimurana), there is an

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underlying thread that maintains that a “real man” is self-sufficient. This is in keeping with global trends relating to masculinity. Thus: “An image common to masculine consciousness is one of man-as-solitaryhero. Whether on the athletic field, in the corporate boardroom, or within the family, men are socialised toward individual achievement and away from communitarian commitment.” (James 1996: 101)

The brother (mukoma) in Dembo’s song is set to struggle to meet expectations, as the economy in which he operates does not give space for his multiple responsibilities. It is surprising that even fellow African employers have adopted an atomistic approach when relating to their employees. They take the employee in isolation, overlooking the multitudes that depend on the salary/wage that the employee takes home. Indeed, the brother (mukoma) may work hard, but the odds that are stacked against him are intimidating. Mtukudzi, who wonders whether being born male is in fact a sin, amplifies this.

Dai Ndakaziva… (If Only I Had Known…): Oliver Mtukudzi and the Burdens of Masculinity Oliver “Tuku” Mtukudzi has emerged as one of Zimbabwe’s truly global superstars. His creativity, consistency, humility, and analytical depth have seen him receiving countless awards. Mtukudzi is undoubtedly one of the leading African musicians. It requires several narratives to do justice to the complexity of his music (see for example Chikowero 2006 and Chirere and Mukandatsama 2008). However, in this chapter, I seek to draw attention to how Mtukudzi laments his being a man. Like Chimombe and Dembo, Mtukudzi thinks of the demands made on men as being suffocating. In one song, he laments: Dai ndakaziva; haitungamire x2; Ndingadai ndakaramba ndiri pwere yepamakumbo Zenze tuku, zenze tuku ndayaruka Zenze tuku, zenze tuku ndakura Hooo, dai ndakaziva haitungamire, Ndingadai ndakaramba ndiri pwere yepamakumbo Nyararai henyu samanyanga inga ndimi mhuka huru wani x2. Zvikanzi “uri wedangwe chitonga tione, uriwedangwe chitonga tione” Uri wedange chitonga tione; Nyararai henyu samanyanga inga ndimi mhuka huru wani x2. Dai ndakaziva haitungamire

12

Chapter One Ndingadai ndakaramba ndiri pwere yepamakumbo Dai ndakaziva haitungamire Ndingadai ndakaramba ndiri pwere yepamakumbo Zvepamusha uno zvondiremera, aiwa zvandiwandira Vakati, “uri wedangwe, chipedza tione” Uri wedangwe chitonga tione; Nyararai henyu Samanyanga inga ndimi mhuka huru wani x2 Makuva masere, ashaya neakomba Ndotangira poi Makuva masere, ashaya neakomba Ndotangira poi Hooo, dai ndakaziva haitungamire, Ndingadai ndakaramba ndiri pwere yepamakumbo If only I had known, hindsight is not beneficial; If only I had known, hindsight is not beneficial; I would have remained a baby on my mother’s lap; I bragged, saying I had grown up; They said, “Since you are the first born, make the decisions;” “You are the first born, make the decisions;” Do not cry long-tusked one, you are the great animal If only I had known, hindsight is not beneficial; Do not cry long-tusked one, you are the great animal; I would have remained a baby on my mother’s lap; Matters relating to this family are becoming too difficult for me; I can’t deal with the matters alone; They said, “Since you are the first born, make the decisions;” “You are the first born, make the decisions;” Do not cry long-tusked one, you are the great animal Eight graves, with none having received ritual attention; From where do I start? Eight graves, with none having received ritual attention; From where do I start? If only I had known, hindsight is not beneficial; I would have remained a baby on my mother’s lap

In this song, the persona in Mtukudzi’s song yearns for the childhood years when he had no responsibilities. This captures the extent to which he is experiencing the challenges of masculinity in his adult years. A child on his mother’s lap might experience love and security, but he has no autonomy. To yearn for this blissful but oppressive period indicates that the person is feeling burdened by the new demands. In fact, he realises that he was wrong to boast that he had grown up. Once he announced this, he had to face the challenges associated with his new status of being a grownup man.

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As with Dembo’s song, the position of being an older male in the family is very demanding. In the introductory section, I observed that Shona society expects the man to be strong, fearless, and a provider. Mtukudzi’s song brings out an additional demand: to provide administrative and spiritual leadership. As a representative of the ancestors, the man is expected to ensure that the family enjoys health and well-being. He must make important decisions relating to the family’s welfare. Failure to do this invites the wrath of the ancestors or avenging spirits (ngozi). The male head of the family is expected to serve as the family priest. He is the one who communicates with the ancestors at the family shrine (chikuva). He is supposed to be knowledgeable about the lineage. In addition, he is supposed to ensure that all rituals are performed on time in order to avoid upsetting the spiritual order. The persona in Mtukudzi’s song is fully aware of this onerous responsibility. He draws attention to the eight graves that require urgent ritual action. Clearly, the homestead is under siege and he needs to act decisively. Welcome to the world of an adult male in indigenous cultures. Whereas Chimombe and Dembo are lone voices crying in the wilderness, Mtukudzi does have sympathisers who try to strengthen him. In a soothing tone, the chorus seeks to encourage him to face the challenges with courage. They evoke his totem, Nzou SaManyanga (the elephant), to bolster his masculine ego. This praise poetry is meant to massage his bruised ego and to energise him to soldier on. Thus: Nyararai henyu SaManyanga, inga ndimi Mhukahuru wani x2 Do not cry, long-tusked one, you are the great animal x2

The use of the totem plays a key role in identity construction among the Shona (and other ethnic groups in Africa). The totem represents connectedness to the spiritual realm. It reminds the individual man that he is not alone, higher powers in the spiritual realm are with him. In Mtukudzi’s song, the appeal to the elephant is particularly relevant in the face of challenges. Ancestral wisdom declares that nzou hairemerwi nenyanga dzayo (“an elephant does not find its tusks too heavy”). Similarly, as a child/member of the elephant clan, he is supposed to be able to carry the heavy load. Mtukudzi’s struggle with masculinity is also expressed clearly in the song, Changu chii? (What is my crime?) In the song, Mtukudzi laments that being a man means taking up countless responsibilities. In fact, he wonders whether being male is a curse. This would come as a shock to

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most gender activists, who have always felt that it is only women who should be expressing such sentiments. Thus: Changu chiiko? Nhai Mwariwe! Changu chiiko? Chitadzo here, kuve munhurume? Changu chiiko? Rushambwa here, kuve murume? Changu chiiko? Chinouya chinoona ini Nhai mwariwe! Changu chiiko? Zvaminama zvinonanga ini Nhai mwariwe! Changu chiiko? What is my crime? O God! What is my crime? Is it is a sin, to be a man? What is my crime? Oh God! Is it a curse, to be a man? What is my crime? Whatever challenge comes, comes to me What is my crime? When things go wrong, they face me What is my crime? Oh God!

The song evokes sorrow and desolation. One realises that men are struggling to meet social expectations. Mtukudzi asks if being a man is a crime. Why should he, as a man, be the one to be always in the firing line? He therefore seeks to understand whether being a man is a sin. He challenges God to explain to him the crime of being born male. This represents deep agonising on his part. Masculinity is not free: it generates problems that men and boys have to face (Hearn 2007).

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No Easy Walk1 to Masculinity: Some Thoughts on Minimising the Patriarchal Burden From the foregoing sections, it is clear that Zimbabwean musicians have exposed the challenges that men face. In this section, I seek to draw attention to some issues that require attention if men are to feel less pressure. I am painfully aware of the massive challenges that women and girls face in our society. However, instead of competing for trauma by comparing who suffers more, I am hereby offering some thoughts on how women and men could collaborate to promote gender justice. There are high chances that liberated men will pose fewer problems for women and thus contribute towards gender justice. First, there must be a profound shift in the social construction of masculinity. The emphasis on varume vakasimba (fit men) must be framed anew in the wake of the impossible demands it makes on boys and men. Chimombe, Dembo, and Mtukudzi have shown how difficult it is for men to live up to the standards expected of them. The values touted by hegemonic masculinities are difficult to meet. As a result, men are choking and suffocating as they endeavour to position themselves as “real men”. They have harnessed music to cry out. It is vital for society to engage in new engineering strategies in order to come up with new values that will make it easier for men to contribute towards the welfare of their families without feeling crushed when they struggle/fail to do so. Second, there must be greater appreciation of the complementarity between men and women. Instead of viewing the man as the sole provider, it is necessary to accept the reality that women play an important role in the family’s income. This will go a long way in assisting men to be at ease when their partners “earn more bread” than them. At any rate, women have always been vital players in the well-being of their families. The ideology that the man is the undisputed king of the home is in fact a misrepresentation of culture and tradition. By accepting women’s help, men would be under less pressure. Women have an important role to play in this regard by encouraging men to accept their offers to assist. Third, there must be a serious investment in the retrieval of proverbs and sayings that draw attention to men’s limitations and vulnerabilities. There are many proverbs and sayings that challenge men’s selfunderstanding as strong, intelligent, and self-sufficient. Using ngano (folk tales) that show the futility of raw power and strength, men can be helped 1

I am indebted to Nelson Mandela’s No Easy Walk to Freedom (1965).

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to appreciate their vulnerabilities. This would also take men away from the futile “Superman” ideal that they yearn for. As flesh and blood human beings, men have severe limitations. Embracing this painful reality lessens the patriarchal burden. Fourth, there must be a greater focus on the empowerment of men. When one has been brought up to lead, command, and dominate, it is painful to accept that one is not always able to enjoy this status. While there have been numerous programmes for women’s empowerment, it has always been assumed that men are already empowered. However, as the songs by Chimombe, Dembo, and Mtukudzi demonstrate, men are in urgent need of empowerment. This empowerment of men can begin with a new socialisation of the boy child, seminars for men, campaigns, songs, and programmes.

Conclusion Through an analysis of music by selected male Zimbabwean musicians, this chapter has highlighted the challenges that men face as they strive to live up to the ideals of a “real man”, as constructed by society. The chapter drew attention to the impact of the economy on the ability of men to satisfy the requirement of being providers for their immediate and extended families. It also highlighted the extent to which men feel burdened by their masculine identity. The selected musicians made it clear that men have “many rivers to cross” as they strive to gain acceptance as “real men.” The chapter offered some suggestions on how the patriarchal burden could be minimised. There is an urgent need for society to come to men’s rescue. If this intervention is delayed, millions of men crushed by social expectations, emasculated by vicious economies, and paralysed by fear of failure will continue, as it were, to sing zvakaoma kuva munhu wemurume! (It is difficult to be a man!)

References Barker, Gary and Ricardo, Christine. “Young Men and the Construction of Masculinity in Sub-Saharan Africa: Implications for HIV/AIDS, Conflict, and Violence.” The World Bank Social Development Papers, Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction, Paper No. 26 (2005). Chikowero, Joseph. “Singing the Contemporary: Leadership and Governance in the Musical Discourse of Tuku.” Muziki, Vol. 3 Number 1(2006): 28-35.

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Chirere, Memory and Mukandatsama, Denys. “To whom does Oliver Mtukudzi Belong?” Muziki, Vol. 5 Number 1 (2008). 111-123. Chitando, Ezra and Chirongoma, Sophie. Eds., Redemptive Masculinities: Men, HIV and Religion. Geneva: WCC, 2012 Chiumbu, Sarah and Muchaparara, Musemwa. Eds., Crisis! What Crisis? The Multiple Dimensions of the Zimbabwean Crisis. Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2012 Connell, R. W. Masculinities. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995 Dover, Paul. “Gender and Embodiment: Expectations of Manliness in a Zambian Village.” In African Masculinities: Men in Africa from the Late Nineteenth Century to the Present edited by Lahoucine Ouzgane and Robert Morrell (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2005). Hearn, Jeff. “The Problems Boys and Men Create, The Problems Boys and Men Experience.” In From Boys to Men: Social Constructions of Masculinity in Contemporary Society edited by T. Shefer et al (Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press, 2007). James, David C. What Are They Saying about Masculine Spirituality? New York: Paulist Press, 1996. Kiyimba, Abasi. “Men and Power: Masculinity in the Folktales and Proverbs of the Baganda.” In Masculinities in African Literary and Cultural Texts edited by Helen N. Mugambi and Tuzyline J. Allan (Oxfordshire: Ayebia Clarke, 2010). Kamaara, Eunice. 2012. “Gender Empowerment in Africa.” In Theologies of Liberation and Reconstruction edited by M. T. Mwase and Eunice K. Kamaara (Nairobi: Acton, 2012). Magosvongwe, Ruby. “Contrasting Discourses of Emancipation and Empowerment in Selected Albums by Hosiah Chipanga and Fungisai Zvakavapano,” Muziki Vol. 5 Number 1(2008): 75-91. Makore, Susan. “Women in Music: Some Notes on Zimbabwe.” In Sounds of Change – Social and Political Features of Music in Africa edited by Stig-Manus Thorsén (Sida Studies No. 12. Stockholm: Sida, 2004). Mandela, Nelson. No Easy Walk to Freedom. London: Heinemann, 1965 MEW. The Crisis of Explosive Masculinity. Nairobi: MEW, 2008 Morrell, Robert. “Fathers, Fatherhood and Masculinity in South Africa.” In Baba: Men and Fatherhood in South Africa edited by Linda Richter and Robert Morrell (Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council, 2006).

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PACANet. “Multiple and Concurrent Sexual Partnerships”: A Consultation with Senior Religious Leaders from East and Southern Africa. Kampala: PACANet, 2011 Palmberg, Mai. “Music in Zimbabwe’s Crisis.” In Sounds of Change – Social and Political Features of Music in Africa edited by Stig-Manus Thorsén (Sida Studies No. 12. Stockholm: Sida, 2004). Ratele, Kopano. “Male Sexualities and Masculinities.” In African Sexualities: A Reader edited by Sylvia Tamale, Cape Town: Pambazuka Press, 2011 Shoko, Tabona. “Karanga Men, Culture, and HIV in Zimbabwe.” In Redemptive Masculinities: Men, HIV and Religion edited by Ezra Chitando and Sophie Chirongoma (Geneva: WCC, 2012). Silberschmidt, Margrethe. 2005. “Poverty, Male Disempowerment, and Male Sexuality: Rethinking Men and Masculinities in Rural and Urban East Africa.” In African Masculinities: Men in Africa from the Late Nineteenth Century to the Present edited by Lahoucine Ouzgane and Robert Morrell (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2005). Williams, Craig A. Roman Homosexuality. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.

CHAPTER TWO OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES OF FEMALE MUSICIANS IN ZIMBABWE CHARITY MANYERUKE

Introduction I will introduce this chapter by reminiscing about my experiences at a relative’s funeral that I attended in January 2008 in Budiriro, a highdensity suburb located in the southern part of Harare. This and other reminiscences will help put my argument and discussion into perspective. On that occasion, one of my nieces had passed on. From the time I arrived, which was around 12 noon until 7pm, which was the approximate time of my departure, I could only hear echoes of women’s voices from the Roman Catholic Church leading in singing hymns and choruses of church songs. Interestingly, men sat outside the house talking about social issues in a rather relaxed manner. I also remember that when I attended one political rally at Rudhaka stadium in Marondera in 2008, it was women who led in the singing of political songs, and also the dancing. These experiences made me ask the following questions: If, indeed, women dominate and take charge of musical processes at church, during funerals, at political gatherings, and even at home, then why is it that very few women take up music as a profession? Why is it that very few of them are found in studios recording music, or doing live performances outside the above-mentioned areas? If society has no moral problems with seeing women sing at funerals, at church, and during political gatherings, then why is it wrong for women to play the mbira or guitar, or even dance during live performances? Answers to these questions are obviously very complex and elicit serious debate about the place and role of women in society in general. However, it is plausible to submit that inhibitive societal attitudes constitute one of the major challenges female musicians face in advancing their careers.

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The challenges facing women in music are not only peculiar to Zimbabwe, but are found in the rest of Africa. Women who have decided to take music as a profession, whether in dancing or singing at public platforms such as clubs, have been branded as “loose”, “prostitutes”, and “sex workers”. Apparently, such a misconception from society has affected many female musicians who fall outside the gospel genre. This negative and destructive societal attitude has seen the most talented female singers and dancers dropping out of the music industry. Most of the female artists who have made it in the music industry had support from their parents. Examples include Chiwoniso Maraire, Jean Masters and Shingisai Suluma. Against this background, the chapter examines the problems that are faced by female musicians in post-independence Zimbabwe. It pays attention to various genres, while simultaneously suggesting ways of mitigating some of the challenges that have pushed female musicians out of the music business.

Society, Women, and Music According to Zindi (2010: 68), “…in Zimbabwe there has always been a very strong misconception about women in the music business. These women are often perceived as either people who are lacking in moral values, loose women, promiscuous people, sex objects, or undisciplined people who have rebelled against the society.” This misconception has been buttressed by the fact that Zimbabwean society, like any other African society, is patriarchal. In such a society, men believe that women should be restricted to the private spheres of life. Apparently, it is not only the men who hold such a perception, but also other women in society who see a female musician as someone lacking in moral values. Zindi (2010: 68) further postulates that: “The average African woman is inhibited by social pressures to expose herself in a job such as playing in a band. The majority of women who sing are used as backing singers by male artists. A woman who sings in a band in Zimbabwe is usually perceived as a ‘loose’ or ‘easy’ woman.”

It is regrettable that this is the pervasive attitude. Most people have been socialised into believing that men and women always do different activities, and that a woman mostly cooks and looks after children, or perhaps trains as a nurse, teacher, or secretary. The general perception is that singing in a band is regarded as a job for male vagrants, and certainly not for decent women, regardless of how talented they are in that area.

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Women have been discouraged from taking part in the music industry not only by patriarchal beliefs or societal attitudes, but also by history and culture. Makwenda (2001: 2) argues that education has led women to believe that they are meant to do professional duties such as being a nurse and a secretary, among other jobs. Teaching music or singing has been seen as being unprofessional. Thus, the education system has continued to box the girl child into domesticity. This is compounded by the socialisation of the girl child, in which she is expected to play the traditional role of the woman – staying at home, doing household chores, and preparing herself for marriage (Zindi, 2010: 68). Even in urban areas, women are still looking for “female” jobs such as secretarial work or nursing. Their socialisation has bracketed and limited their thinking and ability to dream beyond prescribed roles. While there seems to be a slight shift in terms of attitudes, a number of talented female musicians have been forced by societal pressures to abandon their talents and focus on what society sees as proper or normal. In the few instances where women have made it into the music industry as professionals, they have occupied fringe jobs as secretaries, while men do the organisation. In one or two cases (such as Frontline Sound, where a woman was running the company) there has always been a man holding the top job (Zindi, 2010).

Women in Sungura music Men have dominated Sungura music, with such musicians as Alick Macheso, Daiton Somanji (now late), Josphat Somanji, Somandla Ndebele, and Sulumani Chimbetu controlling the scene. Women are almost non-existent in this popular music genre. According to Mushawevato (2012: 7), Constance Maraire, a 26-year-old female singer, started singing at the age of five, and ventured full-time into the Sungura genre in 2009, when she recorded her first album. She perfected her talent when she worked with the likes of Jey Mahawodwa Ndlovu of Bulawayo and Oliver Mtukudzi, where she managed to get sufficient support to record her first album. In a telephone interview this author had with Constance Maraire on 19 February 2012, she said that on the way to recording her new album she had no money to meet the costs. She further noted that as a group they were facing many challenges. Top of the list of these challenges was the issue of instruments. This was a major setback in her career: “We have great opportunities to hold live shows, but this is difficult without a public address system, which is even expensive to hire.” Quite revealing from the

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interview was the musician’s description of the 2008-09 economic crisis, which she called one of the major obstacles to her music. During this period, hyper-inflation had risen to a record of 259.00% monthly rate as of 29 February 2008, as noted by Hanke (2010), and the Zimbabwean dollar became meaningless as it could not match up with the recording costs which were being charged in US dollars. As a result, she failed to produce an album during this period. The other issue raised by Maraire relates to the dearth of music promoters, particularly in Bulawayo where she is based. Maraire said that those who had remained in the industry were facing marketing challenges as the recording studios were coming up with contracts that were not favourable to the musicians. She described the terms of the contracts as one of the impediments that had made a lot of female musicians fail to record their albums. Despite facing these challenges, Maraire acknowledges the support she got from her parents, friends, and her husband, who she says supported her financially in the recording of her album. Lack of this support for other female musicians has seen them quitting their careers, especially when they get married to husbands who are against the idea of them pursuing them.

Women and Gospel Music Zindi (2010: 69) asserts that: “A lot of women are found in the gospel arena because it is a safe platform from which to land oneself onto the music scene. Because people fear God, it is difficult for male chauvinists to stop their daughters from singing about God, just like they find it hard to stop their wives from going to church.” People such as Ivy Kombo, Mercy Mutsvene, Joice Simeti, and Olivia Charamba are some of the female musicians in the gospel category of music. Though women in the gospel genre are spared from the challenges of a negative societal attitude, and have both their husbands’ and families’ support, they are not spared from economic challenges that have to do with finances and the use of secular musical instruments in gospel music. One female musician in the gospel genre who narrated her challenge is Hope Masike. Masike, who sings gospel music, faces the challenge of misconception from society because she plays mbira. In Christian circles, playing mbira (an African traditional instrument) is sometimes regarded as demonic or evil. According to Gwenyambira (2012: 12) the mbira princess, Masike, dismisses the misconception that the thumb piano is demonic. In an article

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entitled: Mbira not demonic, which appeared in the H-Metro of 29 March 2012, Masike observes thus: “My statement is that Mbira is not pagan … much as certain colonial happenings left most of us thinking Mbira was demonic, I believe we would be really missing out if we continued to think like that.”

Makwenda (2010), in concurrence with Masike, also argues that traditional instruments and performances have been surrounded by myths that exclude women from participating in traditional music, because women are supposedly regarded as unclean from a traditional spiritual point of view. In Masike’s view, many churches will still refuse having a group of Mbira players in the praise and worship team, which is sad. Masike further notes, thus: “I have seen what Mbira can do at a bira (African traditional ceremony) and I have also seen what a guitar can do at a rock concert that brought me to the conclusion that it is not the instrument, but rather the musician’s intention that determines how people are affected. I have taken the most conventional gospel songs and put some Mbira tunes on them.” (Gwenyambira, 2012)

It is owing to Masike’s conviction and passion in playing the Mbira instrument that she is one of the female musicians who have made great strides in the music industry in Africa and Europe. Masike has also assumed the duty of nurturing other young females into the music industry from a tender age. She is assisting students at Highlands Primary School to play the Mbira instrument, a responsibility that is needed to encourage and promote many women in the music industry.

Women in Jazz Jazz is becoming popular with women, as many of them are finding it easy to settle down and record. Reasons for the popularity of this musical genre have to do with the manner in which it is sung, or the setting, which is quiet or decent, or the type of audience that listens to it. This might explain why the likes of Sister Jean, Dudu Manhenga, and Edith Katiji have safely found comfort and made it in jazz. Below, I take a glimpse of some of the female jazz musicians in Zimbabwe and their experiences.

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Sister Jean/Jean Masters Jean Masters was born in 1988. Her father, Joe Masters, was both a businessman and a musician. She first tried her hand at music four years ago with the J.M Seasons Band, a move that was initially met with resistance by her parents. However, her persistence finally paid off after her parents allowed her to practice with the band, following a realisation that she had a deep-seated passion for music. Masters was, however, given the space to sing as a vocalist in her father’s band. To his credit, Jean says her father practically taught her all she knows about music before he died in 2010. It is from this experience that she later managed to put up a show on her own and perform live on stage. Thus, she has become one of the few female musicians to lead her own jazz band in Zimbabwe. Her experience demonstrates that surely, given the space, women can sing just as men do. They can do even better. According to Charumbira (2011: 1), Masters had to hustle like any other upcoming artist for instruments to use at her shows. Masters said, “I use other artists’ instruments, but it is a challenge if we have to do a show on our own. I usually perform with Sulumani and that makes the job easier for me.”

Edith Katiji Edith Katiji was once a member of an all-female jazz group, Amakhosikazi, where she led the vocals and composed most of the songs. She took up playing the bass guitar. Six months from her first encounter with the bass guitar, Katiji suddenly found herself having to double up as the bassist and lead vocalist for the all-female outfit when they relocated to Harare. Owing to other commitments, particularly marriage, some key band members were unable to move from Bulawayo. In the case of marriage it is virtually impossible for a woman to relocate to another city, leaving behind her family or husband. As fate would have it, the depleted Amakhosikazi did not last long after the departure of Katiji, as some members opted out to pursue other ventures, as the 2007-2008 economic crisis was felt in the country, not only by female musicians, but also by every Zimbabwean. Katiji did not give up, and later founded a new band called “So what?”, which performed extensively in the nightclub areas of Harare, and became regular performers at the Book Cafe. The Book Cafe is where she managed to put together the group known today as ‘Utonga.’ It was during one of the monthly open mic sessions for females called ‘Sistaz Open Mic’

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that Katiji identified the four females who dominate and form the core of Utonga: Rumbidzai Tapfuma (Mbira and percussion), Fatima Katiji (vocals), and Tariro Ruzvidzo (rhythm/acoustic guitar). A group like this demonstrates that despite all hurdles it is possible for females to successfully come together and form a band of their own.

Female Dance Groups in Zimbabwe Dancing in Zimbabwe is not a new thing at all, as it started centuries ago when black people performed traditional dances. Traditional dancing has been promoted in schools, particularly at primary level and, to a lesser extent, in secondary schools. Some of the common traditional dances are those in the Murehwa area, the “Jerusarema” dance, the “Muchongoyo” dance from Chipinge and the “Inxuzu” from Matebeleland, which have attracted many people within and outside Zimbabwe. These traditional dance groups consist of both males and females dressed in short traditional clothes known as nhembe. The dancing also involves playing the mbira, hosho, drums, and Marimba. For starters, hosho is a musical instrument made up of dry gourd with dry seeds inside that produce some noise when shaken. Traditional dancing thus inspired some of the new dance groups in Zimbabwe who have, however, taken up dancing as a profession, though the dancing styles have changed to suit other genres such as sungura, rhumba, and many others. One group that has been inspired by traditional dancing is the Girls of Peace, which we discuss below.

Girls of Peace In a face-to-face conversation that the author had with the group in February, a lot of issues were raised that were eye-openers to many of the misconceptions that people generally have about these female dance groups. Girls of Peace ventured into dancing as their profession in 2005 when they split from the group called Mambokadzi due to some internal misunderstandings. Girls of Peace are a group of seven female dancers. The group collaborates with different male artists in the ‘sungura’ genre (for example Gift Amuli). The Girls of Peace perform their dances with these artists at various live shows, and also feature on the video tracks of these artists. The dancing group fuses traditional dancing styles with the contemporary “sungura” dances, and traditional dress outfits with trousers or mini-skirts. Two members of the group said, that they started dancing when they were still young, dancing at schools, parties, and even danced with the popular group called Chipawo.

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When these women danced within these groups or even at parties, nothing negative was said about them. It was morally acceptable to society. However, a lot of negative comments and names came up when they decided to take up dancing as their profession and started dancing in public areas such as beer halls and nightclubs. Chikonzo (2012:116) asserts that such societal attitudes are tied to “the colonial performance space perceptions that places such as beer halls and nightclubs were regarded as non-respectable spaces for performances.” The shift of the dancing environment from schools and parties to beer halls and nightclubs (in the case of Girls of Peace dance group) has led society to paint a bad picture of the dance group, and show their dances as immoral. This has created a challenge that female dance groups have to tackle in the music industry. One of the worst challenges the group faced, and still continues to face, is that of society, which has labeled them with all sorts of names such as prostitutes. From the beginning, the female dance group noted that it was very difficult to convince their parents that they wanted to take dancing as their profession. They said it was difficult for their parents to accept, even when they knew that their daughters had dancing talents. However, with the passage of time, the girls’ parents began to accept their daughters and their profession, particularly with the emergence of many of these groupings in the music industry. Most of the contemporary dancing groups’ parents still believe that the dances are what Chikonzo (2012:120) describes as “not suitable for family consumption”, and that dancing at performance spaces such as nightclubs is “disrespectful to the family.” This has effectively discouraged female dance groups from performing and taking up dancing as a profession. The challenge comes from the parents, in particular men, who, according to the author’s discussion with Fred Zindi, said that they wanted to see other people’s daughters shaking their bums in front of them and not their own daughters doing the very same thing, even if the daughters had the talent to dance. It follows that the negative societal attitude towards women taking up dancing as a profession has negatively affected their total commitment to this profession. Girls of Peace said that not only do they face a challenge from their parents, but it is even worse when one gets married, starting with one’s husband and one’s in-laws, who see dancing as immoral. In marriages, the group said, “most husbands tend to become jealous seeing their wives dancing on stage, despite the fact that when the husband proposed to her, the wife was already in the dancing business.” The husband may claim

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that he paid “lobola” (bride price) and can now control the wife any way he wants. Faced with such a hurdle from the husband, one either chooses to lose their career and save their marriage, or vice versa. Yet when one chooses to pursue her talent and quit her marriage, society will be against such a choice, which obviously places the female artists in a dilemma. Mukondiwa (2012: 9) gives an example of Beverly Sibanda, an acrobatic pole dancer born on 3 April 1991, who said that “when it comes to considering marriage, the gig will be a tricky tie, I think I honestly will have to quit and do something else for a living.” Most female dancers find it difficult to run away from the criticism of their in-laws who brand them as loose, weak, and prostitutes, just as society generally does to them. The group commented that the message in the song, Tezvara varamba mukwasha anoimba, meaning “a father-in-law has refused to have a son-in-law who sings” by XQ, a singer based in Zimbabwe, applies more to female artists than males. Society brands female dance groups as composed of prostitutes. At one point, when they are leaving for their performances, the people say makuenda kunohura (you are now going to do your promiscuous business). This negative perception by society has been carried over from the colonial era with regard to female dancers. Makwenda (2005:28) observes that: “Given the fact that female prostitutes also patronised shebeens or tea parties (in the 1930s), the dancing girls ended up being viewed as prostitutes. Thus far, the distinction between a performer (dancer) and a professional sex worker became insignificant.” The resulting grey area has been accompanied by a stigma associated with performing (dancing), and hinders women from engaging in the practice. In the post-colonial era, society has remained tied to the belief that female dancers are prostitutes as a result of “some of the female dancers who hide behind the dancing profession, when in actual fact they are into prostitution” (Muvundisi 2013:6). Owing to poverty, this category of female dancers is made of “women who migrate from cities such as Bulawayo to Harare where they are at most not recognised by people” (Ibid). In some instances, female dancers have been tempted into prostitution owing to the low earnings they receive after their performances. With regard to wages, for example, Liliosa Dube, a member of Extra Hot dancing group which migrated from Bulawayo to Harare, says that: “We are paid as little as US$40 per show, which is shared among the group of six or more dancers, and usually we perform six days a week, which makes it insufficient to cater for our monthly needs, let alone our rentals.”

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Aware of these low earnings, society has queried how the female dancers earn their living through dancing only. Mangxola, a member of a South African dancing outfit called Mahotella Queens says that she is “glad that none of her grandchildren wanted to be in the music business. When it comes to performances, we are not recognised, and it hurts.” Thus, besides the lack of meaningful monetary gain in the dancing profession, dancers generally feel unappreciated and unrecognised for their skills. If Mangxola’s statement is anything to go by, it implies that female dancers feel disheartened to the point that they will not nurture their daughters to take up the profession. The Girls of Peace indicated that these negative and wrong perceptions by society have been made possible by some dance groups who are now venturing into the business, not because of talent, but for money. Currently, they said, there are “over 150 dance groups in the country which has made competition very stiff. Buttressed by poverty, some of the dance groups are now stripping so that they can attract more people and earn money or accepting any form of payment so as to earn a living.” These practices by some female dance groups have given society the negative impression that dancing is a dirty business. Apart from societal attitudes, the group stated that at the beginning of their performances they encountered accommodation and transport problems, but now they can get a taxi or drive soon after they finish their performances. Further, they said that “most upcoming dance groups are not familiar with contracts, and therefore they tend to be abused by promoters who may not pay them after performances”. Concerning accommodation, Harpers Mapimhidze of the Dancers Association of Zimbabwe asserts that: “Most of these groups live a pathetic life as one can find a situation whereby more than 10 dancers share a room.” Such a situation creates problems for these women, as they will have to worry about their accommodation, as well as concentrate on their music career.

Women and the natural process of motherhood There is a general belief that motherhood tends to reduce the performance of most female artists, not only in Zimbabwe but also across the world. Motherhood lasts from the moment one gets pregnant to the time of birth. This process is natural and inevitable for most women in any other business, though it seems to negatively affect women in music. Maraire said that pregnancy slowed down the recording of her first album, as she had to stay out of the studio until the baby was four months old. This is not the case with female artists in the dancing category, who often say that it

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depends on the pregnancy but in most cases they say one can perform on stage even when one is seven or nine months pregnant, as they consider dancing to be a good exercise. However, most female artists claim that motherhood makes the life span of their careers shorter as it reduces their performance. In an article entitled: Has Sandra met her match? in The Herald of 22 February 2012, the issue of motherhood is described as one of the factors that have reduced her performance standards. According to Mandla Dingani (2012): “…Age and motherhood seem to be catching up with the once vibrant Sandra Ndebele, as much younger and more creative dancers emerge on the scene. Sandra or simply Sandy, as her fans lovingly call her, has matured with age, and appears to be slowing down since she is now a mother of two boys. Those who have been following her since her formative years will agree that Sandy’s major attraction was her scintillating and high octane performances, but now she seems to have passed the baton to her dancers. One therefore needs to appreciate that Sandra Ndebele cannot be as lively as she was five or so years ago.”

Dingani further points out that, “despite being known for her raunchy dances Sandy’s show at the City Sports Bar in February left many of her fans with the impression that she was now past her prime.” In another related article entitled: Motherhood for young celebrity moms, published by The Herald of 18 February 2012, motherhood is also described as a limiting factor for young female artists. Similarly, Seidman (1984:22), cited in Furusa (2006:3), states that: “Colonisation bracketed the Zimbabwean woman into the restricted roles of wife and mother. Her performance space was the home, with her major staging area as the kitchen.” To this end, the colonial system effectively conditioned women into thinking that their role, place, and time should be concentrated within the private confines of the family setting, and not in the public sphere. Rumbidzai Nderere cites Pauline Gunduza from the group Mafriq, who explain their experiences of motherhood. In the article, Gunduza notes that: “Being a single mother is not easy as you have to manage work, being a musician, and looking after the children.” Although Africana Womanism states that a true Africana Woman is family centred and in harmony with men, in social struggles, women are thus trapped in the confines of the family at the expense of their professions (Hudson-Weems cited in Ntiri 1998:462). Though the process of motherhood affects all women in their various careers, female artists in the entertainment industry appear to be affected the most, as motherhood consumes the time they need for their practice.

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In the same article, Diana Samkange, whose musical career was launched with the group ‘2 Boys and a Girl’ (2BG), said: “Being a mother and a songstress is not easy at all, but I try to balance everything 50/50. I play all the motherly roles and when it’s time for the studio, it is time for work.” She also said that at times she takes Wandi [her child] with her to the studio. Given this natural motherly process, one can see why there are few women left in the music industry as compared to men. On a different note, couples such as the Charambas and Kapfupis sing together. These marriages have not been spared from public scrutiny, as their privacy is often interfered with. At one point, the Charambas’ marriage was said to be on the rocks, yet it is common knowledge that misunderstandings do occur in any marriage union. Again, the story that Charamba was quitting his other profession as a pastor hit the headlines, yet it was his own personal and private decision.

National Arts Merit Awards (NAMA) vis-à-vis Female Musicians The National Arts Council of Zimbabwe (NACZ) launched the NAMAs in 2002. They provide a forum where the NACZ recognises outstanding achievements within the arts sector. The objective of the awards is to stimulate the interest of artists, while at the same time raising their profile within the sector. Thus, the NAMAs promote creativity, as they encourage competition among artists. Chinowaita (2012:1) asserts that female artists were conspicuously absent from the list of nominees and subsequent winners of National Arts Merit Awards (NAMA) for Zimbabweans. The awards under the auspices of National Arts Council of Zimbabwe (NACZ) are the biggest arts individual awards in the country. The awards are viewed as a genuine measure of excellence in art. Peers from the industry and the public nominate artists. The list of nominees revealed that women were present in categories that were specifically tailored for them, such as the award for Outstanding Actress in Theatre, Outstanding Female Dance, and Outstanding Actress in Film and Television. This is, however, a sad development, as the NACZ is not giving female artists enough space to promote their various careers. Women were absent from the music category. The outstanding choral group category had no nominations. Most women participate in choirs at a local level in churches and other groupings, but NACZ said they did not receive any worthwhile submissions to merit consideration and nomination. Music categories such as Outstanding Song, Outstanding Album and Musician or Group, that are crucial in the NAMAs and usually viewed as the most exciting, have over

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the years not included any female artists as winners or nominees. One of the reasons why women have not been nominated for these awards is that, unlike male artists, female artists have a difficult time engaging music as a full-time occupation, and at the same time, being tied to other familial responsibilities, such as looking after the children and caring for the sick and the old within the family.

Conclusion The major challenge of a negative societal attitude can only be erased by cultivating a positive perception towards female musicians. Many women who have made it in the music industry have received support, not only from their families, but also from their husbands, as is the case with the likes of Plaxedes Wenyika, Olivia Charamba, Edith Weutonga, and Constance Maraire. Some women, who include Chiwoniso Maraire, Shingisai Suluma, and Sister Jean, were born in musical homes. As the society sees it fit and morally right for women to sing at church choirs, choral groups, funerals, political gatherings, or even at home, so should they be allowed to do the same in public spaces like bars, and take up music as a profession. For female musicians in Zimbabwe to gain their public space, it is necessary to have more women in the music industry. This can be done by challenging the old norms of patriarchal belief, like Stella Chiweshe did. She had the following to say about this: “I counted the number of fingers on a man’s hand and saw five. I counted the fingers on my hand, and also came to five. So I said to myself, what the hell, if men can play mbira, I can too.” (Zindi, 2010: 72) The already prominent female artists need to promote and groom other upcoming female musicians, like Sandra Ndebele, who grooms some of her dance members. Dudu Manhenga has also played an important role by creating the Female Literary Arts Music Enterprise (FLAME) programme for the development and promotion of female artists into the mainstream of the arts. Edith Katiji is also grooming other upcoming female artists in the music industry. Conducting many workshops for sharing experiences in the music arena by women is also vital for mitigating some of the challenges they face. For example, we may mention the Divas Deliberate workshop, where senior ladies in the industry meet to discuss the problems they face in their careers. Music promoters in Zimbabwe need to come up with workable contracts, which do not deter female musicians from recording and performing. Promoters should not only focus on the major cities of Harare,

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Mutare, or Bulawayo, but should also cast their nets into the remote areas where traditional and unique dances are still being performed. The Ministry of Information, Media, and Publicity should also come on board to assist upcoming female musicians, it should also be noted that most musicians, not only in Zimbabwe but the world over, have desired harsh penalties for people involved in piracy. Platforms such as the yearly music galas should be used to give exposure to some of the upcoming female musicians.

References All Africa News. “Zimbabwe: Edith Katiji Releases First Album.” Accessed 1 September 2010, http://www.all Africa.com Charumbira, S. “Sister Jean Confident.” The Standard, 13 November 2011. Chikonzo K. Thinking beyond Feminism: Performance Space and Respectability in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1930s-1970s. In Rediscoursing African Womanhood in the Search for Sustainable Renaissance: African Womanism in Multi-disciplinary Approaches, 114-122, edited by I Muwati et al (Harare, College Press, 2012) Chinowaita, M. “Nama Awards Ignore Women Achievements.” The Daily News, 28 February 2012 Dingani, M. “Has Sandra met her match? Age and motherhood appear to be catching up with the Queen of Raunch.” The Herald, 22 February 2012. Furusa, M. The Muse of History and Politics of Gender Representation in Zimbabwean Women’s Literature. In African Womanhood in Zimbabwean Literature: New Critical Perspectives on Women’s Literature in African Languages, 1-23, edited by Z Mguni, M Furusa and R Magosvongwe (Harare: College Press, 2006). Gwenyambira, M. “Mbira not demonic.” H-metro, 29 March 2012 Hanke, S. “R.I.P Zimbabwe Dollar.” Accessed 3 May 2010, http://www.cato.org/zimbabwe Makwenda J. “Zimbabwe Women De-Mystify Mbira Music.” The Herald, 30 September 2009 —. “Zimbabwe Women and Music Education.” The Herald, 6 January 2010 Mukondiwa R. “Beauty is a beast; Untangling Beverly Sibanda.” HMetro, 15 March 2012 Mushawevato, P. “Who says Sungura is for Male singers?” The Sunday Mail Leisure, 12-18 Februaury 2012

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Muvundisi, J. “The Great Trek: Bulawayo dies as artistes flee to Harare.” The Daily News on Sunday 24 February 2013 Nderere R. “Motherhood for young celebrity moms.” The Saturday Herald, 18 February 2012 Ntiri D. Africana Womanism: The Coming of Age. In Contemporary Theory, Thought and Action: A Guide to Africanna Studies, 309-318, edited by C Hudson-Weems (Trenton, NJ: Africa Word Press, 2007 Sunday Times Reporter. “Legendary stars shine silently: Mahotella Queens.” Sunday Times, 29 April 2012 The Herald Reporter. “Jean Masters sets her sights high.” The Herald, 11 November 2011 Zindi F. Music Guide for Zimbabwe. Harare: Zindisc Publications, 2010

Interviews Constance Maraire. “My experience in the music industry.” 19 February 2012 Girls of Peace. “Challenges they are facing as contemporary female dance groups in Zimbabwe.” 22 February 2012, National Arts Gallery of Zimbabwe, Harare. Fred Zindi. “History of Female artists in Zimbabwe.” 13 February 2012, University of Zimbabwe.

CHAPTER THREE GOSPEL MUSIC IN ZIMBABWE: SELECTED WOMEN’S VOICES TAPIWA PRAISE MAPURANGA

Introduction This chapter examines the portrayal of women in gospel music in Zimbabwe. The chapter argues that through being either the subjects being sung about, or being the performers, women have been largely presented in rather negative ways. This negative portrayal dates back to colonial times when women were prevented from publicly performing. Such colonial attitudes were a stumbling block for the participation of women in the music industry, as this was something meant for the “morally loose.” As argued by Chitando (2002:70): “While women had important roles to play in the traditional musical contexts, the definition of urban public space in patriarchal terms excluded women. Negative stereotypes accompanied women who dared to access this space, let alone those who tried to become musicians. These were labelled as “stray”, “loose”, “dangerous”, and other unfortunate descriptions.”

This is also noted by Zindi (1997: 68) who argues that the African woman is inhibited by social pressure from exposing herself in a job such as playing in a band. Thus, the music industry at large, as well as the media, “tends to play an active and often misogynistic role in the construction and perpetuation of such sexist stereotypes” (McFadden (1992: 173-174). Despite such perceptions of women that have been identified in the music industry, this chapter employs a different approach in order to seek and establish a more positive image of women in gospel music in Zimbabwe. It examines some liberating dimensions and possibilities for women among fellow women in gospel music. This is achieved through

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the use of the Africana Womanist theory. Africana Womanism is a theory advanced by Hudson-Weems (1993: 24) for women who “reject the status of the victim, who consider themselves as victors and sisters in charge of their own destiny. Their primary obligation is the progress of their cultural way of life through the stability of family and commitment to the community.” The chapter argues that the patriarchal oppression of women, wherever it occurs, is not consistent with the values of Africana Womanism (see for example Hudson-Weems, 1993 and 2004). This is because Africana Womanism acknowledges and celebrates the key position of women in Africa within cultures, families, and other institutions. As such, this discussion examines how selected gospel musicians in Zimbabwe have been a voice that expresses the significance of women in society. This version and vision contests the dominant thread in music where women are persistently cast as victims and objects of male pleasure.

A Historical Overview of the Study of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe There has been a considerable rise in the number of studies on gospel music in Zimbabwe. Most of these studies have focused on spirituality, and economic as well as political themes, very few of these studies manage to explore the gender aspect of gospel music. It is evident from the unfolding literature review that not much has emerged from current scholarship in terms of exploring some empowering gender dimensions in gospel music. Despite the divergence of themes, very few studies have examined the relationship between gospel music and women. Some of these include Mapuranga (2000) and Chitando (2002). This research has traced the rise, meaning, and significance of gospel music in the Zimbabwean context. They have also spelt out how women’s voices have begun to be heard in music through the gospel genre. According to Hackett (1998: 369) “art renders visible, sometimes, the hidden unspeakable secrets.” This is also echoed by Chitando (2002: 72-73), who argues that: “The ideology that gospel music represents a specific religious outlook has gone a long way in facilitating the emergence of more female musicians in the country. Since they are understood as carrying out the religious task of spreading the word of God, female musicians who play gospel music appear to receive greater social acceptance than female pop artists. Unlike some male gospel musicians who may be labeled as “independent” in the sense that they do not operate from any particular denomination, female

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Chapter Three gospel musicians in Zimbabwe are readily traceable to, and identifiable with, certain churches. This has allowed them to sustain the claim that their music has an evangelical concern, and to attain greater public acceptability.”

It is important to note that, previously, female musicians had been challenged for not speaking out on issues that directly concern them as women. According to Chitando (2002:74): “Africana womanist scholars might challenge female gospel musicians for not addressing pressing women’s issues such as domestic violence, female genital mutilation, and others directly.”

Perhaps Chitando was writing at a time when female gospel musicians had not begun “addressing pressing women’s issues” such as the ones identified above. They would sing on issues such as salvation, poverty and the economy, politics, and others that apply to society at large. Although such issues also affect women, there are, however, issues that affect women in a more specific and direct way, such as the marginalisation of women, violence against women, female empowerment, and female genital mutilation. This could have been a time when women were still trying to make inroads into the music industry, which was then highly regarded as a male domain. The chapter engages the music of Fungisai Zvakavapano Mashavave, Shingisai Suluma, and Mai Charamba who, arguably, can be said to be the leading female voices in the gospel fraternity. These three female musicians can be said to: “…Belong to the evangelical/Pentecostal fold. Most of these female gospel musicians are professionals in other areas. This has helped to mitigate some of the financial demands. They also tend to possess better educational qualifications than some of the female musicians who end up as supporting acts to other groups. However, they have been prolific in releasing gospel tracks, and they have become an integral part of the Zimbabwean music scene.” (Chitando, 2002: 73)

The next section analyses some of the lyrics by the aforementioned female gospel artists with regard to the status of women in Zimbabwean society. The section does not in any way suggest that these female gospel musicians are feminists. Rather, it presents the writer’s own interpretation of their selected music.

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“Mwanasikana Munhu:” The Call by Fungisai Zvakavapano Mashavave Fungisai Zvakavapano is married to Courage Mashavave, and has been in the music industry for more than a decade. She is also the founder of an organisation called “Vulnerable Women Development Trust” which assists disadvantaged women and children in Zimbabwe. Most of her albums have been chart toppers in Zimbabwe and have received critical acclaim abroad, and this has made her one of the most popular musicians to emerge from Zimbabwe. Fungisai’s music is a voice for the voiceless woman in Africa, and in particular in Zimbabwe, through gospel music. Apart from addressing general socio-economic concerns, Fungisai’s music has also addressed issues relating to gender. One such song that addresses the status of women in her music is the song entitled Mwanasikana Munhu (The Girl Child is also Human), which features on a number of albums, including Tawananyasha and Tichamuona. One could argue that the repetition of this song on a number of her albums is purposeful. She needs to repeat the idea so that many people can come across it and realise the significance of her gospel about equal access to opportunities between males and females. She mourns the ridicule that women face because they are female. Part of this song has the following lyrics: Mandishora manditarisira pasi; Mukati mwanasikana Munhukadzi haagone; Mwanasikana munhu; Mwanasikana munhukadzi; You look down upon me; You say a girl-child Is incapacitated by being a woman; A girl child is a human being; A girl child is a woman; Source: https://itunes.apple.com/us/artist/fungisai/id481389341

It can be argued that this plea by Fungisai to the whole world that a girl child is a human being comes from the fact that most religion(s) are characterised by patriarchal tendencies. According to Chitando (2008:17): “…[T]hroughout history, women have faced serious challenges. Patriarchal ideologies have left many women at the bottom of the heap. The history of women in Zimbabwe shows the multiple struggles that

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women have endured. Society should reflect critically on the silent and undeclared war between women and men, and review its negative attitude towards women.”

Mapuranga (2010: 32) concurs with the same sentiment. She argues that: “Due to patriarchy, women are not allowed to participate in the public sphere, unless their role is a subordinate one. Zimbabwean societies are generally patriarchal, which means men dominate women, whom society expects to be subservient. Therefore Shona women, many of whom are affected by culture, fail to stand up and be heard at various levels of society due to societal and cultural expectations.”

Based on this argument, Fungisai issues a plea relating to the challenges faced by the girl child that are brought about by those oppressive aspects of culture and tradition. She says: Nzara ikauya Tinochemera kuna amai; Urwere hukauya Zvinoomera amai; Kunyangoshungurudzwa Tinochemera kuna amai; Remekedzai amai avo; Kugarondishungurudza; Kundishayisa dzidzo; Kushaya hanya neni; Madirei kudaro ? When there is hunger We cry to the mother to feed us; When there is illness The challenge is the mother’s; When we are hurt emotionally We cry to the mother; Please respect the mother; You are always hurting me emotionally; You deny me education; You neglect me; Why have you decided to do this?

Such are the socio-cultural fetters that have for a long time been tying up the achievements of the girl child in Zimbabwe. This does not mean that women in traditional religion and culture are not capable and have

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never been successful. Rather, Fungisai questions the sexist tendencies in a society in which the boy child is preferred to the girl child. On the other hand, Fungisai’s song is two pronged. If one looks critically at the first lines, it is possible to argue that the song canonises the mother as the hinge, the centrepiece of human life. Actually, the first part of this song is a celebration of Africana Womanism. The woman/mother is cast as the pillar and a palisade that supports humanity in times of turmoil and tenacity. What the singer therefore appears to be questioning is the genesis of the rather truncated conception and construction of the mother that now defines her in terms of marginality and frivolity. Africana Womanism places emphasis on the significance of women and their complementarity with men (Muwati, Gambahaya and Gwekwere 2011). More importantly, if given the opportunity, African women have excelled and have been very good leaders. A clear example is the legendary Mbuya Nehanda, who played the role of a great leader by being both a spirit medium and a guide to the liberation struggle for the independence of Zimbabwe. Vera (1993), one of the leading Zimbabwean female writers, devoted a book to the memory of Mbuya Nehanda. Even Fungisai is aware of such capabilities of women, as illustrated in the same song outlined above (Mwanasikana Munhu). Drawing critical examples from both the Old and New Testaments, she cites leading women in the bible, including Mary and Martha (Luke 10: 38-42), Deborah (Judges 4-5), and Miriam (Exodus 15:20-21). Fungisai introduces her song using these four key figures (namely Mary, Martha, Deborah, and Miriam) as exemplary. She sings, “Maria naMarita, Deborah naMiriam.” One can easily infer that Fungisai illustrates that women can indeed excel if they are given the proper platform to do so, a platform that has equal opportunities for both boys and girls. This is also a platform that does not deny any being the right to education and virtues such as love, respect, and peace on the sole basis of sex. Like Deborah the judge, Miriam the prophetess, and Martha and Mary who welcomed Jesus into their home, so too can women in contemporary society be prominent. Apart from the already discussed themes that Fungisai tackles, she also refers directly to gender equality. This is illustrated when she sings: Ndipei mukana muone chipo change Nyika ibudirire; Tinoda zororo; Mwana haana zororo;

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Women have been denied access to education through traditions that abuse patriarchal privileges. This has occurred in situations where for instance, resources have been scarce and the boy child has been given the chance to go to school, while it has been assumed that the girl child will one day get married and be taken care of by her husband. This has meant that their retention and achievement in school has been far below that of the boy child. This has resulted in many disadvantages for the woman, as she has not been able to access employment in the public sphere; her place has remained in the kitchen. It is for this reason that Fungisai is encouraging society to give both the boy child and the girl child equal opportunities. Fungisai displays a great awareness of gender issues through this song. Fungisai is not alone in this project, she also finds support from her seniors in the gospel industry such as Shingisai Suluma. Below, I look at Suluma’s celebration of the importance of the girl child, especially the role of motherhood that she will one day assume.

Shingisai Suluma: A Voice Appreciating Motherhood Suluma, who is married to Stephen Suluma, is one female musician whose name cannot be forgotten when one speaks of gospel music in Zimbabwe. Suluma has won many accolades because of the power and influence of her music in society. Her music is characterised by a diversity of spiritual themes. For the purpose of this chapter, Suluma is one such gospel musician whom this study labels as gender conscious, as illustrated in one of her songs, which appreciates the centrality of the mother in the home. Suluma exudes a lot of gender consciousness for the writer in her song entitled: “Mai Vangu, Baba Vangu,” from her album Tatenda Taona. Shingisai sings about the love and significance of both parents. She sings about gender equality here and she is elevating both the mother and the father to the same status. Such a song that praises both parents shows that both mother and father are revered. Africana Womanism is at work here. According to Mangena and Muwati (2013), “Africana Womanism is a family centred rather than female centred theory that focuses on gender from an African centred point of view. Africana Womanism emphasises unity rather than separation.”

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Looking at the matter from a different angle, one can see that Suluma is attaching more importance to the role played by mothers, rather than the role played by fathers in nurturing children. This resonates well with the notion of Africana Womanism. In her conceptualisation of the same, Hudson Weems (1998:24ff) declares: “We love men. We like being women. We love children. We like being mothers. We value life. We have faith in God and the bible. We want families and harmonious relationships.” It is from such arguments that, for the purposes of this study, we turn to the lyrics where she precisely sings about the mother. Suluma sings the following about the mother (http://www.shingisai.com/Lyricdata.php ?ID=53): Ndoitora nguva ino Yekuti ndikutendei; Ndokutendai namai Pamusoro pa ivo mai vamakandipa; Ndivo mai vangu chete; Kundirangarira kundirera Kuti ndigobudirira; Nhasi ndiripano; Zuva riya vakanditi Usasiya Mwari wako; Munamate nguva dzose Mai vangu mai vangu; Mai vangu makandipa; I would like to take this opportunity To thank you; To thank you for a mother The mother that you gave me; She is my only mother; She remembered me and nurtured me So that I could be successful; Today I am here; That day she said to me Don’t leave your God; Do not cease in prayer; My mother my mother; You gave me my mother;

This is a song of a child who is appreciating the role of a mother in his or her life. It gives value to the role of mothers in the life of any child in Africa with particular reference to Zimbabwe. Shona religion and culture

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emphasises the significance of the mother through sayings and proverbs such as: Musha mukadzi; Kusina mai hakuendwe; Nherera inoguta musi unofa mai; A home is because of a woman; It is not as safe to go to a place where your mother is not there; An orphan is well fed on the day his or her mother passes away;

The proliferation of such aphorisms in Shona culture drives the writer to incline her rational processes towards the fact that women are revered. Using these particular proverbs, one can only note that it is a culture that recognises women. What this means is that apart from embellishing discourse, proverbs pronounce what people consider as their ‘law.’ Such sayings present some of the cases where Shona culture does not sanctify the oppression of women, but reveres them. This is also supported by Mangena and Muwati (2013) when they argue that: “In most Africana contexts, the woman is a subject and not an object. She does not occupy the periphery where she is acted upon rather than acting.” Suluma goes further to appreciate the value of the father as well. Going by Hudson-Weems’ philosophy, this study identifies Suluma as a typical Africana Woman. Coming from a patriarchal background (both from ATR and Christianity), she could have found it “the norm” to appreciate only the father’s role in her life. By including the mother, Suluma has illustrated the complementary role that mothers and fathers play in the upbringing of any child in the African Christian society. This role, illuminated by Suluma, shows that “with motherhood, a woman is considered blessed, she acquires a higher status in society, and she is respected and mythologised” (Akujobi 2011:6). As illustrated, both Shingisai and Fungisai’s songs demonstrate the significance of women in Shona society. Achebe (1958: 95) reinforces this point when he argues that: “It’s true that a child belongs to its father. But when a father beats his child, it seeks sympathy in its mother’s hut. A man belongs to his fatherland when things are good and life is sweet. But when there is sorrow and bitterness he finds refuge in his motherland. Your mother is there to protect you… and that is why we say that mother is supreme.”

The selection of gospel songs that promote gender balance in this study is capped by exploring Olivia Charamba’s lyrics.

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Olivia Charamba: ‘United we stand, divided we fall’ Wife to the popular gospel music icon, Charles Charamba, Olivia is a household name and gospel songbird in her own right. Popularly known as Amai Charamba by her legion of fans, she never imagined she could sing professionally as she wanted to be an electrician or work in the Christian ministry serving God (http://visionsradio.com/news/2011/07/olivia-chara mba-owes-it-to-husband/). To her credit, she became the first female musician to sell over eighty thousand copies of a single album (Munyuki, 2001). Her first album ‘Amen’ confirmed her as a musician in her own right. She sings about many themes, which include nationalism and other socio-economic and spiritual realities. The song I select from Mai Charamba that illustrates gender consciousness is called Rute, which is derived from Ruth 1: 1-22. Parts of her lyrics have Naomi saying: Rute, dzokera kumusha kwako Kuna amai nababa unowanikwa; Mukoma wako Orpah adzokera Kumusha Kwake; Kunyange ndive nemwana Pazuva/pazera rangu ini Haangakure kukuroora; Ruth, return to your home Where your parents are; Your sister Orpah has returned To her parents’ home; Even if I were to bear a son In this day and at this age He can’t grow to be your husband;

Ruth responds saying: Kwete amai ndichava nemi Kwamunoenda kana neni ndinoendawo Kwamunogara kana neni ndichagarawo Kwamunopira kana neni ndichapirawo Kwamunovigwa kana neni ndichavigwawo Mwari wenyu achave wangu No mother-in-law, I will be with you; Where you will go I will go; Where you will live I will live;

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Where you will worship I will worship; Where you will be buried I will be buried; Your God will be my God;

What is significant in this song in particular is the response that Ruth makes. This is very important in gender relations. Ruth shows great solidarity and support for the decisions that are made by her mother-inlaw. She promises to stand by her through thick and thin. This illustrates that no amount of challenges would discourage her to remain with her mother-in-law all the way. This is the same sort of support that women who have decided to take leadership positions, be it in the church, academia, politics, or development, in general need from their fellow women. This is an important issue that defines the sisterhood of women working for and with their fellow women (See Hudson-Weems 1993, 2004, 1998). This notion of sisterhood is also illustrated by Fungisai Zvakavapano Mashavave, whose song was discussed earlier. It has often been argued that in many instances women pull down or discourage their fellow women in terms of development, because of the stereotypes inherent in them due to patriarchy and domestication. Fungisai Mashavave also highlights this issue in the following song when she sings: Remekedzanai Pachenyu; Zvipei mukana muone; Zvipo zvenyu; Nyika ibudirire; Respect one another; Give yourselves a chance and see; Your talents; So that the country can develop;

This point has been re-iterated by Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2003: 241) when he criticises female-to-female relations of oppression in Zimbabwe: “The fact that women play a fundamental role in the domestication of each other helps to explain the resilience of patriarchy in Zimbabwe, and needs to be clearly understood before charting the way forward. Women need to desist from supporting patriarchal ideologies that oppress them.”

Thus, the song Rute by Olivia Charamba is a great stepping-stone for women to support each other and show solidarity in the face of ideological challenges brought about by patriarchal resistance, especially on issues that negatively affect the girl child.

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Fungisai, Shingisai and Olivia: Female Voices spreading the “Woman” Gospel This selection of the above-named three female gospel musicians in Zimbabwe has illustrated that women can empower themselves through raising significant themes on gender in gospel music. They have responded to the calls for women to show their presence in society. One such invocation is from Richardson (1987:30), who calls “O, ye daughters of Africa, awake! Awake! Arise! No longer sleep nor slumber, but distinguish yourselves.” In another call, Chauke (2003: 144) says: “Women need to know who they are. This awareness is the beginning of women’s empowerment. A correct knowledge of oneself is good news to those women who are made to feel that their lives are of no value. Women need not compromise on who they are. Rather, they should affirm themselves and each other. God wanted women to... live their lives to the fullest. Women themselves need to resist all forms of oppression and dehumanisation. If male church leaders fail to recognise women’s calling and spiritual gifts, then churchwomen should recognise those among them who are called and gifted for ministry. If fathers in their homes marginalise female children in favour of male children, the mothers should speak out. If husbands abuse their wives, then the wives should not be silent. If national leaders despise women and marginalise them, women should collectively speak out with one voice. Women should affirm themselves. A cultural practice that does not give room for women’s development is not worth preserving.”

Gospel music thus stands out as one practice that has emerged in musical discourse that gives women room to affirm themselves as gendered beings. From the selected songs, female gospel musicians have illustrated their ability and capability to conscientise their societies about the significance of women and mothers. They demonstrate that they are “male compatible” by being married, although they negotiate considerable challenges. Such challenges relate to bargaining with their partners for space and identity (Chitando and Mateveke 2012). This chapter argues that the number of women in gospel music who are becoming gender conscious and are willing not to have their wings clipped by tradition and patriarchy is increasing. Mabhunu (2010: 64) has the same perception with reference to women and prophecy: “The quest for women to be acknowledged in every human endeavour is on an irreversible rise. The number of women prophesying is on the ascendency… I argue that female prophecy has been, is, and will be, a

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Mabhunu’s argument becomes very valid when one deems prophecy to be a phenomenon that can be found in gospel music in Zimbabwe. It can be argued that female gospel musicians, as selected in this study, are indeed prophesying on gender through music. As illustrated, female musicians in Zimbabwe continue to be a force to be reckoned with in ecclesiastical and cultural affairs today, tomorrow, and in the future. They have decided to no longer be silent on issues that directly concern them as women.

Conclusion Female gospel musicians in Zimbabwe are thriving and surviving through the obstacles built by patriarchy. Initially restricted from singing, dancing and performing, gospel music has indeed opened up a more secure and free space for women to express themselves in song and dance. The theme of gender is gradually getting advocacy from women in gospel music. Though their numbers are still not satisfactory, examples from the gospel musicians identified herein will go a long way in inspiring other women in the larger society. Female gospel musicians are awakening to the call to speak against gender stereotypes. These selected women’s voices are indeed a torchbearer for all musicians in Zimbabwe and in Africa on gender issues in gospel music. In line with the vision of Africana Womanism, Zimbabwean female gospel musicians are promoting the image of a society where equality and gender justice reign. They are articulating views that redeem the status of women, without marginalising men. Fungisai Zvakavapano Mashavave, Shingisai Suluma, and Olivia Charamba confirm the veracity of the African proverb that avers: “When you strike a woman, you strike a rock.”

References Achebe, Chinua. Things Fall Apart. Nairobi: African Writers Series, 1958. Chauke, Elsinah. “Theological Challenges and Ecclesiological Responses to Women Experiencing HIV/AIDS: A South Eastern Zimbabwe Context.” In African Women, HIV/AIDS and Faith Communities, edited by Isabel A. Phiri, Beverly Haddad Madipoane Masenya and Ngwana Mphahlele, 128-148, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa: Cluster Publications, 2003.

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Chitando, Ezra and Pauline Mateveke. “Challenging Patriarchy and Exercising Women’s Agency in Zimbabwean Music: An Analysis of the Careers of Chiwoniso Maraire and Olivia Charamba.” Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, Vol. 9 Number 2 (2012): 41-52. Chitando, Anna. Imagining a Peaceful Society: A Vision of Children’s Literature in Post-Conflict Zimbabwe, Discussion Paper 40. Uppsala: The Nordic Africa Institute, 2008. Chitando, Anna and Chitando, Ezra. “Songs of Pain and Hope: HIV and AIDS in Zimbabwean Music.” Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, Vol. 5 Number 1, (2008): 62-74. Chitando, Ezra. Singing Culture: A Study of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe. Research Report 121. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2002. Gwekwerere, Gadziro. “Gospel Music as a mirror of the Political and Socio-Economic Developments in Zimbabwe: 1980-2007.” Exchange, Vol. 38 Number 4 (2009): 329-354. Gwekwerere, Gadziro. “A study of Zimbabwean Gospel Music, 19802007.The Development and Evolution of Gospel Music as Shaped by the Political and Socio-Economic Climate.” (PhD diss., University of Pretoria: 2009). Hackett, Rosalind J. “Arts as Neglected Text for the Study of Gender Religion in Africa.” Journal of Religion in Africa, Vol. 28 Number 4 (1998): 363-376 Hudson- Weems, Clenora. Africana Womanist Literary Theory. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2004. —. “Africana Womanism: An Overview.” In Out of the Revolution: The Development of Africana Studies, 205-217, edited by Delores Aldridge and Carlene Young, (Lanham MD: Lexington Books, 2000). —. “Self-Naming and Self-Defining: An Agenda for Survival.” In Sisterhood, Feminisms and Power, 449-452, edited by Obioma Nneameka (New Jersey: African World Press, 1998). Hudson-Weems, Clenora. Africana Womanism: Reclaiming Ourselves. Troy, Michigan: Bedford Publishing, 1993. Mabhunu, L. “Revolting against the Biblical and Traditional Stereotypes of Women? Women Prophets in African Initiated (Apostolic) Churches.” In Faith in the City: The Role and Place of Religion in Harare, 63-84, edited by Lovemore Togarasei and Ezra Chitando (Uppsala: Sweddish Science Press, 2010). Mangena, Fainos and Muwati, Itai. “Africana Notions of Gender, Rape and Objectification.” Submitted to Philosophy Pathways. (Unpublished Journal article, 2013).

