Sophocles: Electra [Bilingual ed.] 0856685763, 9780856685767

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General Editor:

Professor M.M. Willcock

SOPHOCLES Electra

edited with introduction, translation and commentary by

Jenny March

Aris & Phillips Ltd - Warminster — England

© Jenny March 2001.

All rights reserved.

No part of this book may be reproduced

or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known

or hereafter invented, including photocopying or recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system without permission in writing from the publishers. ISBNs 085668 575 5 085668 576 3

clothbound limpbound

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record of this book is available from the British Library

Printed and published in England by Aris & Phillips Ltd, Warminster, Wiltshire BAI2 8PQ

Contents

iv

Preface Introduction

I: The Myth (1)

The Pre-dramatic Tradition

(ii)

The Myth of Aeschylus and Euripides

(ii) The Myth in Art II: The Play (i) Characters (ii) X Dramatic Design (11) A Reading of the Play (iv) The Date of the Play III This Edition

Bibliography

ELECTRA Dramatis Personae Text and Translation

COMMENTARY

133

Index

232

IV

Preface This book has been many years in the making. Since I began work on it, other projects have intervened, but always Electra has been there in the background, if not in the foreground. So much a part of my life has she been that sometimes I have felt (much as her mother did) that I would never be free of her.

Not, of course, that I

haven't enjoyed her stimulating company. But I am glad to close her finally between these covers. I began this book while enjoying a post-doctoral fellowship, funded by the British Academy, at University College London. I should like to offer my thanks to both institutions. I am also grateful to many people: to the staff of the the Library of the Hellenic and Roman Societies for their friendliness and efficiency, and particularly to Sue Willetts for her help with photocopying at moments of crisis; to Michael Townsend, who read the manuscript and gave helpful comments; to

Malcolm Willcock, the General Editor of the series, whose careful input has made this a much better book than it would otherwise have been; and to Adrian Phillips, of Aris and Phillips, for his remarkable patience. On the personal level, I thank my friend Barbara Goward for her warm encouragement and support through all the Electra years, and of course, as ever, I thank my husband Len, my three daughters, and my nine grandchildren for all the many ways in which they enrich my life. In view of my editorial support for Electra and her bloody cause, I feel I should emphasise that my own relationship with my mother was a warm and affectionate

one - as, luckily, are those with my daughters. So let me dedicate this book to the women of my family: to the memory of my mother Dora, to my daughters Alex, Robbie and Felicity, and to my granddaughters Jessica, Rosanna, Rachel and Jenny. Jenny March

August 2001

Introduction I: The Myth i)

The

Pre-dramatic

Tradition

Our first account of Agamemnon’s murder by Aegisthus and Clytemnestra, and of the revenge taken on them by his son, Orestes, occurs in Homer. From the Iliad we learn only that Agamemnon had at home three daughters, Chrysothemis, Laodice and Iphianassa, and a son, Orestes,’ and that he preferred his current concubine Chryseis to his wife, Clytemnestra (//. 1.113-15); but in the Odyssey the story of murder and revenge is told and retold several times, acting both as a warning example to its hearers and as a contrast to the eventual homecoming of Odysseus.’ Telemachus is urged to take revenge on the suitors, just as Orestes did on Aegisthus. Odysseus, returning home, is forewarned of possible danger by the terrible fate of

Agamemnon, who came home to be slain by Aegisthus “like an ox at the manger" (Od. 4.535); but Odysseus' own homecoming, although likewise dangerous, ends in triumph over his enemies. Penelope is portrayed as the faithful and virtuous wife, in contrast to the treacherous and death-dealing Clytemnestra. The suitors are warned off their course of wickedness, but persist and are destroyed, just as Aegisthus was warned (Od. 1.29—43), but ignored the warning, and was killed by Orestes.

Because Homer uses the story in this way as a paradigm, the part played in the action by Clytemnestra becomes a little imprecise. Certainly both she and Aegisthus were involved in the murder, but the guilt of one or other of them 15 accentuated depending on who is telling the story, and to whom, and for what purpose. Aegisthus' part in the murder is emphasised when Telemachus is being urged to emulate Orestes by taking revenge on the suitors;' but when the ghost of Agamemnon tells his own story, he lays more stress on Clytemnestra’s guilt,” partly because he would naturally focus on the treachery of his own wife, and partly Hf, 9.142-5. Homer makes no mention of Iphigenia, nor of Electra: see Commentary 157n. and 164—5n. On Homer's use of the story in this way, see E. F. D’Arms and K. K. Hulley, “The Oresteia-story in the Odyssey”, TAPA 77 (1946) 207-13; March (1987) 84-6. The relevant Odyssev passages are 1.29-43, 293-302, 3.193-200, 234-5, 248-316, 4.90-2, 512-47, 11.387-464, 24.20-34, 93-7, 192-202. For references to the Odvssey (and two other works mentioned in this section) in the Commentary, see Index.

N

For instance Athena encourages Telemachus with the words: "Or have you not heard what fame was won by glorious Orestes among all mankind, when he killed his father's murderer, cunning Aegisthus, who had killed his famous father" (Od. 1.298300); see Commentary 97-8n. Od. 11.429-30, 452-3, 24.199-200.

2

INTRODUCTION

because she is deliberately used in these passages as a foil for the loyal and trustworthy Penelope. Furthermore the manner of Clytemnestra’s death is obscured: after Orestes killed Aegisthus, “he gave a funeral feast to the Argives for his hateful mother and for cowardly Aegisthus” (Od. 3.309-10); as Aristarchus saw (% to Od. 3.309-10), the passage shows that Clytemnestra was killed along with Aegisthus, though not whether Orestes was the killer. But the implication must be that such was the case. Once again the fact that the story is being used as a paradigm has had its effect on the narrative. In this passage, Nestor is urging Telemachus to imitate Orestes’ revenge on Aegisthus by taking action against the suitors, but to include an explicit mention of matricide, when Clytemnestra is being compared with Penelope, would be both unfortunate and misleading: Telemachus is being urged to win glory like that of Orestes, but he would certainly not do so by the murder of his mother,

so

Orestes’ matricide must be glossed over. We should note that there is no suggestion that Orestes’ act of vengeance was in any way a crime, or that he was polluted by

murder, and there are certainly no pursuing Furies, as in later tragedy As for the Epic

Cycle, Proclus records that the Cypria, which related the

beginnings of the Trojan War, told of the sacrifice of Iphigenia at Aulis,

when

Artemis intervened and substituted a deer on the altar for the girl, carrying her off to the land of the Taurians and making her immortal. The poem attrıbuted four

daughters to Agamemnon: Chrysothemis, Laodice, Iphigenia and Iphianassa. The Nostoi (Returns), attributed by Proclus to Agias of Troezen, dealt in five books with the return of some of the heroes from the Trojan War, including that of Agamemnon. Proclus summarises: “Agamemnon was killed by Aegisthus and Clytemnestra,’ and was avenged by Orestes and Pylades”; so this is the first evidence “The fact that the funeral feast was given ‘to the Argives’ implies that they welcomed Orestes as a deliverer, and also that ... they did not regard him as resting under any defilement which incapacitated him for religious acts" (Jebb xi n. 3). This was a collection of post-Homeric epic poems, by various hands, which formed a chronological narrative extending from the beginning of the world to the end of the heroic age. Only a few fragments survive, but we know something of some of its contents from the prose summaries of Proclus (fifth century AD). We are best informed about various poems relating the events of the Trojan War and its aftermath which are not covered by Homer. Proclus summaries can most conveniently be found in the Loeb Hesiod, The Homeric Hymns, and Homerica, with a translation by H. G. Evelyn-White. The murder probably occurred at a feast, for an inscribed, mould-made bowl from Thebes

(Berlin

4996),

which

illustrates

Agamemnon, wreathed and with a cup leaps on him with a sword. Three of Aegisthus' men, and Clytemnestra has with a sword. The bow! is illustrated Hellenistische

1959).

Relief-becher

the

scene

from

the

Nostoi,

shows

in his hand, lying on a couch while Aegisthus Agamemnon's retainers are being attacked by Cassandra by the hair and is about to kill her (plates 26-7) and discussed by U. Hausmann,

aus attischen

und böotischen

Werbstätten

(Stuttgart

INTRODUCTION

3

for Pylades’ part in the story. His presence implies that Orestes was here sent for safety to Phocis after Agamemnon’s murder, not to Athens as in the Odyssey (3.307), so there may

be a connection

with

Delphi

and Apollo’s

oracle.

In the

pseudo-Hesiodic Catalogue of Women“ Electra makes her first appearance (fr. 23 (a)

M-W, 13-30): "Agamemnon, lord of men, married for her beauty the daughter of Tyndareos, dark-eyed Clytemnestra. She bore in their halls lovely-ankled Iphimede’ and Electra who rivalled the immortals in beauty ... Last in their halls dark-eyed Clytemnestra, wedded to Agamemnon, bore god-like Orestes, who, grown to manhood, took revenge on his father’s murderer (i.e. Aegisthus), and killed his manslaying mother with the pitiless bronze.” Fr. 176 M-W mentions Clytemnestra’s lust and adultery, inflicted on her by Aphrodite. Several lyric poets treated the myth. Stesichorus wrote an Oresteia in two

books," setting his narrative in Sparta (PMG 216) rather that Argos/Mycenae as in Homer and the fifth-century tragedians.

Only a few fragments remain, one of which

provides our first evidence for Clytemnestra’s dream (PMG 219): “She thought there

came a snake, the top of its head bloodstained, and out of it appeared a king of the

line of Pleisthenes.”'' The snake must represent the murdered Agamemnon with his head-wound still visible, out of whom grew Orestes, the avenging son and future king." The snake’s head-wound may suggest that an axe was used to kill Agamemnon, rather than a sword, though there is nothing to tell us who wielded the weapon. P. Oxy. 2506 (PMG 217) informs us that “the recognition by the lock of hair” was in Stesichorus, so the purpose of Clytemnestra’s dream was probably, as

in later tragedy, to remind her of the crime and to make her send propitiatory offerings to the tomb of Agamemnon. Here the lock of hair would be found, leading to the recognition of Orestes and (presumably) Electra. This same papyrus fragment "

A sixth-century text, perhaps 580-570.

A full discussion of the date, referring also

to M. L. West's somewhat broader dating of 580—520, can be found in March (1987) 157-9. (Here, and in all that follows, all dates are BC unless otherwise stated.) υ

Iphimede is an alternative name for Iphigenia, as is clear from the account of her sacrifice that follows in lines 17-26, where once again she is rescued by Artemis and made immortal. For a discussion of the papyrus fragments (and their supplements) that make up fr. 23 (a), see March (1987) 88-9.

!^

"

Stesichorus' floruit seems to have been 560-540: M. L. West, CQ n.s. 21 (1971) 302-6. We are told by Aelian that Stesichorus adapted much from Xanthus, an earlier lyric poet, when he composed his Oresteia (PMG 699). Of Xanthus' work we know only that he identified Electra with Homer's Laodice: see Commentary 1645n. Some genealogies (e.g. ps.-Hes. Catalogue of Women 194 M-W) made Agamemnon, not the son of Atreus, but the son of Pleisthenes, who was himself the son of Atreus. But this shadowy Pleisthenes plays no other part in the myth: he was said to have died young, leaving Agamemnon and his brother Menelaus to be brought up by their grandfather Atreus.

Although some scholars (e.g. Garvie xx) take it that the snake human shape of Agamemnon himself.

changed

into

the

4

INTRODUCTION

also tells us that Apollo gave Orestes a bow with which to ward off the Furies, thus providing the first evidence for their appearance in the story.

Two other lyric poets touched on the myth. Simonides agreed with Stesichorus in setting Agamemnon's kingdom in Sparta (PMG 549). So also did Pindar in Pythian 11 (probably dated 474), placing Agamemnon’s palace at Amyclae, near Sparta. Pindar mentions Orestes’ rescue by his nurse, Arsinoe,'* his refuge with Strophius and his return home to kill Clytemnestra and Aegisthus, and he asks whether Clytemnestra's motive in murdering Agamemnon was anger at the

death of Iphigenia or her adulterous passion for Aegisthus. Thus all the main motifs of the myth that we find in fifth-century tragedy are

already present in some or all of the sources in the earlier tradition. Iphigenia was sacrificed at the beginning of the Trojan War.

was murdered on his return home Orestes was carried away to safety Years later he returned home with Agamemnon’s tomb led to the Clytemnestra had a warning dream,

At the end of the war, Agamemnon

by Aegisthus and Clytemnestra. The young and found a refuge with Strophius in Phocis. Pylades, and there a lock of his hair left at recognition between himself and Electra. but this did not prevent her being killed, along

with Aegisthus, by the avenging Orestes. Finally the Furies threatened Orestes and he was aided by Apollo, who, we may assume, had commanded the vengeance. ii)

The

Myth

in Aeschylus

and

Euripides

Aeschylus was, as far as we can tell, the first to adapt the myth for the stage in his

trilogy the Oresteia of 458. “His own contribution to the myth lies ... in his moulding of it to a tragic pattern, ... in his presentation of the story of a familycurse which passed from one generation to another, but at the same time involved

the personal decision and responsibility of each person who came under it.” Agamemnon deals with Clytemnestra's murder of her husband, who returns home to Argos, victorious from the war at Troy, and bringing with him his concubine, Cassandra. Aeschylus’ titanic Clytemnestra, still grieving for the sacrifice of

Iphigenia ten years before, kills them both; she needs no help at all from

the

relatively insignificant Aegisthus, who appears onstage only towards the end of the play. Choephori, the Aeschylean equivalent of our Electra (and thus discussed in 13

ι

Further evidence for Simonides’ treatment comes from P. Oxy. 2434 (PMG 608): see March (1987) 94-5. We are told that Stesichorus called the nurse Laodamia (PMG 218), though this does

not necessarily mean that her role was to rescue Orestes (a nurse, Cilissa, appears in Aeschylus’ Choephori, but it was Clytemnestra herself (Ag. 877-86) who sent Orestes to safety).

The nurse was also Laodamia

in Pherecydes

(FGrH 3 F 134),

and

here she saved Orestes but lost her own son, who was killed by Aegisthus believing him to be Orestes.

Garvie xxv; and see xxvi-xli for his excellent discussion of Aeschylus’ adaptation of the myth. Denniston’s term:

“a woman

no less superhuman than inhuman” (xxix).

INTRODUCTION

5

more detail below), dramatises Orestes’ return and revenge, obedient to the command of Apollo: he kills first Aegisthus, then Clytemnestra. In Eumenides the Furies pursue Orestes for his mother’s murder. Apollo, still supporting Orestes, sends him to Athens, where he stands trial before a jury of mortal men. Their votes are even, but Athena casts her deciding vote in Orestes’ favour. The Furies are propitiated by a new cult at Athens and become the “Eumenides”, the “Kindly Ones”. The chain of bloodshed has been broken and resolution accomplished, and the trilogy ends in a joyous, torchlit procession. There is no doubt that both Sophocles and Euripides, in composing their

Electra

tragedies,

were

much

influenced

by

Aeschylus’

Choephori

(“Libation

Bearers”). We possess no other examples of a play on the very same part of a myth by each of the three great tragedians, so we are lucky here to be able to compare and contrast their differing approaches to the same subject.” As Choephori opens, Orestes and Pylades arrive from Phocis, and Orestes places a lock of his hair as an offering on Ágamemnon's grave. He has come with the express intention of avenging his father’s murder by killing Clytemnestra and Aegisthus. Three factors compel him to this deed: the will of the Olympian gods, the desire of Agamemnon

and the underworld powers for vengeance, and his own personal decision.

Seeing a

group of women approaching, Orestes and Pylades conceal themselves. The Chorus of captive Trojan women enter. They carry libations for Agamemnon’s grave (hence the title of the play), sent by Clytemnestra who has had a terrifying dream. With them comes Electra, in her first appearance on the European stage. She finds the lock of hair on the tomb and, seeing that it resembles her own, guesses that Orestes has sent it. Then she notices footprints and finds that they too match her own. At this Orestes steps forward and makes himself known to her, showing her as final proof of his identity a garment which she herself once wove. Brother and sister are joyfully reunited, then with the Chorus they sing a great kommos, a prolonged lyric dialogue, invoking Agamemnon’s spirit and the divine powers to help in the vengeance.

At the end of this scene Electra goes indoors, to be seen no more:

her part in

the play is over, and the focus is now on Orestes as he carries out the vengeance. He announces himself at the palace doors as a stranger from Phocis, bringing news of Orestes’ death. Clytemnestra invites him indoors and sends an old slave-woman, who was once his nurse, to summon Aegisthus. The Chorus prevail on her to tell Aegisthus to come alone and without his armed guard. He does so, then enters the

house, and soon his dying shriek is heard within; his death is swiftly dealt with, for it is the killing of Clytemnestra that is to be the dramatic climax of the play. She is summoned by a servant and, learning what has happened, calls for a manslaying axe. "7

Euripides dealt with other phases of the myth in three further plays: with the death of Iphigenia in /phigenia at Aulis, and with different aspects of the aftermath of Orestes’ vengeance in Orestes and Iphigenia among the Taurians. Garvie xxxi-xxxiv gives a full analysis of Orestes’ motives.

6

INTRODUCTION

But before she can procure a weapon, she is confronted by Orestes.

She appeals to

him by the breast that suckled him as a baby, and for the first and only time he

falters,'” and asks Pylades what he should do. Pylades speaks his only words in the play, reminding Orestes of Apollo’s oracle. Orestes hesitates no more, but drives his mother into the house and there kills her. The corpses are shown to the audience on the ekkyklema, with Orestes standing over them, just as Clytemnestra stood over the corpses of Agamemnon and Cassandra in Agamemnon. He feels madness coming upon him, then catches his

first glimpse of the Furies and rushes from the scene.

“The play opened with his

return from exile, full of hope; it ends with his departure into further exile, now as a polluted outcast” (Garvie xl). The action closes with the Chorus’s despairing question: “Where will it all end?” The date of Euripides’ Electra is uncertain. It was once believed to be 413, because lines 1278-83 about the phantom-Helen sound like a prior notice of Helen in 412, and lines 1347-8, referring to ships in Sicilian waters, seem to allude to Demosthenes’ expedition during the Athenian campaign against Sicily. But Zuntz has shown that a stylistic analysis favours an earlier date of between 422 and 416,” while Cropp, in his edition of the play, narrows this further to 420/419?! (For a discussion of the date of Sophocles’ Electra, see below p. 20-22.)

Euripides’ Electra follows Choephori in the broad outline of its plot: a recognition” and reunion between Orestes and Electra is followed by preparation for

the murders; Orestes is welcomed as a “guest” before he kills Aegisthus; the murder of Clytemnestra comes second and forms the dramatic climax of the play; and the action closes as the Furies begin their pursuit of Orestes. The differences, however,

outweigh the similarities. The play is set, not at Agamemnon’s royal palace, but at the cottage of a peasant, to whom Electra has been married off (although the marriage has not been consummated). So the murders are committed in separate

^?

“Until Clytaemestra bares her breast before him, we nowhere see him arguing over the rights and wrongs of matricide, he is nowhere presented as hesitant or reluctant, and even to suppose that he has constantly to overcome a secret repugnance towards what he has to do goes beyond the evidence of the text” (Garvie xxxii-xxxiii). Clytemnestra/Clytaemestra is spelt in Greek sometimes Klutaimnestra, sometimes Klutaimestra. In this book, I use the more usual Anglicised version of her name, Clytemnestra. Q. Zuntz, The Political Plays of Euripides (Manchester 1963) 63-71. Two features suggest a date earlier than 413: in the frequency and variety of "resolutions" (two light syllables taking the place of a single syllable), Electra is less developed than Trojan Women (415) and Heracles, and somewhat more developed than Suppliant Women

(c. 422).

Furthermore

Electra lacks trochaic

tetrameters,

which

are present

in Trojan Women, Heracles, and all later plays. ᾿

Pp. I-li; see also M. J. Cropp and 6. H. Fick, Euripides (London 1985) 23, 60-1.

T? --

See Commentary 871-937n. for the recognition Euripides compared with that in Sophocles.

Resolutions

scenes

and Chronology

in both

Aeschylus

in

and

INTRODUCTION

7

locations, that of Aegisthus in the countryside, where he is performing a sacrifice to the Nymphs, and that of Clytemnestra at the cottage, where she has been lured by Electra pretending that she has just given birth to a son.” In Choephori Orestes has two confrontations with his mother, both before and after Aegisthus’ death, but here he has nonc. The characters also are presented quite differently: Orestes is cautious and indecisive, and it is Electra who has the dominant role, who plans and insists on the

matricide, who even grasps the sword with Orestes when his own hand fails.

After

their mother's death both avengers are broken and despairing, and Electra is now as full of hysterical remorse as she was full of bitter hatred before the deed. Aegisthus is presented somewhat sympathetically as a genial and unsuspecting host at the time of

his brutal slaughter," and Clytemnestra even more sympathetically, both in the concern she shows for her homicidal daughter and in the regret she confesses for the crime that she has committed. Finally the attitude to the vengeance itself presents a contrast, for the murders are dramatised in such a way that they leave a sense more of horror than of satisfaction at justice done, and doubts are expressed about the rightness of Apollo's command by the murderers, by the Chorus, and by the Dioscuri who appear at the end of the play to pronounce final judgement. The ending of the play — with grief,

exile and permanent separation — is even more comfortless that that of Aeschylus." Sophocles’

dramatisation of the myth

versions of Aeschylus and Euripides."

has some obvious

similarities to the

He sets the scene, like Aeschylus, outside

the royal palace of Agamemnon, though here Agamemnon’s tomb, which forms . such a central feature in Aeschylus, is merely imagined as being nearby. As in Aeschylus, Clytemnestra has a dream, though here it is less horrific; and in response she sends offerings to Agamemnon's tomb in the hands of Chrysothemis (in Aeschylus they are conveyed by Electra). As in Aeschylus, the revenge-plot depends on an announcement of Orestes' death, though here it is narrated in far greater detail and it deceives Electra too, with dramatic results. As in Euripides, offerings are taken to Agamemnon's tomb (here by Chrysothemis, in Euripides by the old retainer) where their conveyor finds evidence of a visit from Orestes and reports this to an incredulous Electra. As in Euripides, there is a formal agon (verbal contest) between Electra and Clytemnestra about the rights and wrongs of Agamemnon's murder, though in Sophocles occurring long before Clytemnestra's death and

in

tw

^"

As Denniston (xii) observes, the horror of the matricide is enhanced by removing it from heroic surroundings and placing it in an environment of everyday life. Although this does not compromise the justice of his murder (Cropp xxxi-xxxii). As Cropp summarises before discussing the issue (xxix-xxxii):. "Matricide is the tragic essence of the play." Jebb disliked the play (hi): "We may recognise to the utmost the bold originality of Euripides, the inventive power, and the skilful execution; but his Electra, viewed as ἃ Greek tragedy, cannot be pronounced a success." The many references in the Commentary to these plays are listedin the Index.

8

INTRODUCTION

separated from it by scenes which seem to deny its very possibility." But although it is easy to point to surface similarities between Sophocles’ play and those of his fellow-tragedians, the deeper differences of general tone are, as we shall see, even

more

patent:

the religious and moral

Aeschylus are not at issue here,

implications

of matricide

nor are the psychological

presented

by

effects portrayed

by

Euripides. iii)

The

Myth

in Art”

There are very few ancient works of art that seem to have a direct connection with our play (on these, see below p. 10-11). This following summary is intended for readers who are interested in the earlier artistic evidence for the existence of the myth. There are several probable depictions of the myth in art as early as the seventh century, although in the absence of inscriptions, and because this is too early in the

history of Greek art for standard iconographies to have developed, certainty is not possible. One of the earliest of these scenes, of 680-670, occurs on a Proto-Attic krater by the Ram Jug Painter, and is most plausibly interpreted as the death of

Aegisthus:” Orestes, sword in hand, marches Aegisthus forward, holding him by his long hair; before them moves Clytemnestra, anxiously tearing at her cheek, while behind them is a fourth figure, with only the fingers preserved. It is just possible that here we have our first depiction of Electra. Of similar date is a bronze relief panel from the Argive Heraion, apparently

depicting Clytemnestra killing Cassandra." 650, may portray the death of Aegisthus:

A relief pithos from Thebes, of 675Orestes attacks him as he sits on a high

throne, behind which is the figure of a woman, possibly Clytemnestra or Electra.” The function of the agon, as well as its position, is also different in Euripides, where it is evidently meant to enhance the horror of Clytemnestra’s murder, which follows immediately, by presenting her in a somewhat sympathetic light. An excellent reference work for the study of all ancient art is the Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (LIMC), an invaluable, richly-illustrated catalogue of all the known artworks of classical antiquity, with useful articles on all mythological figures. For the Oresteia-myth, see O. Touchefeu, "Agamemnon"; R. M. Gais, "Aigisthos"; I. McPhee, “Elektra I"; Y. Morizot, "Klytaimestra"; H. Sarian and V. Machaira, "Orestes". The most complete exploration of the evidence for the Oresteia myth in art can be found in Prag. For other good discussions, see M. I. Davies, "Thoughts on the Oresteia before Aischylos", Bull. Corr. Hell. 93 (1969) 214-60; E. Vermeule, “The Boston Oresteia Krater”, AJA 70 (1966)

"

Once Berlin, Staatliche Museen 31573 LIMC,

McPhee

717

no.

75.

Some

1-22.

(A32), now lost; Prag 6-8 and pl. 5b-c; scholars,

following

Davies

(n.

29

above),

interpret this scene as the death of Agamemnon.

*! — Athens, National Museum unnumbered; Prag 58-60 and pl. 37a; LIMC, Touchefeu 270 no. 87.

"

Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 99.305; Prag 32-3 and pl. 22a; LIMC, Gais 372 no. l. This scene has also been interpreted as the death of Priam, Hecuba.

the woman

being

INTRODUCTION A

clay

pinax

from

Gortyn

in

Crete,

of

9

630-610,

almost

certainly

shows

Clytemnestra and Aegisthus murdering Agamemnon as he sits in a chair."

The first half of the sixth century provides us with a number of further examples. Several bronze shield bands from Olympia, of 600-580, depict the death of Aegisthus: he sits on an elaborate throne, and tries to rise and fight back as

Orestes attacks."

Another shield band shows the murder of Agamemnon

by

Clytemnestra and Aegisthus: he holds Agamemnon’s head in a wrestling grip while

she stabs from behind.”