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Mapuranga, Tapiwa P. Gender, HIV and AIDS and African Traditional Religion in Zimbabwe: The Pains and the Gains of the Ndau Women in Chipinge District. Saarbrucken: LAP Lambert Publishers, 2011. —. “The Rise of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe with Special Reference to the Role of Women” (B.A Honour’s Diss., University of Zimbabwe, 2000). Mapuranga, Tapiwa P and Chitando, Ezra. “Healing and Regeneration: Gospel Music in Zimbabwe.” Journal of Religion and Theology, Vol. 13 Number 1 (2006): 72-89. McFadden, Patricia. “Sex, Sexuality and the Problems of AIDS in Africa.” In Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, 157195, edited by Ruth Meena, (Harare: SAPES, 1992). Muwati, Itai, Gambahaya, Zifikile and Gwekwerere, Tavengwa. “Africana Womanism and African Proverbs: A Theoretical Grounding of Mothering/Motherhood in Shona and Ndebele Cultural Discourse.” Western Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 35 Number 1 (2011): 1-8. Naidoo, Salachi, and Pfukwa, Charles. “Representations of Women in Zimbabwean Contemporary Music.” Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, Vol. 6 Number 2, (2009): 145-153. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. “Patriarchy and Domestication of Women in Zimbabwe: A Critique of Female-to-Female Relations of Oppression.” ZAMBEZIA: Journal of Humanities of the University of Zimbabwe, Vol. 30 Number ii (2003): 229-245. Ojo, Matthews. “Indigenous Gospel Music and Social Reconstruction in Modern Nigeria.” Missionalia Vol.26 Number 2 (1998): 210-231. Richardson, Marylin. Maria Stewart: America’s First Black Woman Political Writer. Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1987. Rwafa, Urther and Vambe, M.T. ‘“Hear our Voices’: Female Popular musicians in Post-Independence Zimbabwe.”’ Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, Vol. 4 Number 1 (2007): 66-86. Schmidt, Elizabeth. Peasants, Traders and Wives: Shona Women in the History of Zimbabwe, 1870–1939. Harare: Baobab Books, 1992. Vera, Yvonne. Nehanda. Harare: Baobab Books, 1993. Zindi, Fred. Music yeZimbabwe. Harare: Fast Print, 1997.

Discography Zvakavapano-Mashavave, F. “Mwanasikana Munhu from Tawananyasha.” L4 NGR, 2001. Zvakavapano-Mashavave, F. “Tichamuona.” TMCD120305, 2001. Charamba, O. “Rute from The Gospel.” CD FOM 001, 2006.

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Internet Sources Akujobi, R. "Motherhood in African Literature and Culture." CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 13.1. Accessed 12 September 2012, http://docs.lib.purdue.edu/clcweb/vol13/iss1/2 Suluma, Shingisai. “Singing about Motherhood.” Accessed 12 September 2012, http://www.shingisai.com/Lyricdata.php?ID=53. Accessed 12/09/12. Visions Radio. “Olivia Charamba Owes it to Husband.” Accessed 12 September 2012, http://visionsradio.com/news/2011/07/olivia-charambaowes-it-to-husband/

CHAPTER FOUR TOWARDS LOVING GENDER RELATIONS: OLIVER MTUKUDZI’S WAGONA FANI ANNA CHITANDO

Introduction The debate on the status of women in African culture remains contemporary. On the one hand are radical feminists, who argue that African culture is thoroughly patriarchal and that women have suffered under the yoke of patriarchy (McFadden, 1992). On the other hand are women who belong to the Africana Womanist camp, an African-centred paradigm on gender, which maintains that African culture, though replete with patriarchal attitudes, largely promotes and advocates complementary relationships between women and men. Africana Womanists argue that narratives and discourses that focus on the oppression of women emerge from a failure to appreciate the complexity of African culture (Muwati et al, 2012). These two opposing and radically divergent perspectives clearly evince that gender is a hotly contested terrain. Against this background, this chapter makes use of Oliver Mtukudzi’s song “Wagona fani” (You have done so well) to draw attention to the significance of Africana Womanism in interpreting and understanding female-male relations in a Zimbabwean context. Released in 2004 and appearing on the album “Tsivo” (Revenge), the song “Wagona Fani” is a discursive quintessence of Oliver Mtukudzi’s unambiguous commitment to the creation of a lyrical sociology that pulsates with positive femalemale relations and gender compatibility in general.

About Oliver Mtukudzi Mtukudzi is one of Zimbabwe's greatest musicians. In addition to featuring in several documentaries on Zimbabwean music, Mtukudzi has

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played an important role in composing and arranging the soundtrack for Zimbabwe's second film, Neria, written by the award-winning writer Tsitsi Dangarembga (Mawuru 1993). This film explores the plight of widows in post-colonial Zimbabwe and challenges the trend where some men abuse patriarchal authority and engage in property grabbing. The Ugandan author and anthropologist Okot p’Bitek (1986) argues that artists have special gifts that allow them to play a leading role in society. In Artist the Ruler, p’Bitek maintains that artists possess powerful, sensitive, imaginative minds, allowing them to create a thought system for the rest of the people. He observes that artists make laws for society (1986: 39). Okot p’Bitek (1986) underlines the relevance of the artist in educating society about the need to develop values that are anchored in the local environment and true African experience. Consistent with the responsibility of the artist as a social commentator, Mtukudzi has played his role as an educator and counsellor, both in music and film. The themes that he has tackled include domestic violence, the plight of children on the streets, rape, child abuse, and gender relations. Therefore, Mtukudzi’s “Tuku music” deals with social, political, and economic issues that span from colonial to post-colonial Zimbabwe. The decision to focus on music is informed by the belief that music is quite central in identity construction (Baaz and Palmberg, 2001). Musicians do not compose their songs in a cultural vacuum. Their cultural contexts usually influence them. Leading musicians such as Mtukudzi show the profound cultural nostalgia of their people. Through most of his songs, Mtukudzi articulates and preserves indigenous values and norms. He is a cultural nationalist who questions those who long for foreign values. When he asks: Kusvikira rinhi tichitiza mimvuri yedu? (For how long shall we try to run away from our shadows?), he is persuading fellow citizens to uphold their culture. His music is, therefore, a rich repository of culture. In his quest to transform society, Mtukudzi has addressed gender issues. This is against the backdrop of the controversy that surrounds the status of women in African societies. The following section summarises these debates.

Feminism The status of African women, both historically and currently, has proved to be a rich area for research. The inherited history of African women has been that of living under oppressive male domination. African women have suffered the negative effects of colonialism, patriarchy,

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sexism, and other forms of discrimination that have excluded them from social, political, and economic power structures. Their challenges are often worsened by African culture. Zimbabwean female writers such as Tsitsi Dangarembga (1988 and 2006) and Yvonne Vera (1994 and 1996) deal with issues of the negative cultural construction of Zimbabwean women by showing how repressive cultural practices and other factors leave women at the margins of society. Cultural ideologies have been used by men to stop women from giving their views on important decisions in society, or from accessing education. Reflecting on the issue of education and women’s empowerment, Tumusiime (2010:46) observes that: “Many traditional men wanted women to keep a low profile in society. Hence it was feared that if a woman gained higher education she would become less amenable as a wife. She was prone to showing off, owing to her knowing a bit too much, and this affected the marriage.”

Tumusiime illustrates how some aspects of patriarchy are against women’s education because men fear the loss of control over educated and career women. Saadawi (2007: 524) reiterates the ideas raised by Tumusiime in the foregoing quotation when she observes that: “The man who marries a working-woman, one with a strong voice who is self-confident, is looked upon as being weak and dominated by his wife. He is depicted as having opposed his mother, who always warned him against allowing his wife to go out to work.”

Retrogressive patriarchy is generally not comfortable with relationships that are built on mutual understanding between women and men. Women who are empowered are usually viewed as a threat to the “social order” as they refuse to submit to patriarchy. The oppression of women by men all over the world has given rise to a number of theories that seek to explain the source of women’s oppression and establish solutions to the predicament of women. I discuss some of them below. Feminist criticism as a theoretical framework takes different approaches. However, despite its varied approaches, feminism seeks to uncover, through critical practices, the underlying ideologies that influence the condition of women and men as they play different roles within society. Radical feminism, according to Kate Millet (1949) argues that the most profound divisions are based on gender, and that all societies are patriarchal. For radical feminists, the family is a miniature representation of patriarchy, noticeable in larger social institutions. According to radical

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feminists, patriarchy is a particular form of male dominance instituted upon the dominant role of a father as the head of a family. While it seeks to liberate women, radical feminism is limited in that it fails to notice the fact that women are not a homogenous group. To therefore talk of women as only oppressed by patriarchy is to ignore the workings of other ideologies such as race and class that have seen women being marginalised. Another version is liberal feminism. Liberal feminists value the interrelatedness of everything in the natural world. Thus, they maintain that men should play an important role as the head of the family. Ironically, while they seek to promote social transformation to make women’s lives better, they regard women’s inferior roles as normal and valuable in protecting family stability. Liberal feminism also subscribes to the notion of equality in the home and at the workplace, and so forth. Whenever there are challenges, it is the position of liberal feminists that women should seek recourse through the courts of law. Basically, Western feminism thrives on gender polarisation and fragmentation. African feminism is assimilating in approach. It emphasises power sharing, complementarity, accommodation, compromise, negotiation, and inclusiveness. Moi (1985) refuses and rebels against the dominant trend in traditional feminism, which constructs barriers between masculinity and femininity. She rejects any sex separation. Nnaemeka (2005: 33-34) suggests that African feminism is an ideology that promotes harmony between women and men: “Diverse perceptions of the nature of power account for the different locations and articulations of power in gender analysis. While a zero-sum matrix and a winner-take-all reasoning govern the articulation of power in Western feminist discourse, African feminism sees power as negotiable and negotiated; it assesses power not in absolute but in relative terms - in terms of power sharing, and power ebb and flow. While Western feminist discourse emphasises the power grabbing that reinforces individualism, African feminist discourse foregrounds the power-sharing that underscores community and human living as they are inscribed in many African proverbs.”

Nnaemeka makes important observations pertaining to the qualities of African feminism. However, she ought to be critiqued in the light of patriarchy. There remains the need to evaluate the kind of negotiations women are forced to make within patriarchy. Nnaemeka seems to overlook the fact that inequalities characterise patriarchal societies. Again, the issue of different social classes should be considered in order to try to

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establish whether grassroots and elite women share the same African feminist views. While feminism regrets the predicament of women, there are some gaps in how middle class feminist critics put forward their views about the vulnerability of African women. In some cases, the theoretical tools that they bring to analyse the problems of Third World women apply less to these contexts. This chapter thus utilises Africana Womanism as its theoretical framework. The choice is informed by the assumption that it has more relevance to the African context than the other forms of feminism discussed above.

Africana Womanism: A Short Description Africana Womanism derives from womanists’ concerns with the alternation of the distortion of women and male-female relationships. Clenora Hudson-Weems (2004) has coined the term Africana Womanism to describe her approach, which emphasises the complementary roles of women and men. Women and men need each other for meaningful existence (Hudson-Weems 1993). Ayi Kwei Armah in Two Thousand Seasons (1979) argues that it is not a question of which gender rules, but a question of reciprocity. Africana Womanism is critical to this chapter because it appreciates the need to engage men in the (re)structuring of society. Unlike feminism, which tends to be gender-discriminatory in nature, Africana Womanism supports revision of ideology so that both women and men may live in ways that complement each other. The study approaches culture as a social institution that can be transformed and is also undergoing constant transformation. Hudson-Weems argues that feminism is preoccupied with the interests of white women. It does not cater for the interests of black women. She maintains that feminism “is a theoretical construct named and defined by women of European descent, whose primary goal is that of female empowerment, insisting upon female centrality” (2004:34). HudsonWeems maintains that feminism does not address the reality of black women. Instead, she proposes the concept of Africana Womanism. Central to this theory is the idea that black people must be family-centred and realise the value of partnership between women and men. Africana Womanism considers the woman as a culture-bearer and an important part of the family (Hudson-Weems 2012: 2). Africana Womanism is grounded in the African worldview, with its emphasis on inclusiveness. Unlike other feminist theories, Africana Womanism believes that women and men must work together to create

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more workable families and communities. This forms its main strength, as opposed to other theories that encourage women to establish women-only families and communities. Africana Womanism offers the greatest promise regarding male-female relationships in Africa. Its main tenets will be employed to interpret Mtukudzi’s Wagona Fani. Wagona Fani (You have done so well) Mtukudzi’s Wagona Fani (You have done so well) is an inspiring song in which a husband celebrates his wife for her achievements on the domestic front. The husband takes time to acknowledge the multiple roles and identities that his wife has. He does not take her for granted. Instead, he pauses to appreciate her achievements. The husband realises that his wife is not his employee or labourer. He acknowledges that she is actually an effective co-partner who must be celebrated. Below are the main lines in the song: Ndotenda ndotenda Wagona; Kundirerera vana vangu Wagona; Kundirezva ndadhinhiwa Wagona; Pakuzotenda nomutupo Wagona; I thank you (x 2) You have done so well; You have brought up my children for me You have done so well; You cheer me up when I am low You have done so well; By thanking me using my totemic name You have done so well;

Friendship Mtukudzi presents marriage as a form of friendship between two people. It is not a master-servant relationship. The husband salutes the wife for being a consistent companion. The term “kurezva” in the song is mostly used in relation to playing with children. Children enjoy attention and they giggle when adults tickle them. Mtukudzi employs the term in a similar sense. The wife is presented as the husband’s best friend. She is able to cheer him up when he is low.

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The language employed between the husband and the wife bridges the gap between the two. The husband does not say, “kundirezva ndatambura” (you cheer me up when I am troubled). Instead, he uses the popular slang term, “ndadhinhiwa” (feeling low) in order to express intimacy. The register that is used suggests that the husband and the wife are in fact playmates. Mtukudzi’s song warns husbands against approaching marriage using a master/servant model. The two individuals are supposed to become friends who complement one another. The characterisation of the wife as a friend is contrary to most patriarchal perceptions regarding marriage. In many cases, the husband is depicted as a domineering figure who will not cultivate friendship with his wife, or wives, in the case of polygamous marriages. For example, in Valerie Tagwira’s (2005) The Uncertainty of Hope, Gari, husband to Onai, is portrayed as a brutal and abusive dictator who does not cultivate a warm relationship with his wife. In “Wagona Fani,” Mtukudzi challenges this approach to marriage and indicates that the wife is an important person in the life of the husband. Popular images of men show them as only having male friends. Friendship with women, especially the wife, leads to the idea that one has been a victim of the love potion (kudyiswa mupfuhwira). Mtukudzi refuses to approve this idea. Instead, he celebrates his friendship with his wife. He is not afraid of the whispers or rumours that will circulate as a result of his closeness to his partner.

Motherhood As has been shown in the theoretical framework, motherhood has been the focus of intense debate. Some feminists state that motherhood reinforces the stereotype of women as nurturers and homemakers. Motherhood has the risk of confining women to the domestic sphere. Some feminists argue that it prevents women from accessing power in the public sector. However, Africana Womanism appreciates motherhood. It does not see a contradiction in motherhood and achieving beyond the home. In fact, motherhood becomes a virtue and a strategic identity that confers power to the woman. The voice in Mtukudzi’s song salutes his wife for her role in moulding his children. Although this carries patriarchal overtones as it suggests that the children belong exclusively to the father “kundirerera vana vangu” (You have brought up my children for me), it is important to assert that Mtukudzi does not take the task for granted. He realises that children who have not been mothered properly become wild.

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He confirms the Africana Womanist literary theory that celebrates motherhood and links it to values such as adaptability, nurturing, and wholeness (Hudson-Weems 2004). Equally, the song pampers the mother with such attributes as the “first-teacher” and “culture bearer.” The unmistakable insinuation from the song is that these are attributes that reside more in a mother than in man. It is an acknowledgement of women’s agency and the subject position that she occupies. These seemingly “domestic” duties are given greater prominence and emblazoned with palpable aesthetic value, thereby eschewing the idea of the home as an unimportant and limiting feminine space. The home that is managed by the mother becomes a very crucial symbol of female agency, and a platform for the realisation of positive male-female relations, if well managed. As Chabata and Mashiri (2012: 108) make clear, Shona proverbs confirm the importance of the mother to the family and society at large. Confirming Mtukudzi’s celebration of the mothering role of his wife, they write: “Of note is the fact that the role of nurturing, socialising, teaching, or preparing children for adult life is performed by the mother, who spends most of the time with the children, and thus has the greatest influence over character development. The mother nurtures the children through her multi-roles that include being the caregiver, friend, confidant, censor, disciplinarian, home-keeper, ruler, and teacher. Good habits, right conduct and the formation of good character are best distilled in children by acts of responsible mothering.”

The husband in “Wagona Fani” appreciates his wife’s role in the upbringing of the children. This role is deeply appreciated in African culture. Mangena (2009) suggests that the search for an African feminist ethic must contend with African approaches towards motherhood. Mtukudzi contributes to this debate by showing how a husband acknowledges the important role that his wife plays in the stability of his family.

The Wife as a Source of Voice and Family Identity The wife in “Wagona Fani” questions why she is not treated with respect, as a full human being (“Sei kundibata sendisi munhu?”). This could be interpreted as a collective African voice expressing disgust with the now ubiquitous practice of undermining female agency, contrary to African culture. The wife emphasises the point that she is in fact the source of her husband’s family identity. She challenges the popular notion

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that she is a mutorwa (alien). She reminds her husband that she holds the key to the different generations. She says: Ndini mai vako Ndini mai vevana vako Ndinizve mai Mai vababa vako Ndini mai Ndakabara mese imimi! Mese imimi! I am your mother I am the mother of your children I am also the mother Mother of your father I am the mother I gave birth to all of you! All of you!

Mtukudzi summarises the status of a married woman in Shona culture in a revealing way. She is a mother to different generations. Therefore, she must not be subjected to ill treatment in any way. Culturally, this would lead to punishment by a ngozi (an avenging spirit). The married woman is the pillar of the family and, by extension, society. Chabata and Mashiri (2012: 106) capture this when they say that the married woman who gives birth “facilitates the extension of the family into posterity and also keeps alive its identity.” The husband would be mistaken to imagine that he could afford to treat his wife badly, as she belongs to him exclusively. His wife is not just his wife, but his mother as well. Just as he would have to kutanda botso (ritual appeasement of one’s deceased mother) if he ill-treated his mother, so must he avoid upsetting his other mother, his wife. More significantly, his wife is also the mother of his children and of his own father. This is expressed by emphasising that she has given birth to all of them. The wife is, therefore, vital to the success of the lineage. She must not be treated like “suku nasai” (anyhow). In another song that addresses the same theme, Mtukudzi is more explicit in praising his real wife, Daisy. In “Mbabvu Yangu,” a song that requires a separate analysis, Mtukudzi salutes his “rib.” He is probably evoking the biblical story that Eve was created from one of Adam’s ribs. This suggests the close bond that exists between the husband and his wife. For the purposes of this chapter, focus will only be on the two opening

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stanzas, where Mtukudzi confesses that his life was incomplete without his wife. She actually enters his life to grant him dignity and respect: Nhasi uno iwewe Ndorembera pauri; Wazadzisa hupenyu hwangu Daisy, hwanga huri gasva; Makore makumi mana neanoraudzira Ndichishaya chimiro; Wazadzisa hupenya hwangu Hwanga huri gasva; Today I hang on you; You have completed my life Daisy, which was incomplete; For over forty years I lacked status; You have completed my life Daisy, which was incomplete.

The recurrent theme in the song is that the wife is the one who completes her husband’s being. Prior to marriage, he had no standing in life. He acknowledges his dependence by saying that he “hangs on her.” This is a powerful metaphor that exposes the myth that women need men. In reality, it is the other way around. The husband is “rootless” without his wife. The wife enters his life to give him a sense of dignity and direction. The idea of kuzadzisa (to make complete) carries with it a sense of perfection or taking one to the highest possible level. This is the same sense that the voice in Wagona Fani upholds. He makes it clear that he appreciates his wife for the different roles that she plays in his life.

A Husband with Emotions The socialisation of boys and men in most cultures places emphasis on men suppressing their emotions. The expression munhu wemurume haacheme (a man is not expected to cry) is often used to reinforce the myth that men are supposed to be “made of steel.” In Zimbabwean literature in English, as well as African literature in English, most male characters do not allow their emotions to come to the fore. Like Okonkwo in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart (1958), they insist on keeping their emotions in check. Tragically, Okonkwo does not realise that Nwoye, his son, is a better man because he allows his emotions to come to the fore.

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Okonkwo administers violence to his son, who, ironically, will survive, while Okonkwo will be consumed by his own militant version of masculinity. According to Okafor (2010: 152): “The nearly fatal combat between father and son portrays two antagonistic concepts of masculinity: one that is tough on the outside and lives up to the expectations of traditional patriarchal society, and one that is gentle and shows emotion. Okonkwo epitomises the former and considers the latter as ‘degenerate and effeminate.’ He sees the two forms as representing the dichotomy between roaring flame and cold.”

In real life, the “roaring flame” is always in danger of consuming itself. Men who do not express their emotions are susceptible to suicide, as demonstrated by Okonkwo. On the other hand, the “cold, impotent ash” communicates better and experiences happiness in life. Men who are in touch with their emotions, such as the voice in Wagona Fani, are less likely to be violent, although the woman complains of lack of respect in the song. The husband acknowledges the loving relationship that he enjoys with his wife in the opening stanza: Wakandipepa norudo; Kuperera nechido; Ndikatsidzira ndinokuda; You cared for me with love; Total commitment and love; I reiterated my love for you;

For most Zimbabwean men, expressing one’s emotions, especially in public, is considered a sign of weakness. This relates not only to emotions associated with grief (such as wailing in public), but also to emotions relating to affection. However, the voice in Wagona Fani goes against conservative wisdom, which teaches that praising a woman will make her “grow wings” (“anozoita manyemwe”). He expresses his gratitude to his wife openly. The reference to the wife excelling because she has thanked him using his totemic name (pakuzotenda nemutupo) shows that men are vulnerable to femininity. Most Zimbabwean men are very proud to be addressed by their totemic names or clan names. Traditionally, women were expected to praise their husbands using their totems whenever they accomplished their tasks. These tasks included success in hunting and satisfactory performance on the marital bed. The voice in Wagona Fani appreciates that his wife thanks him using his totemic name. Women can, therefore, placate men

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using this technique, if men prove too stubborn to deal with using rational arguments.

Wagona Fani and Africana Womanism Music plays an important role in forming and expressing identity. Musicians such as Mtukudzi occupy a critical place in their nation’s search for identity. In this chapter, the argument is that the song Wagona Fani is a major text in capturing and reconstructing gender relations in Zimbabwe in particular, and Africa in general. The song can be used to help young men and women develop more loving relationships. It can also be employed to counter violence against women (Mapuranga, 2012). Mtukudzi attacks the tendency to abuse women, and encourages men to recognise the importance of their partners. He is against the notion that “families are situations or locations of marginality for children, and for women in particular…” (Mvududu and McFadden 2001:17) The theoretical section described the debate that surrounds the condition of women in Africa. Most feminist theories and some womanist theories are combative and provoke women to come up with a separate space for themselves. They say that patriarchy is too dominant and women must separate themselves completely from its control. However, Africana Womanism gives a different point of view. It insists that African women and men have a mutual relationship. They ought to build families that are long lasting and fruitful. Africana Womanism does not see the family as a site of fighting over power. It acknowledges the existence of patriarchy and goes on to advise against radical and destructive solutions. HudsonWeems (2012: 2) says: “In the artificiality of male domination and patriarchy, the woman has been placed in a vulnerable and peculiar position of female subjugation, fulfilling her assigned role as servant and underling. In this respect, the male has assumed the higher role as an earthly master, whose chief role was, and continues to be in many societies, that of a dispassionate dictator, be it overt or covert, according to the accepted guidelines for that society. The woman, on the other hand, given the role as facilitator, with the responsibility of bringing to fruition all the dreams and desires of the male, has continued to sacrifice her own innate qualities as a mother nurturer. In order to change this dilemma, her male counterpart, then, must come to her aid in ending her plight, bringing us back to a time in history when the man both loved and respected his female co-partner as his equal and, moreover, as central and indispensable to life. “

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Mtukudzi’s Wagona Fani offers a lot of promise concerning the role of men in women’s quest for dignity. Africana Womanism teaches that men and women are in it together. Men should not stand aside and leave women to be actively involved in the process. As the wife reminds the man, she is a mother to different generations (ndini mai, ndakabara mese imimi!). He must respect her, as she is the source of life and bearer of culture. Mtukudzi is imparting important cultural lessons to his audience in the song. He is castigating the falsehood that women are unessential. He is countering the ill-informed car stickers in public vehicles that suggest that women count for nothing in society (Ndlovu and Ngwenya 2012). Mtukudzi is reclaiming traditional attitudes towards women by showing their centrality to the identity of the family and society. According to Hudson-Weems (2012:5) men have the responsibility to “faithfully love, respect, and protect their female companions” and this will result in successful families. Mtukudzi’s song becomes a good example of such commitment to loving, respecting, and protecting women on the part of the men. In Wagona Fani, the man demonstrates his love and respect for his partner. The song shows this connection between women and men as they talk to each other. The woman speaks out about her problems. and the man acknowledges her role in the life of the family. This suggests that he is prepared to protect her. If society had more men who acknowledged their indebtedness to women, as demonstrated by the voice in Wagona Fani, there would be very little, if any, gender-based violence. Violence occurs because most men do not think that the women in their lives are important. “It is therefore difficult to be a woman in an environment where men are in control” (Chitando 2012:85). Those men who have low regard for women see them as instruments, contrary to the vision proposed by Africana Womanism. Mtukudzi ought to be praised for reminding men that women must be treated with respect. They should be well regarded because they mould men. In line with the spirit of Africana Womanism, Mtukudzi demonstrates how men can acknowledge their gratitude to women.

Conclusion This chapter has analysed Mtukudzi’s Wagona Fani using the Africana Womanist theory. After discussing the debate regarding the status of African women from different points of view, the chapter identified Africana Womanism as the most relevant theory for analysing malefemale relationships in Africa. It interpreted the song from an Africana Womanist approach, and discovered that it is quite noteworthy in its

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description of how husbands should appreciate their wives. The husband in Wagona Fani does not undervalue his wife. He salutes her for her love and friendship. He is humbled by her motherhood role and assures her of his commitment to her. In his praises and recollections, he expresses one of the central concerns of Africana Womanism: “We must understand that we, Africana men and women, are in this together. We need to recognise that we are each other’s better half, and that we need each other to work through this crisis.” (Hudson-Weems 2004: 96)

References Achebe, Chinua. Things Fall Apart. Oxford: Heinemann Educational Publishers, 1958. Armah, Ayi Kwei. Two Thousand Seasons. London: Heinemann, 1979. Baaz, Maria. E and Palmberg, Mai. Same and Other: Negotiating African Identity in Cultural Production. Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute, 2001. Chabata, Emmanuel and Pedzisai Mashiri. “The Significance of Motherhood in Family Stability as Portrayed in the Shona Proverb.” In Rediscoursing African Womanhood in the Search for Sustainable Renaissance: Africana Womanism in Multi-disciplinary Approaches, 103-113, I. Muwati et al (Harare: College Press, 2012). Chitando, Anna. Fictions of Gender and the Dangers of Fiction in Zimbabwean Women’s Writings on HIV and AIDS. Harare: Africa Institute for Culture, Dialogue, Peace and Tolerance Studies, 2012 Dangarembga, Tsitsi. Book of Not. Oxfordshire: Ayebia Clarke Publishing Limited, 2006 —. Nervous Conditions. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House, 1988 Hudson-Weems, Clenora. Africana Womanism: Reclaiming Ourselves. Troy, MI: Bedford Publishers, 1993 —. Africana Womanist Literary Theory. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2004 —. “Ending De-womanisation, De-feminisation and De-humanisation via Self-naming, Self-definition and Genuine Sisterhood.” In Rediscoursing African Womanhood in the Search for Sustainable Renaissance: Africana Womanism in Multi-disciplinary Approaches, 1-7, edited by I. Muwati et al (Harare: College Press, 2012). Mangena, Fainos. “The Search for an African Feminist Ethic: A Zimbabwean Perspective.” Journal of International Women’s Studies, Vol. 11 Number 2 (2009): 18-30.

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Mapuranga, Tapiwa P. “‘Tozeza Baba’: Gender-based Violence in Oliver Mtukudzi’s Music.”’ Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, Vol. 9 Number 1(2012): 58-70. McFadden, Patricia. “Sex, Sexuality and the Problem of AIDS in Africa.” In Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, 157195, edited by Ruth Meena (Harare: SAPES, 1992). Millet, Kate. Sexual Politics. New York: Ballantine Books, 1969 Moi, Toril. Sexual/Textual Politics: Feminist Literary Theory. London: Methuen, 1985 Muwati, Itai et al, (Eds.). Rediscoursing African Womanhood in the Search for Sustainable Renaissance: Africana Womanism in Multidisciplinary Approaches. Harare: College Press, 2012 Mvududu, Sara and Patricia McFadden. Reconceptualizing the family in a changing Southern African Environment. Harare: Women and Law in Southern Africa Research Trust, 2001 Ndlovu, Lindiwe and Thinkwell Ngwenya. “Public Transport Stickers: Degrading Zimbabwean Womanhood.” In Rediscoursing African Womanhood in the Search for Sustainable Renaissance: Africana Womanism in Multi-disciplinary Approaches, 17-23, edited by I. Muwati et al (Harare: College Press, 2012). Nnaemeka, Obioma. “Mapping African Feminisms.” In Readings in Gender in Africa, 31-41, Edited by Andrea Cornwall, (London: James Currey, 2005). Okafor, Clement A. 2010. “Masculinity in Chinua Achebe’s Anthills of the Savannah.” In Masculinities in African Literary and Cultural Texts, 149-159, edited by Helen N. Mugambi and Tuzyline J. Allan (Oxfordshire: Ayebia Clarke Publishing Limited, 2010). p'Bitek Okot. Artist the Ruler: Essays on Art, Culture and Values. Nairobi:Heinemann,1986 Saadawi, Nawal El. “Dissidence and Creativity.” In African literature: An Anthology of Criticism and Theory, 172-177, edited by Tejumola, Olaniyan and Oton Quayson (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007). Tagwira, Valerie. The Uncertainty of Hope. Harare: Weaver Press, 2005 Tumusiime, Amanda Evassy. (2010). “Art and Gender: Imag (in)ing the New Woman in Contemporary Uganda Art” (PhD diss., Pretoria: University of South Africa, 2010). Vera, Yvonne. Under the Tongue. Harare: Baobab Books, 1996 —. Without a Name. Harare: Baobab Books, 1994

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Discography Mtukudzi, Oliver. “Wagona Fani.” In Tsivo. Harare: Zimbabwe Music Corporation Productions, 2004

Films Mawuru, Godwin. Neria (a film). Harare: Media for Development Trust, 1993

CHAPTER FIVE ZIMBABWEAN WOMEN IN MUSIC: A CATALOGUE FRED ZINDI

Introduction Traditionally, Zimbabwean women were treated as second-class citizens. Their role was to look after children, cook, wash, and sew for their husbands as well as to obey instructions coming from men. Young female children were also taught to grow up observing these roles. Men were, therefore, considered to be superior to women in every aspect of their lives. In families where a choice had to be made between a boy and a girl for playing specific roles, a boy was always given the first priority. Girls were only chosen as a last resort. To give an example, in a situation where the family was struggling to raise school fees for their male and female children, they would often decide to send the boys to school first. Sometimes if the resources were insufficient, only the boys would be given priority, while the girls were asked to drop out. The thinking was that boys would always keep the family name while girls would end up using their husband’s surname, and that boys were more likely to bring in income that would support the family instead of girls. That tradition of gender inequality, although not as great as before, seems to continue to prevail in Zimbabwe today, and has spilled over into the job market where scientists, engineers and builders are predominantly men. The same applies to other activities such as music. Based on the author’s long association with music in Zimbabwe (as a promoter, producer, critic, and consumer), this chapter minimises scholarly references and utilises the author’s close familiarity with the topic to highlight the challenges and achievements of women in Zimbabwean music.

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The Social Construction of Gender and its impact on Music in Zimbabwe But should music only be a masculine activity? There are certain activities in society that both males and females can do equally well. Music is one of them. However, trends in the construction of images of masculinities in music seem on the whole to suggest that music has not challenged myths and social stereotypes that are problematic in gender relations. It is recognised that masculinity is a social construction and it means different things to different people at different times, and that masculinities are not a product of biological but historical and social constructions (see the chapter by Ezra Chitando in this volume). The first observation, however, is that at a general level, stereotypical constructions of masculinities in Zimbabwean music tend to be uninspiring and limited. The second challenge is that excessive and exaggerated manifestations of manhood are taken as ‘fact’ or as the “natural” behaviour of men. What is taken as “natural” is in fact man-made, both as a social order and a description of that order as natural and physically determined. This is critical because people’s perceptions of reality are cultivated by the media they consume, and the more they consume certain kinds of media, the more the influences of such media manifest themselves in their attitudes and behaviour. In some HIV and AIDS-related music productions, the disease is construed as a phenomenon that comes from female prostitutes, and men are treated as “victims” of prostitutes. Yet there is an interesting contradiction because, in some instances, music celebrates masculine virility, and masculine sexuality is usually constructed as conquest over women, while female sexuality is treated passively. Patriarchal ideology is, in most instances, “reproduced” passively without challenge. For instance, one sees Zimbabwean women teaching their daughters how to sew or cook. They do not ask their sons to do the same. This trend is passed on from generation to generation and is not challenged as a problem at all. Where it is challenged, it is challenged out of context in such a way that the challenge loses resonance with the sociocultural context in which this type of activity functions. This is typical of conservative communities. Only a few radical feminists have challenged this and have asked men to perform “female roles”, but the majority of women have dismissed such as non-starters. For example, constructions of images of men cooking or washing baby nappies have been dismissed or not taken seriously by female spectators.

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On the other hand, men have sometimes been offended by such images, as they have been referred to as being under matriarchy, where the female dominates the male. If such “radical” performances can only foster anger and ridicule, then there is a need to consider other approaches that can engender reflective engagements with females in music. What male musicians seem not to consider is that not all men benefit equally from the institutions of patriarchy, and that some forms of patriarchy are culturally elevated above others in certain times and places. Sometimes one gets the impression that masculine agency is over-celebrated and romanticised. Assertive, courageous, heroic, and progressive figures are usually male. Perhaps it is necessary to point out that there are notable exceptions to this trend. The above general criticism should not be construed to suggest that music composers who project patriarchy without problematising it necessarily do so from a deliberate ideological intention to propagate patriarchal domination. Sometimes this is a “natural” tendency to write songs about what already exists in society. There is a general pattern to write what “is” as opposed to what “should be” or “what can be.” Perhaps this is born out of conceptualisation that music is an “imitation” of reality. The interpretation is that art or music is a “mirror” of society. This definition might be acceptable in a context where the objective is to please or “entertain” the audience. However, when it comes to instances where music aspires or should aspire to have a critical social function, such as in gender relations, music cannot afford the luxury of passively “mirroring” society. There is a need to problematise and engage deeply with sociocultural and socio-political relations. A possible explanation for the apparent celebration of masculinity at the expense of women is that most music composers are male. Factors causing this scenario are both historical and ideological. It is, therefore, possible that, unconsciously, most male musicians proceed from “their own” ideological standpoint. Whatever the motivations, it is important to note that romanticising and celebrating masculinity without challenge in musical works poses serious challenges in terms of harmonising and improving gender relations. This is not to say, however, that male musicians have “impaired” social or moral vision. In fact, elsewhere, it has been observed that some musical works that have been conceived, devised, written, produced, performed, and directed by women do not necessarily advance the cause of women. Some musical works that have been written by women also lampoon and ridicule women while “accepting” negative or oppressive masculine images.

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Such imaging of masculinity can foster negative or undesirable reception by audiences. In the first instance, stereotypical or exaggerated masculinities are usually not challenging to the audience. Male audiences might remain comfortable and see oppressive images of masculinity as “natural.” It is also possible that female audiences might interpret oppressive masculinity as very close to their oppression and think that female domination by men is “natural’ and inevitable.

The Changing Context of Zimbabwean Women’s Music Performance Before independence, there was a very strong misconception about women in the music business. They were often perceived as either people who were lacking in moral values, loose, promiscuous, sex objects, or undisciplined. However, today, women all over the world are more independent, confident, and dominant than ever before. Zimbabwean women are no exception. The attainment of independence by Zimbabwe in the year 1980 brought about not only certain freedoms and expansion of women’s roles in society, but also the freedom to participate in music and music-making (Chitando 2002). Operating within a context dominated by traditional thinking that it was taboo for a Zimbabwean woman to play a musical instrument and to be involved in any form of musical activity except in a church choir, Zimbabwean middle-class parents who wished to be “more modern” began to allow their daughters to be involved in music. Newly wealthy families could afford to have a guitar or a pianoforte in their homes, meaning that music was suddenly accessible to a larger portion of society than it ever had been before. This expanded interest in music. In addition, the practice of educating young women and the increase in women’s leisure time meant that the number of women involved in domestic music making increased significantly. Music began to be considered a social accomplishment for women, which reflected on the gentility of one’s family, filled leisure time, and drove away ennui. While cooking, drawing, or embroidery were admirable skills to possess, they were not nearly as effective in drawing attention to oneself as music. A private social evening would be the ideal occasion for a young woman to sit down at the guitar or forte piano and demonstrate her skills to everyone in the room. With the advent of independence, several “enlightened” parents began to send their daughters for private music lessons to places such as the Zimbabwe College of Music, or to private homes where such

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tuition was being offered. There were no longer too many restrictions on women practising music. Today, Zimbabwean patriarchal society seems to have accepted the role of female musicians. Despite this, there are not very many women in show business in Zimbabwe. One would expect that in Zimbabwe, with a population of over 12 million people and 12,000 musicians, at least 6,000 would be female musicians. But that is not the case. Apart from a handful of performers and singers such as Dorothy Masuka, Stella Chiweshe, Busi Ncube, Chiwoniso Maraire, Ivy Kombo, Fungisai Zvakavapano, Betty Makaya, Shingisai Siluma, Plaxedes Wenyika, Dudu Manhenga, Prudence Katomeni, The Women’s Band, Kudzai Sevenzo, Patience Musa, Plaxedes Wenyika, Edith WeUtonga, Clairs Nyakujara, Rute Mbangwa, Sandra Ndebele, Sku, Thanda Richardson, Cindy Munyavi, Cynthia Mare, and Hope Ruvimbo Masike, women have found the popular music business taxing, both socially and emotionally. One would think that since both male and female fans buy records, cassettes, and CDs, it is only natural that there should be an equal number of men and women in show business. The majority of women who sing are used as backing singers by male artists. Only the brave ones such as those mentioned above front the stage. There is only one female sound engineer of note, one Gloria Chikepe, who has worked with Alick Macheso and several other musicians. There is also another female director in charge of the Zimbabwe Music Rights Association, one Polisile Ncube, who, despite her influence in the industry, has very little power over this male-dominated industry.

Women in Zimbabwean Music: An Overview of the Challenges A number of songs are connected with the relationship between men and women. Unfortunately, because the majority of songwriters happen to be male, women are usually placed in a derisory role in these songs. Sometimes the lyrics describe women as sex objects (e.g. “Dhafu Korera”, an overweight woman), or describe them as promiscuous, and in the process praise male machismo and chauvinism. These songs are unreal and unbalanced, but for as long as men control studios, record production, and singing, the status quo will remain. The music industry itself, apart from giving a few jobs, such as secretarial roles, to women, gives almost all of its jobs in the organisations to men. In one or two cases, such as Frontline Sound, where a woman is running the company, there is always a man holding the top job.

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The main reason, of course, is the traditional role that women play in African societies. Even in modern urban centres, women are still looking for “female” jobs, such as secretarial work or nursing. Few women apply for positions such as record engineers, producers, or disc jockeys. Surely if singing appears to be glamorous for a man, it must also appear the same for a woman. Yet social pressures inhibit the average African woman from having a job such as playing in a band. Attitudes of society towards male musicians are usually very negative, as very few people regard being employed as a musician as work. These attitudes are more pronounced when the musician happens to be a woman. A woman who sings in a band in Zimbabwe is usually perceived by society as a “loose” or “easy” woman (as evidenced by the pressure put upon the likes of Ivy Kombo and Fungisayi Zvakavapano by members of the society who think that as gospel singers they should not wear clothes that are deemed to be indecent). This is not always true. Probably one of the big reasons is the way many women have been brought up at home and at school. They have been encouraged to believe that men and women always do different things, and that the best thing for women to do is to learn to cook and to look after children, or perhaps train as a nurse, teacher, or secretary. Singing in a band is regarded as a job for male vagrants, and certainly not for decent women, regardless of how talented they are in that area. A lot of Zimbabwean women in music are found in the Gospel arena because it is a safe platform from which to launch oneself on to the music scene (Zindi 2010). Because people fear God, it is difficult for male chauvinists to stop their daughters from singing about God, just as they find it difficult to stop their wives from going to church. Names such as Ivy Kombo, Fungisai Zvakavapano-Mashavave, Mercy Mutsvene, Joice Simeti, Olivia Charamba, and Shingisai Siluma are found in Zimbabwean gospel circles (see the chapters by Mapuranga and Manyeruke in this volume), while the few who have braved it outside the gospel arena include Hope Ruvimbo Masike, Betty Makaya, Busi Ncube, Dudu Manhenga, Stella Chiweshe, Sister Thanda, Sandra Ndebele, Rute Mbangwa, Prudence Katomeni-Mbofana, Cindy Munyavi, Kudzai Sevenzo, Edith WeUtonga, Claire Nyakujara, Plaxedes Wenyika, Jean Masters, and Patience Musa. It does not have to be like this. A woman can do most of the jobs that a man can do. Music is not such a complicated job that a woman must invariably fail at it. As Stella Chiweshe, one of Zimbabwe’s leading female mbira players put it: “I counted the number of fingers on a man’s hand, and saw five. I counted the fingers on my hand, they also came to five. So I said to myself, what the hell, if a man can play mbira, I can too.”

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She stood her ground and became one of Zimbabwe’s leading mbira players, competing with the likes of Dumisani Maraire and Ephat Mujuru on the international platform. Confidence and an independent mind helped Stella to achieve this. What most women need is the determination to break through the old idea that some professions are for women while others are for men. Those who show this determination have a great advantage, such as the lady who started employment as a stewardess on Air Zimbabwe but ended up as the pilot of the plane. Because there are only a few women doing those jobs, any woman who applies herself is bound to be noticed straight away. This is why all the women who have had the guts to take up the microphone in Zimbabwe are noticed straight away. They might not want to be thought of any differently just because they are women, but this is inevitable in a world that is still patriarchal, and, having been noticed more than their male counterparts, they are bound to excel. Is it not ridiculous that even today some people still think music is a job for vagrants only? Zimbabwean women are still at the beginning of their popular music careers, but many are making strides to achieve this goal.

Defying the Odds: Women in Zimbabwean Music Below are some of the women who have braved it in the Zimbabwean popular music industry.

Dorothy Masuka Very few Zimbabwean women took to the stage in the early days of Zimbabwean popular music. One had to be very brave to do that. One such example is none other than Dorothy Masuka. According to Makwenda (2005), Dorothy Masuka, popularly known as “Auntie Dot”, was born in Bulawayo on the 3rd of September 1935. Zimbabwe at that time was called Southern Rhodesia. Her father was originally from Zambia and he worked as a chef at a hotel in Bulawayo. Her mother was Zulu. Dorothy was the fourth of seven children. At the age of 12, she and her family moved to South Africa where she attended school at a Catholic school in Johannesburg. Soon, her talent as a singer was spotted during school concerts. She fell in love with jazz music as well as South African “Kwela” and “Marabi” music. At one time when Dorothy was only 16, she ran away from her boarding school to join Philemon Magotsi’s band called “African Ink Spots”. Her school and her parents were upset by this move, as they wanted her to continue with

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school, but she went back for a short while, and then left again for Bulawayo where she pursued her career as a singer. It was on her way back to Johannesburg that she penned the hit song “Hamba Notsokolo”. At the age of 19 she was invited to audition for Troubador Record Company in South Africa and she was successful. That became the first rung of her ladder to fame, as she was soon to join another popular female singer, known as Dolly Rathebe. At the age of 20, she joined a black musical revue in South Africa, which included the famous Miriam Makeba and Hugh Masekela. They called themselves African Jazz and Variety. This is the period when Dorothy wrote many hit songs such as “Pata Pata” and “Kulala”, “Khauleza”, “Khuteni Zulu”, and “Ndizulu Zule Goli”, and Makeba is known to have used some of these hits in her later recordings and performances. Masuka’s music became very popular in South Africa throughout the 1950s, but when the songs became more serious, the South African Apartheid government began to question her. The authorities banned her song “Dr Malan”. In 1961, while in Bulawayo, she also wrote a song for Patrice Lumumba, who was a political activist in the Congo. It was this song that forced her into exile, when the special branch in Bulawayo advised her not to return to Southern Rhodesia. Dorothy fled to Malawi, and then to Tanzania, between 1961 and 1965. In 1965, she went back to Bulawayo, but had to flee again, this time into Zambia, was not to return until Zimbabwe became independent in 1980. In 1982 she went back to Johannesburg where she released the album “Magumede”. She went back to Zimbabwe and did some more recordings of songs such as “Nhingirikiri” and “Gona ra Machingura” in the late 1980s. These became instant hits in Zimbabwe. In 2001 she released “Mzilikazi” and followed this up with a tour of London and New York accompanied by the Mahotella Queens in 2002. Dorothy has travelled extensively throughout the world, thrilling those fortunate enough to catch her performances. She is received in many African countries by heads of state, and is loved by the people as one of Africa’s greatest female performing artists. She has toured extensively in the African continent and has been able to deliver her songs in the different languages of each country she performs in. She speaks Shona, Ndebele, Zulu, English, Swahili, Nyanja, Lozi, and Bemba, to mention only a few of the languages at her fingertips. In 2002, when she toured England, she had audiences sweating and panting at jam-packed venues in cities such as London, Manchester, Coventry, Bristol, and Birmingham. She has appeared on English radio

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and television programmes such as the “Big World Café”, Global Beat Box, Charlie Gillet’s Capital Radio Show, Women’s Hour, BBC Radio 4, Jazz F.M., BBC African Service, and Andy Kershaw’s BBC Radio 1 Show, Jo Shinners’ show on Greater London Radio, and many other shows. When she toured Europe the same year, European audiences were treated to nights to remember by this charismatic female African artist. One promoter who had hired her to perform at the Milkweg in Amsterdam and at the Nijmegen Music Centre confessed that at first he was scared of bringing Miss Masuka to these venues, which are often frequented by youngsters aged between 18 and 30. He said he thought he was taking a big risk by presenting this rather oldish African singer to hip-hop fans in the Netherlands, but he was wrong. These kids loved it. The promoter then took her to Switzerland, where she performed at the Dolce Vita, where he was also scared that his teenage Swiss audience would walk out. On the contrary, they loved it. In Africa, she is claimed by many nations. The South Africans think that Dorothy is theirs, because she went to school there from the age of 12. The Zambians also want to own her, because, although she was born in Zimbabwe, her father was Zambian, and she later spent a great part of her life in Zambia. However, Dorothy will tell you that it is Zimbabwe, the country of her birth, where she has her deepest roots. This explains why she kept running back to Bulawayo even during her school days.

Chiwoniso Maraire Chiwoniso Maraire was born in 1976 in Olympia, Washington, U.S.A and is the daughter of that famed mbira player and master, the late Abraham Dumisani Maraire. She is an accomplished singer, songwriter, and exponent of Zimbabwean mbira music. When the family moved back to Zimbabwe in the early eighties, Chiwoniso also came back with her father, who taught her to play mbira. Together they did gigs in clubs and churches while she attended the Zimbabwe College of Music, where she did a National Certificate in Music (NCM) programme (Maraire, 1993). She later joined The Storm, an Afro-beat band led by Andy Brown with whom she later had two children. After she split up with Andy, Chiwoniso moved in with a poet popularly known as Comrade Fatso, and she formed her own mbira-based band in the early nineties. She started to do her own recordings, and one of her early recordings is dedicated to her late mother, Linda Nemarundwe. In 1995, she recorded an album; “Ancient Voices,” where she mixes the

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traditional and modern beats, sings in English and Shona, and uses both contemporary instruments and traditional African instruments such as the mbira, hosho, and ngoma. She learned how to play mbira despite the fact that, traditionally, women in Zimbabwe were not permitted to play the instrument. The mbira, she says, “is like a large xylophone. It is everywhere in Africa under different names: sanza, kalimba, etc. For us in Zimbabwe, it is the name for many stringed instruments. There are many kinds of mbiras. The one that I play is called the “nyunga nyunga,” which means “sparklesparkle.” Chiwoniso has been fronting her acoustic group Chiwoniso & Vibe Culture since 2001. From 2001 to 2004, she was also a core member of the multinational all-female band Women’s Voice, whose original members hailed from Norway, Zimbabwe, Tanzania, America, Israel, and Algeria. Chiwoniso has also been busy in film, having worked on the soundtracks for movies and documentaries by an array of Zimbabwean writers and film producers in the last ten years. In February 2006, she joined Busi Ncube, Adam Chisvo, Peter "Mashasha" Mujuru, Louis Mhlanga, and many other Zimbabwean artists in an ad-hoc band called The Collaboration, and recorded “Hupenyu Kumusha, Life at Home, Impilo Ekhaya.” The band performed in Zanzibar's Sauti za Busara 2007 Festival. In September 2008, Chiwoniso released her fourth album and first international album in over ten years, “Rebel Woman.” The album perfectly mirrors Chiwoniso's life as she sings about her personal experiences. Every song in “Rebel Woman” was influenced by a specific event in her life. Recognising that artists play an important role in society, this masterful album speaks out in support of every issue Chiwoniso has witnessed, regardless of the consequences. She blends ancient African soul with modern spirit, accompanied by the melodies of the mbira and deep grooves. In late 2008, Chiwoniso moved back to the United States, where promoters arranged a tour of Europe and Canada for her. She returned to Zimbabwe in 2010. While on tour in Denmark, Chiwoniso spoke out against police brutality and violence in Zimbabwe. She once said: “To beat people, to threaten people, to put a person in a situation where they have to think for the next five hours about whether or not they are going to be okay — is a very, very bad thing.”

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Busi Ncube It is not surprising that there is so much music within Busi (Sibusisiwe) Ncube – it is strong in her blood and family background. Her father – Sunday Ncube – played township jazz (double bass and vocals) throughout her childhood in Bulawayo in the early 60s, and she grew up in a huge family of sister singers. When Busi was 12, seven of the Ncube sisters sang as a choir, both in choral church music and for traditional and other ceremonies, and from a very young age, Busi was playing percussion and ngoma. She went on to perform with her twin sister Pathie (Sipathisiwe) in the group Ebony Sheik and their older sister Doreen, who is well known in Zimbabwe jazz circles and now lives in London. Inspiration Besides her strong family influences, Busi drew her musical development from many quarters. Like so many famous female vocalists of the world, Busi’s early influences were in Gospel music, and in the course of her growing years, she moved through the schools of various musical styles, including funk. Artistes like South African songstress Miriam Makeba lent a strong influence to Busi’s development, and by the early 80s, she became impressed and influenced by young Southern African vocalist Brenda Fassie. At the age of 19, Busi performed cabaret with the group Champ, based in Bulawayo, at the Executive Night Club, and after leaving Bulawayo for greener pastures in the capital, she later sang with her sister Doreen in the Pied Pipers at Harare’s Elizabeth Hotel. By 1984 she was working constantly, and maintained a strenuous 5-nights-a-week contract with a band called Job’s Combination at Job’s Nitespot along Julius Nyerere Way in Harare. The group Job’s Combination was into copyright music in the Afro-pop style, but Busi was yearning to create her own music, obviously tired of the nightclub routine. Ilanga A new direction opened up with the formation of the group Ilanga in 1987, in which Busi featured on vocals and percussion. The group recorded four albums together before disbanding in 1989. Among the founding and later members of Ilanga were Andy Brown (guitar), Keith Farquharson (keyboards), Munya Brown and Gibson Nyoni (drums),

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Charles Mangena (percussion), the late Don Gumbo (bass), and Virgilio Ignacio. With this electric mix of musicians, the full potential of each was released, a mixture which thrilled music lovers in Zimbabwe and grew to wide popularity. Several of Busi’s own tunes were recorded with Ilanga, including the countrywide hit song True Love, Siyalonda, Gugamzimba (duet with Don Gumbo), and Ngihlangabeze. The Band Rain With the launch of her album African Renaissance, the band Rain laid down a lively backing for Busi, who erupted onto the stage full of life and energy, happy to be bringing her music to the people. Before long, the invited guests comprising journalists and musicians, promoters and friends took to the dance floor to celebrate her newest offering. She calls it “rainbow music” because of its variety of influences, and because she records in four languages: Shona, Ndebele, Chewa, and English. African Renaissance is the fourth album recorded by the band since 1990, others being Zevezeve (Rumour), Bayagiya (Dance!), Ndabazakho (It’s your own fault). Hardships Faced Except for some resistance at the very beginning of her music career, Busi has been able to hold her own in the tough music world without being subjected to too many of the problems that face a woman with a career in music. But she has had her fair share of hardships common to female artists throughout the world and throughout time – being branded an ‘easy’ woman because of her presence in nightclubs and bars, not being taken seriously as a musician in her early days, and the usual round of handling fans who are too drunk. Over the years and in the course of her growth in music, Busi enjoyed opportunities to travel abroad to Belgium, England, Ireland and, closer to home, Mozambique. She is always in demand for session work in Harare studios, and has shared the stage with international artists performing in Zimbabwe, such as Tracy Chapman, Bruce Springsteen, Miriam Makeba, Hugh Masekela, Youssou Ndou, and Sting. Recent music projects she has been involved in include “Artists against Aids” in early 2000, when she traveled around Zimbabwe with other artists in a massive AIDS awareness campaign. She also wrote and performed the music for the documentary directed by Edwina Spicer, ‘No Need to Blame,’ for the Mashambanzou home for the terminally ill. This was done in cooperation with Belgian musician Rony Geboers, who

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invited her to perform with his band in Belgium. Contributing to the fight against violence perpetrated against women, Busi together with another successful young Zimbabwean artiste Chiwoniso Maraire wrote and recorded the theme music for TV and radio programmes run by the Musasa Project in Harare. More recently, Busi was invited to participate in the United Musicians of Zimbabwe song for the Constitutional Commission, “Let’s Make a Change.” Busi is the chairperson of Zimbabwe Women Musicians, launched in October 1998 with the main objectives being to uplift the status of women artistes, create employment, and help develop self-reliance. To date, ZWM have presented a number of successful music performances featuring female musicians of note. In 2004 she was elected to the board of directors of Zimbabwe Music Rights Association (ZIMURA). In November 2000, she went on a successful European tour of Germany, the Czech Republic, Belgium, Slovakia, Norway, and Sweden, where she did a live recording of a CD and video.

Conclusion Women in Zimbabwe have struggled against multiple factors as they have sought to become accepted in the music industry. In this chapter, I have utilised my familiarity with the challenges characterising the music industry in Zimbabwe to highlight the impact of patriarchal ideology on the marginalisation of women. I have also drawn attention to some of the changes that were brought about by political independence, in terms of facilitating women’s visibility in the sector. I drew attention to some of the key women’s voices, thereby confirming that women have begun defying the odds and contributing to the shaping of their identities in Zimbabwe. Whatever the future holds for Zimbabwean women in music, the struggle of fighting male dominance and chauvinism continues.

References Chitando, E. “Music in Zimbabwe.” ZAMBEZIA: Journal of Humanities of the University of Zimbabwe, Vol. 29 Number 1(2002): 71-84. Makwenda, J.J. Zimbabwe Township Music. Harare: J.J. Makwenda Productions, 2005 Maraire, D.A. “The Position of Music in Shona Mudzimu Possession.” Washington, DC: University of Washington Press, 1993 Zindi, F. Music Guide for Zimbabwe: Harare: Zindisc Publications, 2010

PART II: SECULAR MUSIC AND POLITICS

CHAPTER SIX ‘JOHN RAWLS IN ZIMBABWE’: A REFLECTION ON LEONARD ZHAKATA’S CALL FOR DISTRIBUTIVE JUSTICE FAINOS MANGENA

Introduction In this chapter, I critically reflect on the theme of distributive justice as found in four selected albums by Leonard Zhakata, namely Maruva eNyika (Flowers of the world), Pakuyambuka (When crossing the river), Mubikira (Catalyst), and Gotwe (Last Born). I argue that the distributive justice theme found in some selected songs on these four albums resonates well with John Rawls’ idea of distributive justice. The songs are Mugove (My Share), Todya Tese (We should Share the Food), Sakunatsa (The Virtuous One), Simudza Mureza (Raise the Flag), and Dambura Mbabvu (Break the Ribs). In my analysis of these songs, I try to show how and why their lyrics replicate Rawls’ distributive justice theme. I conclude the chapter by explaining how Zhakata’s dramatisation of the Rawlsian notion of distributive justice can be useful in defining notions of identity in postcolonial Zimbabwe. I begin this chapter by looking at the context of Zhakata’s music, the idea being to determine the circumstances that influenced Zhakata to sing the way he did. This is very important when one wants to understand and appreciate the themes of Zhakata’s music.

The Context of Zhakata’s Music Zhakata came on to the music scene during the time when Zimbabwe was undergoing social, economic, and political transformation following the introduction of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) in 1991. ESAP had led to the retrenchment of many workers, and this development marked the beginning of some socio-economic problems in Zimbabwe. Thus, Zhakata’s music was responsive to these developments.

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Many people who had lost their jobs as a result of ESAP found Zhakata’s music to be appealing and relevant, and they found comfort in knowing that someone was sympathising with their fate. In addition to unemployment, corruption and nepotism were rife, especially in the private sector, and also in the civil service. You had to know somebody in order to get a job or a driver’s license, let alone a passport. Barely two years before the introduction of ESAP, Thomas Mapfumo (another iconic figure in Zimbabwe’s music industry) had released the hit song Corruption, which dominated the music charts as people were beginning to feel the effects of corruption and nepotism. It is important to note that by the year 2000, when Zhakata released the album Pakuyambuka, the socio-economic and political situation in Zimbabwe had shown signs of worsening. The Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP), which was launched in 2001, had seen many Zimbabwean blacks forcibly taking away land owned by white Zimbabweans, thereby worsening an already dire situation. Thus, Zhakata’s song Todya Tese is a direct response to these developments, as he is trying to undo an iniquitous and obscene system (Chitando and Togarasei, 2010: 152). From 2001 onwards, land was now in the hands of a few black people who wielded political power, some of whom had acquired more than one farm, and so, in todya tese, Zhakata is trying to challenge this idea of having a few black people sharing national resources when the majority of people are languishing in poverty. He is imploring political leaders to embrace the spirit of sharing national resources such as land and mineral wealth. His next album Mubikira has a lamentation song, Sakunatsa, whose lyrics show how political violence reared its ugly head in the period under review, and how the rule of law had been thrown out of the window by the powers that were. Maurice Vambe (2010: 104) puts it into perspective when he argues that “Sakunatsa is a manifesto of the singer, and it contains the protagonist’s concept of justice and its opposite, injustice, a critique of electoral fraud, and the gagging of the vocals of the singers...” In Sakunatsa, Zhakata is also lamenting the fact that the application of the rule of law is selective depending on which political party one belongs to. From 2009 up to 2011, Zhakata went into oblivion as he could not release an album, only to resurface towards the end of 2011 with the album Gotwe. On this album, Zhakata probably sees the inclusive government as bringing hope to Zimbabweans, because the venom that had characterised his earlier releases has died down. It is probably important to pause a moment and reflect on why it took Zhakata more than two years to release the album Gotwe. I would say

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there are three schools of thought about this. The first school of thought holds that Zhakata took more than two years to release the album Gotwe because he had become disenchanted with the fact that political leaders had not listened to his previous call for equitable distribution of national resources, and also the need to respect the basic liberties of the poor masses. I will outline and explain these basic liberties in the next section as I explore Rawls’ theory of justice, particularly the idea of distributive justice. That Zhakata was disappointed by the fact that political leaders could not heed his call for equitable distribution of national resources is probably more revealing when one listens to the lyrics of Dambura mbabvu, a track which is on the album Gotwe, where Zhakata sings: Vamwe varanda vane mazano makunun’unu anoteerera ndipo pasina ba… (Some despised people have brilliant ideas, but no one listens…). In this song, Zhakata equates himself to a despised person who is giving advice to the more powerful in society, but the latter are not prepared to listen. With this song, Zhakata is probably confirming the reasons for his quietness in the last two years, because he had discovered that political leaders were not prepared to heed his advice. Instead, they were bent on frustrating his efforts through censoring his music. This point leads me to the second school of thought. Please note that I shall give more space to the song Dambura mbabvu in the third section of this chapter where I get inside Zhakata’s selected songs. The second school of thought holds that Zhakata suffered the ignominy of having his music censored, as it was deemed to be politically incorrect by the powers that were (Muzari 2011, Saxon 2011). The album Hodho (Light Weapon), which was released in 2003, was the most affected, as all the songs on it were banned soon after its release. The albums Udzavamwe (Spread the Message), which was released in 2005, and Tinevimbo (We have Hope), which was released in 2006, could not receive enough exposure on the air for the same reasons. Zhakata probably saw no reason to release a new album, as he thought that it would suffer the same fate. Stories of the Zimbabwe Music Corporation (ZMC) refusing to record his album Gotwe in 2010 give credence to this school of thought. The third school of thought holds that following the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in Zimbabwe in September 2008, which led to the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU) in February 2009, Zhakata wanted more time to reflect on whether the GNU was going to change the lives of the poor masses for the better. He probably wanted more time to reflect on his past themes and see if the GNU was going to address these, especially the distributive justice theme

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and the issue of respect for the individual’s basic liberties. Listening to the song Simudza Mureza, which is the second track on the album Gotwe, one is left convinced that Zhakata is probably seeing the GNU as a saviour or a messiah, and soon after the release of this album, we see Zhakata now participating in national galas such as Heroes’ Splash and others. The following are some of the lyrics of the song Simudza Mureza: Iwe gotwe, ndiwe tariro yangu, ndiwe rumutsiridzo… (My last-born child, you are my hope, you are my reviver…). In the third section of this chapter, I shall try to get the gist of some parts of the song Simudza Mureza. In the meantime, let me outline and explain Rawls’ distributive justice theme for the purposes of foregrounding my thesis.

Rawls’ Idea of Distributive Justice In his classic book, A Theory of Justice published in 1971, Rawls gives prominence to the idea of distributive justice.1 He makes a strong case for distributive justice through what he calls justice as fairness. In explaining the principle of justice as fairness, Rawls notes, “We are to imagine those who engage in social co-operation as choosing together, in one joint act, the principles that are to assign basic rights and duties to determine the division of social benefits” (Cited in Mackinnon, 1998: 260). Rawls further notes that in justice as fairness, the original position of equality corresponds to the state of nature in the traditional theory of the social contract (1998: 260). This original position is a purely hypothetical situation, characterised so as to lead to a certain conception of justice (1998: 261). “The idea of the original position,” writes Rawls, “is to set up a fair procedure so that any principles agreed to will be just” (Rawls, 1971: 136). Among the essential features of this position is that no one knows his place in society, his class position or his social status, nor does anyone know his fortune in the distribution of natural assets and abilities, 1

Simply put, Rawls’ distributive justice theory empowers the marginalized groups rather than the rich and powerful in society so that they are not disadvantaged. By the original position, Rawls is simply referring to the position of equality before the acquisition of material wealth and political power. In other words, a return to the original position is, for Rawls, a return to the state of creation where no-one owns anything . . . . . In the process of re-negotiating for this position of equality, Rawls thinks that if the idea of justice as fairness is to be achieved, negotiators must not be influenced by the power and wealth which they possess, but the whole process must be done behind a veil of ignorance where no one takes advantage of another.