A bronze tripod-leg from Olympia, of about 570, may

portray Orestes killing Clytemnestra, driving a sword full through her body, while a

young, beardless Aegisthus flees up a flight of stairs. Finally three metopes from the temple of Hera at Foce del Sele, of 570-550, depict scenes from the myth: on metope 24 Clytemnestra, held back by a woman (the nurse? Electra?), brandishes an

axe, presumably attempting to attack Orestes, who on metope 25 kills Aegisthus

and on metope 26 tries to escape from a snaky Fury coiling around him.” Artistic interest in the myth seems to fade for a while in the but in the fifth century interest once more revives and is reflected red-figure vases, dated to the first thirty or forty years of iconographically similar and showing the death of Aegisthus.* five figures, all of whom are present, with inscriptions, on our

pelike by the Berlin Painter of about 500:

later sixth century, in a spate of Attic the century, all The full scene has earliest example, a

Aegisthus slips from his throne as

Orestes stabs him with a sword; Clytemnestra rushes to her lover’s aid brandishing a

double axe, but is held back by Talthybius; a sister, here named Chrysothemis, cnes in alarm and warning.”

In a stamnos by the Triptolemus Painter of about 480 the

sister 1s named Electra, which makes this our first certain representation of Electra in

** " **

^

Heraklion Museum 11152; Prag 1-2 and pl. 1; LIMC, Morizot 74 no. 4. Olympia B 988, B 1642, B 1801-2, B 4809, B 8405, Isthmia IM 3328; Prag 10 and pl. 6a-b; Olympia a slightly pl. 2b-c. Olympia disputed:

LIMC, Gais 372 nos. 2-5. B 1654; Prag 2-3 and pl. 2a; LIMC. Morizot 74 no. 5. The same scene, of later date, may be illustrated on a shield band from Aegina: Prag 2-3 and M 77; LIMC, Gais 374 no. see Prag 35-6 and pl. 23a.

19.

This interpretation

of the scene has been

" — Paestum Museum; Prag 11-13, 44-5, and plates 7a-b, 28b; LIMC, Gais 374 no. 20, AN

Morizot 75 no. 20. This sudden and concentrated interest in the myth may be attributed to artistic influence, such as that of a large-scale wall painting (Vermeule 14-15), or to political influence and an interest in tyrant-slaying following the deed of Harmodius and Aristogeiton (Prag

102-5), or to literary influence (thus March

(1987) 92-7, the

influence perhaps being that of Simonides! poem on the Oresteia story).

" 40

Nienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 3725; Prag 15-16 and pl. 9c-d; LIMC, Gais 372 no. 6. For other similar vases, see Prag 16-34, Gais Some vases show only excerpts from this full scene, such as the name of Clytemnestra's restrainer, and throne or a chair, whether or not he holds a lyre, and armour.

372-4. and certain details may vary, whether Aegisthus sits on a whether or not Orestes wears

10

INTRODUCTION

ancient art.

Of particular interest is the famous “Boston Oresteia Krater”, a calyx

krater by the Dokimasıa Painter of about 470, where the death of Aegisthus is paired with the death of Agamemnon in our only Attic depiction of the king’s murder. He is killed by Aegisthus with a sword, while Clytemnestra follows on with a double axe.

He is naked, but enveloped in a net, a delicate and embroidered robe of fine,

filmy material, reminiscent of the net in Aeschylus.

A daughter (Electra?) behind

Agamemnon cries out in protest.”' Our first certain depiction in Greek art of the death of Clytemnestra occurs on an inscribed silver seal of about 410:” dressed in a richly decorated robe, though with

one breast bare, she sits collapsed on an altar; Orestes has stabbed her once and 15 about to strike a second time." But three bronze Etruscan mirrors, all inscribed, also depict her death, the earliest of which can be dated to 450—440 and appears to have

copied the design from

the interior of an Attic red-figure kylix;" here, as in

Aeschylus (Clio. 896-8), Clytemnestra appeals to Orestes by the breast that suckled

him as a baby, but he draws back his sword, ready to strike. After about 450, the meeting of Electra and Orestes at the tomb of Agamemnon is the most frequently depicted part of the myth, presumably under the influence of Aeschylus’ Choephori. It is just possible that an Attic black-figure lekythos of 480-470 shows the meeting at the tomb;? otherwise the earliest examples are nonAttic, the "Melian" clay plaques of 460—450, where Electra sits sorrowfully on the steps of the tomb as Orestes and Pylades approach. The first example in Attic art

is a red-figure skyphos of about 440,” where Orestes and Pylades look on as Electra binds a fillet around Agamemnon's grave-stele.

There are three representations of the meeting of brother and sister where no tomb is shown. In these instances we may have illustrations of the Sophoclean version of the myth: two are on Lucanian vases, a red-figure hydria of 400—380 and

*"

" 41

"

Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 63.1246; Prag 23-6 and plates 15-16a; LIMC, Gais 373 no. 10, Touchefeu 271 no. 89; see also the front cover of this edition. Vermeule has argued forcefully that the vase is later than it appears to be and was inspired by Aeschylus’ Agamemnon of 458, but this is hardly likely, since the painter has given the major role in the murder to Aegisthus and shows Clytemnestra running on merely as second murderer. [oannina Museum 4279; Prag 40-1 and pl. 28c; LIMC, Morizot 77 no. 32. Prag (35—43) discusses other works which are occasionally interpreted as showing the death of Clytemnestra. It is tempting to see this, with S. I. Dakaris (Hoi Genealogikoi Mythoi ton Molossion (Athens 1964) 91), as a direct echo of lines 1415-16 of our play.

Berlin, Staatliche Museen Fr. 31 (M. I. 3371).

The three mirrors are described in

LIMC by Morizot, 77-8 nos. 33-35.

** Naples, Museo Nazionale 111609; LIMC, McPhee 715 no. 54. ?* — LIMC, McPhee 712 nos 24-5; and see Prag's discussion of the scene, 51-7. ?

Copenhagen,

National Museum

597; LIMC, McPhee 713 no. 34.

17 for the many examples of the meeting of Electra and Orestes.

See McPhee

710-

INTRODUCTION

11

a red-figure bell krater of 360-340 (here Orestes carries the urn containing his ashes), and one on a Tarentine grave relief of 320-300.*

supposedly

II: The Play (1)

Characters

Sophocles makes the figure of Electra the dynamic centre of his play.” She dominates the action both by her physical presence (she is onstage for well over 90%

of its length)“ and by her heroic stature.

She is central to the plot, which focuses

on her faithfulness to Agamemnon and to the idea of revenge, despite persecution from Aegisthus and Clytemnestra; on her extreme reactions to the false report of Orestes’ death; and on her final deliverance from misery through his triumph over her persecutors. Her speaking part ts one of the longest in Greek tragedy, during which she expresses the heights and depths of emotion, from bitter hatred to most tender love, from the deepest sorrow to the most exalted joy. Like Antigone she is fiercely loyal to the dead, in her case to her dead father, Agamemnon. She is outspoken in

her condemnation of his murderers, steadfast in her longing for revenge, unflinching in the face of punishment and even under threat of death. Much of this we learn from Electra’s opening monody, and from the long lyric dialogue between her and the Chorus which forms the Parodos. Thereafter her scenes with other characters give further insight into her nature and situation. Her weaker sister Chrysothemis” acts as a foil to her (328—403n.), just as Ismene does to Antigone: Chrysothemis’ caution and timidity contrast with Electra's courage (some would say recklessness), and her sensible behaviour, motivated by expediency and self-interest, highlights Electra's idealistic fidelity to her beliefs, whatever the cost. Their two scenes of opposition emphasise the differences between them, and their final divisive quarrel, after Electra had hoped to find an ally, instead reinforces her continuing isolation.

Orestes, cager to fulfil his duty of revenge against his father's murderers, has evolved a clever scheme, dependent on the announcement

** 49

so

5I

of his death, that will

London, British Museum F 92; Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum IV 689; Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum 1589. LIMC, McPhee 714-15 nos 47-9. In contrast to the plays of Aeschylus (where she exits, not to be seen again, halfway through the play) and Euripides (where she and Orestes are both central, although she is the dominant partner). Kamerbeek (11) rightly comments that "Electra's continuous presence on the stage throughout the play" is "very impressive and symbolic of the meaning of the tragedy”. Aeschylus makes no mention of Chrysothemis in his Choephori, nor Euripides in his Electra (although he refers to her in his Orestes of 408, at line 23).

12

INTRODUCTION

deceive and outwit his enemies?" But it deceives Electra too, and this deception provides us with further insight into the lengths to which her courage will take her, in her resolve to murder Aegisthus unaided, and also into the depths of her tenderness und love, as she grieves over the urn which she believes contains Orestes’ ashes. Orestes is deeply moved as he listens and realises her identity (1174-1223n.); but it

is Electra's passion — her heartbreak and her loneliness, and her ensuing joy — which make this one of the most moving and memorable recognition scenes in the whole of Greek tragedy. . Orestes is supported by his Phocian

friend, Pylades

(16n.), who

is ἃ non-

speaking character throughout, and by the Old Slave, who has reared Orestes since he was taken to safety after his father’s murder. The old man is down-to-earth and completely focused on the matter in hand, urging on the young avengers to complete their task; but he is a follower rather than a leader (28n.) and there is no doubt that it

is Orestes who is the decisive planner behind the vengeance. He is fully confident that he is fulfilling Apollo’s will (33-4n.), and he neither shrinks from the thought of the deed beforehand, nor feels the slightest misgiving once it has been accomplished (1425n.). The murderers, particularly Clytemnestra, are portrayed in such a way that their fate is seen

as

entirely

just.

Clytemnestra

is

depicted

as

almost

totally

villainous. Her only redeeming moment comes when she feels a pang of sorrow on hearing of Orestes’ death; but this is over so swiftly, and replaced by triumph and relief, that it merely emphasises

her fundamental

from this she is painted as blackly as possible.

wickedness (766—71n.).

Apart

After Agamemnon’s murder she

mutilated his corpse — lopping off his limbs, and wiping her bloody axe on his hair — then instituted a monthly festival in celebration of his death. She would have

killed the young Orestes if the Old Slave had not carried him to safety, and here in the play she prays for his death, then rejoices when she believes him dead.

continually cruel to Electra and has even used violence against her.

"mother who

is no mother"?

She is

In fact she is a

and has forfeited the right to that name.

Her

confrontation with Electra (agon), in which they argue about the reasons for Agamemnon's murder, shows that her motive for the crime was not Iphigenia’s death — this was only a pretext — but her adulterous affair with Aegisthus (558—

609n.). Electra's passionate constancy to the memory of her dead father and to the

idea of revenge is thus dramatically vindicated.™ Sophocles has the killing of Clytemnestra accomplished first, and it is swiftly over, leaving the audience's

"

attention

on

the

approach

of Aegisthus,

who

is

‘Jt is a more effective deception than in Aeschylus, since in Sophocles the news of Orestes “death” seems to come from two independent sources (1110n.) and is therefore more convincing. This contrasts also with the Euripidean Orestes, who arrives in Argos with no clear plan at all (39-66n.).

"^^

]154; and see 273-4n.

“4

"Electra's right is as absolute as Clytaemestra's wrong”, comments

Kamerbeek

(11).

INTRODUCTION equally villainous

13

and has always been seen as the greater test for the

avengers

(1428-9n.). On his arrival, Electra, for the first time taking an active part in the vengeance, indulges in triumphant irony at her old enemy’s expense (1442-65 and notes), clearly relishing this positive action. Aegisthus is finally overbome by Orestes and taken indoors to his deserved death. The still-dominant figure of Electra Is Onstage to the end.

The speaking parts? would have been distributed, as always, between three actors. The protagonist would have played Electra, the deuteragonist Orestes and Clytemnestra, and the tritagonist the Old Slave, Aegisthus, and (probably) Chrysothemis. It is just possible that Chrysothemis could have been played by the deuteragonist, but this would not have given the actor much time to leave the stage

at 471 and return costumed as Clytemnestra at 516. (ii)

The

Dramatic

Prologue

Design

(1-120),

as always,

provides

the

background

to

the

drama

and

foreshadows the coming action. Three travellers enter, Orestes, Pylades and the Old Slave. Orestes outlines the plan by which, in obedience to Apollo’s oracle, he intends to take vengeance on his father’s murderers and to regain his rights: the Old Slave will pretend to be a messenger from Phanoteus, a friend of Aegisthus and Clytemnestra from Phocis, and will announce Orestes’ death in a chariot-race at the Pythian Games; Orestes and Pylades, pretending to come from Strophius, an ally of

Agamemnon, will then gain entry to the palace by bringing a funeral urn supposedly containing Orestes’ ashes.

The audience is now prepared for much, though not all

(29-31n.), of what will ensue.

A cry of grief from Electra is heard (77). Orestes would stay, but the Old Slave urges him away to make the required offerings at Agamemnon’s grave and the three men leave the stage. It is thus made clear that, in contrast to the treatments of Aeschylus and Euripides, Orestes will here have no opportunity to overhear Electra’s words (82-5n.), nor will the recognition of brother and sister yet take place.

Electra enters, and in the second part of the Prologue (86-120) her solitary lament makes plain her grief at Agamemnon’s unavenged death and her longing for Orestes' return. These same feelings are expressed in lyric dialogue with the sympathetic Chorus during the Parodos (121—250), and then in iambic speech (251309) where she gives graphic details of the murderers' atrocious behaviour. When she ends, the audience can fully understand the utter misery of her situation and sympathise with her anger and grief. Chrysothemis enters (328), carrying offerings from Clytemnestra for Agamemnon's grave. The queen has been terrified by a dream and wishes to appease s5

Non-speaking actors would have been needed to play the parts of Pylades (16n.), a maidservant accompanying Clytemnestra (516-51n.), and attendants for Orestes and Pylades during the urn-scene (1098-1383n.).

14

INTRODUCTION

her husband’s possibly unquiet spirit. A quarrel springs up between the sisters, arising from their fundamentally different attitudes; but when Electra notices the offerings and learns about Clytemnestra’s dream (417-23), she is filled with hope and affectionately urges Chrysothemis to ignore their mother’s instructions. The girls are reconciled, and Chrysothemis leaves for the grave with offerings, not from Clytemnestra, but from herself and Electra (471). The spectator, knowing that Orestes too has gone to make offerings at the grave, will expect some striking

development. The impression of hope which is prompted by the dream is confirmed by the Chorus singing of victory and vengeance against the murderers (472-515).

Clytemnestra enters (516).

She comes with offerings for Apollo, in the hope

of averting any evil foreshadowed by her dream.

in argument murdered him motive was Clytemnestra

She and Electra confront each other

about her murder of Agamemnon. Clytemnestra claims that she justly because of the sacrifice of Iphigenia, but Electra shows that her really her adulterous relationship with Aegisthus (558-609n.). now makes her offerings on Apollo’s altar, praying to the god for

victory over her enemies and, implicitly, for Orestes’ death (634-59). It seems that at once her prayer is answered, for the Old Slave enters, in the guise of a messenger from Phocis, and announces in a vivid narrative the horrific dgath of Orestes in a chariot-race at the Pythian Games (680-763). The situation of the two women seems immediately to be reversed: Clytemnestra, after a momentary pang, is overcome with triumphant relief and takes the old man indoors as her honoured

guest; Electra is left onstage, heartbroken.

In a lyric duet with Electra (823-70) the

Chorus try gently to offer consolation, but she is comfortless. With swift joy Chrysothemis re-enters (871), having

seen

offerings

at

Agamemnon's grave which prove, she rightly believes, that Orestes has been there. Electra soon convinces her that she is wrong and that Orestes is dead, then urges her to join in an assassination-attempt on Aegisthus: in this way they will both win honour and freedom. Chrysothemis is appalled at the idea, believing that only

failure and death can result, and the sisters once again quarrel.

Electra is left onstage

alone (1057), ali hope of an ally gone, but still clinging to her heroic resolve. The Chorus sing of the strife between the sisters, then eulogise the courage and nobility of Electra’s lonely stand and pray for her ultimate triumph over her enemies

(1058-97). Orestes and Pylades enter with the urn, in their guise of strangers from Phocis

(1098). The audience, of course, knows them at once and now eagerly expects the recognition of brother and sister, but Sophocles skilfully delays it (until 1223) in a scene of mounting emotion. Orestes takes Electra for a servant, and it 15 only when he hears the words of love and grief that she utters over the urn, cradling it in her

arms, that he realises this to be the sister who brought him up (1145-8) and saved his life. In the dialogue that follows (1174-1223) he gently leads up to the truth,

and then at last the radiant Electra can take her longed-for brother in her arms.

INTRODUCTION

15

Electra sings out her joy in lyrics, while Orestes tries to restrain her transports in case their enemies overhear (1232-87). Finally they begin to confer about their plan of action, but are interrupted by the sudden entrance (1326) of the Old Slave.

Electra, at first alarmed and bewildered, is overtaken by more transports of joy when she learns that this 1s the faithful servant who carried Orestes to safety. The old man urges Orestes and Pylades into action against Clytemnestra without more delay and all the men enter the palace (1375).

Electra follows

short prayer to Apollo. The Chorus sing in triumph of the coming consummation by the supporting gods (1384-97).

them

(1383)

vengeance,

Electra re-enters (1398) and keeps watch at the doors while

after uttering

brought

a

to just

inside the palace

Orestes kills Clytemnestra. Her dying shrieks are heard. But there is no time to linger over her death for Aegisthus is seen approaching (1428). Electra, apparently docile, tricks him into confidence that Orestes is indeed dead and his corpse within the palace. At Aegisthus’ command the doors open and Orestes and Pylades bring out the covered body of Clytemnestra. Aegisthus lifts the coverings and starts back in horror, realising what fate now awaits him. He argues defiantly, trying to disconcert his captor and delay his approaching death, but Orestes drives him into the palace to meet his fate (1507).

With Electra still onstage, the Chorus rejoice that she has come, at long last

and after much suffering, to freedom and fulfilment (1508-10). The play seems to end, therefore, on a note of triumphant finality, with Agamemnon successfully avenged, the evildoers justly brought down to deserved destruction, and the suffering son and daughter of the house restored to prosperity and joy. Some critics, however, would give a much darker interpretation of the play. The justice, or otherwise, of this view must now be discussed.

(iii)

A Reading of the Play

“The general tenor of the play seems to be positive:

a movement

out of evil and

tyranny towards justice (1505) and freedom (1509)": thus comments Charles Segal.*

This was the reading of the play up to and including the nineteenth century, with Jebb’s magisterial edition of 1894 concluding that Sophocles drew his inspiration from Homer: “Like the poet of the Odyssey, Sophocles regards the vengeance as a deed of unalloyed merit, which brings the troubles of the house to an end?" Some years later Gilbert Murray famously described the play as “a combination of matricide and good spirits"." But as the twentieth century progressed, a darker view “8

Segal

47

misleading. For specific comments on Segal’s views see the Commentary, 19n., 36-7n., 110-18n., 608-9n., 955-7n., 1365n., 1485-6n., 1490n. Pp. xxxix-xl. Davidson 1988 also amply demonstrates the strong colouring of the Electra. In the introduction to hts translation of Euripides’ Electra (1905), vi.

ἊΝ

(1966)

475.

He then

goes

on to show

why

in his

view

this

impression

is

esp.17Homeric

16

INTRODUCTION

became

prevalent, one of the most

influential

of its

proponents

being

Segal

himself.” This darker view seems to have had its origin in the feeling that the wise and humane Sophocles could not really have condoned a deed as horrific and polluting as

matricide,” and that he must implying

therefore have been

subtly

condemning

it‘

and

the imminent arrıval, or even the presence, of the Furies in his play.

Thus, some critics argue, Orestes’ murder of Clytemnestra must inevitably result ın pursuit by the Furies, even though the play ends without their actual arrival; and/or

they can be seen at work within the play itself through their effects on Electra, who suffers permanent damage from being spiritually and morally degraded by her long hatred. We may conclude, therefore, that the future of Orestes and Electra, for all its apparent promise, ıs ın fact darkly shadowed because the Furies, in some form, are

looming in the wings.” These darker interpretations, however,

go beyond

the evidence

of our

Many factors combine to contradict the Furies’ implicit pursuit of Orestes. the

vengeance

is

viewed

throughout

as

an

unqualified

act

accomplished with the full support and approval of the gods. appear onstage

in

this

play,

their

presence

is

felt

of justice

text.

First, and

is

Although no gods

throughout

and

frequently

emphasised, with the result that the entire action is pervaded by an. undercurrent of divine co-operation. Apollo’s oracle ordered Orestes to take vengeance, using guile, on Aegisthus and Clytemnestra (33-4n.), and thereafter‘ the god almost seems himself to take part in the play.

His statue is onstage throughout, giving the visual

impression that he is overseeing the action (36-7n.). Clytemnestra prays to him for victory over her enemies and for the death of Orestes, and when immediately afterwards the Old Slave comes onstage with his false report, the effect is to suggest that Apollo is answering her wicked prayer with a trap that will bring about her own

JAY

60

Other critics who argue for this darker interprctation include Sheppard, Gellie, Kells, Kamerbeek, Winnington-Ingram, Seale, Schein. Critics taking the more positive view include Reinhardt, Bowra, Waldock, Whitman, Adams, Alexanderson, Musurillo, Hester, Stevens, Burton, Scodel. Even Jebb, with his optimistic view of the play, sees the “matricidal stain” on Orestes as something of a difficulty (xl-xlii).

^l

42

63

This is why Sheppard, the first proponent of this view (see Commentary 33-4n.), entitled his article “Electra: in defence of Sophocles”. À great work of art can, of course, be interpreted and reinterpreted down the years in many different ways, so that it has meaning in the light of prevailing concerns. Thus modern productions of Electra can be played with a wide range of interpretations, from triumphant to tragic. My concern here is to focus on Sophocles’ text and, as far as is possible, on the fifth-century performance that he himself directed. And these gods include the Furies themselves: see Commentary 110-18n., 47215n., 1386-8n. See also 245-50n.

INTRODUCTION

17

death (660-803n.).* Electra too prays to the god for the success of the and once again the god is seen to respond, this time by truly granting (1376-83n.). | It ıs implied that other gods also lend their support. Electra prays to the Underworld gods (cf. 1391-2n.), and Hermes, and the Furies, and the

suggest that she already has their aid (110-18n.).

vengeance, the request Hades and effect is to

The gods are also, it seems,

behind Clytemnestra’s terrifying dream (417-23n.). The Chorus sing of Zeus sending Orestes home (159-63n.) and punishing the murderers (823-6n.), as does Electra (209-10). They sing of Justice and the Fury bringing the evildoers down (472-5 15n.), while Electra (785-6n.) and Orestes (1386—8n.) are implicitly portrayed

as the human representatives of the Furies. The Chorus envisage Ares as leading the avengers when they move in to kill Clytemnestra (1384—5n.), and Hermes as guiding them on their way (1395—7n.). Clytemnestra herself confirms that Nemesis is punishing her (793n.), and Aegisthus later unintentionally asserts that she was brought down through the gods' displeasure, an ironic statement that is clearly meant to be seen as true (1466—7n.). Nothing, in either the words or the action of the play, suggests that this overt emphasis on the approval and support of the gods for the

vengeance is in any way to be doubted.™ The Chorus too emphasise the positive tenor of the play. They condemn the murderers and continually emphasise the justice of the vengeance and the support of the gods. They predict the success of the revenge action, and in the Exodos they even play a small part in its fulfilment (1398-1441n.). Although they shudder as they hear Clytemnestra killed (1407-8n.), they express nothing but approval of her murder (1413-14n., 1423n.), and in their final words they sing joyfully of freedom accomplished (1508-10n.). Nowhere is there any indication that the Chorus's complete approval of all that happens is in any way unfounded. Thus if they judge the revenge action to be an unalloyed triumph, as indeed they do, this argues that we too should interpret the play in this way. Sophocles himself put his Electra onstage, directing it as didaskalos, and it is hard to believe that he wrote this confident and optimistic part for his Chorus, but directed his play so that it seemed to end in a dark mood of doubt or despair, quite at odds with what the Chorus themselves are singing. This is especially the case, given the nature of the performance situation.” The audience in the Theatre of Dionysus at Athens was huge, so the actors onstage would have appeared as distant, tiny figures to many of the spectators; the actors’ 64

65

66

As

Adams

comments

(71):

“The

god

is

behind

the

whole

affair

and

knows

everything that is to happen ... at this moment he all but steps upon the stage himself." This is in marked contrast to Euripides! Electra, where, as we have seen, the wisdom of Apollo's command is questioned. On which see Taplin 1978, and in particular his first two chapters; also Slater's valuable article on the ancient play as performance, especially pp. 8-11.

18

INTRODUCTION

movements would have had to be large and distinct, their voices loud and clear; their faces were masked. There was no room here for nuance or subtlety, so the words had

a crucial importance for interpretation of the action. This, grounds for taking the Chorus’ words in our play at face value. Other factors too argue for a positive

interpretation

himself sees revenge as a sacred duty (69—70n.) and shows

too,

gives

us good

of the

play.

Orestes

neither hesitation before

nor remorse after the killing of his mother,°’ so that no explicit stress is laid on the

horror or problematic nature of the swiftly-done deed.

Clytemnestra

herself is

presented as a woman who has forfeited the right to be seen as a true mother (273-

4n.).

Sophocles has even reversed the canonical order of the murders,“ with the

result that her death comes as a dramatic surprise and is very swiftly over; it 1s thus no longer the dramatic climax of the play, as it is in Aeschylus and Euripides. He

then gives his audience no time to wonder about the possible advent of Furies because he at once directs their attention to the danger posed by the approaching Aegisthus (1428-9n.). At the end of the play, driving Aegisthus ahead of him to his

death,” Orestes goes into his father's palace,” and there is every indication that he will stay there. Furthermore it should not be argued that the audience, with Aeschylus’ Oresteia in mind, would have taken Sophocles’ few brief references in our play to Furies as confirmation that here too they will be pursuing the blood-guilty Orestes." The Oresteia was produced in 458 and there is no certainty that it was later revived nearer the time of the Electra." But it is quite certain that the audience, brought up on

Homer from childhood, would have been well familiar with the Fury-free account of the vengeance in the Odyssey. Thus, although the pursuit of Orestes by the Furies was indeed one

version

of the

legend,

it was

familiar one, so there is no justification

by

no

for arguing

means

that

necessarily

Sophocles

audience to assume their presence in his play, nor “the bloody guilt,

the more

meant

his

terror and

7

Orestes’ words at 1425, though in themselves ambiguous, imply confidence rather than doubt or remorse (see note).

must in their context

68

The canonical order was clearly (as in Aeschylus and Euripides) first Aegisthus,

then

Clytemnestra. This is reflected in the artistic representations, where Clytemnestra is so often present when Aegisthus is killed (see Liii above). It is also taken for granted by Aeschylus (as Sommerstein points out, 198 n. 16), where Orestes, on discovering that Clytemnestra is at home and Aegisthus out, does nothing but gain entry to the palace and await Aegisthus’ arrival. It is also the logical order, since Aegisthus, being a man, would be seen as the more dangerous enemy who needed to be taken by surprise for the attack to succeed. And Aegisthus’

"

words at 1498 should not be taken as a hint of the Furies (see note).

In contrast to the Aeschylean and Euripidean Orestes. The Furies’ function in this play is to exact punishment adultery: see 110-18n. D. Bain, BICS 24 (1977) 104-16.

for unjust

murder

and

INTRODUCTION

19

madness that loom over the Orestes of the Choephori"." We

may,

therefore,

conclude

that

for Orestes

the

accomplished and his rule and rights recovered — like

play

ends

Odysseus,

with

justice

that archetypal

avenger” whose violence puts him finally back where he belongs: in his wife's bed and his father's palace — and that there are no Furies threatening. But what about their possible effect on Electra within the play? Are they silently attacking her from within, so that her long years of hatred, of longing for vengeance, have destroyed the noble woman that once she was? And does the play then encompass the tragedy of Electra — evidenced most of all when Orestes has struck Clytemnestra once, and Electra cries out, in bitter vindictiveness (1415), "Strike, if you have the strength, a

second blow"??? We must not here approach the play with mistaken expectations of a fifthcentury production based on our own values. We must not assume, for instance, that because revenge is inhumane, it will therefore recoil upon the avenger in a way that proves its innate barbarity, nor presuppose that hatred of enemies will inevitably

poison and debase the one who hates.

Rather, we should look at the play in the

light of fifth-century beliefs, where moral excellence lay in doing not only good to one's friends, but harm to one's enemies; where repaying evil for evil as well as

good for good was accepted Greek morality. "Let no one think me contemptible, or weak, or easy-going," says Medea. "No, quite the opposite,

kindly to friends.

harsh to enemies and

Such people live a life of greatest glory."

Thus revenge and

hatred for enemies were the necessary and honourable repayment of evils. Electra approaches the revenge-action uplifted by love for her brother and radiant with the Joy of their reunion. We may (or may not) shudder at her triumphant cry "Strike a

7

74

15

76

These are Stevens’ words (112). He makes the further excellent point that "scholars may bc misled to some extent by our tendency to study intensively the few Attic tragedies we possess and compare them line by line, whereas it may well be that Athenian spectators, who saw nine tragedies every year, would be more ready to consider each play on its own merits". See Burnett 34-5 on the many similarities between Odysseus’ revenge and vengeance tragedy as it developed in the fifth century, and Woodard (1964) 170-4 on the similarities between Orestes and Homer's Odysseus. Kamerbeek (20), for instance, speaks of her "moral injury" and the "harm to her soul", Seale (79) of her "moral disintegration" and "the tragic cost of a just cause". Burnett,

in

observes (7): attitudes,

77

ΤᾺ

her excellent

analysis

of what

revenge

"Only with a mind cleansed of Platonic,

and only

with appreciative

meant

in

the

fifth

Stoic, Christian,

faculties freed from the spell

century,

and statist

of Senecan

and

Jacobean drama, can one respond honestly to the vengeance dramas that were produced and enjoved in the theatre of Dionysus during the fifth century BC" (my italics). Eur. Med. 807-10. See Page on 809-10 for a list of similar passages; also Blundell on the code of good to friends/harm to enemies. As Burnett points out (xvi), revenge was the obverse of the gracious retum of favours that was called charis.

20

INTRODUCTION

second time”, at her savage repartee with her dying mother, at her ironies with Aegisthus, at her final fierce demand that he be silenced; but Electra is in her element, and to herself, and to her audience, this must be her finest hour.” Her last word in the play is “release” (1490), as she speaks of the release from all her sufferings that the death of Aegisthus will bring. She stands by as Orestes overcomes her last enemy and takes him indoors to death. If we must ask what happens next, beyond the end of the play (as some critics ask, usually concluding that, with Electra’s great purpose accomplished, she now has nothing left to live for), then we have only to look at the Old Slave’s vision of all the circling nights

and days ın which brother and sister talk in long companionship, making up for their lost years of parting (1365n.), and at Orestes’ references to their shared joy in the years to come (1226, 1299-1300). But in fact our play ends with the vengeance not quite finalised. The action ıs held, poised, at the moment when Aegisthus is about to die, the moment for which Electra has been waiting down all the long years. So the play ends with Electra too, in a sense, held, poised forever, in that transfiguring moment of Joy just as she is about to receive her longed-for release after years of

pain, her final deliverance.‘ (iv)

The

Date

of the

Play

Sophocles’ long and productive career ran from 468 to his death ın 406. He ıs said to have written 123 plays, and to have won eighteen victories (since these were produced in sets of four, this would mean that he directed 72 winning plays)?! Of his seven surviving tragedies, only two can be securely dated — Philoctetes, produced

in 409, and Oedipus at Colonus, performed after his death -- though indirect evidence suggests that a third play, Antigone, may be dated to 442.

7 80

Waldock (188) makes the point that there can be no tragedy in a work of fiction if the character concerned riven with conflicts, but Sophocles’ Electra, like many later artists. (For Myth

in

Western

does not feel it, and adds: “Electra ought, perhaps, to be that does not give us the right to conclude that she is.” his Antigone, has been a figure of inspiration to a great Antigone, see George Steiner’s Antigones: The Antigone

Literature,

Art and Thought

(1984).

Electra

merits

a similar

treatment.) Lack of space makes it impossible to explore these later manifestations of Electra as they deserve, but one of them should be mentioned here: the Electra of Richard Strauss’s opera Elektra, which has a libretto by Hugo von Hofmannsthal based on Sophocles’ play. See Lloyd-Jones (1991) and McDonald (1994) for good discussions of Hofmannsthal’s development of elements found in Sophocles. Most notable perhaps is the end of each work. Sophocles’ play ends with Electra’s joy and triumph. Hofmannsthal develops that joy, so that his Electra, uplifted by victory, dances in triumph until she collapses and dies. “She is married to death in her triumph and the whole opera has been her makarismos” (McDonald Bl

On these and other general questions related to Sophocles’ excellent summary

in Buxton

1984.

118).

life and works, see the

INTRODUCTION

21

Thus the date of the Electra is uncertain, but it is generally agreed" that the play 15 late, and in form, style and spirit 15 related to the tragedies of Sophocles’ old age, the Philoctetes and the Oedipus at Colonus. Kamerbeek sums up the evidence well (6): “As far as anything may be gathered from Sophocles’ evolution in the matters of style, primacy of the protagonist, structure of the play as a whole, details

of dramatic

technique,

treatment of the chorus,

of lyric passages

protagonist, and of lyric metres, a date somewhere between Oedipus not dated, but 426 or 425 seems acceptable) and Philoctetes (409), far from the latter, seems to be fairly certain.” Virtually all critics than ten years — and quite probably appreciably fewer — separate the

sung

by the

Tyrannus (itself perhaps not too agree that fewer Electra and the

Philoctetes." A crucial question Euripidean Electras.

is that of the

relative

dating

of the

Sophoclean

and

Euripides’ play was once thought to date to 413, but now an

earlier dating, of about 420 or very soon after, is largely accepted on stylistic grounds (see p. 6 above). Since certainty is impossible, this does not in itself, of course, rule out Sophocles' priority, but it renders it much less likely.

Four other

factors suggest that Euripides’ play is the earlier." (a) There is no mention of Chrysothemis in Euripides’ Electra, nor in his

Iphigenia among the Taurians of perhaps 414," but she is mentioned in his Orestes of 408 (23), even though she plays no part in the action and is not alluded to again, and she is implicitly present in the later /phigenia at Aulis, where Agamemnon is said to be the father of three daughters (1164; cf. El. 14—15, IT 562). That

Chrysothemis played a prominent part in Sophocles’ play in the years just before the Orestes would account very nicely for Euripides’ feeling that she should now be included as part of the family."

Cropp, who argues for the priority of Sophocles’

Electra,’ suggests that Euripides, in his Electra, ignored Chrysothemis’ existence because it would have reduced Electra's isolation.

Surely, however, it would have

had the opposite effect, for the awareness of a sister still enjoying

the luxuries of

palace life would have made Electra feel cven more deprived and mistreated, and " — Thanks largely to Reinhardt’s monumental Sophokles, first published in 1933. Jebb, in 1894, had given good structural and metrical reasons for dating the play not LE

E

earlier than 420 (Ivi-lviii). As Reinhardt shows (135-7),

the

action

of both

Philoctetes

and Electra can

summed up in just the same way: both are plays of intrigue, in which an elaborate tale of deception is improvised in order to bring about a task commanded by the gods; the effect of the intrigue is to bring the protagonist to an extremity of suffering and isolation before achieving.a final relief. On other similarities between the plays, see Shucard; also Owen (1936), who points to close stylistic affinities and would date the Electra to about 410. There are, of course, many points of resemblance and contrast between the two plays. but these can equally well be explained by either play having the priority.

" — A. M. Dale dates it thus in her edition of Euripides’ Helen (Oxford 1967), xxviii. " 87

be

— Owen (1936, 147-8) first made this important point. See his Introduction, p.l.

22

INTRODUCTION

would have given her greater grounds for her disgruntlement. And Euripides’ Electra is not slow to vociferate her wrongs: we might well have expected Chrysothemis’

easy life to form one of them. (b) Early in his Zlectra Sophocles has composed a long monody for his protagonist, followed by a parodos shared between the protagonist and the Chorus. This structure occurs nowhere else among his extant plays, but it is similar to Euripides’ practice in some of his late plays, and exactly comparable to the structure of his Electra (86-120n.). It would thus be more natural to infer that, in

constructing their tragedies, Sophocles was influenced by Euripides and his Electra rather than the other way around.

(c)

Another

argument

development of Electra’s role.

for the

priority

of Euripides’

play

rests

on

the

In Aeschylus she is a subsidiary figure whose role

ends halfway through Choephori.

In Euripides both she and Orestes are central to

the action, even if Electra ıs rather more so. But in Sophocles, as we have seen, she dominates the entire action, which revolves entirely around her: her centrality has become absolute. This suggests that the sequence Aeschylus - Euripides -Sophocles 15 the more plausible one. (4) Euripides famously comments on (almost parodies) Aeschylus’ recognition scene between brother and sister, but there is no hint that he knew of the recognition

in Sophocles. overwhelming

(And if he and his audience had known of it, had experienced its emotion,

they

might

well

have

felt his

own

version

of

the

recognition hopelessly trivialised.)

Certainty is unattainable, of course, but on the evidence available it seems likely that Sophocles’ play is the later, and this ties in with the formal and stylistic characteristics which would place his the evidence into account, a date for would seem most likely; and if A. M. play in Euripides’ Helen (1049-1056)

**

Electra fairly near the Philoctetes. Taking all Electra of somewhere between 413 and 410 Dale is right to see a joking reference to our of 412," then 413 would be that date.

Solmsen gives a sensitive discussion of all three recognition scenes, and concludes (23-4) that the handling by the two later tragedians is most easily understood on the assumption of Euripides’ priority.

See

Commentary 59-61n.

INTRODUCTION

III:

23

This Edition

This edition of Sophocles’ Electra is intended for those studying the play both in Greek and in English.

For the benefit of the latter, the Commentary

is based, as is

usual in this series, on the translation of the play rather than on its text.

Where a

comment includes reference to Greek words or phrases, these are followed by an English translation, and I have kept discussion of textual problems to a minimum. The translation itself is as literal as possible, while still retaining a reasonable

fluency.

Where I have felt it necessary to translate more frecly, I include a literal

rendering in the Commentary for students who aim to understand the Greek. For these too I include some help with the Greek itself. We know of Sophocles’ seven surviving tragedies from a number of medieval manuscripts.

Florence,

The oldest of these, known as L and now

was written

in the Laurentian Library in

in the second half of the tenth century, the rest from the

thirteenth to the fifteenth. Three of the plays — Electra, Ajax and Oedipus the King — are represented in about 150 manuscripts. For readers interested in the transmission of Sophocles’ text, an excellent short summary by P. E. Easterling can be found in her edition of his Trachiniae (Cambridge

1982), pp. 240-9. An account

of the manuscripts and their collation can be found in Dawe (1973), and the fullest critical apparatus in his Teubner edition (3rd edn. 1996).

The critical apparatus of

this edition is based on that of the Oxford Classical Text of H. Lloyd-Jones and N. G. Wilson,” though much abbreviated and simplified so as to conform with the aims of this series. For the text, I have mostly followed Lloyd-Jones and Wilson,

but in disputed cases have made my own selection among the readings adopted by them or other editors. I have omitted any analysis of lyric metres, and would refer readers wishing to

investigate these to Dawe’s Teubner edition, or to Scott (1996).°'

" ΨΙ

Published 1990.

Their further thoughts on the text can be found in their 1990 and

1997 publications, listed in the Bibliography. Two books by M. L. West are helpful on metre generally: 1982), and Introduction to Greek Metre (Oxford

1987).

Greek Metre

(Oxford

24

Bibliography The following editions of Electra, whether as a single play or as part of the complete works of Sophocles, are cited: L. Campbell (1881; with Paralipomena Sophoclea, 1907); R. C. Jebb (Cambridge 1894); G. Kaibel (Leipzig 1896); J. H. Kells (Cambridge

1973); J. C.

Kamerbeek

(Leiden 1974); H. Lloyd-Jones and N. G. Wilson (OCT 1990); R. D. Dawe (3rd edn. Teubner 1996). Adams, S. M. Sophocles the Playwright (Toronto 1957) Adkins, A. W. H. Merit and Responsibility: a Study in Greek Values (Oxford 1960) Alexanderson, B. “On Sophocles’ Electra", Class. et Med. 27 (1966) 79-98.

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Batchelder, A. G. The Seal of Orestes: Self-reference and Authority in Sophocles' Electra (Lanham 1995) Blundell, M. W. Helping Friends and Harming Enemies: a Study in Sophocles and Greek Ethics (Cambridge 1989) Bowra, C. M. Sophoclean Tragedy (Oxford 1944) Bremer, J. M. "Exit Electra", Gymnasium 98 (1991) 325-42

Brann, E. “A note on the structure of Sophocles' Electra", CPh 52 (1957) 103-4 Budelmann, F. The Language of Sophocles: Communality, Communication and Involvement (Cambridge 2000)

Burnett, A. P. Revenge in Attic and Later Tragedy (University of California Press 1998) Burton, R. W. B. The Chorus in Sophocles' Tragedies (Oxford 1980) Buxton, R. G. A. Persuasion in Greek Tragedy (Cambridge 1982)

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A.

M.

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Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, U. von. "Die beiden Elektren", Hermes 18 (1883) 214—63

Winnington-Ingram, R. P. Sophocles: an Interpretation (Cambridge 1980) Woodard, T. “Electra by Sophocles: the dialectical design", HSCP 68 (1964) 163—

205 and 70 (1965) 195—233 "The Electra of Sophocles", in Sophocles. A Essays (Englewood Cliffs NJ 1966) 125-45

Woolf, V. "On not knowing Greek", in

Collection of Critical

The Common Reader (London 1925) 23-38

3]

SOPHOCLES ELECTRA

32

TA

ΤΟΥ

APAMATOZ

IIPOZOITA

Παιδαγωγός Ὀρέστης Ἠλέκτρα Χορὸς

ἐπιχωρίων

Χρυσόθεμις Κλυταιμήστρα Alyıodos

παρθένων

33

CHARACTERS OF THE PLAY Old Slave Orestes Electra

Chorus Chrysothemis Clytemnestra

Aegisthus SILENT CHARACTERS Pylades Maidservant Attendants

34

HAEKTPA ΠΑΙΔΑΓΩΓΟΣ | U Ὦ ToU στρατηγήσαντος ἐν Τροίᾳ ποτὲ ᾿Αγαμέμνονος παῖ, νῦν ἐκεῖν᾽ ἔξεστί σοι

παρόντι

|

λεύσσειν, ὧν πρόθυμος Aoû’ ἀεί.

τὸ γὰρ παλαιὸν "Apyos οὑπόθεις τόδε, τῆς οἰστροπλῆγος ἄλσος Ἰνάχου κόρης" αὕτη δ᾽, Ὀρέστα, τοῦ λυκοκτόνου θεοῦ

5

ἀγορὰ Aüketos- oVE ἀριστερᾶς δ᾽ ὅδε Ἥρας ὁ κλεινὸς ναός" oi δ᾽ ἱκάνομεν, φάσκειν Μυκήνας τὰς πολυχρύσους ὁρᾶν, πολύφθορόν τε δῶμα Πελοπιδῶν τόδε, ὅθεν σε πατρὸς ἐκ φόνων ἐγώ ποτε πρὸς σῆς ὁμαίμονυ καὶ κασιγνήτης λαβὼν ἤνεγκα κἀξέσωσα κἀξεθρεψάμην τοσόνδ᾽ ἐς ἥβης, πατρὶ τιμωρὸν φόνον.

νῦν οὖν, Ὀρέστα

καὶ σὺ φίλτατε ξένων

15

Πυλάδη, τί χρὴ δρᾶν Ev τάχει βουλευτέον᾽ ὡς ἡμὶν ἤδη λαμπρὸν ἡλίου σέλας e@a κινεῖ φθέγματ᾽ ὀρνίθων σαφῆ, μέλαινά τ᾽ ἄστρων ἐκλέλοιπεν εὐφρόνη. πρὶν οὖν τιν᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἐξοδοιπορεῖν στέγης,

ξυνάπτετον

10

20

λόγοισιν. ὡς ἐνταῦθα μὲν

ἔστ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ὀκνεῖν καιρός, ἀλλ᾽ ἔργων

ἀκμή.

OPEZTH2

ὦ φίλτατ᾽ ἀνδρῶν προσπόλων, ὥς μοι σαφῆ σημεῖα

φαίνεις ἐσθλὸς

εἰς ἡμᾶς

γεγώς.

ὥσπερ γὰρ ἵππος εὐγενής, κἂν À γέρων,

25

ἐν τοῖσι δεινοῖς θυμὸν οὐκ ἀπώλεσεν,

ἀλλ᾽ ὀρθὸν ots ἵστησιν, ὡσαύτως δὲ σὺ ἡμᾶς τ᾽ ὀτρύνεις καὐτὸς ἐν πρώτοις ἕπῃ. τοιγὰρ τὰ μὲν δόξαντα δηλώσω, σὺ δὲ

l 21

deleted by Haslam στατηγήσαντος] τυραννήσαντος variant reading ἐνταῦθα μὲν Raper ap. Kidd : ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἐμὲν most mss. : ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἐσμὲν

22

ἔστ᾽

28

ἕπῃ] ἔσῃ some mss.

Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1997) : ἵν᾽ mss.

others

35

Electra [Enter

Orestes,

Pylades

and the Old Slave

by an eisodos

(side-

entrance).]

OLD SLAVE:

Son of Agamemnon, once great general at Troy, now

you can look for yourseif at what you were always eager for.

This 15 ancıent Argos for which you longed, the sacred ground of Inachus' gadfly-driven

daughter.

There, Orestes, is the

Lycean marketplace of the wolf-slaying god, and there on the left the famous temple of Hera.

And where we have come now

you may say that you see Mycenae rich in gold, and the house of the family of Pelops here, rich in slaughter, from which I once carried you away after your father's murder, taking you from your sister, blood of your blood, and saved you and raised you to this stage of manhood to be the avenger of your father's 15

death.

So now, Orestes, and you, Pylades, dearest of friends,

you should quickly decide what you must do.

For already we

have the sun's bright light awakening the clear birdsong of morning, and the black night of stars has ended. anyone

comes

out of doors, confer together,

So before

since in this

situation it is no longer the moment for hesitation, but high time for action. ORESTES:

Dearest

of servants, how

clearly you

show

me your

loyalty towards us. For just as a horse of breeding, even though old, does not lose his courage in moments of danger, but pricks up his ears, just so do you urge us forward, with yourself the first to back us up.

So I shall tell you what we have decided,

36

ὀξεῖαν ἀκοὴν τοῖς ἐμοῖς λόγοις διδούς,

30

εἰ μή τι καιροῦ τυγχάνω, μεθάρμοσον. ἐγὼ γὰρ ἡνίχ᾽ ἱκόμην τὸ Πυθικὸν μαντεῖον, ὡς μάθοιμ᾽ ὅτῳ τρόπῳ πατρὶ δίκας ἀροίμην τῶν φονευσάντων πάρα,

χρῇ μοι τοιαῦθ᾽ ὁ Φοῖβος ὧν πεύσῃ τάχα"

35

ἄσκευον αὐτὸν ἀσπίδων τε καὶ στρατοῦ δόλοισι κλέψαι χειρὸς ἐνδίκους σφαγάς. ὅτ᾽ οὖν τοιόνδε χρησμὸν εἰσηκούσαμεν, σὺ μὲν μολών, ὅταν σε καιρὸς εἰσάγῃ, δόμων ἔσω τῶνδ᾽, ἴσθι πᾶν τὸ δρώμενον, ὅπως Av εἰδὼς ἡμὶν ἀγγείλῃς σαφῆ. OÙ γάρ σε μὴ γήρᾳ τε καὶ χρόνῳ μακρῷ γνῶσ᾽, οὐδ᾽ ὑποπτεύσουσιν, ὧδ᾽ ἠνθισμένον.

λόγῳ δὲ χρῶ τοιῷδ᾽, ὅτι ξένος μὲν εἶ Φωκεύς, παρ᾽ ἀνδρὸς Φανοτέως ἥκων" ὃ γὰρ μέγιστος αὐτοῖς τυγχάνει 8opuEévav. ἄγγελλε δ᾽ ὅρκον προστιθείς, ὀθούνεκα τέθνηκ᾽ Ὀρέστης ἐξ ἀναγκαίας τύχης, ἄθλοισι Πυθικοῖσιν ἐκ τροχηλάτων

45

δίφρων κυλισθείς: ὧδ᾽ ὁ μῦθος ἑστάτω.

50

ἡμεῖς δὲ πατρὸς τύμβον, ὡς ἐφίετο, λοιβαῖσι πρῶτον καὶ καρατόμοις χλιδαῖς

στέψαντες, εἶτ᾽ ἄψορρον ἥξομεν πάλιν, τύπωμα

χαλκόπλευρον

ἡρμένοι

χεροῖν,

ὃ καὶ σὺ θάμνοις οἷσθά που κεκρυμμένον, ὅπως λόγῳ κλέπτοντες ἡδεῖαν φάτιν φέρωμεν αὐτοῖς, τοὐμὸν ὡς ἔρρει δέμας φλογιστὸν ἤδη καὶ κατηνθρακωμένον. τί γάρ με Abtei τοῦθ᾽, ὅταν λόγῳ θανὼν ἔργοισι σωθῶ κἀξενέγκωμαι κλέος; δοκῶ μὲν, οὐδὲν ῥῆμα σὺν κέρδει κακόν. ἤδη γὰρ εἶδον πολλάκις καὶ τοὺς σοφοὺς

λόγῳ μάτην θνήσκοντας 33 47 55 56

πατρὶ] πατρὸς ὅρκον

εἶθ᾽, ὅταν δόμους

most mss.

Reiske : ὅρκῳ mss. : ὄγκον

Musgrave

mov most mss. : μοι others κλέπτοντες] θνήσκοντες Triclinius

59

60

37 30

while you listen carefully to what I say, and if in any way I am

off the mark, put me right. When I went to the Pythian oracle to learn how I might take 35

vengeance for my father on his murderers, Phoebus gave me the response which you are now to hear:

that I alone, without the

help of an armed force, should stealthily accomplish by guile lawful killings with my own hand. 40

Since, then, I have heard

such an oracle, you must go into this house when you have the chance and find out all that is going on, so that you can report to

us from certain knowledge.

45

For because of your age and the

long passage of time they will never recognise you, nor suspect you, with that grey hair of yours. Tell this story: that you are a Phocian stranger, coming from Phanoteus, for he 15 the greatest of their allies.

Tell them, and take your oath on it, that Orestes

is dead from a fatal accident, tossed from his racing-chariot at 50

the Pythian Games; let that be your story. We, meanwhile, shall first of all deck my father's grave, as the god commanded, with libations and luxuriant locks of hair, then come back here again,

carrying in our hands the urn of beaten bronze which you too 55

know, I think, has been hidden in the bushes, so that we can deceive them with our story and bring them welcome news, that I am dead and my body already burnt and turned to ashes.

For

what harm does this do me, when in fiction I die, but in fact I am saved and win renown? Really, I think that no word 1s illomened if accompanied by profit. Yes, often before now I have seen clever men also falsely reported dead; then, when

they

ἔλθωσιν αὖθις, ἐκτετίμηνται

πλέον"

ὡς κἄμ᾽ ἐπαυχῶ τῆσδε τῆς φήμης ἄπο δεδορκότ᾽ ἐχθροῖς ἄστρον ὡς λάμψειν ἔτι.

65

ἀλλ᾽, ὦ πατρῴα γῆ θεοί τ᾽ ἐγχώριοι, δέξασθέ

μ᾽ εὐτυχοῦντα

ταῖσδε

ταῖς ὁδοῖς,

σύ τ᾽, ὦ πατρῷον δῶμα σοῦ γὰρ ἔρχομαι δίκῃ καθαρτὴς πρὸς θεῶν ὡρμημένος" καὶ μή μ᾽ ἄτιμον τῆσδ᾽ ἀποστείλητε γῆς, ἀλλ᾽ ἀρχέπλουτον καὶ καταστάτην δόμων.

εἴρηκα μέν νυν Tara:

70

σοὶ δ᾽ ἤδη, γέρον,

τὸ σὸν μελέσθω βάντι φρουρῆσαι χρέος. νὼ δ᾽ ἔξιμεν: καιρὸς γάρ, ὅσπερ ἀνδράσιν μέγιστος ἔργον παντός ἐστ᾽ ἐπιστάτης.

75

HAEKTPA iw μοί μοι δύστηνος.

καὶ μὴν θυρῶν ἔδοξα προσπόλων τινὸς

ΠΑ.

ὑποστενούσης

ἔνδον

dp’ ἐστὶν ἡ δύστηνος

ΟΡ.

μείνωμεν

ἥκιστα.

ΠΑ.

αὐτοῦ

αἰσθέσθαι,

τέκνον.