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his intelligence, strength, and the like (Cited in Mackinnon, 1998: 261). Rawls assumes that the parties do not even know their conceptions of the good or their special psychological propensities. These principles, as Rawls put it, “are chosen behind a veil of ignorance” (1998: 261). Rawls (1971: 136-142) thinks that the veil of ignorance screens out all particular information about the parties’ own position, and particular information about their society. This is done to “nullify the effects of specific contingencies that put men at odds and tempt them to exploit social and natural circumstances to their own advantage” (Rawls, 1971: 136). As Rawls put it, “no-one deserves his greater natural capacity, nor merits a more favourable starting place in society” (Cited in Meadon, 2009: 173). Having defined the idea of justice as fairness and having explained the veil, Rawls sets out two principles (which would be chosen in the original position) for assigning rights and duties and for regulating distributive shares, as these are determined by the fundamental institutions of society: “First, each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive liberty compatible with a like liberty for all; second, social and economic inequalities (as defined by the institutional structure or fostered by it) are to be arranged so that they are both to everyone’s advantage and attached to positions and offices open to all.” (Cited in Arthur, 1993: 416)

As their formulation suggests, these principles presuppose that the social structure can be divided into two more or less distinct parts, the first principle applying to the first one, the second to the other (Cited in Mackinnon, 1998: 265). The two principles distinguish between those aspects of the social system that define and secure the equal liberties of citizenship, and those that specify and establish social and economic inequalities (1998: 265). These basic liberties are: (a) Political liberty (the right to vote and the right to be eligible for public office, together with freedom of speech and assembly). (b) Freedom of the person along with the right to hold personal property. (c) Liberty of conscience and freedom of thought. (d) Freedom from arbitrary arrest and seizure as defined by the rule of law (Cited in Mackinnon, 1998: 265). In the next section, I outline and analyse some parts of each of the five songs I cited in the introduction, with a view to determining how they replicate Rawls’ idea of distributive justice and how this analysis can help

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us to explain notions of national identity and belonging in post-colonial Zimbabwe.

Inside Zhakata’s Selected Songs To begin with, in 1994, Zhakata released the album Maruva enyika, which carried the hit song Mugove, and the song became a blockbuster and was voted the song of the year by music lovers, who saw value in the lyrics of the song. The song became popular in homes and bars, and at birthday parties and weddings, and Zhakata grew in stature, as he became one of the greatest musicians to emerge in Zimbabwe since independence. The following are some of the lyrics: Vakuruwe-e ndipeiwo kamukana kaye; ndinyevere vaye vaye vakawana mukana wekukwirapo pamusoro, vakaite mhanza yekukwirepo pamusoro, kwavakuchitora mukana uyu sehuchenjeri; votanga kutsikirira vari pasi, votanga kusvipira mate varipasi, kuzvirova dundundu nekuzvitutumadza, toti kwete, apa vachenjeri marasika. Kana wakaberekwa semunhu wese iwe, kana wakadonhawo rukuvhute semunhu wese, pamusoro yese yakati tekeshe nenyika iyi usazvinyepere, usazvifadza nenhema x2, usazvifurira usazviita magona zvese, usazvifurira, usazviita shasha yezvese, vaye vaye vaunodzvinyirira x2, kuchema kwavo munamato mukuru kumatenga ende hakuna anoziva mhinduro nyangwe nemusi waichauya. Deno ndaiva ini ndigere paya, deno ndaiva ini ndiripo paye; ndairidza huhwi ndoidzira vamwe vangu-u, kuno kwabikwa dopiro vakomana huyai kuno, huyai munomboore; chawawana idya nehama. Kana paine chamakandichengetera baba, ndokumbirawo mugove wangu ndichiri kurarama, tenzi tarirai ndosakadzwa sechipfeko nevanemari ndisina changuwo, ndinongodzvinyirirwa x2, ndinongoshandiswa nhando ndichingofondoswa. Deno zvaikwanisika tenzi maigara matare nengirozi dzenyu motiburusira makamborero isu venhamo My elders give me the opportunity to advise those who had a chance to assume positions of leadership influence, the lucky ones who managed to assume positions of political authority, but they think that they are wise enough to deserve those positions, and are now oppressing the poor masses, they are now spitting on the poor masses and are boastful and proud. We are saying, “wisemen” you are missing the point. If you were born like all human beings, if your umbilical cord dropped, as is the case with the umbilical cords of all human beings, you cannot know everything better than all the people in this country, do not lie to yourself, do not excite yourself with lies x2, do not deceive yourself thinking that you know everything, do not deceive yourself thinking that

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Chapter Six you are on top of everything that is there to be known, for the cries of those you are oppressing x2, their cries are strong prayers to the heavens, and noone knows when the prayers will be answered. If I was the one sitting on the position of political authority, if I was the one sitting there, I would blow my trumpet inviting my relative and friends to come and join me and enjoy the good food that is here, whatever good food you get, enjoy it with your relatives and friends. If you have reserved something for me, Father, I am requesting, asking, please, for my share while I am still alive; look my lord, I am getting tattered like a dress at the hands of the rich with nothing to show. I am oppressed x2, I am used for nothing and I am made to labour without getting anything in return, if only it was possible, Lord, you would sit down in council with your angels and shower us with blessings down here, us poor people. Source: Zhakata, L. (1994). “Mugove.” Accessed 10 September 2012, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eMocobg5DZw

After listening to this track, a person who has read and understood Rawls’ idea of justice would ask the question: How does the above song capture the essential features of Rawls’ distributive justice? Answering this question will take this argument to another level. Probably by penning the song Mugove, Zhakata was trying to challenge political authority to create a society based on equality in terms of the distribution of national resources, and also in terms of respecting individuals’ basic rights and liberties. For instance, in the first and second stanza of this song, Zhakata is warning political leaders who are bent on trampling the rights of the masses, government officials who, because of their privileged positions, are now looking down upon the poor. In his own words Zhakata (2011) says: “As a musician I have a duty to serve my people, to sing about what I see around me, to sing about one man’s injustices to another, to rebuke those who manipulate others by virtue of being in powerful and authoritative positions.”

Zhakata is directing his message to those insensitive leaders, who live lavish lives at the expense of the suffering masses. In typical Rawlsian style, Zhakata thinks that there is no reason why leaders should oppress the masses, since human beings are born equal. The equality Zhakata is clamouring for can be equated to Rawls’ veil of ignorance, whereby parties to the original position do not know their place in society, their social status, or their fortunes in the distribution of natural assets and abilities (Cited in Mackinnon, 1998: 261).

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Human beings are equal as they meet to deliberate on how resources should be distributed. Zhakata is appealing to biological determinism in his defense of distributive justice, as attested by the following lyrics: Kana wakaberekwa semunhu wese iwe, kana wakadonhawo rukuvhute semunhu wese pamusoro yese yakati tekeshe nenyika iyi usazvinyepere, usazvifadza nenhema, usazvifurire usazviita magona zvese…(If you were born like all human beings, if your umbilical cord dropped as is the case with the umbilical cords of all other human beings, you cannot know everything better than all the people in this country, do not lie to yourself, do not excite yourself with lies x2, do not deceive yourself thinking that you know everything). Here, Zhakata is appealing to Rawls’ idea of social cooperation, whereby one has to leave his status or class on the doorstep when deliberating the fairest way to distribute national resources. But what is also important is that Zhakata invokes the spirit world by saying that the loud cries of the masses as a result of oppression by political leaders are enough for the heavens to punish those who oppress them. Zhakata then begs his creator to give him his share while he is still alive, as he is suffering at the hands of those who have privileged positions, the rich. They oppress him and they use him without giving him anything in return. His soul is tormented because he is always at the receiving end. In the fifth and sixth stanzas, Zhakata feels that if it were possible, God would sit down with his angels and shower blessings on the poor masses. Here, Zhakata endorses the heavenly council as the only council that can solve earth’s problems, especially the problem of distributive injustice. In the year 2000, Zhakata released the album Pakuyambuka, which included the hit song Todya Tese, whose lyrics celebrated equal distribution of national resources in line with the provisions of Rawls’ second principle of justice, as outlined in the previous section. As I mentioned earlier, the song coincided with the government’s FTLRP, which, as I noted earlier, saw most white farmers losing their farms to black Zimbabweans in an operation named Hondo yeMinda/Jambanja/ Third Chimurenga. The following lyrics are an excerpt from the song Todya Tese: Ndarivona gombo ndarivona, ndarivona gombo-o, mondirambidza kuti ndingorimawo pagombo apo yenyu minda mimwe ichitorarira zvayo, kundirambidza kuti ndingorimawo pogombo apo yenyu mimwe minda ichitorarira zvayo, zvakaipeiko todya tese, tinofanira kudya tose tofara tose, todya tese tofara tese, todya tese tofara tese

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Chapter Six 2000 pfacha nemurari, Keke renyika ngatigovane zvakafanana, todya tese tofara tese, todya tese tofara tose, 2000 pfacha nemurari national keke ngatisheyanei zvakafanana, todya tese tofara tese, todya tese tofara tese. I have seen a virgin piece of land x2; you are forbidding me to till this virgin piece land when some of your pieces of land are lying idle, you are forbidding me to till this virgin piece of land, yet some of your pieces of land are lying idle. What is wrong with sharing and enjoying the proceeds from this land together? We must share and enjoy the proceeds from this land, share and enjoy the proceeds from this land together. The year 2000 has arrived with a bang; we must share the national cake equally; we must share and enjoy together x2, the year 2000 has arrived with a bang; we must share the national cake equally; we must share and enjoy together x2 Source: Zhakata, L. (2000). “Todya Tese.” Accessed 10 September 2012, http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=qxOKt8-M9PE

It is crucial to emphasise the importance of context when analysing the above song. Firstly, the year 2000 marked the beginning of political polarisation in Zimbabwe, especially after the constitutional referendum whereby the nation became divided into two. Secondly, the whites were blamed for the “No Vote” which had seen the draft constitution being rejected by the masses. Thus, the government then embarked on a crusade to take away farms that belonged mostly to white commercial farmers as a form of revenge for “influencing” the masses to reject the draft constitution. Mamdani (in Gatsheni-Ndlovu, 2009: 207) puts it thus: “At the centre of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme there was a “relentless pursuit of justice” that degenerated into “a vendetta and ended up in revenge.” Race came into the picture and a few whites were left dead by the so-called “jambanja” (invasions)/“Hondo Yeminda”/Third Chimurenga.”

Although the race issue was in play when the government embarked on the FTLRP, it is also important to observe that only a few blacks who supported the government policy of forcibly taking farms from the white colonial remnants benefited from the FTLRP, and the rest remained poor. In Todya tese, Zhakata was probably incensed by these developments. For instance, the emphatic phrase ndarivona gombo which refers to virgin land, shows how Zhakata pictured the poor masses envying those few blacks who had taken away arable land from the white colonial settlers, and how they wished they could also get some portions of this arable land.

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The few blacks who had benefitted from the FTLRP because of their support for the government had some land to spare, while the majority of the people were still tilling infertile pieces of land. In response to this, Zhakata sang, mondirambidza kuti ndingorimawo pagombo apa yenyu mimwe minda ichitorarira zvayo (you are forbidding me to till this virgin piece of land when some of your pieces of land are lying idle). Thus, Zhakata was disturbed by the fact that land could not be shared equally so as to benefit the least advantaged. Despite the fact that most whites had tilled their land for many years, in the eyes of the poor masses, the land was still virgin, and yet they could not acquire any portions of it. This idea resonates well with Rawls’ second principle, which states “social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are to everyone’s advantage and are attached to positions open to all” (Arthur, 1993: 416). Practically, it may sound impossible to share national resources equally, but some effort must be made to ensure that the gap between the poor masses and the affluent is reduced. This is probably the kind of society that Zhakata is imagining, where the rich also try to address the plight of the poor. Having probably been disappointed by the selfishness of the few black Zimbabweans who had benefitted from the FTLRP but did not want to share land and other national resources with others, Zhakata then released the album Mubikira in the year 2001, at the height of Zimbabwe’s social, political, and economic crisis. The following are some of the touching lyrics from Sakunatsa: Kaitiroi kana tiri kwedu, kuti sakunatsa ndiye sakubayiwa? Ndati kaitiroi kana tiri kwedu kuti sakunatsa, ndiye sakubayiwa? Mutemo wekwedu uyu wakanyangara, wakarerekera divi rimwe x2, mhaka imwe chete inosiyaniswa, zvichifamba nekuti wabuda mumba ma-ani, mhosva imwe chete inosiyaniswa, zvichifamba nekuti wabuda mumba ma-ani Vakasununguka vana vevamwe, miromo yavo yakatandavara, vakasununguka vana vevamwe kana maitiro avo akatandavara, uri mutemo unoda kutwasanudzwa, simba rehomwe rinoda kuenzaniswa, ndati mutemo unoda kutwasanudzwa simba rehomwe rinoda kuenzaniswa Kunyararira zvose vodzana madiro, ukada kunyunyuta zvonzi pisai muromo x2, ukatungamira vanotsvinga ndare, ukasaririra vagonyomba x2, mashoko anodzimba havana chakanaka ava, havana chakanaka ava, havana chakanaka ava, havana chakanakaaaaaaa Misha yavo vanotonga, misha yevamwe voda kutonga, bvuma kufira kodzero yako, mwana weropa unoda simbisiso, wonyararira kusvika rinhii kubatwa huyanga munyika yababa x2, makamboona panorwa nzou, nyatwa yehuswa kutsokodzerwa x2, ndofirei ndisina mhaka vakomana here x2, moyo yavo yakaoma vakakuridzira tsamwa unochiona x2

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Chapter Six How do we do things in this small country of ours, that the good person is the one to be persecuted? I said how do we do things in this small country of ours, that the good person is the one to be persecuted? This law of ours is bad as it is one-sided; the same crime is treated differently depending on which political party you belong to x2 Blessed are other people’s children because they can speak freely, blessed are other people’s children because they can act freely, the law must be straightened to make it just, the power of money must be equalised, the law must be straightened to make it just, the power of money must be equalised (cf Rawls, 1971) If you keep wholly quiet, they become over-excited, if you complain, they gag or burn your mouth x2, if you lead the way, they strip you down, if you remain behind or keep a low profile, they lambast you x2, painful words and you cannot do anything good enough for them x4 They rule their homes, they want to rule other people’s homes, be prepared to die for your rights, my blood brother or sister, you need to be strong, for how long shall you be quiet when you are treated like a rag, in your fatherland x2, Have you come to place where two elephants are fighting? It is the grass that suffers, why am I dying when I am innocent, boys? x2 They are hard-hearted, if they click their tongues, it will be worse for you x2. Source: Zhakata, L. (2001). “Sakunatsa.” Accessed 13 September 2012, http://www.youtube.com?v=Whs Cxhhp6nU

In the above song, just as in Todya Tese, Zhakata is lamenting the fact that there are people who abuse their political authority by amassing wealth somewhat fraudulently, while the majority of the people are suffering; they have more money than the rest of the population who are experiencing poverty of the highest proportions. The former are able to hire competent lawyers in the face of litigation by the poor because they have the money, and yet the power of money must be equalised (uri mutemo unoda kutwasanudzwa, simba rehomwe rinoda kuenzaniswa), a clear violation of Rawls’ second principle, which states that social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are to everyone’s advantage, and attached to positions and offices open to all. Not only is Zhakata singing about economic inequalities, he is also challenging political leaders and their supporters to respect the rule of law by desisting from politically motivated violence. As Vambe (2010: 106) observes: “The belittling of the language of political conduct as “kaitiroiko” and of home and country that are described as “kamana kano” in the above song not only decries miscarriage of justice (mutemo wokwedu uyu wakanyangara, wakarerekera divi rimwe), it is meant to draw out the

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iniquity of the culture of disregard of the rule of law that results in a skewed understanding of law and its application.”

The phrase wakarerekera divi rimwe is meant to show the extent of political polarity in Zimbabwe and how this polarity has resulted in people from different political orientations treating each other not as opponents, but as enemies. To demonstrate the extent of the political polarity, political violence towards the masses is manifested when leaders of democratic forces are killed (sakunatsa ndiye sakubayiwa) and when the masses complain, their mouths are gagged (ukadakunyunyuta zvonzi pisai miromo) (Vambe, 2010: 106). Thus, the basic liberties of the majority are violated, as they cannot exercise freedom of expression and assembly. These freedoms form the core of Rawls’ first principle of justice, namely that “each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive liberty compatible with a like liberty for all” (Rawls cited in Mackinnon, 1998). This means that each person must be free from arbitrary arrests and intimidation, as well as physical and emotional violence. In 2011, Zhakata released the album Gotwe, which, in my view, has two outstanding tracks, namely Simudza Mureza and Dambura Mbabvu. Here are some parts of the song Simudza Mureza: Iwe gotwe, ndiwe tariro yanguuuu, ndiwe rumutsiridzooo, saka gotwe ndiwe tariro yanguuuu, ndiwe rumutsiridzooo, iwe iweeee, teerera x 3, ndamiramira semurume, zano vaviri zvandiri karikoga chara chimwe, nguva yarebesa ndichingorikitwa, ndichaitei ndabikwa ndaibva x2, rwendo rwarebesa ndichifamba murukato, ndichasvikepi tsoka dzaputika x2, chinongodzimba kufira rungireeeee ndopondorwei? Dzimwe nguva ndopfuvudzira ndichingoshava kuvetwe kuchiridzwa ngonono, fume ndauya nekashana moyo mbembe, apa ndadzimbawo, zviripi hanzi makonaaaa, ndaparei kuitwa mutakati? Sika sika ndiye sika sika, sika sika ndiye sika sika, sika sika ndiye sika sika, vakomanaaa Chinzwaka wangu wotoshinga kumiramira ukangokundikana wangu taparara, saka gotwe ndiwe tariro yangu ndiwe rumutsiridzooo, iwe gotwe ndiwe tariro yangu chiva rumutsiridzoooo, iwe iweeee Rega kutyira kure, svika mudhuzemudhuze x2, chimira segamba mira vakuone chimira segamba mira vakuzive, urigamba wani iwe simudza mureza iwe x2, Hondo isina kudeuka kweropa isimba renjere, usambosarenda Dhewa kusvika zvakanakaaaa x2, usagarochemachema kuchema nakuchema bika mazano tenzi vanopindiraaaa, inga zvautori mutumwa washe poresa vanodzimbwa Nyangwe vakakuzvidza tenzi havanga kurasi, nyangwe vakakuzvidza vako havanga kurasi, nyangwe vakakuzvidza tenzi havangakurasi, uri mutumwa washe nyaradza vanochemaaaa

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Chapter Six My last-born child, you are my hope, you are my reviver, so my lastborn child, you are my hope, my reviver, my last-born child listen x3, I have tried my best, at least people can make a plan, but I am alone, I have been beaten for a long time now and what can I do? I am now very weak, I have, for a long time, been walking along a path full of thorns, how far shall I go? My feet are full of blisters, what is more painful is that I am suffering for no apparent reason. Why am I being persecuted? Sometimes I over step my hunting expeditions, I dream of a place with drumbeats, and the following day, I bring home a mouse; this gives me some short-lived joy, only to be accused of using traditional medicine. What have I done to deserve this accusation? They harass me and harass me, harass me and harass me, harass me and harass me, aaah guys! Listen my pal, you should be strong otherwise, we stare in the face of destruction, listen my brother, your failure to show mental strength will result in our demise, my last born child, you are my hope, you are my reviver x2, indeed, you are my hope, my reviver. Do not give up easily, come closer x2; stand like a hero/heroine, so that they can see you; stand like a hero/heroine so that they will know you; you are a hero/heroine; raise the flag x2; a war that does not result in bloodshed is a war that is fought by brains (and not guns); do surrender Dhewa, until we win x2, do not always be crying, think and the Lord will intervene and come to your rescue, you are a messenger of God, heal the sick. Even if they despise you, the lord will not forsake you, even if they despise you, your relatives and friends will not abandon you, even if they despise you, the lord will not forsake you, you are a messenger of God, comfort those who are mourning. Source: Zhakata, L. (2011). “Simudza Mureza.” Accessed 13 September 2012, http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=elLxlK_7-ck

In the following section are some excerpts of the song Dambura Mbabvu, as follows: Vamwe varanda vane mazano makunun’unu, anoteerera ndiye pasinaba x2, ndashamiswa nezvandirikuona ndokushamiswa nezvandiri kunzwazve x2, ndadzora ndangariro, moyo wangu washungurudzika x 2 tiri kurasikira papi mukuronga, pfungwa dzedu dzinonetera papi? Dambura mbabvu mukoma kaniiii, dambura mbabvu mumwe wangu, muzaya? Kupesana panguva iye, kuriko here muzaya? Ndadzora ndangarirooo, moyo wangu washungurudzika, ndorangarira tichipana mazano gore riye, paye paye. Wakati kwatirikuenda kwakaoma, zvichange zvisiri nyorenyoreeee, wakati kwatirikuenda kwakaoma, tisatorwa moyo nezvichauya, ngatibatanei semajuru, tirambe tiri pamushandira pamwe. Chingashamisa mukoma woye, chingashamisa mberi uko, vamwe vacharamba kugamushira zano, nechinangwa chei mukomaaaa? Vamwe

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vacharamba kushanda sejuru iyeee, iyee, vamwe vacharamba kushanda sejuru, vosarudza kuva chipfukuto chinodya moyo we chinangwaaaa. Anokuda nemoyo wese ungamuzive seiii? x2 Anokupakurira mashoko ehungwaru uyo x2, atokupa njere atokupa hupfumiiii heeee, akakupa njere akakupa hupfumi heeee, njere dzekakosha kukunda sirivhera, njere dzakakosha kukunda ndarama x3, tingarasikira papi mukuronga? Pfungwa dzedu dzinonetera papi? Some despised people have brilliant ideas, but no-one listens x2; I am surprised with what I am seeing; I am surprised also with what I am hearing x2; I have taken my mind down memory lane; my heart is troubled x2, where are we missing the plot? At what point are our minds weakened? Break the ribs my brother; break the ribs my friend; are there any disagreements this time, my nephew/niece? I have taken my mind down memory lane; my heart is troubled; I remember that year when we used to advise one another. You said we were heading towards turbulent times, life will be difficult and you said we were heading towards turbulent times, and that we were not supposed to be attracted to meaningless things, we should be united like termites and we should continue to work together. What may be surprising my brother, is that, in those days to come, some of us will not take advice, but I do not know why; some people will refuse to work with others like termites do x2, they will refuse to work with others like termites do, they will choose to be weevils that destroy the heart. How can you tell that someone really loves you x2? He gives you words of wisdom x2; the one who gives you wisdom gives you wealth; wisdom is more important than silver; wisdom is more important than gold x3; where are we missing the plot? At what point are our minds weakened? Source: Zhakata, L. (2011). “Dambura Mbabvu.” Accessed 13 September 2012, http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=8b VPITTXnSI

It is important to note that the two songs above are a clear departure from Zhakata’s protest themes, which characterised Mugove, Todya Tese, and Sakunatsa. While there is an attempt, in these two songs, to continue to advise the powers that be to respect the rights of the poor masses and to embrace the spirit of treating each other as equals, there is a major climbdown when it comes to issues of general governance. Zhakata suddenly sees hope in the new political order of the day in Zimbabwe, as attested by the lyrics: “Iwe Gotwe, ndiwe tariro yangu…” (My last-born child, you are my hope…). To him, the GNU was willed by God to address the chronic socio-political and economic problems bedeviling the country: “Inga zvautori mutumwa washe poresa vanodzimbwa” (You are a messenger sent by God to heal the sick).

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In Zhakata’s mind, Gotwe probably represents the GNU, which is bringing hope to the majority of the population as it has relatively stabilised the economy. As I intimated earlier on, to show that the bitterness in him has died down, he begins to participate in national events such as galas. Probably, in his mind, the new political dispensation has created an enabling environment where all musicians can now congregate and churn out lyrics that have implications for the growth and development of the national discourse. This major climb down is probably a result of the fact that the majority of the people can now afford a decent meal; they can now access better medical facilities; children can now go to school; and supermarkets now have basic commodities. In other words, the nation’s social institutions have now been revived and are working again, as attested by the words ndiwe rumutsiridzooo. It is also clear that Zhakata does not see any future for Zimbabwe after the collapse of the GNU: “Chinzwaka wangu wotoshinga kumiramira ukangokundikana wangu taparara…” (Listen my pal, you should be strong, otherwise we stare in the face of destruction…) In the song Dambura mbabvu, Zhakata thinks that reason must guide the new political order in Zimbabwe, and that it is necessary to listen to advice, even from those who occupy the lowest segment of society: vamwe varanda vanemazano mukuruuu, anoteerera ndiye pasina (some despised people have brilliant ideas but no-one listens…). Zhakata thinks that if there is a meeting of minds among the political parties in the GNU, then there will not be any disagreements. He sings thus: “Kupesana panguva ino, kuriko here muzaya?” (Are there any more disagreements; this time around my nephew/niece?) Zhakata believes that only the voice of reason will take Zimbabwe out of the political, economic, and social crisis of the last ten years; it is against this backdrop that he sings “Akakupa njere akakupa hupfumi, njere dzakakosha kudarika sirivheri, njere dzakakosha kudarika ndarama…” (The one who gave you wisdom gave you wealth, wisdom is more important than silver, wisdom is more important than gold…)

Zhakata’s Music, and the Notions of Identity and Belonging in Zimbabwe It is also important to explain how and why Zhakata’s call for distributive justice has implications on notions of identity and belonging in Zimbabwe. To begin with, identity and belonging come with certain entitlements, such as the right to be treated in a just and reasonable manner, and this involves being able to access national resources such as

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land. As Douglas Mupondi (2012: 56) observes, “land is the authentic signifier of national identity”. This can be interpreted to mean that as vana vevhu (sons and daughters of the soil) we are entitled to own land, since this is where our rukuvhute (umbilical cord) is buried. Whether poor or rich, our attachment to the land as sons and daughters of the soil cannot be questioned. This is probably what Zhakata is singing about when he says: Ndarivona gombo ndarivona, ndarivona gombo-o, mondirambidza kuti ndingo rimawo pagombo apo yenyuminda mimwe ichitorarira zvayo… (I have seen a virgin piece of land x2; you are forbidding me to till this virgin land when some of your pieces of land are lying idle). Identity and belonging also means that people are able to get good education as provided for by the state, as well as being able to access good health care. Identity and belonging cannot be limited to accessing national resources. They also involve, as Rawls put it, being free from arbitrary arrests, and having freedom of speech and assembly (Cited in Mackinnon, 1998: 265). While these issues are well articulated in Rawls’ theory of justice, Zhakata puts them into their proper context. This justifies the first part of the title of this article “John Rawls in Zimbabwe”, as Zhakata is dramatising, through his music, the ideas of Rawls in toto. Zhakata’s music is appealing to the masses whose identities and belongings are under threat because of corruption, unfair distribution of national resources, and political violence. These vices lead to the closure of schools, the harassment of teachers, a failing health delivery system, and a shortage of basic commodities. These vices force the majority of the young and the economically active groups to flee to countries such as South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia, where they are given new identities such as makwerekewere (beggars). Thus, Zhakata’s music best explains notions of identity and belonging as his lyrics are a demonstration of critical patriotism that according to John De Gruchy (2009:17) is one of the four dimensions of being fully human. In terms of significance, this article is important because it shows that musicians also have a role to play in nation-building, and that awareness is vital if we are to forge ahead as a nation. The paper also demonstrates the importance of distributive justice as a concept that cuts across all cultures.

Conclusion In this chapter, I reflected on Zhakata’s distributive justice theme, which, as I argued, closely resembles Rawls’ idea of distributive justice. I

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sampled four albums with songs that carry this theme and these included Maruva enyika, Pakuyambuka, Mubikira, and Gotwe. The songs I sampled included Mugove, Todya tese, Sakunatsa, Simudza Mureza, and Dambura mbabvu. I began the discussion by looking at the context of Zhakata’s music before outlining and explaining Rawls’ distributive justice theme. Having done this, I then analysed each of the five songs, and concluded that, apart from advancing a distributive justice theme in these songs, Zhakata also castigated leaders who were bent on violating the basic liberties of the poor masses, a theme which is central in Rawls’ theory of justice, and he also emphasised the need to uphold the rule of law. I concluded this chapter by briefly looking at the implications of Zhakata’s music for notions of identity and belonging.

References Arthur, J. Morality and Moral Controversies. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 1993. Chitando, E and Togarasei, L. (2010). ‘June 2008, verse 27’: The Church and the 2008 Zimbabwean Political Crisis. African Identities, Vol. 8 Number 2 (2010): 151-162. De Gruchy, J. “Being Human: Perspectives of a Christian Humanist.” Fort Hare Papers, Vol.16 (2009): 7-16. Mackinnon, B. Ethics: Theory and Contemporary Issues. Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1998. Meadon, M. “Evaluating the veil.” South African Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 28 Number 2 (2009):171-177. Mupondi, D. “The Struggle for Nationhood and Citizenship in Zimbabwe.” In Imagining Citizenship in Zimbabwe, 50-58, edited by D Kaulemu (Harare: Konrad-Adenauer-Swiftung, 2012). Muzari, G. “Zhakata Dumps Music Stable.” Newsday, 3 March 2011. Harare: Alpha Media Holdings. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. Do ‘Zimbabweans’ Exist? Trajectories of Nationalism, National Identity Formation and Crisis in a Post-colonial State. Oxford: Peter Lang, 2009 Rawls, J. A Theory of Justice. London: Oxford University Press, 1971 Saxon, T. “Do not Shoot the Messenger – Zhakata.” The Zimbabwean, 10 June 2011. Vambe, M. “Zimbabwe’s Creative Literatures in the interregnum: 19802009.” African Identities, Vol. 8 Number 2 (2010): 93-116.

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Internet Zhakata, L. “Blacklisted: My Personal Experience.” Accessed 04 September 2012, http://intimatemomentswithzimmusicians.blogspot.com/2011/09/whatis-leonard-zhakata-afraid-of.html —. “Dambura Mbabvu.” Accessed 13 September 2012, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8b —. “Simudza Mureza.” Accessed 13 September 2012, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=elLxlK_7-ck —. “Sakunatsa.” Accessed 13 September 2012, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Whs Cxhhp 6nU —. “Todya Tese.” Accessed 10 September 2012, http://www.youtube.com/watch? v=qxOKt8-M9PE —. “Mugove.” Accessed 10 September 2012, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eMocobg5DZw.

CHAPTER SEVEN “THREATENED NATION, UNFINISHED NATION”: DISCOURSES OF NATION IN CONTEMPORARY ZIMBABWEAN MUSIC NGONIDZASHE MUWONWA

Introduction The aim of this chapter is to develop a research agenda for examining the actual practices through which musicians engaged and enacted (and ignored and deflected) nationhood and nationalism in the varied contexts of their “everyday” music in Zimbabwe. The chapter focuses on “singing” the nation, which looks at how Zimbabweans began to use music to “imagine” the configurations of the nation. The production, consumption, and distribution of music in its various genres carry symbolic weight and reflect different conceptions of nationhood and national identity. This symbolic entity reflects specific historic-political circumstances and the intersection between the public and official portrayal of nationhood. The chapter traces the development of the Zimbabwean nation in the post-2000 era via a musical historiography to show how the concept of the Zimbabwean nation was imagined as “threatened” or “unfinished”. This is out of the realisation that music is a dynamic artistic construction that affects and embraces numerous topics such as democracy, ethnicity, economics, and race, which have a bearing on national consciousness. Thus, the chapter attempts a genre analysis of Zimbabwean music, linking the developments and nuances within specific genres with national aspirations, while critiquing possible implications that could have arisen from the specific elements highlighted within the genres. The diversity of genres and perspectives that this chapter attempts to analyse emanates from a recognition that the role of music in political discourses in Zimbabwe has more often than not been relegated to protest music, and few analyses have focused on the various ways the state has

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also incorporated music as popular culture to help “imagine” and “reimagine” the nation. This dimension emanates from suggestions by Njamnjoh (2005: 353), who argues that research in music must also analyse the specific dynamics of the complex relationships between music, musicians and political power.

Concepts of Nation and Music Production This section attempts to place music within a conceptual and theoretical frame that unravels how music as a cultural product can be used to explain discourses of “nation.” Abdullah (2009:26) defines culture as the frame in which people derive a sense of who they are, how they should act, and where they are going. At the same time, Anderson (1991:6) argues that a nation is an “imagined community” whose existence is dependent on the cultural symbols and rituals of that particular group. Therefore, the existence of a particular nation is dependent on an imagination, and culture becomes the material resource useful for the moulding, shaping and protection of the “imagined community” through the production of cultural texts, such as music, dance, narratives and folk stories, among many other examples of cultural products that carry a people’s values, aspirations, and dreams. Storey (2009: 17) argues that cultural “texts”, be they in television, fiction, pop songs, or novels, always present a particular “image” of the world, which can be translated to refer to Anderson’s “imagined community.” Music production, consumption and distribution are part of “popular culture.” Storey argues that popular culture is best defined implicitly or explicitly in contrast to other conceptual categories such as folk, mass, or dominant culture (Ibid). He argues that whatever conceptual category is deployed as popular culture’s absent other will always powerfully affect the connotations brought into play when we use the term “popular culture.” Against this background, this chapter deploys dominant culture as popular culture’s absent other, in discussing the role of music in nation building processes. The chapter takes interest in analysing conceptions of Zimbabwean nationhood from the perspectives of citizens from “below” rather than from “above.” Of course, the distinction is not clear-cut, but for the purposes of developing an argument, the chapter will use the distinctions without problematising them too much. Much of the scholarship in nationalism and nationhood has focused on the important role elites play in articulating and propagating visions of the nation that have the potential to both resonate with and shape popular perceptions of the nation (Verdery 1991). But the actual degree to which

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these elite depictions are appropriated by ordinary people has received less scholarly attention. Parallel to this, there has been increasing interest in the ways the nation is invoked and constituted by ordinary people. This interest does not simply follow the stylised contours of elite discourse; rather, it responds to the logics, imperatives, and concerns of the everyday contexts in which it is embedded. This scholarship does not take elite discourse as its starting point but examines the ways in which ordinary people handle and interact with the nation in ways that matter to them. Researchers are beginning to capture ordinary people’s previously unrecorded articulations of the nation, national identity, and national belonging. Findings reveal that the so-called people’s representations of the nation do not simply mimic those variants traded in elite discourse, but more often resonate with the currents and rhythms of their everyday concerns and predicaments.

“Singing the Nation” and Negotiating Marginality The power of music to inscribe and contest popular versions of reality despite victimisation of musicians places into focus the term “marginality.” The concept of marginality or marginalisation is based upon power relations and is important in understanding the complexities of “popular culture.” “Marginalisation” within the context of particular power relations is taken to refer to differential positions and political distance from the seat of constituted power. However, Furniss and Gunner (1995) point out that such socio-political marginality does not make the artist powerless, rather it is often precisely such a position of “blindness” that enables him to attack in devastating ways. Much of the music discussed in this chapter has a broadly distinctive perspective on the approach to protest within tilted power relations, especially against the artist. Zimbabwean musical innovations discussed here represent aspirations to adapt and experiment, as issues of political correctness were tightly interwoven into the content and performance contexts of art. The concept of marginality connects with “singing the nation” when one borrows the argument of Maschler (1957), as quoted by Rabkin (1957: 98), that art which marginalises socio-political reality is a shrinking flower that conspires to its own death by ignoring the soil in which it grows. Rabkin himself asserts that the artist is forced to involve himself in political (national) issues, to be immersed in the world that he is part of. However, the question for many African artists is not a question of whether to be politically involved, but a question of how to be politically involved.

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Furniss and Gunner (1994) underscore the importance of music when they point out that orature plays a dynamic discourse about society and about the relationships between individuals, groups, and classes. They add that oral literature is a domain where in a variety of social roles, individuals articulate commentary upon power relations in a society and indeed create knowledge about society. Kershaw (1996) argues that performance can be described as an ideological transaction between a performer and his audience. Ideology is the source of the collective ability of the performer and audience to make more or less sense of the signs used in the performance, the means by which the aims and intentions of performers connect with the responses and interpretations of their audiences.

The Socio-Political Environment of the Post-2000 Period The post-2000 period in Zimbabwe was characterised by socioeconomic and political challenges that accentuated discourses of nation (Muwonwa 2011). The government responded to the various challenges to its legitimacy by undertaking reconstructive processes in the socioeconomic and political spheres. Faced with an unprecedented “threat” to its political security, the ruling elite resorted to both legal and extra-legal processes designed to contain the increasingly restless civil society and media. The government succeeded in creating a “mediated” public sphere, which it defined and dominated with its “official” or “national” ideology. In line with its desire to monitor, manage, and regulate public debate, the government passed varied legislation such as the Public Order and Security Act (2002), which regulated the holding of “public meetings”, processions, and demonstrations, and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (2002), earmarked to set parameters for the operations of media houses in Zimbabwe. The third restrictive law was the Broadcasting Services Act (2001) that made provisions for the establishment of a broadcasting authority responsible for the regulation of frequencies and allocation of licences to new broadcasters. These laws had the effect of institutionalising fear into society, an element that underpins the culture of silence that pervades undemocratic societies (Lush and Khupe, 2005: 2).

Music in the Post-2000 Zimbabwe The aforesaid period reflects the environment in which musicians were forced to exist as professional cultural repositories. The attempts to control public debate and curtail criticism mentioned in the last section enforced

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new measures of social and cultural re-engineering of national values to build a renewed sense of nationhood, especially among young people. The measures reconfigured society in diverse ways, while catapulting cultural activists into new roles as they attempted to respond to the socio-cultural environment. Music in Zimbabwe became a site of political contestation. What is evident from the above is that music as “popular culture” was implicated within discourses of nation, whether overtly or covertly. Musicians were caught up in the web of “imagining” the nation. Censorship and political patronage became the two most distinct factors affecting the careers of musicians in Zimbabwe. Musicians were forced into new roles and impossible responsibilities of either composing pro-government or anti-government songs, and participating in activities that endorsed the ruling party ideologies or supporting the opposition. These were very serious responsibilities that required artists to innovate and design strategies of escaping the debilitating patronage. However, the seeming growing importance of musicians in political discourse in Zimbabwe during the period under review did not turn them (musicians) into politicians, as they remained at the periphery of the socio-political frame. Musicians were increasingly marginalised and disempowered by both the limited democratic space and patronisation. However, in their marginality, they managed to contribute effectively to discourses of nationhood, which is an important element in cultural studies in general, and music studies in particular.

“Born- Frees”- The Urban Grooves and New National Aspirations The introduction of the 75-100 percent local content requirement on national radio and television stations produced a new brand of Zimbabwean music termed the Urban Grooves. The move was seen as curtailing what officials felt was the increased westernisation of the Zimbabwean populace. Such Westernisation was linked to diminishing patriotic commitment during the period under discussion. This resulted in an increased production of local music, the Urban Grooves, a genre largely dominated by young people whose music was produced in the backyards of their homes. The content of the music ranged from general to trivial issues in society, which dovetailed with the desires of the government to ‘alienate’ people from their socio-political reality as a way to counter what they considered imperialist interests and their quest for regime change in Zimbabwe (Kambanje, 2010: 11).

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The genre’s development is testament to how music in Zimbabwe is mostly linked with the country’s political history (Chamunorwa, 2009: 9). The government began organising musical and cultural galas during national events across the country, which utilised young musicians and well established musicians. The galas were highly politicised, as ZANU PF’s political slogans were chanted and the liberation history repeated, which emphasised ZANU PF’s contribution in the liberation struggle. A discussion of the galas as a political platform shall be conducted much later in the chapter, as our immediate focus is on the Urban Grooves movement and its contribution to discourses of Zimbabwean nationhood. Despite the presence of many critics who have accused the Urban Grooves music of having missed the mark in terms of national aspirations, this chapter argues that the music managed to reflect the aspirations of young people in relation to how they wanted to “imagine” their nation. For instance, although Matsheza (2009) and Zindi (2003) attack this brand of music by young people as culturally irrelevant to Zimbabwe, this criticism, however, does not take into account the nature of “nation” that the young people were “imagining.” Within their music, which seemingly reflects western values and embodies Western musical beats, there are pointers to the resistance of young people to imagining themselves within the confines of the panAfricanist ideology that ZANU PF was forcing Zimbabweans to imagine. From a post-nationalist perspective, the Urban Grooves music reflected how young people aspired to become equal participants in the global community and wanted to contribute culturally as Zimbabweans through music. In some sense, they continued to bring back the global into the local, which government imagery was trying to resist. Post-nationalism contributes towards a critical re-evaluation of how nationalism treats societies and groups as bounded, integral wholes with distinctive identities, cultures, and institutions, which is, however, in conflict with the realistic experiences of most communities. This is in line with what Rajan (1996: 6) postulates, that the post-colonial nation-state is riven by conflicts between the imperatives of “nationalism” as ideology on the one hand, and the reality of the multiple regional, caste, linguistic, and religious divisions within its regional boundaries on the other. In this contest, the state attempts to assert the forces of homogenisation and centralisation against the various groups. Urban Grooves music can be viewed as a good example of how cultural texts contribute to antagonist national imagery while establishing the limits of a nationalistic approach to nationhood as a means of objectively looking at the possibility of constructing the

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Zimbabwean nation along the democratic concept of nationhood. Furthermore, Siziba (2009) argues that within the narratives of urban grooves, there were discourses that attempted to reconfigure the social, mental, geographic, symbolic, political, social, and cultural spaces, transforming them from the property of adults, which speaks to new perspectives of belonging.

The New Chimurenga: “Third Chimurenga Music” Music is a significant site of the creation of the national imaginary and the government’s platform for the public presentation of itself, especially in the case of Zimbabwe. The mass media, together with other ideological state apparatuses such as the educational system, religious organisations, and cultural programming, were in a position to organise the social imagery, focusing on the concepts of nation, national interest, and national identity. Such an organisation of social imagery was accomplished through attempts at the establishment of consent derived from the symbolic as well as the imaginary pattern of “us and them”, mainly applied through musical compositions. According to Edelman, the nation is presented in the news as an entity that competes and conflicts with one or more nations (1972:12-15). This is intensified in periods of international crisis, when the notion of the national interest loses any stable empirical and rational reference and is converted into a symbol with which the citizen-spectators of the events are identified in a mythically archetypal way. Although the above arguments refer to news as mediated through television, they offer interesting foundations on which this chapter on music and nation finds a theoretical anchor. The period under review in this chapter is a contested period, described by some analysts as the “Zimbabwean crisis”, in which the ruling government considered socio-political processes as “threats” to Zimbabwean nationhood. In 2001, Elliot Manyika, the then Minister of Youth Development and Employment Creation produced an album entitled “Mwana weVhu” (Son of the Soil), which had numerous songs praising ZANU PF and President Mugabe. This motivated a series of campaign songs that coincided with the “Third Chimurenga” liberation rhetoric. The “Third Chimurenga” was the banner under which ZANU PF was to respond to all post-2000 sociopolitical and economic challenges. ZANU PF was compelled to carry out a series of socio-political and economic interventions conducted through the tropes of anti-colonial redress and an anti-imperialist critique, culminating in the post-2000 period being described as another liberation phase, the

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“Third Chimurenga,” the final in the dethroning of colonial supremacy. Ranger (2004) indicates that by naming the period the “Third Chimurenga,” ZANU PF sought to draw a continuous line of struggle that led through Mbuya Nehanda right to Mugabe, a liberation lineage against the colonial powers. The music that was produced during this time was then referred to as “Third Chimurenga” music. The main artists to popularize this music were Dickson Chingaira, Brian Mteki, and Elliot Manyika. In recent times, new groups have emerged, such as the Mbare Chimurenga choir.

Projection of the ‘Nation’ in Third Chimurenga Music In examining and summarising the nature of representations of Zimbabwean nationhood through “Third Chimurenga” music, one notes that the music accentuated discourses of belonging, and solidified the boundaries of Zimbabwean nationhood. As the music was originating from discourses of national threats, it is not surprising to find references to arch enemies of the state and Zimbabwean nationhood in the music. Identity indices of race and political affiliation were more revealing in music. The music articulated a homogenous “black” Zimbabwean community that was under attack from “white” people (mabhunu); a remnant of colonialism, some of whom had “black skins” and were perceived to have sold out to merchants of colonialism, and were branded as traitors. The songs are derogatory towards the white community that shuts them (the whites) out of their national boundaries. The identity index of mwana wevhu (son of the soil) represents black Zimbabweans and identifies them as the rightful owners of the land. In the same breath, the identity denies access to other would-be citizens, the white community ranking high, followed by their workers, most of whom originated from neighbouring countries such as Mozambique, Zambia, and Malawi. Land is authenticated within most of the songs as the material culture that truly identifies Zimbabweans: Nyika ndeyedu vakomana; Ivhu nderedu…. The nation is ours, The land is ours… (Brian Mteki, Mwana wevhu: 2001)

Alongside the claim that “true Zimbabweans” identified with the land, the political mind of true Zimbabweans was cast as one that respected the liberation war as the hearth of Zimbabwe’s political birth, and those who

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participated in the struggle were represented as liberators worthy of respect and praise. The political identity of Zimbabwe and those who truly belonged to the nation as cast in the songs resonates with ZANU PF political ideology and liberation rhetoric: Kune vamwe vakapanduka Nepamusana pekusafunga; Toraika vanhu vakadai Dzidzisai gwara reZANU There are those who rebelled Because of being unreasonable; Take these people and teach them ZANU PF ideology; (Elliot Manyika, Nora: 2001)

It is therefore evident that the songs solidified the boundaries of those who could belong to Zimbabwe by providing serious identity features for those who were to be found within the “imagined” nation of Zimbabwe. These identity features represent an ideology that all nationalisms erupt from as Zimbabwe was imagined as under “threat,” and therefore the identity features were responding to the “imagined” enemies of the nation’s being.

Re-defining the Nation as “Unfinished”: Linking Text to Experience This section attempts to demonstrate the salience of popular music in the post-colonial Zimbabwean national debate. In this section, the focus is on Oliver Mtukudzi’s music, for two apparent reasons. On a surface reading, Mtukudzi’s music seems to marginalise the socio-political reality of the Zimbabwean situation, and this can be read as a form of selfcensorship to protect his music, person, and family. However, on another level, an attentive listening to most of his music unearths subversion, and thus the seeming marginalisation becomes a technique to engage the state and criticise the political leadership of the country. It is this marginalisation technique that operates as an invention of self-censorship that becomes an artistic response to ideological strictures. In attempting to find relevance in society, musicians such as Leonard Zhakata, Raymond Majongwe, and Thomas Mapfumo choose to sing in opposition to the ideological pronouncements of the ruling party. They castigate the leadership for various excesses that point towards a failed

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nation. However, the act of direct political obligation has apparently been disastrous for many artists, as it has imposed considerable strain to their authentic talents upon their work. Cases in point are Leonard Zhakata and Andy Brown, from two ends of the political spectrum, whose musical careers were affected by their political lyrics. The reason behind the failure of musicians like Zhakata lies largely in their direct approach against a nationalistic fervor that was not hesitant to use force and coercion to thwart any critical voices. Thomas Mapfumo, an icon of revolutionary music in both the pre- and post-independence eras, decided to relocate to the USA, and slowly became detached from the socio-political realities of the Zimbabwean situation. Even though he continued to produce critical music, it was not received with as much enthusiasm as it would have been if the artist were residing in his own country, relating personally with the situation on the ground. Furthermore, Zimbabwean musicians, and other musicians for that matter, are largely dependent on live shows in which artists and audiences interact. Mapfumo’s ‘self-imposed’ exile greatly affected this dimension of his music and its efficacy to communicate. Oliver Mtukudzi sets out a rather different approach within his speechact, situating it within a broader context of interpersonal dynamics of exercise of power by authorities of one kind or another: Imi Baba Manyanya Kurova mai; Tozeza Baba….. Father, you have gone to the extreme In beating our mother; We, children, are now afraid of you... (Oliver Mtukudzi, “Tozeza Baba.” Taken off the album Nhava: 2005)

The song castigates the father figure within a family set-up. It is sung from a child’s perspective, as a plea to an abusive father against his mother, questioning the father’s violence against his mother. On one level, the song Tozeza Baba operates to castigate domestic violence within matrimonial homes. However, during the period under review in this chapter, discourses of fatherhood had been accentuated. The national mythology purveyed in the mass media emphasised Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo as “father” figures of Zimbabwean nationhood (Muchemwa: 2005). Furthermore, the nation was largely represented as a family, and the song begins to use such representations to castigate the authorial figure of all fathers in the nation. The song, despite commenting

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on familial issues, rides on the metaphor of “nation as family”, which corresponded with the limited space for discussion that existed in the country to question and castigate abuses of power. This Mtukudzi song provides a dynamic discourse about society, and about relationships between individuals, groups, and classes of society, to establish a critical commentary against an oppressive regime. This line of argument is buttressed by other songs that castigate pride, abuse of power, and insensitivity to other people’s plight, such as Ninipa (Nhava 2005) and Magumo (Tsivo 2002). Tuku’s proverbial techniques allowed him to imagine a new nation by performing “subversion” through an artful use of language in the commentary of social life, while at the same time opening the way to wider readings of the songs. This technique sees his songs not as marginalising important political issues, but as a domain in which individuals in a variety of social and political roles articulate knowledge about socio-political spheres. In the case of Tuku (a nickname for Mtukudzi), the ideological transaction between performer and audience has been arguably accentuated by Tuku’s ostensible reliance on speech posturing. His music has become deeply entrenched in proverbs and allegories to the extent that it became fundamentally “disengaged” from present realities, while engaging his audience in the active construction of the meaning of his songs. This is the case with songs such as Handiro Dambudziko, Moto Moto, and Mbiri Hurimbo. These songs seem disengaged from the sociopolitical reality, but each addresses a specific and serious concern within Zimbabwean political discourse. For example, Handiro Dambudziko is a denunciation of individuals who cannot distinguish issues and focus on the real causes of problems. The song is apt within a political scene dominated by misplaced priorities and failures in addressing the real issues of democracy, human rights, and constitutional respect. The ruling government was busy dealing with “imperialism” while negating the aforementioned issues, which Mtukudzi in his song argues are the real problems of individuals, society, and the nation. In Mbiri Hurimbo, Mtukudzi is indicating how fame can be ensnaring. He stresses in the song that popularity is dangerous to the individual who fails to manage it, as it may lead to abuse of power and pride that breeds violence against others. This cannot be far from the situation in Zimbabwe, in which the highly favoured Robert Mugabe of 1980 has turned against those who voted for him by abusing privileges bestowed on him by the people. Mtukudzi cries out in the song that if he had known beforehand that the chick he was rearing was an owl then he would have known better how to treat it. Such songs represent Tuku constructing his

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protest against the imbalances of power and hegemonic tendencies of the powerful through symbolic representation rather than through definitive social realities. The ‘meaning’ of the content of his songs is complex and begins to work in his favour, as an artist, against his weakened position in relation to broader power relations, to carry significant messages of solidarity articulating unwelcome reflections on the nature of the nation. His communicative strategy minimises the risk of direct confrontation and interaction, which renders it extensively effective in expressing and addressing authorities working as an effective technique of choice to empower the artist to exercise power from the margins of society to shape, attack, and comment on sensitive national issues. This is in contrast with his straightforward song, “Bvuma Wasakara” (Admit you are old). Wasakara, from his 2000 album Bvuma (Translated by the artist himself as Tolerance), was easy to read and deconstruct as subverted and engaged oppositional protest discourse. On this same album, Tuku splits the ruling party’s totalising and homogenising efforts on the Zimbabwean nation by speaking against the discourse of worthy nationals who belong to the ruling ZANU PF and support its ideology: Hapana chisikwa chirinani kupinda chimwe…” (No creature is better than the other...) He points that there are no better creatures (by which he refers to human beings) and seeks to extend the boundaries of national belonging that have been tampered with by the dominant formations of the ruling powers who he censored, forewarning them that their attempts to cover up their evils would not succeed because, “rine manyanga hariputirwe…” (A protruding horn cannot be hidden...). For example, his song: Who is a hero? is a potent work of satire. This song challenges and censures the authorities by criticising traditional, centred, and dominant notions of heroism as canonised by the ruling elites. The song houses, in carefully constructed intent, a symptomatic representation of the ideological position opposing the exclusive concepts of nation and those who belong to it. He calls for the extension of the concept of nation and heroism. Who is a hero? Is Safirio Madzikatire a hero?

It seems as if Tuku bows down to the instigation of fear within him and fails to pinpoint exactly who should be included within the concept of heroism. He finds a safe solution by throwing up Madzikatire and other music icons, watering down the potency of the song. It can be argued that Tuku is expanding the terrain of heroism, but that argument can be countered by raising the concern that his list seems inverted, especially

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when the song is read in juxtaposition to the exclusive master narratives provided by groups such as Mbare Chimurenga choir, who have canonised Robert Mugabe as “Father Zimbabwe”. The song blatantly shrinks from socio-political reality, and deliberately misses the mark. This is the fashion of Tuku’s artistic liberty and technique which reveals an artist caught up in a complex web of knowing what needs to be done but having severe restrictions on how best to do it, while cast down by the overarching arm of state censure. However, one can argue that Mtukudzi’s contribution to discourses of Zimbabwean nationhood has been immense, as his brand of music calls attention towards inclusive nationalism rather than exclusivity.

Ndebele Nation1 (-alism) in Song: Further Research This section is more exploratory rather than concrete. It is based so much on ignorance rather than knowledge, on assumptions rather than facts, on silences rather than stated arguments. Not “much” music has come from Matebeleland to grace the national airwaves and dominate music circles. This chapter has shown that music is a symbolic site where contradictions of society are lived, contested, and represented. There is ample evidence of dissonance of political rhetoric against the represented elements of Zimbabwean nationhood. The cultural content of much of Zimbabwean music powerfully constructs a mono-ethnic identity, providing and promoting resources for the imagining of ethnic history and culture to combine and interpret the elements into “imagined community.” Palmberg (2004:35) has argued that in the cultural field, Zimbabwean identity has become equated with Shona identity, while the Ndebele and other non-Shona groups are, if not excluded, omitted. Even though the official imagination of the Zimbabwean nation admits multi-ethnic groups, trends in Zimbabwean music production, consumption and distribution help to solidify and manufacture a hegemonic Shona ethnic identity. It is this chapter’s argument that music coming from a historically marginalised group must therefore not be taken for granted, but must be critically read to reveal how it challenges certain entrenched values and boundaries of Zimbabwean nationhood imposed from above. Music from Matebeleland represents a voice for people who are not able to identify with the offered official narratives, but seek the value of their own expressions and experiences. Ndebele cultural activists like Continue 1

I use this term reservedly as it is shrouded in politics, bitter memories, misunderstandings and misappropriations.

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Loving (Cont.) Mhlanga have been against what they consider as Ndebele ethno-marginalisation in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, scholars like Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2008) have highlighted the existence of “Ndebele particularism.” He points out that the concept of Ndebele particularism is a complex phenomenon that cannot be ignored in the imagination of a post-crisis Zimbabwe. He argues that this concept is at the root of the problem of how two nations (Shona and Ndebele) with two different pre-colonial histories and memories can be invited into one centralised nation. To Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2008:45), Ndebele particularism: “Does not fit easily into this imagined nation and state where Ndebele experiences, histories, and heroes are subordinated to triumphant and hegemonic Shona history.”

It is therefore important for further research to be undertaken on the music of Lovemore Majaivana, Albert Nyathi, Sandra Ndebele, and many other young artists who are more aligned to South African music production lines, in order to analyse how their music has incorporated counter-hegemonic construction and engagement with notions of nationhood and nationalism in Zimbabwe, and how they unravel the fault lines of Ndebele-Shona ethnicities and post-colonial nation-building processes.

Conclusion This paper has reviewed how music has been closely tied to nationhood discourses in Zimbabwe. The chapter focused on “singing” the nation, which looks at how Zimbabweans began to use music to “imagine” the configurations of the nation. The production, consumption, and distribution of music in its various genres carry symbolic weight and reflect different conceptions of nationhood and national identity. Furthermore, the chapter attempted a genre analysis of Zimbabwean music, linking the developments and nuances within specific genres with national aspirations, while critiquing possible implications that could have arisen from the specific elements highlighted within the genres. The diversity of genres and perspectives that this chapter analysed emanated from recognition that the role of music in political discourses in Zimbabwe is diverse and embodies multiple dimensions. What this chapter reveals is that music is a significant site of the creation of national imagery. Ruling elites in Zimbabwe have also attempted to use and benefit from the capital derived from music compositions to maintain, control, and influence the way the nation is imagined. The chapter has also shown that a nation can be “imagined” from below, and artists as ordinary

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citizens have an important role of contributing towards the creation of a nation. As socio-political commentators, musicians, through their artistic innovations, renegotiate the relations of power which are slanted against them, and in Zimbabwe, managed to sustain artistic agency against the ideological constraints of official censorship that attempted to institutionalise self-censorship and dominate public cultural space to relegate the populace to a culture of silence and the uncritical acceptance of a single vision and imagination for the nation. Through the work of various musicians, serious concerns of society were presented, within the framework of political and personal restrictions, on behalf of society, against the narrow interests of some constituted political authority, to contest concepts of “threatened” nationhood.

References Abdullah, I. “Popular Culture, Subaltern Agency and People’s Power: The 2007 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections and Democracy in Sierra Leone.” CODESRIA BULLETIN, No1 & 2 (2009): 14-16. Anderson, B. Imagined Communities. London: Verso Publications, 1991 Chamunorwa J R. “The growth of urban grooves music: an analysis of management styles with special focus on Leonard Mapfumo” (B.A Honours Diss., University of Zimbabwe, 2009). Kambanje A. “The objectification of women in selected urban grooves music videos” (B.A Honours Diss., University of Zimbabwe, 2010). Kershaw, B. The Politics of Performance: Radical Theatre as Cultural Intervention. London: Routledge, 1992 Lush, D. and Khupe, T. “What Crisis? Free expression and access to information in Zimbabwe.” In Media Support Strategies for Zimbabwe (Harare: MISA, 2005). Furniss, G. and Gunner, L. (ed). Power, Marginality and African Oral Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995 Matsheza F. “Urban grooves music in Zimbabwe: A Case-study of how American Music influences other cultures and identities.” accessed 29 October 2009, www.newzimbabwe.com Mhungu, F. “The Projection of Zimbabwean Nationhood in Third Chimurenga Music” (B.A Honors Diss., Theatre Arts Department, University of Zimbabwe, 2010). Muchemwa, K. “Why don’t you tell the children a story? Father figures in the Zimbabwean short stories.” In Manning the Nation: father Figures

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in Zimbabwean Literature and Society edited by M Muchemwa and R Muponde (Harare: Weaver Press, 2007). Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S.J. “Nation-Building in Zimbabwe and the Challenges of Ndebele Particularism.” African Journal on Conflict Resolution, Vol. 8 Number 3(2008): 27-55. Nyamnjoh, F. B. Africa’s Media, Democracy and Politics of Belonging. New York and Pretoria: Zed Books and UNISA Press, 2005 Rabkin, R. Drama and Commitment. New York: Indiana University Press, 1957 Rajan, R.S. Real and Imagined Women: Gender, Culture and Postcolonialism. London: Routledge, 1996 Ranger, T. “Nationalist Historiography, Patriotic History and the History of the Nation: Struggle over the Past in Zimbabwe,” Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 30 Number 2 (2004): 215-234. Palmberg, M. “Music in Zimbabwe’s Crisis.” In Sounds of Change: Social and Political Features of Music in Africa edited by Thorsen, S.M (Stockholm: Sida Studies No 12, 2004). Verdery, Katherine. National Ideology under Socialism: Identity and Cultural Politics in Ceauúescu’s Romania. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991 Siziba, G. “Re-defining the Production and Reproduction of Culture in Zimbabwe’s Urban Space: The Case of the Urban Grooves in New Frontiers of Child and Youth Research in Africa.” CODESRIA BULLETIN, NO 3&4 (2009) Storey, J. Cultural Theory and Popular Culture: An Introduction. Harlow: Pearson Education, 2009 Zindi, F. The Pop-music Workbook: Zimbabwe versus the World. Harare: Zindisc Publications, 2003

CHAPTER EIGHT SOUNDS OF “DEATH”: THE ADAPTATION OF MADZVITIMUCHONGOYO MUSIC IN SILENCING DISSENTING VOICES IN CHIPINGE (MANICALAND-ZIMBABWE, 2002-2008) GODFREY MUSEKA, DARMARRIS KAGUDA AND ONIAS MATUMBU

Introduction This chapter interrogates the use of Madzviti-Muchongoyo music, drums, and dance by the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) (ZANU PF) youths and militia in the Chipinge district of Manicaland province to silence dissenting voices from 2002 to 2008. Madzviti-Muchongoyo music is a special genre of Zimbabwe’s traditional music, commonly associated with spirit possession ceremonies. Apart from being associated with traditional religio-cultural rituals, in particular the mudzimu/madhlozi ceremony (ancestral veneration ceremony), Madzviti-Muchongoyo music is also popular in various spheres of secular entertainment. In secular spheres, it is often used for a social and recreational music and dance that commemorates and celebrates special events of the community. Although common to other ethnic groups in Manicaland, the music genre is prominent in Chipinge, where it has become an important marker of Ndau identity.

The Origins of the Madzviti-Muchongoyo Music Genre In terms of origins, Madzviti-Muchongoyo music, drums, and dance are thought to have been introduced by the invading marauding armies of

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the Gaza-Nguni state during the nineteenth century (Perman, 2008). The army, commonly referred to as Madzviti, lived and died during the unstable days of the Mfecane. According to Kariamu (2000), the Nguni were followers of the Zulu general Soshangane (1790-1859), who fled from Zululand at the time of the rise of the Zulu king, Shaka (1787-1828). These Nguni people came to be known as Shangani, a name derived from that of their leader. Their journey from Zululand took them to Gaza, Mozambique, and Chipinge; hence, Madzviti-Muchongoyo music and dance became most popular in eastern Zimbabwe and Gazaland/ Mozambique. This explains why most residents of Manicaland in general, and Chipinge in particular, relate Madhlozi/Madzviti and the subsequent shayi dzviti (alien spirit) to the Zulu warriors. Shayi dzviti is, therefore, not an ancestor but an alien spirit that can either be accommodated or exorcised (Gelfand, 1973). Because the warriors from whom the spirit emanates were powerful, frightening, and violent, any member of the community who possesses similar characteristics is thought to be possessed by the dzviti spirit. Stories of these spirits are ingrained in the tales of murder and destruction they have inspired. The stories have continued to instil fear and awe in many communities in Chipinge. The Madzviti ritual ceremony is, therefore, associated with aggressive dance, and the host identifies himself or herself by wearing a dress called chigejo. Similarly, the Muchongoyo music and dance is an offshoot of the Indlamu dance, a military drill exercise that was originally created to teach and instil discipline among Zulu warriors (Kariamu, 2000). It was also used to prepare members of a regiment of war. Stories abound that Shaka, the legendary Zulu king, trained his warriors to have hardened feet so that they could travel for longer distances in the most difficult terrain, and these hardened feet were good for the dynamic stamping dances. It is also important to note that participants in the Madzviti-Muchongoyo music ceremony hold and wave spears (mapfumo), small axes (makano), sticks (midonzvo/ndonga), and shields. This makes any Muchongoyo dance festival a mock fighting event. As posited by Kariamu (2000), this also explains why Muchongoyo was performed in preparation for war, and after the war particularly, when the Shangani people were victorious. Kariamu (2000) further argues that Muchongoyo was originally a military exercise with shouts of promise of “fit warriors” and “good battle.” However, because of the changed context, it now embodies the dream of freedom of the masses, who remain the victims of post-colonial oppressive structures (Kariamu, 2000). This means Muchongoyo music and dance reflect the present socio-economic and religio-political situation

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of the performers and their communities. The genre’s dynamism and adaptability to diverse historical and socio-political realities insures its permanence. Singing, drumming, and dancing in the MadzvitiMuchongoyo ceremony is dominated by men, with women playing a complementary role. Although gender roles in the Madzviti-Muchongoyo music are slowly changing, there is an unmistakable contrast between men as singers, drummers, and dancers, which contradicts that of women who stand behind them as backing vocalists. Given that the MadzvitiMuchongoyo music genre is militant in nature, its male-centredness is not surprising. The major function of the Madzviti-Muchongoyo festival was to give courage to the warriors. It also created an opportunity to rehearse military moves for the forthcoming military adventures. The songs are characterised by a few words, which are repeated several times, but accompanied by energetic dancing, stamping, and drumming. The Madzviti-Muchongoyo music genre has not been spared by the cultural denudation that accompanied the colonisation and Christianisation of this country; hence, in some sections of Zimbabwean society, it is perceived as evil and diabolical. Madzviti-Muchongoyo features, that include a spiritual-military link, aggressiveness, and violent, frightening, and powerful actors made it possible for ZANU PF to win the 2008 runoff election through intimidation and blunt political terror. Pungwes, at carefully selected political bases, set the tone for torture (Lichtenstein, 2011). In this regard, it is important to give a brief account of the pungwe tradition in the political history of Zimbabwe, showing how MadzvitiMuchongoyo became part and parcel of this tradition.