Ἠλέκτρα; θέλεις

κἀπακούσωμεν

γόων;

μηδὲν πρόσθεν ἢ τὰ Λοξίου

πειρώμεθ᾽ ἔρδειν κἀπὸ τῶνδ᾽ ἀρχηγετεῖν, πατρὸς χέοντες λουτρά ταῦτα γὰρ φέρειν νίκην τέ φημι καὶ κράτος τῶν δρωμένων.

85

ὦ φάος ἁγνὸν

ΗΛ.

καὶ γῆς ἰσόμοιρ᾽ ἀήρ, ὥς μοι πολλὰς μὲν θρήνων wöds, πολλὰς δ᾽ ἀντήρεις Tjo8ov στέρνων πληγὰς αἱμασσομένων, ὁπόταν δνοφερὰ νὺξ ὑπολειφθῇ: τὰ δὲ παννυχίδων ἤδη στυγεραὶ

90

ξυνίσασ᾽ εὐναὶ μογερῶν οἴκων, 70 8 84-5 87 90 92

80

καθαρτὴς]

καθαρθεὶς

κἀπακούσωμεν φέρειν

... φημι

some mss.

Nauck : κάνα- mss. Tournier : φέρει νίκην τ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν

ἰσόμοιρἸ ἰσόμοιρος most mss. πληγὰς} πλαγὰς some mss. ἤδη

mss. : κήδη

Frólich

mss.

39

come home again, they are held in greater honour. 65

Just so, I

trust, shall I emerge alive with the help of this report, and shall yet blaze like a star on my enemies. Now, land of my fathers and gods of my country, receive me and let me prosper in this Journey, and you too, house of my

70

fathers, for I come in all justice as your purifier, spurred on by the gods.

Do not send me dishonoured from this land, but let

me take control of my wealth and restore my house. That is what I have to say.

But now, old man, make it your

concern to go and see about your task. We two shall be on our 75

way, for the right time has come, and this is what holds the greatest sway over all human action. [Electra is heard offstage.]

ELECTRA:

Ah me!

OLD SLAVE:

Ah me! Unhappy!

Why, I thought I heard from the doorway one of the

servants crying inside the house, my son. 80

ORESTES:

[5 it the unhappy Electra?

Should we, do you think, stay

here and listen to her sad cries? OLD SLAVE:

Certainly not. Let us attempt nothing before following

Apollo's commands, and make a good beginning from there, pouring libations to your father. 85

For that, I say, brings victory

and success ın what 15 to be done.

[Exeunt Orestes and Pylades by one eisodos, the Old Slave by the other. Enter Electra from the palace. ] ELECTRA:

O holy light and air as wide as earth, how many songs of

sorrow have you heard from me, how many blows full against 90

my bleeding breast, when dark night has ended.

And the bed I

loathe in this afflicted house by now knows well my night-long

40

ὅσα

τὸν δύστηνον

ἐμὸν θρηνῶ

πατέρ᾽, ὃν κατὰ μὲν βάρβαρον αἷαν φοίνιος "Apns οὐκ ἐξένισεν,

95

μήτηρ δ᾽ ἡμὴ xo κοινολεχὴς Αἴγισθος ὅπως δρῦν ὑλοτόμοι σχίζουσι κάρα φονίῳ πελέκει.

κοὐδεὶς τούτων οἶκτος ἀπ᾽ ἄλλης ἢ ‘ov φέρεται, σοῦ, πάτερ, αἰκῶς οἰκτρῶς τε θανόντος. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μὲν δὴ

100

οὕτως

λήξω θρήνων στυγερῶν τε γόων, ἔστ᾽ ἂν παμφεγγεῖς

ἄστρων

105

ῥιπάς, λεύσσω δὲ τόδ᾽ Apap, μὴ οὐ τεκνολέτειρ᾽ ὥς τις ἀηδὼν ἐπὶ κωκυτῷ τῶνδε πατρῴων πρὸ θυρῶν ἠχὼ πᾶσι προφωνεῖν.

ὦ δῶμ᾽ ᾿Αἷδον καὶ Περσεφόνης, ὦ χθόνι᾽ Ἑρμῆ καὶ πότνι᾽ ᾿Αρά, σεμναί τε θεῶν παῖδες Ἐρινύες, αἱ τοὺς ἀδίκως θνήσκοντας ὁρᾶθ᾽, ai τοὺς εὐνὰς ὑποκλεπτομένους, ἔλθετ᾽, ἀρήξατε, τείσασθε πατρὸς φόνον ἡμετέρου, καί μοι τὸν ἐμὸν πέμψατ᾽ ἀδελφόν. μούνη γὰρ ἄγειν οὐκέτι σωκῶ λύπης ἀντίρροπον ἄχθος.

110

115

120

ΧΟΡῸΣ

ὦ Tal mal δυστανοτάτας Ἠλέκτρα

ματρός,

τίν᾽ ἀεὶ

τάκεις ὧδ᾽ ἀκόρεστον τὸν πάλαι ἐκ ματρὸς ἁλόντ᾽ κακᾷ τε χειρὶ ὄλοιτ᾽, εἴ μοι 102 123 124

οἰμωγὰν

δολερᾶς ἀθεώτατα ἀπάταις ᾿Αγαμέμνονα πρόδοτον; ὡς ὁ τάδε πορὼν θέμις τάδ᾽ αὐδᾶν.

αἰκῶς Hermann: ἀδίκως mss. τάκεις mss. : λάσκεις Schwerdt ἀθεώτατα Porson: -τάτας mss.

125

4]

vigils, how often I lament my unhappy father, to whom the 95

murderous War-god gave no resting-place in a foreign land, but my mother and the man who shares her bed, Aegisthus, split his skull with a bloody axe, as woodcutters fell an oak.

100

And for

this no pity is offered by anyone but me, when you, father, died

so shameful and pitiful a death. But never shall I cease my dirges and painful laments, as 105

long as I look on the glittering radiance of the stars and on this lıght of day; no, like a nıghtingale who has lost her young, I will cry aloud, for all to hear, sorrows without end before my father's

110

doors.

O house of Hades and Persephone,

Hermes

of the

Underworld and hallowed Curse, and Furies, holy daughters of the gods, who look upon all those who die unjustly and those 115

who have their marriage-beds defiled:

come, help me, avenge

my father's murder and send my brother home to me.

For I no

longer have the strength to hold up alone against the load of grief that weighs me down. [Enter the Chorus of women of Mvcenae by an eisodos. |

CHORUS: do 125

Electra, child, child of the most wretched of mothers, why you

forever

waste

away

in this ceaseless

lament

for

Agamemnon, who long ago was most godlessly trapped by the wiles of your treacherous mother, betrayed by her cruel hand. Death to the contriver of that deed, if it is right for me to say so.

42

ΗΛ.

ὦ γενέθλα γενναίων, ἥκετ᾽ ἐμῶν καμάτων παραμύθιον“ οἶδά τε kai ξυνίημι τάδ᾽, οὔ τί pe φυγγάνει, οὐδ᾽ ἐθέλω προλιπεῖν τόδε, μὴ οὐ τὸν ἐμὸν στενάχειν πατέρ᾽ ἄθλιον. ἀλλ᾽ ὦ παντοίας φιλότητος ἀμειβόμεναι χάριν,

130

ἐᾶτέ μ᾽ ὧδ᾽ ἀλύειν,

135

αἰαῖ, ἱκνοῦμαι.

ΧΟ.

ἀλλ᾽ οὔτοι τόν γ᾽ ἐξ 'Ai8a maykolvov λίμνας πατέρ᾽ ἀνστάσεις οὔτε γόοισιν, OÙ λιταῖς" ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν μετρίων ἐπ᾽ ἀμήχανον ἄλγος ἀεὶ στενάχουσα διόλλυσαι,

ἀντ. α

140

ἐν οἷς ἀνάλυσίς ἐστιν οὐδεμία κακῶν. ΗΛ.

ΧΟ.

τί μοι τῶν δυσφόρων ἐφίῃ; νήπιος ὃς τῶν οἰκτρῶς οἰχομένων γονέων ἐπιλάθεται. ἀλλ᾽ ἐμέ γ᾽ ἁ στονόεσσ᾽ ἄραρεν φρένας, ἃ Ἴτυν αἰὲν Ἴτυν ὀλοφύρεται, ὄρνις ἀτυζομένα, Διὸς ἄγγελος. ἰὼ παντλάμων Νιόβα, σὲ δ᾽ ἔγωγε νέμω θεόν, ἅτ᾽ ἐν τάφῳ πετραίῳ αἰεὶ δακρύεις. οὔτοι σοὶ μούνᾳ, τέκνον, ἄχος ἐφάνη βροτῶν, πρὸς ὅ τι σὺ τῶν ἔνδον εἰ περισσά,

145

150

στρ.

β΄ 155

οἷς ὁμόθεν ef Kal γονᾷ ξύναιμος,

[33 139 152

ola Χρυσόθεμις ζώει καὶ κρυπτᾷ τ᾽ ἀχέων ἐν ἥβᾳ ὄλβιος, ὃν ἁ κλεινὰ γᾶ ποτε Μυκηναίων

Ἰφιάνασσα,

δέξεται

εὔφρονι

εὐπατρίδαν,

Διὸς

160

στενάχειν Elmsley : στοναχεῖν most mss. γόοισιν) γόοις most mss. | ob] οὔτε most mss. | λιταῖς] λιταῖσιν αἰεὶ] αἰαῖ most mss.

most mss.

43

130

ELECTRA:

Noble-hearted women, you have come to comfort my

distress. I know and understand what you say, nothing of it escapes me; but I will not give this up or stop grieving for my poor father. No, you who in every way give love in return for 135

love, leave me to this wild grief, alas, I beg you. CHORUS:

But you will never by laments or prayers raise up your

father from the lake of Hades, to which we all must go.

140

Yet

forsaking all moderation you are destroying yourself with grief incurable and endless sorrow, in which there is no release from your troubles. Tell me, why do you set your heart on suffering?

145

ELECTRA: Foolish is the child who forgets parents pitifully dead. No, she who laments 1s more congenial to my mind, she who always mourns for Itys, Itys, that bird distraught with grief, the

150

messenger of Zeus.

And you, all-suffering Niobe, you I count

divine, who in a rocky tomb forever weep. CHORUS: 155

Not to you alone of mortals, child, has grief appeared,

which you suffer more than those indoors, your kinsfolk and sisters, Chrysothemis and Iphianassa, who still live, and he who

160

is fortunate in a youth hidden from grief, whom the famous land of Mycenae shall one day welcome back as born of noble blood,

44

ΗΛ.

βήματι μολόντα τάνδε γᾶν Ὀρέσταν. ὅν γ᾽ ἐγὼ ἀκάματα προσμένουσ᾽ ἄτεκνος, τάλαιν᾽ ἀνύμφευτος αἰὲν οἰχνῶ, δάκρυσι μυδαλέα, τὸν ἀνήνυτον

165

olrov ἔχουσα κακῶν ὁ δὲ λάθεται ὧν τ᾽ ἔπαθ᾽ ὧν τ᾽ ἐδάη. τί γὰρ οὐκ ἐμοὶ ἔρχεται ἀγγελίας ἀπατώμενον; ἀεὶ μὲν γὰρ ποθεῖ, ποθῶν δ᾽ οὐκ ἀξιοῖ φανῆναι. ΧΟ.

θάρσει μοι, θάρσει, τέκνον. ἔτι μέγας οὐρανῷ Ζεύς, ὃς ἐφορᾷ πάντα καὶ κρατύνει:

170

ἀντ. β΄ 175

ᾧὦ τὸν ὑπεραλγῆ χόλον νέμουσα, μήθ᾽ οἷς ἐχθαίρεις ὑπεράχθεο μήτ᾽ ἐπιλάθου: χρόνος γὰρ εὐμαρὴς θεός. οὔτε γὰρ ὁ τὰν Κρῖσαν βούνομον ἔχων ἀκτὰν παῖς

ΗΛ.

᾿Αγαμεμνονίδας

ἀπερίτροπος,

οὔθ᾽ ὁ παρὰ τὸν 'Axépovra θεὸς ἀνάσσων. ἀλλ᾽ ἐμὲ μὲν ὁ πολὺς ἀπολέλοιπεν ἤδη βίοτος ἀνέλπιστον, οὐδ᾽ ἔτ᾽ ἀρκῶ" ἅτις

ἄνευ

τεκέων

ἀεικεῖ σὺν στολᾷ, κεναῖς δ᾽ ἀμφίσταμαι

163

185

κατατάκομαι,

ἃς φίλος οὔτις ἀνὴρ ὑπερίσταται, ἀλλ᾽ ἁπερεί τις ἔποικος ἀναξία οἰκονομῶ θαλάμους πατρός, ὧδε μὲν

ΧΟ.

180

190

τραπέζαις.

οἰκτρὰ μὲν νόστοις αὐδά, οἰκτρὰ δ᾽ ἐν κοίταις πατρῴαις, ὅτε οἱ παγχάλκων ἀνταία γενύων ὡρμάθη πλαγά.

στρ. γ΄ 195

186

βήματι mss. : νεύματι Burges : λήματι Meineke : σήματι Musgrave : ῥήματι Mayhoff ἔτι] ἔστι most mss. | péyas οὐρανῷ Heath :μέγας ἐν οὐρανῷ mss. : μέγας ἔτ᾽ ἐν οὐρανῷ Hermann ἀνέλπιστον Dindorf : ἀνέλπιστος mss.

[87

τεκέων] τοκέων

174

most mss.

45

when he comes to this land by the blessed sending of Zeus: Orestes.

ELECTRA: 165

Yes, on and on without rest I wait for him, living my sad

life forever without a child, wıthout a husband, wet with tears,

bearing this never-ending fate of sorrow.

But he has forgotten

what he has suffered and what he has learned. 170

message comes to me that is not belied?

For what

He is always longing

to come, but for all his longing he does not think fit to appear. CHORUS: 175

Take courage, my child, courage!

Zeus, who sees and governs everything.

Still great in heaven is Commit to him your

over-painful anger; do not be over-wrathful with those you hate, nor yet forget them; for time ıs a god who soothes. 180

Agamemnon

The son of

who lives by Crisa's cattle-grazing shore ıs not

uncaring, nor is the god who reigns by Acheron.

185

ELECTRA:

But for me the best part of my life has already passed

away in hopelessness, and 1 have no strength left. I am wasting away without children and with no man of my own to champion 190

me, but like some worthless foreigner I am a servant in my

father's house, clothed in these shameful garments and standing at a bare table.

195

CHORUS: Pitiful was the cry heard at his homecoming, and pitiful the cry as your father lay on his couch, when the stroke of the

46

δόλος ἦν ὁ φράσας, ἔρος ὃ κτείνας, δεινὰν δεινῶς προφυτεύσαντες

ΗΛ.

μορφάν, εἴτ᾽ οὖν θεὸς εἴτε βροτῶν ἦν ὁ ταῦτα πράσσων. ὦ πασᾶν κείνα πλέον ἁμέρα ἐλθοῦσ᾽ ἐχθίστα

200

δή poc

ὦ νύξ, ὦ δείπνων ἀρρήτων ἔκπαγλ᾽ ἄχθη, τοὺς ἐμὸς ἴδε πατὴρ θανάτους αἰκεῖς διδύμαιν

205

χειροῖν,

αἱ τὸν ἐμὸν εἷλον βίον πρόδοτον,

αἵ μ᾽ ἀπώλεσαν"

οἷς θεὸς 6 μέγας

Ὀλύμπιος

ποίνιμα πάθεα παθεῖν πόροι, μηδέ ποτ᾽ ἀγλαΐας ἀποναίατο τοιάδ᾽ ἀνύσαντες ἔργα. ΧΟ.

φράζου

μὴ πόρσω

210

φωνεῖν.

οὐ γνώμαν ἴσχεις ἐξ οἵων

ΗΛ.

τὰ παρόντ᾽; οἰκείας εἰς ἄτας ἐμπίπτεις οὕτως αἰκῶς; πολὺ γάρ τι κακῶν ὑπερεκτήσω, σᾷ δυσθύμῳ τίκτουσ᾽ αἰεὶ ψυχᾷ πολέμους: τὰ δὲ τοῖς δυνατοῖς οὐκ ἐριστὰ πλάθειν. ἐν δεινοῖς δείν᾽ ἠναγκάσθην᾽ ἔξοιδ᾽, ob λάθει μ᾽ ὀργά. ἀλλ᾽ ἐν γὰρ δεινοῖς οὐ σχήσω ταύτας ἄτας,

215

ὄφρα με βίος ἔχῃ.

225

220

τίνι γάρ ποτ᾽ ἄν, ὦ φιλία γενέθλα, πρόσφορον ἀκούσαιμ᾽ ἔπος, τίνι φρονοῦντι καίρια; ἄνετέ μ᾽ ἄνετε παράγοροι. τάδε γὰρ ἄλντα κεκλήσεται" οὐδέ ποτ᾽ ἐκ καμάτων ἀποπαύσομαι

220

πλάθειν

mss. : τλᾶθι

Wakefield

230

47

brazen axe tore straight into him.

Guile was the instructor and

lust the killer, bringing a monstrous shape to monstrous birth, 200

whether it was god or man who did this. ELECTRA:

205

That day which came the far most hateful to me of all

days!

That night!

The terrible burden of that unspeakable

feast!

The shameful death that my father saw at the hands of

the pair of them, hands that betrayed and took my life captive, hands 210

that

destroyed

me!

May

the

great

Olympian

god

apportion pain for them in punishment, and never may they

have joy of their triumph, they who accomplished such deeds. CHORUS: 215

Take my advice and say no more.

Do you not understand

from what behaviour the present situation comes?

Must you

plunge so cruelly into calamities of your own making?

For you

have brought on yourself far more suffering than you need by forever creating strife for your despondent soul. 220

should not be waged in conflict with those in power. ELECTRA: I have been forced ınto desperate measures desperate situation.

escape me. 225

But such wars by a

I know that well, my passion does not

But in this desperate state of affairs I shall not curb

my calamitous ways, while life is in me.

For who, dear friends,

who that thinks right would ever believe that I could hear a word of consolation? 230

comfort me.

Leave

me, leave me, you who

try to

For my troubles must be counted insoluble, and

never shall I cease from

sorrow, crying these laments

past

48

ἀνάριθμος ὧδε θρήνων. ΧΟ.

ΗΛ.

ἀλλ᾽ οὖν εὐνοίᾳ γ᾽ αὐδῶ, μάτηρ ὡσεί τις πιστά, μὴ τίκτειν σ᾽ ἄταν ἄταις. καὶ τί μέτρον κακότατος ἔφυ; φέρε, πῶς ἐπὶ τοῖς φθιμένοις ἀμελεῖν καλόν; ἐν τίνι

τοῦτ᾽

ἔβλαστ᾽

ἀνθρώπων;

μήτ᾽ εἴην ἔντιμος τούτοις μήτ᾽, εἴ τῳ πρόσκειμαι χρηστῷ, ξυνναίοιμ᾽ εὔκηλος, γονέων ἐκτίμους ἴσχουσα πτέρυγας ὀξυτόνων γόων. εἰ γὰρ ὁ μὲν θανὼν γᾶ τε καὶ οὐδὲν Qv κείσεται

οἱ δὲ μὴ δώσουσ᾽ ἔρροι τ᾽ ἁπάντων ΧΟ.

ΗΛ.

235

240

245

τάλας,

πάλιν ἀντιφόνους δίκας, ἂν αἰδὼς τ᾽ εὐσέβεια θνατῶν.

250

ἐγὼ μέν, ὦ παῖ, καὶ τὸ σὸν σπεύδουσ᾽ ἅμα καὶ τοὐμὸν αὐτῆς ἦλθον: εἰ δὲ μὴ καλῶς λέγω, σὺ νίκα σοὶ γὰρ ἑψόμεσθ᾽ ἅμα. αἰσχύνομαι μέν, ὦ γυναῖκες, εἰ δοκῶ πολλοῖσι θρήνοις δυσφορεῖν ὑμῖν dyav: ἀλλ᾽ ἡ βία γὰρ ταῦτ᾽ ἀναγκάζει με δρᾶν, σύγγνωτε. πῶς γάρ, ἥτις εὐγενὴς γυνή, πατρῷ᾽ ὁρῶσα πήματ᾽, οὐ δρῴη τάδ᾽ ἄν, ἁγὼ κατ᾽ ἦμαρ καὶ κατ᾽ εὐφρόνην ἀεὶ θάλλοντα μᾶλλον ἢ καταφθίνονθ᾽ op;

255

260

ἣ πρῶτα μὲν τὰ μητρός, f| μ᾽ ἐγείνατο, ἔχθιστα συμβέβηκεν: εἶτα δώμασιν ἐν τοῖς ἐμαυτῆς τοῖς φονεῦσι τοῦ πατρὸς ξύνειμι, κἀκ τῶνδ᾽ ἄρχομαι κἀκ τῶνδέ μοι λαβεῖν θ᾽ ὁμοίως καὶ τὸ τητᾶσθαι πέλει. ἔπειτα ποίας ἡμέρας δοκεῖς μ᾽ ἄγειν, ὅταν θρόνοις Αἴγισθον ἐνθακοῦντ᾽ ἴδω τοῖσιν πατρῴοις, εἰσίδω δ᾽ ἐσθήματα φοροῦντ᾽ ἐκείνῳ ταὐτά, καὶ παρεστίους

265

49

reckoning.

235

CHORUS: Well, at least ıt is out of love, like a true-hearted mother, that I tell you not to add misery to miseries. ELECTRA:

And what is the limit of my sorrow?

be honourable to keep no care for the dead?

240

Come, how can it Who could harbour

such an idea? Never may I be honoured by such men, and never, if there is any good in me, may I live at ease, restraining the wings of my shrill lamentation from doing honour to my

245

father.

For if he is to lie wretched

in death, mere

dust and

nothingness, and they not pay just penalty of blood for blood in recompense, then all respect for men, all reverence for the gods, 250

would vanish from the earth. CHORUS: own.

255

I came, child, out of concern for your good as well as my But if what I say is wrong, then let your way prevail,

since we shall follow you. ELECTRA: Women, I am ashamed if I seem to you to grieve too much with my constant laments. But forgive me, since a violent compulsion forces me to do it.

For how could any well-born

woman not do this, when she sees the troubles of her father's 260

house, as I see them day and night, always on the increase and never growing less?

In the first place, my relationship with my

mother, the mother who bore me, has become all hatred; next, in my own house I live with my father's murderers; I am in 265

subjection to them, and on them depends whether I get or go without.

And then what kind of days do you think I spend,

when I see Aegisthus sitting on my father's throne, see him wearing the same clothes that my father wore, and pouring

50

σπένδοντα λοιβὰς ἔνθ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ὥὦλεσεν, ἴδω δὲ τούτων τὴν τελευταίαν ὕβριν, τὸν αὐτοέντην ἡμὶν ἐν κοίτῃ πατρὸς ξὺν τῇ ταλαίνῃ μητρί, μητέρ᾽ εἰ χρεὼν ταύτην προσαυδᾶν τῷδε συγκοιμωμένην᾽

270

ἡ δ᾽ ὧδε τλήμων ὥστε τῷ μιάστορι ξύνεστ᾽, Ἐρινὺν οὔτιν᾽ éxdoBoupévn’

275

ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ

ἐγγελῶσα

τοῖς ποιουμένοις,

εὑροῦσ᾽ ἐκείνην ἡμέραν, ἐν À τότε πατέρα

ταύτῃ

τὸν

ἀμὸν

ἐκ δόλου

χοροὺς ἵστησι

κατέκτανεν,

καὶ μηλοσφαγεῖ

280

θεοῖσιν ἔμμην᾽ ἱερὰ τοῖς σωτηρίοις. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὁρῶσ᾽ ἡ δύσμορος κατὰ στέγας κλαίω, τέτηκα, κἀπικωκύω πατρὸς τὴν δυστάλαιναν Sait’ ἐπωνομασμένην αὐτὴ πρὸς αὑτήν: οὐδὲ γὰρ κλαῦσαι πάρα τοσόνδ᾽ ὅσον μοι θυμὸς ἡδονὴν φέρει. αὕτη γὰρ ἡ λόγοισι γενναία γυνὴ φωνοῦσα τοιάδ᾽ ἐξονειδίζει κακά, "ὦ δύσθεον μίσημα, σοὶ μόνῃ πατὴρ

τέθνηκεν; ἄλλος δ᾽ οὔτις ἐν πένθει βροτῶν;

O*

σὺν γυναιξὶ

Mm»

πάντ᾽ ἄναλκις οὗτος, ἡ πᾶσα βλάβη,

Q^

κακῶς ὄλοιο, μηδέ σ᾽ ἐκ γόων ποτὲ τῶν νῦν ἀπαλλάξειαν οἱ κάτω θεοί." τάδ᾽ ἐξυβρίζει: πλὴν ὅταν κλύῃ τινὸς ἥξοντ᾽ Ὀρέστην" τηνικαῦτα δ᾽ ἐμμανὴς βοᾷ παραστᾶσ᾽, "ob σύ μοι τῶνδ᾽ αἰτία; ob σὸν τόδ᾽ ἐστὶ τοὔργον, ἥτις ἐκ χερῶν κλέψασ᾽ Ὀρέστην τῶν ἐμῶν ὑπεξέθου; ἀλλ᾽ ἴσθι τοι τείσουσά γ᾽ ἀξίαν δίκην." τοιαῦθ᾽ ὑλακτεῖ, σὺν δ᾽ ἐποτρύνει πέλας 6 κλεινὸς αὐτῇ ταὐτὰ νυμφίος παρών,

272 278 282 300

τὰς

μάχας

ποιούμενος.

γὼ δ᾽ Ὀρέστην τῶνδε προσμένουσ᾽ ἀεὶ

αὐὑτοέντην schol. : αὐτοφόντην mss. εὑροῦσ᾽ mss. : τηροῦσ᾽ Reiske: φρουροῦσ᾽ ὁρῶσ᾽ ἡ] ὁρῶσα some mss. ταὐτὰ Blomfield : ταῦτα mss.

Nauck

285

290

295

300

5]

libations at the very hearth where he killed him?

And when I

see their ultimate outrage, the murderer in my father's bed with

my wretched mother, if mother I should call her, that woman who sleeps with him. And she is so abandoned that she lives with

this criminal,

quite

unafraid

of retribution.

On

the

contrary, as though exulting in her behaviour, she has worked out the very date on which she treacherously killed my father, 280

and on that day she sets up song and dance celebrations, and each month offers sheep in sacrifice to the gods who saved her.

But I, in my misery, see it and weep in the house, waste away, and lament the unholy feast named 285

after my

father — but to

myself alone, sınce 1 may not even weep as much as my heart pleases.

For this woman, who professes to be so noble, scolds

me, crying out such taunts as these:

"You godless, hateful

thing, are you the only one whose father is dead? 200

one else on earth in mourning?

To hell with you!

Is there no And may the

gods below never release you from your present grief.”

She

abuses me like this, except when she hears from someone that

Orestes 15 about to come. 205

face: "Are you not to blame for bringing this on me? your

300

Then she raves and shrieks to my

doing,

you

who

stole

Orestes

from

my

Is this not hands

and

smuggled hım away?

Well, you can be sure you will pay the

penalty you deserve."

Thus she howls, and along with her that

glorious bridegroom there by her side urges the same things --

that total coward, that utter villain, who fights his battles with the help of women.

But I, forever waiting for Orestes to come

52

παυστῆρ᾽ ἐφήξειν ἡ τάλαιν᾽ ἀπόλλυμαι. μέλλων γὰρ ἀεὶ δρᾶν τι τὰς οὔσας τέ μον καὶ τὰς ἀπούσας ἐλπίδας διέφθορεν.

305

ἐν οὖν τοιούτοις οὔτε σωφρονεῖν, φίλαι,

ΧΟ.

ΗΛ.

οὔτ᾽ εὐσεβεῖν πάρεστιν" ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τοῖς κακοῖς πολλή ‘OT’ ἀνάγκη κἀπιτηδεύειν κακά. φέρ᾽ εἰπέ, πότερον ὄντος Αἰγίσθου πέλας λέγεις τάδ᾽ ἡμῖν, ἢ βεβῶτος ἐκ δόμων;

N κάρτα᾽ θυραῖον

310

μὴ δόκει μ᾽ ἄν, εἴπερ ἦν πέλας, olxveiv: νῦν δ᾽ ἀγροῖσι

τυγχάνει.

ΧΟ.

ἦ δὴ ἂν ἐγὼ θαρσοῦσα

μᾶλλον ἐς λόγους

|

τοὺς σοὺς ἱκοίμην, εἴπερ ὧδε ταῦτ᾽ ἔχει.

ΗΛ. ΧΟ.

ὡς νῦν ἀπόντος ἱστόρει᾽ τί σοι φίλον; καὶ δή σ᾽ ἐρωτῶ, τοῦ κασιγνήτον τί φής,

ΗΛ.

ἥξοντος, ἢ μέλλοντος; εἰδέναι θέλω. φησίν ye: φάσκων δ᾽ οὐδὲν ὧν λέγει ποεῖ.

ΧΟ, ΗΛ. ΧΟ. ΗΛ.

φιλεῖ γὰρ ὀκνεῖν πρᾶγμ᾽ ἀνὴρ καὶ μὴν ἔγωγ᾽ ἔσωσ᾽ ἐκεῖνον θάρσει πέφυκεν ἐσθλός, ὥστ᾽ πέποιθ᾽, ἐπεί Tdv οὐ μακρὰν

ΧΟ.

μὴ νῦν ἔτ᾽ εἴπῃς μηδέν᾽ ὡς δόμων ὁρῶ

πράσσων μέγα. οὐκ ὄκνῳ. ἀρκεῖν φίλοις. ἔζων ἐγώ.

τὴν σὴν ὅμαιμον, ἐκ πατρὸς ταὐτοῦ φύσιν, Χρυσόθεμιν, ἔκ τε μητρός, ἐντάφια χεροῖν φέρουσαν, οἷα τοῖς κάτω νομίζεται.

315

320

325

.XPYZOGEMIZ

τίν᾽ αὖ σὺ τήνδε πρὸς θυρῶνος ἐξόδοις ἐλθοῦσα φωνεῖς, ὦ κασιγνήτη, φάτιν, κοὐδ᾽ ἐν χρόνῳ

3)4

ἦ δὴ ἂν

Hermann:

μακρῷ

δ᾽ ἂν most

διδαχθῆναι

mss. : 4 κἂν

θέλεις

others

330

53

305

and put an end to this, I in my misery am being destroyed. For by always being on the verge of doing something, he has brought to nothing all the hopes I have or might have. such

circumstances,

reverent, but with

friends, wrongs

one

cannot

all around

be

So in

restrained

or

one is forced also to

practise what is wrong. 310

CHORUS:

Tell me, is Aegisthus nearby while you say this, or is he

gone from home? ELECTRA:

Away, of course.

Don't imagine that I would be coming

out of doors if he were near. 315

CHORUS: Certainly I would confidence, if that is so. ELECTRA:

But at present he 15 in the country.

converse

with

you

with

more

For the present he ıs away, so ask your question.

What

do you want? CHORUS:

Then

I ask you, what do you have to say about your

brother? Will he be coming, or is he putting it off? I would like to know. ELECTRA: He says he will come.

But though he promises, he does

nothing of what he says. 320

CHORUS:

Yes, a man often hesitates when he is involved in a great

undertaking . ELECTRA:

And yet I did not hesitate when I rescued him.

CHORUS:

Take heart.

He has a noble nature, and will help those

dear to him.

ELECTRA: 325

I believe it, or else I should not have stayed long alive.

CHORUS: Say no more now, for I see your sister Chrysothemis, child of the same father and mother, carrying out of the house burial offerings, the customary tribute to those under the earth. [Enter Chrysothemis from the palace carrying burial offerings.]

CHRYSOTHEMIS: 330

What are you yet again holding forth about,

having come outside the door, sister?

And will you not learn

54

θυμῷ

ματαίῳ

μὴ χαρίζεσθαι

κενά;

καίτοι τοσοῦτόν γ᾽ οἶδα κἀμαντὴν, ὅτι ἀλγῶ "mi τοῖς παροῦσιν: ὥστ᾽ ἄν, εἰ σθένος λάβοιμι, δηλώσαιμ᾽ ἂν οἷ᾽ αὐτοῖς φρονῶ. νῦν δ᾽ ἐν κακοῖς μοι πλεῖν ὑφειμένῃ δοκεῖ, καὶ μὴ δοκεῖν μὲν δρᾶν τι, πημαίνειν δὲ μή: τοιαῦτα δ᾽ ἄλλα καὶ σὲ βούλομαι ποεῖν.

335

καίτοι τὸ μὲν δίκαιον οὐχ fj ‘yw λέγω, ἀλλ᾽ ἧ σὺ κρίνεις. εἰ δ᾽ ἐλευθέραν με δεῖ ζῆν, τῶν ΗΛ.

κρατούντων

ἐστὶ

πάντ᾽ ἀκουστέα.

340

δεινόν γέ σ᾽ οὖσαν πατρὸς οὗ σὺ παῖς ἔφυς κείνου λελῆσθαι, τῆς δὲ τικτούσης μέλειν. ἅπαντα γάρ σοι τἀμὰ νουθετήματα κείνης διδακτά, κοὐδὲν ἐκ σαυτῆς λέγεις. ἔπειθ᾽ ἑλοῦ γε θάτερ᾽, ἢ φρονεῖν κακῶς, ἢ τῶν φίλων φρονοῦσα μὴ μνήμην ἔχειν" ἥτις λέγεις μὲν ἀρτίως ὡς, εἰ λάβοις σθένος, τὸ τούτων μῖσος ἐκδείξειας dv:

345

ἐμοῦ δὲ πατρὶ πάντα τιμωρουμένης οὔτε ξυνέρδεις τήν τε δρῶσαν ἐκτρέπεις. οὐ ταῦτα πρὸς κακοῖσι δειλίαν ἔχει;

350

ἐπεὶ δίδαξον, ἢ μάθ᾽ ἐξ ἐμοῦ, τί μοι κέρδος γένοιτ᾽ ἂν τῶνδε ληξάσῃ γόων. οὐ ζῶ; κακῶς μέν, οἶδ᾽, ἐπαρκούντως δ᾽ ἐμοί. λυπῶ δὲ τούτους, ὥστε τῷ τεθνηκότι τιμὰς προσάπτειν, εἴ τις ἔστ᾽ ἐκεῖ χάρις. σὺ δ᾽ ἡμὶν ἡ μισοῦσα μισεῖς μὲν λόγῳ, ἔργῳ δὲ τοῖς φονεῦσι τοῦ πατρὸς Evvet.

ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἄν ποτ᾽, οὐδ᾽ εἴ μοι τὰ σὰ μέλλοι τις οἴσειν δῶρ᾽, ἐφ᾽ οἷσι νῦν χλιδᾶς, τούτοις τράπεζα ἐμοὶ γὰρ βόσκημα᾽

360

ὑπεικάθοιμι: σοὶ δὲ πλουσία κείσθω καὶ περιρρείτω βίος. ἔστω τοὐμὲ μὴ λυπεῖν μόνον τῆς σῆς δ᾽ οὐκ ἐρῶ τιμῆς λαχεῖν.

οὐδ᾽ ἂν σύ, σώφρων γ᾽ οὖσα. νῦν δ᾽ ἐξὸν πατρὸς 345 354 264

355

ἔπειθ᾽ ἑλοῦ γε mss. : ἐπεί δ᾽ ἐμοί]δέ μοι most mss. λαχεῖν] τυχεῖν most mss.

γ᾽ ἑλοῦ ou Lioyd-Jones and Wilson

365

55

after so long a time not to indulge in vain your useless anger? Yet I know this much, that I too am grieved at our predicament,

so much so that ıf I could find the strength I would show them what I think of them. 335

But as it is, it seems best to me to lower

my sails in time of trouble, instead of giving the impression of doing something, but without really hurting them, and I wish you too would do likewise.

And yet the right course is not as I

say, but as you have chosen. 340

But if I am to live in freedom, I

must obey our masters in everything.

ELECTRA:

Well, it's dreadful that you, the daughter of such a father

as yours, should forget him and attend only to your mother. All your reproaches to me have been learned from her, and you say nothing that comes from yourself. 345

Then take your choice one

way or the other, either to be imprudent, or to be sensible and forget your dear ones, you who said just now that, if you could find the strength, you would show your hatred of them. But when I do all I can to avenge our father, you do nothing to help

350

and even divert me when I am doing something. add cowardice to our miseries?

For tell me, or let me tell you,

what I should gain by giving up my mourning. 255

Does this not

miserably, I know, but it's enough for me.

Do I not live? —

And I annoy them,

and so confer honour on the dead, if any pleasure exists in that other world.

But you who hate, so you would have us believe,

hate only in word, while in fact you are on the side of your fathers murderers. 360

So I would never yield to them, not even if

someone promised me the gifts in which you now luxuriate. You

can

abundance!

keep

your

rich

foods

and

life of overflowing

Let it be sustenance enough for me not to give pain

to myself; I have no desire to get your privileges. 365

you, if you had any sense.

Nor would

But as it is, when you could be

56

πάντων

ΧΟ.

XP.

ἀρίστου

παῖδα

κεκλῆσθαι,

καλοῦ

τῆς μητρός. οὕτω γὰρ φανῇ πλείστοις κακή, θανόντα πατέρα καὶ φίλους προδοῦσα σούς. μηδὲν πρὸς ὀργὴν πρὸς θεῶν ὡς τοῖς λόγοις ἔνεστιν ἀμφοῖν κέρδος, εἰ σὺ μὲν μάθοις τοῖς τῆσδε χρῆσθαι, τοῖς δὲ σοῖς αὕτη πάλιν.

ἐγὼ μέν, ὦ γυναῖκες, ἠθάς εἰμί πως τῶν τῆσδε μύθων: οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐμνήσθην ποτέ, εἰ μὴ κακὸν μέγιστον εἰς αὐτὴν ἰὸν ἤκουσ᾽, ὃ ταύτην τῶν μακρῶν σχήσει γόων.

HA. XP.

φέρ᾽ εἰπὲ δὴ τὸ δεινόν. εἰ γὰρ τῶνδέ

μέμψῃ.

νῦν

γὰρ

ἐν καλῷ

n ταῦτα δή με καὶ βεβούλευνται

375

μοι

μεῖζόν τι λέξεις, οὐκ ἂν ἀντείποιμ᾽ ἔτι. ἀλλ᾽ ἐξερῶ σοι πᾶν ὅσον κάτοιδ᾽ ἐγώ. μέλλουσι γάρ σ᾽, εἰ τῶνδε μὴ λήξεις γόων, ἐνταῦθα πέμψειν ἔνθα μή ποθ᾽ ἡλίου φέγγος προσόψῃ, ζῶσα δ᾽ ἐν κατηρεφεῖ στέγῃ χθονὸς τῆσδ᾽ ἐκτὸς ὑμνήσεις κακά. πρὸς ταῦτα φράζου, καί με μή ποθ᾽ ὕστερον παθοῦσα

HA. XP. HA. XP. HA. XP. HA. XP.

370

380

φρονεῖν.

ποεῖν;

385

μάλισθ᾽" ὅταν περ οἴκαδ᾽ Αἴγισθος μόλῃ. ἀλλ᾽ ἐξίκοιτο τοῦδέ γ᾽ οὕνεκ᾽ ἐν τάχει.

τίν᾽, ὦ τάλαινα, τόνδ᾽ ἐπηράσω λόγον; ἐλθεῖν ἐκεῖνον, εἴ τι τῶνδε δρᾶν νοεῖ. ὅπως πάθῃς τί χρῆμα; ποῦ ποτ᾽ el φρενῶν; ὅπως ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν ὡς προσώτατ᾽ ἐκφύγω. βίου δὲ τοῦ παρόντος οὐ μνείαν ἔχεις;

390

57

called daughter of the noblest father in the world, be called your mother's child!

For in this way you will appear to most people

unprincipled, a traitor to your dead father and your kin. CHORUS: 370

Nothing in anger, for god's sake.

You might both profit

from each other's words, if you, Electra, would learn to take her advice, and she in turn take yours.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

375

For my part, women, I am pretty well used to the

things she says, and I would never have mentioned the subject, if I had not heard of a terrible affliction coming her way that will put a stop to her long lamentations. ELECTRA:

Come on then, tell me this dreadful thing. If you can tell

me of anything worse than I suffer now, I shall argue with you no more. CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Then I shall tell you all I know.

The fact is that

if you don't stop these laments of yours, they intend to send you 380

to a place where you will never see the light of day, but sing out

your sorrows living in a dungeon outside the borders of this country.

Think about that, and don't blame me later on when it

has happened to you.

For now it is high time to adopt a sensible

course. 385

ELECTRA:

Have they really decided to do that to me?

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Indeed they have, just as soon as Aegisthus

comes home.

ELECTRA:

Then for that matter let him come soon.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Poor

girl,

what

curse

are

you

putting

on

yourself?

ELECTRA: 390

That he should come, if he has any such intention.

CHRYSOTHEMIS: So that what can happen to you? you thinking of? ELECTRA:

Whatever are

So that I can escape as far as possible away from you

people.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

But don't you care about the life you have now?

καλὸς

γὰρ

οὑμὸς

βίοτος

ὥστε

θαυμάσαι.

ἀλλ᾽ ἦν ἄν, εἰ σύ γ᾽ εὖ φρονεῖν ἠπίστασο. μή μ᾽ ἐκδίδασκε

τοῖς φίλοις εἶναι κακήν.

395

ἀλλ᾽ οὐ διδάσκω: τοῖς κρατοῦσι δ᾽ εἰκαθεῖν. σὺ ταῦτα θώπεν᾽" οὐκ ἐμοὺς τρόπους λέγεις. καλόν γε μέντοι μὴ ᾿ξ ἀβουλίας πεσεῖν. πεσούμεθ᾽, εἰ χρή, πατρὶ τιμωρούμενοι.

πατὴρ δὲ τούτων, οἶδα, σνγγνώμην ἔχει. ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ τἄπη πρὸς κακῶν ἐπαινέσαι. σὺ δ᾽ οὐχὶ πείσῃ καὶ συναινέσεις ἐμοί; OÙ δῆτα. μή πω νοῦ τοσόνδ᾽ εἴην κενή. χωρήσομαι τἄρ᾽ οἷπερ ἐστάλην ὁδοῦ. ποῖ δ᾽ ἐμπορεύῃ; τῷ φέρεις τάδ᾽ ἔμπυρα; μήτηρ με πέμπει πατρὶ τυμβεῦσαι χοάς.

400

405

πῶς εἶπας; À τῷ δυσμενεστάτῳ βροτῶν; ὃν ἔκταν᾽ αὐτή: τοῦτο γὰρ λέξαι θέλεις. ἐκ τοῦ φίλων πεισθεῖσα; τῷ τοῦτ᾽ ἤρεσεν; ἐκ δείματός Tov VUKTEPOV, δοκεῖν ἐμοί.

ὦ θεοὶ πατρῷοι, συγγένεσθέ γ᾽ ἀλλὰ νῦν. ἔχεις τι θάρσος τοῦδε τοῦ τάρβους πέρι; εἴ μοι λέγοις τὴν ὄψιν, εἴποιμ᾽ ἂν τότε. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ κάτοιδα πλὴν ἐπὶ σμικρὸν φράσαι.

405 409

τῷ] ποῖ most mss. τῷ mss. : πῶς Herwerden

410

59

ELECTRA:

Yes, my life is wonderfully good!

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Well,

it would

be, if you knew

how

to be

sensible. 305

ELECTRA:

Don't teach me disloyalty to those I love!

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

I'm

not

teaching

you

that, but to yield

authority. ELECTRA:

to

.

You can creep to them like that, but what you are talking

about 15 not my way!

CHRYSOTHEMIS: foolishness. ELECTRA: 400

Yes, but it is as well not to come to grief through

I shall come to grief, if need be, in avenging our father.-

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

But our father, I know, makes allowances for our

situation. ELECTRA:

Such words are for cowards to agree with.

CHRYSOTHEMIS: So you won't listen to me and accept what I say? ELECTRA: Certainly not! May I never be so witless! CHRYSOTHEMIS: 405

ELECTRA:

Well then, I shall go off on my errand.

Where are you going?

For whom are you carrying these

offerings? CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Our mother is sending me to pour libations on

our father's grave. ELECTRA:

What did you say? For her deadliest enemy?

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

For the man she herself killed — that is what you

mean. ELECTRA:

Which of her friends persuaded her? Who wanted her to

do this? 410

CHRYSOTHEMIS: I think it was due to some terror in the night.

ELECTRA:

Gods of our fathers, be with us now at last!

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Do you find some encouragement in this fear of

hers? ELECTRA:

If you tell me what she saw, then I could answer.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

But I only know a little to tell.

60

ΗΛ.

λέγ᾽ ἀλλὰ τοῦτο. πολλά τοι σμικροὶ λόγοι ἔσφηλαν ἤδη καὶ κατώρθωσαν βροτούς. λόγος τις αὐτήν ἐστιν εἰσιδεῖν πατρὸς τοῦ σοῦ τε κἀμοῦ δεντέραν ὁμιλίαν

XP.

ἐλθόντος ἐς φῶς

415

εἶτα τόνδ᾽ ἐφέστιον

πῆξαι λαβόντα σκῆπτρον οὑφόρει ποτὲ αὑτός, τανῦν δ᾽ Αἴγισθος- ἐκ δὲ τοῦδ᾽ ἄνω

420

βλαστεῖν βρύοντα θαλλόν, ᾧ κατάσκιον πᾶσαν γενέσθαι τὴν Μυκηναίων χθόνα. τοιαῦτά Tou παρόντος, ἡνίχ᾽ Ἡλίῳ δείκνυσι τοὔναρ, ἔκλυον ἐξηγουμένου. πλείω δὲ τούτων OÙ κάτοιδα, πλὴν ὅτι πέμπει μ᾽ ἐκείνη τοῦδε τοῦ φόβου χάριν. πρός νυν θεῶν σε λίσσομαι τῶν ἐγγενῶν ἐμοὶ πιθέσθαι μηδ᾽ ἀβουλίᾳ πεσεῖν᾽ εἰ γάρ μ᾽ ἀπώσῃ, σὺν κακῷ μέτει πάλιν.

ΗΛ.

425

430

ἀλλ᾽, ὦ φίλη, τούτων μὲν ὧν ἔχεις χεροῖν τύμβῳ προσάψῃς μηδέν" οὐ γάρ σοι θέμις οὐδ᾽ ὅσιον ἐχθρᾶς ἀπὸ γυναικὸς ἱστάναι κτερίσματ᾽ οὐδὲ λουτρὰ προσφέρειν πατρί᾽

ἀλλ᾽ ἢ πνοαῖσιν ἢ βαθυσκαφεῖ

κόνει

435

κρύψον νιν, ἔνθα μή ποτ᾽ εἰς εὐνὴν πατρὸς τούτων πρόσεισι μηδέν: ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν θάνῃ, κειμήλι᾽ αὐτῇ ταῦτα σωζέσθω κάτω. ἀρχὴν δ᾽ ἄν, el μὴ τλημονεστάτη γυνὴ πασῶν

ἔβλαστε,

τάσδε

δυσμενεῖς

χοὰς

οὐκ ἄν ποθ᾽ ὅν γ᾽ ἔκτεινε τῷδ᾽ ἐπέστεφε. σκέψαι γὰρ εἴ σοι προσφιλῶς αὐτῇ δοκεῖ γέρα τάδ᾽ οὗν τάφοισι δέξεσθαι νέκυς

ὑφ᾽ ἧς θανὼν ἄτιμος ὥστε δυσμενὴς ἐμασχαλίσθη

κἀπὶ

λουτροῖσιν κάρᾳ

κηλῖδας ἐξέμαξεν. dpa μὴ δοκεῖς λυτήρι᾽ αὐτῇ

424

τοῦ] τοῦ

428-30

ταῦτα

τοῦ φόνον φέρειν;

some mss.

attributed to the Chorus in the mss., deleted by Morstadt

435

πνοαῖσιν mss. : πνοαῖς δὸς Blaydes : ῥοαῖσιν Heath

440

δυσμενεῖς

mss. : δυσσεβεῖς

Nauck : δυσμενεῖ Todt

445

6] 415

ELECTRA:

Then tell me that.

Trivial words have often in the past

brought ruin or success to men. CHRYSOTHEMIS:

It is said that she saw our father, yours and mine,

come to life again and once more living with her. Then he took 420

the sceptre that once he used to carry, but now Aegisthus bears, and planted it by the hearth, and out of it sprouted a leafy branch which shaded all the Mycenean land.

425

This 15 the story I

heard told by someone who was there when she revealed her

dream to the Sun-god.

But I know no more than that, except

that she ıs sending me because of this fear.

So, by the gods of

our race, I beg you to listen to me and not to come to grief 430

through foolishness; for if you reject me, you will come after

me again when things go wrong. ELECTRA:

No, my

dear, don't put any of these things you are

carrying on the grave.

It would be unlawful and irreverent of

you to dedicate funerary gifts or bring libations to our father 435

from a wife who was his enemy. No, to the winds with them, or hide them buried deep in the earth, where nothing of them can ever come near the place where our father sleeps; but let these treasures be kept safely below for her, for when she dies. If she had not been the most brazen of all women, she would certainly

440

never have tried to offer these ill-willed libations to the man she murdered. For think whether you can believe that the dead man in his grave would take these honours kindly from her, the woman at whose hands he died dishonoured like an enemy and

445

had his corpse mutilated, who to cleanse herself wıped the bloodstains off on his head.

Do you really think that to bring

these things will absolve her from the murder?

Impossible!

62

οὐκ ἔστιν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν μέθες" σὺ δὲ τεμοῦσα κρατὸς βοστρύχων ἄκρας φόβας κἀμοῦ ταλαίνης, σμικρὰ μὲν τάδ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως axw, δὸς αὐτῷ, τήνδε τ᾽ ἀλίπαρον τρίχα καὶ ζῶμα τοὐμὸν οὐ χλιδαῖς ἠσκημένον. αἰτοῦ δὲ προσπίτνουσα γῆθεν εὐμενῆ ἡμῖν ἀρωγὸν αὐτὸν εἰς ἐχθροὺς μολεῖν, καὶ παῖδ᾽ Ὀρέστην ἐξ ὑπερτέρας χερὸς ἐχθροῖσιν αὐτοῦ ζῶντ᾽ ἐπεμβῆναι ποδί, ὅπως τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτὸν ἀφνεωτέραις χερσὶ στέφωμεν ἢ τανῦν δωρούμεθα.

450

455

οἶμαι μὲν οὖν, οἶμαί τι κἀκείνῳ μέλειν πέμψαι τάδ᾽ αὐτῇ δυσπρόσοπτ᾽ ὀνείρατα" ὅμως δ᾽, ἀδελφή, σοί θ᾽ ὑπούργησον τάδε ἐμοί τ᾽ ἀρωγά, τῷ τε φιλτάτῳ βροτῶν πάντων, ἐν "ALdov κειμένῳ κοινῷ πατρί. πρὸς εὐσέβειαν ἡ κόρη λέγει᾽ σὺ δέ,

ΧΟ.

εἰ σωφρονήσεις, ΧΡ.

ὦ φίλη, δράσεις τάδε.

460

°

δράσω: τὸ γὰρ δίκαιον οὐκ ἔχει λόγον δυοῖν ἐρίζειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπισπεύδειν τὸ δρᾶν. πειρωμένῃ δὲ τῶνδε τῶν ἔργων ἐμοὶ σιγὴ παρ᾽ ὑμῶν πρὸς θεῶν ἔστω, φίλαι᾽ ὡς εἰ τάδ᾽ ἡ τεκοῦσα πεύσεται, πικρὰν δοκῶ με πεῖραν τήνδε τολμήσειν ἔτι.

ΧΟ.

εἰ μὴ

Yo

γνώμας

παράφρων

λειπομένα

μάντις

ἔφυν

καὶ

δίκαια

470

στρ.

σοφᾶς,

εἶσιν à πρόμαντις Δίκα,

465

475

φερομένα

χεροῖν κράτη;

μέτεισιν, ὦ τέκνον, οὐ μακροῦ χρόνου. ὕπεστί

μοι

θαῤσος,

ἁδυπνόων κλύουσαν ἀρτίως ὀνειράτων. OÙ γάρ ToT’ ἀμναστεῖ 440

φόβας] κόμας

45]

τήνδε

459

μέλειν

147

ἐπισπεύδειν

480 γ᾽ ὁ φύ-

some mss.

τ᾽ ἀλίπαρον

Bayfield : τήνδ᾽ ἀλιπαρῆ

mss. : τήνδε λιπαρῆ schol.

Nauck : μέλον mss. mss. : ἐπισπεύδει

Stobaeus 3.11.6

63

No, throw them away, and yourself give him a lock cut from 450

your own luxuriant hair, and from me, poor thing that I am, give these gifts, little enough but all I have, this rough hair and this girdle of mine, plain and simple.