The Pungwe Tradition The term Pungwe (night vigil) is commonly used to refer to “forced” nightlong “education” meetings between political activists and the masses. The Pungwe has a long and intriguing history in Zimbabwe’s internal politics, dating back to the colonial period. According to Viriri (2012:282) “the etymology of the Pungwe - pu pupu pu - shows violent military discourse coupled with violent aggression, and ngwee is idiophonic and shows consciousness and enlightenment resulting from the peasants and cadres.” During the colonial era and the ensuing liberation struggle, masses were called or even frog-marched to political bases where they were “educated” in matters regarding the war by the liberation fighters. Military strategies and moves were rehearsed. War victories were also celebrated through songs and dance. As noted by Viriri (2012) these Pungwe meetings inculcated a glorious and heroic spirit into the fighters

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and masses. In other words, they were an important medium for education, communication and relief from the psychological stress and trauma of fighting. More liberation fighters were recruited at the Pungwe; hence the assertion that they further served as mobilising tactics. Pungwe did not occur in a cultural vacuum. They were carefully tailored to suit the cultural traditions of a particular cultural group. In the context of Chipinge, the Madzviti-Muchongoyo religio-cultural festival was adapted to the pungwe tradition. This accommodation was relatively easy because, as shown earlier, both traditions shared a military, warlike, and/or violent background. Although spirit possession was prominent in the Madzviti-Muchongoyo festivals, it was not uncommon for participants to get possessed during these Pungwe meetings. Spirit mediums were consulted by the Pungwe in order to detect the will of the ancestors. To this end, Viriri (2012) asserts that the Pungwe was/is a religiously sanctioned occasion. According to Lan (1985), spirit mediums could also sniff out sell-outs (vatengesi) who were generally labeled as witches. All people who were thought to be acting against the interests of the liberation fighters were labelled as witches. The same thinking filtered into the Madzviti-Muchongoyo Pungwe political festivals, where members of the rival political parties were labelled as sell-outs. Furthermore, the two traditions served similar functions. Morale boosting songs were a common feature. Booty collected from the nearby white farms and factories was also shared at the bases. The most common booty was makabichi (cabbages), an idiomatic word used by the local communities to refer to beef meat from the white farmers’ cattle. Through eating, singing, drumming, and dancing at the pungwe the freedom fighters and the masses “joyfully” mocked the colonial regime. Those who were accused of being sell-outs or practising witchcraft or any other immoral behaviour were tortured. There was sustained cruelty against “enemies of the struggle.” The tortured enemies of the struggle, “acted like human billboards”, advertising the dire consequences of opposing and undermining the liberation struggle (Lichtenstein, 2011). All this was done during the night in order to avoid detection by the colonial masters. Lichtenstein (2011) contends that the Fifth Brigade also made use of the Pungwe tradition in Matabeleland to suppress the Matabele uprising of the early 1980s. The fact that the same tradition was widely used during the Second Chimurenga war of liberation, the early 1980s and, recently, between 2002 and 2008, shows that the Pungwe is a common tactic used by the ZANU PF militia against dissenting voices. Commenting on violence unleashed against opposition supporters in 2008, the Catholic

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Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe (CCJPZ) said “it is impossible to have more than one political party in this country” (Lichtenstein, 2011). This use or abuse of Madzviti-Muchongoyo music at the Pungwe meetings has somehow contributed to the negative perception and demonisation of the music genre in Chipinge and peripheral areas. This negative perception also relates to the colonial history of the country.

A Demonised Music Genre The arrival of missionaries and European settlers in the 1890s resulted in political reorganisation and economic mayhem, which changed the pattern of living for indigenous people. The Eurocentric political and religious ideologies even influenced the music of the indigenous people in no small measure. White settlers thought that it was necessary to deafricanise Africans in order to Christianise and europeanise them. Their missiological approach was intended to evangelise, indoctrinate, and nurture Christian identity among the indigenous people. The approach was, and still is, strictly exclusive in that Christianity and Christianity alone was/is viewed as a uniquely true religion. African religio-cultural identity and its various expressions, such as music and arts, were seen as diabolical and were, therefore, proscribed (Kariamu, 2000). Guided by the Catholic axiom, Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus, meaning, “Outside the church there is no salvation,” missionaries suppressed traditional ceremonies such as the Madzviti-Muchongoyo (Ataman, 2008:7). Converts who were seen participating in these ceremonies were excommunicated for “singing, drumming, and dancing for the demons.” This colonial cultural legacy still haunts indigenous people, and “exorcism” is needed if local people are to reclaim their identity. Moses Chibaya (2012) noted that efforts to revive traditional music and dance in some areas of Zimbabwe are being hampered by religious beliefs, particularly those associated with apostolic sects. Membership in traditional music and dance is dwindling as most of the young performers belong to apostolic churches whose religious beliefs discourage traditional cultural practices, such as Madzviti-Muchongoyo music and dance. Similar sentiments were echoed by Kenny Kachuruka, the chairperson of the Zimbabwe National Traditional Dancers Association (ZNTDA). Kachuruka, quoted by Chibaya (2012), alleges that most apostolic churches were stifling growth of the traditional music and dance sector by regarding these cultural expressions as evil. Madzviti-Muchongoyo music and dance have been and still are being condemned in some circles because of their close association with traditional religion.

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Political developments in Zimbabwe from 2002 to 2008 further soiled the image of the Madzviti-Muchongoyo music genre. Given that the music genre was instrumental in perpetuating violence during the 2008 Presidential runoff campaign, it is now perceived as connoting aggression in some circles. Madzviti-Muchongoyo music, drums, and dance have also become a common practice at national events, such as the commemoration of independence and heroes days. The polarised political environment in the country during the period under review seems to have reduced these events from national to quasi-national/ZANU PF events. The way Madzviti-Muchongoyo music intersected with pungwe and violence, as shown below, probably explains why the musical genre is viewed with suspicion in some sectors of society.

Pungwe and Madzviti-Muchongoyo as ZANU PF’s Electioneering Tools Madzviti-Muchongoyo music was, from the year 2002, adapted to the ZANU PF campaigning crusades. The party’s youths and militia composed songs based on the Madzviti-Muchongoyo music genre for various inseparable reasons, which include demonstrating and strengthening the party’s pan-African agenda, presenting the party leadership as the sole divine (ancestral) choice, and frightening and silencing dissenting voices, as well as justifying and moralising violence against those of a different political opinion and persuasion. Through this music genre, propaganda messages were spread against the rival political parties, particularly the MDC, led by Morgan Tsvangirai. Tsvangirai was branded a British puppet who wanted to reverse the gains of the hard-won independence (Chitando, 2005). This notion was driven home by Mugabe, who angrily reacted to the urban dwellers’ “No” vote against the state- sponsored February 2000 referendum, and their voting in the June 2002 parliamentary and mayoral elections, by calling them “totemless.” He further alleges that these urbanites had been bribed with “sweets and sugar by imperialists.” In this regard, we contend that the adaptation of the MadzvitiMuchongoyo music genre was meant to present ZANU PF as the sole custodian of African cultural ideologies. This is because, according to Kariamu (2000), Machingura (2012), and Viriri (2012), traditional music and dance are deeply embedded in the belief patterns of society. From 2002, ZANU PF employed traditional pungwe festivals (Mabira) in rural areas, and galas in urban areas, in an attempt to rebrand itself and regain the electoral support. During these festivals, ZANU PF propagandists managed to tarnish the MDC’s image by alleging that the party was being

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sponsored by the West in order to reverse the fast-track land reform programme and to promote Western interests. Through Madzviti-Muchongoyo music, ZANU PF youths advanced and legitimised the party’s pan-African image by linking its leadership with great revolutionary ancestors such as Chaminuka, Nehanda, Kaguvi, and Tangwena. The fact that success in the Second Chimurenga was/is widely attributed to these spirit mediums could have informed such connections. In this regard, ZANU PF adopted some traditional religious aspects in its campaigns in order to sell itself to the public as a divinely chosen political party. Once the divine origin of the party was accepted, then naturally a ZANU PF dynasty would be inevitable. Thus, the incorporation of traditional music, drums, and dances was intended to authenticate the divine origin of the party. The strategy of portraying ZANU PF as a divinely sanctioned political party fostered violence. Once ZANU PF was seen as a divinely chosen party, then any opposition, criticism, and/or dissenting voice would be considered blasphemous. The label implies that ZANU PF had the mandate to rule forever and any murmuring voice had to be silenced through severe or even capital punishment. Remarks by some ZANU PF apologists that Mugabe is “like Jesus,” or “is a God given leader” (Machingura, 2012), need to be understood in the context of the party’s attempt to domesticate religion. The divine intersection between ZANU PF, its origins, and its right to power justified and moralised any form of violence directed against members of the opposition. This thinking is evidenced by the ZANU PF’s Women Affairs boss Oppah Muchinguri’s 2007 remarks that: “President Robert Mugabe is our God given leader. Mugabe is our gift from God. We don’t have any problem with him. If anyone tries to remove President Robert Mugabe from power, we will march in the streets and we are prepared to remove our clothes in support of him.” (The Financial Gazette, November 2, 2007)

Statements like this serve to restrict the country’s political space. After being defeated in the March 2008 harmonised elections, Mugabe reiterated his party’s domestication of religion and his “divine right” to rule forever by saying: “MDC will never be allowed to rule this country, never, ever. Only God can remove me, not the MDC, not the British. We will never allow an event like an election to reverse our independence just through the strike of a pen on the ballot paper for that matter, our sovereignty, our sweat, and all that we fought for and all that our comrades died fighting for. It is God

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who put me in this position, not the British. So it is only God who can oust me.” (Mail and Guardian, June 21, 2008).

The incorporation of Madzviti-Muchongoyo music, drums, and dance into ZANU PF campaigns marked the peak of the party’s religio-political domestication project. ZANU PF managed to domesticate traditional religion by incorporating Madzviti-Muchongoyo music into its campaigns and by continuously portraying itself and the Second Chimurenga as the fulfilment of Nehanda’s oracle that her “bones shall rise again” to defeat western influence. The Nehanda tradition was reinforced at the Pungwe meetings and in imaginations of the war, represented by the MDC, between ZANU PF and the West, the Nehanda tradition was revived, leading to the christening of this war as the “Third Chimurenga.” The Madzviti-Muchongoyo music, drums, and dance became popular at the Pungwe meetings. The militant nature of this music genre was ideal for the political environment. Dissenting voices were selected and screened. This was relatively easy because during the March 2008 harmonised elections, a rare peaceful political environment had prevailed. The peaceful environment allowed people to speak openly about their political affiliations. Thus, within various communities, ZANU PF and MDC sympathisers were known. When ZANU PF was humiliated in the March 2008 harmonised elections, political bases were established in various communities. In Chipinge, it is alleged that ZANU PF youths operated from various bases. The informants further narrated how the youths made use of traditional drums (ngoma) to produce a typical Madzviti-Muchongoyo drumbeat sound as they stampeded towards the homestead of the intended victim. The loud and melodious sounds of the drums could be heard far and near, and invited people to the base. The drumbeat that is traditionally associated with happiness during rituals or secular activities (Bakare, 1997) now signalled the threat of death. The victim(s) were fished out and taken to the bases violently amid the Madzviti-Muchongoyo music, drums, and dance. In a typical Madzviti-Muchongoyo fashion, the victim(s) was/were placed at the centre and encircled by a group of drumming, singing, and dancing youths. According to our findings, the frightening sounds often sent some known opposition activists into hibernation. Some MDC activists were declared personae non-gratae. Those who did not manage to escape were forced to “confess” their sins and then “repent.” Confessing and repenting involved surrendering the MDC regalia and chanting slogans against the MDC. The severe beatings symbolised “baptism.” Confession, baptism, and repentance marked the climax of the pungwe activities. Wearing

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ZANU PF regalia and reciting the party’s slogans sealed the conversion. In this regard, it can be surmised that the Madzviti-Muchongoyo music at the pungwe meetings functioned to “re-educate” and “re-orient” the masses. Sloganeering, ululation, drumming, singing, and dancing throughout the night accompanied these activities. During this violent era, the drumbeat became infamous to the extent that if one said anything deemed to have an anti-ZANU PF political connotation, he or she was quickly warned: “Unoridzirwa ngoma”, meaning the notorious youths will come drumming for your blood. Some of the songs that were adapted to the Madzviti-Muchongoyo music genre included the following: Zvinhu zvese ndezvambuya Nehanda; Ye-e ye ndezvambuya Nehanda; Zvinhu zvese ndezvaVaMugabe; Ye-e ye ndezvaVaMugabe; Nyika ino ndeyambuya Nehanda; Ye-e ye ndeyambuya Nehanda; Nyika ino ndeyaVaMugabe; Ye-e ye ndeyaVaMugabe All resources belong to Mbuya Nehanda; Yes, yes, they belong to Mbuya Nehanda; All resources belong to Mr. Mugabe; Yes, yes, they belong to Mr. Mugabe; This country belongs to Mbuya Nehanda; Yes, yes, it belongs to Mbuya Nehanda; This country belongs to Mr. Mugabe; Yes, yes, it belongs to Mr. Mugabe

Songs like this served to create a divine covenant between the great ancestor and national icon Nehanda and Mugabe. They presented Mugabe as a demi-god and the soul divinely chosen for the presidency. The divine candidacy was meant to make him immune to any form of criticism. If one dared to criticise him, he/she could be charged with blasphemy, which called for punishment appropriate to treason. Such songs legitimised Mugabe’s clinging to power, using whatever means necessary, including violence. In this regard, we contend that the Madzviti-Muchongoyo traditional music was meant to justify and moralise violence against members of the opposition. The grabbing of resources, such as land, cattle, and goats from opposition members was justified by the fact that “all the resources belong to Mugabe.” Indeed, eight elderly men near Chikore mission in Chipinge confirmed that members of the opposition were

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forced to supply food including beef, goat meat, and chicken, and beverages to the “comrades” at the base and also for consumption during the Pungwe meetings. Another song, mentioned by various participants, that was sung in an archetypal Madzviti-Muchongoyo fashion went like this: XX wagarira reza x4 XX you have sat on the edges of a razor blade x4

This was a warning song, usually sung by the youths as they were on their way to the victim’s place. According to the lyrics of this song, supporting an opposition party was as good as sitting on a razor blade. In other words, it was suicidal. According to some ZANU PF youths in Chipinge, another Madzviti-Muchongoyo warrior dance-song that was performed after a victorious battle was: Kwainorira, kwainorira Sawe; Kwainorira Sawe; Zvangu zvauya siya wakuya Sawe Where it sounds, where it sounds Sawe; Where it sounds Sawe; I am now in the mood, don’t leave before grinding Sawe.

This song was sung after the successful fishing out of the sell-outs from their hiding places. It was also sung throughout the night to symbolise victory and to press the victims into confession and repentance. According to Mutangi (2011), the Madzviti-Muchongoyo beat is an effective political tool, hence the need for the Mbare Chimurenga choir to incorporate this traditional beat into their celebration song Muri Musoja (You are a soldier) on the 2010 album Nyatsoteerera (Listen Carefully). From our findings, the singing, drumming, and dancing at the Pungwe meetings resembled a typical Madzviti-Muchongoyo traditional ceremony, in that the singing was accompanied by energetic dancing with emphatic drumming and stamping of feet. The music, drumming, and dancing served to give courage to the youths and the militia. Axes, spears, machetes, and sticks were waved, thereby creating an emblematic Madzviti-Muchongoyo festival. During the Pungwe meetings, youths would also strategise and rehearse their next moves. The youths thought of themselves as the bloodthirsty Madzviti warriors. Some village heads around the Chinaa-Tuzuka area in Chipinge alleged that, as in the

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Madzviti-Muchongoyo rituals, spirit possession became a prominent feature at the Pungwe meetings. Some youths or militias would get into a trance and give oracles in favour of Mugabe while condemning Tsvangirai. The ecstatic behaviour that is traditionally induced by music, drums, and dances is associated with a divinity. At the Pungwe meetings, the oracles served to give the followers hope and strength. People’s participation in the Pungwe project that advanced ZANU PF’s causes was secured through clientelism. According to Gifford (1998:6), clientelism is a “relationship of exchange in which a superior provides security for an inferior, who as a client then provides political support for his patron”. In Zimbabwe, particularly towards elections, power often entails the ability to provide and withhold security and other social services. Thus, because of the general food crisis of 2008, the political heavyweights gave handouts and food donated by the nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) at their own discretion to encourage political allegiance and support. This clientelism worked through local brokers or a central figure that delivered benefits from the grandee to the local people who were deemed to be correctly politically aligned. This resulted in the formation of a “hegemonic alliance” between the powers that were and the local people. Failure to be part of this equation meant vulnerability to violence, to grabbing of resources, and to exclusion in terms of food allocation. This state of affairs is aptly captured in Bayart’s theory, cited by Gifford (1998:7), of “the rhizome state,” in which “all sorts of little men” are linked through numerous capillaries of patronage and influence of some “big man” through whom they can get a share of the good things of life.”

Conclusion In this chapter, we have argued that the integration of MadzvitiMuchongoyo music into ZANU PF campaigns by the party youths and militia in Chipinge in 2008 demonstrated the inextricable relationship that exists between politics and religion in Zimbabwe. We argued that through this music genre, a covenant between Mugabe and Nehanda, as well as other national spirits was forged, celebrated, and sealed. We also observed that through Madzviti-Muchongoyo music and dance, Mugabe was portrayed as a demi-god who could not be deposed by any mortal being. Thus, music of a traditional religious nature was instrumental in salvaging ZANU PF’s dwindling support base. Our claim was that by forging a divine link between its leader (Mugabe) and the ancestral spirits of national significance, the party managed to stay afloat and is likely to

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reassert its dominance in the future. Our considered view was that this domestication of traditional religion created a neo-patrimonial system of leadership, in which the leader could not be challenged and criticised. It also justified any form of violence against dissenting voices, which in turn threatened and continues to threaten the emergence of multi-party democracy in Zimbabwe.

References Ataman, K. Understanding Other Religions: al-Biruni’s and Gadamer’s Fusion of Horizons. Washington D.C: The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, 2008 Bakare, S. The Drumbeat of Life: Jubilee in an African Context. Geneva: WCC Publications, 1997 Chibaya, M. “Traditional Dance, Apostolics and Child Development in Zimbabwe.” The Herald, 30 April, 2012. Chitando, E. “Down with the Devil, Forward with Christ! A Study of the Interface between Religious and Political Discourses in Zimbabwe.” African Sociological Review, Vol 6 Number 1 (2002): 1-16. —. “Religion and the Struggle for Peace in Zimbabwe.” In The Struggle After the Struggle: Zimbabwean Philosophy Study 1, 21-31, edited by David Kaulemu (Washington, DC: The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, 2008). Gelfand, M. The Genuine Shona. Gweru: Mambo Press, 1973. Gifford, P. African Christianity: Its Public Role. London: Hurst and Company, 1998. Kariamu, W.A. Zimbabwe Dance: Rhythmic Forces, Ancestral Voices: An Aesthetic Analysis. Trenton/Asmara: Africa World Press, 2000. Lan, D. Guns and Rains: Guerrillas and Spirit Mediums in Zimbabwe. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House, 1985. Lichtenstein, A. “Zimbabwe and the Politics of Impunity.” Accessed 2011, http://www.lareviewofbooks.org/essay/zimbabwe. Machingura, F. The Messianic Feeding of the Masses: An Analysis of John 6 in the Context of Messianic Leadership in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2012 Mutangi, F. (2011). “An Assessment of the Interplay between Music and Politics in Post Colonial Zimbabwe” (Bachelor of Music Degree in Ethnomusicology, Diss., Zimbabwe College of Music, 2011). Perman, A.W. History, Ethics, and Emotion in Ndau Performance in Zimbabwe: Local Theoretical Knowledge and Ethnomusicological Perspectives. Accessed 03/08/2012,

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http://books.google.co.zw/books/about/History The Financial Gazette Reporter. “Oppah Muchinguri prepared to strip for Mugabe.” The Financial Gazzette, 2 November, 2007. The Mail and Guardian Reporter. “Only God can oust me,” says Mugabe. Mail and Guardian, June 21, 2008. The Bookteam. Lighting up our Unfolding way: Constructive Realationships, Conflict Transformation and Peace-building. Cape Town: Africa Community Publishing and Development Trust, 2008 Viriri, A. “Cultural Diversity and the Zimbabwean Pungwe as Carnival Space: A Comparison with the Brazilian Carnivalesque Experience.” UNISA Latin American Report, Vol. 28 Number 1 (2012): 279-287.

CHAPTER NINE “WHEN PROPAGANDA BOOMERANGS”: THE CASE OF THIRD CHIMURENGA MUSIC VISUALS KUDAKWASHE SHANE SAMBO, NEHEMIAH CHIVANDIKWA AND KELVIN CHIKONZO

Introduction This chapter interrogates Third Chimurenga music as propaganda. In Zimbabwe, the Chimurenga music genre has had a rich history dating back to the pre-independence era (see Chitando 2002, Vambe 2004, and Zenenga 2012). This genre of music seems to have undergone various changes in response to the political and economic dynamics of the country. During the early period of Zimbabwe’s independence, most artistic productions, including music productions, largely “focused on celebrating independence and nationalism” (Chivandikwa 2012: 30). Our interest is in the period from the years 2000 to 2013, which largely fits into the era that has been called the crisis decade (see Bassopo-Moyo 2012, Ota 2010 and Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2011). While critics refer to this period as a period of national disintegration (see Bond and Manyange 2003), the ZANU PF-led government describes the period as the Third Chimurenga (Zenenga 2012), which means the third phase of the anti-colonial national struggle which seeks to assert Zimbabwe’s sovereignty by taking full control of the social, political, and economic resources of the country. This quest was also met with stiff resistance from political opponents such as the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and civil society (Ranger 2003, Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2009). In response to this resistance, the ZANU PF government has used media arts and other forms of strategies such as mass mobilisation to assert its

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hegemony (Chitando 2002). The resurgence of war liberation songs was part of this strategy (see Vambe 2004). In this chapter, we refer to these songs as Third Chimurenga music. A significant corpus of literature has been generated in response to the ideological and political significance of Third Chimurenga music (Chitando 2002 a, 2002 b; Vambe 2004; Nyimai 2012 & Bassopo – Moyo, 2012). These works have largely focused on the lyrical content of the songs, and especially its function as ZANU PF nationalist propaganda. We seek to complement these works by focusing on the visual text of Chimurenga music videos. We raise issues and questions that will hopefully generate further discussion and interrogation of this apparently popular art form. Music videos can be defined as “short movies, lasting three or four minutes at most, in which song is accompanied by images in movement” (Tessarolo, 2001: 2). Visual images echo the music lyrics and rhythm. The rhythm of the song generally informs the character of the image (2001: 1). Our particular interest here is the contention that at times it is difficult to integrate the visual text with lyrics where “the visual may have physiological prominence over hearing” (2001: 3). In light of the above, we analyse the relationship between the lyrical content and visual messages in Third Chimurenga musical videos, and the implication of this relationship for the interpretation of this type of music within the politico-ideological dynamics of the period under review. The main reason for this attempt is that it appears that there is a ceaseless and repetitive usage of the same visual images in almost all music videos by the Mbare Chimurenga choir, which we have decided to use as our case study, suggesting that a definite ideological drive behind this endeavour exists. Judging by the amount of repetitive usage, it is clear that the composers seek to fully exploit the potential of visual images in achieving desired propagandist goals. The idea is to generate emotion in viewers in the same manner that ZANU PF exploited “songs of struggle” in the fight against colonial rule (Turino in Chitando 2002). However, there is a dissonance between the lyrical and visual content, which is possibly the result of an over-reliance on and preoccupation with ideology. The result is the generation of unintended meanings. These “unintended” meanings define the focus of our discussion. The decision to focus on visual images is also engendered by the realisation that viewers do not only “see” these pictures and forget about them, but rather, they undoubtedly form perceptions and draw conclusions from what they see. Visual images are among the most persuasive ways of shaping people’s attitudes in the short and long term (Morna: 2002). Critical scholarship seems to have “underestimated audience knowledge of the multiple

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meanings that can be attained by listening to the genre of Chimurenga songs” (Vambe 2004: 168). The implication here is that the Chimurenga song text is complex and therefore subject to diverse interpretations. More importantly, Vambe’s theorisation privileges the agency of the audience in interpreting Third Chimurenga songs. Given the apparent tension between lyrics (audio images) and visual images and the agency of the audience, the question of the extent to which Third Chimurenga music can achieve its propagandist aspirations becomes significant. While issues relating to reception require further systematic audience research, our tentative conclusion is that the visual images in Third Chimurenga music videos have the potential to weaken the intended propaganda, thereby inviting unintended reception from the audience. While we acknowledge that such technology-generated images can have an unconscious impact on audiences, we are more sympathetic to the thesis that “propaganda always wins, if you allow it” (Leni Reifenstahl quoted in The Herald 2013). Our focus will be on the composition of the characters and the dances within the songs. The following questions frame the analysis: (a) What is the relationship between the lyrical and visual messages in Third Chimurenga music? (b) How and to what extent can this relationship enhance or impede the propagandist intentions of the texts?

Third Chimurenga Music: Resilience of Afro-Radicalism or “Cheap” Propaganda As already noted, Chimurenga means struggle, and the history of the term goes back to the 1890s, when indigenous African people revolted against the settler regime. The heroic fighting spirit of a revolutionary called Murenga who was famed for his military prowess and resistance are the basis upon which anti–colonial national liberation struggles were popularised as Chimurenga (see Chitando 2002, Vambe 2004, and Zenenga 2012). During the Second Chimurenga (1960 to 1979), the term was popularised by ZANU PF, as the party adapted and composed songs for propaganda purposes. During this period, critics seem to contend that the songs served genuine liberation purposes as they functioned as “reasoned persuasion” (Plastow in Chivandikwa 2012: 33), in the interest of the oppressed majority. One could say that during this period Chimurenga music propagated progressive “Afro-Radicalism” (Otu 2010: 18- 19). Zimbabwean literature generally celebrates songs that won the liberation struggle (Pongweni in Nyimai 2012). However, recent literature

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seems to dismiss Third Chimurenga music, as it appears to serve narrow or cheap propaganda (Ranger 2003; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2011; Chitando, 2002b & Bassopo-Moyo, 2012). For example, Chitando (2002b) suggests that Third Chimurenga songs function to privilege the interests of the ZANU PF party at the expense of national interests. Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2003: 113) contends that the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Television (ZTV) propagates cheap and unbalanced propaganda where audiences “are being inundated with songs, poems that solely blame the West for the Zimbabwean crisis.” Ndlovu-Gatsheni argues that there is no space for the political participation of other political groups. Focus is on the ZANU PF party and a personality cult that crafts a “narrative which depicts ZANU PF as a country under constant attack from imperialist forces and Mugabe as the chief definer of the contours of history” (Tendi, 2010). This perspective contends that Mugabe is “deceptively” constructed as an embodiment of African dignity, resistance, and agency, and an icon of African nationalistic pride and consciousness (see Ranger, 2003). Critical scholarship cited above, then, clearly differentiates ‘artistic’ propaganda by the oppressed groups and state-sponsored propaganda that functions to maintain and preserve the power of the state or the political status quo (Plastow, 1999 in Chivandikwa, 2012: 33). Our position in this chapter is that Third Chimurenga music has to be understood within the complexity of the politico-ideological context in which it functions. Our observation is that Third Chimurenga songs are a mixture of hegemonic and narrow ZANU PF nationalism and genuine Afro-Radicalism. This position is informed by the theorisation of the context of the music, which is the subject of the next section.

Theorising the Context of the Third Chimurenga We have noted that since the year 2000 the MDC and civil society posed a serious threat to ZANU PF hegemony to the extent that, after the 2008 national parliamentary and presidential elections, a new government of national unity was formed, which included two MDC formations and ZANU PF. Before this new government, the post-colonial crisis was so acute that the state vacillated between being a pseudo-democracy and a dictatorship (Chivandikwa 2012: 33). In this period, patriotic history (Ranger 2003) was manipulated to entrench state power, which largely functioned to advance bourgeoisie nationalism, where there is a one man or one party rule (Guha, 1997).

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Amilcar Cabral (in Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2003) argues that there are two main phases of liberation: The nationalist phase and the social phase. In the former, focus is on national independence and sovereignty, while in the latter, the emphasis is on asking whether or not everybody has benefited from independence, and the extent to which the new nation can sustain democratic structures and processes. In most instances, this phase has given rise to stiff political contestations, which at times express themselves violently. Fanon contends that in going through these phases, the national struggle can degenerate into chauvinism, ultra-nationalim, and racism (Fanon, 1968 in Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2009: 63). In the Zimbabwean context, the above process has elements of narrowing the broader revolution. As Otu (2010:189) puts it: “What emerged from the struggles of the crisis is but a specific kind of reactional de-radicalised revolution that has only eventualised into reacting or reproducing the old social order and class systems.”

According to Amilcar Cabral (in Otu 2010), such a crisis is evidence of the unfinished business of decolonisation, where the anticipated revolution becomes privatised politics of individual messiahs whose heroic deeds, in popular art forms such as music and theatre, are invested with divine attributes. In the Zimbabwean context, liberation heroes are likened to Judeo-Christian icons such as Jesus, Moses, and Joshua. For the purposes of survival, elitist nationalism resorts to de-politicisation, which entails “stifling and muzzling opposition” (Otu 2010: 205). To a large extent, Chimurenga music videos function as part of the “intrigues, deceit, and manoeuvres” (2010: 205) that seek to pacify the masses. However, we wish to reiterate that ZANU PF nationalism is not merely negative and narrow. It is partly based on the unfinished business of decolonisation, such as land redistribution, and the desire to challenge globalisation and the hegemony of Western capitalisation (see Otu 2010; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2003, 2009 & 2011 & Vambe 2004). Consequently, Third Chimurenga music, which derives from this political ideology, has some positive elements, which express genuine anti-colonial struggles while visualising nationhood (Zenenga 2012), albeit within the limits of its context. However, our point of departure is whether or not visual images in Chimurenga music videos function to advance the intended message, given the complexity of the texts, the heterogeneity of the audience and other related technical aspects relating to effective production of musical videos, which, we perceive, can have direct and indirect impacts on reception and interpretation.

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The Mbare Chimurenga choir Mbare Chimurenga choir was formed in Mbare in 2004. The choir is a mixture of young and elderly women, and the group has approximately 109 members (ZBC News, 16 February 2011). However, half of the group usually manages to be part of the recording team. Currently, the membership has gone down, as some members have relocated or left for various reasons (ZBC News, 16 February 2011). The leader of the group is Elizabeth Bwanya, who was a political commissar during the liberation struggle, and she says she invited five men from Mbare to assist in playing the various instruments for the group. Among those who joined the choir in 2008 include backing vocalists Pamela Tsvanhu, Perekai Zinyambi, and Constance Chimombe, among others. Elizabeth Bwanya is the Secretary of Women’s Affairs DCC6, which covers Mbare, Sunningdale, Houghton Park, and Waterfalls (ZBC News, 16 February 2011). Bwanya said the formation of the choir seven years ago came after the realisation that those who were born after 1980 needed to know the history of the liberation struggle through music (ZBC News, 16 February 2011). As a result, the choir was created so that it would be able to bring the masses together through dances that reminded many of the days of the liberation struggle. It uses jiti and pfonda melodies that are deeply rooted in the liberation struggle to denounce imperialism, slavery, colonialism, and neo-colonialism (ZBC News, 16 February 2011). She said the two albums that the choir recorded over a period of two years, Nyatsoteerera (Listen Carefully) and Simukai Tiverengane (Let’s Stand Up and Count Each Other), have revolutionary meaning. Its music, which is entrenched in dance and song, celebrates and tells the story of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle and independence. The release of their debut album, Nyatsoteera in 2010 gave birth to the popular tune Team, whilst the latest CD album Simukai Tiverengane has been getting rave reviews.

Cultivating the Cult Status in Seven Words The lyrics in the two songs Nyatsoteerera and Makorokoto (Congratulations), which coincidentally have just seven words, are centred on celebrating Robert Mugabe’s role as head of the nation. These are the lines in the first song Nyatsoteerera: Haaa Muhofisi, muna Bob; Nyatsoteerera unzwe kutonga

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Bob is in power; Feel how he reigns (The Mbare Chimurenga choir, Nyatsoteerera 2010)

Another song titled Makorokoto, which also has six words, celebrates the leadership of Mugabe. Makorokoto matenderwa, makorokotoo; Makorokoto matenderwa, makotokotoo Baba Mugabeee, makorokoto matenderwa, makorokotoo Kutonga Zimbabwe, makorokoto matenderwa Congratulations you have now been cleared, congratulations; Congratulations you have now been cleared, congratulations; Father Mugabe, congratulations you have now been cleared, congratulations; To rule Zimbabwe, congratulations you have now been cleared, congratulations; (The Mbare Chimurenga choir, Simukai 2010)

The personal achievements of Robert Mugabe are also shown in the song ndimi mega. This song creates a cult figure in the President. The words ndimi mega translated into English would mean: “You are the only one.” This could be interpreted as meaning that Mugabe is the only one who is “able” to rule and lead the country. The lyrics evidently capture this ideological drive: VaMugabe ndimi mega baba; Muri mukuru; Pakutonga muri mukuru x2; Pakugona muri mukuru; Ndimichete President Mugabe, you are the only one; You are great; When it comes to ruling, you are great x2; When it comes to the execution of good leadership skills; You are the only one. (The Mbare Chimurenga choir, Simukai 2010)

Going by our earlier definition, revolution or Chimurenga means struggle, but there is no message of struggle in the songs, just a celebration of the “return” of Mugabe into office. When the government of national unity was formed, generally people felt that Mugabe’s dominance had

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been “diluted”, as he now had to share power with Morgan Tsvangirai. Since 1980, there had been no election in which Robert Mugabe had ever been so threatened. In response to the threat of political oblivion, the songs were then crafted to “restore” lost ground and campaign for Robert Mugabe. In the song Makorokoto, the lyrics Makorokoto matenderwa (congratulations, you have now been cleared), suggest that there had been contestations before Mugabe was finally “allowed” back into office. The song Ndimi Mega, however, appears to be suggesting that even though Robert Mugabe is now sharing power with Morgan Tsvangirai, he is the only one who is really in charge, and his adversary is not capable of ruling. This is made much more revealing by the words ndimichete pakutonga muri mukuru (You are the only one who is capable of ruling). Another song entitled Team, which will dominate our later analysis of visuals, encapsulates the thinking behind the composition of the songs. The following are the lyrics in Team: Team ndikusetere team; Yeeeh ndikusetere team; Pekutanga tarira pana aniko? Yeeeh pana baba Mugabe; Pechipiri tarira pana aniko? Yeeeh pana mai Mujuru; Pechitatu tarira pana aniko? Yeeeh pana ivo vaNkomo; Chimbotongai makadaro; Chimbomirai makadaro; Let me set you up a team Sure, let me set you up a team; Look! Who is on position one? Yes, it is Father Mugabe; Look! Who is on position two? Yes, it is Mrs. Mujuru; Look! Who is on position three? Yes, it is him, Mr. Nkomo; For now, rule that way; For now, stand that way; (The Mbare Chimurenga choir, Nyatsoteerera 2010)

These lyrics, in a manner similar to our earlier observation, are centred on celebrating the heroics of a few individuals in the ZANU PF led government. In the above song, Robert Mugabe, Joice Mujuru, and John Nkomo are placed at the centre of the government, yet in the GNU, power was being shared between ZANU PF and the MDC formations. The lyrics

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deliberately ignore the fact that Morgan Tsvangirai is the Prime Minister whose post is equally powerful compared to that of Mugabe.

The Politics of Exclusion: Character Composition and Acting In this section, we discuss the people who feature and play key roles in the songs. The characters in the video clips fall into three categories, namely, the singers (choir) who created and performed in the songs, political figures, and finally the supernumeraries1. We decided to focus on the second category, which we felt was relevant to our discussion. In this category, President Mugabe and Vice-Presidents Joice Mujuru and John Nkomo dominate the list of political figures that appear in these videos. The frequency and rate of appearance is also in the same order. Besides the above three, there is also Simon Khaya Moyo, who stars in Team. Of all the political figures, President Mugabe’s appearance in the videos is quite amazing. He appears as the goalkeeper in Team several times, his image is imprinted on almost every T-shirt and on long skirts called Zambias that the supernumeraries wear. He also appears on posters and picture frames. In Nyatsoteerera, he is also seen occupying the office, a visual clip that recurs many times. This is problematic because it creates the impression that without this figure, the nation dies, which might not be true. Reference can be made here to the politics of succession that have dogged ZANU PF as a party. There have been claims that the biggest problem in ZANU PF emanated from the party’s failure to create structures for leadership renewal (see The Financial Gazette 23 January 2013). So as the music attempts to canvas for support for Mugabe on one hand, on the other, it inadvertently disenchants some people who are sentient of the leadership crisis. In Team, Mugabe, Mujuru, and Nkomo are the only key political figures both in government and ZANU PF who appear in the team, with Mugabe in between the posts, Mujuru at position two, and Nkomo at position three. The absence of other “players” is conspicuous, highlighting the exclusivist tendencies that the government adopted in 2000 after the collapse of the policy of reconciliation adopted in 1980. A soccer team is 1 A term that originated in the Elizabethan theatre which referred to ‘nonimportant’ roles in dramas, for example those of crowds, in which the characters had no lines to recite

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made up of eleven players on the field of play, with seven on the substitutes bench. However, in this team, only three players are presented, and one wonders if this was a clever idea, considering the politics of exclusion that have characterised the leadership of ZANU PF. We note here that while the composers appear to be campaigning for the presidium, they are unconsciously entrenching a personality cult and tendencies towards elitism. An organisation becomes associated with just a few individuals, which is a tragedy of neo-colonial Zimbabwe. The nation becomes identified with only a few egotistical politicians, while the rest are made to play a cameo role, if they are ever allowed to play any role at all. Decision and policy making, be it at party or government level, becomes a preserve and prerogative of a few individuals, which, we think, does not reflect the epitome of democracy that the nation purports to be. In the end, the pictures tell a completely different story, whose effect is the direct opposite of what the videos want to achieve. Mitchell (2004) notes that we now live in a post-linguistic, post-semiotic culture dominated by pictures, and the core issue is not how we analyse images, but what effects images have on us. The composers of the images were perhaps not aware of the polysemic potential of images, of which Barthes (1985) writes. Elam (1980) corroborates this by submitting that images indeed have the capacity to be read in different ways, and can have a negative generative capacity. In the same video, one also realises that there are no substitutes for the players on the pitch. Apart from the succession politics, one of the sticking points in the writing of the new constitution was the issue of running mates for presidential candidates. Reports suggest that ZANU PF was against the idea of running mates, as it would put the party in a quandary because it had been using the concept of two vice-presidents, one Ndebele and one Shona. It would become difficult to have one running mate, because the party would have to choose from one of the two tribes, leaving out the other tribe and creating fissures in the party along ethnic lines. Mugabe is positioned as a goalkeeper in the team. The idea was to make him a “keeper” who would jealously guard the gains of the revolution. However, probably because of poor craftsmanship, ineptitude, naivety, or obsessive preoccupation with ideology, the composition appears, sarcastically, to paint a different picture. For example, he is in the goalkeeping position wearing white tennis shoes, and is bespectacled. The posture is also humourous and quite unorthodox. He looks like someone who has never played football. Moreover, the goalkeeper does not, in any part of the clip, hold the ball, but rather uses his feet to control it. He only

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appears stamping his feet on the ball. Using feet instead of hands appears rather misplaced. The goalkeeper rarely moves in a conventional way. The images make him appear ridiculous, a result which was perhaps not intended. In addition to the characters, we also notice that the stadium only has supporters of this team. The colours that the supporters are wearing reveal this. The colours of the team jerseys are yellow and green. Almost everyone in the stadium is in green and yellow. The absence of supporters of the other team resonates with the exclusionary tendencies of politics in Zimbabwe. This is compounded by the fact that the team that this “team” is supposed to play against is not shown in the videos. Setting up a team that has no one to play against becomes fascinating at this point, especially against the background of the June 2008 presidential elections, where observers say Mugabe went for the elections on his own, as Tsvangirai had withdrawn from the race (Masunungure, 2010). There are several discrepancies that have the potential of generating adverse results when one decides to compete alone. Firstly, as discussed earlier, the cult status, or an impression of invincibility, is cultivated. Secondly, and probably most pertinently to this case, the figure in question (in this case Mugabe) is portrayed as an incompetent goalkeeper. The act of taking the head of state out of an official setting and placing him between goal posts is inadvertently reminiscent to lampooning. More so, the incompetence is compounded by the fact that the jersey he is wearing – of the Zimbabwe national soccer team - does not give him good prospects. One is quickly reminded of the performance of the Zimbabwe national football team, which, historically, has not had good results, and at the time of writing this paper, is ranked number 105 in the world, and number 29 in Africa (www.fifa.com/worldranking/ranking table/index/html accessed on 10 May 2013). We may also take note of the Asiagate scandal, which has remarkably tarnished the image of Zimbabwean football (The Parade, 2013). So in our view, to present a head of state, alongside the two vicepresidents, clad in regalia of an underperforming national soccer team, which is also embroiled in match fixing scandals, is potentially selfdefeating. We should remember how visual images work. Noticeably, there are a couple of shots with a crowd marching and singing across the football pitch. The crowd is composed of men, women, and even children; all clad in ZANU PF regalia. Conspicuously, the crowd is an indispensable feature in the videos. The crowd is used to sell the idea that the songs and their ideological formulation have a universal appeal (see Mboti 2010). This idea is underlined by a stadium that appears fully packed. The “supporters” had come in their multitudes to watch the best

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ever team that had been assembled in post-independence Zimbabwe. The use of a crowd invading the pitch is problematic in football matches. In fact, FIFA, the world football governing body, is on record as protesting against the act of supporters invading pitches. The act invites a fine from the football governing body. We also question the ingenuity of using such a visual image, given that the act of invading a pitch is associated with hooliganism. Saliently, the crowd invasion of the pitch hints at “other” invasions that the ZANU PF party has been accused of during the past decade. For example, what the party refers to as the land reform program, in some quarters, is referred to in terms of farm invasions or land grabs. The violence and farm invasions accompanying the Third Chimurenga were a deceptively crude veneer, distracting from a thoughtful regime survival project (Tendi 2010). In addition, the party is also accused of violently grabbing companies under the guise of indigenisation. So to use visual images depicting a crowd invading a football pitch might impact negatively on the party’s credentials. Remarkably, invading the pitch is, by its nature, violent behaviour, and using such a visual image is problematic, given the fact that politically motivated violence is one of the reasons why most elections in post-2000 Zimbabwe have been regarded as unfair. In addition to the use of crowds, several, if not all, the people who appear in the video have a fist raised. The raised fist is a ZANU PF party symbol, given an invariable interpretation. The clenched fist is a fighting symbol. A very interesting effect is generated by the football players. One may note that Joice Mujuru and John Nkomo, who are in positions 2 and 3 in the team, are shown standing in their positions with the clenched fist raised. This looks a bit inept, because the image ends up appearing ridiculous. The fist underlines the “violence” that the party has been accused of in previous elections. Images of fighting and use of violence are captured in a speech made by Mugabe in March 2008: “We are not used to boxing matches where we go from round one to round two. We just knock each other out. That’s how we have done it in the past. That’s how we will do it this time. It’s a constitutional requirement that there may be a re-run, but it won’t be necessary” (The Sunday Mail, March 30, 2008).

As a result, displaying the same fist in a video meant to spruce up the image of the party might adversely alienate viewers.

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Resurrecting the Dead: Violence and the Immortalisation of Political Victims Besides these political figures, the videos also make use of corpses. The images of dead bodies are gruesome. These images appear to be the same as the ones that are aired during independence and heroes holiday commemorations. One is quickly reminded of images of the Chibondo2 exhumations carried out in Chinhoyi. For example, clips that are aired on national television include those showing white Rhodesians abusing Blacks. One such clip shows two Rhodesian police officers breaking the arm of a black man who had been captured during demonstrations. Another similar visual shows policemen unleashing vicious dogs on a black figure groveling on the street pavement in what was then Salisbury. While such cruelty is inexcusable, there is, without a doubt an element of insensitivity on the part of the broadcaster in broadcasting such gruesome images to a nation, with an unparalleled “religious” frequency. There is no consideration that ZBC-TV is a family television station, to which the young and people of a nervous disposition will be constantly glued, as there are limited television options for those who cannot afford satellite television services. Generally, the corpse of a dead person is revered in African culture, and its display for any purposes is considered disrespectful, not only to the subject but the family members as well. Appropriating such bodies for political mileage is somehow inappropriate. Dead bodies are sacred. They generate religio-spiritual issues (see Fontein 2010, Shoko 2006). For example, inadvertently, when such images are used, the politics of proper burial is evoked, when the intention is to vilify the Smith regime. In one visual clip, there is the image of a decomposing body in a ditch. The image is in black and white, and different from the rest of the images in the video, which are in colour. The body appears to be of a middle-aged woman, as suggested by the “full breasts” whose “nipples” point upwards. The inclusion of the decomposing and mutilated body in the visual narrative is meant to sensationalise and evoke memories of the liberation war. Fear, sympathy, shock, and horror are evoked in viewers, the effect of 2

In this exercise, war veterans exhumed the bodies of political victims for reburial. The decomposed bodies were being exhumed and displayed for viewing by the public, and the harrowing images were displayed on national television, in print media and on the internet. It is not the idea that raises curiosity, but the effect of such an undertaking on the viewers.

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which is to “scare” away people from politics, or, conversely, push people to want to seek retribution. In addition, the effect is also to remember the cruelty of the Rhodesian forces. However, all these images, in as far as they are meant to be to ZANU PF’s credit, also appear to work against the desired intent. Curiously, one is made to question why the party frequently appropriates these images and deliberately chooses to ignore images of victims of recent atrocities, namely, those from the Gukurahundi in Matebeleland in the early and mid-eighties (see the undervisioning report 2009) and also those from the June 2008 elections (Masunungure, 2010). In sum, the use of these images raises complex issues that are beyond what the composers had imagined.

Gyrating Out Of Tune: Dances and Body Movement In this section, we discuss the dances performed by women, and what possible readings may be deduced from them. Dance, just like music, occupies a central role in people’s lives. In political and social processes, the role of dance and music in Zimbabwe has been well acknowledged (see Chitando 2002). The Mbare Chimurenga troupe is aptly aware of this potential, hence the appropriation of this art form. Against this background, we therefore attempt to make a discussion of the possible readings that can be generated from the dances. In several clips, the women are seen engaging in the kongonya dance. The dance involves arching one’s body to the front in such a way that the buttocks are elevated and they protrude visibly. The subject then shakes their buttocks and wriggles their waist. To accentuate the visual satire, the subject characteristically holds the head in one hand with the other one clamping the backside to create the impression, imagined or real, that they are enjoying the wriggling. This kind of dancing has generated such heated debate in media circles and the general populace that at one time the leader of the dance, Bwanya, in defence of their act, pointed out that the Kongonya dance was reminiscent of the liberation dances during night vigils known as MaPungwe in Shona (ZBC News, 21 Jan 2011). Chitauro (2001) writes that female singers who gyrated “in the usual hot style” as they sang were regarded as “loose”, while those who gyrated less presented an image closer to the “wife” or “Mother of Africa”. The changing between images, which gesture in the direction of both the iconic “Mother of Africa” and the stereotypic “loose” urban woman, creates ambiguities and ambivalent attitudes towards the sexes. One notices that in the videos, it is the women who gyrate. To substantiate the claim that the visual images convey a different message from that intended by the singer,

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an interviewee, Amos (Interview, 21 April 2013), commenting on the dance, noted that: “A sober couple will not watch such nonsense. Imagine coming from church and then seeing women old enough to be our mothers shaking their backsides on national television!” The subject went on to mention that the lyrics were quite entertaining, but the problem was with the dances. Saliently, shaking of the backside for male visual pleasure reduces women to sex objects, whose presence in the videos is to fulfill the narcissist gaze (Foucault 1979; Freud 1938 & Mulvey 1985) and men’s scopophilic tendencies. However, while some view the dances as morally degrading, a local independent paper argued that “song and dance were an important aspect of the liberation struggle, and that legacy must be preserved, by more gyrating and waist breaking moves if necessary” (Newsday, 29 July 2010). So, as the dances were composed, there appears to have never been an awareness of how some visual images were going to backfire.

Conclusion This chapter highlighted the function of visual images in complicating musical texts. Focus was on how visual images in Third Chimurenga music may inadvertently engender readings and interpretations among the audience that are beyond or opposed to the intended propaganda. Our analysis was based on context, the complexity of texts, and the potential agency of audiences, as well as the “quality” of the visual texts. Within the visual text, nothing is innocent of meaning. Thus, our submission was that the relationship between the lyrical and the visual might be largely disparate. Consequently, while we conceded that some of our assertions might require further empirical audience research, our impression was that Third Chimurenga musical videos largely weakened the intended ZANU PF propaganda.

References Barthes, R. “Barthes to the Third Power.” In On Signs, edited by M Blonsky. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985 Bassopo – Moyo S. “Sorrow Songs and Mbira Music: Du Bois, Mapfumo and the Power of Music.” Accessed 28 November 2013, http:www.ncsociology.org/socialtiontoday/v102/song.htm

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Chitando, E. (2002a). “Nationalists, Cosmopolitans and Popular Music in Zimbabwe.” ZAMBEZIA: Journal of the Humanities of the University of Zimbabwe, Vol.XXLX Number I (2002): 82-91 —. “Singing Culture: A Study of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe.” Research Report 121 (2002). Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitute Chitauro, M, Dube, C. and Gunner, L. “Women as Singers and Actresses in Politics and Performance, Theatre, Poetry and Song in Southern Africa.” In Song, Story and Nation edited by L Gunner (Johannesburg: Wits University Press, 2001). Chivandikwa, N. “Theatre as Insurrection in Zimbabwe.” Studies in Theatre and Performance, Vol. 31 Number 1 (2012): 29-45 Dolan, J. The Feminist Spectator as Critic. Michigan: Michigan University Press, 1998 Elam, K. Semiotics of Theatre and Drama. London: Methuen, 1980 Fontein. J. “Between Tortured Bodies and Resurfacing Bones: The Politics of the Dead in Zimbabwe.” Journal of Material Culture, Vol. 15 Number 11 (2010): 123-148 Foucault, M. The History of Sexuality: An Introduction. London: Penguin Books, 1979 Freud, S. The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud. New York: Random House, 1938 Guha, R. A Subaltern Studies Reader, 1987-1995. Illianapolis: University of Illianapolis Press, 1997 Masunungure, E. “A Militarised Election: The 27 June Presidential Runoff.” In Defying the Winds of Change: Zimbabwe’s 2008 Elections edited by E Masunungure (Harare: Weaver Press, 2009). Mboti, N. ‘Hollywood, TV, US’: A Non Western Gaze, (DPhil Diss., University of Zimbabwe, 2009). Mitchell, W. J. T. “Migrating Images –Totemism, Fetishism, Idolatry.” In Migrating Images, Producing…Reading…Transporting…Translating edited by P Stegmann and PC Seel (Berlin: House of World Cultures, 2004). Morna, L.C. Gender in Media Theory: A Southern African Tool-Kit. Grahamstown: IAJ & GL, 2002. Mulvey, L. “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema.” In Film Theory and Criticism: Introductory Reading, 803-816 edited by Mask, G. and Cohen, M. (New York, Oxford University Press, 1985). Ndlovu-Gatsheni S. “Dynamics of The Zimbabwe Crisis in the 21st Century, OSSREA: From Regime Security to Human Security: A Quest for Social Peace in Zimbabwe 1980 – 2002.” African Journal of Conflict Resolution, AJCR 1, (2003): 99-134

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—. “Africa for Africans or Africa for ‘Natives’ Only? ‘New Nationalism and Nativism in Zimbabwe and South Africa.” Africa Spectrum 1, (2009): 61-78. Nyimai, J. Manipulation of Chimurenga Music as a Tool for Political Persuasion: The Case of Mbare Chimurenga choir, (B.A. Honours diss., University of Zimbabwe, 2012). Ota, S. E. “Class Struggle, Resistance and the Revolutionary Pressures of Crisis in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe.” Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol. 3 Number 9 (2010): 189- 210. Plastow, J. African Theatre and Politics: The Evolution of Theatre in Ethiopia, Tanzania and Zimbabwe: A Comparative Study. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1996 Ranger, T. Historiography, Patriotic History and the History of the Nation: The Struggle over the past in Zimbabwe. Harare: University of Zimbabwe Publications, 2003 Reeler, A. P. Bucking the Trends: Africa, Zimbabwe’s Demand for Democracy and Elections, Harare, Research and Advocacy Unit, 2012 Shoko, T “My Bones Shall Rise Again: War Veterans, Spirits and Land in Zimbabwe.” Journal of African Studies, 68 (2006). Tendi B. M. How Intellectuals Made History in Zimbabwe. Africa Research Institute Counterpoints, 2010 Tessarolo, M. (2001). “The Perception of the Song and its Video Clip.” Comparative Literature and Culture, Vol. 3 Number 3 (2001): 2-7. Vambe, M. T. (2004). “Versions and Sub-Versions: Trends in Chimurenga Musical Discourses of Post-Independence Zimbabwe.” African Study Monographs, Vol. 25 Number 4 (2004): 167-193 Zenenga, P. (2012). “Visualising Politics in African Sport: Political and Cultural Constructions in Zimbabwean Soccer.” Soccer and Society, Vol. 13 Number 2 (2012): 250 -263

Internet Sources Fifa.com. “Fifa World Rankings.” Accessed 10May 2013, www.fifa.com/worldranking/ranking table/index/html

Newspaper Articles NewsDay Reporter. “Of Tollgates, Jingles.” NewsDay 29 July 2010 The Financial Gazzette Reporter. “Primaries Could Be MDC’s Waterloo.” The Financial Gazette, 23 January 2013 The Parade Reporter. The Asiagate Scandal. The Parade, February 2013

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The Sunday Mail Reporter. “Mugabe Confident No Need For A Rerun.” The Sunday Mail, 30 March 2008 ZBC News. “Mbare Chimurenga choir Churns out Revolutionary Songs.” ZBC News, 16 February 2011. —. “Chimurenga Choir Releases Second Album.” ZBC News 21 January 2011

CHAPTER TEN MUSIC AS A CONTESTED TERRAIN IN THE DYNAMICS OF POLITICS IN ZIMBABWE OSWELL HAPANYENGWI-CHEMHURU

Introduction The main thrust in this discussion is to interrogate the historical role of music in the political and social development of Zimbabwe. This interrogation is within the context of music as a contested terrain, where the struggle for leadership and power between the dominant ruling elite and the subordinate workers’ groups has been a source of tension in Zimbabwe. A historical interrogation of music in Zimbabwe clearly shows that music has been and continues to be a site of contestation between the dominant groups and the subordinate groups, informed by divergent theories of leadership. While the dominant group appears to be guided by the great men leadership theory, the subordinate groups seem to prefer a participative theory of leadership, which finds space for musical expression by all. Music is a site of contestation because of its social, cultural, and political potential that makes it amenable to the creation and reinforcement of an identity preferred by those who have the power to influence the masses. Leaders therefore have a stake in the kind of national identity that is developed and implanted in their subordinates. They are very much aware that music can be used as a political weapon to strengthen their power bases. Thus, both the colonial and postcolonial regimes made use of music to propagate their ideologies while, at the same time, they were not comfortable with music that was generated as social critique, and so they devised mechanisms to censure such musical productions and play on the air. However, in both systems, the subordinate groups also responded musically to the musical machinations by the political leaders. It is these power dynamics in the use of music that we explore in this chapter, beginning with a brief historical note.

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Historical Note The attainment of independence in Zimbabwe in 1980 was the result of a revolutionary struggle that was intended to usher in participatory leadership. As argued by Marx and Engels (1983:40), every revolutionary struggle is directed against a class that is in power. During the colonial era, the class that was in power was, as a result of the historical violence of colonialism, largely made up of people of European descent, the colonisers whose leadership was autocratic (Ramose, 2008:328). The colonisers, because of the unjust war of conquest, were dominant, while the African majority constituted the subordinate and subjugated group. The Africans, as the subordinate class whose being was denied, bore “all the burdens of colonialism without enjoying its advantages” (Marx & Engels, 1983:40). Thus, relations between the ruling, dominant European group and the subordinate, oppressed Africans were antagonistic and characterised by the struggle for the leadership of the country. They were characterised by a class struggle as the Africans who constituted the majority of the subordinate groups resisted oppression and subjugation by the dominant group. The Africans were under the leadership of the educated elite that sought to wrestle power from the colonial regime through appealing to the musical sensibilities of the masses. Marx and Engels (1983) argue that by virtue of the fact that the ruling class always wields control over the means of production, their ideas always dominate. What this means is that those in power seek to entrench their position of power through disseminating ideas that justify their dominance. In entrenching their position of power, the dominant group uses a number of strategies at its disposal to create a false consciousness among the members of the subordinate groups so that they identify with the ruling class and remain passive and satisfied with the status quo. In creating this false consciousness among the masses, the colonial regime borrowed from the traditions in other countries that recognised, among other things, the power of music. The Africans, though not a homogenous group, responded militarily as well as musically.

The Power of Music The power of music has been recognised over the centuries, and has been used for therapeutic purposes. Indeed, Sacks (2006) argues: “Our auditory systems, our nervous systems, are tuned for music ... We are a musical species.” The evidence can be found that from time immemorial, the beat of war drums has been used to induce “extreme martial excitement and solidarity” among fighters (Sacks, 2006). Because of the

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excitement it generates, music can influence people to behave in certain ways; it can instil a sense of bravery. The influence that music exercises upon us emanates from the dynamic power of rhythm to which we spontaneously respond. It is because of this dynamic power of rhythm that, as human beings, we find music irresistible. We resonate to the power of music as it “works on us”, “moves us” (Sacks, 2006), and evokes our emotions (Pongweni, 1982: vi). Music has the ability to induce feelings, moods, and states of mind. Sacks points out that music has the power to induce trances that involve the alteration of states of consciousness through its “motor and gross emotional, psychic, and autonomic effects.” Sacks (2006) further argues that: “The power of music is such that it is inexplicable. When we are exposed to music, we tap our feet, we ‘keep time’, hum, sing along or “conduct” music, our facial expressions mirroring the rises and falls, the melodic contours and feeling of what we are hearing. Yet all this may occur without our knowledge or volition.”

In other words, music has the power to “take over”, as knowledge is sensually conveyed (Pongweni, 1982: VI). Furthermore, the power of music is such that it transcends cultural, linguistic, religious, racial, and geographical barriers: “It is a lens through which we can visit another time or place. Music can tell us much more than history books about the people of a particular time, and about the society and economy in which they lived. Music also communicates much about the culture of the region or nation from which it comes” (The International Forum, 2002).

Because of this power, music has the ability to make listeners angry and combative, but it can also soothe and pacify them. It can also be used to manipulate and inform the people. In other words, the power of music over us is of an ambiguous nature. That is why Sacks (2006) points out that the power of music can be delectable and beneficent, but can also be uncontrollable and destructive. This is because music is a form of universal language that all people understand without mediation. Thus, those in political leadership in both colonial Zimbabwe and postcolonial Zimbabwe respectively, were and/or are aware of the power of music, and therefore continued and still continue to utilise it to legitimise their authority and leadership styles. Furthermore, political leaders were and are aware that the potency of music resides in its ability to speak holistically to the human being, and to the animal – emotional, intellectual, aesthetic, and spiritual aspects of our

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being (Barenboim 2006). In music, “logical thought and intuitive emotions are permanently united. Music teaches us that everything is connected”. As observed by Street (2003:114), “because of its ability to appeal to all aspects of being through the evocation of particular images, emotions, feeling, moods, and associations, with a view to directed focus, music has been used to convey political ideologies”. It is because of the evocative power of music that politicians have attempted and continue to attempt to use it to evoke memories of what they consider to be the glorious past, or at least a past that displays their heroic acts or endeavours. They have sought to keep memories of their heroic contribution to their communities alive. Thus, both politicians of the pre-independence and post-independence eras have attempted to use music to communicate their political ideologies, as well as to control the masses by winning them to share their theories of leadership. Indeed, the political leaders recognised – as Wagner, quoted in Pongweni (1982:1) did – that “it is a truth forever that where the speech of men stops short… music’s reign begins.” Furthermore, they were aware that leadership is about “understanding” and “connecting” with those one leads. Leadership is about convincing others that you can lead them to new “places” (The International Forum, 2002). They therefore resorted to the use of music to convince the masses that they were not spent forces. Moreover, the way leaders utilise music reflects their leadership styles, which could be democratic or participative, authoritarian or autocratic, or laissez-faire. While a democratic leadership style will free the airwaves to alternative voices, an autocratic leadership would tighten their hold and control over the airwaves. A laissez-faire leadership would be non-committal.

The Use of Music for Political Expediency While discussing the use of music by political leaders, we need to point out that by its very nature, music is a “site of the struggle between the forces of resistance of subordinate groups in society and the forces of incorporation of dominant groups” (Chirambo, 2009:42-43). As is pointed out by Pongweni (1982), music, being a language, conveys meaning, that is, it communicates knowledge. As a language, music can be used as an instrument of control, as well as an instrument of communicating knowledge. Inherent in this is the possibility of distortion in the knowledge that is being communicated. The result of such distortion is that the hearers can be both manipulated and informed, or, as pointed out by Kress

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and Hodge (quoted in Pongweni, 1982: iv), preferably manipulated while they suppose that they are being informed. Both the colonial regime and the post-independent government have used music for ideological purposes, and both have encountered varied responses from the subordinate groups. Both realised that radio, and now television, is the number one tool of communicating their versions of truth to the masses in Zimbabwe. During the colonial era, officials of the Whitehead Administration in 1962 composed a song urging blacks to vote. A few lines of the song will suffice: Come sit everybody and listen to me I’ll sing you a story to help the country; The road to your future is really so clear; Your vote is quite secret, with nothing to fear; So make up your minds to vote – you will be glad Because people who don’t vote – will be sad; This country is good enough for us all to enjoy; Let’s work together, every man and each boy; The new constitution is here to stay; You can’t help your country by running away; (Pongweni, 1982: iv)

The message being communicated is one of cooperation between the dominant group and the subordinate groups. The patronising tone is quite clear. But even in this, the subordinate groups are reminded of their inferior status as “boys.” The other function of music was to unite the dominant class in Rhodesia and to develop a sense of invincibility. One such piece of music was the famous Rhodesians Never Die song done by Clem Tholet, which goes: Here’s the story of Rhodesia; A land both fair and great; On the Eleventh of November An independent State; This was much against the wishes Of certain governments Whose leaders tried to break us down And make us all repent; Chorus: But we’re all Rhodesians and we’ll fight through thick and thin; We’ll keep our land a free land, stop the enemy coming in; We’ll keep them north of the Zambesi, till that river’s running dry; And this mighty land will prosper for Rhodesians Never Die;

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This was intended to drum up support among the whites that constituted the ruling elite against the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe. In this instance, the colonial administration used music in the service of oppression, as it was intended to entrench white hegemony in colonial Zimbabwe. According to Turino (2000), towards the end of the 1950s, the Rhodesian Broadcasting Corporation (RBC) embarked on playing Ma Shona and Isi Ndebele songs, including the use of Mbira as a way of attracting Africans to government controlled media rather than leaving them to listen to “subversive” broadcasts from outside the country. For this purpose, the RBC recorded a number of indigenous musical pieces in Rhodesia. Such music included Shangara, Mbakumba, Muchongoyo, and Jerusarema. The idea was to capture African listeners. On their part, the subordinate African majority rejected the feigned desire of the dominant class to accommodate them while refusing to recognise their rights as human beings. The Africans united against this cheap propaganda by the colonial regime… and came up with Chimurenga Music as an expression of the desire for social justice, equality, and freedom (Thram, 2006:86). They used music as an expression of the spirit of comradeship, solidarity, and oneness. Thus, music became a weapon in the war against colonialism. Furthermore, Banana points out that music was used to emphasise “the necessity of living together, suffering together, and struggling together for the good of all” (Cited in Pongweni, 1982:n.p.). Thus, music united the people in opposition to the colonial regime. It cemented the identity of the African people as an oppressed class that desired a participatory system of leadership. At least, this is what the masses believed was going to be achieved, as is explained by Banana in a foreword to Pongweni’s (1982:n.p) book, Songs that Won the War. In this book, Banana argues that music was used to “instil grim determination” and to inspire the fighters and the nation: “Whenever they lost hope, were starving, wounded, or subjected to surprise attacks by the enemy, they did not give in. Instead, they turned to the revolutionary songs to refurbish their spirits and morale and were impelled to fight on until the final victory.”

Banana (in Pongweni, 1982:n.p) further adds that the songs were: “The means by which political conscientisation was achieved and moral support generated among the masses. Through the songs, a revolutionary message was transmitted to the masses. The masses were educated about the reasons why the war was being fought, who the enemy was, and the

Music as a Contested Terrain in the Dynamics of Politics in Zimbabwe 151 importance of unity and cooperation in the prosecution of our just struggle for national independence.”