Fall on your knees and pray

that he himself will come from the world below to befriend us 455

and help us against our enemies, and that his son Orestes may live to get the upper hand of his enemies and trample on them, so that ın days to come we may honour hıs grave with richer

hands than these which now bring gifts. 460

Now I believe, yes, I

believe that he too had some part ın sending her these horrible dreams. But even so, sister, do this service to help yourself, and me, and the dearest of all men, the father of us both, lying dead in Hades. CHORUS:

465

The girl says what ıs right and proper, and you, my dear, ıf

you are wise, Will do as she says.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

I shall do so. It is unreasonable for two people to

argue about what is clearly right, instead of hurrying to carry it out. But as I undertake this task, I beg you, friends, keep silent, 470

for if my mother hears of this, I thınk I shall yet risk this endeavour to my cost. [Exit Chrysothemis by an eisodos.] CHORUS:

If I am no false prophet nor one who fails in wisdom, then

475

Justice has given a sign and will come bearing righteous victory in her hands. She will come in vengeance, child, and soon.

480

There is confidence within me, now that I have heard the dream that breathes gladness.

Your father, lord of Greece, has never

64

σας

σ᾽

Ἑλλάνων

ἄναξ,

οὐδ᾽ à παλαιὰ χαλκόπληκτος ἀμφήκης γένυς, ἅ νιν κατέπεφνεν αἰσχίσταις

485

ἐν αἰκείαις.

ἥξει καὶ πολύπους καὶ πολύχειρ ἁ δεινοῖς κρυπτομένα λόχοις χαλκόπους Ἐρινύς. ἄλεκτρ᾽ ἄνυμφα γὰρ ἐπέβα μιαιφόνων

ἀντ. 490

γάμων ἁμιλλήμαθ᾽ οἷσιν οὐ θέμις. πρὸ τῶνδέ τοι θάρσος μήποτε μήποθ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀψεγὲς

πελᾶν

τοῖς δρῶσι τοι

495

τέρας

καὶ συνδρῶσιν.

μαντεῖαι

ἤ-

βροτῶν

οὐκ εἰσὶν ἐν δεινοῖς ὀνείροις οὐδ᾽ ἐν θεσφάτοις,

500

εἰ μὴ τόδε φάσμα νυκτὸς εὖ κατασχήσει. ὦ Πέλοπος ἁ πρόσθεν πολύπονος

ἱππεία,

ὡς

αἰανὴς

τᾷδε

ἔμολες

505

γᾷ.

εὗτε γὰρ ὁ ποντισθεὶς Μυρτίλος ἐκοιμάθη, παγχρύσων δίφρων δυστάνοις

αἰκείαις

πρόρριζος

ἐκριφθείς,

510

οὔ τί πω ἔλιπεν ἐκ τοῦδ᾽ οἴκου πολύπονος αἰκεία.

515

ΚΛΥΤΑΙΜΗΣΤΡΑ

ἀνειμένη

405 406 514

μέν, ὡς ἔοικας, αὖ στρέφῃ.

ov γὰρ πάρεστ᾽

Αἴγισθος,

μή

γ᾽ οὖσαν

τοι

θυραίαν

ὅς σ᾽ ἐπεῖχ᾽ ἀεὶ αἰσχύνειν

θάρσος Wunder:p' ἔχει most mss. : μ᾽ ἔχει μήποτε μήποθ᾽ μήποθ᾽ some mss. ἔλιπεν] ἔλειπεν

most mss.

| οἴκου] οἴκους

θάρσος

some mss.

φίλους" others

65 485

forgotten, and nor has the ancient two-edged axe of bronze which murdered him in a shameful act of cruelty. There shall come, with great swiftness and great might,

400

lurking in dreadful ambush, the bronze-shod Fury.

For an

unlawful and unhallowed lust for blood-soiled union attacked those who had no right to it.

Therefore I am confident that

never, never shall we see this portent come harmless to sinners and partners in sin. 500

Indeed, there is no prophecy for men in

fearful dreams and oracles, if this night's omen does not find fulfilment.

505

O grievous chariot-race of Pelops

long ago, how

much

lasting sorrow have you brought to this land. For since Myrtilus 510

sank to his rest in the sea, tossed headlong from the golden chariot with deplorable cruelty, never yet has grievous cruelty

515

ever left this house. [Enter Clytemnestra from the palace, accompanied by a maidservant carrying offerings of fruit for Apollo. ] CLYTEMNESTRA:

So you're roaming around at large again, it

seems, because Aegisthus is not here:

he would always keep

you from going out of doors and disgracing your family.

But

66

νῦν δ᾽, ὡς ἄπεστ᾽ ἐκεῖνος, οὐδὲν ἐντρέπῃ ἐμοῦ ye: καίτοι πολλὰ πρὸς πολλούς με δὴ

520

ἐξεῖπας ὡς θρασεῖα καὶ πέρα δίκης ἄρχω, καθυβρίζουσα καὶ σὲ καὶ τὰ σά. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὕβριν μὲν οὐκ ἔχω, κακῶς δέ σε λέγω κακῶς κλύουσα πρὸς σέθεν θαμά. πατὴρ γάρ, οὐδὲν ἄλλο, σοὶ πρόσχημ᾽ ἀεί, ὡς ἐξ ἐμοῦ τέθνηκεν. ἐξ ἐμοῦ" καλῶς ἔξοιδα: τῶνδ᾽ ἄρνησις οὐκ ἔνεστί μοι.

525

ἡ γὰρ Δίκη νιν εἷλεν, οὐκ ἐγὼ μόνη, N χρῆν σ᾽ ἀρήγειν, εἰ φρονοῦσ᾽ ἐτύγχανες" ἐπεὶ πατὴρ οὗτος σός, ὃν θρηνεῖς ἀεί, τὴν σὴν ὅμαιμον μοῦνος Ἑλλήνων ἔτλη θῦσαι

λύπης,

θεοῖσιν,

οὐκ ἴσον

καμὼν

ὅτ᾽ ἔσπειρ᾽, ὥσπερ

530

ἐμοὶ

ἡ τίκτουσ᾽ ἐγώ.

εἶεν, δίδαξον δή με τοῦτο᾽ τοῦ χάριν ἔθυσεν αὐτήν; πότερον ᾿Αργείων ἐρεῖς; ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μετῆν αὐτοῖσι τήν γ᾽ ἐμὴν κτανεῖν. ἀλλ᾽ ἀντ᾽ ἀδελφοῦ δῆτα Μενέλεω κτανὼν τἄμ᾽ οὐκ ἔμελλε τῶνδέ μοι δώσειν δίκην;

535

πότερον ἐκείνῳ παῖδες οὐκ ἦσαν διπλοῖ, οὺς τῆσδε

μᾶλλον

εἰκὸς ἦν θνήσκειν,

πατρὸς

540

καὶ μητρὸς ὄντας, ἧς ὁ πλοῦς ὅδ᾽ ἦν χάριν;

HA.

ἢ τῶν ἐμῶν "Aröns τιν᾽ ἵμερον τέκνων ἢ τῶν ἐκείνης ἔσχε δαίσασθαι πλέον; ἢ τῷ πανώλει πατρὶ τῶν μὲν ἐξ ἐμοῦ παίδων πόθος παρεῖτο, Μενέλεω δ᾽ ἐνῆν; οὐ ταῦτ᾽ ἀβούλου καὶ κακοῦ γνώμην πατρός: δοκῶ μέν, εἰ καὶ σῆς δίχα γνώμης λέγω: φαίη δ᾽ dv ἡ θανοῦσά γ᾽, εἰ φωνὴν λάβοι. ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν οὐκ εἰμὶ TOig πεπραγμένοις δύσθυμος" εἰ δὲ σοὶ δοκῶ φρονεῖν κακῶς, γνώμην δικαίαν σχοῦσα τοὺς πέλας ψέγε. ἐρεῖς μὲν οὐχὶ νῦν γέ μ᾽ ὡς ἄρξασά τι

545

550

λυπηρὸν εἶτα σοῦ τάδ᾽ ἐξήκουσ᾽ ὕπο: 533 534

τίκτουσ᾽ τεκοῦσ᾽ Triclinius robTo: τοῦ χάριν Schmalfeld : τοῦ others

χάριν

τίνος

most mss. : τοῦ

χάριν

τίνων

67

now that he 15 away, you pay no heed at all to me, although you

have often told lots of people that I am a cruel and unjust tyrant, insulting you and yours. In fact I am not guilty of insolence, but since 1 so often hear abuse from you, I abuse you in return. 525

Your father, nothing else, is what you are always holding forth about -- how he was killed by me. By me:

I know that full

well, and I have no wish to deny it. For ıt was Justice that took

him, not I alone, Justice which you should have been assisting if 530

you had been ın your rıght mind, seeing that this father of yours,

whom

you are always

lamenting, was the only one of the

Greeks heartless enough to sacrifice your sister to the gods, although he, when he fathered her, had nothing like the pain of labour that I had, the mother who bore her. Very well, just explain this to me: 535

sacrifice her?

for whose sake did he

Will you say for the sake of the Greeks?

But

they had no right to take my daughter's life. But if then he killed my child for his brother Menelaus' sake, was he not to pay the penalty for that to me? 540

Did not Menelaus have two children of

his own, who should in all fairness have died rather than mine, since they were born of the father and mother for whom that voyage

was taking place?

Or did Hades

have some greater

longing to devour my children rather than Helen's? Or had your 545

murderous father lost all love for the children I bore him, but still loved those of Menelaus?

Was this not the act of an

inconsiderate father, one with poor judgement?

I certainly think

so, even if what I say differs from how you see it; yes, and the 550

dead girl too would say so, if she could have a voice. So, for my part, I feel no misgiving at what has been done; and if I seem to you to think wrongly, find fault with your neighbours only when you have yourself acquired a fair view of the matter. ELECTRA:

This time at least you will not claim that I was the first to

say something hurtful before 1 heard such things from you.

But

68

ἀλλ᾽ ἣν eds μοι, τοῦ τεθνηκότος θ᾽ ὕπερ λέξαιμ᾽ ἂν ὀρθῶς τῆς κασιγνήτης θ᾽ ὁμοῦ. KA.

καὶ μὴν ἐφίημ᾽" εἰ δέ μ᾽ ὧδ᾽ ἀεὶ λόγους

HA.

ἐξῆρχες, οὐκ ἂν ἦσθα λυπηρὰ κλύειν. καὶ δὴ λέγω σοι. πατέρα φὴς κτεῖναι. τούτου λόγος γένοιτ᾽ ἂν αἰσχίων ἔτι,

555

τίς ἄν

εἴτ᾽ οὖν δικαίως εἴτε μή; λέξω δέ σοι,

560

ὡς οὐ δίκῃ γ᾽ ἔκτεινας, ἀλλά σ᾽ ἔσπασεν πειθὼ κακοῦ πρὸς ἀνδρός, ᾧ τανῦν ξύνει. ἐροῦ δὲ τὴν κυναγὸν ἤάρτεμιν τίνος ποινὰς τὰ πολλὰ πνεύματ᾽ ἔσχ᾽ ἐν Αὐλίδι: ἢ yo φράσω: κείνης γὰρ οὐ θέμις μαθεῖν. πατήρ ποθ᾽ οὑμός, ὡς ἐγὼ κλύω, θεᾶς παίζων κατ᾽ ἄλσος ἐξεκίνησεν ποδοῖν στικτὸν κεράστην ἔλαφον, οὗ κατὰ σφαγὰς ἐκκομπάσας ἔπος τι τυγχάνει βαλών. κἀκ τοῦδε μηνίσασα Λητῴα κόρη κατεῖχ᾽ ᾿Αχαιούς, ὡς πατὴρ ἀντίσταθμον τοῦ θηρὸς ἐκθύσειε τὴν αὑτοῦ κόρην.

ὧδ᾽ ἦν τὰ κείνης θύματ᾽- οὐ γὰρ ἦν λύσις ἄλλη στρατῷ πρὸς οἶκον οὐδ᾽ εἰς Ἴλιον. ἀνθ᾽ ὧν βιασθεὶς πολλὰ κἀντιβὰς μόλις ἔθυσεν

αὐτήν,

οὐχὶ

Μενέλεω

565

570

575

χάριν.

εἰ 8’ οὖν, ἐρῶ γὰρ καὶ τὸ σόν, κεῖνον θέλων ἐπωφελῆσαι ταῦτ᾽ ἔδρα, τούτου θανεῖν χρῆν αὐτὸν οὕνεκ᾽ ἐκ σέθεν; ποίῳ νόμῳ; ὅρα τιθεῖσα τόνδε τὸν νόμον βροτοῖς μὴ πῆμα σαυτῇ καὶ μετάγνοιαν TLONS. εἰ γὰρ κτενοῦμεν ἄλλον ἀντ᾽ ἄλλου, σύ τοι πρώτη θάνοις ἄν, εἰ δίκης γε τυγχάνοις.

580

69 555

if you allow me, I should like to tell the truth on behalf of the dead man and my sıster. CLYTEMNESTRA:

Certainly I allow you. If you always began what

you say to me in such a way, you would not be so hurtful to listen to. ELECTRA: 560

Then I will speak.

You say you killed my father.

What

could you say more shameful than that, whether or not you acted justly?

But I shall put it to you that you did not kill him

out of justice; no, the influence of that evil man with whom you

live now lured you on.

Ask the huntress Artemis what sin she was punishing when 565

she held in check those many winds at Aulis; or I will tell you, since we may not lawfully learn from her. My father, so I have heard, was one day taking his recreation in the grove sacred to

the goddess, when he startled by his tread a horned and dappled stag. 570

He hit ıt, and chanced to let fall some boast about its

killing.

Because of this the daughter of Leto was angry and

held back the Greeks, so that my father might offer up the life of his own daughter in compensation for the anımal. how she came 575

This was

to be sacrificed, for there was no other way of

setting the army free to go back home or on to Troy.

It was

because

under

of this

that

he reluctantly

sacrificed

her,

compulsion and after many a struggle, and not for the sake of Menelaus. But even if he had done so - for I will use your own argument — because he wanted to help his brother, was that a reason for him to die at your hands? 580

On what principle?

Take

care that in laying down such a principle for men you don't lay up pain and regret for yourself. For if we are to take a life for a life, then you would be the first to die, if you were to meet with Justice.

70

ἀλλ᾽ εἰσόρα μὴ σκῆψιν οὐκ οὖσαν τίθης. εἰ γὰρ θέλεις, δίδαξον ἀνθ᾽ ὅτου τανῦν αἴσχιστα πάντων ἔργα δρῶσα τυγχάνεις,

585

ἥτις ξυνεύδεις τῷ παλαμναίῳ, μεθ᾽ οὗ πατέρα τὸν ἀμὸν πρόσθεν ἐξαπώλεσας, καὶ παιδοποιεῖς, τοὺς δὲ πρόσθεν εὐσεβεῖς κἀξ εὐσεβῶν βλαστόντας ἐκβαλοῦσ᾽ ἔχεις. πῶς ταῦτ᾽ ἐπαινέσαιμ᾽ ἄν; ἣ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐρεῖς ὡς τῆς θυγατρὸς ἀντίποινα λαμβάνεις; αἰσχρῶς δ᾽, ἐάν περ καὶ λέγῃς" οὐ γὰρ καλὸν ἐχθροῖς γαμεῖσθαι τῆς θυγατρὸς οὕνεκα.

ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ οὐδὲ νουθετεῖν ἔξεστί σε,

ΧΟ. ΚΛ.

n πᾶσαν ins γλῶσσαν ὡς τὴν μητέρα κακοστομοῦμεν. καί σ᾽ ἔγωγε δεσπότιν ἢ μητέρ᾽ οὐκ ἔλασσον εἰς ἡμᾶς νέμω, ἣ ζῶ βίον μοχθηρόν, ἔκ TE σοῦ κακοῖς πολλοῖς ἀεὶ ξυνοῦσα τοῦ τε συννόμου. ὃ δ᾽ ἄλλος ἔξω, χεῖρα σὴν μόλις φυγών, τλήμων Ὀρέστης δυστυχῆ τρίβει βίον" ὃν πολλὰ δή μέ σοι τρέφειν μιάστορα ἐπῃτιάσω᾽ καὶ τόδ᾽, εἴπερ ἔσθενον, ἔδρων ἄν, εὖ τοῦτ᾽ ἴσθι. τοῦδέ γ᾽ οὕνεκα κήρυσσέ μ᾽ εἰς ἅπαντας, εἴτε χρῇς κακὴν εἴτε στόμαργον εἴτ᾽ ἀναιδείας πλέαν. εἰ γὰρ πέφυκα τῶνδε τῶν ἔργων ἴδρις, σχεδόν τι τὴν σὴν οὐ καταισχύνω φύσιν. ὁρῶ μένος πνέουσαν᾽ εἰ δὲ σὺν δίκῃ ξύνεστι, τοῦδε φροντίδ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ εἰσορῶ. ποίας δέ μοι δεῖ πρός γε τήνδε φροντίδος, ἥτις τοιαῦτα τὴν τεκοῦσαν ὕβρισεν,

590

595

600

605

610

καὶ ταῦτα τηλικοῦτος; ἀρά σοι δοκεῖ χωρεῖν ΗΛ.

ἂν ἐς πᾶν ἔργον αἰσχύνης

ἄτερ;

εὖ νῦν ἐπίστω τῶνδέ μ᾽ αἰσχύνην ἔχειν, kel μὴ δοκῶ oot’ μανθάνω δ᾽ ὁθούνεκα ἔξωρα πράσσω KOÛK ἐμοὶ προσεικότα. ἀλλ᾽ ἡ γὰρ ἐκ σοῦ δυσμένεια καὶ τὰ σὰ

606 608

χρῇς Wunder: χρὴ mss. ἔργων] κακῶν some mss. : λόγων

Souda

615

71

But take care that you are not putting forward a false excuse. 585

For explain committing

to me,

if you

will,

why

the most disgraceful

sleeping with that bloodstained

you

are right

acts of all, you

who

murderer with whose

now are help

before you killed my father, and having children by him, while 590

you have cast out your legitimate children born of an earlier and legitimate marriage.

How can I approve of this?

Or will you

say that in this too you are taking retribution for your daughter? A shameful thing, if you do say it, for there is little virtue in marrying your enemies for your daughter's sake. 505

But no, I may not even reproach you, since you raise a great outcry that I am abusing my mother.

And really I consider you

more a tyrant towards me than a mother, so wretched 15 the life 600

I live, continually plagued partner.

And

with miseries by you and your

that other one, poor Orestes, who

only just

escaped your violence, is living out an unhappy existence in exile. 605

Many atime have you accused me of bringing him up to

be your executioner, and I would have done so, you can be sure,

had I had the power.

As far as that goes, denounce me to all the

world, if you wish, as disloyal, or loud-mouthed, or full of shamelessness.

For if I am good at behaving like this, perhaps I

am not unworthy of someone like you. 610

CHORUS: I see she is breathing fury.

But I no longer see her caring

as to whether she has justice on her side. CLYTEMNESTRA:

And what sort of care must I have for her, when

she insults her mother in such a way, and that at her age? Don't 615

you think she would go to any lengths of shamelessness? ELECTRA:

Now

rest assured that I do feel shame for this, even if

you don't think I do, and I know that my behaviour is unseemly and contrary to my real nature.

But your hostility and the way

72

ἔργ᾽ ἐξαναγκάζει με ταῦτα δρᾶν Bla: αἰσχροῖς γὰρ αἰσχρὰ πράγματ᾽ ἐκδιδάσκεται.

620

ὦ θρέμμ᾽ ἀναιδές, À σ᾽ ἐγὼ καὶ τἄμ᾽ ἔπη

ΗΛ. ΚΛ.

καὶ τἄργα τἀμὰ πόλλ᾽ ἄγαν λέγειν ποεῖ. σύ τοι λέγεις νιν, οὐκ ἐγώ: σὺ γὰρ ποεῖς τοὔργον, τὰ δ᾽ ἔργα τοὺς λόγους εὑρίσκεται. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μὰ τὴν δέσποιναν ἤλρτεμιν θράσους τοῦδ᾽ οὐκ ἀλύξεις, εὖτ᾽ ἂν Αἴγισθος μόλῃ. ὁρᾷς; πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐκφέρῃ, μεθεῖσά με λέγειν ἃ χρήζοιμ᾽, οὐδ᾽ ἐπίστασαι κλύειν. οὔκουν ἐάσεις οὐδ᾽ ὑπ᾽ εὐφήμου βοῆς θῦσαί μ᾽, ἐπειδὴ σοί γ᾽ ἐφῆκα πᾶν λέγειν; ἐῶ, κελεύω, θῦε: μηδ᾽ ἐπαιτιῶ τοὐμὸν στόμ᾽, ὡς οὐκ Av πέρα λέξαιμ᾽ ἔτι. ἔπαιρε δὴ σὺ θύμαθ᾽ ἡ παροῦσά μοι πάγκαρπ᾽, ἄνακτι τῷδ᾽ ὅπως λυτηρίους εὐχὰς ἀνάσχω δειμάτων, ἃ νῦν ἔχω. κλύοις ἂν ἤδη, Φοῖβε προστατήριε, κεκρυμμένην μου βάξιν: οὐ γὰρ ἐν φίλοις ὃ μῦθος, οὐδὲ πᾶν ἀναπτύξαι πρέπει πρὸς φῶς παρούσης τῆσδε πλησίας ἐμοί, μὴ σὺν φθόνῳ τε καὶ πολυγλώσσῳ βοῇ σπείρῃ ματαίαν βάξιν εἰς πᾶσαν πόλιν.

625

630

635

640

ἀλλ᾽ ὧδ᾽ dkove: τῆδε γὰρ κἀγὼ φράσω. ἃ γὰρ προσεῖδον δισσῶν

ὀνείρων,

νυκτὶ τῇδε ταῦτά

μοι,

φάσματα Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ,

645

εἰ μὲν πέφηνεν ἐσθλά, δὸς τελεσφόρα, εἰ δ᾽ ἐχθρά, τοῖς ἐχθροῖσιν ἔμπαλιν μέθες" καὶ μή με πλούτου τοῦ παρόντος εἴ τινες δόλοισι βουλεύουσιν ἐκβαλεῖν, ἐφῆς,

ἀλλ᾽ ὧδέ μ᾽ αἰεὶ ζῶσαν ἀβλαβεῖ δόμους φίλοισί

βίῳ

᾿Ατρειδῶν σκῆπτρά τ᾽ ἀμφέπειν τε ξυνοῦσαν οἷς ξύνειμι νῦν

628

μεθεῖσα] παρεῖσα

645

δισσῶν

one ms.

mss. : δεινῶν

με

Schenkl

650

τάδε,

Lloyd-Jones and Wilson : μοι

mss.

73 620

you treat me force me to behave like this against my will, since deplorable behaviour is taught by a deplorable example. CLYTEMNESTRA:

You shameless creature!

I and my words and

my deeds really make you say too much. 625

ELECTRA: It is you who say these things, not I, for you do the deeds, and your deeds find me the words. CLYTEMNESTRA:

Now by the lady Artemis, you will not escape

punishment for this impudence when Aegisthus comes.

ELECTRA:

You see?

You are carried away by anger, after giving

me leave to say what I chose, and you don't know how to listen. 630

CLYTEMNESTRA:

So will you not even let me sacrifice in silence

from clamour, since I allowed you to say all you wanted?

ELECTRA:

I allow you, I urge it on you, do make your sacrifice, and

don't object to my voice, for I shall say no more. CLYTEMNESTRA: 635

My attendant, raise the offerings rich in every

fruit, so that I may

offer up to the lord here prayers for

deliverance from the terrors I now

suffer. [The

places the offerings on Apollo's altar.] Please

maidservant

listen now,

Phoebus our protector, to what I say in secret, for I do not speak among friends, and I ought not to unfold everything to the light 640

of day while she is standing near me, in case with her busy and malicious tongue she spreads scandal through the whole city.

No, hear me in this way, since in this way I shall speak. If, Lycean 645

lord, the visions that I saw

last night in

ambiguous dreams meant my good, then grant their fulfilment, but if my harm, then let them recoil upon my enemies.

And if

anyone is treacherously plotting to cast me out from the riches which now are mine, do not allow it, but grant that I may 650

forever

live safe from

harm,

Atreidae and this kingdom,

controlling the house of the

living in fair prosperity with the

74

εὐημεροῦσαν καὶ τέκνων ὅσων ἐμοὶ δύσνοια μὴ πρόσεστιν ἢ λύπη πικρά.

ταῦτ᾽, ὦ Λύκει᾽ "λπολλον, ἵλεως κλύων

655

δὸς πᾶσιν ἡμῖν ὥσπερ ἐξαιτούμεθα. τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα πάντα καὶ σιωπώσης ἐμοῦ ἐπαξιῶ

σε

δαίμον᾽

τοὺς ἐκ Διὸς ΠΑ. ΧΟ. ΠΑ. ΧΟ. ΠΑ. ΚΛ.

ὄντ᾽ ἐξειδέναι:

γὰρ εἰκός ἐστι

πάνθ᾽ ὁρᾶν.

ξέναι γυναῖκες, πῶς ἂν εἰδείην σαφῶς

660

εἰ τοῦ τυράννου δώματ᾽ Αἰγίσθου τάδε; τάδ᾽ ἐστίν, ὦ ξέν᾽. αὐτὸς ἤκασας καλῶς.

ἦ καὶ δάμαρτα

τήνδ᾽ ἐπεικάζων κυρῶ

κείνου; πρέπει γὰρ ὡς τύραννος εἰσορᾶν. μάλιστα πάντων’ ἥδε σοι κείνη πάρα. ὦ χαῖρ᾽, ἄνασσα. σοὶ φέρων ἥκω λόγους ἡδεῖς φίλου παρ᾽ ἀνδρὸς Αἰγίσθῳ θ᾽ ὁμοῦ. ἐδεξάμην τὸ ῥηθέν: εἰδέναι δέ σου πρώτιστα χρήζω τίς σ᾽ ἀπέστειλεν βροτῶν.

ΠΑ. ΚΛ.

Φανοτεὺς

ΠΑ. ΗΛ. ΚΛ. ΠΑ. ΗΛ. ΚΛ.

τέθνηκ᾽ Ὀρέστης" ἐν βραχεῖ ξυνθεὶς λέγω. οἱ ᾽γὼ τάλαιν᾽, ὄλωλα τῇδ᾽ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ.

ΠΑ.

670 673 676

6 Φωκεύς,

πρᾶγμα

πορσύνειν

μέγα.