In the process, those prosecuting the war used music to restore pride. Thus, the musicians creatively gave traditional and Christian tunes a revolutionary flavour, and these were adapted to suit the changed circumstances. As we have observed earlier, this was, “in a way,” in contrast to the way the colonial rulers had used music. We are saying ‘in a way’ because we are aware that the leadership of the liberation struggle was aware that in using music, it was deliberately manipulating the masses. In the words of Shamuyarira quoted in Turino (2000:172), music was to evoke emotional nationalism that “should be blind and blinkered” if it was to succeed in unifying the masses. What the above means is that, in the Zimbabwean experience, during the liberation struggle, the nationalists used music to identify with the people, while musicians in Zimbabwe used it to support the nationalist cause. The guerrillas turned to music to articulate their nationalist agenda. Indeed, Makore (2004:47) argues that music mediates “social, institutional, and subjective processes.” It is a vehicle for cultural transmission. In this way, music contributes to national and cultural identity. Music fosters the spirit of solidarity, oneness, and unity of purpose among the populace. In his study of the music of the Second Chimurenga period, Pongweni (1982:1) argues that there was an unintentional division of labour between the liberation choirs operating from outside Zimbabwe and the artists working within Zimbabwe. Pongweni (1982:1-6) proceeds to divide liberation war music into nine categories: i. Conscientisation songs included Nzira Dzemasoja (The soldier’s code of conduct), Hapana Chavo (The oppressors have no claim to anything in Zimbabwe), Maruza Vapambivepfumi (Exploiters, you have lost this conflict), and Tora Gidi Uzvitonge (Take up arms and liberate yourself). This category of music politically educated the masses about the enemy and what needed to be done. It created a common perception about what the war was all about, and that the Africans as a group in Zimbabwe constituted the oppressed. ii. Argument by proxy or persuasive songs were intended to persuade the masses to view the situation from a different perspective. Some of the songs in this category included Tichakunda (We shall conquer), Kugarira nyika yavo (Sacrificing for their country), Chimoto (A lighter), Zakhali izibhamu (The guns fired), and Mukoma Takanyi (My brother Takanyi).

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iii. Appeal songs to ancestry or songs that captured the historicity of the liberation struggle. These gave legitimacy to the liberation struggle as they portrayed it as a continuation of the First Chimurenga, which was initiated by such heroes and heroines as Kaguvi and Nehanda. The legitimacy bestowed by this music was viewed as ensuring the success of the prosecution of the liberation struggle. Songs in this category of music included Titarireyi (Please watch over us) and Mbuya Nehanda (Nehanda our titular spirit). iv. Appeal for assistance and expression of gratitude included songs that gave the liberation struggle a global dimension. Such songs identified the struggle for independence in Zimbabwe, with revolutionary struggles waged and still being prosecuted in Africa and other parts of the world. The songs also showed gratitude for assistance rendered in support of the liberation struggle. Songs in this category included Ruzhinji rwe Africa (The masses of Africa), Ndiro Gidi (It is the gun), and Vanhu Vese Vomuno muAfrica (All the Peoples here in Africa). v. The past, the present and the future or songs that commemorated victory and the attainment of independence. These songs are marked by the spirit of victory, and were produced by both local artists and the ZANLA choir. Songs in this category include Yakanga Yaoma (It had become difficult). vi. Harambe songs – these are songs produced by the home artists who called for unity and a common identity in fighting colonial rule. They urged the masses to give material and moral support the fighters in the bush. Such music included songs such as Batanai (Unite) by Oliver Samhembere, Shingai (Persevere) by Mhuri yekwa Mandaza, Chengetai vabereki (Look after your parents) by Thomas Mapfumo, and Zivai nemwoyo (Keep it secret). vii. Songs inspired by tribulation were songs inspired by hardships experienced as a result of war, especially in rural areas. They highlight the plight of victims of war. Such songs included Ndopatigere Pano (This is where we now live) by Jordan Chataika, Kuyaura (Tribulation) by Thomas Mapfumo, Ndipeiwo Zano (Please give me advice) by Oliver Mtukudzi, and Vaparidzi Vawanda (There are too many preachers) by Green Arrows. viii. Songs of defiance – Most of the music by the home artists was conveyed through deliberate ambiguity to avoid victimisation by the colonial regime. However, there were some artists who directly confronted the issues of the liberation struggle, exposing oppression by

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the colonial regime. Such songs include Muchandiuraya (You will kill me), Mhandu Musango (Enemy in the bush), Tumira Vana Kuhondo (Sending our children to war), Pamuromo Chete (It’s just talking), and Hokoyo (Watch Out!), all by Thomas Mapfumo (Jeff, 2003), and Musango Munehangaiwa (There are some pigeons in the bush) by Green Arrows. ix. Songs of celebration - these are songs celebrating the attainment of independence. Such songs include Gukurahundi (The Storm) by Elijah Madzikatire, Nyaya Huru Parts One and Two (A serious issue) by Thomas Mapfumo, and Sasuka le Makhaya (We left our homes) by P. M. Choir. It is clear from the categories of music identified by Pongweni that the music of the Second Chimurenga was a counter to the music used by the colonial regime to propagate its ideology to members of the dominant group, as well as to the Africans who were the subordinates. The Chimurenga music from outside was predominantly propagated by the ZANLA Choir through radio stations in Mozambique and Tanzania, and by the fighters in the war zones during pungwes (night lectures). The Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) also had the Light Machine Gun Choir (LMG), popularly known as Ichoir Kamdala (Nkala, 2011). The LMG produced such songs as Emoyeni Kubuhlungu (Msupatsila, 2011). As indicated above, there were those musicians like Thomas Mapfumo and Oliver Mtukudzi, who at times used subtle music, and at other times not so subtle music, to criticise the colonial regime and conscientise the masses. In rural areas where the war was largely fought, MaPungwe (night vigils), which were punctuated by musical lessons, were the vehicle for the conscientisation of the masses. The music united the different classes of people among the Africans into sharing a common identity with a common purpose, which was the overthrow of the colonial regime and its autocratic leadership. Music united the oppressed to fight the dominant group as a class and establish a more just democratic society. This was achieved in 1980. Once the colonial regime was defeated, the leaders of the Second Chimurenga joined the ranks of the ruling elite, the dominant class. While an appearance of participatory leadership was visible after independence, class structures did not disappear with the attainment of independence in 1980. For a while, there was a continued identification of a common destiny between the masses and their leaders, who were now the ruling elite. Memories of the liberation struggle and shared visions were still

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fresh and binding. However, it would appear that with the passage of time, the ties that bound the people and their former leaders began to weaken, partly due to the complacency of the leaders and partly because of the different class interests that were becoming more visible by the day. The interests of the ruling elite were no longer the same as those of the masses. While the elite favoured autocratic leadership based on a “great man” theory, the subordinate class desired a more participative leadership style, hence the increased support for the opposition parties, especially the Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM), and later the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which identified with the workers among whom it was conceived and established, and which promised to base their leadership on participation by the masses. In a bid to recover the support of the masses, the ruling elite reverted to addressing the issues of land and hunger, which were some of the major reasons why the liberation struggle was fought in the first place. Land was therefore appropriated from the white farmers with the intention to redistribute it to the masses. As justification for this move in the face of increased unpopularity, as the masses remained alienated from the ruling elite, the ruling elite reverted to the use of music as part of “a more complex and multi-dimensional political strategy” to convey political sentiment under the guise of entertainment (Raftopoulos, 2004;1). Douglas (2006) avers that the ruling elite utilised music to appeal to the sensibility of the masses. The reason for resorting to music by the dominant group was to mobilise the grassroots through song and dance. Indeed, as was the case in Malawi, the major intention was to “propagate a hegemonic discourse that popularised and legitimised the regime” (Chirambo, 2009: 45). In the process, the regime found it prudent to politicise the memory of the liberation struggle through musical propaganda. Indeed, Street (2003:117) argues that music has been used to evoke and articulate officially endorsed sentiments and identities. The dominant group, drawing from the experiences of the Second Chimurenga, recognised, in Pongweni’s terminology, that “once this political consciousness replaced the condition of oppression as the chief bond among the people, the demise of the anachronism that was Rhodesia was a foregone conclusion” (Pongweni 1982: iv). Palmberg (2004:33) then argues that, aware of the power of music, the ruling elite opted to use music in two ways: “First, by commissioning songs and funding performances, and secondly, by favouring groups that desist from criticism, and inviting them to festivals, having their records played on the radio, and helping them make video clips for TV.”

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In the face of the challenge from the opposition, the ruling elite exploited the power of music to recall the memory and emotions of the Second Chimurenga. It appropriated the musical memory of the liberation struggle to convince the masses that they were still together fighting what was now described as the Third Chimurenga, which was largely characterised by land redistribution. Music was intended to transport the subordinate group back to wartime, when all Africans in Zimbabwe were united against colonialism, striving, and enduring hardships together. They utilised all genres of the liberation struggles described by Pongweni (1982: 1). Indeed, the use of liberation music was intended to remind the populace of the “splendid comradeship of the liberation war, which kept us going through the darkest chapter of our history” (Pongweni, 1982: I). The dominant group have had the subordinate group believe that they were still together and that this was one such dark chapter of our history. As Raftopoulos (2004) argued: “Music has been used to revive the narrative of the liberation struggle in general, and the heroic roles of ZANU PF and Mugabe in particular.” This point was corroborated by Thram (2006:76) who contended thus in Zimbabwe: “The Zanu PF regime has utilised the popular music of the Second Chimurenga liberation war (1966-79), along with the valorisation of liberation war heroes, and has especially composed music with lyrics in support of the regime to create propagandised music designed to evoke memories of the liberation struggle.”

The regime has located music within a particular historical discourse around national liberation and redemption. It presents its resolve to remain in power as an anti-imperialist struggle, and attempts to capture a broad pan-Africanist audience. Thram (2006:77) further argues that the regime employs music to maintain the status quo through harping on “themes of patriotism, sovereignty, and national values”, liberation, and independence. Furthermore, music is used to justify state actions that may appear unpopular. What the expropriation of the history of the liberation struggle by those in power has done is construct the opposition outside the realm of a legitimate national narrative, as they are labelled as a manifestation of British-American white influence in Zimbabwe. The opposition is discursively located as an alien force, a puppet, and an unpatriotic group. The expropriation of liberation music intensified under Jonathan Moyo as Minister of Information, who utilised it to support the government’s land reform programme. The Information Minister came up with a number of

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propagandist CDs/cassettes, albums, and jingles, together with made-forTV videos, the first one being Hondo Yeminda (War of the Land). As if to complement his effort, Dick Chingaira and the Police Band came up with the Third Chimurenga Series in 2001, in which they remixed songs of the liberation struggle. These were also used to drum up support for Mugabe during the 2002 presidential elections. Andy Brown joined the bandwagon with More Fire (2002), which came out under the Third Chimurenga Series. Other efforts included campaigns such as Chave Chimurenga (Carry on the Struggle), Rambai Makashinga (Keep the Strength), Sendekera Mwana Wevhu (Fight Child of the Soil), and Moyo’s Pax Afro (2004) (Thram, 2006:81). Some of the jingles were Sisonke/Tiritose (We are Together), Mombe Mbiri Namadongi Mashanu (Two Cows and Five Donkeys), Uya Uone Kutapira Kwoita Kurima (Come and Taste the Sweetness of Farming), and Siyalima/Tinorima (We do Farming). Sibanda (2004) points out that in 2003, Rambai Makashinga was being played 288 times per day on radio, and 72 times per day on television. These efforts were intended to elbow out what were seen as politically incorrect music compositions that engaged issues like corruption, human rights abuse, and abuse of power by the establishment from the airwaves. Thram (2006:82) quotes the Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe’s special report on the ZBC’s “Vision 30” on the songs of the ZBC promoting the regime’s propaganda: “The Third Chimurenga Series music was played as part of continuity between television and radio programmes, between news segments and in Mutinhimira Wemimhanzi/Ezomgido, a television musical... The themes in the lyrics were laced with racist language, political intolerance, and heroworshipping of Robert Mugabe, which were consistent with ZANU-PF’s campaign message and the general thrust of ZBC programming.”

Thram (2006) further points out that Jonathan Moyo composed and arranged the words of all 26 songs on the collection that constitutes Pax Afro, which has such songs as Africa Now we Go Go, Shine On, Africa Sun, and Back to Black. His collection goes beyond patriotism, honouring the war heroes, sovereignty, and land reform. It carries on the spirit of panAfricanism, but instils the idea of an enemy “working surreptitiously to destroy the gains of independence” (Thram, 2006:82). He was preoccupied with trying to convince the citizens that the hardships they experienced were a result of the continuation of the Third Chimurenga. The dances on the music videos bordered on obscenity to the extent that Thram (2006) argues that the appropriation of history and culture by

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the regime in some instances has been without respect for values enshrined in hunhu/ubuntu. According to Palmberg (2004:33), these jingles that Moyo came up with, and others created after he left office, were played on TV and radio every thirty minutes, while Thram (2006:78) points out that on television and radio, there were “propaganda spots’” every quarter of an hour that resurrected the ideology of the Second Chimurenga liberation struggle. The songs that were afforded airplay were those songs whose lyrics contained messages concerning cultural nationalism, the struggle for land, sovereignty, and freedom from Western imperialism. The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) Zimbabwe charter argues that: “The music jingles in fact violate the norms governing language use, especially in an African context. The music jingles violate the expectations of viewers and affect receptivity, hence the outcry by listeners and viewers.” In fact, the jingles portray the elite that were informed by the “great men” leadership theory whose maintenance of power was based on authoritarianism. In addition, Moyo came up with the idea of state sponsored national galas that were held in different provinces, thereby affording the local ZANU PF leadership the opportunity to address the crowds they would otherwise not have had the opportunity to address. The galas were used to propagate the message of ultranationalism and the political agenda of the ruling elite. The galas were intended to create in the mind of the majority the feeling of identification with the elite in terms of a shared patriotic history and ideology, though for the elite this was a matter of political expediency. The idea was to keep the spirit of the liberation struggle, in which the elite were portrayed as living heroes. Moyo also encouraged some musicians to come up with lyrics that supported the policies of the ruling elite. Dick Chingaira, in collaboration with the Zimbabwe Republic Police and Marko Sibanda, came up with Hondo Yeminda (Palmberg, 2004:32). Thus, galas have been very popular for their social and entertainment value. Manyika, the then Minister of Youth, Gender Development, and Employment Creation, together with Mteki, came up with Mwana Wevhu (Son of the Soil) alongside the popular song Norah for the 2002 presidential elections. In Norah, Manyika is singing Mugabe’s praises. The two declare that ZANU PF is a party of blood (Palmberg, 2004:33). These songs “extol the policies, threaten the opponents, and legitimise violence” (ibid). Sibanda (2004) argues that the Zimbabwean Government commissioned a plethora of musicians to record music that supported its policies and propaganda programmes. It was in this context that it supported the production of Nhaka Yedu (Our Heritage) by the Air Force of Zimbabwe Band, Rangarira (Remember) by Peter Majoni, Hoko (Peg)

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by Simon Chimbetu, and Tongogara (We Just Live) and More Fire (Moto Muzhinji) by Andy Brown. These were played liberally on radio and Zimbabwean television. Thram (2006:76) further argues that: “The ultra-patriotic nationalism promoted by its (Zanu-PF’s) propaganda, and used by the regime as its claim for political legitimacy, has offended cultural values with greater historical depth, re-opened buried wounds from past terror, and given birth to a pervasive disenchantment and fear among the populace who are not part of the power elite.”

The regime has appropriated indigenous dance forms and music, as well as the music of the liberation struggle with the aim of uniting the country behind ZANU PF. The dominant group has used and is using music to cultivate and portray a sense of consent to the leadership by the subordinate groups. Chirambo (2009:43) argues that such cultivation of some form of consent is often complemented with the use of force, especially where ordinary people are concerned. In addition, there is the use of cultural and religious symbols in the form of praise names and titles that endear the leader to the dominated, and that portray him/her as a messiah. Whatever he/she does is said to be for the good of the masses. This appears not to have worked in Zimbabwe. Instead, it has offended the indigenous aesthetic that requires those who write and perform music to be truthful about their experiences through music. On their part, Leo Hatugari points out that some of the icons of the liberation struggle in the music sector are “singing the very same kind of stuff now against a black government as they used to sing against a white one”. (http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/Africa/features/rhytms/Zimbab we.shtml) This, he explains is because “the conditions that prompted people to write songs during the time of the independence war… are almost identical to the conditions that people find themselves in now.” In other words, they are protesting the leadership style that has been adopted by the ruling elite, which tends to marginalise the masses. From the above, we note that music has been used to convey meaning, to interpret life, to make sense of what we experience as human beings, to explain the experienced phenomena, and to celebrate life. In making sense of life, musicians analyse the challenges that are encountered by people on a daily basis. They are also aware of music produced by colleagues. In such cases, some musicians find it difficult to remain aloof or feign ignorance in the presence of social and political injustices. They resort to the use of music as a symbol of resistance and

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protest. They respond musically to the challenges confronting the Zimbabwean populace. Hence the substance of their music will include poverty, suffering, violence, corruption, scandals, and responses to those machinations intended to frustrate the wishes of the classes to which they belong. Such musicians in Zimbabwe include Thomas Mapfumo, Oliver Mtukudzi and Hosea Chipanga to name a few. While acknowledging the role played by many musicians in Zimbabwe, Palmberg (2004:18) describes Mtukudzi and Mapfumo as “the best known musical commentators” and “musical giants and innovators” in Zimbabwe. Both musicians supported the liberation struggle through music, but also turned into critics of the very same party and leaders they used to support. Thomas Mapfumo produced Corruption in 1988, Mamvemve in 1999, and Disaster in 1999, while Oliver Mtukudzi produced Wasakara (You are worn out) in 2000, and Murimi Munhu (A farmer is a person) (Thram, 2006). Indeed, in Zimbabwe, such singers as Mtukudzi use coded messages that echo the perspectives of subordinate social and political groups. These coded messages are well understood by the subordinate groups who view them in the context in which they are constructed. The social contexts allow for ambiguity in the cracking of codes, so that it is difficult for the dominant group to crack the codes and pin down the singers, who can always claim to have been misunderstood. What coding as “semiotic resistance” does is to empower the singer to “make meanings” (Chirambo, 2009:46). It is in this context that Chirambo quotes Fiske, who argues that semiotic resistance “not only refuses the dominant meanings, but constructs oppositional ones that serve the interests of the subordinate”. On his part, Mtukudzi produced an album, Bvuma (Tolerance) on which there is a track, Wasakara (You are worn out), which has a subtle meaning. In this song, Mtukudzi encourages an unnamed person to accept that s/he is too old now and that there are things she/he can no longer do. “You are now a spent force, it is time to accept you are old,” sings Mtukudzi. While Mtukudzi argues that he was referring to himself, Palmberg (2004) is of the view that this is not what some people think, especially those who persuaded the lighting technician to beam the floodlight on a portrait of the President on December 29 2000 at the Harare International Conference Centre where Mtukudzi was giving a concert. If the latter interpretation of the song is correct, Mtukudzi can be regarded as identifying with the subordinate class that appears fed up with the ruling elite. In one of his many albums, Vhunze Moto (Burning Ember), Mtukudzi alludes to the country’s leadership crisis, evident more than twenty years

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after the attainment of independence. In fact, the picture on the album is that of the country burning. The album criticises the ignoring of the troubles that bedevil the country, arguing that there is need for corrective measures (Palmberg, 2004). In Vhunze Moto, the singer says: “You are eating the food... feeding the child.” In Todii, Mtukudzi sings about AIDS, which has led to the song being interpreted as a commentary on the political, economic, and social crises that Zimbabwe went through (Jeff, 2003). Palmberg (2004:20) has described Mapfumo as “a critic of the ruling group” for his song Corruption, which he produced in the 1980s, criticising the first corruption scandal among members of the ruling elite in Zimbabwe. She credits him for conscientising Zimbabweans on the possibility of opposing the ruling elite in the name of greater patriotism. An example of Mapfumo’s direct confrontation of political ineptitude by the ruling elite is his 1999 Chimurenga Explosion, whose title-track Disaster has the following lyrics: Mother of my child, there is disaster here; Disaster within our family; Disaster within our house; Man, there is disaster here; Disaster in our country; Man, there is a lot of corruption in our country; Our country is full of corruption; The crooks are going to finish us; (Palmberg, “Disaster,” taken from the album Chimurenga Explosion 2004).

In Corruption, Mapfumo ridicules corruption in high places. Among some of Mapfumo’s critical songs is Zvichapera (It Shall be Well), where he asks when the hardships and violence against Zimbabweans are going to end. The accompanying video has footage that displays the MDC openpalm symbol. In Mamvemve (Rags), Mapfumo sings “this house you are crying for has been turned into rags.” This song was “banned” from state media (Sibanda, 2004). In Marima Nzara, Mapfumo sings about the big mouth who has lost the plot and causes misery for his/her people (Jeff, 2003). Hosea Chipanga is a musician who has consistently used subtlety and philosophical flavour in his music, which comments on the social, political, and economic situation in the country. An example of such music is Pharaoh, in which he applauds Nehanda and Kaguvi for the minerals discovered during the times of hardship. However, he says the majority

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cannot enjoy this wealth because of the Pharaoh. In Njere Shoma (Little Wisdom), Chipanga inquires about the source of the hardships in Zimbabwe. He then argues that if wisdom is lacking in the head, it is the body that pays for bad decisions. The other one is Danga Remombe (A Kraal of Cattle), which goes: Basa rakanaka rinodyara mamwe mabasa; Asi renyu mukoma ratiwedzera marovha ... urombe Good works produce equally good works; But your works, brother, have resulted in unemployment… destitution

In this song, he addresses an individual whose works have resulted in nzara (starvation), urovha (unemployment), and urombe (destitution) among the people. A search on the Internet yields Tongai Moyo’s Kukanda ne Kuvhika, which is labelled as “Tongai Moyo’s banned song”, which is a commentary on the 2008 elections. While in this song he calls for mutual forgiveness, he also points out that struggling for dominance is natural, but what is crucial is forgiveness. He then argues that no one should believe himself invincible or destined to rule forever. Fortunes change as a matter of life. Andy Brown produced Nation of Thieves, in which he sang, “We are now a nation of thieves. They have been stealing all the money, so, as a result, the whole infrastructure is beginning to fall apart” (Sibanda, 2004). On the other hand, Black Roots sang Jongwe, in which they sang about the killing of a cock (ZANU PF’s party symbol). On her part, Portia Gwanzura sang Zvinhu Zvanetsa (Things have become difficult) (Sibanda, 2004). What emerges from the above is that while the ruling elite struggled to dominate the creation of historical truth and meaning, the established musicians were critiquing government policies through their own music. At the same time, the workers, through the MDC, also claimed musical space through their own productions that reflected their understanding of the political and economic reality, through such artists as Paul Madzore, who sang Hondo, which questions how Tongogara died, and the atrocities committed by the Korea-trained 5th Brigade in Matabeleland (Commonly known as Gukurahundi) during the early 1980s, and it also condemns Operation Murambatsvina (Operation Restore Order) of 2005. The MDC has come up with its own jingles, which are available online. Such jingles include Kutonga kwaMatibili, which condemns violence, police brutality, and corruption under the leadership of Mugabe.

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Conclusion From the above discussion, it is clear that the music of the dominant class is the music that dominates the official channels of communicating with the masses. It is the music that is available to the masses on the air. The ruling group is propagating its ideology through song and dance on radio and TV, without regard to whether the masses like it or not. In this way, it seeks to remain in leadership positions using leadership styles that at best can be described as authoritarian. It seeks to remain the only political voice audible in the country. On their part, the subordinate class reflects a desire for participative leadership styles. This is reflected in the genre of music that it cherishes and plays in dark alleys or in live shows that are presented by protest musicians. For example, when Mapfumo played his music criticising the ruling elite for corruption and lack of direction, a businessman in Mutare is quoted by Jeff (2003) as saying: “He is the voice of the people.” The music that contradicts the views and preferences of the ruling elite is relegated to obscurity and can only be accessed through the Internet and pirate suppliers. In other words, in music in Zimbabwe, the Marxian adage, that the ideas of the ruling class are always the dominant ideas, is quite an apt description of the situation. The music of the ruling class is the dominant and most visible music within this contested terrain in Zimbabwe. However, this dominance is almost rendered ineffectual by the process of globalisation that provides other avenues of musical expression to subordinate groups.

References Barenboim, D. “On the Nature and Power of Music.” Accessed December 15, 2011, from http://www.ellopos.net/music/library/barenboim-5.html Chirambo, R. (2009). “Corruption, Tribalism and Democracy: Coded Messages in Wambali Mkandawire’s Popular Songs in Malawi.” Accessed December 16, 2011, DOI:10.1080/02560040902780695 Complete control: Music and propaganda in Zimbabwe, Retrieved August 24, 2012 from http://www.freemuse.org/sw7086.asp Douglas, G et al . “Under fire: Defining a Contemporary African Dance Aesthetic-Can it be done?” Critical Arts, Vol. 20 Number 2 (2006): 102-115. Hatugari, L. Zimbabwe: Turbulent Times. Accessed 18 December 2011, http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/Africa/features/rhytms/Zimbabwe. shtml

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Jeff, C. “Singing the Walls Down.” Accessed 17 April 2012, http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=f0cbfb8a4c-475c-a Makore, S. “Women in Music: Some notes on Zimbabwe.” In Sound of Change – Social and political features of music in Africa, 47-56, edited by Thorsen, S Sida Studies No. 12. Stockholm: Sida, 2004). Marx, K and Engels, F Selected Works. Moscow: Progress publishers, 1983. Msupatsila, N. “LMG Choir releases a six track album titled ‘Umbuso omtsha.” Accessed 27 August, 2012, http://bulawayo24.com/index-idnews-sc-national-byo-6123-article-lmg+choir+release+a+six+track+ album+titled,+'umbuso+omthsha'.html Nkala, S. Sikhanyiso Ndlovu accused of piracy. Newsday. Accessed 27 August 2012, http://www.newsday.co.zw/article/2011-08-30-sikhanyisondlovu-accused-of-piracy Palmberg, M. “Music in Zimbabwe’s crisis.” In Sound of change: Social and Political Features of Music in Africa, 18-46, edited by Thorsen, S. (Sida studies No. 12. Stockholm: Sida, 2004). Pongweni, A. J. C. Songs that won the Liberation War. Harare: College press, 1982. Raftopoulos, B. “Nation, Race and History in Zimbabwean Politics.” Accessed 1 May 2012, http:www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/168. Ramose, M. B. “Birth, Death and Truth: An Essay in Memory of Chukwudi Eze.” South African Journal of philosophy, Vol. 27 Number 4 (2008): Accessed 15 December, 2011, http://www.ajol.info/index.php/sajpem/article/viewFile/31521/5883. Rhythms of the continent: Zimbabwe. Accessed August 24, 2012, http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/Africa/features/rhytms/Zimbabwe. shtml Sacks, O. The Power of Music. Brain.129. Accessed 1 May 2012, doi:10.1093/brain/aw1234. Sibanda, M. “Complete control: Music and propaganda in Zimbabwe.” Accessed December 18, 2011, http://www.freemuse.org/sw7086.asp Street, J. ‘“Fight the power’: The politics of music and the music of politics.”’ Accessed December 16, 2011 from http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1477-7053.00007.pdf The International Forum. “Leadership through Music.” Accessed 12 April 2011, http://www.internationalforum.com/Forums/Leadership%20&%20Mus ic.htm Tholet, C. “Rhodesians Never Die.” Accessed December 16, 2011, http://www.newrhodesian.net/viewtopic.php?f=4&t=199

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Thram, D. Patriotic history and the politicisation of memory: Manipulation of popular music to re-invent the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe. Critical arts: South-North Cultural and Media Studies, Vol. 20 Number 2 (2006): 75-88. Turino, T. Nationalists, Cosmopolitans and Popular Music in Zimbabwe. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000.

CHAPTER ELEVEN CHIMURENGA LIBERATION SONGS AND DANCES AS SITES OF STRUGGLE TO COUNTER RHODESIAN DISCOURSE: A POSTCOLONIAL PERSPECTIVE SAMUEL RAVENGAI

Introduction This chapter analyses Chimurenga songs and dances through the lens of postcolonial theory. The chapter deploys postcolonial theory to explore the interconnection of indigenous cultural texts with Western cultural forms, and how these texts played themselves in resisting a specific version of colonial discourse, which is referred to here as Rhodesian discourse. As one of the more recent theories, postcolonial theory, especially as it is applied by Edward Said (1978), borrows from cultural theory (particularly Foucault). From Foucault (1976, 1980), postcolonial theory borrows the concept of “discourse” to explicate the notion of colonial discourse, which the metropolis uses to explain and legitimise its rule. From Marxism, Afrocentricity, and Nietzschean Existentialism (humanism), postcolonialism borrows the concept of African agency, subjectivity, and intentionality (Auslander 2008, Asante 2007). Agency is a descriptor of the state or capability of an individual or collective to determine his or her own actions. The term is used to describe the state of being present, active, or self-actualised in the performance of political, ideological, or philosophical selfhood or community, despite any system that infringes upon or precludes this ability. This chapter problematises the binary opposition of coloniser and colonised inherent in nationalist discourse. The binary oppositions do not exist in stable and unitary terms, and are not, in all cases, involved in perpetual enmity and disintegrative conflict. Binary oppositions that are

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affirmed in liberation theories can no longer adequately explain hybrid cultures and identities found in new terminologies such as creolisation, third space, new ethnicities, syncretism, heterogeneity, carnivalesque, ruination, border culture, and transversality. This chapter argues that while Chimurenga songs and dances responded to “Rhodesian discourse” by appropriating Western forms, they refused to be wholly assimilated, as seen by the keying in of indigenous cultural texts and forms through the agency of guerrillas and the masses in both training camps and operational warzones. The songs and dances performed by guerrillas during Zimbabwe’s liberation war were in direct response to colonial rule and the discourse that it produced. Rhodesian discourse is deployed here in the same sense it was first used by Anthony Chennells (1996) to suggest a philosophy among white Rhodesians that held blacks as inferior and rationalised their subjugation. That philosophy was played in Rhodesian representations of Africans in cultural discourses covering a whole spectrum of intellectual activity-anthropology, government-commissioned reports, drama and theatre, fine art, literature, cinema, biography, natural science, and memoirs. It was also played physically by creating spaces for Africans, that is, “reserves” and “locations” where alternative discourses considered irrelevant and hostile were checked and closed. As spokespeople of the British Empire, Rhodesians used British metaphysical concepts and values to judge and represent Africans and their art as inferior. In the Rhodesians’ enactment of power, the production of knowledge is as important as power itself, and the substructure of that knowledge or Rhodesian mind reproduced itself in the aforementioned cultural discourses.

Valorisation of the Indigenous Cultural Text When the liberation war intensified from 1972 onwards, guerrillas resisted Western performance forms by reverting to traditional performances, which they enacted in training camps to each other. The armed wing of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) went through socialist ideological training before deployment to fight in Zimbabwe. Every day during the nine months of military training, political education for the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) recruits began at 7.00am, where instructors taught them the national grievances and the writings of Marx, Lenin, and Mao Tse Tung, as well as the nature of capitalism, communism, and colonialism (Martin and Johnson, 1981: 81).

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This political education was carried out amidst song, dancing, sloganeering, and chanting. Chinese instructors at Itumbi training camp spent most of their time teaching Maoist socialism, since they believed that it was the decisive factor for war (Martin and Johnson 1981). When ZANLA fighters were deployed in Zimbabwe, their first priority was mobilising the people through political education1 by holding the Pungwe meetings. This became the basis for new theatre at independence. Socialism resonated with an already deeply entrenched tradition of African communalism, which espoused similar values of collective creation of wealth, collective labour, equality of citizens, and hunhu/ubuntu (the quality of being human). Political nationalism, which had begun in the 1940s, was accompanied by cultural nationalism. One manifestation of this cultural nationalism, which was also a form of resistance, was religious cooperation between both the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), and ZANLA guerrillas and territorial spirit mediums (mhondoro). In Matabeleland, ZIPRA guerrillas especially visited the Dula/Red Axe shrine in Matopo Hills for guidance and spiritual blessings (Ranger and Ncube 1996: 3557). Relying on Daneel’s earlier studies, Ranger and Ncube confirm that ZANLA guerrillas sent emissaries to the Matonjeni/Wirirani/Zhilo shrines in the same hills to obtain mystical directives for the conduct of the war. In either case, there is no evidence of ritual performance. However, David Lan (1985) highlights that ZANLA guerrillas operating in northeast Zimbabwe took part in ritual performances (mapira), which included song and dance, to win the protection of the ancestral spirits (midzimu). They observed ceremonial cleanliness laws issued by the spirit mediums, and physically participated in trance rituals by singing to the ancestors and dancing. These ritual performances completely refused cooperation with Rhodesian discourse. Each training and refugee camp had a separate encampment of spirit mediums who protected camps from attack by predicting air raids, and also blessed war materials, as well as giving advice on deployment routes and areas to cache arms (Chung 2006, Martin and Johnson 1981). Indigenous cultural text guided the cultural practices of over 70 percent of

1

According to Martin and Johnson (1981) fighters were under instruction to mobilise masses, to study the characteristics of people among which they were operating in and to fight when pursued by Rhodesian forces; they were fighting to defend the process of mass mobilisation.

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peasant refugees and guerrillas. After 1976, traditionalism2 ruled the lives of guerrilla fighters. The minority communist and atheistic Vashandi movement, which had taken over ZANU, was defeated in 1976, ushering in a period of the reign of traditionalism, supported by mostly peasant guerrillas. Fay Chung (2006: 171-75) recalls that ZANU was taken over by the left wing, which was well educated, between 1975 and 1976. This wing was called Vashandi (the Workers’ Movement), and was led by Wilfred Mhanda and Sam Geza. They were orthodox Marxists, and had no faith in the peasant religion of ancestor worship and spiritism. They planned to establish an atheistic Marxist state at independence. They were rounded up by the ZANLA commander Josiah Tongogara and imprisoned until the end of the war in Nampula, Mozambique. Thus ancestor worship, characterised by singing, dancing, and spirit possession, was officially sanctioned in military and refugee camps. Guerrillas also performed at bases in operational warzones in Zimbabwe with the masses. During colonial times, the degree of westernisation of Zimbabwean culture (although this varied depending on educational levels and geographical location) had reached high levels. The black middle class frowned upon traditional culture, and the lower class also appropriated Western cultural forms, but combined them with their own traditions to form a hybrid culture. The war introduced a new structure of feeling, which resulted in politically engaged cultural performances. Alec Pongweni, who left Zimbabwe for England in 1972 and returned home in January 1978, recalls the cultural transformation in Zimbabwe at the time of his return when he said: “I came back home in January 1978 to be confronted with an earthshaking revival of ethnic music. Where local artists had made their names by emulating the Beatles, Elvis Presley, etc., I found Thomas Mapfumo, Oliver Mutukudzi, and others holding sway quite confidently” (1982: xiii).

It could only have been the war that revolutionised the way art was made in Zimbabwe. In the next section, we look at camp performances during Zimbabwe’s liberation in order to buttress the foregoing.

2

I am using this term to mean a systematic emphasis on or adherence to the doctrines, beliefs, moral codes and practices of the ancestors, passed from generation to generation.

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Camp Performances Liberation war performances can be divided into two strands – camp and pungwe (all night vigils) theatre. Camp theatre was performed by ZANLA and ZIPRA recruits in their respective training camps in Zambia, Angola, Tanzania, and Mozambique. In fact, performance was part of the training of recruits. For ZANLA recruits, the day began at 4.30 am with exercises, which were then followed by a sixteen-mile run (Martin and Johnson 1981: 81). This sixteen-mile run was accompanied by the toyitoyi dance and chant (Maluleke 1993, Pfukwa 2008). The exact origin of toyi-toyi is contested. The Shona, Zulu, Ndebele, and Xhosa claim it as part of their culture as it has meaning in each of these languages (Twala and Koetaan 2006). What is known, however, is that it was not part of public performance in South Africa before 1980, and only became visible in street protests after the South African apartheid government declared the State of Emergency in 1985. In Zimbabwe, no recorded workers’ union used the toyi-toyi dance in the numerous general strikes from 1948 to about 1965 (Raftopoulos and Phimister 1997) and it only became visible after contact with guerrillas coming from Mozambique from about 1972. While all theories of origins of the toyi-toyi dance have a right to exist, the most plausible theory is that it began as part of military drills in camps outside Zimbabwe, and was brought by returning guerrillas to Zimbabwe. Since Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation) fought and trained together with ZIPRA they carried the dance with them to South Africa. It is now part of Southern African performance, especially during incidents of civil unrest. Even though ZANLA used the toyi-toyi dance during public performances in camps and bases, its wartime leader, Robert Mugabe, banned it in 2004 (Blackstone 2008). The toyi-toyi dance, being a military and warlike performance has insurrectionist qualities. When performed by large numbers of people, it gives them confidence while at the same time intimidating their rivals. In Ndebele, the act of defiance through toyi-toyi is called ukuzabalaza, which means to stand firm, or to refuse to give way or to resist. In South Africa, the act of defiance through toyi-toyi became known as ‘umzabalazo’ (Twala and Koetaan 2006: 164). This act of dancing on the same spot, sometimes moving forward and punching the air with the right fist in rhythm with the chant was a confidence booster. Mkhululi Dhliwayo, an ex-guerrilla fighter, remembers the experience of toyi-toying when he observes:

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“Just to hear 30,000 guerrillas toyi-toying in the heat of emaGojini, knees beating their chests, arms high up in the air holding AK-47s, sweat streaming from their uniformed bodies, was a moving experience. The whole mountain range seemed to sway to this rhythm. Even wild animals like hyenas, lions, tigers, and elephants never strayed near the camps when soldiers roared their songs to the toyi-toyi dance. It instilled confidence in us” (cited in Maluleke 1993: 33).

Pfukwa (2008: 30-59) collected and analysed some of the chants that accompanied the toyi-toyi dance, and he argues that liberation songs became a site of struggle to challenge Rhodesian discourse. Political education for recruits was not given in lecture form, but was performed. Each training camp, especially in Mozambique, had a cultural guerrilla unit, which composed and/or sang renditions of previously composed songs. This cultural unit, according to Pongweni (1982: 1), underwent military training and conscientisation as part of their preparation for war. The ZANLA choir, led by Dick Chingaira Makoni, is known for having composed many liberation war songs now published in Pongweni (1982). Other choirs in different training camps sang renditions of ZANLA choir songs and even composed their new songs (Pfukwa 2008). Political education was derived from ‘national grievances’ published in a booklet entitled Mwenje 1 (n.d) [Light] developed by members of the ZANU High Command (Martin and Johnson 1981). As speeches were given daily to recruits, political commissars who led the political education sessions had almost memorised the speeches, which they delivered by rote or paraphrased. No speaker could start a speech or ask a question or start a song without chanting the standard slogan: Viva ZANU Viva Pamberi nehondo Pamberi! Pamberi neZANLA Pamberi! Pamberi nekunzwisisa Pamberi! Pamberi nekubatana Pamberi! Pasi nevatengesi Charira! Kupiko? KuZimbabwe! Pasi! ZANU!

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Iwe neni tine basa! Icho! Long live ZANU Long live! Forward with the war Forward! Forward with ZANLA Forward! Forward with understanding Forward! Forward with Unity! Forward! Down with sell-outs! The rocket has exploded! Where? In Zimbabwe! Down! ZANU! You and I have together! Hear! Hear!

The culture shock experienced by Pongweni underlines the dominant feeling in the late 1970s. The very idea of theatre, as it was understood in the school system that most peasant children had attended, was challenged through these camp performances. They opposed the dominant text-based theatre, which was usually produced in the generic consumer-oriented Aristotelian structure. The thrust of this camp theatre was to be reflexive and presentational, as opposed to the colonial representational theatre that was officially admired. Camp theatre situated the audience (recruits) as participants rather than spectators. This type of performance was grounded on an anti-essentialist resistance to western illusionistic theatre. The theatrical event is both immediate and performed by real people playing themselves as opposed to characters. This theatre is comparable (although no influence is insinuated at all) to the American and European happenings of the 1960s, where performances ‘just happened’ on the basis of chance (Wallis and Shepherd 2004: 87). Most of the camp theatre songs were composed by the ZANLA Choir and rehearsed beforehand. The speeches and slogans were also available in the memory of political commissars, and were rehearsed everyday during training. Each training session was a rehearsal for forthcoming performances, and this continued from 1972 up to 1979, when training of cadres stopped after the ceasefire was declared. The arrangement of different components of performance each day was a matter of mere chance depending on the

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inspiration and impulse in each participant. This use of the aleatory3 technique was to mock dominant bourgeois ideas of drama and beauty in the field of theatre. The value placed on individual creativity, structure, and received aesthetics, which characterised formal Eurocentric drama, was mocked. The aleatory is not only offensive, but liberates one from tradition and received formulae. It is in that sense of subverting received aesthetics that camp theatre could be taken as theatre of resistance. The resistance is located both in content and style. There is a convergence of popular revolution with art in revolt. In this theatre, there is an underlying insistence on problematising the existence of art as a separate discipline/category. Performance was integrated into the totality of life as part of a revolution, whereas received colonial theatre practice separated life from art. While there was no military training in refugee camps, the same performance practices took place as in military camps. Dzingai Mutumbuka, who became the first Minister of Education and Culture after independence, remembers one of the performances in the refugee camps: “After one Rhodesian attack, we didn’t have any huts or any cover. Our clothes, books and everything had all been destroyed. I remember one night it was raining non-stop, and these kids were lying under the trees, drenched, but they were singing, and they kept on singing. They laughed the whole night and said we shall conquer. That kind of spirit could only have been produced by the struggle” (Cited in Martin and Johnson 1981: 278)

The Voice of Zimbabwe, stationed in Mozambique, used to record some of the refugee performances and broadcast them to our radios. The songs and dances performed by recruits and refugees were to form the basis of a new theatre in the new Zimbabwe under the auspices of ZIMFEP and later ZACT.

3

An aleatory event is one that is governed by chance, as was the case with composer John Cage (1912-92) in the early 1950s. He produced sounds on the piano by dealing cards on its strings. The Dadaist Tristan Tzara (1886-1963) used random selections from newspaper texts to create poems. In theatre, such activities acquired a name, ‘Happenings,’ in 1959, when Allan Kaprow produced 18 Happenings in 6 Parts (see Wallis and Shepherd 2004: 172-4).

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The Pungwe Performances Inside liberated and semi-liberated warzones, guerrillas and peasants held performances at what were called ‘bases.”4 This was done twice or three times a week. A base was a militarily strategic position located under natural cover, like a forest or a place between kopjes, hills, or mountains, but close to a cluster of villages. When guerrillas were deployed in Zimbabwe, they moved in small units of between 9 to 12 soldiers, led by a detachment commander. This detachment then moved between bases located within a radius of about 20 kilometres,5 mobilising the masses through Pungwe performances, and fighting when pursued by Rhodesian forces. The base as a theatre space was not a constructed structure. It was what Marvin Carlson would call a “ludic space”, which he defined as “a permanently or temporarily created space, a ground for the encounter of spectator and performer” (1989: 6). This definition includes flexible forms such as the Pungwe theatre, which did not rely on constructed structures. A base had a central performing area surrounded by the masses (participants), with visible aisles that led to strategic military positions dotted around the perimeter of the base, called “Postos” (Posto is Portuguese for set, place, location, site, or spot). Guerrillas maintained positions at postos throughout the Pungwe, but took turns to come and address, as well as perform with, the participants. At times, a group of three or four guerrillas would take to the podium to stimulate monkey-crawling tactics in mock battles. The major role was 4

Unless otherwise stated, the information in this section is based on personal experiences during the war. I was born in 1970. At about the age of five, according to local custom, I became a herd boy (starting with herding goats and graduating to herding cattle) together with other lads of my age, and hence we became unwilling witnesses to the movement of troops in the bush, and sometimes to fighting. I attended the Pungwe performances, ran for cover when fighting ensued, and spent long hours in hiding away from home when pursued by Rhodesian forces. Being ten at the end of the war, I was classified by the guerrillas as a Chigubhu which in war parlance meant someone young and an intelligence gatherer because we were assumed to be herd boys, and too naive to know anything. Thus, we could pass through military positions, with our animals, without being harassed. For that reason, guerrillas depended on us with our assumed naiveté to gather vital information for them. 5 Our Chitorimira base was surrounded by Mapeto to the south, Zvipungudzani to the east, Vuwaza to the south east, Matehwa to the west and the Chivungwi bases to the north.

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played by the detachment political commissar, who reproduced speeches of camp performances based on national grievances amidst song and dance. Performances included sketches, songs, dancing, memorised speeches, bursts of slogans, chants, poetry, narratives, verbal art, cumulative accounts, epics, tales, sayings, and other expressions of speech such as whistling, ululation, loud cries, and growls, especially at climactic moments of performance. The above art forms were performed with recourse to the aleatory technique. In the middle of a speech, a guerrilla would move from a Posto, salute the facilitator, and whisper something in his ears. The newcomer would introduce a new item by chanting a slogan, breaking into song and dance, and then addressing the participants. If there was anybody who wanted clarification on any point, they raised their hand, chanted a slogan and asked the question. A missionary who attended the Pungwe wrote a letter to another missionary in 1979 explaining what he had experienced. He wrote that the Pungwe was: “To educate the people, to politicise the masses; to conscientise the people. This involves telling them what the struggle is all about, making them aware of the evils of the present system, and creating a new system of justice where there is no exploitation. So the guerrillas spend a lot of time addressing meetings with long speeches. Their speeches are very repetitive, with lots of singing and lots of slogan chanting. They do it like religious revival services; it rouses the people” (Cited in Ranger 1985: 180)

The structure of the Pungwe was not predetermined. Only the beginning and ending were pre-planned. The Pungwe usually began around 7pm and ended well past midnight with a song: Soloist: Vanamai, tave kuparadzana hoye; Chorus: Tave kuparadzana; S: Vanababa, tave kuparadzana hoye; Ch: Tave kuparadzana; S: Vanamujibha, tave kuparadzana hoye; Ch: Tave kuparadzana; S: Vanachimbwido, tave kuparadzana hoye; Ch: Tave kuparadzana; Munoendepi? Tave kuparadzana; Tinoendavo; Tave kuparadzana;

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Mothers, we are now parting oh; We are now parting; Fathers, we are now parting oh; We are now parting; Mujibhas,6 we are now parting oh; We are now parting; Chimbwidos,7 we are now parting oh; We are now parting; Where are you going? We are now parting; We also want to go with you; But we are parting;

Between the opening and the ending, the performances unfolded by chance and could be interrupted by chants of slogans from parents arriving late from far villages. In order to be recognised as friends and not enemies, they methodically chanted a slogan while about 700 metres away from the base saying: “Pamberi nehondo” (Forward with the war) whereupon all participants at the base would respond saying: “Pamberi” (Forward). A guerrilla would advance to intercept them, asking loudly, “who is that?” The arriving delegation would identify itself and equilibrium was achieved. Pongweni has collected a significant number of liberation songs under the title Songs that Won the Liberation War (1982), and has grouped them under themes according to the message they articulated.8 What is significant about Pungwe performances is that while they mocked the Western bourgeois idea of theatre and denounced colonialism, in the substance of utterances and performances this mocking was achieved (in some cases) through recourse to western performance forms. The idea of a choir such as the ZANLA Choir and the ZAPU affiliated choir, the 6 Mujibha was war-time term to refer to teenage boys and young adults who collaborated with guerrillas in intelligence gathering, carrying arms and mobilizing the masses. 7 Chimbwido is a feminine term for unmarried women who performed the roles of cooking and washing for guerrillas. They are now registered as war collaborators. 8 I have left out songs that were played by local bands which Pongweni (1982) includes in his book. Music played by bands was not performed at pungwes. An interesting study of chimurenga music played by local bands was carried out by Alice Dadirai Kwaramba in Popular Music and Society (1997). See also Thomas Turino’s Nationalist, Cosmopolitanisms in Popular Music in Zimbabwe (2000) for the same category of music.

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People’s Revolutionary Choir was Western in origin. Although there was a lot of music in African societies, none of it was presented in a four-part harmony led by a choir conductor. The choir has liturgical origins in western churches. It was popularised in colonial Zimbabwe by mission stations dotted around the country, and also in extra-curricular activities at school. At each school there was a junior choir made up of students from grades 1 to 4, and a senior choir made of students from grades 5 to 7. These competed for trophies at zonal, district, and provincial choir competitions conducted annually. This cultural practice resulted in a wave of choirs in villages that competed amongst themselves. When the war began in the 1960s, choirs (makwaya) had become deeply entrenched in the local traditions and were appropriated by liberation movements to fight colonialism. The other significant aspect was that liberation movements appropriated a significant number of songs from Christian churches, as observed by Pongweni (1982: viii): “Our cadres knew that the influence of the Christian missionaries among the masses was considerable and that they had to take it into account. They decided therefore, that in the war situation; since no other form of popular culture exerted a strong enough influence to reduce reliance on hymns, it was imperative to exploit this form...”

The procedure involved taking a church tune and infusing it with new words that furthered the ideological goals of the liberation movements. What is important to point out at this stage is that Pungwe and camp performances resisted Rhodesian discourse at the level of content, while manipulating some Western forms in order to attack colonialism. When observing the lyrics of the liberation songs, we see that they are blatantly anti-Rhodesian, anti-West, and anti-imperialism. The lyrics denounce, caricature, satirise, and reject the West and Rhodesians. They encourage, exhort, exalt, empower, teach, educate, and incite the oppressed people to fight and change the status quo. They also plead with, ask, and appeal to the rest of the non-western world to assist the oppressed people of Zimbabwe. Sometimes they lament the oppression and appeal to the conscience of the oppressor so that the oppressor may “repent” of their evil doing. Pfukwa (2008) argues that chimurenga songs were part of contested spaces during the war. Apart from the fighting on the Rhodesian landscape, Pfukwa argues that music provided “ideological and psychological space where more subtle struggles were played out. Thus, music became another site of contestation in the political, cultural, and

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ideological struggles used to break free from the constrictions of colonial culture” (2008: 31). From a content-based and ideological point of view, it is easy to see liberation songs as negating and denouncing the West and its aesthetics. A closer examination of the songs reveals their ambivalent nature. Axelsson (1974) recounts that Western-affiliated churches stationed in the then Rhodesia followed the route of the Africanisation of music and worship after the policy of religious assimilation failed. Axelsson recalls that the Methodist Church, under the mentorship of Robert Kauffman, followed almost a similar procedure to the one followed by the Catholics and the Lutherans: x Original secular songs to be used as a point of departure for something new, i.e., slight changes, particularly in melodic flow. x The use of a particular musical style, i.e., its form, mood, and rhythm, to make something new that is similar (Axelsson 1974: 99). From this evidence, it can be noted that there is a convergence of African and Western forms in the resultant music. The liberation movements did not change those forms, but they simply added lyrics to the already existing tunes. Take, for instance, Nzira Dzemasoja Dzekuzvibata Nadzo, one of the songs that used to form part of the signature tune during the opening of the Voice of Zimbabwe broadcast from Mozambique during the war: Kune nzira dzemasoja Dzekuzvibata nadzo; Tererai mitemo yose nenzira dzakanaka; Kune nzira dzamasoja Dzekuzvibata nadzo; Tererai mitemo yose nenzira dzakanaka; Tisava tinotora zvinhu zvemass yedu; Dzoserai zvinhu zvose Zvatorwa kumuvengi; Taurai zvinonzwikwa kuruzhinji Rwevanhu; Kuti mass inzwisise Zvakananga musangano Soldiers have ways By which they live; Listen to all the rules of the good ways;

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This liberation song is based on a song sung by the Methodist Church; a Western affiliated church, but is used to challenge Rhodesian discourse. It seems blasphemous in the sense that a Christian spiritual tune, though developed from a traditional secular song, is used to further the ideological goals of what was perceived by Rhodesian authorities as a godless and atheist organisation. Rhodesian discourse portrayed freedom fighters as “communists, malcontents, and murdering thugs – the Godless embodiment of evil – who made cowardly attacks on defenceless tribesmen and farmers families, ran away from security forces, and were interested only in personal power or in advancing the cause of Soviet or Chinese communism” (Godwin and Hancock 1993: 11). This song dispels those myths, although in actual practice, and on rare occasions, some of the atrocities they committed can be verified (see Nyarota 2006, Chung 2006, and Sachikonye 2011). The song sets out a clear code of conduct for guerrillas, that they had to pay fair prices for everything they bought, desist from harassing prisoners of war, and return all contraband confiscated from the enemy for military reasons. It clearly sets out a strict moral code, such as not engaging in promiscuity, and total refraining from the exploitation of the masses. It attributes these words to the former leader of China – Mao Tse Tung. While the song celebrates the discipline of guerrillas and challenges the white oppressor and his discourse, it does so in the very presence of the Western aesthetics that it seeks to challenge. In terms of structure, African and Western aesthetics stand side by side. The African technique of singing antiphonally and responsorially is deployed side by side with the western four-part harmony. The first line of each stanza of Nzira Dzemasoja Dzekuzvibata Nadzo is sung by a soloist, while the rest of the choir is quiet. At the end of the chant, the rest of the choir in its four-part harmony sings a refrain, or antiphon, until the end of the stanza, when the soloist alternates with the choir and takes the first line of the next stanza. The characteristic African brevity of structure inheres in

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the song for easy grasping. The characteristic western four-part harmony is also present.

Conclusion Previous studies on political performances during Zimbabwe’s liberation war, such as Kaarsholm (1990) and Pfukwa (2008), have presented camp and Pungwe performances within the dominant theory paradigm, as well as theatre as a weapon approach. The problem with this approach is that it valorises the capabilities of theatre and performance, and takes away the agency of the audience to decide what they can take or disparage. Writing from a pan-Africanist and nationalist perspective, the indigenous cultural text is also exaggerated to a point where scholars ignore the repercussions of its contact with western cultural forms, such as harmonic choral music and Christianity. This necessitates an academic endeavour to return to social and cultural history to investigate forms that emerged during colonial rule, and this chapter has illuminated sites in camp and Pungwe performances where Rhodesian discourse was both resisted and appropriated in fighting colonial rule. Lastly, the history of the liberation in Zimbabwe is thoroughly lacking in cultural research and is, therefore, characterised by an increasingly anachronistic nationalist rhetoric. The major ideological battles are fought in the field of cultural production. This chapter points at ways in which the cultural dimension of the liberation struggle can be researched and articulated.

References Asante, Molefi Kete. An Afrocentric Manifesto: Toward an African Renaissance. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007 Auslander, Philip. Theory for Performance Studies: A Student Guide. London: Routledge, 2008 Axelsson, Olof E. “Historical Notes on Neo-African Church Music,” ZAMBEZIA: Journal of Humanities of the University of Zimbabwe, Vol. 3 Number 2 (1974): 89-102 Chennells, Anthony. “Rhodesian Discourse, Rhodesian Novels and the Zimbabwean Liberation War.” In Society in Zimbabwe’s Liberation War edited by Ngwabi Bhebe and Terrence Ranger (Harare: University of Zimbabwe Press, 1996). Chung, Fay. Re-living the Second Chimurenga. Harare: Weaver Press, 2006

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Foucault, Michel. The Archaeology of Knowledge and Discourse on Language. New York: Colophon Books, 1976 —. Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 19721977. New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1980 Godwin, Peter and Hancock, Ian. Rhodesians Never Die: The Impact of War and Political Change on White Rhodesia c.1970-1980. Cape Town: Macmillan, 1993. Kaarsholm, Preben. “Mental Colonisation or Catharsis? Theatre, Democracy and Cultural Struggle from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe.” Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 16 Number 2 (1990): 246275. Kwaramba, Alice Dadirai. Popular Music and Society. Oslo: University of Oslo Press, 1997. Lan, David. Guns and Rain Guerrillas and Spirit Mediums in Zimbabwe. Harare: ZPH, 1985 Maluleke, Justinus. 1993. “Toyi-Toyi Freedom Dance of the 90’s: Where did it Originate?” Drum, Vol. 12 Number 172 (1993): 32-33. Martin, David and Johnson, Phyllis. The Struggle for Zimbabwe. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House, 1981. Nyarota, Geoffrey. Against the Grain: Memoirs of a Zimbabwean Newsman. Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2006 Pfukwa, Charles. “Black September et al: Chimurenga Songs as Historical Narratives in The Zimbabwean Liberation War.” MUZIKI: Journal of Music Research in Africa Vol. 5 Number 1 (2008): 30-61. Pongweni, Alec J. C. Songs that Won the Liberation War. Harare: College Press, 1982. Raftopoulos, Brian and Phimister, Ian. Eds. Keep on Knocking: a History of the Labour Movement in Zimbabwe 1900-97. Harare: Baobab, 1997 Ranger, Terrence. Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe. London: James Currey, 1985 Ranger, Terrence and Ncube, Mark. 1996. “Religion in the Guerrilla War: The Case of Southern Matabeleland.” In Society in Zimbabwe’s Liberation War, 35-57, edited by Ngwabi Bhebe and Terrence Ranger (Harare: University of Zimbabwe Publications, 1996) Sachikonye, Lloyd. When a State Turns on its Citizens: 60 Years of Institutionalised Violence in Zimbabwe. Johannesburg: Jacana, 2011 Said-Edward, W. Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books, 1978 Turino, Thomas. Nationalists, Cosmopolitans, and Popular Music in Zimbabwe. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2000 Twala, Chitja and Koetaan, Quintin. “The Toyi-Toyi Protest Culture in the 1980s: An Investigation into its Liberating and Unifying Powers.”

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South African Journal of Cultural History, Vol. 20 Number 1 (2006): 163-179. Wallis, Mick and Shepherd, Simon. Drama/Theatre/Performance. London: Routledge, 2004

CHAPTER TWELVE “VIOLATIONS” OF THE CHIMURENGA GENRE IN THE MUSIC OF THE MBARE CHIMURENGA CHOIR KELVIN CHIKONZO, JOEL NYIMAI AND KUDAKWASHE SHANE SAMBO

Introduction This chapter delineates the borders of chimurenga music, with a view to ascertaining whether recent offerings of this brand of music by the Mbare Chimurenga choir confirm or disrupt this generic regime. It compares previous versions of chimurenga with the songs of the Mbare Chimurenga choir. In doing this, the chapter is alive to the fact that attempts to discern the generic regime of chimurenga music are bedevilled by a number of problems that are inherent in any classification system. Stam (2000: 14) highlights this problem by noting that: “A number of perennial doubts plague genre theory. Are genres really “out there” in the world, or are they merely the constructions of analysts? [...] Should genre analysis be descriptive or proscriptive?”

Similarly, Feuer (1992: 144) submits that: “A genre is ultimately an abstract conception, rather than something that exists empirically in the world.” It is precisely for this reason that the chapter defines parametres of chimurenga music using established conventions and practices on the basis of a historical survey approach. While agreeing with the fact that genres are not static, we also wish to argue that we risk allowing anything and everything musical to belong to the canonical trope of Chimurenga music. To leave the borders and territories unattended is to commit the blunder of making the term Chimurenga open to any form of interpretation. The chapter proffers a historical and contextual survey of Chimurenga music

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in an attempt to discern the established conventions of the genre. Chimurenga is, arguably, not just any music that talks about Zimbabwe, or that simply applies a certain rhythmic pattern based on traditional Zimbabwean rhythms. There are discursive parametres that govern the modus operandi while separating it from those that try to re-purpose or manipulate it for political mileage. In this undertaking, we are cognisant of the fact that normativism (having preconceived ideas of criteria for genre membership) is often cited as a weakness of the genre approach. But it is in normativism that we collectively agree on what historically constitutes a genre, and separate it from other genres. The preconceived ideas are collectively and communally agreed upon. One must bear in mind that chimurenga music was communally owned, where the practices and conventions were mutually agreed upon. That is how the music established itself since the days of Murenga Sororenzou up until now. It is not one person imposing their will upon a musical style that was collectively owned and produced. The question that we need to address is whether the music of Mbare Chimurenga maintains the traditional and established conventions of chimurenga or whether there have been deviations. The fact that the group calls itself Mbare Chimurenga is not sufficient to warrant the group a place in the hall of fame of chimurenga music. Critical interrogation is required.

The Generic Regime of Chimurenga Music: A Historical Perspective Vambe (2011: 3) submits that Chimurenga is derived from Murenga Sororenzou, who was a key player in the Shona rebellion and uprising against colonialism in the early days of occupation. This war was then known as the Chimurenga war. Chimurenga signifies protest and resistance against power structures that undermine the freedom of the indigene. In this respect, Chimurenga music is, by and large, protest music. Vambe (2011: 3) observes that Chimurenga represents communal African memory, stretching back to the time of Munhumutapa’s struggles against the Portuguese in the early seventeenth century, and the Shona struggles with the Ndebele in the 1830s. Chimurenga music predates the formation of the political parties that popularised it. It is a type of music that the Shona always sang in response to the injustices of the colonial system. Chimurenga songs composed in the ancient world include a song

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entitled: Gwindingwi Rine Shumba Inoruma (which cannot be attributed to any particular author). Its lyrical content goes like this: Vene vedzino nyika vachauya; Hona machinda ose anouya; Gwindingwi rine shumba inoruma; Hoye iye iye; Vene vedzino nyika vachuya; Hona machinda ose anouya; Gwindigwi rine shumba inoruma The owners of these lands will come; Look! All the regiments are coming; Our kingdom has lions that bite; Oh oh oh; The owners of these lands will come there; Look! All the regiments are coming; Our kingdom has lions that bite.

The context of this song is that the Rozvi Empire was subjected to severe pressure from the Mfecane disturbances in 1826. The Ndebele raided the Rozvi people. It was in the process of self-defence against these raids that protest music became pivotal as a tool of ideological resistance. Murenga Sororenzou, who had led his people during the Matebele war, caused the revolutionary music to be known as Chimurenga music. Another song which was sung during that period, and which has no known source is called Tatadza Kunzwisisana (We have failed to Understand One Another). Its lyrical content is as follows: Taneta kuitwa nhapwa; Makarekare edu taifara mumasango medu; Taneta kutaura; Udzvinyiriri, nhasi zvinorara zvapera; Handei ikoko varume woye; We are tired of being made your slaves; Long ago we used to be happy or rejoice in our land; We are tired of talking; It’s total oppression and today by sunset it will be over; All you men, let’s go there and fight them, oh;

During the sixties and up to the eighties, Chimurenga music then dealt with issues of race and discrimination that had been the norm since its inception. The important factor to note is that it is a music that responds to

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the burning issues of the day. Chimurenga music always deals with contemporary issues obtaining in society. It protests against immediate forms of oppression. It is not rigid. The burning issues of the day have changed since the colonial days. Chimurenga music is not selective in terms of who it valorises and ridicules. It is not logocentric. It is sensitive to oppression and castigates it regardless of colour, gender, class, or political alignment. When the oppressors are white, it exposes them. When the oppressors are black, it still directs its venom towards them. It is music of liberation. It does not become blind to oppression simply because those in power are black, or those whom it seemingly supported at some point and time are involved in corrupt tendencies. It does not become blind to black-on-black oppression that comes into being as a result of class, gender, and ethnic disparities. During the war, commanders who were unfair were criticised by the same Chimurenga music that was also criticising the colonial system. By its nature, Chimurenga music is antithetical to oppression, as it is a genre of music that wants to free people from bondage. Whilst we concur with Vambe that Chimurenga is not bound by a uniform idea of nationalism, we insist that Chimurenga is bound by a uniform function. This function is predicated on the need to fight injustice and oppression. We argue that although the oppressors and victims have changed dimensions over time, Chimurenga music has been consistent in challenging structures of power that undermine the rights of Zimbabweans. This must be understood in a context where Chimurenga style has been appropriated by political elites, so that it serves their interests rather than those of the nation. Indeed, we agree with Vambe’s (2011: 4) observation that Chimurenga is always an “instance of collective history, moved by conviction and values underpinning a new nation”. There is always a national interest in Chimurenga music. This, however, does not mean that ruling elites do not undermine national interest. Those who claim to guard the national interest might also be the very people who undermine it. Chimurenga music celebrates the collective and not just the individual. When people sing, they direct their attention towards a system of oppression that has affected the collective, the community, even if the degrees of oppression are different and varied. It talks of nation, of family, and not of the individual. This community ethos was expressed in many songs that were sung during the liberation war. From old-world songs such as Gwindingwi Rine Shumba Inoruma, to songs sung during the war of liberation, there has always been the need to express the plural, the collective, and the communal ethos as a symbol of the nation, not of the

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individual. These songs of liberation use pronouns of plurality as evident in the following excerpts from songs sung during the war of liberation: Vazhinji nevazhinji takava fushira Nepamusana pekuda nyika yedu; Yakange yatorwa nevapambe pfumi; Nehanda komborera nyika yeZimbabwe So many of us were buried Because they loved their country; This had been forcibly taken away from them by the whites; Nehanda, bless the land of Zimbabwe

And similarly: Vanhu vose vemuno mu Africa Tamirira kuchipedzisa hutongi hwemabhunu...; All the people here in Africa We are waiting to end white rule. When an individual’s name was mentioned, it was presented in plural.

He was presented as part of the collective and not as an individual. The song Mukoma Nhongo is a case in point: Hona mukomo Nhongo Bereka sub tiende; Chauya chauya Look! Cde Nhongo Take your gun, and lets go; We are prepared for any eventuality.

Although Nehanda features in many songs, she is presented as a spirit of the land, and not as a lonely spirit that is interested in individual concerns. Nehanda is not a spirit that caters for an individual, like the Shavi. She is a territorial spirit of the land – a mhondoro. In terms of form, Chimurenga celebrates African traditional rhythms. The most popular rhythm is jiti or pfonda. This is a highly energetic dance and is a morale booster. Jiti goes well with the kongonya dance, which centres on the buttocks and the legs. It’s a dance that shows the dance in liberated motion, as body parts considered taboo are made to dance as a sign of freedom. Other traditional rhythms found in Chimurenga music are the Mhande rhythm, the Dinhe

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rhythm, the Mbende rhythm, and the Katekwe rhythm. Not all protest music fits into Chimurenga because the type of instruments used must resonate well with the percussive style of the African beat. One must hear the drum, the xylophone, even when these are mixed with modern instruments. Thomas Turino’s (1993) analysis of musical nationalism needs consideration in the context of Chimurenga music. The question that arises from the notion of musical nationalism is whether Chimurenga music is an umbrella term encompassing all forms of nationalistic music, or whether it is only a sub-category under the broader category of musical nationalism. Our submission is that Chimurenga music is a sub-category of musical nationalism. Musical nationalism can be expressed through urban grooves or the kwaito style, as is the case with the music of the Born Free Crew. The song Stay Connected utilises the Urban Grooves style, which appeals to the sensibilities of the youth. It can be expressed through jazz or sungura or even through Gospel Music, as is the case with Charles Charamba’s Nyika Zimbabwe (Country Zimbabwe). Vambe argues that Chimurenga music is not a monolithic entity. The practise of Chimurenga indicates the existence of “not one version of Chimurenga, but multiple versions (and subversions) of Chimurenga music that confirm, collude, overlap, and contradict each other” (Vambe, 2011:1). What is absent in Vambe’s thesis is clarity on which version is the benchmark of Chimurenga, and which versions are regarded as subversions. Subversion, to our understanding, implies a repurposing of Chimurenga music so that it serves functions and contexts that deviate from its core function. The question that then arises is whether such decadent versions belong to the canon of Chimurenga music. The foregoing observation is important because Vambe seems to suggest that all music that fights against oppression and injustice is Chimurenga music. Therein is the great conceptual difference between Vambe and us. The question that we ought to ask ourselves is: Why is it that, despite the prevalence of nationalistic music expressed through these other genres, what is generally regarded as Chimurenga music are the songs made by such musicians as Thomas Mapfumo, Brian Muteki, Robson Banda, and Pio Farai Macheka? Although there is fusion with modern instruments, as is the case with other genres, Chimurenga music is biased towards traditional instruments and rhythms that convey messages of nationalist significance. Chimurenga music is therefore part of musical nationalism. It does not cover the entirety of musical nationalism, and the term Chimurenga cannot be used interchangeably with “musical nationalism.”

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Mbare Chimurenga Songs and Chimurenga Music If Chimurenga is not just any song with a political message, then what is the position of songs that contain political messages sung by Mbare Chimurenga? The songs on this album have deviated from the normative construction of Chimurenga music in a number of ways. They advance the singular, rather the plural or the collective. The songs advance a “great man” syndrome, where they sum up the struggle against oppression in one man, the president of Zimbabwe. Thus, the songs by Mbare Chimurenga suggest that the “great man” (who in this case is Robert Mugabe) singlehandedly brought about transformation. For example, in the song Kukurigo, there is a line that remarks: “Kuita kwaPresident vedu kwakatendwa neAfrica” (Africa has appreciated the efforts of our President). The song is silent concerning the contribution of ordinary people in bringing about the transformation that the rest of Africa acknowledged about Mugabe. Guha (1997: xiv) writes that: “What is clearly left out of this un-historical (elitist) historiography is the politics of the people. For, parallel to the domain of elite politics, there existed… another domain of… politics, in which the principal actors were not the dominant groups of the indigenous society… but the subaltern classes, constituting the mass, the labouring population and intermediate strata of town and country.”

This is substantiated by the fact that even when individuals other than the president are mentioned, they are those who work closely with the president. For example, in the song Team, the singers indicate that the Zimbabwean team has only three players, the first being President Mugabe, the second being Vice-President Mai Mujuru, and the third being Vice-President John Nkomo. The irony of the issue is that when the video of this song was issued, the team in question became a football team with only three players. The song does not realise the discrepancy that is created if this message is interpreted with a critical eye. A football team with only three players does not constitute a quorum to sustain a match. The team is inadequate because it has no players. The said three are supposed to run and overwork themselves on behalf of other players. The song then excludes other people from being part of the Zimbabwean team. Where are the ordinary people in this team? Three individuals are given the mandate of determining the destiny of the nation. The agency of possible players is denied visibility. The song does not foster a collective ethos among Zimbabweans. Rather, it tells them to be idle, because only three players can play on behalf of the nation. It is the absence of the

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collective in favour of a few that then makes this song serve minority rather than majority interests. It is on this basis that there is ground to assert that the Mbare Chimurenga choir deviated from the course of the Chimurenga style. Secondly, the song Team is not reflective of what is obtained on the ground. When the album was composed, Zimbabwe was under the governance of the inclusive government, otherwise known as the Government of National Unity (GNU). It is ironic that while the leadership of the ZANU PF had agreed to share power with the Movement for Democractic Change -Tsvangirai (MDC-T) and the Movement for Democractic Change - Mutambara (MDC-M), the song insisted that only ZANU PF was ruling the country. Thus, when the song Team identifies only three people from one party as the players, when the political landscape had other players, it is creating an anomaly. In fact, the timing of the project was miscalculated. It would have made more sense to have these songs at the height of the time of political polarisation, when other parties were composing songs that were biased towards their camps. It would have made sense, too, if the songs had been produced as a counter-hegemonic strategy against the songs of Raymond Majongwe and Paul Madzore, who valorised the opposition. Producing the songs after the crisis had placed them out of context was something of a miscalculation. The president himself was celebrating teamwork with other players, yet the song confines its notions of a “team” to ZANU PF. Hence, in trying to undermine the collective spirit of Chimurenga, the songs ended up failing to project the nation-building exercise that the political leadership of Zimbabwe was embarking on. The group did not realise that, after the crisis, what Zimbabweans wanted was not the type of music that would continue to fan divisions that had brought unwarranted political violence in Zimbabwe. This is not only true for Mbare Chimurenga but for other groups that sought to travel along the same way. The songs composed by Raymond Majongwe, Paul Madzore, and the Mbare Chimurenga choir embodied the greatly flawed idea that Zimbabweans were interested in music of hatred and exclusion. The suffering that Zimbabweans had experienced as a result of a plummeting economy and the collapse of political and social institutions, made people want something that would give them hope of a better future, where they could live peacefully and harmoniously. This is the reason why these groups never generated so much interest among ordinary folks. They did not sell well. The shows of Majongwe were poorly attended. The Mbare Chimurenga choir only got crowds during musical galas; otherwise, they sold dismally. The reason for this development was that the music of

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Majongwe, Madzore, and the Mbare Chimurenga choir did not address the needs of the people. This brings us to another important issue. Chimurenga music is a music that does not simply valorise leaders, or castigate them for that matter. It is not a one-sided music that praises the leadership of political parties. Rather, it is supposed to offer a commentary that appraises leaders and the people they lead. It is music of interrogation, which ultimately aims to address the wrongs of society. The songs of the Mbare Chimurenga choir simply deify the president without creating an avenue by which they could also offer commentary about his good points and bad points. Chimurenga music should provide a channel by which the leadership is alerted to the needs of the people, their aspirations, and their dreams about the future of Zimbabwe. It should be the channel by which people tell the leadership what they expect of them and where they think the leadership has done well. Songs have satisfied the latter goal, while the former has yet to be realised. Chimurenga deals with the burning issues of the day. It does not lock people in the past. The song Muri Musoja is a case in point. It goes down memory lane and reveals what happened during the war. Rather than dealing with issues of corruption in the civil service, police, Vehicle Inspection Depot (VID), urban councils, or electricity and water woes that bedevil society, the song talks about the liberation war. There is nothing wrong about remembering fallen heroes. The problem arises when the subject of discussion is about problems of the past, rather than problems of the present. Rather than pointing out at the insincerity of some individuals in the GNU towards the successful implementation of the agreement, the low salaries of civil servants, and the high death toll on Zimbabwean roads, the song talks of sad events during the war. The song becomes a strategy of alienating the people from the burning issues of the day and locking their focus on the past they cannot change, rather than the present and future that they can modify. The song: Ndimi Mega reinforces the fact that there is a lot of heroworship and a lot of the great man syndrome in the music of Mbare Chimurenga. The lyrics are as follows: VaMugabe, ndimi mega baba; Muri mukuru, mukuru, mukuru; Pakutonga, pakuronga, pakugona; Muri mukuru, mukuru, mukuru Mr. Mugabe, you are the only father; You are great, great, great;

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When it comes to leadership, planning, and execution; You are great, great, great. (The Mbare Chimurenga choir Ndimi Mega 2010)

The song suggests that President Mugabe is the only one who can rule and govern Zimbabwe. It also adds that his level of political agency is unmatched. It is not our duty to contest the suggestions of the songs, or prove them for that matter. Our worry is that the song is singling out the leader as the one who singlehandedly brought about the glory that is valorised in the song. There is no inclusion of the team and people who worked with the president in order to achieve the glory and success that is mentioned in the song. In other words, the song undermines the collective ethos that characterises the socialist aesthetic of Chimurenga music. In praising and deifying the leader, the song actually isolates and distances the president from the people, by arguing that it is only him who brought glory to Zimbabwe. The song praises the fish whilst negating the water that gave life to the fish. The song is, therefore, ahistorical and inconsistent with the people-oriented and mass-oriented discourse of Chimurenga music. What is evident in these songs is the appropriation of the popular in order to serve a minority purpose. The appropriation of folk music that celebrated a community ethos to one that serves partisan and minority interests signifies the exploitation of the popular for propagandistic purposes. The traditional pfonda or jiti rhythm was executed in a carnival performance that reinforced collective or community values, which seldom advanced exclusionary functions. Whilst the style projects a community collective aesthetic, the lyrics of the songs serve the minority function of advancing a few individuals as heroes, whilst those who helped them sustain that status are not mentioned at all. The style is then used to create the impression that the songs are advancing collective interests of the nation. Gramsci (1971) argues that a hegemonic class should take into account the interests and values of the groups over which their hegemony is to be exercised. Thus, for the moral and intellectual leadership of a hegemonic class to be accepted by subordinate groups, it must be seen by the latter as representing their interests. The hegemonic classes have to manufacture consent to their leadership from subaltern groups by incorporating their interests and values. The hegemony that then prevails becomes a compromise between subaltern and hegemonic interests. The hegemony will not be construed as being imposed or one-sided. To this effect, the traditional pfonda style is incorporated in propagandist text so as to cause the message not to seem unfamiliar and

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imposed on the people. Rather, the message is meant to be consumed in the same way people enjoy traditional songs. The beat that is used is no doubt quite enjoyable. After all it is the jiti rhythm and dance that provide the most amusement to a lot of people, and yet, hidden in that interesting rhythm is a message that is opposed to the community’s values, prevalent in the original carnival context of these styles. There is a purposeful ideological engineering that distances individuals from seeing the underlying propaganda in the song. We wish to state that our disapproval of the Mbare Chimurenga songs as belonging to the Chimurenga canon is not hinged on the fact that it supports members of the ruling party. Far from it. We can cite the music of Chinx Chingaira, another legendary Zimbabwean musician, as a Chimurenga style that supports the ruling party. The song: VaMugabe Vakanganisa here? (Is Mugabe wrong?) – is a case in point. The song does not prise or deify leadership. Rather it asks thought-provoking questions. For example, he sings: Kutora minda kukanganisa? (Is it wrong to repossess land?) He also asks whether SADC and the African Union were wrong in defending the government of Zimbabwe. The song deals with a topical and burning issue of the day, the land question. It makes people start to think about the matter. The song submits that sanctions and the land question are key issues in the growth and development of Zimbabwe. Even when the names of Mugabe, Mujuru, and Nkomo are mentioned, they are talked about in the form of a question, where an answer is provided. Chingaira thinks that the land reform was necessary. That’s his view; he is entitled to it. He does not waste time deifying and painting a larger-than-life picture of any individual. He talks about the land issue from a collective point of view that acknowledges the role played by the Chimbwido1, the Mujibha2, and other ordinary people in bringing about transformation. The land issue is a collective matter that needs collective input from everyone. Such treatment of issues is absent in the songs of the Mbare Chimurenga group.

Conclusion So many groups have therefore appropriated Chimurenga music and misused it. What individuals and groups such as Paul Madzore and Mbare Chimurenga offer are corrupt and decadent versions of Chimurenga 1 2

The female war collaborator who was not married The male war collaborator who was not married

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music. Their only connection with Chimurenga is in style and rhythm, but in terms of the function and purpose of Chimurenga, they have lost their way. The Mbare Chimurenga group’s songs do not celebrate the collective as a metaphor for the nation. Rather, the music valorises individuals, elevating them to a superhuman status. This approach resonates well with the “great men” syndrome that explicates struggle and transformation in terms of the agency of a few great men and women. This approach undermines the agency of the nation and the “peoples” of Zimbabwe in bringing about transformation in Zimbabwe. The music of the Mbare Chimurenga choir, therefore, serves minority interests rather than those of the nation.

References Chikowero M. Struggles over Culture: Writing Zimbabwean Music in Historical Perspective, 1930s – 2005. Paper presented as part of the Economic History Department Seminar Series, University of Zimbabwe, 2006 Chitando, E. Singing Culture: A Study of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe. Goteborg: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Report 121 (2002). Feuer, J. “Genre Study and Television.” In Channels of Discourse, Reassembled: Television and Contemporary Criticism, 138-159, edited by Robert C Allen (London: Routledge, 1992). Gledhill, C. “Genre.” In The Cinema Book, edited by Pam Cook (London: British Film Institute, 1985). Guha, R. A Subaltern Studies Reader: 1987-1995. Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 1997. Gramsci, A. A Selection from Prison Notebooks. London: Lawrence and Wilshart, 1971. Kahari, G. “The History of the Shona Protest Song: A Preliminary Study.” ZAMBEZIA: Journal of the Humanities of the University of Zimbabwe, Vol. 9 Number 2 (1981): 78-101 Kwaramba, A.D. Popular Music and Society: The Language of Protest in Chimurenga Music: The Case of Thomas Mapfumo in Zimbabwe. Oslo: Department of Media and Communication, University of Oslo, 1991 Marasa, H. Voices of War. London: Croom Helm Publishing Company, 1984. Pongweni, A.J.C. Songs that Won the Liberation Struggle. Harare: College Press, 1982 Stam, R. Film Theory. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000

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Turino T. Nationalists, Cosmopolitans and Popular Music in Zimbabwe. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000 Vambe, M.T. “Re-thinking the Notion of Chimurenga in the Context of Political Change in Zimbabwe.” Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, Vol. 8 Number 2 (2011): 1-28 Weaver, R. Music as a Way of Living. Toronto: Friella and Edina Publishing Company, 1987. Zindi, F. Roots Rocking in Zimbabwe. Gweru: Mambo Press, 1990

PART III: GOSPEL MUSIC, THE URBAN GROOVES AND POLITICS

CHAPTER THIRTEEN “YOU SHALL KNOW THEM BY THEIR NAMES”: A SOCIOLINGUISTIC APPROACH TO GOSPEL MUSIC GROUPS’ NOMENCLATURE IN THE SHONA SOCIETY OF ZIMBABWE PEDZISAI MASHIRI AND ZVINASHE MAMVURA

Introduction The Zimbabwean cultural landscape has significantly evolved since the advent of colonialism and missionary evangelisation, with a huge portion of the indigenous population embracing Christianity as a cultural identity. If culture is defined as a shared set of beliefs, values, and patterns of behaviour common to a group of people (Gumperz and Cook-Gumperz 1982), and if there is “a strong interface between a people’s language and their cultural practice” (Agyekum 2006: 210), then Christianity offers a fertile context of names and naming practices among Zimbabweans. However, the study argues that Christianity in this case has adopted and integrated some traditional African cultural tenets. Writing on Shona Christian personal names, Mashiri (2003: 2) observes that “although Shona Christian names differ significantly from Shona traditional names… the notion of a name and the significance of context in naming is the same”. Chitando (2001: 150) contends that: “Christianity has therefore taken on an African flavour.” With regard to names and naming practices, this means that although the central message being communicated is Christian, the vehicles used to communicate this message (names, in our case), and the pragmatic meanings reflected in the vehicles, illustrate Africans’ beliefs about “how language works and what it is capable of doing” (Basso 1996: 99). In his study on Apache place names, Basso refutes the view that (place) names are purely referential, arguing that they bring forth numerous mental and emotional associations at an individual as well as a community/cultural level (1996: 76-77).

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Basso’s position is maintained and supported by other research on African names and naming practices, which reveal that in most African societies, [personal] names have uses, functions, and connotative meanings strongly associated with a wide range of socio-cultural factors (Mashiri 2009, Lombard 2008, Neethling 2005, Rymes 2000, Moyo 1996, de Klerk and Bosch 1996). Musere and Byakutaga (1998:1) say of African personal names and naming practices, “naming in the central, eastern, and southern regions of Africa is closely linked to culture”. In addition to the “deictic” function, names also provide means of conveying conceptions of social and cultural identity (Barnes and Pfukwa 2007). In other words, names play a role in shaping people’s conception of self. These are conceptions that the name bearers themselves wish to project to others (Lombard 2008: 22). This chapter examines how names reflect the worldview of gospel music groups in Zimbabwe. Thus, the motivation for naming comes to the fore in this chapter. Agyekum (2006), focusing on Akan names, notes that language can be used as a microscopic lens to view and understand the social practices and day-to-day activities of a society of the name givers. He observes that the naming system reflects Akan philosophy and culture, since Akan personal names are connected to some aspects of the sociocultural context of the Akan people. In the same manner, this chapter explores how names project the mission and thought system of gospel music groups. The gospel music groups whose naming practices constitute the core of this chapter clearly identify themselves as Christian. One group calls itself, “Fishers of Men”, and another “Vabati veVhangeri” (Workers of the Gospel). This naming technique reveals that “the names humans choose for themselves… offer windows into how those individuals prefer to be perceived by society at large, according to the identities, roles, expectations… or values constructed within a social space” (Aceto 2002: 578). Goodenough (1965: 275) clarifies this culturally driven context of names and naming practices when he observes that: “Different naming and addressing customs necessarily select different things about the self for communication and consequent emphasis. In some instances, what is selected for emphasis will reflect and reinforce dominant public values; in others, what is selected will reflect personal concerns.”

This chapter describes the naming pattern, name usage, and the connotation of these names among some gospel music groups in Zimbabwe. The identities of the groups also reflect denominational

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idiosyncrasies. The constitution of Zimbabwe encourages religious freedom, as expressly stated in Section 19: “Except with his own consent or by way of parental discipline, no person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of his freedom of conscience, that is to say, freedom to change his religion or belief through worship, teaching practice, and observance” (Government of Zimbabwe 1980:14).

Togarasei and Chitando (2010: 11) succinctly acknowledge religious plurality and identify patterns of affiliation when they argue that: “Migrations from Asia have brought in Asian religions like Hinduism and Buddhism. Malawian migrants and Arabs from Asia brought Islam. Christianity mainly came through colonialism.”

The gospel artists and groups studied here belong to denominations that fall in the categories generally known as Evangelical/Pentecostal, Mainstream, and African independent/initiated churches. This study, however, argues that despite the music groups belonging to churches with varied doctrines and practices, the naming practices and the pragmatic bias of the meanings associated with their names is consistent with African naming discourse. A rich repertoire of research on personal naming practices in Zimbabwe from Pongweni (1983) to Mashiri (2009) show that one characteristic of the African naming discourse is multilingualism. Fardon and Furniss (1994:4), cited in Makoni et al. (2003:2), contend that, “multilingualism is the African lingua franca”, and is a product of colonial education. Hence, it is not uncommon that Zimbabwe music, also hugely influenced by the same system, reflects multilingual traits, although the use of the Shona language is most dominant. The dominant use of the Shona language, both in the lyrics and the naming, seems to be determined by the artists’ intention to appeal to a wider audience, who are Shona. This chapter argues that in spite of the language used in naming practices among Zimbabweans, the naming patterns and indexical efficacy is the same. The study is significant because it contributes to research on African naming practices, often limited to place names and personal names. Names of gospel groups and/or gospel artists do not qualify as place and personal names, but ultimately fall into the class of “other names” that have so far received little or no attention from African onomasticians. The term “gospel music” is not without its own problems, because it is very amorphous. In this chapter we adopt an “open” definition of gospel music, which considers gospel music to be an artistic product that emerges

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from cultural workers who are influenced by the Christian cumulative tradition. These artists utilise various musical styles and instruments to communicate Christian themes (Chitando, 2002c: 14). Another defining characteristic of gospel music is that it communicates Christian teachings (Chitando 2002b) and utilises Christian theological ideas (Chitando, 2002a). Gospel music, in this sense, is part of the body of art used to express, appreciate, and experience the sacred (Cox 1996). While there is a link between gospel music and various denominations, gospel music cuts across denominations. Above all, people who do not belong to any denomination can also be ardent fans of gospel music. Chitando (2002: 18), commenting on the development of hymns and choruses within various denominations, says: “Gospel music has moved from the church context into the public domain.”

Data Collection The corpus of names for this study was collected from the National Arts Council of Zimbabwe handbook of registered artists and groups. The registration guarantees the formalisation of the group name and the music genre that they specialise in. Some of the groups are commercial, but members of the group maintain their affiliation with particular denominations. Others are semi-autonomous, in that they remain praise and worship groups in their churches, while making efforts to commercialise their music. Either way, their naming practices reflect a public declaration of the musicians’ faith and identities, and the names function as reminders to society of how they want to be viewed. Other names were also obtained from the Zimbabwe Union of Musicians’ (ZUM) records, and the media, both print and electronic. The researchers also elicited some names from Zimbabwe Television (ZTV), which has several gospel music programmes, for example, the Prime Gospel Show, which is a programme exclusively dedicated to gospel music. Music promoters were also useful in providing lists of gospel music groups in Zimbabwe. Some names were also obtained from authorised shops, such as Barbours Departmental Store’s music section, called Music City. The present researchers consciously avoided vendors who sold pirated gospel music as sources of information for ethical reasons, because piracy is a crime in Zimbabwe and across the world. Interviews with several gospel artists were carried out in order to get an understanding of the connotative meaning of names of gospel musical

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groups, the main focus of this chapter. The sample included gospel musicians from mainstream churches, Evangelical/Pentecostal churches and African independent churches, as most gospel groups in Zimbabwe are affiliated to the three types of churches.

Nomenclature Names and the Idea of Divine Preeminence At the pragmatic level, almost all names of gospel musical groups imply an undoubted Christian alignment. In this case, they are used as identity markers (Helleland 2009). The naming is motivated by the need to make a marked difference between gospel music as a genre, and secular music. The implied meaning is that the group has a Christian identity and its music complements other religious activities, such as preaching and praying. The need to indicate a distinct Christian identity explains the trend among gospel groups of including sacred entities in the name they adopt for themselves, such as God, Jesus, the Word, heaven, or angels. Consider the following examples: The Voice of Prophecy (Mai Patai’s backing group) The Voice of God (Joyce Simeti’s backing group) Zvipo zvaJehovha (Gifts of God) Vateveri vaKristu (Followers of Christ - Jesus’ disciples) Mawungira eDenga (Echoes of Heaven) Vashumiri veDenga (Worshippers of Heaven) Mabasa aVatumwa (Works of Angels) Vabati vaJesu (Workers of Jesus/Jesus’ servants) Vabati VaJehovha (Workers of God/God’s servants) Vabati veVhangeri (Workers of the Gospel) Sungano yaJehova (God’s covenant) All the names cited above reflect the artists’ efforts to legitimise both their group formation and the music they sing, by attributing them to the divine. References to God, Jesus, angels, or heaven indexes the efficacy of the music sung by the groups. In the names: Voice of Prophecy, Voice of God, and Zvipo zvaJehova, the artists portray themselves as agents used to perform a function or communicate a message, as was the case with all the biblical prophets. This naming style is meant to convince patrons to listen attentively, attend music shows staged by the groups, and obviously, buy

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the albums the artists produce, expecting to hear God speaking to them (patrons). The artists adopt a strategy of foregrounding the divine and minimising their own identity. The use of the name Jehova is significant. As Gunda (2010: 47) rightly observes, in most African initiated churches, even when the name Jehova does not appear on the name of the church or music group affiliated to that church, it is considered the most intimate name when talking to God. Hence, in their prayers, the names that feature prominently are Jehova, Mwari waAbrahama (God of Abraham), and Mwari waMoses (God of Moses). The efficacy of the names becomes guaranteed in a social context characterised by Zindi (2003:129) when he says that: “In the face of an increasingly secular society, economic hardships and all the social frustrations Zimbabweans are faced with, there has been a huge increase in church attendance. Many Zimbabweans have turned to the power of prayer as the only hope for salvation and emancipation from troubled times, hunger, and poverty.”

In the context of the economic conditions described by Zindi, where even singing gospel music becomes a vocation, referring to one’s group as Vabati vaJehova, Vabati vaJesu, Mabasa avatumwa, or Vachemeri veShoko could constitute an effective marketing strategy. A buyer can well assume that buying an album sung by any of these groups and playing it unlocks the supernatural powers associated with God, his son Jesus, the Holy Spirit, the word and the angels; the power to feed the hungry (Matthew 14: 13-21), to produce true faith in the heart of any honest person (Romans 10:17), to prosper the faithful (Philippians 4: 19), and to send angels to help us in times of need (Psalms 91: 11-12). Incidentally, all the gospel groups cited above consist of members of Chechi dzeMweya (churches that believe in the works and fruits of the Holy Spirit), the Pentecostal churches (The Voice of Prophecy and The Voice of God), and the African initiated churches (Zvipo zvaJehova, Vateveri vaKristu, Mawungira eDenga, etc). The churches established a significant following, especially during 2001-2009 when Zimbabwe’s economy collapsed and most people fell into abject poverty and misery. In such circumstances, prophecy and the Holy Spirit [zvipo zvaJehova] offered relief. While many people depended on Apostolic sects (Mapositori) for healing of physical ailments and divination since medical institutions had become highly exorbitant for the ordinary people, others patronised Pentecostal churches for tips on how to prosper. Hence, writing

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on the dominance and popularity of Pentecostalism in Harare, Togarasei (2010:25) says: “Through its gospel of wealth and health, this religion has managed to attract many who are reeling under the socio-economic problems the country is facing and whose hope for an economic breakthrough remains a divine intervention.”

While most of the followers of the Pentecostal churches are younger urbanites, the apostolic sects are mainly patronised by older people, both urban and rural. Those that have a traditional background of divination are more inclined to go to apostolic churches. Hence, the churches make the Christian gospel meaningful to its African followers by creating for them “a place to feel at home” (Chitando 1991:48). The popularity of apostolic churches resulted in the proliferation of breakaway churches, especially between 1999 and 2009, when the economic meltdown was at its worst. Numerous gospel music groups also arose from these churches. However, naming practice became repetitive in the sense that most of the groups sought resemblance with the popular group Vabati vaJehova that started in 1999. Naming that indicates closer resemblance to Vabati vaJehova is an instance of Daneel’s (1987) version of the “quest for belonging.” Mamrod Magaya of the Vabati vaJehova group said emerging groups strive to be identified with what is already there on the market. Every effort is made to look closer or even the same as what the fan base already knows. He said the tradition once went to extremes when one group, Vabati veVhangeri, adopted the name Vabati vaJehova during its formative stages. Vabati vaJesu is more or less the same as Vabati vaJehova, because in the Holy Trinity God (Jehova) is conceptualised as God the Father, God the Son (Kristu), and God the Holy Spirit. That some names are in English and others in Shona is not insignificant. Those gospel groups with English names are Pentecostal, as mentioned earlier. This is noteworthy, as Pentecostal churches are often associated with youthful followers who are attracted by English services, English songs, modern instruments, and vigorous movements. As Togarasei (2010: 29) also argues, with respect to ZAOGA and AFM, Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe are generally elitist, as: “English is the official language of communication. All the sermons delivered in English and then translated into vernacular languages for benefit of those who do not understand English. To further underline elitism, English is used even when all those present, including preacher, understand a vernacular language.”

are the the the

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That the groups from the African initiated churches have Shona names can be understood from the point of view of the social class of most of the church founders, the churches’ indigenous origins and identity, and the calibre of the followers and places of worship. The African initiated churches tend to be populist movements that emerge as the following of a [semi-literate or illiterate] prophet or group of prophets (Gunda 2010). Their membership is by and large black and mainly working class, and the primary language of communication is vernacular. Moreover, as Gunda (2010:51) also observes: “These churches seem to thrive in high-density suburbs where, during weekends, all open spaces are turned into seas of white, blue, red, and green, the dominant colours of the religious regalia of these churches. In fact, when all the music groups born of these churches perform within and outside the church circles, they don magemenzi (long robes of one or more colours). This is a way of identifying themselves meek and noncommercial.”

Names and Church Affiliation As denominations increased and competed for followers, or strove for effectiveness, many churches established praise and worship teams/groups of varying ages and sizes, sometimes of mixed sex, and at times of the same sex. It was evident from the field that, unlike those discussed above, where either the leader of the group or the rest of the group (by consensus) suggest a name; most of those in this category tend to be named from the church brand. The following were most visible in this category: ZCC Mbungo Hotline Lucky Chikuwa and ZCC Mbungo stars ZCC Brass Band ZCC Harare Stars Harare West U.M.C. Choir U.M.C Murehwa UMP M.U.M.C. Vabwuwi The groups ZCC Mbungo Hotline, Lucky Chikuwa and ZCC Mbungo stars, ZCC Brass Band, and ZCC Harare Stars all belong to the Zion Christ Church (ZCC). Emmanuel, age 35, a member of the church, said that: “The groups are based at different church sites, and try to find ways of distinguishing themselves through names.” The ZCC Brass Band, ZCC Mbungo Hotline, and the ZCC Mbungo Stars, led by Lucky Chikuwa, are

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based at Mbungo Headquarters in Masvingo where Bishop Nehemiah Mutendi is based, while ZCC Harare Stars’ fellowship is with the Harare branch of the church. Although originally the ZCC was known for the onefaced drum, played with both hands by a kneeling male, the church has now adopted modern brass instruments that have become the preserve of the ZCC Brass Band, the elite group based at the headquarters. The term Mbungo in the name Lucky Chikuwa and ZCC Mbungo Stars and ZCC Mbungo Stars is derived from Mbungo Estates, the farm where Mutendi primary and high schools, owned and run by the ZCC, are based. It is one of the ZCC Holy Centres (known as Maguta eVutiziro in the church’s discourse). The other centre is Defe in Gokwe (Midlands Province), the resting place of the church founder, Samuel Mutendi, who died on 20 July 1976. Lucky Chikuwa is a famous lead vocalist. All the songs composed and sung by his group are distinguished by his voice. Since the group began recording and commercialising their music, both “Chikuwa” and “ZCC” have become brand names especially as they have been able to market the group. ZCC church literature (known as maTabakoni in the church) shows that the word “stars” is most prominent because it is the emblem or logo of the ZCC. Tracing the origins of the ZCC in Zimbabwe to the ZCC of Lekganyane in South Africa, Oosthuizen (1968) says that symbols and symbolic colours are very popular with the movement. Oosthuizen links the ZCC star, won on green and black ribbon, with the star of King David. Significantly, the recently commissioned conference centre at Mbungo is built in the shape of a star. As a result, church members informally refer to the giant church complex as the “Star Temple”. ZCC followers believe that when their leader Samuel [Samere] died, his death was marked by a unique star that was seen in the skies, which he had earlier on prophesied about at a church service in Gutu at Sote just two weeks before his death. In the context of the proliferation of groups from the same denomination, names such as ZCC Mbungo Hotline, Mbungo stars, and Harare Stars reflect competition and touting. Groups from the various worship sites often perform during church conferences and gatherings, such as the anniversary of the death of Samuel Mutendi at Defe. While spreading the word through music, performers use their performances as a way of marketing themselves. These performances become a platform for the groups to compete among themselves. Thus, Hotline and Stars are self-praising names used in recitations that stress the group members’ exceptional talent and performance. The names indicate agile and outstanding dancers in the group. Use of praise names, and self-praising, in particular, is widely practiced in Africa. Writing on

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the use of self-praise names by boy initiates among Basotho, Guma (2001: 276) says: “In his composition the reciter may attribute admirable qualities unto himself, identify himself with ferocious animals, describe his imaginary build and facial features putting himself in the best possible light.”

The U.M.C is the abbreviation for United Methodist Church, The Family Singers led by Shuvai and Jonathan Wutawunashe, takes its name from the Family of God Ministries, and The Johanne Masowe weChishanu derives its name from the church that established it. In contrast to the ZCC, where there is creativity and flexibility in the naming of the groups, the examples cited in this section clearly reflect the church’s emphasis on the primary purpose of the music group affiliated to it, namely, preaching, in the first instance, to the members of its congregation, through singing. Thus, the names suggest that the groups started off as praise and worship groups or are still part of the praise and worship. Their music is part of the liturgy, and most of the groups’ performances are restricted to internal worship and fellowship. However, since late 2000, when Zimbabwe’s economy virtually sunk, the groups became commercial, in an effort to raise money for their churches and their members’ basic needs. The United Kingdom-based Johanne Masowe Wechishanu group has released the hit Simabhi Usandikanganwe (God do not forsake me), possibly meant to express the feeling of an exile’s despondence and the burden of looking after relatives at home generally felt by most Zimbabweans in the diaspora, especially between 2006 and 2009, when the local economy crashed in Zimbabwe. Naming is also complemented by performing while putting on denominational regalia. Church regalia projects an unambiguous denominational affiliation, which is meant to either evoke a Christian audience’s sense of solidarity with singers whose music appeals to their souls, or portrays a sense of legitimacy that compels the audience to support the spiritual cause by buying their music. Members of the M.U.M.C Vabvuwi group perform with their belts clearly marked “MUMC”, and the United Methodist Church’s symbol and choral groups that are aligned to the Mapositori Independent Churches always perform with their white robes on (magemenzi). Names and Language Earlier we argued that, in spite of the language used, the names are used, to evangelise as well as to advertise and market the group. However, it was clear from the interviews as well as from existing literature that the choice of name depends on whether the group is affiliated to Pentecostal

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churches or African independent churches. On the one hand, the former are often patronised by younger and more educated urbanites attracted by the use of Western musical instruments, loud and spontaneous worship styles, and energetic dances, as well as the use of English as the primary language of sermonic discourse, with indigenous language interpretation. On the other hand, the latter tends to attract mostly older people and the less educated working class. The primary language of sermonic discourse is mainly Shona, with isolated instances of Shona-English code-mixing or code-switching. The following are examples of music group names and the denominations associated with the groups: MUSICAL GROUP Chitungwiza Harmony Singers

DENOMINATIONAL AFFLIATION Apostolic Faith Mission (Pentecostal)

Fishers of Men Celebration Choir Vabati vaJesu

Apostolic Faith Mission (Pentecostal) Celebration Church (Pentecostal) Simba Ravapositori Church (African Indep.) Rugare Apostolic Faith Church (African Indep.) Sungano YaJehovha (African Indep.)

Vabati vaJehovha Sungano yaJehovha

The use of an indigenous language in naming as well as sermonic discourse among African independent churches is consistent with the churches’ objective to construct an African Christian identity. This idea is aptly captured in the African Apostolic Church’s slogan: Africa Yedu! (Our Africa!) It is an attempt by composers of music to utilise Christian themes to create a distinctive African Christian identity. Chitando (2002a: 160) notes that: “In gospel music, African Christian identities come to the fore, illustrating how composers and consumers are constantly working what it means to be African and Christian in Zimbabwe.”

It is an instance that bears testimony to what Chitando (2001) regards as the use of Shona in naming as a way of hearing God in their own language, and also of claiming Christianity for themselves. Mashiri (2003) observes the same pattern of using Shona when giving children names with Christian themes, which shows that “the Christian naming practice is embedded in the Shona cultural milieu” (p.2).

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The Pentecostals’ use of English, not only in names but in all their worship activities, indexes the universal nature of the movement. Jonathan, male, aged 35, a devout member of ZAOGA Forward in Faith, says: “We preach in English because our sermons are listened to by believers from all over the world on television.” Although the names of the groups are in English, some of the songs on the recorded albums are in Shona. The use of both languages is meant to cater for a wider and more inclusive audience. .

Names and the Evangelical Mission The corpus of names of gospel musical groups in this study implies that the names express the evangelical mission of their respective groups. They are pithy statements that advance the mission statements, visions, and core values of their respective groups. Name giving among Africans is very functional. It is not an arbitrary exercise; it is an exercise that is carefully thought out in advance (Yesufu 1996). All members of the groups under study are Africans who come from a naming tradition that lays emphasis on the meaning of names. Our interaction with different groups during the course of gathering data for this study reveals that most groups regard their music as a calling. A case in point is Charles Charamba, whose backing group is called Fishers of Men. According to Charamba, the name Fishers of Men came to him as a revelation. He says: “Fishers of Men is not our original name. We started off as a duet with a friend, Patrick Chatambarara, and called ourselves The Chosen Brothers. At a later stage, we incorporated female backing vocalists and the name The Chosen Brothers, which had gender overtones, naturally fell away. We... re-named ourselves The Chosen Messengers. The name Fishers of Men was inspired by prayer. It came to me as a revelation. It happened that during a prayer session, we just felt the name The Chosen Messengers was not fit for us. The Holy Spirit then ministered to me that the name for the group would have a relation with the apostles (The Chosen 12). The next morning, a colleague came to me and gave me a book and stressed that I ought to read it. I opened it randomly, and the first words I saw on the page I opened were Fishers of Men. The same voice that once ministered to me said to me that was the name.”

Even the earlier names The Chosen Brothers and The Chosen Messengers have a strong Christian orientation, because they are modelled on the name of “the chosen people”, which is given to the Israelites.

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They should be treated as terse expressions implying that the group had a clear mandate of working for God. The group’s music is consistent with the “winning of souls” mission implied in the name Fishers of Men. In Charamba’s view, the group’s mission is purely evangelistic, one of inviting people to the kingdom of God. He said the group’s albums confirmed the above mission, because its first album, Tinashe Akatendeka (We Have a Faithful God) is an assurance to people that God is faithful, and some tracks such as Uyai Titaurirane (Come, Let Us Reason Together) on their 2004 album Vhuserere, also bore testimony to that. According to Charamba, the third album entitled: John 3:16 was the central thought in Christianity. All these albums are pregnant with spiritual meaning and remind people of God’s unconditional love. It has been pointed out that most of the groups are affiliated to churches, and an evangelical mission becomes inevitable. In some cases, there is an inalienable relationship between the church and the gospel group that constitutes the church’s choir department. The part-whole relationship between the choir and the church explains the fact that the choir or the music group that grew out of the church aims at “winning souls”. A case in point is Victorious Voices, which is the choir department of the redeemed Christian church of God. The choir department clearly sets out its objectives as follows on its website: “Bringing down God’s presence through soul inspiring songs of praise and worship. Ministering the word of life to the hearts of men through special inspiring songs” (The Redeemed Church, 2012).

Other names show an evangelical mission by pledging to serve the Lord. The implication in the names is one of a commitment to further the interests of the Lord. The mission of working for the kingdom of God is suggested in the following names: Vaparidzi veShoko (Preachers of the Word) Vabvuwi (Workers in God’s Field) Vabati vaJesu (Jesus’ Workers) Vabati vaJehova (Jehova’s Workers) The themes in music composed by gospel groups are consistent with God’s mission to mankind. This explains the prevalence of the following Christian themes in gospel music, guarding against syncretism, idolatry and apostasy, conversion and/or repentance, and attendant benefits of coming into the kingdom of God. Gospel musicians see themselves as spreading the word of God through music. Thus, Chitando (2002b:150)

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says: “In their compositions, most [gospel] artists provide hearers with guidelines as to what they consider as proper Christian beliefs and practices.”

Conclusion This chapter demonstrated that the names of different gospel music groups are an expression of the mission statement, vision, and core values of the groups. The naming system studied in this chapter is a mirror of the thought-system guiding gospel music as a genre. The chapter found out that the names were not mere labels, but they were terse expressions that reflected the worldviews of the groups. Thus, the naming system was neither haphazard nor sporadic. The names pointed to a wide array of social aspects of groups, and to their denominational affiliations, and particularly to the languages used by denominations for sermonic discourse. The chapter noted that generally, groups aligned to apostolic churches (Mapositori) had Shona names, because Shona was the primary language of sermonic discourse in those churches, while those affiliated to Pentecostal churches had English names, as English dominated their sermons. As the chapter observed, deriving the name of the group from the name of the church was another strategy of indicating the denominational affiliation of the groups. The prevalent use of the name of God or sacred realities [God, Jesus, Holy Spirit, angels, Heaven] in the corpus of names studied in this chapter was not accidental, as it was a way of indicating the mission of evangelising through music.

References Aceto, M. “Ethnic Personal Names and Multiple Identities in Anglophone Caribbean Speech Communities in Latin America.” Language in Society, Vol. 31 Number 4 (2002): 577-608. Agyekum, K. “The Sociolinguistics of Akan Personal Names,” Nordic Journal of African Studies, Vol.15 Number 2 (2006): 206-235. Arts in Africa. “Cultural Policy of Zimbabwe.” Accessed December 9 2012, http://www.artsinafrica.com/uploads/2011/06/CULTURAL_POLICY_ OF_ZIMBABWE_2007.pdf Barnes, L. A and Pfukwa, C. “Ethnic Slurs as War Names in the Zimbabwean Liberation War.” Names, Vol. 55 Number 4 (2007): 427436.

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Basso, K. Wisdom sits in Places: Landscape and Language among the Western Apache, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996 Chitando, E. “Spirit-Type Churches as Holistic Healing Movements: A study of the Johanne Masowe Wechishanu” (BA Honours Diss., University of Zimbabwe, 1991). —. “Signs and Portents? Theophoric Names in Zimbabwe.” Word and World, Vol. 21 Number 2 (2001): 144-151. —. “Music in Zimbabwe, Review.” Zambezia: Journal of Humanities of the University of Zimbabwe, Vol. 29 Number 1 (2002a): 82-91. —. “Jesus Saves!” Gospel music as a mode of Identity formation in Zimbabwe,”Swedish Missionary Themes (SMT): Africa Issue, Vol. 90 Number 2 (2002b): 149-162. —. “Singing Culture: A Study of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe.” Research Report (121). Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2002c Cox, T. L. Expressing the Sacred: An Introduction to the Phenomenology of Religion. Harare: University of Zimbabwe, 1996 de Klerk, V and Bosch, B. “Naming Practice in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa.” Names, Vol. 44 Number 3 (1996): 167-188. Daneel, I. Quest for Belonging: An Introduction to a Study of African Independent Churches. Gweru: Mambo Press, 1987 Goodenough, W. H. “Personal names and modes of address in two Oceanic Societies.” In Context and Meaning in Cultural Anthropology, 94-108, edited by W. H. Goodenough (New York: Free Press, 1965). Government of Zimbabwe. “Constitution of Zimbabwe.” Harare: Government Printers, 1980 Guma, M. “The Cultural Meaning of Names among the Basotho of Southern Africa: A Historical and Linguistic Analysis.” Nordic Journal and African Studies, Vol. 10 Number 3 (2001): 265-279. Gumperz, J. J and Cook-Gumperz, J. “Introduction: Language and the Communication of Social Identity.” In Language and Social Identity edited by J J Gumperz and J Cook-Gumperz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982). Gunda, M. R. “A Critical Analysis of the Survival and Relevance of PostColonial African Initiated (Apostolic) Churches.” In Faith in the City: The Role and Place of Religion in Harare, 41-62, edited by L. Togarasei and E. Chitando (Uppsala: Swedish Science Press, 2010). Helleland, B. 2008. “Place Names as Identity Markers, Multi-Lingual, Multi-Cultural and Multi-Ethnic Contact.” Paper presented at the International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Toronto, Canada, August 17-22.

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Lombard, C. G. “An Ethnolinguistic Study of NIISTITAPI Personal Names” (MA Diss., University of South Africa, 2008). Makoni, S et al (Eds.). Black Linguistics: Language, Society, and Politics in Africa and the Americas. London and New York: Routledge, 2003 Mashiri, P. “The Semantic and Morphological Aspects of Shona Christian Names.” Malilime: Malawian Journal of Linguistics, Vol. 3 (2003): 114. —. “Shonglish Derisive Names within the Domestic Environment among the Shona People of Zimbabwe.” NAWA: Journal of Language and Communication, Vol. 3 Number 1(2009): 66-80. Moyo, T. 1996. “Personal Names and Naming Practices in Northern Malawi.” Nomina Africana, Vol. 10 Numbers 1&2 (1996): 10-19. Musere, J. and Shirley, B. African Names and Naming. Los Angeles: Ariko Publications, 1998 Neethling, B. Naming among the Xhosa of South Africa, Lewiston: The Edwin Mellen Press, 2005 Pongweni, A. J. C. What is in Name? A Study of Shona nomenclature. Gweru: Mambo Press, 1983 Oosthuizen, G. C. Post-Christianity in Africa: A Theological and Anthropological Study. London: C. Hurst and CO, 1968 Rymes, B. “Naming as Social Practice: The case of Little Creeper from Diamond Street.” Language in Society, Vol. 25 (2000): 237-360. The Redeemed Church Website. “The Redeemed Church.” Accessed December 10 2012, http://rccgvictorychapel.org/new/ index2.php? page =choir Togarasei, L. 2010. “Churches for the Rich? Pentecostalism and Elitism.” In Faith in the City: The Role and Place of Religion in Harare, 19-39, edited by L Togarasei and E Chitando (Uppsala: Swedish Science Press, 2010). Togarasei, L. and E. Chitando. “Introduction.” In Faith in the City: The Role and Place of Religion in Harare, 11-17, edited by L Togarasei and E Chitando (Uppsala: Swedish Science Press, 2010). Turner, S. M. “The Pervasive Influence of Plant Names in Zulu Onomastics. Nomina Africana, Vol. 14 Number 2 (2000): 21-32. Yesufu, A.R. “Transfiguration” by Naming: Royal Appelations and Edo Weltanschauung.” Nomina Africana, Vol. 10 Numbers 1&2 (1996): 10-19. Zindi, F. The Pop-Music Workbook: Zimbabwe versus the world. Harare: Zindsic, 2003

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Interviews (All interviews were conducted in Harare) Charles Charamba (Prominent Gospel artist and leader of the group), The Fishers of Men. 10 November 2012. David Chinyama (Leader of the group, Sungano YaJehovha), 5 November 2012. Richard and Mamrod Magaya (Members of the group), Vabati vaJehovha. 12 November 2012.

CHAPTER FOURTEEN THE POLITICISATION OF GOSPEL MUSIC IN ZIMBABWE’S CRISIS YEARS, 2000-2010 BRIDGET CHINOURIRI

Introduction Gospel music1 is a contemporary popular genre in Zimbabwe that has been going through changes and adaptations due to influences from exotic and indigenous music cultures. As Gwekwerere (2009: 1) puts it, “what makes gospel music distinct from secular music is the theme or lyrics of the songs rather than its musical sonic, that is, rhythm, form, texture, and melody among others.” This chapter argues that not only is gospel music the fastest growing musical genre in Zimbabwe today, but it has also become an important aspect of Zimbabwe’s socio-economic and political discourses. For Chitando (2002), what is interesting is that gospel music in Zimbabwe has undergone a paradigm shift, and now plays a dual role as it has not remained strictly “Churchish” music, which focuses expressly on spiritual matters. This chapter examines the manipulation of gospel music during Zimbabwe’s crisis years - 2000 to 2010.2 The chapter examines this crisis in the context of church/state relations, gospel music during the occasion of the land reform, of an analysis of the political content of 1

In simple terms, “gospel” music is about “good news.” The gospel is about a person, Jesus Christ. Mark, the disciple of Christ, called the good news, the “Gospel about Jesus Christ the Son of God.” Gospel music should reflect God’s glory, beauty, and holiness, and should direct men to His ways . . . . . The use of gospel music for God’s glory is to draw attention to Him, mirror His majesty and meet all biblical criteria and standards (Blanchard, Anderson and Cleave 1991:137). 2 The year 2010 does not mark the closure of the land reform process, but has been used in this chapter to define the period that the chapter focuses on.

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gospel music during the period under review, as well as the manipulation of gospel music by political players during the same period.

The Church and the State as Partners in Land Politics To begin with, in Africa, land has generally been revered as a resource to be shared by all members of society. This is also in line with the biblical teaching, whereby God wants people to own what rightfully belongs to them: we may be called to remember the story of King Ahab and Naboth’s vineyard (1 Kings 21:1-29), where God punishes Ahab for killing Naboth in order to take his piece of land by force and the pronouncement in Micah where God says: “Woe to you that plan iniquity and to those who plot evil on their beds. They covet fields or land and seize them, and houses, and take them. They defraud a man of his home, a fellow man of his land or inheritance” (Micah 2:1-2). These two biblical chapters aptly apply to the situation of Zimbabweans after their land was taken away from them by the colonial regime more than 100 years ago. There was, therefore, need to reclaim their land, and the partnership of the state and the church was the tonic Zimbabweans needed to realise this dream. Thus, the land reform policy of the President of Zimbabwe, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, was based on the above biblical injunctions. He developed his own “land theology” where, according to him, God set aside Zimbabwe as a sacred place for black people. Addressing a packed auditorium at the Harare International Conference Centre on the National Day of Prayer, 12 January 2002: “Mugabe maintained that God had parceled out the world according to racial origin. Reinforcing the pan-African ideology of “Africa” for the “Africans”, Mugabe argued that it was God’s plan that blacks in Zimbabwe should repossess their land. He charged that the invasions of white-owned farms were an integral part of the divine plan to ensure black dignity” (Chitando 2005: 224).

Christians who supported Mugabe’s “land theology” portrayed him as the “Moses of Africa” who was sent to deliver Israel (Zimbabwe) from Egypt (Britain). Viriri and Tembo (2010: 75) authenticate the above fact when they argue that the book of Exodus in the Bible is the liberation story of the sons of Israel from slavery in Egypt. It is clear from this story that liberation is achieved through the initiative and intervention of God in history. Mugabe’s middle name, Gabriel, was likened to the archangel Gabriel in the Bible. According to the book of Daniel, Gabriel is an angel

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who typically serves as a messenger to humans from God (Daniel 8: 16-17 and 9: 21). Mugabe and his party, in his endeavour to re-possess the land from the remnant of the white settlers, partnered with Pentecostal movements and some African independence churches. For starters, the land issue had become the unfinished business of the Lancaster House agreement of 1979.3 In order to demonstrate the spirit of togetherness with the Johanne Marange Apostolic Church – one of the biggest garmented African independent churches in Zimbabwe – Mugabe, at one point, dressed in white robes and fellowshipped with members of the church. In response, the church elders showered him with religious titles, referring to him as a God-ordained leader whose mandate was to deliver the people from all forms of bondage. It would be wrong to suggest that all churches supported Mugabe’s land reform programme; some other churches viewed it as a mere political gimmick. The above situation led to the corruption of gospel music during the period 2000 to 2001. An analysis of most gospel music themes reveals that they are centered on economic hardships, corruption, social evils, hopelessness, and divine intervention. Some people in Zimbabwe possess what Viriri and Tembo (2010: 77) have called the Fanonian “wretched of the earth” mindset, which is overwhelmed with problems, calamities, and challenges, out of which people cannot emerge. Mbiti’s (1991) assertion that Africans are “notoriously” religious, or Karl Marx’s (1884) stance that ‘religion is the opium of the masses’ or, as elaborated by Chitando (2002), the “sigh of the oppressed creature” best explain the Zimbabwean scenario during this period.

3

The land issue had remained unresolved on the national agenda since Zimbabwe’s political independence in 1980 . . . . . The Lancaster House Accord of 1979 stated that the British government would sponsor land redistribution in Zimbabwe to address the land inequalities between the whites and blacks . . . . . Britain failed as the colonial power to honour the agreement which they had promised would supply funds to assist the process of land redistribution on the willing buyer and willing seller basis (Tandon 2001:226).

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Gospel Music and the Land Reform Programme in Zimbabwe While Gospel music is – under normal circumstances – a form of cultural expression for individuals and social groups, in Zimbabwe, it has become a vehicle for making money, especially as the economy continues to nosedive. In contrast to church music, which is mainly in the form of hymns, gospel music in contemporary Zimbabwe has been recorded electronically on visual and audio-visual CDs, DVDs, and cassettes that have perpetuated its dissemination. Prior to the year 2000, gospel musicians appeared to avoid or to be disinterested in political themes, especially as they concentrated on the very basic spiritual issues of Christianity. For instance, Christian composers of the 1980s composed songs that dwelt on purely spiritual matters, such as devotion, consecration, and praying for the new independent Zimbabwe. When these gospel musicians began their musical careers, their music was not as popular and as patronised as the gospel music of today. A typical example is the group The Family Singers, which was founded by Jonathan and Shuvai Wutawunashe, and concentrated on composing music that encouraged consecration, salvation, devotion, and praying for the nation and all leaders, including political leaders. This point is brought to bear by one of their popular compositions Nyika Ipenye, which goes like this: Ipenye ipenye ipenye pasi rose; Nyika yedu ipenye ipenye ipenye pasi rose; Komborera vatungamiri venyika, nyika yedu ipenye pasi rose; Komborera vafundisi nyika yedu ipenye pasi rose Let it shine, let it shine in all the earth; Our nation that it may shine as in all the earth; Bless the leaders of our nation, so that our nation can shine in all the earth; Bless our pastors, so that our nation can shine in all the earth.

Shuvai (who composed the song) sang with such an unfathomable love for the country that it might shine in its uniqueness, and the leaders and spiritual leaders might be blessed. Mechanic Manyeruke, another founding father of gospel music in Zimbabwe, concentrated on composing songs that encouraged the preaching of the gospel, and emphasised being grounded in Christ. Below, we look at the period in which gospel music in Zimbabwe was politically thematised.

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An Analysis of Political Themes in Zimbabwean Gospel Music During the 1990s and beyond, the economic crises necessitated the redefinition of gospel themes, as it became clear that the line between politics and religion was very thin. During and after the liberation struggle of Zimbabwe, the religious orientation of most Zimbabweans was anchored on traditional ancestral religion. It is a well-documented historical fact that God, the ancestors, and the spirit mediums were viewed as spiritually delivering Zimbabwe’s independence. Given this kind of scenario, how did gospel music – which is by and large Christian – eclipse traditional music – the music by those people that delivered Zimbabwe’s independence? It is important to note that although Zimbabwe is a religiously pluralistic society, the Christian faith is largely pre-dominant in comparison with all other religions (Chitando, 2002:76). It is against this background that gospel music became dominant during the period under review and even afterwards. Gospel musicians began to compose songs that not only advanced and celebrated Christian values, but also highlighted political, social, and economic challenges that people faced on a daily basis. Interestingly, most gospel musicians we interviewed in Zimbabwe during the period under review distanced themselves in one way or the other from politics, yet their music was political. For instance, the Vabati VaJehova group vehemently denied that their music had political connotations, especially their song Vatungamiri Marema (Foolish Leaders), where the lyrics of the song are clear and straightforward. Generally, the subtlety and “innocence” of gospel music has made it possible for the genre to transcend censorship. The religious content is often burdened with multi-layered positions and perspectives. Thus, in some instances, gospel music exudes a lot of underlying and masked political innuendoes. As the social, political, and economic climate worsened during the land reform process in Zimbabwe, religious and political rhetoric became pronounced. Fungisai Zvakavapano-Mashavave (2002), a female gospel artist, became very popular after she penned a song titled Kurarama Inyasha (To live, we need grace), which has the following lyrics: Ndaona nyika ichinetseka; vanhu nhasi vari kubvunza, “Zvinhu zvose zvazvakwira; ko mangwana torarama nei?” Ini pano ndine mhinduro; variko Baba vanogona; Ramangwana hama harina kujeka; anogona, Mwari wedu anogona

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Chapter Fourteen I have seen the country in trouble; People today are asking, “All things have gone up in price, so what will we live on tomorrow?” I have a solution here; there is a Father here who can help; Our future, brethren, is not bright, yet our God can help; he can help.

Fungisai clearly described the calamitous state of the nation, a position that resonated extremely well with disillusioned and traumatised Zimbabwean citizens during the period under review. Fungisai’s vision dovetails with the role of artists in Africa, which is to observe, mirror, and critique the issues happening in society. The artist must wholly depend on the particular society; whatever he or she may say should be based on his or her daily experiences (Wa Thiong’o, 1993:25). Fungisai became the voice of the people as she bemoaned the everrising cost of basic commodities that the general populace lived on. In this song she asked rhetorical questions, such as “Ko mangwana torarama sei?” (So how are we going to survive tomorrow?) This is a question that was indirectly thrown to the authorities, asking them to figure out how Zimbabweans would survive in such a potpourri of economic problems. Fungisai described the future of the nation as hopeless and gloomy (ramangwana hama harina kujeka) thereby echoing the anguish of the citizens. Fungisai does not mention the failure of the leaders, nor does she directly assign blame to anyone, but one is able to deduce from the tone of her voice that all people, including those in power, had failed to rescue the nation from a haemorrhaging economy. In this instance, liberation theology’s logic is that when God is worshipped, He is supposed to liberate people from any form of oppression. Fungisai concludes that Varipo baba vanogona (There is a father who can help). As is the case with most musicians, there is a general oversimplification of the problems suffered by people, as some artists do not offer authentic solutions to a crisis. Fungisai does not offer practical solutions to the aforesaid predicament, but instead invokes a spiritual solution, God’s intervention. Yet, although as an artist she may have failed to offer tangible solutions, nevertheless, she was able to identify with the day-to-day struggles of the ordinary person in Zimbabwe. Wa Thiong’o (1993: 80-81) rightly postulates that art and artists draw pictures of the universe of our struggle that instil strength, clarity, and hope into our struggle to realise visions of a new tomorrow. In some instances, gospel artists apportion blame to the citizenry, without recommending ways in which the citizenry can extricate itself from this myriad of challenges. They sometimes send an indirect wake-up

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call to the citizenry to pray for those in authority, as the Bible sanctions, but without directly mentioning their misdeeds. Nevertheless, the song Kurarama inyasha gave hope and was very therapeutic for the economically afflicted. Another gospel musician, Shingisai Suluma, has also sung about the afflictions of Zimbabweans during the period under review. Like Fungisai, she is one gospel artist who has excelled in her music, especially with her song Mirira Mangwanani (Wait for the Daybreak), derived from Psalm 30: Kana zuva rodoka, rubatsiro rwanonoka Woti, “Mwari, mandisiya,” kwete, Kana mvura yonaya pokuhwanda wapashaya Woti, “Mwari, mandirasa,” kuchema kungavapo; Misodzi madekwani; mufaro uchauya Mirira mangwanani; vanochema vachidyara Vachakohwa vachifara; Mirira mangwanani, Mufaro uchauya uya mangwanani If the sun has set and help is delayed, You say, “God you have left me,” No; If it rains and you have no shelter to protect yourself You say, “God you have forsaken me”. There may be crying here; Tears in the evening, joy will come Wait for the daybreak; those who sow in tears Will reap with joy; Wait for the daybreak, joy will come in the morning.

The “setting of the sun” in the song represents darkness; thus, the people have been groping in the darkness of the economic quagmires of Zimbabwe without any hope of getting back to the once thriving “breadbasket” of Southern Africa. Generally, the night represents despair and hopelessness. In Christian language, “night” is used to represent death or a helpless situation. When someone is going through challenges, they say he is going through a “dark hour”, which can be equated to the night. Suluma chronicles the challenges being faced by the people by metaphorically using nature to portray their everyday suffering. There is the use of kana zuva radoka, referring to the setting of the sun, mvura yonaya pokuhwanda vapashaya, referring to the pouring of rain without shelter, and kuchema kungavapo, referring to people expressing grief. Suluma aptly proclaims that: “There may be tears in the evening, but joy will come in the morning.” Sunrise or daybreak represents a new day, which may come with the solutions of the dark night. Suluma sings about

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the farmer whom she says must sow in tears because he will reap in joy. Suluma uses this to encourage the people to be resolute and patient, like the farmer, who goes through a process of waiting until he reaps the fruits of his patience. Like most gospel musicians, Suluma does not show a defeastist stance, but indicates that hopelessness is not an option. She presents hope in such a manner that, even in darkness, the stars can still shine gloriously. The “new farmer” in the land reform programme was not as patient as Suluma desired them to be, as some lacked skills and farming inputs after acquiring farms from the white commercial farmers. Some critics of the land reform programme have interpreted the promised “joy” in Suluma’s song as that which the opposition party, the MDC party, was expected to bring if they were to oust the ruling party. By contrast, some consumers of gospel music interpreted the lyrics by Suluma as saying that Zimbabwe was in her darkest hour because of the economic and political sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by her detractors. Meaning is not entirely a musician’s prerogative to pack into their songs, and for the audience to consume wholesale. The text produced by a constructor, a musician, for example, has an intended meaning that is negotiated and reinterpreted by the audience to make sense out of it, according to its social realities (Kwaramba 1997). Through innuendo, the song can bring out what is not said, while through inflection, the song supplies an overflow of surplus or multiple meanings (Vambe and Vambe 2006). Hosiah Chipanga4 is one controversial gospel musician who has been somewhat extreme in his religious and socio-political lyrics. Chipanga has, over the years, risked government reprisals and censorship many times, which has resulted in some of his music not being played on national radio. Magosvongwe (2008: 85) aptly describes Chipanga the musician, and says that the ambivalence and ambiguity begin with the different interpretations of his name, Chipanga, which could be taken to mean a very old cleaver, which is central in the home and comes in handy when cutting tough meat and hides, or for light carving. Another meaning of Chipanga could be the shortened version of the title chipangamazano, which means counsellor or advisor. Either meaning of his name is crucial to the messages embedded in his gospel songs, which some scholars have described as “Liberation Theology” (Chirere 4

Hosiah Chipanga uses biblical motifs to authenticate his messages, though he also draws his themes from African religion.

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2005). Chipanga calls himself a “Messenger of God”, set apart to sing either sacred or secular music to the people of God. In his song, Musikavanhu, he sings: Kana nyika yaomerwa iyi; bvunzai Musikavanhu; Musatonge mega; Musikavanhu aripo; Kana musingamuzive; bvunzai isu tinomuziva; Kana nyika yatadzirwa iyi; bvunzai vaNehanda, Nkomo, Tongogara; Musatonge mega; vaNehanda varipo; Kana musingavazive; bvunzai isu tinovaziva. If this country is in a big crisis; ask the Creator of humankind Do not rule alone; the Creator of humankind is there If you do not know Him, ask us, we know Him If this country has been wronged, ask Nehanda, Nkomo, Tongogara Do not rule alone; Nehanda is there If you do not know her, ask us. We know her.

In this song, Chipanga does not mince his words, as he seems to candidly accuse the rulers of grossly failing the nation through a brazen betrayal of the vision of the long departed revolutionaries and the spirits of Nehanda and Chaminuka. Chipanga urges them to seek divine intervention from the highest form of power in the world, Musikavanhu. He further remarks that Zimbabwe might have been wronged by colonial injustices on land issues, and also by the recent international ostracism of the country due to the radical approach to the land reform. As a result, he implores the leaders to seek counsel and guidance from the spirit mediums that played a major role in winning the liberation struggle. Chipanga brings ambiguity to the gospel arena as he advocates for divine help from all deities in a multi-religious nation. His notion is that Africans will not abandon their traditions, especially when they are confronted with issues that perplex the mind, as is shown by their closeness to their religion. This is similar to the closeness of a snail to its shell, whereby even in a foreign habitat, a snail never leaves its shell behind (Iyasere 1975:107 cited by Viriri and Tembo (2010:65). Such a stance also reveals the national tragedy in terms of which “god” to approach when confronted with existential challenges. This could be the result of a half-baked Christian faith imposed on Africans where the Bible is presented as a manual, despite the apparently conflicting doctrines that it has. The Christian religion abhors the worship of ancestors and spiritual forces other than God. On the other hand, African religion is viewed by many as a religion of liberation, as it works towards freeing the oppressed

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from challenges, problems, and crises in life, as it did during the liberation struggle of Zimbabwe (Viriri and Tembo 2010:82). Chipanga sarcastically reminds the leaders that if they do not know of these strong personalities, they should ask isu (us), the people, as they should seek the political will of the people. This is a very interesting twist in that the artist acknowledges that real power and knowledge of the direction the nation should take resides with the people. He restores the political visibility of citizens who are often taken for granted by politicians. Magosvongwe (2008: 86) echoes the same sentiments saying that the song Musikavanhu is a scathing attack on the nationalist government’s failure to consult with the traditional leaders of the land in conjunction with other religious sects of the community on issues of governance. Chipanga utters a wake-up call to the leaders and the nation at large, saying that there are superior forces that can help solve problems when a nation is in crisis. His gospel music is different and unique in comparison to other gospel artists who hide behind a proclamation of divine intervention. Rugare Ngariende St Luke’s choir of the Anglican Church also invokes divine intervention in the song Kana Zvarema (When the Burden has Become Unbearable): Kana zvarema; daidzai Jesu ndiye mutungamiri wakanaka; Daidzai Jesu; ndiye mutungamiri wakanaka When the burden has become unbearable; call Jesus, He is a good leader; Call Jesus, He is a good and best leader.