665

670

τὸ ποῖον, ὦ ξέν᾽; εἰπέ: παρὰ φίλου γὰρ ὧν ἀνδρός, σάφ᾽ οἶδα, προσφιλεῖς λέξεις λόγους. τί φής, τί φής, ὦ ξεῖνε; μὴ ταύτης κλύε. θανόντ᾽ Ὀρέστην νῦν τε καὶ πάλαι λέγω. ἀπωλόμην δύστηνος, οὐδέν εἰμ᾽ ἔτι. σὺ μὲν τὰ σαυτῆς mpácc" ἐμοὶ δὲ σύ, ξένε, τἀληθὲς εἰπέ: τῷ τρόπῳ διόλλυται; κἀπεμπόμην πρὸς ταῦτα καὶ τὸ πᾶν φράσω. κεῖνος γὰρ ἐλθὼν ἐς τὸ κλεινὸν Ἑλλάδος

πορσύνειν Reiske : πορσύνων mss. λέγω] λόγω some mss. πάλαι λέγω] πάλιν λέγω some mss. : τότ᾽ ἐννέπω

others

675

680

75

friends whom I live with now, and with those of my children

who do not hate me or cause me bitter vexation. Graciously hear these prayers, Lycian Apollo, and grant

655

them to us all just as we ask.

As for all the rest, even though I

say nothing I believe that you, being a god, must know it well, for surely the children of Zeus see everything. [Enter the Old Slave by an eisodos. ] 660

OLD SLAVE: Dear ladies of Mycenae, how may I know for sure if this is the house of the king, Aegisthus? CHORUS:

It is, stranger. You have guessed right.

OLD SLAVE:

And am I right in guessing that this lady is his wife?

She certainly has a royal look. 665

CHORUS:

Most assuredly:

OLD SLAVE:

she it is who stands before you.

Greetings, my lady.

I have come bringing good news

to you and Aegisthus from a friend. CLYTEMNESTRA:

I welcome what you say.

But first of all I want

to know from you who sent you. 670

OLD

SLAVE:

Phanoteus

of Phocis,

to discharge

an important

mission.

CLYTEMNESTRA:

What is it, stranger?

Tell me, for you come, I

know, from a friend, and will be bringing a friendly message. OLD SLAVE: ELECTRA: 675

Orestes is dead. There I say it in brief. I can't bear it! This day is the end of me!

CLYTEMNESTRA: stranger?

What are you saying?

What are you saying,

Don't listen to her.

OLD SLAVE: I told you, and tell you again, that Orestes is dead.

ELECTRA:

This breaks my heart! Now I am nothing!

CLYTEMNESTRA:

You,

mind

your

own

business!

But

you,

stranger, give me the facts: how did he die? 680

OLD

SLAVE: everything.

I

was

sent for that purpose,

He came

to the famous

and

will tell you

festival, the pride of

76

πρόσχημ᾽ ἀγῶνος Δελφικῶν ἄθλων χάριν, ὅτ᾽ ἤσθετ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ὀρθίων κηρυγμάτων

δρόμον προκηρύξαντος, οὗ πρώτη

κρίσις,

εἰσῆλθε λαμπρός, πᾶσι τοῖς ἐκεῖ σέβας" δρόμου δ᾽ ἰσώσας τῇ φύσει τὰ τέρματα

685

νίκης ἔχων ἐξῆλθε πάντιμον γέρας. χώπως

μὲν ἐν πολλοῖσι

παῦρά

σοι λέγω,

οὐκ οἶδα τοιοῦδ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἔργα καὶ κράτη; ἕν δ᾽ 100” ὅσων γὰρ εἰσεκήρυξαν

δρόμων

βραβης,

690

διαύλων πένταθλ᾽ ἃ νομίζεται,

τούτων ἐνεγκὼν πάντα τἀπινίκια ὠλβίζετ᾽, ᾿Αργεῖος μὲν ἀνακαλούμενος, ὄνομα δ᾽ Ὀρέστης, τοῦ τὸ κλεινὸν Ἑλλάδος ᾿Αγαμέμνονος στράτευμ᾽ ἀγείραντός ποτε. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν τοιαῦθ᾽: ὅταν δέ τις θεῶν βλάπτῃ, δύναιτ᾽ ἂν οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἰσχύων φυγεῖν. κεῖνος γὰρ ἄλλης ἡμέρας, ὅθ᾽ ἱππικῶν

695

ἦν ἡλίου τέλλοντος ὠκύπους ἀγών, εἰσῆλθε

πολλῶν

ἁρματηλατῶν

μέτα.

700

εἷς ἦν ᾿Αχαιός, εἷς ἀπὸ Σπάρτης, δύο Λίβυες κἀκεῖνος

ζυγωτῶν

ἁρμάτων

ἐν τούτοισι

ἐπιστάται"

Θεσσαλὰς

ἔχων

ἵππους, ὁ πέμπτος ἕκτος ἐξ Αἰτωλίας ξανθαῖσι πώλοις" ἕβδομος Μάγνης ἀνήρ᾽ ὃ δ᾽ ὄγδοος

λεύκιππος,

Αἰνιὰν

γένος"

ἔνατος ᾿Αθηνῶν τῶν θεοδμήτων dmo: Βοιωτὸς ἄλλος, δέκατον ἐκπληρῶν ὄχον. στάντες δ᾽ ὅθ᾽ αὐτοὺς οἱ τεταγμένοι βραβῆς κλήροις ἔπηλαν καὶ κατέστησαν δίφρους,

χαλκῆς ὑπαὶ σάλπιγγος ἧξαν' οἱ δ᾽ ἅμα ἵπποις ὁμοκλήσαντες ἡνίας χεροῖν ἔσεισαν: ἐν δὲ πᾶς ἐμεστώθη δρόμος κτύπου κροτητῶν ἁρμάτων: κόνις δ᾽ ἄνω 683 688 69! 703 710

κηρυγμάτων Mss. : γηρυμάτων Herwerden πολλοῖσι παῦρα mss. : παύροισι πολλά Bergk deleted by Porson ἔχων]

ἄγων

some mss.

κλήροις] κλήρους

one ms.

705

710

77

685

Greece, to take part in the Delphic Games. When he heard the loud proclamation of the herald announcing the footrace, which was to be judged first, he entered, a splendid figure admired by everyone there. He matched the result of the race to his appearance and came away with the glorious prize of victory. And to speak briefly, when there is much to tell, I do not know of any man with such achievements or triumphs.

690

you must know:

But one thing

of the contests that the judges proclaimed, he

won all the prizes and was cheered for his victories, being announced 695

as

an

Argive,

by

name

Orestes,

the

son

of

Agamemnon who once gathered together the famous army of Greece. So far, so good.

But when a god sends harm, not even a

strong man can escape. 700

For on another day, when there was the

chariot race at sunrise, he entered it along with many other charioteers.

Libyans,

One was an Achaean, one from Sparta, two were

experts

in yoked

chariots.

Then

Thessalian mares, came fifth among them. 705

Aetolia,

with

chestnut colts, the seventh

eighth, with white horses, an Aenian.

Orestes,

with

The sixth was from a Magnesian,

the

The ninth came from

Athens, founded by the gods, and then a Boeotian, making the tenth chariot. 710

They took up their positions where the appointed

umpires had sorted them by lot and stationed their chariots, and at the sound of the brazen trumpet they shot away, all of them

shouting at their horses and shaking the reins in their hands. The whole course was filled with the clatter of rattling chariots,

7ὃ

bopeid” ὁμοῦ δὲ πάντες ἀναμεμειγμένοι φείδοντο κέντρων οὐδέν, ὡς ὑπερβάλοι χνόας τις αὐτῶν καὶ φρνάγμαθ᾽ ἱππικά. ὀμοῦ γὰρ ἀμφὶ νῶτα καὶ τροχῶν βάσεις ἤφριζον, εἰσέβαλλον ἱππικαὶ πνοαί. κεῖνος δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἐσχάτην στήλην ἔχων ἔχριμπτ᾽ ἀεὶ σύριγγα, δεξιὸν δ᾽ ἀνεὶς σειραῖον ἵππον εἶργε τὸν προσκείμενον. καὶ πρὶν μὲν ὀρθοὶ πάντες ἕστασαν δίφροι" ἔπειτα δ᾽ Αἰνιᾶνος ἀνδρὸς ἄστομοι πῶλοι βίᾳ φέρουσιν, ἐκ δ᾽ ὑποστροφῆς τελοῦντες ἕκτον ἕβδομόν T’ ἤδη δρόμον μέτωπα συμπαίουσι Βαρκαίοις ὄχοις" κἀντεῦθεν ἄλλος ἄλλον ἐξ ἑνὸς κακοῦ ἔθρανε κἀνέπιπτε, πᾶν δ᾽ ἐπίμπλατο ναυαγίων Κρισαῖον ἱππικῶν πέδον. γνοὺς δ᾽ ot€ ᾿Αθηνῶν δεινὸς ἡνιοστρόφος ἔξω παρασπᾷ κἀνοκωχεύει παρεὶς κλύδων᾽ ἔφιππον ἐν μέσῳ κυκώμενον. ἤλαυνε δ᾽ ἔσχατος μέν, ὑστέρας ἔχων πώλους, Ὀρέστης, τῷ τέλει πίστιν φέρων. ὅπως δ᾽ ὁρᾷ μόνον νιν ἐλλελειμμένον, ὀξὺν

δι᾽ ὥτων

πώλοις

κέλαδον

ἐνσείσας

διώκει, κἀξισώσαντε

715

720

725

730

735

θοαῖς

ζυγὰ

ἠλαυνέτην, τότ᾽ ἄλλος, ἄλλοθ᾽ ἅτερος κάρα προβάλλων ἱππικῶν ὀχημάτων. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους πάντας ἀσφαλεῖς

ὠρθοῦθ᾽ ὃ τλήμων

740

δρόμους

ὀρθὸς ἐξ ὀρθῶν δίφρων᾽

ἔπειτα λύων ἡνίαν ἀριστερὰν κάμπτοντος ἵππου λανθάνει στήλην ἄκραν παίσας ἔθραυσε δ᾽ ἄξονος μέσας χνόας, κἀξ ἀντύγων ὥὦλισθε- σὺν δ᾽ ἑλίσσεται τμητοῖς tudo. τοῦ δὲ πίπτοντος πέδῳ πῶλοι διεσπάρησαν ἐς μέσον δρόμον. 723 732

δίφροι] δίφροις παρασπᾷ

some mss.

mss. : περισπᾷ

Souda

745

79 715

and the dust flew upwards.

ΑἹ] in a mass together, they used

their goads unsparingly, each striving to overtake the wheels and snorting horses of the rest, while the horses’ breath foamed

and fell around their backs and flying wheels. Orestes, keeping close to the edge of the pillar, all but

720

grazed it each time with his wheel, slackening the reins of his right-hand trace-horse while he checked the horse on the inside.

Up 725

to now

all the chariots had kept upright, but then the

Aenian's hard-mouthed young horses carried him out of control, and as they were finishing their sixth circuit and starting their

seventh, coming out of the turn they collided headfirst with the Barcaean

one 730

team.

Thereupon, as a result of this single disaster,

after another

collided

and

smashed

until

the

whole

raceground of Crisa was filled with the wreckage of chariots. Seeing what was happening, the quick-witted charioteer from

Athens

held

back

and

pulled

aside,

thus

bypassing

the

tumultuous surge of horses in the middle. Orestes was driving last, keeping his horses ın the rear and 735

putting his trust in the finish, but when he saw that the Athenian

was the only one left in, he sent a piercing cry ringing through the ears of his swift horses and gave chase.

The two men

brought their chariots level, and drove along with first one man 740

and then the other getting his horses’ heads in front.

Poor Orestes had safely rounded all his other laps, standing firm in his steady chariot; but now he slackened his left rein

while the horse was turning and accidentally struck the edge of 745

the pillar.

He broke his axle-box in the centre and was thrown

from his chariot.

He was entangled in the sharp-cut reins, and

as he fell to the ground his horses bolted wildly into the middle of the course.

80

στρατὸς δ᾽ ὅπως ὁρᾷ νιν ἐκπεπτωκότα δίφρων, ἀνωτότυξε τὸν νεανίαν,

750

ol’ ἔργα δράσας οἷα λαγχάνει κακά, φορούμενος πρὸς οὖδας, ἄλλοτ᾽ οὐρανῷ σκέλη προφαίνων, ἔστε νιν διφρηλάται, μόλις κατασχεθόντες ἱππικὸν δρόμον, ἔλυσαν αἱματηρόν, ὥστε μηδένα γνῶναι φίλων ἰδόντ᾽ ἂν ἄθλιον δέμας. καί νιν πυρᾷ κέαντες εὐθὺς ἐν βραχεῖ χαλκῷ

ΧΟ. ΚΛ.

ΠΑ. ΚΛ. ΠΑ. ΚΛ.

μέγιστον

σῶμα

δειλαίας

755

σποδοῦ

φέρουσιν ἄνδρες Φωκέων τεταγμένοι, ὅπως πατρῴας τύμβον ἐκλάχῃ χθονός. τοιαῦτά σοι ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ὡς μὲν ἐν λόγοις ἀλγεινά, τοῖς δ᾽ ἰδοῦσιν, οἵπερ εἴδομεν, μέγιστα πάντων ὧν ὄπωπ᾽ ἐγὼ κακῶν. φεῦ φεῦ τὸ πᾶν δὴ δεσπόταισι τοῖς πάλαι πρόρριζον, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἔφθαρται γένός. ὦ Ζεῦ, τί ταῦτα; πότερον εὐτυχῆ λέγω ἢ δεινὰ μέν, κέρδη δέ; λυπηρῶς δ᾽ ἔχει, εἰ τοῖς ἐμαυτῆς τὸν βίον σῴζω κακοῖς.

760

765

τί δ᾽ ὧδ᾽ ἀθυμεῖς, ὦ γύναι, τῷ νῦν λόγῳ; δεινὸν τὸ τίκτειν ἐστίν᾽ οὐδὲ γὰρ κακῶς πάσχοντι μῖσος ὧν τέκῃ προσγίγνεται. μάτην ἄρ᾽ ἡμεῖς, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἥκομεν. οὔτοι μάτην γε. πῶς γὰρ ἂν μάτην λέγοις; εἴ μοι θανόντος πίστ᾽ ἔχων τεκμήρια προσῆλθες, ὅστις τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς γεγώς, μαστῶν ἀποστὰς καὶ τροφῆς ἐμῆς, φυγὰς

ἀπεξενοῦτο:

καί μ᾽, ἐπεὶ τῆσδε

770

775

χθονὸς

ἐξῆλθεν, οὐκέτ᾽ εἶδεν: ἐγκαλῶν δέ μοι φόνους πατρώους δείν᾽ ἐπηπείλει τελεῖν’ ὥστ᾽ οὔτε νυκτὸς ὕπνον οὔτ᾽ ἐξ ἡμέρας ἐμὲ στεγάζειν ἡδύν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ προστατῶν χρόνος διῆγέ μ᾽ αἰὲν ὡς θανουμένην. νῦν δ᾽ -- ἡμέρᾳ γὰρ τῇδ᾽ ἀπήλλαγμαι φόβου 750 751 76] 782

ἀνωτότυξε Herwerden : ἀνωλόλυξε mss. λαγχάνει] τυγχάνει some mss. λόγοις] λόγῳ some mss. ἀπήλλαγμαι] ἀπηλλάγην some mss.

780

81

But when the crowd saw him fallen from his chariot, they 750

cried aloud with pity for the young man, who had achieved so much and then met with such disaster, at one moment dashed to the ground, at another with his legs tossed to the sky, until the charioteers with difficulty brought his galloping horses under

755

control and set him free, so covered with blood that not one of his friends who saw him could have recognised his poor body. They burned him on a pyre, and now Phocian men chosen for this duty are bringing in a little urn of bronze his mighty body,

700

now ἃ meagre dust, to be given burial in his fatherland. Such is my story for you, painful indeed when told, but for those who witnessed it, as we did, the greatest sorrow that my eyes have ever seen. CHORUS:

765

Alas, the whole family of our ancient lords has perished,

so it seems, root and branch. CLYTEMNESTRA:

Oh

Zeus!

What

of this?

fortunate, or terrible but profitable?

Am I

to call it

It is a painful thing, if I

save my life at the price of my own calamities. OLD SLAVE: 770

Why are you so disconsolate, lady, at my news?

CLYTEMNESTRA:

It ts a strange thing to bear a child, for even

when they treat you badly, you cannot hate your own children. OLD SLAVE:

Then it seems that I have come in vain.

CLYTEMNESTRA:

Not at all in vain.

How can you say in vain, if

you have come bringing me reliable proof of his death? — he 775

who

was

born of my

own

life, but left my

nurture, and became an exile and a foreigner.

breast and

my

After he left this

land he never saw me again, but blamed me for killing his father and uttered terrible threats against me, so that by neither night 780

nor day could sweet sleep enfold me, but the time to come kept me forever in fear of death.

But now - since on this day I am

82

πρὸς

τῆσδ᾽ ἐκείνου θ᾽. ἥδε

γὰρ μείζων

βλάβη

ξύνοικος ἦν μοι, τοὐμὸν ἐκπίνουσ᾽ ἀεὶ

785

ψυχῆς ἄκρατον αἷμα -- νῦν δ᾽ ἕκηλά που τῶν τῆσδ᾽ ἀπειλῶν οὕνεχ᾽ ἡμερεύσομεν. οἴμοι τάλαινα: νῦν γὰρ οἰμῶξαι πάρα,

ΗΛ.

Ὀρέστα, τὴν σὴν ξυμφοράν, ὅθ᾽ ὧδ᾽ ἔχων πρὸς τῆσδ᾽ ὑβρίζῃ μητρός. dp’ ἔχει καλῶς; ΚΛ. ΗΛ.

οὔτοι σύ’ κεῖνος δ᾽ ὡς ἔχει ἄκουε, Νέμεσι τοῦ θανόντος

καλῶς ἔχει. ἀρτίως.

ΚΛ.

ἤκουσεν ὧν δεῖ κἀπεκύρωσεν

καλῶς.

ΗΛ. ΚΛ. ΗΛ. ΚΛ.

ὕβριζε. νῦν γὰρ οὔκουν Ὀρέστης πεπαύμεθ᾽ ἡμεῖς, πολλῶν ἂν ἥκοις, εἰ τήνδ᾽ ἔπαυσας

ΠΑ.

οὐκοῦν ἀποστείχοιμ᾽ ἄν, εἰ τάδ᾽ εὖ κυρεῖ.

ΚΛ.

ἥκιστ᾽: ἐπείπερ οὔτ᾽ ἐμοῦ κατάξι᾽ ἂν πράξειας οὔτε τοῦ πορεύσαντος ξένου. ἀλλ᾽ εἴσιθ᾽ εἴσω: τήνδε δ᾽ ἔκτοθεν βοᾶν ἔα τά θ᾽ αὑτῆς καὶ τὰ τῶν φίλων κακά.

ΗΛ.

dp’ ὑμὶν ὡς ἀλγοῦσα κὠδυνωμένη δεινῶς δακρῦσαι κἀπικωκῦσαι δοκεῖ τὸν υἱὸν ἡ δύστηνος ὧδ᾽ ὀλωλότα;

εὐτυχοῦσα τυγχάνεις. καὶ σὺ παύσετον τάδε; οὐχ ὅπως σὲ παύσομεν. ὦ ξέν᾽, ἄξιος τυχεῖν, τῆς πολυγλώσσον βοῆς.

σὲ πατρὸς ἥξειν ζῶντα τιμωρόν ποτε κἀμοῦ ταλαίνης. νῦν δὲ ποῖ με χρὴ μολεῖν; μόνη γάρ εἰμι, σοῦ τ᾽ ἀπεστερημένη καὶ πατρός. ἤδη δεῖ με δουλεύειν πάλιν

τυχεῖν] φιλεῖν some mss. : φίλος

800

κατάξι᾽

ἂν

Bothe : καταξίως

one ms.

most mss. : κατ᾽

ἀξίαν

795

800

805

ἀλλ᾽ ἐγγελῶσα φροῦδος. ὦ τάλαιν᾽ ἐγώ: Ὀρέστα φίλταθ᾽, ὥς μ᾽ ἀπώλεσας θανών. ἀποσπάσας γὰρ τῆς ἐμῆς οἴχῃ φρενὸς αἵ μοι μόναι παρῆσαν ἐλπίδων ἔτι,

707

790

others

810

83

freed from fear of this girl and of him, and she was the greater

785

harm, living with me and incessantly draining my

very life-

blood — now perhaps I shall live each day at peace from any threats of hers. ELECTRA: 700

What misery!

Now I can mourn your tragedy, Orestes,

dead as you are and insulted by your mother here.

Is it not

well? CLYTEMNESTRA: ELECTRA:

As he is, all's well with him; but not with you.

Hear that, Nemesis of him just dead!

CLYTEMNESTRA:

She has heard those who should be heard and

has decreed well.

ELECTRA: 705

Go on insulting us, for now is your moment of triumph.

CLYTEMNESTRA: ELECTRA:

So wıll you and Orestes not silence me?

Far from silencing you, we ourselves are silenced.

CLYTEMNESTRA:

Your

coming

will deserve

a great

reward,

stranger, if you have silenced her and her busy tongue.

OLD SLAVE: 800

Then I might as well be going, if all's well.

CLYTEMNESTRA:

Certainly not.

In that case your treatment would

be unworthy of me, and of the friend who sent you.

indoors.

No, come

Leave her outside to cry the sorrows of herself and

those she loves.

[Exeunt Clytemnestra,

her attendant, and the Old Slave into the

palace.] ELECTRA: 805

How

grieved and distressed the unhappy woman

don't you think, in all her terrible tears and laments for her son, dead in such a way? it!

810

was,

No, she went away gloating.

I can't bear

Dearest Orestes, how you kill me with your death!

You

have gone, tearing from my heart the only hopes I still had left, that you would live and one day come as the avenger of our father and my unhappy self. But now where must I turn? am alone, bereft of you and my father.

For I

Now I must go back to

84

ἐν τοῖσιν ἐχθίστοισιν ἀνθρώπων

ἐμοί,

815

φονεῦσι πατρός. ἀρά μοι καλῶς ἔχει; ἀλλ᾽ οὔ τι μὴν ἔγωγε τοῦ λοιποῦ χρόνου ἔσομαι ξύνοικος, ἀλλὰ τῆδε πρὸς πύλῃ παρεῖσ᾽ ἐμαυτὴν ἄφιλος αὐανῶ βίον. πρὸς ταῦτα καινέτω τις, εἰ βαρύνεται, τῶν ἔνδον ὄντων᾽ ὡς χάρις μέν, ἣν κτάνῃ, λύπη δ᾽, ἐὰν Cà: τοῦ βίου δ᾽ οὐδεὶς πόθος. ΧΟ.

HA. ΧΟ. ΗΛ.

ποῦ ποτε κεραυνοὶ Διός, ἢ ποῦ φαέθων ἽἌλιος, εἰ ταῦτ᾽ ἐφορῶντες κρύπτουσιν EKTAOL; é €, αἰαῖ.

ΧΟ.

ΗΛ. ΧΟ. ΗΛ.

φεῦ.

ΧΟ.

μηδὲν

μέγ᾽ avons.

ΗΛ. ἀπολεῖς.

KAT’ ἐμοῦ τακομένας

ol8a γὰρ ἄνακτ᾽ ᾿Αμφιάρεων χρυσοδέτοις ἕρκεσι κρυφθέντα καὶ νῦν ὑπὸ γαίας-€ €, ἰώ. πάμψυχος ἀνάσσει. "

Ww

3

830

πῶς;

εἰ τῶν φανερῶς οἰχομένων εἰς ᾿Αἷδαν ἐλπίδ᾽ ὑποίσεις, μᾶλλον ἐπεμβάσῃ.

ἀντ.

γυναικῶν

*

840

φεῦ. XO. φεῦ δῆτ᾽" ὀλοά γ᾽ àp'- ΗΛ. ἐδάμη. ΧΟ.

818 821 838 844

στρ.

ὦ παῖ, τί δακρύεις; XO.

ΗΛ.

820

ναί.

ἔσομαι ξύνοικος Dawes : ξύνοικος Eo(a)ou’ mss. : ξύνοικος εἴσειμ᾽ Hermann κτάνῃ mss. : θάνω schol. on 975 γυναικῶν Brunck : γνναικῶν ἀπάταις most mss. γ᾽ ἄρ᾽ Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1997) : yap most mss. : γοῦν Triclinius

85 815

being a slave among those I hate most in the world, my father's murderers. Am I not well off? But no, never for the rest of my days shall I live with them, but by this door I shall lay me down, and without a friend

820

wither my life away.

And so if anyone inside is angry, then let

them kill me, for it would be kindness to kill me, but pain if I stay alive. I have no wish for life. 825

CHORUS:

Where are Zeus's thunderbolts and where the shining Sun,

if they can look upon these things unmoved and keep them hidden”? ELECTRA: CHORUS: 830

ELECTRA:

Ah, ah! Child, why are you weeping?

Ah!

CHORUS:

Do not cry out imprudently.

ELECTRA:

You will break my heart.

CHORUS:

How?

ELECTRA:

If you suggest some hope for him when it is clear that he

is dead and gone to Hades, you will be trampling on me harder 835

when I'm down. CHORUS:

But I know that lord Amphiaraus was brought to death,

ensnared by a woman's golden necklace, and now beneath the earth ... 840

ELECTRA: CHORUS: ELECTRA: CHORUS: ELECTRA:

CHORUS:

Ah, ah! His spirit rules in the fullness of power. Alas! Alas indeed!

His murderess, at least, then ...

Was done to death.

Yes!

86

HA.

οἶδ᾽ old" ἐφάνη γὰρ μελέτωρ ἀμφὶ

τὸν ἐν πένθει"

ἐμοὶ

845

δ᾽ οὔτις ἔτ᾽ ἔσθ᾽"

ὃς γὰρ ἔτ᾽ ἦν, φροῦδος ΧΟ. ΗΛ.

ΧΟ. ΗΛ. ΗΛ.

ΧΟ. ΗΛ.

δειλαία δειλαίων κυρεῖς. κἀγὼ τοῦδ᾽ ἴστωρ, ὑπερίστωρ, πανσύρτῳ παμμήνωῳω πολλῶν δεινῶν στυγνῶν τ᾽ αἰῶνι. εἴδομεν ἃ θρηνεῖς. μή μέ νυν μηκέτι παραγάγῃς, tv’ οὐ-- XO. τί φής; πάρεισιν ἐλπίδων ἔτι κοινοτόκων εὐπατριδᾶν τ᾽ ἀρωγαί. πᾶσι

θνατοῖς

850

855

86]

δυστάνῳ,

πῶς γὰρ οὔκ; εἰ ξένος ἐμᾶν

κέκευθεν,

οὔτε ΧΡ.