Unlike Chipanga, who believes in polytheism, when it comes to the solution to Zimbabwean problems, this group also invoked God’s help, as they encouraged listeners to call to Jesus in times of trouble as, according to them, he is mutungamiri wakanaka, the good leader, in comparison to earthly leaders. The song clearly points out that the major problem with neo-colonial Zimbabwe is one of leadership. Reference to Jesus as mutungamiri wakanaka is loaded with meaning. It entails a leader who exudes servant-leadership, a burden-bearer. This comes in a context where the nation is saddled with an intolerant leadership that considers human life as worthless. Jesus, mutungamiri wakanaka, is contrasted with the political leadership of Zimbabwe during the land reform programme that amassed wealth at the expense of the peasants who were living in abject poverty. Wa Thiong’o (1993:65) puts it thus:

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“Before independence, the leader generally embodies the aspirations of the people for independence, political liberty, and national dignity. But as soon as independence is declared, far from embodying in concrete form the needs of the people in what touches bread, land, and the restoration of the country to the sacred hands of the people, the leader will reveal his inner purpose.”

Singing for Patronage: Political Parties and “Gospel Music” in Zimbabwe Eyre (2001:77-78) writes that the opposition political party the MDC, led by Morgan Tsvangirai, like ZANU-PF, also exploited the popularity of gospel music to convey its political ideologies and sentiments. This kind of musical exploitation and manipulation has been regarded by Merriam (1964: 166) as “conscious composition”, which refers to a deliberate and planned process of creating or remodeling music material by people who are aware of their specific and directed actions to the desired end. Thus, the remodeled text becomes more important than the sound structure or tune of the songs. The song “Mutungamiri Wakanaka”, which we analysed earlier, was remodeled to suit and rubberstamp the MDC party’s legitimacy in Zimbabwean politics: Kana Zvarema; daidzai MDC Ndivo vatungamiri vakanaka. When the burden has become unbearable, call the MDC They are the good leaders.

This augured well with their “Chinja Maitiro” (“Change Ways”) ideology, in which the party wanted Zimbabweans to give it a chance to bring change and “reverse” the crisis that the country was facing. Mugabe, interviewed on his 89th birthday, sarcastically ridiculed the Chinja Maitiro ideology by asking Chinja Chii? Kuchinja Vakadzi? (Change What? Changing Women?) This was a direct attack on the persona of Prime Minister Tsvangirai for his alleged record of flirting with different women following the death of his wife, Susan. In another popular gospel song, which is mostly sung at funerals, Paul Madzore, an MDC activist and musician, remodeled the song to suit his party ideologies. Madzore recomposed the song Shandira Zimbabwe (Work for Zimbabwe), originally Shandira Korona (Work for the heavenly crown). The song goes like this:

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Chapter Fourteen Shanda shanda shandira Zimbabwe; Shinga shinga zvichanaka chete; Tave kufamba nepamupata weJeriko; Baba, tisimbise vasadzokera shure; Tsvangirai arikufamba nepamupata veJeriko; Baba, musimbise arege kudzokera shure; KwaMutare varikufamba nepamupata weJeriko; Usarambe kudaira kana Tsvangi ouya achidaidza iwe Work, work, work for Zimbabwe; Be resolute, be resolute, things are going to be well; We are walking in the valley of Jericho; Father, strengthen us so that they will not draw back; Tsvangirai is walking in the valley of Jericho; Father, strengthen him, so that he may not draw back; In Mutare they are walking in the valley of Jericho; Do not keep quiet if Tsvangirai comes calling you.

Madzore calls upon Zimbabweans to work for the country, though he mentions that the whole nation is walking in the valley of Jericho. Madzore, like the Psalmist in Psalm 23, seems to say: “Though we walk through the valley of the shadow of death, we will not fear any evil, for thou art with us.” In the Bible, valleys are some of the prominent features of biblical narratives, which can be understood literally or metaphorically. They are depicted as scenes of battles, and in other instances they can be portrayed as places that serve to provide a source of hope and future blessings. Madzore describes the situation in Zimbabwe as that of a people living in a battlefield awaiting conquest, as he seems confident that victory is certain through his party. He pleads with God for strength to move on in such dire economic and political circumstances. Madzore urges all the people, especially in urban settings, who have been hard hit by the economic and political woes to answer to the wake-up call of the Chinja ideology, a call from the MDC leader, Tsvangirai. To achieve his political objective, Madzore removes the original Christian lyrics of the song Shandira Korona (Work for the Crown) to (Work for Zimbabwe). He replaces the original stanza, “When God Comes Calling,” with, “When Tsvangirai Comes Calling.” Suffice to say that, in a song, it may not necessarily be the function of the artist to go about imposing his subjective explanations of its intentions and implications. The artist must respect the audience by leaving room for them to bring their individual or group creative-interpretive perspectives to the appreciation of the finished product.

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This has not been the case in gospel music manipulated by politicians. Political abuse of Christian discourse in songs has continued with Francis Chikunguru, another MDC activist and musician, who re-modeled a popular gospel morale-booster, Jesu Vakamuka; Huyai, Tibate Basa (Jesus is arisen, come lets work), as Varume Tisu Tiri kutonga, Huyai, Titonge Nyika (Men, we are ruling; come, let us re-build the nation). A female musician, who uses the pseudonym Viomak for fear of victimisation, is arguably one of the most well known Zimbabwean opposition protest “gospel” singers, who calls her music political gospel. Viomak set up the Zimbabwe Protest Movement (ZIPROMO), a platform that promotes Zimbabwe protest artists and helps to publicise banned music productions (Viomak, 2011). Unlike many protest musicians, Viomak does not sing in riddles, nor does she wait for her listeners to interpret her lyrics, as they are self-explanatory and there is no room for surplus meaning. Any successful work of art must achieve eternal creative communication and generate continued discourse with its audience. Thus, the quintessence of audience participation must come out of authentic creativity. This has not been the case with Viomak. As Viomak introduces a song, she sings the original sacred lyrics of the Christian faith, and then abruptly changes into her newly composed political lyrics, using the same tune. Viomak, like ZANU PF female counterparts, has successfully and unashamedly, by Christian standards, exploited Christian discourse to create its own musical productions. For instance, in Viomak’s song Inzwa Mugabe (Listen Mugabe), she takes a well-known Christian song, puts Christian lyrics in the first stanza, and then adds political text, in which she ridicules and chides President Mugabe. Ndaiwana hama; ndaiwana hama ine rudo; Ndiyeyu Jesu wakanaka; wakandifira pamuchinjikwa; Inzwa; Mugabe, nguva yako yakwana; Daidza Jesu akutore; zvitadzo zvako zvawandisa. I have found a relative; I have found a loving relative; It is Jesus who is good; and died for me on the cross; Listen, Mugabe, your time is up; Call Jesus that he may take you; your sins are too many. (Viomak Inzwa Mugabe 2011)

In another well known Christian hymn song, Zvibvunze (Ask Yourself), Viomak rhetorically asks Mugabe where he will go if he dies, as heaven is a place for the righteous. The use of rhetorical questions in her music is directed towards the President and the listeners, highlighting issues of contention without necessarily providing answers. In the last

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verse, Viomak declares that Hapana chisingafi chakasikwa naMwari (There is nothing that was created by God that does not die), meaning that though Mugabe refuses to relinquish his power as president, he will inevitably die (Viomak, 2011). According to African indigenous lore, it is uncultured or uncouth to wish someone death, whether the person is evil or not. Viomak (2011) has taken a step further in protest music to mention and wish death for the highest authority of the land using Christian discourse. As Madzore, Chikunguru, and Viomak were re-composing gospel songs to prop up the image of the MDC party during the period under review, there were other musical groups that were re-composing gospel songs in solidarity with the ZANU PF party; songs that eulogised the leader of the party – Mugabe. For instance, the ZANU PF women’s league through the Mbare Chimurenga choir penned the song: Mambo Jesu; muri nhume yakatumwa kuzosunungura nyika yedu yeZimbabwe to: VaMugabe; muri nhume yakatumwa kuzosunungura nyika yeZimbabwe King Jesus, you are a messenger sent to save the nation of Zimbabwe to: Mr Mugabe; you are the messenger sent to save the nation of Zimbabwe.

In this song, Mugabe is portrayed as Zimbabwe’s messiah, a man who severed Zimbabwe from colonial machinations, and continued to safeguard the interests of Zimbabweans by being the leader of the nation. Another song goes as follows: Tsvangirai ho-o Wafunga kudzosera nyika Ijipita, nyika yehuranda Wafunga kudzosera nyika Ijipita Tsvangirai Intends to return the country back to colonial slavery; Intends to return the country back to Egyptian slavery. (Muwati and Mangena, Tsvangirai akatumwa naBaba 2013: 201)

This song justifies why Mugabe should continue as the president of Zimbabwe, as he will make sure that Tsvangirai does not take the country back to slavery, which is interpreted here to mean the colonial era. In the eyes of ZANU PF supporters and sympathisers, Mugabe represents freedom and self-determination, while Tsvangirai represents slavery and suffering. Thus, Mugabe is portrayed as the messiah, whose departure will

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signal the beginning of suffering, while at the same time Tsvangirai is portrayed as the devil incarnate. It is important to note that the manipulation of gospel music for political reasons is not unique to Zimbabwe. In Kenya, Parsitau (2008: 6768) remarks that during political campaigns – especially electronic politics – politicians frequently use gospel music or pick popular gospel hits and tunes and put in their own words to suit their political campaigns. For instance, in Kenya during the 2002 election campaigns, politicians turned a popular gospel hit, “All Things are possible by Faith” to “All Things are possible without Moi.” The main opposition party, the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), in the 2005-06 referendum debates, in which it opposed the government’s draft constitutional change, changed the lyrics of the gospel song: Brethren don’t sleep yet, for the battle of defeating Satan is far from over…

to: Kenyans don’t sleep yet, for the battle of removing President Kibaki from power and the war for democratic space is far from over…

From another point of view, Muyebe and Muyebe (1999:72-73) describe the Malawian political scene. The Christian tradition is emphatic on the point that there is no name, other than the name of Christ, through which human beings can be saved. This concept had similarities in the conceptual world of Malawian politics. A song was composed to the effect that there was no other name, other than the name of the late Kamuzu Banda, by which Malawi could have been liberated from the colonial regime. This was a doctrine that has been instilled in Malawian politics, but politicians sometimes fail to realise that there is no one who is irreplaceable in life. Blanchard, Anderson and Cleave (1991:92) report that Hitler used some of Wagner’s music to crank up the crowds, and even parts of Handel’s Messiah when he wanted to create a pseudo-religious atmosphere. This proves that in politics, people sometimes become desperate to the extent of abusing Christianity for political expediency, and this is a worldwide phenomenon. With gospel music being patronised for different reasons in the political landscape of Zimbabwe, the government did not bat an eye as they instead seized the opportunity to recognise and use it to their advantage. Chinweizu (1985:241) contends that the artist in the traditional

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African milieu spoke for and to his community; he was heard and he made sense. In contemporary Zimbabwe and elsewhere in Africa, this has not been the case, as generally, political barons have hijacked the musician, his creative ability, and his age-old mandate of being the barometer of societal conscience, and when prejudice is in control, reasoning is usually rationed.

Conclusion This chapter not only demonstrated that gospel music occupies an ambivalent and paradoxical position in Zimbabwe’s socio-cultural, economic, and political ideologies, but also demonstrated that it has suffered the same fate across the globe. The chapter argued that during Zimbabwe’s crisis years, 2000 to 2010, gospel music had both religious and political functions. For instance, during the period of the land reform and even after, a new kind of gospel music emerged that was protestoriented pioneered by such musicians as Fungisai ZvakavapanoMashavave, Shingisai Suluma, Hosiah Chipanga, and others. As this chapter noted, the music challenged the political leadership of ZANU PF to deal with the crisis before it consumed the nation of Zimbabwe. The chapter also observed that while this was happening, some clergy were fighting in ZANU PF’s corner supporting its programmes, despite the fact that the socio-economic and political crisis was deepening. The same period also saw major political parties re-composing gospel songs to suit their political agendas.

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Chirere, M. “Music in Zimbabwe.” The Southern Times, December 11, 2005 Chitando, E. 2000. “Songs of Praise: Gospel in an African Context.” Exchange, Vol. 29 Number 4 (2000): 297-310. —. Singing Culture: A Study of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe, Uppsala: Nordik Afrikainstitutet, 2002. —. “Down with the Devil, Forward with Christ!” A Study of the Interface between Religions and Political Discourses in Zimbabwe.” African Sociological Review, Vol. 6 Number 1 (2002): 1-16. —. “In the Beginning was the Land’: The Appropriation of Religious Themes in Political Discourses in Zimbabwe.’’ Africa, Vol.75 Number 2 (2005): 220-239. Eyre. B. Playing with Fire, Fear and Self-Censorship in Zimbabwean Music, Copenhagen: Freemuse, 2005 Ike, O. “The Church and Civil Society: The Case of Nigeria.” In Church and Civil Society: The Role of Christian Churches in the Emerging Countries of Argentina, Mexico, Nigeria and South Africa edited by G Knuip et al (German: Konrad Adenauer Foundation, 2007). Gwekwerere, G. 2009. Gospel Music as a Mirror of the Political and Socio-Economic Developments in Zimbabwe, 1980-2007. Exchange, Vol. 38 (2009) Kwaramba, A. D. Popular Music and Society: The language of Protest in Chimurenga Music: The Case of Thomas Mapfumo in Zimbabwe, Department of Media and Communication, Stranberg of Nilsen, 1997 Magosvongwe, R. “Contrasting Discourses of Emancipation and Empowerment in Selected Albums by Hosiah Chipanga and Fungisai Zvakavapano.” MUZIKI: Journal of Music Research in Africa Volume 5 Number 1 (2008): 75-91. Mbiti, J. S. Introduction to African Religion. Johannesburg: Heinemann, 1991 Merriam, A. P. The Anthropology of Music. Evaston: Northwestern University Press, 1964 Muwati, I., Mangena, F and Gwekwerere, T. (2013). “Manipulating Religious Songs for Electoral Politics: The Case of Zimbabwe’s 2008 Harmonized Elections.” In E Chitando (Ed.). Prayers and Players: Religion and Politics in Zimbabwe. Harare: SAPES Books Muyebe, S and Muyebe, A. The Religious Factor within the Body of Political Symbolism in Malawi, 1964-1994. Florida: Universal Publishers, 1999

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Parsitau, Damaris. Seleina. “Sounds of Change and Reform: The Appropriation of Gospel Music and Dance in Political Discourses in Kenya,” Studies in World Christianity, Volume 14, (2008): 55-72. Tandon, Y. “Trade Unions and Labour in the Agricultural Sector in Zimbabwe,” In Striking Back: The Labour Movement and the PostColonial State in Zimbabwe, 1980-2000 edited by B. Raftopolous and L. Sachikonye (Harare: Weaver Press, 2001) Vambe, M.T. and Vambe, B. “Musical Rhetoric and the Limits of Official Censorship in Zimbabwe.” MUZIKI: Journal of Music Research in Africa Volume 3:1, 68, 2006 Viomak, ‘Hatina Rugare muZimbabwe Musha Panyika’ Happy 82nd Birthday President R.G> Mugabe, Emotion of the Emotionless’, Accessed 23 January 2011, http://viomakcharitymusic.com/audios.html —. ‘Uchaenda riini Mugabe? Happy 82nd Birthday President R.G. Mugabe, Emotions of the emotionless’ Accessed 21 January 2011, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/viomak#cite_note-0 —. ‘Inzwa Mugabe, Happy 83rd birthday President R.G. Mugabe Bone of a 30 year old, 2007’. Accessed 21 January 2011, http://viomakcharitymusic.com/news/ Viriri, A. & Tembo, C. “Language, Voice and Literature: Expression of African Spiritual Experience in Zimbabwe’s Chimurenga War Narratives,” International Journal of African Literary and Comparative Studies Volume 1 (1) 65-84, 2010 Wa Thiong’o. N. Moving the Centre: the Struggle for Cultural Freedoms. London, Heinemann, 1993

Discography Chipanga, H. Musikavanhu 2005 Chikunguru Franscis – Korona 2009 Madzore P – Mupata weJericho 2006 Manyeruke M- Shoko Mucharinzwa 1989 Mbare Chimurenga choir – Muri Nhume 2010 Mujokoro Carol- Magumo2000 Rugare Ngaruende St Luke’s Choir- Mutungamiri Wakanaka 1996 Sagonda Amanda- Mwari Anoziva 2003 Suluma Shingisai- Mirira Mangwanani 2003 Suluma Shingisai- Mirira Mangwanani 2003 Vabati VaJehovha- Vatungamiri Marema 2009 Viomak – Inzwa Mugabe and Zvibvunze 2007

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Wutawunashe Shuvai – Nyika Ipenye 1980 Zvakavapano, F. Kurarama Inyasha 2001

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CHAPTER FIFTEEN THE URBAN GROOVES AS MUSIC GENRE FOR ZIMBABWEAN YOUTHS: AN ANALYSIS FRANCIS MACHINGURA

Introduction and Background Music has transformed people’s lives in Zimbabwe across the world. Despite the economic and political challenges that most Zimbabweans have faced in the last decade, the music industry has surprisingly experienced a phenomenal growth compared to other industries. Thus, music has always held a special place among the Zimbabwean people, as it is part of their life, memory, identity, and culture. Music is part of the country’s political, economic, religious, and cultural history. However, the dawn of the Urban Grooves type of music has given a whole new face to the music fraternity in Zimbabwe. The lyrics of the music composed by these Urban Grooves artists have attracted a sizeable following, especially among Zimbabwean youths. This chapter seeks to examine this genre of music and its influence on Zimbabwean youths, notwithstanding the criticism that it has received from the adult population. In terms of background, it is important to note that the history of the Urban Grooves type of music in Zimbabwe is linked to various theories. Some music analysts have regarded the Urban Grooves type of music as a new type of music in Zimbabwe that is sung by young musicians and appeals only to these Zimbabwean youths. There is debate on the origin of the Urban Grooves type of music. Maxwell Sibanda (2012) regards the Urban Grooves type of music as having existed way back in the early 1980s, and having been pioneered by people and musical groups like the Pied Pipers, Ilanga, The Rusike Brothers, Isaac Chirwa, Michael Lannas, Rozalla Miller, Edwin Hama, Fortune Muparutsa, Max Phikani, Tendai ‘Prince’ Mupfurutsa, and Nicholas Somerai. The pioneering groups and

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people were followed in the 1990s by the likes of Major E, Booker T, Marvin S, and Innocent Utsiwegota. Nyasha Musavengana (a former Radio 2 presenter – now Radio Zimbabwe) argues that: “Contrary to what some people believe, Urban Grooves are not a new phenomenon to Zimbabwe. Ask Tich Mataz or Fortune Muparutsa. Tich used to be part of a group called Raider, whilst Fortune had some great airplay of his album Wheels of Fortune. Questions can also be raised on what happened to groups like The Rusike Brothers. All these people, in my opinion, played what is now called Urban Grooves. Some argue that the Urban Grooves type of music came onto the music scene in 1999 having been introduced by Jonathan Moyo, the former information and publicity minister” (The Sunday Mail, December 11, 2009).

Moyo is touted as the one who prepared the fertile ground from which Urban Grooves music germinated and sprouted. It is during his time as information and publicity minister that the Urban Grooves type of music gained ample ground, because of the 75% local content policy that he advocated and the legislation on local content policy that was passed on the 4th of April 2001. Fungai Tichawangana (2009) argues that the policy created a big demand for local music, as DJs who had hitherto relied heavily on international music were seeking to meet the legally stipulated quota. Poor quality Urban Grooves music got airplay, even though some Urban Grooves artists lacked talent and innovativeness, and only aspired to be famous and rich. This poor quality Urban Grooves music resulted in what critics such as Mandisoul (2006) regard as “Zimbabwe’s new breed of artists”, or the “the age of confusion.” A lot of junk was churned out and quickly forgotten, as it faded away to make way for newer music that flooded the market. But others are of the view that Urban Grooves music is a clear demonstration of creativity and innovativeness. Besides, this type of music has led to employment creation at a time when jobs are scarce. As this chapter will, however, observe, this type of music attracts a lot of moral scrutiny, especially as it is accused of drawing from the Western Hip-Hop and R’n’B genre of music, thereby promoting Western culture and its values at the expense of African culture and its values. Furthermore, most Urban Groovers have also failed to handle fame, as they have ended up being involved in drugs, prostitution, and unprofessional conduct among other social ills.

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The Urban Grooves as “Bubblegum Music”: A Critical Analysis Critics have regarded Urban Grooves music as resembling American rap, hip-hop, R’n’B, soul, and other international music genres (Robertson 1995: 25-44). During the period under review, Zimbabwean Urban Groovers included: Maskiri, Sanii Makhalima, Roy and Royce, David Chifunyise, Leonard Mapfumo, Stach, Betty Makaya Decibel, Roqui, Tia, Extra Large, EX Q, Mr See, Mad Lango, The Forefathers, Xiomara, 2BG, MC Villa, Geto Rat, and Q Bomb. Maxwell Sibanda (2012) argues that Zimbabwe’s 1990s traditional pop sound, known as Urban Grooves, borrowed heavily from more established pop genres across the world, hence they were copy-cats of the Western style of music that propagates Western values. On the opposite end of the debate, Tinashe Zindoga (2012) argued thus: “Urban Groovers must be applauded for being agents of the crossfertilisation of music because of globalisation. They have managed to merge the Western style of music with their African style… for instance, the use of African drums and their local languages.”

What one can hurriedly discern from the above paragraph is that Zindoga did not buy the view that the Urban Groovers were ‘copy-cats’ and that they celebrated Western culture and values in their lyrics. Instead, he applauded the youths for being creative and innovative. To Zindoga and those in his camp, the Urban Groovers have brought in a new brand of music characterised by creativity and innovativeness, where pertinent issues to do with Zimbabwean youths are coloured with humour and satire, making music more appealing to the young generation than to the adult population. Songs like M’afriq’s Ndichakuudza Sei (How Shall I Tell You?), Roki’s Suzanna, Xtra Large’s Maroja (Lodgers or Tenants) Tererai’s Waenda (S/he has gone), and Betty and Jamal’s Kurwizi (At the Riverside) socially touched on issues that affect the majority of Zimbabwe’s youths, for instance, the problem of employment, accommodation, and the mystery of love. Notwithstanding Zindoga’s defense of Urban Grooves music as Zimbabwean music, critics still feel that this type of music is a ‘deliberate coup’ against African culture and identity, and that it promotes cultural imperialism. Old folks or listeners, and some conservative Christians and artists, find Urban Grooves music in bad taste. For instance, Frederick Matsheza (2012) notes that:

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“The penetration of global music has resulted in the marginalisation of local cultures and traditional music in Zimbabwe. Young people have lost touch with traditional harmonies, tunes, and dances that are culturally specific to Zimbabwe.”

The point is that as the Urban Groovers regurgitate this foreign flavour, they influence their followers to abandon Zimbabwean culture in favour of Western culture, thereby suffering from an identity crisis (cf. Machingura and Machingura, 2012). For most Zimbabwean youths, appearing foreign is mistakenly taken as a sign of being progressive and modern. Many youths who fall in love with Urban Grooves music have flocked to cities in the hope of finding work (Bennell and Ncube 1994: 301-314). Coming from a rural or communal background makes some of these youths think that the Urban Grooves type of music is tailor-made for, or is meant to suit, the city lifestyle, as opposed to musical genres prominent in rural areas, like mhande, sungura, jikinya, mbakumba, mbende-Jerusarema, muchongowoyo, and jiti music and dances, which, in their view, promote rurality and thus a primitive mentality. Thomas Mapfumo once expressed his discomfort with Urban Grooves music when he remarked: “I listen a lot to what the likes of Winky D are singing and my heart bleeds. People like Winky D are destroying Zimbabwean music. What he sings is not our (Zimbabwean) music. He can enjoy the success now, but that kind of music does not last. Tuku and I would not have made it musically if we had done stuff like that. Only Winky D’s friends and relatives will buy that kind of music. He must be original to survive in music” (NewsDay, 6 August 2011).

Mapfumo also likened Urban Grooves music to a “bubblegum kind of music” that never lasts because of its foreign attachment, lack of originality, or identity and lack of indigenous cultural roots (Mazara, 2011). Continue Loving (Cont.) Mhlanga, an arts promoter, predicted the “death” of Urban Grooves music when he made the pronouncement that: “Urban Grooves will definitely die because it is not contributing to World Culture... What happens is that we take all these young artists and the music they are producing and call it Urban Grooves. Some of them are producing soul, others are producing ragga, and others are into hip-hop and rap. That’s a lot of different genres all lumped into one group.”

But there are those who believe that Urban Grooves music is here to stay, considering its growth and popularity in African countries like South

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Africa, Kenya, Zambia, Malawi, and Tanzania. Matsheza (2012) supports this point when he argues that: “Urban contemporary music is now the in-thing, and the most talked about genre, with most of it being played on African radio stations. One can now enjoy music sung in isiNdebele, Kiswahili, or Bemba, even if these are foreign languages. This new wave seems to have a contagious effect, and is still spreading all over Africa.”

Joseph Nhari (2012) believes that the Urban Grooves type of music has a great future, and castigates critics who dismiss this brand of music: “I don’t think Urban Grooves music is dying, it’s just that we need to support our local artists and stop relying on international music. If we look at South Africa, they have produced their own music, and the people there like it very much. If one looks at their house music and listens very carefully, one notices that there is no message; it’s just a repetitive beat that only makes ladies jump around and people drink a lot, but the artists are making money with so called culture in it. We need to support our artists and believe in them, and not just criticise them.”

The Urban Grooves Music and Employment Creation Despite the criticism that has been levelled against the Urban Grooves type of music, the music has positively contributed to employment creation for the young Zimbabwean generation. Some of the youthful Urban Grooves artists have successfully toured Europe: a testimony to the fact that their music has gained international recognition (Mokwetsi, 2012). Thus, in order to survive the grinding poverty and unemployment in Zimbabwe, some youths have become very innovative and have gained musical entrepreneurship skills. For instance, after visiting a young Urban Grooves artist to see the entrpreneurship skills he had acquired, Tichawangana (2009) made the following remarks: “I remember visiting the talented producer, Tatenda “Take 5” Jenami in 2005, and being shocked that the studio that had produced the charttopping track Chamhembe was a small room in his mother’s house that had been modified to serve the purpose. Everything was put together on a struggling computer and an old desk that was used for mixing.”

The Urban Grooves genre of music has also resulted in the phenomenal rise of a number of women who have taken up music as a career in Zimbabwe. For instance, Urban Grooves artists such as Diana

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Samkange and Cindy Munyavi have seen their music videos making the grade on MTV Base and Channel O. In an interview with The Zimbabwean Newspaper, Diana said: “I am overjoyed considering that I am among the few female Zimbabwean musicians to make it this far. The video was shot by Real-net-Multimedia, which also produced the video of Alexio Kawara’s hit song Shaina, and I think it is the major reason why it made the grade.” (The Zimbabwean, 2010)

Cindy Munyavi believes that the Urban Grooves type of music has brought diversity; the music culture is changing in terms of how people view female musicians (The Zimbabwean, 2010). Female artists are now just as respected as their male counterparts because of Urban Grooves music. Were it not for piracy in the music industry, most of them would be homeowners and business directors by now. As Fungai Tichivangana (2009) puts it: “National galas and concerts held all over the country to commemorate events such as Heroes’ Day, National Unity Day, and Independence Day, which were nationally televised, increased the visibility of these young artists and their genre.”

The Urban Grooves Music and the Moral of the Story Although Matsheza, Nhari, and others see the growth and popularity of the Urban Grooves type of music as inevitable in Africa, and although this genre of music has created employment for the young Zimbabwean generation, some critics have raised concerns over the moral intentions of this type of music, and the usual criticism concerns the dress code of the Urban Groovers, their style of life, and how they walk, perform, speak, and relate to people. The criticism of their dress is directed at the tight jeans and bare-midriff body tops usually worn by the young female performers. Their dress usually exposes the tummies and navels of young boys and girls to the general public: something that is shunned by the elderly, and to some extent, by religious groups. As for the young boys, their trousers are deliberately left loose, exposing their undergarments or naked buttocks to the public. As Jesca Sithole (2012) observes: “most of the Urban Grooves artists are school drop-outs or artists who cannot easily become role models. Therefore, to expect good manners or constructive social music from Urban Groovers is like expecting the Devil to preach about Jesus.”

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Sarai Gwandipedza (2012) also bemoans the erosion of moral values as promoted by Urban Grooves artists when he says: “Urban Grooves artists and their music is a clear testimony to what we have always said as elders that, the younger generation has shunned its culture and identity... For example, look at how the youths dress themselves, and how they regard their elders. We think the Urban Grooves music’s agenda is that of erasing the Zimbabwean culture and values, replacing them with American culture and values.”

Rev H Marodza (2012) noted that the celebrity status that most of these Urban Grooves artists enjoyed came with a heavy moral burden. Most of them had problems with prostitution, HIV and AIDS, drug abuse, backyard abortions, and unprofessional conduct. As a result of these social ills, most of these Urban Grooves artists cannot fit the description of “role models” (Musoni, 2012). According to Gwendoline Mugauri (2011), Roki, one of Zimbabwe’s celebrated Urban Grooves musicians, has been in the media and running headlines for having had many kids with many different women, and is also known to have beaten his present wife. It is this kind of behaviour and bad publicity that has caused Urban Grooves music to struggle to acquire supporters among the elderly and conservative Christians. Tinashe Dzapasi (2012), a United Fellowship International follower, had this to say regarding the dearth of Christian values among Zimbabwean youths, as brought about by listening to Urban Grooves music: “I don’t like Urban Grooves music, because it doesn’t teach Christian morals to our youths. We regard that music as music for Maguruvha, as their namesake, that is, music for the ill-mannered or those without... morals.” Some conservative Christians have gone to the extent of labelling those Urban Groovers who venture into gospel music as lacking in sincerity. To these conservative Christians, these Urban Groovers take advantage of the growth of Christianity and gospel music’s popularity in Zimbabwe to make money. They have realised that gospel music has now become an instant “cash cow” in the face of poverty and unemployment for Zimbabwe’s younger generation. They are not genuine Christians because they do not have basic Christian values, as contained in the Bible, where one has to seek God first, before everything else. Some of the lyrics contained in the Urban Grooves type of music portray women as sex objects. The songs “Madam Mombeshora” by Maskiri and “Small House” by Xtra-Large bear testimony to this claim.

The Urban Grooves as Music Genre for Zimbabwean Youths Lead -Taura zvako; E-E-E-E Babamukuru; Ho-raiti-ridza-a; Ita-tunhu-twako Chorus-Madam Mombeshora; Ndaikudai-i; Ndichigarofunga kukukisai-i; Makafa musati manditicha-a ChiShona-a Narration-Ndinorangarira kusecondary, ndiri kuchikoro vanhu vaMwari-i; Ainge ari makuseni handichazivi kuti mainge muri nani; Muclass medu, mukauya madam vanyuwani; Complexion yacho, kanhi iwe-e-e; Vakati zvekare, “Good Morning vana, ndinonzi, Mombeshora” “Ndini Ticha wenyu; ndichakudzidzisai Shona” Ndobva ndavatarisa, ivo vakandiona, ndobva vagara padesk vasina kugara zvakanaka; Ndobva ndasimuka kuendako ikoko; Ndikati, “Madam Makanaka” Vakanditarisa neziso vakati, “ende wakangwarisa” Vakandiudza munzeve kuti, “ndoda kuzokukisa” Zuva iroro handina kumborara, ndichigaya hora-a; Mangwana ndakakurumidza kuenda kuchikoro, neballpoint yainyora; Ndikati regai ndinotsvaga zvangu madam Mombeshora; Ndikanzwa noise kuStaffroom, vanhu vachinga school choir; Vanhu vachichema, madam Mombeshora vashaya; Madam Mombeshora vakaita accident nekombi yeRed; Chorus- Madam Mombeshora; Ndaikudai-i; Ndichigarofunga kukukisai-i; Makafa musati manditicha-a ChiShona-a; Narration-Ndakapanicker ndikamhanyira kumarobots; Ndikasvika Madam Mombeshora vakakombwa; Hairy yanga iri mumakumbo avo yakazara ropa; Ambulenzi, nemapurisa zvikatanga kupomba; MaNurse akapfeka magloves, akatanga kuvabvisa hembe; Vanhu vakatanga kutiza vachiti zviri kutyisa; Ndikambofunga kunwa poison ndikabatwa; Ndikati, “Madam Mombeshora vatozofa vasina kuzondikisa” Dai ikozvino izvi vari vangu, ndichivatadzisa kumarker mabooks; Vari vangu, ndichiswera ndiinavo mustaffroom, ndichivharirana navo; Madam Mombeshora ndiri kutenga maruva, ndiri kuuya nawo kuzoisa paguva;

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Chapter Fifteen Pamwe muchazoita ticha vangu veShona rimwe zuva mugondidzidzisa Mupanda, zvana: Mu-Va-Mu-Mi Chorus- Madam Mombeshora; Ndaikudai-i; Ndichigarofunga kukukisai-i; Makafa musati manditicha-a ChiShona-a; Lead- Say it, my friend; E-E-E-E Uncle; Play it; Do your little things Chorus - Madam Mombeshora; I loved you; I always thought of kissing you; You died before you taught me Shona Narration - I remember my time at High school, brethren; It was in the morning, but I can’t remember the month; In our class, came a new lady teacher; Her complexion was splendid; She said, “Good morning, I am Mombeshora” “I will be teaching you Shona” I looked at her, and she saw me, and sat improperly on the desk exposing her thighs and undergarments; I stood up and approached her; I said Madam you are so beautiful; She looked at me and said, “You are very naughty” She murmured in my ear that, “I would like to kiss you later” That day I didn’t sleep well; nastily, thinking about it; I went to school early the next day with my blue-ball point; I thought of looking for Madam Mombeshora; I heard some noise like that of the school choir at the staff room; People were crying over Madam Mombeshora who had passed away; Madam Mombeshora had been involved in an accident. Chorus - Madam Mombeshora; I loved you; I always thought of kissing you; You died before you taught me Shona; Narration - I panicked and rushed towards the road traffic signs; I found Madam Mombeshora surrounded by people; Her hairy legs were covered with blood; An ambulance and the police were bandaging her; Nurses put on their gloves, and started removing her clothes; People started running away, as it was startling; I thought of committing suicide, but was stopped; I said, “Madam Mombeshora died before kissing me”

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She would have been mine; I would be preventing her from marking books; Being mine, we were going to spend the whole day in the staff room Madam Mombeshora, I will buy some flowers, I will bring them in order to put them on your grave; Maybe you will be my teacher, one day Teaching me, Mu-Va-Mu-Mi Chorus - Madam Mombeshora; I loved you; I always thought of kissing you; You died before you taught me Shona.

This is a story about a male student fantasising about marrying his female teacher. The fantasy portrays a new lady teacher, Madam Mombeshora, sitting improperly in front of the class, that is, exposing her underwear or thighs. As a result of this, the male student goes to the teacher to warn her. Unbeknown to the male student, the lady teacher enjoys the attention and proceeds to murmur sexually suggestive words in the student’s ears. The teacher unfortunately dies in an accident, and the student laments the missed sexual encounter or opportunity. What is shocking is that the female teacher is negatively portrayed in the lyrics as loose, immoral, and unprofessional. The female teacher does not use her authority to reprimand the student or to show her position as a parent. The student in the lyrics is shown misbehaving and doesn’t seem to be concerned about the loss of life as he inhumanly chooses to describe the hairy legs of his dead teacher; something really foreign when it comes to how Zimbabwean pupils respectfully regard their teachers. Sadly, the lyrics abundantly demean the status of women as sex objects, as observed by most critics of the Urban Grooves type of music. Xtra Large’s “Small House,” song was also criticised. The song is about a man who prides himself on small houses or mistresses as he feels his wife is not doing much in showing her love. The song goes as follows: Lead - E-e-e-e Akazi-i-I; mudzimba umu; Musati zvamalovolwa hamuchageza; zvamarovolwa hamuchachena; Munosiyiwa mumba umu-u makatemba mhani Chorus-Ho-o-o ihelele-le-e Ndosiya-a imba yangu, vakomana imi; Amai Linda-a; Ndosiya-a-a mukadzi wangu, ndogara newe-eAmai Linda-a; I-i-i Small house yangu-u, amai Linda-a ho-o; Amai Linda-a;

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Kwasara bhachi rangu, kwa amai Linda-a Narration-Sahwila-a-a wangu, ndaenda kumba kwa “Small House” Sahwilaaa Ndasvika, ndagaliswa padhabhulu-quarter Bed; Andibvisa masocks, amai Linda-a Sahwila-a-a; Andibikila-a-a mazai, bacon nabhuluvhosi sahwila-a-a; Tapedza-a-a kudya paya Amai Linda-a andiisa lulimi munzeve Sahwila-a-a; Andikisa pahulo Sahwila-a-a; Amai Bhoyi kumba havaite zvese izvi Sahwila-a-a wangu; Ndati ini ndazotiza kumba Sahwila-a-a Chorus-Ho-o-o ihelele-le-e; Ndosiya-a imba yangu, vakomana imi; Amai Linda-a; Ndosiya-a-a mukadzi wangu ndogara newe-e-; Amai Linda-a; I-i-i Small house yangu-u Amai Linda-a ho-o; Amai Linda-a; Kwasara bhachi rangu kwaMai Linda-a; Narration-E-E-E-E-E mwanangu Silivia walovolwa Siri-i; Wachata Silivia mwanangu-u; Ndiri kufara Silivia, asi ndati ndikuudze Silivia; Murume wako ukaenda umubate zvakanaka Silivia; Usakudze tuhasha tunenge twa amai vako ukatadza kubika; Anokutiza achienda ku “Small House,” sokuita kwandinoita amai vako ndichienda kwaManduwe-e; Silivia, murume anoenda ku “Small House” wazvinzwa-a-a-a Silivia; Chorus-Ho-o-o ihelele-le-e; Ndosiya-a imba yangu, vakomana imi; Amai Linda-a; Ndosiya-a-a mukadzi wangu, ndogara newe-e-; Amai Linda; I “Small house” yangu, amai Linda-a-a; Amai Linda; Kwakasara bhachi rangu, kwa amai Linda; Narration- Mumuromo memudzimai wangu, muhapwa nemasokisi zvinonhuhwa; Ndikaenda kumba kwe “Small house” yangu, kune zvinonhuwirira; Anozvizora pamuviri wake; Anobvisa vhudzi rese pese pehapwa; Chorus-Ndikaenda handidzoki; Anondibikira Pandinoendako; Unondibata zvakanaka; Amai Linda-a; Ho-o-o, amai Linda-ax3

The Urban Grooves as Music Genre for Zimbabwean Youths Narration-Hu-u-u-u vakadzi vanozvivhiringidza vega; Ukauya kumba kwangu unowana mudzimai wangu achiyamwisa; Imba yese ichinhuhwa; Anokwatisa matevera mumapoto aanobikira chikafu; Izvi hazviitiki kumba kwe “Small house” yangu Chorus - Ho-o-o-o ihelele-le-e; Ndichasiya imba yangu vakomana; Amai Linda; Ndichasiya mudzimai wangu ndozogara newe Amai Linda; I “Small house,” amai Linda-a-a; Amai Linda; Kwakasara bhachi rangu kwa amai Linda; Lead-E-e-e-e-Ladies in the homes Don’t ever think that when married, you no longer need to bathe and be smart; You will be left, despite your stupid conviction that the man is yours; Chorus- Ho-o-o-o ihelele-le-e; I will leave my house guys; Madam Linda; I will leave my wife, and stay with you; Madam Linda; She is my mistress, Madam Linda-a-a Madam Linda; I left my jacket at Madam Linda’s place Narration- My friend, I went to my mistress’ place; When I was there, she made me sit on a double-quarter bed; Madam Linda took off my socks, my friend; She prepared eggs, bacon, and sausages, my friend; When we had finished eating Madam Linda put her tongue in my ears, my friend; She kissed my neck, my friend; At my home, my wife doesn’t do that, my friend; I am leaving my wife, my friend Chorus- Ho-o-o-o ihelele-le-e; I will leave my house, guys; Madam Linda; I will leave my wife, and stay with you Madam Linda; She is my mistress, Madam Linda-a-a; Madam Linda; I left my jacket at Madam Linda’s place Narration- E-E-E-E my daughter Silivia, you have been married; You have wedded; I am very happy, but I want to tell you something;

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Chapter Fifteen Treat your husband well; Avoid being emotional like your mother, and fail to cook; Your husband will run away, as I did from your mother, and I went to my mistress; Silivia, your husband will visit mistresses Chorus-Ho-o-o-o ihelele-le-e; I will leave my house, guys; Madam Linda; I will leave my wife, and stay with you; Madam Linda; She is my mistress, Madam Linda-a-a; Madam Linda; I left my jacket at Madam Linda’s place; Narration- My wife’s mouth, armpits, and socks smell; When I visit my mistress, her place smells of perfume; She smears it on her whole body; She removes all hair from her armpits Chorus- When I go, I will not come back; She cooks for me; When I go there; She keeps me well; Madam Linda-a; Ho-o-o Amai Linda-a x3 Narration- Hu-u-u-u ladies let themselves down; If you come to my place, you find my wife breastfeeding; Unfortunately, the whole house smells; She boils nappies in our cooking pots; You don’t find that at my mistress’; Chorus- Ho-o-o-o ihelele-le-e; I will leave my house guys; Madam Linda; I will leave my wife, and stay with you; Madam Linda; She is my mistress, Madam Linda-a-a; Madam Linda; I left my jacket at Madam Linda’s place;

Even though Xtra Large’s presentation is humourous and satirical, the lyrics sadly promote immorality or unfaithfulness. Women are again presented as sexual objects, as in the case of “Madam Mombeshora” by Maskiri. Married women are warned to be wary of mistresses as long as they fail to romantically satisfy or be hospitable to their husbands. Women are admonished to always be smart and submissive to their husbands. The man admonishes his daughter who is about to get married to be aware that men prefer being treated well, as well as having submissive women with

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housekeeping skills (family and self-care). Failure to measure up to that would result in men leaving their wives, thereby finding relief at their mistresses’ homes. Surprisingly, nothing in reverse is said about men and what they should also do as husbands for their women or wives. Women are sadly made to serve men in the lyrics.

Conclusion This chapter demonstrated that Urban Grooves music is still a force to reckon with in the music industry. The chapter also argued that instead of dismissing this brand of music as foreign and lacking identity, it is also necessary to appreciate what this type of music can positively do to society. Where there is a need for positive changes, the artists need support and constructive criticism if the youths are going to be helped and nurtured well as future leaders. The chapter noted that even though the Urban Grooves type of music has been criticised in some cases for negatively portraying women, it has helped propel women in general - and particularly the girl child - to fame and fortune in certain contexts where the cultural, political, economic, and religious avenues for bottom-up social mobility of women are very limited. However, a lot needs to be done by Urban Grooves artists, especially on moral issues if the battle against the HIV and AIDS pandemic is going to be won in Zimbabwe.

References Bennell P and Ncube M. 1994. “Jobs for the boys?” Employment experiences of secondary school leavers in Zimbabwe.” Journal of Southern African Studies, Volume 20 Number 2 (1994): 301-316. Machingura Francis and Machingura Jesca Mushoperi. Women and Sungura Music in Zimbabwe: Sungura Music as a CulturallyGendered Genre, R&D Research and Discussion, Volume 4 Number 1 (2012): 25-41. Machingura Francis. The Messianic Feeding of the Masses: An Analysis of John 6 in the Context of Messianic Leadership in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2012 Machingura Francis and Machingura Jesca Mushoperi. ‘“Where do you come from and when are you going back to your country?’ A Diasporan Reflection on Identity Crises of African Immigrants in Germany.”’ Accessed online, 09 September 2012, http://research.ucc.ie/aigne/2011/01/machingura/ 05/en

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Mandisoul Mack T. “Urban Groovers need constructive criticism.” The Sunday Mail, 2-8 July 2006. Matsheza Frederick. “Urban Grooves Music in Zimbabwe: A Case Study of how American Music influences other cultures and identities.” Accessed online, 26 August 2012 http://www.amazines.com/Art_and_ Culture/article_detail.cfm/812269?articleid=812269 Mazara Garikai. “Mukanya is right, Winky D plays Bubblegum Music.” The Sunday Mail, 26 June 2011 Mokwetsi, John. “Urban Grooves Need Zimbabwean Identity-Kawara.” Accessed online, 26 July 2012 http://www.new zimbabwe.com/pages/showbiz19.15978.html Mugauri Gwendoline. “Are Celebrities Spouse Home Breakers.” The Sunday Mail, 10 July 2011 Musavengana Nyasha. “Urban Grooves Hopeless.” The Sunday Mail, 11 December 2009 Nyamhangambiri Sebastian. Urban Grooves Blacklisted by State Radio. Accessed online, 27 August 2012, http://www. freemuse.org/sw22434.asp Robertson R. “Globalisation: Time-Space and homogeneity-heterogeneity.” In Global Modernities edited by M Featherstone, S Lash and R Robertson (London: Sage Publications, 1995). NewZimbabwe.com. “Rocqui enters Big Brother Africa.” Accessed Online, 06 August 2012, http://www.newzimbabwe.com/showbiz7873-rocqui%20enters%20Big%20Brother%20Africa/showbiz.aspx, Sibanda Maxwell. “17 Urban Groovers Clash.” The Daily News, 16 April 2012 The Zimbabwean Reporter. “Urban Grooves artistes dominate Channel O.” The Zimbabwean, 20 June 2010 Tichawangana Fungai. “Is Urban Grooves officially dead?” Accessed online, 19 June 2012, http://www.newzimbabwe.com/blog/index.php/2009/05/jtichawangana /urban-grooves-is-dying/

Interviews Gwandipedza, Sarai. 2012 Nhari, Joseph. 2012 Marodza, H. 2012 Musoni, C. 2012 Sithole, Jesca. 2012 Zindoga, T. 2012

PART IV: MUSIC AND IDENTITY

CHAPTER SIXTEEN VOICES FROM BELOW: ETHNICITY AND MARGINALITY IN LOVEMORE MAJAIVANA’S ALBUM, “ISONO SAMI” ZIFIKILE GAMBAHAYA AND ITAI MUWATI

Introduction The significance of the genre of music in articulating the African condition cannot be overemphasised. Researchers in song and music have drawn ample attention to this phenomenon. In Zimbabwe, considerable research has gone into the role of music in critiquing pre and postindependence society. Prominent male musicians like Thomas Mapfumo, Oliver Mtukudzi, and Hosiah Chipanga, all articulating the African experience largely from the experiences and perspective of the Shona people, have been given more than their fair share of airtime and scholarly attention. Similarly, their female counterparts, notably Fungisayi Zvakavapano-Mashavave, Stella Chiweshe, and Ivy Kombo, are no exception. Among scholars who have championed research in music emanating from the Shona episteme are Fred Zindi and Ezra Chitando. Their positions are naively taken to represent other ethnic groups such as the Ndebele, Kalanga, Venda, and Tonga, among others. Thus, critical scholarship on music has so far indirectly perpetuated skewed interpretations and configurations of nation. Such scholarship has paid very little attention to ethnic diversity, and has, in the process, promulgated discourses that suffocate plurality. While the Ndebele are not the only ethnic group in Zimbabwe saddled with marginalities, musicians hailing from Matebeleland have received very scant attention, and have tended to receive less airplay compared to their counterparts singing in the Shona language. Although this could be cursorily explained by the fact that the Shona people comprise 75% of Zimbabwe’s population, one cannot help but sympathise with musicians from Matabeleland when they claim discrimination or segregation. Lovemore Majaivana is one such

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musician. By foregrounding Majaivana as a major rallying point, the chapter operationalises the artist as a symbol of the marginalisation of alternative voices in scholarship on music. It challenges such localised hegemonic build-ups by diversifying options and enlarging discursive tropes on music. Although Lovemore Majaivana has contributed significantly to the growth of music in Zimbabwe, his albums have received cursory attention from researchers, yet an examination of his music reveals a deep concern for the Ndebele people on whose behalf he sings. In this regard, Hadebe (2001: 16) observes that the Ndebele people’s “history, philosophy, and world-view have been neglected in mainstream history and knowledge”. The singer himself shares the same sentiments. Speaking after being granted a Lifetime Achievement Award in the music industry in absentia at the Mporiro Arts Festival in Canterbury in the United Kingdom in early 2013, Majaivana had this to say: “For all along, I have been wondering why my own people have ignored me, when the same people I started with like Oliver Mtukudzi have been honoured so many times… I have been living with the thought that my people did not appreciate my immense contribution to the music industry.” (http://zimdiaspora.com/index.php?=article&view&id=9736:first... Retrieved 3/11/2013.

Zindi also notes that: “For some unknown reason, even prominent festivals organised by the Zimbabwe Music Association (ZIMA) and the National Arts Council of Zimbabwe (NAMA), which have been running since 2000, have never recognised Majaivana” (The Herald, 2012)

Paying tribute to Majaivana on his 60th birthday, Gumpo (2012) describes him as an “unsung hero… one of the best and biggest singers the country has ever known”. Although sidelined in this manner, to date, Majaivana is arguably the finest musician to emerge from Matebeleland, and he has produced more albums than any other Ndebele singer. It is noteworthy that a fellow musician, Albert Nyathi (cited in Gumpo 2012), notes: “Many have come and gone, but he [Majaivana] still remains in many people’s hearts, and will do so for a long time. You are talking of a man who could hold the stage for hours on his own without help from the backing musicians. Amazingly, you will enjoy the show as if they were many. He combined singing and dancing or jiving with so much ease. No

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Chapter Sixteen wonder he remains the greatest. No musician, living or dead, has ever successfully done that. He is clearly the best.”

This comment comes as no surprise, considering the fact that Majaivana has even shared the stage with musical giants in the international arena like Bob Marley, Dorothy Masuka, and Hugh Masekela. In addition to this, “Majaivana has been a great inspiration to many a musician, such as Jays Marabini, Solomon Skuza, Sandra Ndebele, Africa Revenge, Willis Watafi, Busi Ncube, Mantongande, Albert Nyathi, and many more. The legacy of his music is carried on in the likes of Lwazi Tshabangu, his son Derrick Majaivana, and Royal Destiny” (Gumpo: ibid). Apart from Hadebe’s (2001) critique of Majaivana’s songs released earlier on in his career, hardly any exegesis of the songs exists. This paper focuses on Majaivana’s last album Isono Sami (My Sin), which was released in 2001. From an African viewpoint, this last album is akin to a departed person’s last words or will, which are often binding on the living. This observation makes the lyrics worthy of exploration or study. Further, the year of release of the album – 2001 – is of particular significance, as it marks the beginning of what economists have termed the decade of crisis, or the lost decade. The term derives from an unprecedented decline in the country’s economy, which was witnessed in the period 2000-2010. Referring to the levels of poverty of the ordinary Zimbabweans during this period, Moyana (2012: 64) postulates: “By that year [2008] there was nothing left in Zimbabwe, literally, there was no money, no fuel, no food, and no employment. For those who still woke up to go to their work places, there was no access to their wages or salaries. People ate what was euphemistically called air pies and drank sun crush!”

In the album Isono Sami, Majaivana grapples with the historical processes leading to, and culminating in, the decade of crisis. The “predecade-of-crisis” period is characterised by the ethnic tensions of the Gukurahundi era of the late 1980s, as well as the severe deterioration of the country’s economic performance, induced by the IMF/World-Banksponsored Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP). With respect to Zimbabwe’s economic performance during the two historical periods in question, the difference lies in degree, rather than kind. What stands out though, are the ethnic tensions that dominated the first historical era. Commenting on this phenomenon, Gambahaya (1999: 18) observes: “The landslide victory of ZANU in the 1980 general elections… reflected that voting was along ethnic and regional lines. The outcome of the

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elections heightened ethnic tension, and the general atmosphere of suspicion gave birth to the dissident problem in Matabeleland and the Midlands.”

The dissidents were Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) ex-combatants who perceived the Ndebele speaking people as being discriminated against and being excluded from power. ZIPRA was the military wing of ZAPU, one of Zimbabwe’s two political parties that waged the liberation war against the colonial regime. As government forces tracked the dissidents who had taken up arms against it, they often used widespread terror tactics that resulted in gruesome murders and torture of civilians in Ndebele-speaking areas. This is what is referred to as the Gukurahundi era. Gukurahundi is a Shona term that refers to the first rains that sweep away the husks after threshing. Tragically, the term has implications of getting rid of the unwanted, a mopping up exercise. This is reflected in beatings and killings of the perceived enemies of the state. As reflected in the CCJP Report (1997: 15), what is indisputable is the fact that “thousands of unarmed civilians died, were beaten, or suffered loss of property during the 1980s, some at the hands of dissidents and most as a result of the actions of Government agencies.” The post-independence political disturbances had definitely taken on an ethnic and regional dimension, a fact that was readily exploited by ruling party politicians in a divide-and-rule tactic to consolidate their grip on power. The disturbance came to an end with the signing of the Unity Accord in 1987. By that time, the young nation was facing severe problems on the economic front. Zimbabwe’s dismal economic performance was caused by a multiplicity of factors, chief among them being “declining markets, deteriorating terms of trade” and “sheer incompetence and gross mismanagement of the economy by the ruling elites” (Mlambo, 1993: 56). So grave was the situation that in the early 1990s, the government was forced to adopt ESAP in order to revive the economy. The resultant austerity measures led to a dramatic increase in the cost of living, as well as massive job losses, which negatively impacted the lives of the poor majority, what Balleis refers to as “the killing effects of ESAP”. ESAP was indeed an “inhuman system” which resulted in the “trickling down of poverty” (Gambahaya, 1999: 32). As the poor majority bore the brunt of the austerity measures, the economic gains of the early 1980s became a thing of the past. This negative growth rate in the economy has unfortunately been a characteristic of Zimbabwe’s economy after independence. Commenting on the severity of the hardships faced by the majority, Chitando (2002: 45-46) avers:

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Chapter Sixteen “The period 1990-2001 was a trying one... The government abandoned its socialist philosophy and adopted the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) in 1991. Retrenchments, soaring prices, unemployment, and destitution became widespread. The working poor struggled to make ends meet… while those working in the formal sector faced serious economic challenges... The celebration and ululation of the 1980s had given way to pessimism and despair.”

The majority of the population was dismayed that government’s populist policies such as “Growth with Equity”, “Health for All”, and “Education for All” never came to fruition. Majaivana’s Isono Sami is a commentary on Zimbabwe’s political, social, and economic condition during this era. Isono Sami The title song, “Isono Sami” (My Sin) is a desperate cry for recognition: Isono Sami bo; Isono Sami, yikuba ngumzwangendaba; Bayangisola; Bayangihleka; Bayangizonda mina Ngoba mina ngingumzwangendaba; Icala lami yikuba ngumzwangendaba; Bayangisola mina; Bathi ngingumzwangendaba; Ngingaze ngiye emazweni ngiphenduke emazweni; Abangikhiphi emaphepheni mina; Ngoba mina ngingumzwangendaba; Ngingaze ngigide kanjani kabangiboni; Ngingaze ngigide kanjani kabangifuni mina; Kabangikhiphi emoyeni mina; Ngoba mina, ngingumzwangendaba; Ngingaze ngithandaze kanjani; Kabangiboni mina; Ngiguqe kanjani; Kabangiboni mina; Bayangisola mina; Bayangihleka mina; Bayangizonda mina; Kabangifuni mina; Ngingumzwangendaba

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Oh, my sin; The sin I have committed is that, I am of Zwangendaba origin; They despise me; They laugh at me; They hate me Because I am of Zwangendaba origin; My crime is that I am of Zwangendaba origin; They despise me; They say I am of Zwangendaba origin Even though I visit other countries and return home; It is never reported in the press; Because I am of Zwangendaba origin; It does not matter how I dance, no one sees me; It does not matter how I dance, no one wants me; My songs will not be aired on radio/television; Because I am of Zwangendaba origin; It does not matter how much I pray; They do not see me; It does not matter how much I kneel; They do not see me; They despise me; They laugh at me; They hate me; They do not like me; I am of Zwangendaba origin.

The lyrics create a sombre mood through powerful images that capture a profound sense of alienation. The persona complains that he is looked down upon (bayangisola), ignored (kabangiboni), mocked (bayangihleka), and hated (bayangizonda), the reason being that he is “mzwangendaba” (of Zwangendaba origin). Historically, Zwangendaba, a 19th century Nguni sub-chief under the paramount chief Zwide, was pushed out of present-day KwaZulu-Natal during the period of Mfecane, a period of “rapid and considerable population movements” in Southern Africa (Thomson, 1981: 9). This instability, which occurred in the early 1800s, was largely a result of drought-induced famine, rapid population growth, a shortage of grazing land (Thomson, 1981: 11), and competition for the lucrative trading with Europeans on the coast (Mwaezeigwe, 1997: 13). Together with a group of loyalists who later became known as the Ngoni, Zwangendaba migrated north, and a splinter group finally settled in present-day Malawi after Zwangendaba’s death in present-day Tanzania. There is no doubt that the lyrics of “Isono Sami” echo Majaivana’s ethnic origins. The singer finds himself in the unenviable situation of being associated with people of Malawian origin (descendants of Zwangendaba’s

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Ngoni), who tend to be looked down upon by their fellow Zimbabweans, a point that has been amply demonstrated in Shona and Ndebele fiction (see Gambahaya et al. 2010). The singer decries this discrimination on the basis of one’s ethnic origins, as seen from the frequent refrain: Isono Sami yikuba nguMzwangendaba (The sin I have committed is that, I am of Zwangendaba origin) One cannot help but sympathise with the singer as he grapples with issues of identity that are intimately tied with perceptions of self-worth and selfconfidence, which in turn impact an individual’s dignity and sense of wellbeing and belonging. In this regard, Zimbabwe fits the description of Europe’s deliberate creation of new African nation-states to be entities with a “multiplicity of ethnic groups, ethnic divisions and a shallow sense of nationhood” (Diamond cited in Kambudzi, 1998: viii), what Kambudzi (1998: viii) refers to as the “inability [of African states] to set up a broad inter-ethnic national cohesion”. This is also reflected in the song “Chingwa” (Bread) by sungura artist Tongai Moyo: Tinoda rugare munyika yedu changamire; Kana muNdevere nayewo arimowo; Kana Achimwene navowo varimowo. We want to live decently in our country; Someone of Ndebele origin is a bonafide citizen of this country; Someone of Malawian origin is a bonafide citizen of this country. Even those of Malawian origin are there (See Muwati et al. 2013: 117).

As Muwati et al. (2013: 118) put it, “the state is reminded of the complex demographic… and ethnic set-up, which should be seen as a drawbridge to prosperity and sustainable national development”. In “Isono Sami” (My Sin) (Imbongi Version), the singer takes his message to a higher level, showing how the whole nation can be caught up in a vicious cycle of ethnic discrimination that is detrimental to national development. As in the first version of the song, the persona (whom the musician identifies with) is cast in the image of umzukulu (nephew) who, in Ndebele culture, does not enjoy the same rights and benefits accorded to siblings of the family. The persona is further referred to as umabonabulawe - a complete undesirable or an enemy, one who must be killed at first sight. The musician’s plight could be understood at two levels. First, as already indicated, being of Malawian origin, Majaivana could have felt that he was not fully accepted by the Ndebele among whom he grew and for whom he sang. On a higher and more significant level, though, the lyrics could be alluding to what people in Ndebele-speaking areas have

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come to perceive as a deliberate attempt by the ruling party, ZANU PF, to exclude them from mainstream society on the basis of their political affiliation. One party has ruled Zimbabwe since independence in 1980. Although ZANU PF, the ruling party, appears to have widespread support in rural Mashonaland where the majority of people reside, it has never garnered enough support in the southwest part of the country – home to the Ndebele-speaking people. The images in the song in question capture a profound sense of helplessness and hopelessness. Just as Christians view sin as a debilitating condition that separates humanity from the life-giving and life-sustaining creator, the Ndebele see themselves as largely excluded from deriving benefits from the various life-sustaining national resources. The Zambezi water project, an ambitious project whose goal is to supply the droughtstricken city of Bulawayo with water drawn from the Zambezi River, is a case in point. There appears to be no serious commitment by the authorities to embark on this project several decades after its first announcement (see Hadebe 2001: 25). The Ndebele have perceived this as a deliberate effort by the government to deprive them of a basic human right. It is no surprise, then, that the concluding lyrics are a sharp condemnation of the social vices that have bedevilled post-independence Zimbabwe: Ngubani olungileyo? Akakho olungileyo; Abalungileyo sebasitshiya; Sekusele amasela nje; Abanye bantshontsha umumbu; Abanye bantshontsha amafutha; Abanye bantshontsha imali; Abanye bantshontsha inkomo; Pho wena wantshontshani, we mzukulu wami? Libambe lingatshoni; Ngoba lingatshona uzakuyalala; Ubusuphupha untshontsha; Yiso isono sakho (“Isono Sami” - Imbongi Version) Who is good? No one is good; The good ones are gone; Only thieves remain; Some steal grain. Some steal fuel; Some steal money; Some steal cattle:

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Chapter Sixteen What did you steal, nephew? Hold the sun back, so that it does not set; Because if it sets, you will go to bed; Then you will dream stealing something; This is your sin.

This calls to mind a morally diseased and depraved nation. The grim picture of the social malaise in post-independence Zimbabwe is a serious indictment of the party that has ruled Zimbabwe since independence. There have been serious allegations that those aligned with the ruling party have lined their pockets at the expense of the poor majority. Andy Brown also captures this rampant theft in a song whose title, “Nyika Yamatsotsi” (A Country of Crooks), captures it all. This rampant theft therefore means that the national cake is not being fairly shared or distributed, resulting in the majority of people being robbed of their share of the national wealth. Unfortunately, this points to the sad reality that all is not well with the nation. This is borne out by the fact that, to date, poverty remains one of the greatest challenges facing Zimbabwe, yet globally, Zimbabwe has “one of the highest endowments of natural resources” (Chasi, 2012). The irony is that amidst all this natural wealth, a feeling of helplessness and hopelessness pervades the poor majority, as the gap between the rich and the poor continues to widen. The fact that the innocent persona suffers punishment for a crime he/she did not commit may be a pointer to a skewed economic or justice system that punishes honest, hard-working, and innocent citizens, while those guilty of looting national resources remain free. The persona is victimised for “dreaming of stealing”, in other words, for a dream that really amounts to nothing. The fact that the only way of getting respite would be for him to stop the sun from setting in case night-time brings unwelcome dreams reinforces the desperation of ordinary citizens, which borders on despair. The same hopelessness is echoed in “Angilamali” (I Have no Money), a song of pain that paints an image of people living in abject poverty. The persona is homesick, probably a reflection of Majaivana’s own plight when he spent time away from home, in pursuit of better alternatives, unfortunately, all to no avail. The singer could be recounting his own plight when he was employed by Dairiboard in Harare during the mid1980s. In “Angilamali,” Majaivana sings as a pained poverty-stricken citizen: Mina ngifuna ukuhamba ngibuyele ekhaya; Mina ngifuna ukubuyela koNtuthu; Mina ngifuna ukuhamba ngiye ekhaya;

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Gidigidi ngenyawo ezidabukileyo; Angilamali yokuy’ ekhaya; Angilamali yokubona abadala; Angilamali yokuya koNtuthu; Sengivela emazweni mina lapho okulesinkwa setiki; Sengivela emazweni mina lapho okulomsobho wamahala; I want to go back home; I want to go back to Ntuthu (Bulawayo); I want to go home; I dance/walk clumsily with badly cracked feet; I have no money to go home; I have no money to use to see theold folks; I am coming from visiting countries where there is bread for a penny; I am coming from visiting countries where there is free soup.

The above song depicts the plight of the unemployed as well as the worker in post-independence Zimbabwe. For the worker, there is nothing to show for his effort at the end of the day. The cracked feet recreate an image of extreme deprivation. Such a bodily condition has a lot of potential for embarrassment and mortification. He cannot even afford to raise the bus fare to visit his parents, an indicator that grinding poverty pervades the nation. The use of the name Ntuthu/Ntuthuziyathunqa (the place of billowing smoke) is a sad reminder that the economy has been on its knees since the closure of factories in the ESAP era. This is the name by which the city of Bulawayo was commonly referred to during the colonial era. Sadly, the name is no longer an apt description of Zimbabwe’s second largest city, as the billowing smoke emitted by factories, from which the name derives, has since disappeared with their closure. As a result of these closures, it is estimated that 90% of Zimbabwe’s workforce is unemployed, even despite the dollarisation that came with the Government of National Unity in order to prop up the economy. This song is reminiscent of rap artist Monro’s song, “House of Hunger”, which describes those in positions of power as “cooking heaps of famine” and building “brick upon brick of hunger” (cited in Makina, 2009: 226). The lyrics of “Isono Sami” capture “the plight of a people who are hungry, unemployed, dehumanised, and exploited by those in power” (Ibid: 231). The song “Ukhalelani?” (Why Are You Crying?) reinforces the message of “Angilamali” (I Have no Money): Ukhalelani usaphila? Buya ekhaya;

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Chapter Sixteen Liyawuhlupha umoya wami; Liyawukhathaza umoya wami; Lawuhlupha umoya wami; Ngobani laba abantu abakhathaza umoya wami? Lingabantu bani lina elikhathaza umoya wami? Lingobani lina elikhathaza umoya wami? Abanye bathi ngifile mina; Abanye bathi ngiyagula mina; Lawuhlupha umoya wami; Liyawukhathaza umoya wami; Ukhalelani umama ekhona? Ukhalelani ubaba ekhona? Why do you cry, while you still live? Come home; You people are troubling my spirit; You people are troubling my spirit; You have indeed troubled my spirit; Who are these people who are troubling my spirit? What sort of people are you, you who trouble my spirit? Who are you, who are causing so much pain to my spirit? Some say I am dead; Some say I am ill; You have troubled my spirit; You are troubling my spirit; Why do you cry, when mother is there? Why do you cry, when father is there?

The song sheds some light on the lives of ordinary Zimbabweans during the era in question. Majaivana sings with the voice of dejection, which represents the experiences of those who have gone through some heart-rending experience. It alludes to a nation that is beset with varied ills, a nation that is economically, politically, physically, and socially diseased. On the surface, Majaivana is protesting against some rumour mongers who have been spreading untruths about his health, with some going to the extent of announcing and mourning his death. The use of the body as a metaphor for the state of the economy accentuates the moral and political culpability of those in charge of the affairs of the state. The singer deftly exploits this metaphor in a way that increasingly points to the inexorability of Zimbabwe as a failed state. In addition, reference to poor health is an apt reflection of the devastation caused by the HIV and AIDS pandemic, which has wrought havoc in SubSaharan Africa as a whole. So pervasive was the pandemic that “due to the high death rate attributable to HIV and AIDS, funeral songs dominated the

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airwaves in Zimbabwe during the period under review” (Chitando, 2002a: 8). Commenting on this historical era, Chitando (2002b: 46) observes: “Amidst the increasing poverty, the AIDS pandemic threatened to decimate the country’s economically active age group. Funerals became commonplace, while many in the productive ages were confined to their deathbeds.”

In Zimbabwe in particular, the situation has been worsened by poor nutrition arising from widespread poverty. During the historical era in question, this situation was exacerbated by a shortage of drugs, as well as a steady brain drain of healthcare professionals that reached a crescendo in the decade of crisis: “As the economic hardships in Zimbabwe became acute in the late 1990s, many young professionals began to leave the country. Specialists in the health, education, information technology, banking, and other sectors departed in frustration.” (Chitando, 2002a:10)

The family, especially the rural poor, bore the brunt of the suffering, which saw a dramatic increase in the number of orphans as a result of the pandemic. This in turn led to a rise in the number of child-headed households, hence Majaivana’s rhetorical questions, Ukhalelani usaphila? (Why do you cry yet you still live?), Ukhalelani umama ekhona? or Ukhalelani ubaba ekhona? (Why do you cry, when mother is there? Or, Why do you cry, when father is there?). The situation had deteriorated to the extent that the measure of one’s wellbeing was determined by whether or not one’s parents were alive, irrespective of one’s quality of life. For the suffering majority, crying had become a luxury that they could ill afford, despite the torments inflicted by the world that they inhabited. The singer urges his hearers not to cry - a pointer to the fact that the system has become so inhuman that it is not touched by human suffering. Even though the conditions under which they live are unbearable, survival demands that they should either be immune to their suffering, or suffer silently. The song “Isizungu” appears to be an attempt by Majaivana to assuage the devastation inflicted on the majority: Isizungu-ke? Asibulali; Isizungu asibulali, ngabe sesangibulala. Ukwaliwa-ke? Akubulali; Ukwaliwa akubulali, ngabe kwangibulala.

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Chapter Sixteen Ithemba-ke? Alibulali; Alibulali, ithemba, alibulali, ngabe selangibulala. Ukubuswa-ke? Akubulali; Ukubuswa akubulali, ngabe kwangibulala. Ukuswela-ke? Akubulali; Ukuswela akubulali, ngabe kwangibulala. Ukuhlekwa-ke? Akubulali; Ukuhlekwa akubulali, ngabe kwangibulala. Ubulova-ke? Abubulali; Ubulova abubulali, ngabe sebangibulala. Ukujomba-ke? Akubulali; Ukujomba akubulali, ngabe kwangibulala. Indlala-ke? Ayibulali; Indlala, ayibulali, ngabe seyangibulala. What about loneliness? It does not kill; Loneliness does not kill, or it would have killed me. What about rejection? It does not kill; Rejection does not kill, or it would have killed me. What about hope? It does not kill Hope does not kill, or it would have killed me. What about bad governance? It does not kill; Bad governance does not kill, or it would have killed me. What about poverty? It does not kill; Poverty does not kill, or it would have killed me. What about mockery? It does not kill; Mockery does not kill, or it would have killed me. What about joblessness? It does not kill; Joblessness does not kill, or it would have killed me. What about being broke? It does not kill; Being broke does not kill, or it would have killed me.

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What about starvation? It does not kill; Starvation does not kill, or it would have killed me.

What is striking about this song is the catalogue of ills that have beset the nation. There is loneliness, rejection, hopelessness, poverty, bad governance, mockery, starvation, and joblessness. These ills have become the order of the day in post-independence Zimbabwe, to the extent that people have learnt to trudge on shouldering them. As Majaivana reiterates, it is a real wonder that people are in fact still alive. The sad part is that the dehumanised system that accords sub-human status to its citizens has given birth to dehumanised individuals, who, it appears, will tolerate anything in order to survive. As Muwati et al, (2013: 113) observe: “These ubiquitous and preponderant images amplify the corrosive and devastating impact of the crisis on society. They are an indictment of a nation that can no longer offer sanctuary to citizens.” “Isizungu” could also be a pointer to the resilience of ordinary citizens who are always on the receiving end of bad governance. People are not just helpless victims of an inhuman system, as they have devised survival strategies that will see them through difficult and debilitating circumstances like rejection, joblessness, and starvation. The fact that these devastating circumstances have failed to destroy the persona is in line with the African worldview, which recognises African people’s potential for resistance. The song could be a celebration of the African’s indomitable spirit – a celebration of victory over adversity. This perspective could also be a result of Majaivana’s Christian background; Christianity also celebrates victory over evil.

Conclusion The chapter has demonstrated Majaivana’s contribution to the music industry, despite, until recently, a lack of recognition. He has been a source of inspiration to many musicians who came into the music scene after him. Nationally, though, he remains an “unsung hero”. The fact that the honour bestowed on him had to come from the England-based Zimbabwe’s International Performers Alliance (ZIPA) speaks volumes about the discrimination and intolerance that have been characteristic of post-independence Zimbabwe. Majaivana added a powerful voice to the songs of protest that came into being largely as a result of the government’s empty promises, coupled with the government’s mismanagement of the economy, which negatively impacted the lives of ordinary Zimbabweans in the early 1990s. This triggered massive unemployment, which resulted

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in abject poverty, especially among the rural poor and those in the lowincome brackets in urban areas. To date, the economy has yet to recover. Majaivana’s songs mostly took the form of disillusionment, with some like “Angilamali” registering pain almost bordering on despair.

References Balleis, Peter, S. J. A Critical Guide to ESAP: Seven Questions about the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme in Zimbabwe. Gweru: Mambo Press, 1993 Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace, Report on the 1980s Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands, 1997 Chasi, M. “How Zimbabwe’s Natural Resources Can Provide Pathways out of Poverty”. Pathways out of Poverty for Zimbabwe: Conference Paper Series Number 3, July 2012. University of Zimbabwe: Institute of Developmental Studies, 2012 Chitando, E. “Down with the Devil, Forward with Christ!’: A Study of the Interface between Religious and Political Discourse in Zimbabwe.” African Sociological Review, Vol.6 Number 1(2002a): 1-16. —. “Singing Culture” A study of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe.” In Research Report No. 121 (Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2002b). Gambahaya, Z. “An Analysis of the Social Vision of Post-Independence Zimbabwean Writers with Special Reference to Shona and Ndebele Poetry” (PhD Diss., Cape Town: University of Cape Town, 1999) Gambahaya, Z., Muwati, I., Gwekwerere, T. and Magosvongwe, R., 2010. “The Management of Ethnic Diversity in Zimbabwe Literature: An Analysis of Selected Novels in Ndebele and Shona.” ZAMBEZIA: Journal of Humanities of the University of Zimbabwe (Special Issue), (2010): 1-15. Gumpo, D. “Lovemore Majaivana turns 60: Bayethe Golide Omuhle.” Accessed 3 June 2013, http://zimdiaspora.com/index.php?=article&view&id=9736:first... Hadebe, S. “The Songs of Lovemore Majaivana and Ndebele Oral Literature.” In African Oral Literature: Functions in Contemporary Contexts, 16-20, edited by R Kaschula (Cleremont: New Africa Books, 2001). Kambudzi, A. M. Africa’s Peace Fiasco: From 1960 to 1995. Harare: University of Zimbabwe Publications, 1998 Makina, B. “Re-thinking White Narratives: Popular Songs and Protest Discourse in Post-colonial Zimbabwe.” Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, Vol. 6 Number 2 (2009): 221-231.

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Mlambo, A. S. “The Rich Shall Inherit the Earth.” ZAMBEZIA: Journal of Humanities of the University of Zinbabwe, Vol. 20 Number i (1993): 53-76 Muwati, I et al. “A Potentially Dystrophic Era: Analysing the Lyrical Sociology of Selected Sungura Songs in Zimbabwe in the 1990s and beyond.” Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, Vol. 10 Number 2 (2013): 107-121. Mwaezeigwe, N. T. Ngoni. New York: The Rosen Publishing group, 1997 The Zimdiaspora. “Lovemore Majaivana Speaks Out.” Accessed 3 June 2013, (http://zimdiaspora.com/index.php?=article&view&id=9736:first... Thomson, T. J. “The Origins, Migration and Settlement of the Northern Nguni.” The Society of Malawi Journal, Vol. 34 Number 1 (1981): 635. Zindi, F. 2012. “Majaivana Honoured at Last.” The Herald, 23 October, 2012.

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN MUSIC, HUNHU/UBUNTU AND IDENTITY IN ZIMBABWE: UNPACKING LEONARD ZHAKATA AND OLIVER MTUKUDZI’S MESSAGES FAINOS MANGENA

Introduction In this chapter, I look at the contribution of two legendary musicians in the celebration and popularisation of the theme of hunhu/ubuntu, which has gained a lot of traction in our time. These musicians are Zhakata and Mtukudzi. With Zhakata, I particularly focus on three albums, which, in my view, have explicitly brought out this theme. These are Pakuyambuka, Gotwe, and Zvangu Zvaita. With Mtukudzi, I focus on the albums Tuku Music, Tsivo, and Tsimba Itsoka. The songs that I sample and analyse from Zhakata’s three albums are Todya Tese, Dambura Mbabvu, and Dofo Pahunhu respectively, while in Mtukudzi’s album, I look at Tsika Dzedu, Totutuma, and Zvibate respectively. I begin this article by defining and characterising hunhu/ubuntu as a philosophy, before looking at the character of Zimbabwean music in general. Finally, I critically unpack the hunhu/ubuntu themes in Zhakata and Mtukudzi’s music.

Ubuntu Philosophy and Zimbabwean Music: Mapping the Terrain In this section I discuss the nature and character of ubuntu as a distinct category of African philosophy, with a view to showing how this philosophy is being dramatised through music in Zimbabwe today. For starters, the word ubuntu comes from a linguistic group of sub-Saharan languages known as Bantu (Battle 2009: 2). Both words, ubuntu and

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Bantu, can be recognised by the common root of –ntu (human) (2009: 2). However, among the Shona people of Zimbabwe, the root is –nhu instead of –ntu, while the prefix ubu- appears as u-/hu-. The prefix ba- denotes the plural form for humanity (2009: 2). Among the Shona people of Zimbabwe, the prefix is va-. For Mogobe Ramose (1999: 50), the prefixes hu-/ubu- and the suffixes –nhu/-ntu are mutually founding in the sense that they are two aspects of being, as one-ness and an indivisible wholeness. In short, ubuntu means personhood (Battle 2009: 2). Having highlighted the linguistic aspects of the word hunhu/ubuntu, how then do we define it as a philosophy? Many ubuntu scholars have defined ubuntu, linking it with the values, customs, traditions, and aspirations of a community or group. One such scholar is Battle (2009, 12) who defines ubuntu as “an African concept of personhood, in which the identity of the self is understood to be formed interdependently through community.” Thus, hunhu/ubuntu, as a distinct category of African philosophy, evaluates and justifies individual moral acts in Africa (Mangena 2012, 11). According to this philosophy, individual moral acts are only important in so far as they conform to the expectations of the community (2012, 11). Thus, individual opinions; varied and diverse as they may be, have to be put together in order to come up with a common moral position (CMP), which I defined elsewhere as a process whereby a group or community establishes a moral position, which can be subjected to group or community criticism in order to test its validity, but which can guide and regulate human behaviour within the group or community (2012, 11). Please note that the task of a hunhu/ubuntu philosophy is not only limited to evaluating and justifying individual moral acts; hunhu/ubuntu, is in fact, a world view for Africans (2012, 11). Desmond Tutu (1999) defines and characterises hunhu/ubuntu philosophy in somewhat the same way that I have defined it. For Tutu, the Nguni proverb umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu best summarises the meaning of ubuntu. This is also affirmed by Christian B N Gade (2012, 487), who postulates that there is a connection between ubuntu and the Nguni proverb: umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu, which, when translated to Shona, means munhu munhu muvanhu (a person is a person through other persons). This means that one’s existence only makes sense if he or she relates with others. Put simply, the Nguni proverb umuntu mgumuntu ngabantu corresponds to the statement, “no individual can be healthy when the community is sick” (Yamamoto 1997, 52). Thus, the notion of being and existence is inextricably tied to the idea of community. John S Mbiti

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(1969, 215) puts it aptly when he remarks: “I am because we are, and since we are, therefore I am.” What this means is that an individual’s importance is only seen when he or she contributes towards the betterment of the community or group (cf. Mangena 2012, 11). In apparent reference to the importance of relationships as buildingblocks of ubuntu, John S Pobee (cited in Mangena 2012, 94) uses the phrase cognatus ergo sum, which he translates to mean: “I am related by blood, therefore, I exist”, or “I exist because I belong to a family.” Granted that blood is important in defining relationships in Africa, and given that the family is at the pinnacle of African existence, the questions we would probably still need to answer are: What does it mean to be related by blood? What does belonging to a family entail? Being related by blood and belonging to a family means that there is a sharing of benefits and burdens by members of that family. This entails that if one member of a family succeeds in his or her life endeavours, the whole family or clan will benefit from that. Conversely, if one member of a family or clan does something that can damage the good standing of the family or clan, such as committing a crime like murder, rape, or adultery, the whole family or clan will be culpable. Put differently, vanhu/abantu share benefits and burdens as a collective body and not as individuals. Although it may appear as if the word ubuntu means the same throughout Southern Africa, Gade observes that the word is dynamic and has taken on new meanings at different points in history (2012, 487). In this essay, I will not engage myself in this debate. However, I will make use of the generic definition of Ubuntu, which puts the community at the centre of human existence in Southern Africa. With regard to ubuntu and the characterisation of Zimbabwean music, it is important to begin by noting that not all music in Zimbabwe celebrates the importance of hunhu/ubuntu, and that it is not only Zhakata and Mtukudzi who have composed songs with a hunhu/ubuntu theme. Many other musicians have also composed songs with such a theme, but for purposes of time and space, I have decided to single out Zhakata and Mtukudzi. Besides, these two musicians seem to be consistent in their treatment of the theme of hunhu/ubuntu and the issues relating to culture and national development. At this juncture, I will briefly say something about the character of Zimbabwean music. As Fred Zindi (2010, 45) notes: “One of the great beauties of Zimbabwean music is its variety.” Thus, although Zimbabwe has two main categories of music, namely secular and religious, these two categories are further divided into Mbira, Sungura, Katekwe, Zora, Dendera, Dance Hall, and the Urban Grooves, as well as gospel music

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respectively. While secular music, particularly Sungura, Katekwe, Zora, and Dendera, has celebrated the importance of culture, identity, and belonging; gospel music in Zimbabwe has sought to put God ahead of everything. This genre of music has given Zimbabweans hope even in hopeless situations. Through listening to gospel music, Zimbabweans have placed their destiny in the hands of God, hoping that He alone will end all their afflictions and suffering. Thus, while secular music is a celebration of hunhu/ubuntu philosophy, culture, identity, and belonging, gospel music is a celebration of the power of the almighty God in improving the human condition. Below, I will explore, in detail, the themes of hunhu/ubuntu in the music of both Zhakata and Mtukudzi.

Zhakata’s Sampled Songs In this section, I sample three songs by Zhakata, which, in my view, explicitly capture the theme of hunhu/ubuntu, and I justify my selection of these songs. As noted earlier, the songs to be sampled are Todya Tese, Dofo Pahunhu, and, last but not least, Dambura Mbabvu. In Todya tese, Zhakata is addressing the theme of hunhu/ubuntu by advising the powers that be to promote the spirit of sharing communal goods. Below are some excerpts from the song: Ndarivona, gombo ndarivona, ndarivona gombo-o x2, mondirambidza kuti ndingo rimawo pagombo apo, yenyuminda mimwe ichitorarira zvayo. Kundirambidza kuti ndingo rimawo pogombo apo, yenyu mimwe minda ichitorarira zvayo, zvakaipeiko todya tese? Tinofanaira kudya tese tofara tese I have seen a virgin piece of land x2, you are forbidding me to till this virgin piece of land, when some of your pieces of land are lying idle. You are forbidding me to till this virgin piece of land, yet some of your pieces of land are lying idle, what is wrong with sharing and enjoying the proceeds from this land together? We should share and enjoy the proceeds from this land together. Source: Zhakata, L. (2014). “Todya Tese.” Available at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxOKt8-M9PE Accessed 10 September 2014

In Dambura Mbabvu, Zhakata is lamenting the fact that leaders are not taking heed of the advice of those they lead, thereby promoting the vice of selfishness, which is antithetical to the spirit of hunhu/ubuntu. Zhakata is bringing out this idea, as he sings that the only way Zimbabwe can

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develop is when its people are united like termites, and they continue to work together with a common vision. Zhakata thinks that divisive elements, which he likens to zvipfukuto (weevils), are retrogressive and cannot take the country forward. Captured below are some of the lyrics of this illuminating song: Vamwe varanda vane mazano makunun’unu anoteerera ndipo pasinaba x2; Ngatibatanei semajuru, tirambe tiri pamushandira pamwe; Chingashamisa mukoma woye, chingashamisa mberi uko, vamwe vacharamba kugamushira zano, nechinangwa chei mukomaaaa; Vamwe vacharamba kushanda sejuru x2...Vosarudza kuva chipfukuto chinodya moyo we chinangwaaaa Some despised people have brilliant ideas, but no one listens x2; We should be united like termites, and continue to work together; What will be surprising my brother is that, in those days to come, some of us will not take advice, but I do not know why my brother; Some people will refuse to work with others x2... They will choose to be weevils that destroy the heart. Source: Zhakata, L. K. (2011). “Dambura Mbabvu.” In: L.K Zhakata (Composer), Gotwe, Available at http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=8b VPITTXnSI Accessed 11 September 2014

Just like the songs Todya Tese and Dambura Mbabvu presented above, the song Dofo Pahunhu is also a celebration of the importance of the philosophy of hunhu/ubuntu in organising African societies. Compared to the other two songs, this song is rather direct, as it mentions the word hunhu, which is the main theme of this essay. It is important to say a little bit more about the context of the album from which this song was taken. This album was released in 2013, after the nation had been gripped with the news that Zhakata was now a Bishop, having joined the United Family International Church (UFIC), a Zimbabwean Pentecostal movement founded by Emmanuel Makandiwa. To confirm his conversion to Christianity to the nation, Zhakata released an album that had a number of gospel tracks, but, as in his previous releases, there was a place for a song that celebrated the theme of hunhu/ubuntu. This explains why I have decided to select his music together with that of Mtukudzi. It is this consistence that has persuaded me to conclude that these two musicians are philosophers in their own right. Below are some of the lyrics of the song, Dofo Pahunhu:

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Budiriro yokutanga inotangira pahunhu vadikanwi, ipapo ndapota, tisakundikane; Munhu munhu pane vanhu vadikanwi, usaita dofo pahunhu ndapota; Wongorora woga kukosha kwe hunhu, ungadzidza sei, ungapfuma sei; Rungava runako rwapembedzwa pamwanasikana, pakashota hunhu zviro zvese musango; Ivavo vakakukomberedzaa, vanoti kudini nezvako? Ivavo vari pedyo newe avo, varikuti kudinini naizvovo? Mashoko avo akanaka, ikumbiriro kumatenga, ruzhinji rwukagaroridza tsamwa nezvako watukwa pasi, watukwazve nekudenga The first development in life begins with us being able to examine our characters, as Africans; I am sorry, we cannot afford to compromise on that. A person is a person through other people, beloved friends. Do not be a failure in exhibiting good character Look carefully at the importance attached to a good character. It does not matter how educated you are; it does not matter how wealthy you are; A girl can be beautiful in terms of her outward appearance, but without good character everything goes astray; What do those people around you say about you? What do those people who are closer to you say about you? Their words of praise about your character is a prayer to the heavens or to God so that you can be blessed, if the majority of people around you are not happy with your bad behaviour, both the world and the heavens will curse you.

Mtukudzi’s Sampled Songs Mtukudzi, like Zhakata, has also sung a lot of songs that celebrate the importance of the philosophy of hunhu/ubuntu. He is not apologetic when it comes to the celebration of this homegrown philosophy. In this section, I will sample three of these songs. I will begin with the song Tototuma, which is found on the album Tsivo, released in 2004. The song has the following lyrics: Rwendo rwuno wadadisa, ingawati pembembedza, kupembedza dzinza rese, dzinza rese rotutuma, budiriro yako ndeyeduwo, iwe muzukuru Kadondo hona sahwira wotamba ngoma wazvinzvaka, wandinzvaka iwe; Nhasi ndezveduwo itai makorokoto gorokoto kwatiri, wedu wadadisa, wazvinzvaka, wazvinzvaka iwe; Nhasi ndezveduwo itai makorokoto gorokoto kwatiri wedu wadadisa wazvinzvaka, wazvinzvaka iwe, mavinzvaka wazvinzvaka iwe; Gore negore ndezvenyu inikupururudzira vamwe, nguva nenguva ndezvenyu ndongopururudzira vamwe, nhasi uno ndezvanguwo, iwe

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Another song from Mtukudzi that has a hunhu/ubuntu theme is Zvibate (Behave), which is taken from the album Tsimba Tsoka (A Footprint is a Foot) released in 2007. The album has very interesting songs, such as Vanoparadza Ukama (They Destroy Relationships), Mbiri Isanzu (Fame is Like a Leaf that can Dry any Time), Muupenyu (In Life), Chisi Chako (That which is not Yours) and Takamirira (While We are Waiting), which also, in a way, celebrate the theme of hunhu/ubuntu. Below, are some of the lyrics from the song Zvibate: Mukufumuka kwemumwe, vedzinza vazara x2; nzungu imwe yakaora inoodza dama rese; Zvibate pamusha pako, zvibate mumamana, zvibate iweeee, Mukufumuka kwemumwe vedzinza vazara... If one member of a family or clan behaves badly, the whole family or clan will also be culpable x2; if a groundnut in one’s mouth is rotten, then it will make all the other groundnuts in the mouth rotten as well; Behave well at home, behave well in the community, please behave well. If one member of a family or clan behaves badly, the whole family or clan will also be culpable…

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Source: Mtukudzi, O. (2007). “Zvibate.” In: O Mtukudzi (Composer), Tsimba Itsoka. Available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4Z_gAbkqiJY Accessed 08 September 2014

Mtukudzi’s song Tsika Dzedu (Our Values and Customs), off the album Tuku Music, released in 1999, is another of Mtukudzi’s songs that has celebrated the importance of the philosophy of hunhu/ubuntu. The following are some of the lyrics of this song: Ngano dzedu dziya dzakaendepiko? Tsika dzedu dziya dzakaendepi ko? Kudya kwedu kuye kwakaendepiko? Kusvikira rinhi, tichitiza mimvuri yeduuuuu? Kusvikira rinhi? Zvaingori tsika nditsikewo, tsika nditsikewo, nemumumvuri wacho tsika nditsikewo; Dada nerudzi rwako, chimiro chako nedzinza rake, pembedza rurimi pwere dzigo yemura Where are our folktales? Where are our values and customs of yesteryear? Where are our traditional foods? For how long shall we run away from our shadows? – For how long? Our shadows will always follow us, everywhere we go; the shadows are always following us, our shadows cannot be separated from us; Be proud of your race, your stature and tribe, speak well about your language, so children can appreciate the language also. Source: Mtukudzi, O. (2014) “Tsika Dzedu.” Available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=erKlFa_TbV0 Accessed 14 September 2014

Context and Discussion of Hunhu/Ubuntu Themes in Zhakata and Mtukudzi’s Music Beginning with the treatment of the theme of hunhu/ubuntu in Zhakata’s music, it can be seen that musicians, just like academics, have spent a great deal of time conscientising the nation about the importance of living, according to the dictates of hunhu/ubuntu. For instance, in Todya tese, Zhakata is lambasting individuals in Zimbabwean society who want to accumulate a lot of wealth when others are suffering. He is reminding the nation that we should all get a share of the national cake. This is in line with the observation made earlier that hunhu/ubuntu is about sharing benefits and burdens coming from the understanding that “no individual can be healthy when the community is sick” (Yamamoto 1997). Please note that Zhakata penned the song Todya tese, at the height of the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) in Zimbabwe, when a

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few politicians and supporters of the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) violently re-possessed land from the whites at the expense of the majority of the population. For Zhakata, this kind of behaviour, whereby only a few of the country’s population owned large tracts of land was against the spirit and letter of hunhu/ubuntu. This is probably what motivated him to sing Ndarivona gombo ndarivona, ndarivona gombo-o, mondirambidza kuti ndingo rimawo pagombo apo yenyuminda mimwe ichitorarira zvayo (I have seen a virgin piece of land x2; you are forbidding me to till this virgin piece of land when some of your pieces of land are lying idle). By singing about land, Zhakata is very much aware of the fact that land is a symbol of power, identity, and belonging. In apparent reference to the notions of land and belonging, Joseph Mujere (2011, 1125) remarks: “Local notions of belonging, especially among peasants in Africa, tend to revolve around religion, autochthony, and ownership of land. It is therefore about being locally embedded.”

No doubt Zhakata is aware that vanhu/abantu consider land to be their major source of life, something that is comparable to the relationship between a mother and an unborn baby. For Zhakata, the motivation in penning the song todya tese was to come up with a powerful message that would be directed to the powers that were, telling them that they had failed to exercise hunhu/ubuntu in the distribution of land, which was a very important resource. To show that the themes of hunhu/ubuntu and nation building are central to his music, Zhakata sings about unity in the song Dambura Mbabvu, where he accuses the powers that be of failing to heed advice from ordinary people and thereby destroying the essence of hunhu/ubuntu, which is captured in the proverb “munhu munhu muvanhu (a person is a person through other people)”, as quoted earlier. The point is that the philosophy of hunhu/ubuntu demands that politicians and ordinary members of society find each other in the process of nation building. Zhakata captures this theme very well when he says: Vamwe varanda vane mazano makunun’unu, anoteerera ndipo pasina ba (Some despised people have brilliant ideas, but no one listens). In the same song, Zhakata prophetically sings: Wakati, “kwatirikuenda kwakaoma, zvichange zvisiri nyorenyoreeee…; ngatibatanei semajuru, tirambe tiri pamushandira pamwe” You said: “We are heading towards turbulent times… Let us be united like termites, and let us continue to work together.”

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It is important to understand the context in which this song, which is found on his 2011 album, Gotwe (Last Born), was penned. Three years after the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), which led to the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU) between ZANU PF, the Movement for Democratic Change – Tsvangirai (MDC-T) and the Movement for Democratic Change – Mutambara (MDC-M), Zhakata probably knew that it was always going to be difficult to bring together three political parties with different ideologies, to work together and take the country forward. But somehow he knew that the fact of having different ideologies was not supposed to be a source of disunity, but rather a source of unity. Martin Prozesky (2003, 5) puts this point into its proper perspective, in apparent reference to the possibility of uniting people with different or diverse backgrounds in South Africa, when he remarks: “History has given southern Africa a diversity of peoples. We come in a range of colours. We speak different philosophies. Our cultures and lifestyles vary. We do not all like the same kind of music and we do not all enjoy the same kinds of food. Diversity like this is not a problem. It is a blessing, just as nature’s forests with their diversity of trees, are more beautiful than any plantation.”

By extension, we can also argue that the fact that Zimbabwe now had different political parties, united under the GNU was not in itself a curse, but a blessing, for Zhakata. As fate would have it, it was during the life of the GNU that Zimbabwe’s economy stabilised, and industry, to a larger extent, started working again, there was food in the shops, and the education and health sectors were revived. To put it differently, the quality of life generally improved for the majority of people, and so Zhakata’s “prophecy” was fulfilled. His call for hunhu/ubuntu in nation building was probably not in vain. The song Dofo pahunhu sums up the passion Zhakata has in seeing a society that is governed by a hunhu/ubuntu kind of philosophy. In this song, Zhakata thinks that development begins with character and personality formation. For him, we can fail to do other things, but we cannot afford to fail to examine our characters and personalities, as they say a lot about our mental capacities. Like a typical philosopher, Zhakata sees a clear-cut connection between morality and reason, in the same way that these two elements are treated by academic philosophers both in the West and in Africa. He also confirms the ubuntu theme that runs through his music when he sings: munhu munhu pane vanhu, usaita dofo pahunhu

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ndapota (a person is a person through other people, do not be a failure in character please). In terms of context, Zhakata is penning this song at time when there is moral decadence in Zimbabwean society and the youths are involved in drugs, prostitution, ritual rape, touting, and many other societal ills. Zhakata is reminding the nation that national development begins with an examination of our character and personalities; it begins with an appreciation of hunhu/ubuntu. Unlike in the other two songs discussed earlier, where Zhakata sees hunhu/ubuntu as a secular concept with a horizontal dimension, in the song Dofo pahunhu, the concept of hunhu/ubuntu appears to assume a new meaning, that is, it now has both a secular and horizontal as well as a religious and vertical dimension. This is confirmed by the lyrics: Ivavo vakakukomberedzaa, vanoti kudini nezvako…, Mashoko avo akanaka, ikumbiriro kumatenga…ruzhinji rwukagaro ridza tsamwa nezvako watukwa pasi watukwazve nekudenga… What do the people around you say about you? Their words of praise about your character is a prayer to the heavens or to God so that you can be blessed… if the majority of people around you are not happy with your bad behaviour, both the world and the heavens will curse you…

Some people may ask: Is this inclusion of the vertical or transcendental dimension of hunhu/ubuntu by Zhakata consistent with the understanding of the meaning and character of ubuntu philosophy by African people of Southern Africa? It would appear as if the answer is no, given that the mere mention of heavens or God presupposes that one is now in the realm of Christianity. But a closer look at this reasoning will show that Zhakata is aware that hunhu/ubuntu philosophy is onto-triadic, that is to say, it is defined by three kinds of beings, namely Vanhu (human beings), Midzimu (ancestors), and Musikavanhu/Mwari (the Creator God) (Mangena 2012a, 13). These three beings work together in the sustenance of humanity, but Musikavanhu/Mwari has the final say on the destiny of humanity. So Zhakata is spot-on when he includes the vertical or transcendental dimension in the definition of hunhu/ubuntu. With regard to the treatment of the hunhu/ubuntu theme in Mtukudzi’s music, it is important to observe that for Mtukudzi, the family or clan comes before the individual. In other words, for Mtukudzi, members of a group, family, or clan are the only ones who can share success. Hence the lyrics Rwendo rwuno wadadisa, ingawati pembembedza, kupembedza dzinza rese, dzinza rese rotutuma, budiriro yako ndeyeduwo, muzukuru

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Kadondo (This time you have made us proud, you have made us celebrate; you have made us celebrate as a clan, the whole clan feels proud about your success. Your success is our success, our nephew Kadondo). These lyrics are consistent with the philosophy of hunhu/ubuntu, which, as I noted earlier, calls for the sharing of benefits and burdens by members of a group, family or clan. In this song, members of a family or clan are celebrating the achievements of one of their members. These achievements only make sense if they can improve the situation of the other members of the family or clan, in the sense in which it is put by Mbiti (1969, 215): “I am because we are, since we are therefore I am”, or in the sense in which it is put by Pobee (cited in Mangena 2012, 94): “I am related by blood, therefore I exist”, or “I exist because I belong to a family.” Thus, Kadondo’s individual success is empty when members of his family are not celebrating with him. In the song Zvibate, Mtukudzi is using imagery to sing about one member of a family or clan who has done something wrong and, in the process, his or her actions have reflected badly on the image of his or her family or clan. In the song he sings: Mukufumuka kwemunmwe, vedzinza vazara…nzungu imwe yakaora imoodza dama rese… If one member of a family or clan behaves badly, the whole family or clan will also be culpable… If a groundnut in one’s mouth is rotten, then it will make all the other groundnuts in the mouth rotten as well...

In Shona society, particularly the Korekore-Nyombwe society of Mt. Darwin where Mtukudzi comes from, the word kufumuka means doing something that is contrary to the expectations of society, or deviating from society’s set standards. For instance, if a man sleeps with another man’s wife or murders another person, this is considered to be kufumuka. But the story does not end there, as members of the family to which the adulterer or murderer belongs are also considered to be culpable, and must answer for the behaviour of one of their members. These two songs discussed above show that Mtukudzi is trying to remind us that, inasmuch as members would always want to share the benefits of one individual’s success in a family or clan, the same members must also be prepared to share the burdens. Thus, the hunhu/ubuntu statement “We belong to a family, therefore, we exist” is brought to bear here. In the song, Tsika dzedu (Our Values and Customs), Mtukudzi is using imagery to show that our values and customs define us as a people, and that these same values and customs cannot be separated from us. Using the

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image of a shadow to represent our values, customs, and traditions, Mtukudzi does well to capture his audience, and thereby drive the point home that without respecting our values, customs, and traditions – and by extension without embracing the philosophy behind these values, customs, and traditions, which is hunhu/ubuntu – we are doomed as a people. Thus, Mtukudzi is taking us back to the past that defines us, by noting that because of modernity, we have mortgaged our values, customs, and traditions in favour of those from the West. We have also abandoned our traditional foods in favour of those from the West. Though Mtukudzi does not bring this out explicitly in this song, it appears to me that he is blaming modernity for the problems that have characterised life in contemporary Africa, such as moral decadence, drought, disease, wars, and disasters. Mtukudzi believes that the solution to these problems lies in us as Africans embracing and appreciating our values, traditions, and customs, which in essence define the philosophy of hunhu/ubuntu. Mtukudzi is, thus, lamenting the erosion of cultural values as a result of the appropriation of European culture brought about by two evils, namely colonisation and globalisation, and is calling upon elderly Zimbabweans today to uphold our culture and celebrate our local languages in whatever they do, so that our children can have something to learn from them. No doubt his message is coming at a time when the Zimbabwean youths are shunning their culture in favour of Western culture, because their elders never initiated them into it. This is seen in the way these youths speak and dress, and the kind of music they listen to, as well as their attitude towards traditional foods, among other important things. In short, Mtukudzi is saying: Let us use hunhu/ubuntu to re-trace our footsteps.

Conclusion In this chapter, I discussed the theme of hunhu/ubuntu, focusing on how this theme is revealed in Zimbabwean music, particularly Zora and Katekwe, as represented by Zhakata and Mtukudzi respectively. I argued that Zhakata and Mtukudzi’s music is a celebration of the successes of the philosophy of hunhu/ubuntu, and I justified why I picked these two prominent musicians ahead of others. In order to foreground this thesis, I sampled three songs from three albums each, namely Todya Tese, Dambura Mbabvu, and Dofo Pahunhu from Zhakata, as well as Totutuma, Zvibate, and Tsika Dzedu from Mtukudzi.

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References Books, Book chapters and Journals articles Battle, M. Ubuntu: I in You and You in Me. New York: Seabury Books, 2009 Gade, C.B.N. “What is Ubuntu? Different Interpretations Among South Africans of African Descent.” South African Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 31 Number 3 (2012): 484-503 Mangena, F. On Ubuntu and Retributive Punishment in KorekoreNyombwe Culture: Emerging Ethical Perspectives. Harare: Best Practices Books, 2012a. —. “Towards a Hunhu/Ubuntu Dialogical Moral Theory.” Phronimon: Journal of the South African Society for Greek Philosophy and the Humanities, Vol. 13 Number 2 (2012b): 1-17 Mbiti, J.S. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann, 1969 Mujere, J. “Land, Graves and Belonging: Land Reform and the Politics of belonging in newly resettled farms in Gutu, 2000-2009.” The Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 38 Number 5 (2011): 1123-1144 Prozesky, M. Frontiers of Conscience: Exploring Ethics in a new Millennium. Cascades: Equinym Publishing, 2003 Ramose, M. B. African Philosophy through Ubuntu. Harare: Mond Books, 1999 Tutu, D. No Future without Forgiveness. London: Random House, 1999 Yamamoto, E.K. 1997. “Race Apologies.” Journal of Gender, Race and Justice, Vol. 1 (1997): 47-88 Zindi, F. Music Guide for Zimbabwe. Harare: Zindisc Publications, 2010

Discography Mtukudzi, O. “Zvibate.” Accessed 08 September 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4Z_gAbkqiJY —. “Totutuma.” Accessed 08 September 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aLLVkAwg2zs —. “Tsika Dzedu.” Accessed 08 September 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=erKlFa_TbV0 Accessed 14 September 2014 Zhakata, L. K. “Dambura Mbabvu.” In: L.K Zhakata (Composer), Gotwe. Available at http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=8b VPITTXnSI Accessed 11 September 2014

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Zhakata, L. “Todya Tese.” Accessed 08 September 2014, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qxOKt8-M9PE Accessed 10 September 2014 —. “Dofo Pahunhu.” Accessed 11 November 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LZzExH9_l-E

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN MUSIC AND ETHNICITY IN “A PRIMITIVE SOCIETY”: A CASE STUDY OF NDEBELE WEDDING SONGS LICKEL NDEBELE AND PROGRESS DUBE

“Because they have stood the test of time, vernacular songs can tell us something about the beliefs, values, and opinions of those who were drawn to them sufficiently to keep them current for generations” (Gregory 2004).

Introduction The role of Ndebele music in the construction of cultural identity and ethnicity has not yet received scholarly attention either in oral literature studies or in ethnomusicological literature. Yet it constitutes a significant part of society’s rich oral tradition. Oral literature studies have dealt mainly with other forms of Ndebele oral literature, like folktales, proverbs, and sayings. It is against this background that we write this chapter. We focus on Ndebele songs that are sung at weddings. The impetus of such a focus emanates from the realisation that literature on African music is largely based on Western theoretical frameworks, yet African music is an art that speaks to the heart of its creators, and it is indeed an art that should be taken with utmost seriousness, as it reflects on the African peoples’ lived experiences, and their aspirations. In the context of this discussion, we argue that Ndebele wedding songs are a very deep repository of profound Ndebele identity, since the songs encapsulate the Ndebele philosophy of life, which includes society’s aspirations, values, views, beliefs, education, and worldview. We argue that weddings galvanise people, or pull them together. More specifically, wedding songs pull people together physically and emotionally, and it is this togetherness that is one of the ways in which cultural identities are celebrated.

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A Brief Historical Background to Ndebele Identity Construction The Ndebele nation was built around the Khumalo chiefdom. The Khumalo chiefdom was made up of the Khumalo family and other Nguni people. The Ndebele nation is a product of the Mfecane wars of 18171818. This period was characterised by the subjugation of weaker ethnic groups by more powerful chiefdoms. For instance, the Ndwandwe, under the leadership of Zwide, attacked and killed Mashobana, the leader of the Khumalo, in 1817. Mzilikazi, the new leader of the Khumalo, defected with his people and joined the Zulu chiefdom in 1818, at a time when Shaka was on the verge of defeating Zwide. After a conflict over spoils, Mzilikazi deserted Shaka in 1820 to form his own nation. After being defeated by Shaka, Mzilikazi fled northwards until he settled north of the Limpopo in what is now known as Matebeleland, where he established his kingdom. The journey from Nguniland to Matebeleland stretched from 1820 to 1841. On the way, Mzilikazi welcomed weaker groups that desperately needed security, and attacked and incorporated some weaker groups. These refugees and captives were taken and assimilated into the Khumalo ethnic group. The process of nation building saw diverse ethnic groups merging to form one nation with one identity. The Ndebele nation is made up of the abeZansi, abeNhla and amaHole. The AbeZansi are those of Nguni origin who came from Nguniland. The abeNhla are those who came from the Transvaal regions north of Nguniland, and the amaHole are those who were found in the south west of the Rozvi kingdom. These include the Nyayi, Nyubi, Birwa, Kalanga, Venda, and other indigenous groups of people. The abeNhla include the Pedi, Hurutshe, Ngwaketse, Kwena, Khudu, Sotho, Tswana, and the “Ndebele” of Ndzudza and Magodonga. The glut of ethnic groups making up the Ndebele nation points to the fact that the Ndebele nation is multi-ethnic in origin, and that in the process of assimilating and absorbing the non-Nguni ethnic groups, Ndebele national identity had to be constructed. The assimilated non-Nguni ethnic groups acquired and learnt Ndebele identity. Gatsheni-Ndlovu (2003: 91) states that the people who were incorporated and assimilated into Ndebele society were allocated land and other resources, and in return were expected to obey laws, customs, and traditions of the Ndebele. The assimilated groups became Ndebele through owning land and other resources, and through complying with the cherished Ndebele norms, values, and ethos. They also became Ndebele by abandoning their original language and by adopting the Ndebele

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language. The acceptance of Ndebele identity by the non-Nguni groups promoted social harmony within the nation. Marriages in general, and intermarriages in particular, played a pivotal role in achieving social harmony. Gatsheni-Ndlovu (2003: 109) notes that: “… Mzilikazi and Lobengula’s policies of state expansion and consolidation emphasised increments to their population and social harmony within the state, and they tried to achieve this through encouraging intermarriages among different people of the society.”

This shows that people cut across the so-called ‘classes’ as they negotiated new alliances through marriage. The proverb “umfazi kala Hole” (when it comes to marriage, the status or class position of the woman does not matter, that is, it does not matter whether a woman is from the Hole class or not) indicates that bonds of friendship were formed between the so-called ‘upper Ndebele classes’ and the ‘lower classes’ through marriages. Consequently, women had a significant role in the construction of a single Ndebele identity, unity, and harmony within the state. As a result, “the Ndebele considered themselves as one family (Umthwakazi)” (Gatsheni-Ndlovu 2003: 80). It is against this background that this article examines the role of Ndebele wedding songs in the construction of a people’s ethnic identity. It should be emphasised that ethnic identity is invariably unstable and vulnerable, like any other hegemonic projects. The cross-pollination of cultures is also evident in Ndebele wedding songs, and it is marked by the presence of borrowed words and concepts like bhudi (brother), sisi (sister), emaphathini (at the parties), and emakhitshini (in the kitchens), among others. In present-day Zimbabwe, the Ndebele ethnic group is the second largest, after the Shona ethnic group. The Ndebele people are mainly found in Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands. The Ndebele language is regarded as a national official language in Zimbabwe. While this is the case, Ndebele is one of the most under-studied languages in Zimbabwe. Below, we define and conceptualise the terms ethnicity and primitive society to buttress the foregoing.

Ethnicity and “Primitive society” To begin with, ethnicity is a term that means different things to different people. In this chapter, the term ethnicity points to the existence of a people who have a common culture, common customs and common heritage. An ethnic group is, thus, a group of people whose members are

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identified through sharing the above key aspects. Cohen (1978: 7) defines ethnicity as a term that describes the commonalities between systems of group identity in both tribal and modern societies. Ethnicity becomes much more revealing when people depict themselves, rather than when others depict them. This is the context in which we write this chapter, to show that Ndebele wedding songs say something about the beliefs, values, and opinions of the Ndebele people, especially as composed and sung by the Ndebele people themselves. Having defined and conceptualised the term ethnicity, we now move on to the notion of primitive society. As we define and conceptualise the notion of primitive society, it is important to begin by making the observation that the various terms that have been used by some early scholars with reference to what is termed ‘oral literature’ in this article carry with them some negative connotations that point to the stereotypes that led to the use of terms such as primitive society. According to the observations made in this chapter, such connotations rest on unfounded tenuous notions. The terms that reveal such prejudices are outlined by Okpehwo (1992: 4) as follows: 1. Traditional literature: A term that puts emphasis on the fact that this form of art is handed down from one generation to another. The early scholars’ view in relation to this term is that the material is simply passed on as it is without any additions or modifications. 2. Folk literature: A term that depicts the practitioners as the folks. The word ‘folk’ is an old English term that is used with reference to uneducated people in a given rural community. 3. Folklore: A term that is used to imply that the subject has more to do with lore than literature. The misconception was that because of the simplicity of the lives of the folk who are the creators of the materials and the level of their education and sophistication, they were considered incapable of producing anything that may be considered “literature” (1992: 4)

Rwafa (2008: 152) notes that during the colonial period, African ‘voices’ were muffled and sought only as a contribution to European codification of African traditions. This meant that the sound produced by African objects and instruments was castigated as “barbaric” and “uncivilised”.’ It is against the backdrop of such prejudices and superfluous misconceptions that this chapter sets to demonstrate the cogency of Ndebele music in revealing the society’s identity through a reflection of its outlook and philosophy of life.

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The relationship between Ndebele wedding songs and ethnicity Ndebele wedding songs have a long history that has been orally transmitted from one generation to the other, and to our knowledge nothing about these Ndebele wedding songs has been captured in written form. It is in this context that this chapter thus presents a contextual analysis of Ndebele songs. We are aware of the existence of some writings on African music, including Ndebele music, but these are based on Western theoretical frameworks, and this presents a problem when it comes to issues of ethnicity and identity formation. In his analysis of Venda music, Blacking (1973, p. xii) writes that “music can never be a thing in itself, and all music is folk music, in the sense that it cannot be transmitted or it cannot have meaning without associating it with people”. Ndebele wedding songs bring out social beliefs and views concerning what marriage is all about, its meaning for the parties involved, and for the family and society at large. Shelmany (2000: 8) argues that oral literature and music are intimately connected in most parts of Africa, and are often impossible to separate. Lalendle (1998:18) presents African music as fulfilling a functional role in African society. It is through music that vital aspects of Ndebele social organisation are recognised, and social experiences, values, and expectations are ritually articulated. In his anthropological study of the Suya people, Seeger (1987:40) observes that: “Music is not just a thing that happens ‘in’ society. A society might also be usefully conceived as something that happens in music, it is through music that moiety affiliations are recognised, social time is ritually articulated, and an entire cosmological system is grasped (1987: 40).” In Ndebele society, weddings also bring together people of different backgrounds, social standing, and positions in society. They offer a platform where people can sing freely and express their feelings towards each other easily. As part of Ndebele oral traditions, wedding songs draw from the lived experiences of members of the society, and they are imbued with the society’s wisdom. Ndebele wedding songs reflect the Ndebele people’s outlook and perceptions about crucial aspects of life like marriage, which, if not properly handled, have the power to threaten the existence of the family and that of the entire ethnic group. It is thus worth noting how wedding songs are instrumental in galvanising the members of the society and how they enable them to fight the conditions that militate against their cherished values. Successful marriage is one of the cherished values among the Ndebele people.

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Marriage is a rite of passage that bespeaks the transition from one level of life (childhood) to another (adulthood), and is therefore treated as a necessity.

Ubuntu and the Ndebele Concept of Familyhood As we have noted earlier, beliefs and values are an indispensable part of the identity of an ethnic group. Identity seems to be about collective self-understanding, as represented by various characteristics, activities, and customs, including music. The proper study of a people should by necessity reveal one or two truths about those people. In this regard, we have found Ndebele wedding songs to contain some fundamental truths about the ethnic group concerned. As highlighted above, the songs reveal that Ndebele culture considers marriage to be the bedrock of society. Against this background, we postulate that, for most African people, marriage is the focus of existence. It is the point where all the members of a given community meet: the departed, the living, and those yet to be born. “All dimensions of time meet here, and the whole drama of history is repeated, renewed, and revitalised” (Mbiti (1969, p.133). As a result, Ndebele culture, contrary to foreign ideologies that view marriage as a legal contract between two parties, holds that marriage brings together two families, and by extension the whole society. A sense of belonging is thus instilled in the mind of the bride, who, after the wedding ceremony, will be going to join the new family – her husband’s family. It is stressed that the bride is brought to the new home not only for the benefit of the husband, but also for the benefit of the whole family and society as stipulated by the philosophy of ubuntu. In the song Umakoti ngowethu (The bride is ours): Siyavuma Ngowethungempela Siyavuma Uyosiphekel’ elesiwatshele Siyavuma O! Siwelele, siwelele Siyavuma Asimufun’emaphathini Siyavuma Simfun’ezimbizeni. We agree She is ours indeed We agree She will cook and wash for us

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Oh! Siwelele, siwelele We agree We agree We don’t want to see her in parties We agree We want her in the kitchen.

The husband’s family, which in this case includes neighbours and other relations, are giving a stamp of approval to the effect that the bride is now part of the family. The idea enunciated here is that the bride is welcomed with open hands and joyful hearts, and she now belongs to her new family, and not to her husband alone, as indicated by the phrase Ngowethu (she is ours). The phrase bespeaks the notion of communalism, a concept that defines the Ndebele as a people, and that, indeed, defines the entire African culture, and the concept of ubuntu that celebrates collectivity rather than the individualism found in the Western concept of “each man for himself and God for us all”. The ubuntu concept stipulates that umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu (a person is a person because of other people). The concept implies that in the African sphere, one cannot live as an individual in isolation; what one does might affect other people positively or negatively. Such an African ubuntuistic concept that celebrates group belonging can also be best described in Tutu’s words (2004: 15), who says that ubuntu has to do with what it means to be human, to know that you are bound up with others in the bundle of life. It is the essence of being human. It speaks of the fact that my humanity is caught up and is inextricably bound up in yours – I am because I belong (2004: 15). Posselt quoted in Nyathi (2001: 110) has it that “marriage is the creation of a bond between two contracting parties. The individuals contracting the marriage itself are merged into the family groups”. The song also reflects some of the gendered qualities/characteristics of the Ndebele people. The culture values the observation of complementary roles, whereby men and women work in different spheres, complementing each other for the benefit of the family. This again demonstrates the ubuntu character of Ndebele society, as ubuntu is also about sharing responsibilities, benefits, and burdens (Mangena, 2015). From the following song, which is still sung at today’s weddings, it is evident that the bride’s family takes responsibility to give second counsel to the bride who is found lacking. Thus, the family and the entire society try by all means to help a couple, and they also try to maintain order in the society. This point is corroborated by Tutu (1997) who notes that ubuntu speaks particularly about the fact that you cannot exist as a human being in

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isolation. It speaks about our interconnectedness in that what one individual does affects the whole world. In this way, the welfare of one member of the family becomes the responsibility of all members, as reflected in the following song: Usisi ungabomtshaya Ungambulali Nxaekuhluphabisel’ekhaya We! Sibali Ah! Ah! We! Sibali Mbuyisel’ekhaya Mbisel’ ekhaya. You should not beat our sister Don’t kill her If she is giving you problems, bring her back Brother in-law Ah! Ah! Oh! Brother in-law Bring her back home Bring her back home.

Conclusion This chapter demonstrated that wedding ceremonies have long been celebrated in Ndebele society, and that the practice has continued up to the present day. In addition to cementing and celebrating the marriage of two parties, the chapter demonstrated that Ndebele wedding songs were a prime device for promoting social cohesion and the dramatisation of ubuntu as a philosophy. The chapter argued that Ndebele wedding songs integrated members of the community into a society, and they reinforced a sense of identity through maintaining membership through shared beliefs, values, and aspirations. Ndebele wedding songs were also significant in bringing society to rejoice together and to interact in an ambience of acceptance and conviviality. The chapter also exposed the dangers of continuing to use general terms such as “primitive society” in reference to a people’s culture, yet there were many aspects of the life of that culture that were unknown by the descriptors. The chapter argued that there were many details that were culture-specific that made one society different from another, and these needed to be studied carefully before making any tenuous assumptions about a person’s identity.

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References Blacking, J. How Musical is Man? Washington: University of Washington Press, 1973. Cohen, R. “Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in Anthropology.” Annual Review of Anthropology 7 (1978): 379-403. Gatsheni-Ndlovu, S. 2003. “Dynamics of Democracy and Human Rights among the Ndebele of Zimbabwe, 1818-1934” (PhD Diss., University of Zimbabwe, 2003). Lalendle, L. L. “Music Education in South Africa In and Out of School.” Iowa Music Educators Journal, Vol. 42, Number 2 (1998): 22. Mangena, F. Philosophy, Politics and Social Order in Zimbabwe. Unpublished Book Manuscript (2015). Mbiti, J .S. African religions and philosophy. London: Heineman, 1969. Nyathi, P. Traditional Ceremonies of Amandebele. Gweru: Mambo Press, 2001. Okpehwo, I. African Oral Literature. Bloomington: IUP, 1992. Shelmany, Grooves Dictionary of Music and Musicians. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Rwafa, U. “Sound and Polysemy Film.” Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, Vol. 5 Number 1 (2008): 152-159. Stone, R. The Garland Encyclopedia of World Music. New York: Garland Publishing, 1999.

CONTRIBUTORS

Kelvin Chikonzo, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer in the Theatre Arts department of the University of Zimbabwe. He is currently researching on identity and democracy in protest theatre in Zimbabwe, 1999-2012. His research interests are in cultural studies, identity and resistance in performance. He has published articles in the areas of film and performance theory which include: ‘Thinking Beyond Feminism: Performance Space and Respectability in Colonial Zimbabwe.’ In Gambahaya, Z and Muwati, I.M. (eds.) Rediscoursing African Womanhood in the Search for Sustainable Renaissance: Africana Womanism in Multi-Disciplinary Approaches. Bridget Chinouriri, PhD, is a Zimbabwean African ethnomusicologist, creative writer, culture consultant and cultural scientist from the department of African Languages and Literature, University of Zimbabwe. She did her Masters degree in Ethnomusicology at the University of Ghana. Her research interests include Ethnomusicology, Indigenous Knowledge Systems, Music and Politics and Gender Studies. One of her current publications is: ‘Drawing from Indigenous Knowledge Systems: A Guide for Shona Creativity and Performance’ In: Patrick Ebewo, Ingrid Stevens & Mzo Sirayi (Eds.). Africa and Beyond: Arts and Sustainable Development, December 2013, Newcastle, Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Anna Chitando, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Languages and Literature, Faculty of Arts and Education at the Zimbabwe Open University. Her research interests include African literature, children's literature and gender studies. She is the author of Fictions of Gender and the Dangers of Fiction in Zimbabwean Women's Writings on HIV and AIDS (2012). Anna has also published articles in refereed journals and chapters in books. Her Email address is: [email protected] Ezra Chitando, PhD, serves as World Council of Churches Theology Consultant on HIV and Professor of History and Phenomenology of Religion at the University of Zimbabwe. His research interests include music, religious studies, security studies, gender and politics. His

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publications include, Singing Culture: A Study of Gospel Music in Zimbabwe (Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute 2002) and Living with Hope: African Churches and HIV/AIDS. Vol. 1 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2007). Nehemia Chivandikwa (PhD candidate) is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Theatre Arts of the University of Zimbabwe. He teaches Theatre and Development Communication and Playmaking. His research interests are in gender, disability, applied theatre performances and media. He has published several articles in both regional and international journals in these areas. Chivandikwa has been involved in several projects in applied theatre on gender, political violence, disability and rural and urban development. Chivandikwa’s latest publications include: ‘Theatre for development and Tonga activism’ (2014) and Disability Theatre as Minority Discourse (2014). Progress Dube, who is a former University of Zimbabwe Lecturer, now lectures at Lupane State University in the Languages department. He teaches linguistics and Traditional African Literature Modules. His research interests are in Ndebele linguistic structure and traditional Ndebele literature. He also has a passion for issues that are to do with music, identity and politics. Some of his published works include a chapter in a book entitled: ‘African Languages and Linguistic Theory.’ Zifikile Gambahaya, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of African Languages and Literature of the University of Zimbabwe. She is also the Director of the Postgraduate Centre at the University of Zimbabwe as well as the editor of ZAMBEZIA: A Journal of Humanities of the University of Zimbabwe. She has written many books, book chapters and journal articles in highly rated journals and has contributed widely on issues of gender and identity as well as the Africana Womanist Discourse. Oswell Hapanyengwi-Chemhuru, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer of Philosophy of Education. He is also the Dean of the Faculty of Education of the University of Zimbabwe. His interest is in the practical application of Philosophy to Education. He has a significant number of publications including, “Inclusion or Integration: Towards Conceptual Clarity in the Provision of Special Needs Education in Zimbabwe” published in the Zimbabwe Journal of Educational Research 25(2) in 2013, “Reconciliation, conciliation, integration and national healing: Possibilities and challenges in Zimbabwe” published in African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 13(1)

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again in 2013 and “Odera Oruka's four trends in African philosophy and their implications for education in Africa.” Thought and Practice: A Journal of the Philosophical Association of Kenya (PAK) New Series, 5(2). Darmarris Kaguda holds a Master of Arts degree in Language for Specific Purposes (English), and a Dual Honours Degree in Linguistics and Shona, both obtained at the University of Zimbabwe where she is currently employed as a lecturer in the Department of Linguistics. She is studying for PhD in Sociolinguistics with the University of Cape Town. Her areas of research interest are: Discourse Analysis, Sociolinguistics and Communication. Some of her published articles are: Death and dying: An analysis of the language used in coping with death in Shona society and Traditional children’s games as communication and pedagogical tools in the Shona society. Francis Machingura is an Associate Professor of Biblical Studies in the Department of Curriculum and Arts Education of the University of Zimbabwe. His areas of special interest are on the: Interaction of the Bible and Gender, Bible and Politics, Bible and Health, Bible and Inclusivity, Bible and Sexuality, Music and Pentecostal Christianity in Africa. One of his latest publications is entitled: “The Martyring of People over Radical Beliefs: A Critical Look at the Johane Marange Apostolic Church’s Perception of Education and Health (Family Planning Methods)”, in Multiplying in the Spirit: African Initiated Churches in Zimbabwe, Chitando, Gunda and Kugler (eds), Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2014: 175-198. E-mail: [email protected] Zvinashe Mamvura, PhD, is a Lecturer in the Department of African Languages and Literature at the University of Zimbabwe. He teaches Language and Literature courses at both undergraduate and post graduate levels. He holds a BA Hons and an MA in African Languages and Literature from the University of Zimbabwe. His research interests include Onomastics, Sociolinguistics and African cultural studies. Fainos Mangena, PhD, is an Associate Professor of Ethics and Applied Ethics at the University of Zimbabwe. His areas of research interest are: Ethics and the Environment, Ethics and Culture, Ethics and Gender and Ethics and Politics. He is a winner of the prestigious African Humanities Programme Post-doctoral Fellowship funded by the Carnegie Corporation. He is currently the interim President of the Philosophical Society of Zimbabwe (PSZ). His most current publications include: “Can Africana

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Women truly embrace Ecological Feminism?” (Filosofia Theoretica: A Journal of African Philosophy, Culture and Religions) and Restorative Justice’s Deep Roots in Africa (South African Journal of Philosophy). Tapiwa Praise Mapuranga, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Religious Studies, Classics and Philosophy of the University of Zimbabwe. She teaches Religion and Gender. Her research interests include: Sexuality, Music, Gender and Religion. She has published a number of articles on Music in Zimbabwe. Her latest publication with Chitando Ezra, Taringa Nisbert Taisekwa (2014) is entitled: ‘Zimbabwean Theology and Religious Studies during the Crisis years (2000-2008): A preliminary Study published by Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae, 40 (1), 173-189. Her contact address is: [email protected]. Charity Manyeruke, PhD, is an Associate Professor of is Political Science and International Relations. She has passion for gender related issues and music research. She teaches courses such as International Economic Relations, Political Science, International Law Government and Politics in Africa, International Organisations and International Relations. She is currently the Dean of the Faculty of Social Studies of the University of Zimbabwe. Manyeruke is the Vice President of the Organisation for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa (OSSREA). She has published on International Trade, International Relations, Sino-Africa, Zimbabwean and African Politics, women and land. Pedzisai Mashiri is the current Executive Dean of the Faculty of Arts and the Director of the Confucius Institute at the University of Zimbabwe. He is an Associate Professor of Sociolinguistics. His research interests include language and gender, language and HIV/AIDS, language policy and planning, onomastics, etc. Professor Mashiri published the first Shona grammar text written in Shona and has published with a number of widely circulated referred journals that include, Language in Society, Anthropological Linguistics, Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies, Current Issues in Language Planning, Journal of Language and Communication and Journal of African Studies. Professor Mashiri has been a visiting scholar at several universities over the ears. Some of the universities are University of Hong Kong, University of Tel Aviv, University of Botswana, University of Pretoria, University of California Santa Cruz, and the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.

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Godfrey Museka teaches African Traditional Religion in the Department of Curriculum and Arts Education of the University of Zimbabwe. He is also a PhD candidate in the Department of Religious Studies, Classics and Philosophy of the University of Zimbabwe. His publications include: Patriarchy, male dominance and gender-based violence: The politics of exclusion in Zimbabwe’s Roman Catholic Church; and ‘there is no room for religion in soccer:’ Marginalisation of the culturally different. Itai Muwati, PhD, is an Associate Professor in the Department of African Languages and Literature at the University of Zimbabwe. Muwati is the founder of the University of Zimbabwe Chapter of the International Council of Africana Womanism. He has a particular interest in Afrocentricity, Africana Womanism, gender studies, African Orature and comparative studies. He has published several journal articles and edited a number of books. His recent publications are ‘Resuscitating Zimbabwe’s Endangered Languages: Multi-disciplinary Perspectives on Tonga Language, History and Culture (2014) and ‘A Potentially Dystrophic Era: Analysing the Lyrical Sociology of Selected Sungura Songs in Zimbabwe in the 1990s and Beyond’ in MUZIKI (2013). He is a courageous believer in the promotion of a global Africa and African people’s history of struggle and victory. Email: [email protected] Lickel Ndebele is a lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe in the Department of African Languages and Literature. She teaches Ndebele Poetry and Drama as well as Ndebele Oral Literature and Cultural Studies. She is currently studying for a Doctor of Philosophy Degree in Oral literature. She has published articles in local and international Refereed Journals. Her research interests are: African Cultural studies and African Literature. Some of her articles include “A philosophical analysis of the nexus between conceptions of time and worldview: The Ndebele/ Shona example” and “Indigenous Knowledge and Ecology: Tonga totemism and taboos as an environmental management policy.” Joel Nyimai is a Graduate Research Assistant in the Department of Theatre Arts of the University of Zimbabwe. He has an interest in nationalist literature and is currently working towards the completion of his MPhil Thesis with the University of Zimbabwe. He has a passion for Theatre Arts especially the Literary part of it.

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Matumbu Onias is a Senior Lecturer at Morgan Zintec College in Harare. The College trains Primary school Teachers and his area of expertise is Phenomenology of religion. He has a passion for issues related to music, politics and identity which he normally approaches from the point of view of religion. Samuel Ravengai has a doctorate in Drama from the University of Cape Town where he also got his MA in Theatre and Performance (Directing). Ravengai is a board member of the International Federation of Theatre Research (IFTR/FIRT), where he works closely with the African Caribbean Theatre and Performance Working Group, where he is one of the founding members. He is currently Senior Lecturer in Theatre and Performance at the University of the Witwatersrand. He is particularly interested in the interconnection of race, nation, empire, migration, and ethnicity with cultural production. He has published fairly well in various international journals and book chapters. Apart from being an academic, he is a director and theatre maker and has over twenty productions to his name since he started directing in 1996. His directing philosophy is guided by the value Africans place on the centrality of the body as a nucleus of performance. The late Kudakwashe Shane Sambo was a lecturer in the Department of Theatre Arts of the University of Zimbabwe. His research interests included gender studies and film as well as television production. His publications are: ‘Theatre Education and Gender Equity: Possibilities for the Millennium’ (2010) published by the Zimbabwe Journal of Educational Research, Vol. 22, Number 2, pp181 – 201 (co-authored with N Chivandikwa and D Mhako) and ‘Towards an African Womanist Critique of Zimbabwean theatre: Prospects and Challenges (2012): in Rediscoursing African Womanhood in the Search for sustainable Renaissance: Africana Womanism in Multi-disciplinary Approaches, 125139, edited by I Muhwati and Z Mguni-Gambahaya (Co-authored with N Chivandikwa, R Chivandikwa and D Mhako). Fred Zindi is a Professor and an Educational Psychologist in the Faculty of Education of the University of Zimbabwe. He is also the Editor-inChief of the Zimbabwe Journal of Educational Research (ZJER), one of the flagship journals in the University. He has published 8 books which include: ‘Special Education in Africa,’ Psychology for the Classroom’ and ‘Music rocking Zimbabwe.’ He has over 60 refereed journal articles in

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both local and international publications. He has conducted research in the areas of Psychometrics, Special Education and Music.