κείνῳ

Β΄

τμητοῖς ὁλκοῖς ἐγκῦρσαι; ἄσκοπος ἁ λώβα. ἄτερ

ΗΛ.

ὡς

στρ.

. β΄

ἔφυ μόρος.

n καὶ χαλάργοις ἐν ἁμίλλαις οὕτως,

ΧΟ. ΗΛ.

ἀναρπασθείς.

χερῶν-- ΧΟ. οὔτε

γόων

του

865

παπαῖ.

τάφου

ἀντιάσας

παρ᾽ ἡμῶν.

870

ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς τοι, φιλτάτη, διώκομαι τὸ κόσμιον μεθεῖσα σὺν τάχει μολεῖν"

φέρω γὰρ ἡδονάς τε κἀνάπαυλαν ὧν

πάροιθεν εἶχες καὶ κατέστενες κακῶν. ΗΛ.

πόθεν ἄρηξιν,

ΧΡ.

852 853 876

δ᾽ ἂν εὕροις οἷς ἴασις

τῶν ἐμῶν οὐκ

ἔνεστ᾽

σὺ πημάτων ἔτι;

πάρεστ᾽ Ὀρέστης ἡμίν, ἴσθι τοῦτ᾽ ἐμοῦ κλύουσ᾽, ἐναργῶς, ὥσπερ εἰσορᾷς ἐμέ.

αἰῶνι Hermann: ἀχέων most mss. : ἀχαιῶν Triclinius θρηνεῖς Gernhard after Dindorf : θροεῖς mss. ἴασις] ἴασιν most mss. | ἔτι] ἰδεῖν most mss.

875

87 845

ELECTRA:

Iknow,

comforter.

Iknow!

For him ın his sorrow there appeared a

But I no longer have anyone, for he whom I still had

is gone, snatched away.

850

CHORUS: Unhappy woman, unhappy is your fate. ELECTRA: I too know this, and know tt all too well, from a life that all the year is a constant spate of terrible, hateful experiences. CHORUS:

855

We have seen what you weep for.

ELECTRA: No longer divert me, then, when no more ... CHORUS: What are you saying? ELECTRA:

... when no more is there comfort of hope from a brother

born of the same noble blood. 860

CHORUS: ELECTRA:

Death is the fate of all mankind. But to die, poor man, as he did, among the swift and

racing hooves, dragged by the cutting reins? CHORUS: 865

ELECTRA:

It is inconceivably horrible. Indeed it 15, when in a foreign land, without my hands to

tend him ... CHORUS:

ELECTRA: 870

Alas!

... he is hidden from the light of day, without a funeral or

lament from me. [Enter Chrysothemis by an eisodos. ] CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Joy

spurs me

on, dearest, to come

in haste

regardless of propriety, for I bring you joy and relief from the past sufferings that you endured and grieved over. 875

ELECTRA:

And where could you find help for my sorrows, for

which no cure is any longer possible? CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Orestes is here with us — yes, it's really so — as

unmistakably as you see me.

88

HA.

ἀλλ᾽ À μέμηνας, ὦ τάλαινα, κἀπὶ τοῖς σαυτῆς

XP. HA.

XP. HA.

κακοῖσι

κἀπὶ

τοῖς

ἐμοῖς

γελᾶς;

μὰ τὴν πατρῴαν ἑστίαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὕβρει λέγω τάδ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ὡς παρόντα νῷν. οἴμοι τάλαινα καὶ τίνος βροτῶν λόγον τόνδ᾽ εἰσακούσασ᾽ ὧδε πιστεύεις ἄγαν; ἐγὼ μὲν ἐξ ἐμοῦ τε κοὐκ ἄλλου σαφῆ σημεῖ᾽ ἰδοῦσα τῷδε πιστεύω λόγῳ. τίν᾽, ὦ τάλαιν᾽, ἰδοῦσα πίστιν; ἐς τί μοι βλέψασα θάλπῃ τῷδ᾽ ἀνηκέστῳ πυρί;

XP.

πρός

HA. XP.

τὸ λοιπὸν ἢ φρονοῦσαν ἢ μώραν λέγῃς. σὺ δ᾽ οὖν λέγ᾽, εἴ σοι τῷ λόγῳ τις ἡδονή. καὶ δὴ λέγω σοι πᾶν ὅσον κατειδόμην.

νυν

θεῶν

ἄκουσον,

ὡς

μαθοῦσά

880

885

μου 890

ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἦλθον πατρὸς ἀρχαῖον τάφον, ὁρῶ κολώνης ἐξ ἄκρας νεορρύτους πηγὰς γάλακτος καὶ περιστεφῆ κύκλῳ πάντων ὅσ᾽ ἔστιν ἀνθέων θήκην πατρός. ἰδοῦσα δ᾽ ἔσχον θαῦμα, καὶ περισκοπῶ μή πού τις ἡμῖν ἐγγὺς ἐγχρίμπτει βροτῶν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐν γαλήνῃ πάντ᾽ ἐδερκόμην τόπον, τύμβον προσεῖρπον ἄσσον ἐσχάτης δ᾽ ὁρῶ πυρᾶς νεώρη βόστρυχον τετμημένον. κεὐθὺς

τάλαιν᾽

ὡς

εἶδον,

ἐμπαίει

895

900

τί μοι

ψυχῇ σύνηθες ὄμμα, φιλτάτου βροτῶν πάντων Ὀρέστου τοῦθ᾽ ὁρᾶν τεκμήριον. καὶ χερσὶ βαστάσασα δυσφημῶ μὲν οὗ, χαρᾷ δὲ πίμπλημ᾽ εὐθὺς ὄμμα δακρύων.

905

καὶ νῦν θ᾽ ὁμοίως καὶ τότ᾽ ἐξεπίσταμαι μή του τόδ᾽ ἀγλάϊσμα πλὴν κείνου μολεῖν. τῷ γὰρ προσήκει πλήν γ᾽ ἐμοῦ καὶ σοῦ τόδε; κἀγὼ μὲν οὐκ ἔδρασα, τοῦτ᾽ ἐπίσταμαι,

οὐδ᾽ αὖ σύ' πῶς γάρ; À γε μηδὲ πρὸς θεοὺς ἔξεστ᾽ ἀκλαύτῳ τῆσδ᾽ ἀποστῆναι στέγης. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ μὲν δὴ μητρὸς οὔθ᾽ ὃ νοῦς φιλεῖ 888 898

ἀνηκέστῳ mss. : ἀνηφαίστῳ Bergk : ἀνελπίστῳ Meineke ἐγχρίμπτει Nauck : ἐγχρίπτῃ most mss. : &yxplumm others

910

89 880

ELECTRA:

Are you mad, poor girl, and making fun of the sorrows

that you and I both suffer? CHRYSOTHEMIS:

No, by our father's hearth I swear that I am not

saying this in mockery, but I tell you that we have him here. ELECTRA:

Ah, poor girl! And from whom did you hear this story in

which you put too much faith? 885

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

I believe my story from seeing clear evidence

with my own eyes, not hearing it from someone else. ELECTRA:

What did you see, poor girl, to make you believe?

What

did you look at, I wonder, to be inflamed with this desperate hope? CHRYSOTHEMIS: SUC)

Now, for the gods’ sake, listen, so that you can

hear me and then say whether 1 am sane or foolish. ELECTRA:

Tell me, then, if the story gives you any pleasure.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Well, I shall tell you everything I saw.

When I

came to our father's ancient tomb, I saw streams of milk fresh895

flowing

from the top of the mound,

and our father's grave

decked all around with every kind of flower.

I was amazed at

the sight, and looked around in case someone was approaching nearby. O(X)

But when I saw that the whole place was quiet, I crept

nearer to the tomb and saw on the edge of the mound a lock of hair, freshly-cut.

And the moment I saw it, ah! a familiar image

rushed into my mind, telling me that I was seeing a sure sign of 905

Orestes, dearest of all men.

I took it in my hands, careful to

speak no ill-omened word, but at once my eyes were filled with tears of joy.

And I know full well now, just as I knew it then,

that this bright offering came from no one but him. 910

else had that duty, except for you and me?

For who

And I did not do it,

that I know, and neither did you; for how could you, when even

to worship the gods you are not allowed to leave this house unpunished?

Again, neither is our mother inclined to do such

90

τοιαῦτα πράσσειν οὔτε δρῶσ᾽ ἐλάνθαν᾽ dv: ἀλλ᾽ ἔστ᾽ Ὀρέστου ταῦτα τἀπιτύμβια.

915

ἀλλ᾽, ὦ φίλη, θάρσυνε. τοῖς αὐτοῖσί τοι οὐχ αὑτὸς

αἰεὶ δαιμόνων

παραστατεῖ.

νῷν δ᾽ ἦν ὁ πρόσθε orvyvós: ἡ δὲ νῦν ἴσως ΗΛ. ΧΡ,

πολλῶν ὑπάρξει κῦρος ἡμέρα καλῶν. φεῦ, τῆς ἀνοίας ὥς σ᾽ ἐποικτίρω πάλαι. τί δ᾽ ἔστιν; ov πρὸς ἡδονὴν λέγω τάδε;

ΗΛ. ΧΡ. ΗΛ.

οὐκ οἶσθ᾽ ὅποι γῆς οὐδ᾽ ὅποι γνώμης φέρῃ. πῶς δ᾽ οὐκ ἐγὼ κάτοιδ᾽ ἅ γ᾽ εἶδον ἐμφανῶς; τέθνηκεν, ὦ τάλαινα' τἀκ κείνου δέ σοι

ΧΡ. ΗΛ.

σωτήρι᾽ ἔρρει᾽ μηδὲν ἐς κεῖνόν γ᾽ ὅρα. οἴμοι τάλαινα" τοῦ τάδ᾽ ἤκουσας βροτῶν; τοῦ πλησίον παρόντος ἡνίκ᾽ WAAUTO.

ΧΡ,

καὶ ποῦ

ΗΛ.

κατ᾽ οἶκον, ἡδὺς οὐδὲ μητρὶ δυσχερής.

ΧΡ,

οἴμοι τάλαινα: τοῦ γὰρ ἀνθρώπων ποτ᾽ ἦν τὰ πολλὰ πατρὸς πρὸς τάφον κτερίσματα;

ΗΛ.

οἶμαι μάλιστ᾽ ἔγωγε τοῦ τεθνηκότος μνημεῖ᾽

ΧΡ.

920

925

᾽στιν οὗτος; θαῦμά τοί μ᾽ ὑπέρχεται.

Ὀρέστου

ὦ δυστυχής"

ταῦτα

προσθεῖναί

930

τινα.

ἐγὼ δὲ σὺν χαρᾷ λόγους

τοιούσδ᾽ ἔχουσ᾽ ἔσπευδον,

οὐκ εἰδυῖ᾽ ἄρα

935

iv’ ἦμεν ἄτης: ἀλλὰ νῦν, ὅθ᾽ ἱκόμην, ΗΛ.

τά τ᾽ ὄντα πρόσθεν ἄλλα θ᾽ εὑρίσκω κακά. οὕτως ἔχει σοι ταῦτ᾽. ἐὰν δ᾽ ἐμοὶ πίθῃ, τῆς νῦν παρούσης πημονῆς λύσεις βάρος.

ΧΡ.

ἦ τοὺς

ΗΛ. XP.

οὐ τοῦτό γ᾽ elmov: οὐ γὰρ ὧδ᾽ ἄφρων ἔφυν. Tl γὰρ κελεύεις ὧν ἐγὼ depeyyvos;

ΗΛ. XP.

τλῆναί σε δρῶσαν av ἐγὼ παραινέσω. ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τις ὠφέλειά γ᾽, οὐκ ἀπώσομαι.

914 915 918 924 941

θανόντας

ἐξαναστήσω

ποτέ;

ἐλάνθαν᾽ dv

Heath: ἐλάνθανεν

τἀπιτύμβια

Dindorf : τἀπιτίμια most mss. : τἀγλαίσματα

940

mss.

variant reading

ὁ Lloyd-Jones : τὰ mss.

Tak κείνου Canter: τἀκείνου mss. ov τοῦτό

γ᾽ Blaydes : ox

ἔσθ᾽ 6 γ᾽ most mss. : οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅδ᾽ others

9] 915

things, nor could she have done so without our knowledge. these grave-offerings are from Orestes.

920

935

Come, my dear, take

heart. Remember that the same fortune does not always accompany the same people. Ours in the past has been gloomy, but perhaps this day will mark the beginning of much happiness for us. ELECTRA: Oh, how I have been pitying you for your foolishness! CHRYSOTHEMIS: What ts it? Do my words not bring you joy? ELECTRA: You don't know where you are or what you are saying. CHRYSOTHEMIS: How can I not know what I saw plainly? ELECTRA: Poor girl, he ıs dead, and your hope of deliverance by him is lost. Look no more to him. CHRYSOTHEMIS:

930

No,

Oh no!

From whom did you hear this?

ELECTRA: From someone who was there when he died. CHRYSOTHEMIS: And where is he? I can't help being amazed. ELECTRA: Indoors; welcome to our mother, and not at all displeasing. CHRYSOTHEMIS: Oh πο! Whose, then, were the many offerings at our father's grave? ELECTRA: Most likely, I think, someone put them there in memory of the dead Orestes. CHRYSOTHEMIS: What wretched fortune ıs mine, joyfully hurrying to bring such news and not knowing what sort of plight we were really in, but now that I have come, finding new sorrows added

to the old! ELECTRA:

This is how itis.

But if you listen to me, you will lighten

the load of grief we feel now. CHRYSOTHEMIS: 940

Can I ever bring the dead to life again?

ELECTRA: I did not quite mean that; I am not such a fool. CHRYSOTHEMIS: Then what do you tell me to do that lies within my power?

ELECTRA:

To have the courage to do what I shall advise.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

But if it's of any help, I shall not refuse.

ΗΛ. XP. ΗΛ.

ὅρα, πόνου τοι χωρὶς οὐδὲν εὐτυχεῖ. ὁρῶ. ξυνοίσω πᾶν ὅσονπερ ἂν σθένω. ἄκονε δή vuv fj βεβούλευμαι τελεῖν.

παρουσίαν

μὲν οἶσθα καὶ σύ που φίλων

ὡς οὔτις ἡμῖν ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ “Αἰδης λαβὼν ἀπεστέρηκε καὶ μόνα λελείμμεθον. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἕως μὲν τὸν κασίγνητον βίῳ θάλλοντ᾽ ἔτ᾽ εἰσήκουον, εἶχον ἐλπίδας φόνου ποτ᾽ αὐτὸν πράκτορ᾽ ἵξεσθαι πατρός" νῦν δ᾽ ἡνίκ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ἔστιν, ἐς σὲ δὴ βλέπω, ὅπως τὸν αὐτόχειρα πατρώον φόνου ξὺν τῇδ᾽ ἀδελφῇ μὴ κατοκνήσεις κτανεῖν Αἴγισθον: οὐδὲν γάρ σε δεῖ κρύπτειν μ᾽ ἔτι. ποῖ γὰρ μενεῖς ῥάθυμος, ἐς τίν᾽ ἐλπίδων

βλέψασ᾽ ἔτ᾽ ὀρθήν; ἧ πάρεστι πλούτου

945

πατρῴου

κτῆσιν

950

955

μὲν στένειν

ἐστερημένῃ,

960

πάρεστι δ᾽ ἀλγεῖν ἐς τοσόνδε τοῦ χρόνου ἄλεκτρα γηράσκουσαν ἀνυμέναιά τε. καὶ τῶνδε μέντοι μηκέτ᾽ ἐλπίσῃς ὅπως τεύξῃ TOT" οὐ γὰρ ὧδ᾽ ἀβουλός ἐστ᾽ ἀνὴρ Αἴγισθος ὥστε σόν TOT’ ἢ κἀμὸν γένος βλαστεῖν ἐᾶσαι, πημονὴν αὑτῷ σαφῆ. ἀλλ᾽ ἣν ἐπίσπῃ τοῖς ἐμοῖς βουλεύμασιν, πρῶτον μὲν εὐσέβειαν ἐκ πατρὸς κάτω θανόντος οἴσῃ τοῦ κασιγνήτου θ᾽ dpa

965

ἔπειτα

970

δ᾽, ὥσπερ

ἐξέφυς,

ἐλευθέρα

καλῇ τὸ λοιπὸν καὶ γάμων ἐπαξίων τεύξῃ" φιλεῖ γὰρ πρὸς τὰ χρηστὰ πᾶς ὁρᾶν. λόγων γε μὴν εὔκλειαν οὐχ ὁρᾷς ὅσην σαυτῇ τε κἀμοὶ προσβαλεῖς πεισθεῖσ᾽ ἐμοί; τίς γάρ ToT’ ἀστῶν ἢ ξένων ἡμᾶς ἰδὼν τοιοῖσδ᾽

ἐπαίνοις

"ἴδεσθε

τώδε

οὐχὶ

δεξιώσεται,

τὼ κασιγνήτω,

φίλοι,

ὦ τὸν πατρῷον οἶκον ἐξεσωσάτην, à) τοῖσιν ἐχθροῖς εὖ βεβηκόσιν ποτὲ

047

τελεῖν) ποιεῖν

some mss.

975

93

945

ELECTRA:

Remember, nothing succeeds without effort.

CHRYSOTHEMIS: ELECTRA:

I know.

I shall help, as far as I have the strength.

Hear, then, How I am resolved to act.

I suppose you too

realise that we have no support from any friends, but Hades has 950

taken them away from us and we two are left alone.

As long as

I still had word that our brother was alive and well, I had my hopes that he would one day come as avenger of our father's murder. 055

But now that he is no longer alive, I look next to you,

not to shrink from helping me, your sister, to kill our father's murderer, Aegisthus: How

I must no longer hide anything from you.

long will you stand by, doing nothing?

hope can you look that is still unshaken? 900

To what

You must be sorry

that you have been robbed of your father's rich possessions, and

you must grieve that this late in your life you are growing old without

wedding-song,

without

marriage-bed.

No, and

no

longer hope that you will ever get them now, for Aegisthus 15 965

not such a fool as ever to allow children to be born of you, or of me either, when obviously they would do him harm. But if you agree to what I plan, first of all you will win credit for your

devotion from our father dead below, and from our brother too; 970

and then in the future you will be called free, just as you were born a free woman, and you wil! make a marriage worthy of you, for people always look to what is noble.

Then don't you see what a glorious reputation you will certainly win for yourself and for me, by listening to what I say? 975

Who when he sees us, citizen and foreigner alike, will not hail us with words of praise:

"Look, my friends, at these two sisters,

who saved their father's house; who took no thought for their

94

ψυχῆς ἀφειδήσαντε προὐστήτην φόνον. τούτω φιλεῖν χρή, τώδε χρὴ πάντας oéeuv: τώδ᾽ ἔν θ᾽ ἑορταῖς ἔν τε πανδήμῳ πόλει τιμᾶν ἅπαντας οὕνεκ᾽ ἀνδρείας χρεών." τοιαῦτά τοι νὼ πᾶς τις ἐξερεῖ βροτῶν, ζώσαιν θανούσαιν θ᾽ ὥστε μὴ ᾿κλιπεῖν κλέος. ἀλλ᾽, ὦ φίλη, πείσθητι, συμπόνει πατρί, σύγκαμν᾽

ΧΟ.

ΧΡ.

ἀδελφῷ,

παῦσον

ἐκ κακῶν

980

985

ἐμέ,

παῦσον δὲ σαντήν, τοῦτο γιγνώσκουσ᾽, OTL ζῆν αἰσχρὸν αἰσχρῶς τοῖς καλῶς πεφυκόσιν. ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ἐστὶν fj προμηθία καὶ τῷ λέγοντι καὶ κλύοντι σύμμαχος.

990

καὶ πρίν γε φωνεῖν, ὦ γυναῖκες, εἰ φρενῶν ἐτύγχαν᾽ αὕτη μὴ κακῶν, ἐσῴζετ᾽ ἂν τὴν εὐλάβειαν, ὥσπερ οὐχὶ σῴζεται. ποῖ γάρ ποτε βλέψασα τοιοῦτον θράσος αὐτή θ᾽ ὁπλίζῃ κἄμ᾽ ὑπηρετεῖν καλεῖς; οὐκ εἰσορᾷς; γυνὴ μὰν οὐδ᾽ ἀνὴρ ἔφυς, σθένεις δ᾽ ἔλασσον τῶν ἐναντίων χερί. δαίμων δὲ τοῖς μὲν εὐτυχὴς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν, ἡμῖν δ᾽ ἀπορρεῖ κἀπὶ μηδὲν ἔρχεται.

995

1000

τίς οὖν τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα βουλεύων ἑλεῖν ἄλυπος ἄτης ἐξαπαλλαχθήσεται; ὅρα κακῶς πράσσοντε μὴ μείζω κακὰ κτησώμεθ᾽, εἴ τις τούσδ᾽ ἀκούσεται λόγους. λύει γὰρ ἡμᾶς οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽ ἐπωφελεῖ βάξιν

καλὴν

λαβόντε

δυσκλεῶς

οὐδ᾽ aU θανεῖν ἔχθιστον,

1005

θανεῖν.

ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν θανεῖν

χρήζων τις εἶτα μηδὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἔχῃ λαβεῖν. ἀλλ᾽ ἀντιάζω, πρὶν πανωλέθρους τὸ πᾶν ἡμᾶς τ᾽ ὀλέσθαι κἀξερημῶσαι γένος, κατάσχες ὀργήν. καὶ τὰ μὲν λελεγμένα ἄρρητ᾽ ἐγώ σοι κἀτελῆ φυλάξομαι, αὐτὴ δὲ νοῦν σχὲς ἀλλὰ τῷ χρόνῳ ποτέ, 987 ἀδελφῷ] ἀδελφῇ some mss. 995 ποτε βλέψασα P. Oxy. 693 and some mss. : ποτ᾽ ἐμβλέψασα 1003 πράσσοντε mss. : πάσχοντε schol. on OC 1676 1007-8

1010

most mss.

deleted by Nauck

'007 omitted from some mss. | οὐδ᾽ ab Michaelis:oU yäp most mss...

95 980

own lives, but came forward to kill enemies who then were firmly established.

should

revere

Everyone should love them both, everyone

them,

and

at festivals

and

city gatherings

everyone should honour them for their courage." 085

Everybody

will certainly say such things about us, so that in life and death our fame will never die. Come, my dear, listen to me:

labour with me for our father,

work with me for our brother; free me from what I suffer and 990

free yourself, bearing in mind that a shameful life brings shame on noble natures.

CHORUS:

In matters of this kind, forethought is helpful to those who

speak and to those who listen. CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Yes, and before she spoke, ladies, if she had had

good sense, she would have remembered caution; but she does 995

not remember it.

Now, whatever are you thinking of, to arm

yourself with such rashness and call on me to help you?

Don't

you see? You are a woman, not a man, and not as strong as our 1000

enemies.

Their fortune prospers day by day, while ours ebbs

away and comes to nothing.

So who can plan to kill such a man

and escape disaster unharmed?

Take care that, though we are in

trouble, we don't get into worse trouble if someone hears these 1005

words.

It brings us no relief or advantage, if we win a fine

reputation and die a shameful death.

And besides, the worst

thing is not to die, but when you long to die yet cannot have even that death.

No, I beg you, before we perish utterly and irredeemably and 1010

leave our family completely destroyed, restrain your passion.

1

shall take care that what you have said stays secret and comes to nothing, and you yourself must have the sense at long last to

96

ΧΟ.

σθένουσα μηδὲν τοῖς κρατοῦσιν εἰκαθεῖν. πείθου. προνοίας οὐδὲν ἀνθρώποις ἔφυ κέρδος λαβεῖν ἄμεινον οὐδὲ νοῦ σοφοῦ.

ΗΛ.

ἀπροσδόκητον

οὐδὲν

εἴρηκας"

καλῶς

δ᾽

ἤδη σ᾽ ἀπορρίψουσαν ἁπηγγελλόμην. ἀλλ᾽ αὐτόχειρί μοι μόνῃ τε δραστέον τοὔργον τόδ᾽" ov γὰρ δὴ κενόν γ᾽ ἀφήσομεν. ΧΡ.

1020

φεῦ’

εἴθ᾽ ὥφελες ΗΛ. ΧΡ. ΗΛ. ΧΡ. ΗΛ. ΧΡ. ΗΛ. ΧΡ. ΗΛ. ΧΡ. ΗΛ. ΧΡ. ΗΛ. XP. HA.

1015

τοιάδε

τὴν γνώμην

πατρὸς

θνήσκοντος εἶναι᾽ πᾶν γὰρ ἂν κατειργάσω. ἀλλ᾽ dj φύσιν γε, τὸν δὲ νοῦν ἥσσων τότε. ἄσκει τοιαύτη νοῦν δι᾽ αἰῶνος μένειν. ὡς οὐχὶ συνδράσουσα νουθετεῖς τάδε.

1025

εἰκὸς γὰρ ἐγχειροῦντα καὶ πράσσειν κακῶς. ζηλῶ σε τοῦ νοῦ, τῆς δὲ δειλίας στυγῶ.

ἀνέξομαι

κλύουσα xditav εὖ λέγῃς.

ἀλλ᾽ οὔ ποτ᾽ ἐξ ἐμοῦ γε μὴ πάθῃς τόδε. μακρὸς τὸ κρῖναι ταῦτα χὠ λοιπὸς χρόνος. ἄπελθε: σοὶ yàp ὠφέλησις οὐκ ἔνι. ἔνεστιν ἀλλὰ σοὶ μάθησις ov πάρα. ἐλθοῦσα

μητρὶ

ταῦτα

οὐδ᾽ αὖ τοσοῦτον

πάντ᾽

ἔχθος

ἔξειπε

ἐχθαίρω

σῇ.

σ᾽ ἐγώ.

ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ἐπίστω γ᾽ οἷ μ᾽ ἀτιμίας ἄγεις. ἀτιμίας μὲν οὔ, προμηθίας δὲ σοῦ. τῷ σῷ δικαίῳ δῆτ᾽ ἐπισπέσθαι με δεῖ;

1029 πάθης] μάθῃς

most mss.

1030

1035

97

give in to those in authority when you are helpless. 1015

CHORUS:

Listen to her.

There 15 nothing more advantageous for

man to gain than foresight and good sense. ELECTRA:

You have said nothing that surprises me.

well that you would reject what I proposed. 1020

I knew very

Then this deed

must be done by my hand alone, for I will not let it come to nothing.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Ah!

I wish you had been of such a mind when

our father died, for you could have achieved anything.

ELECTRA:

My nature was the same then, but I was less resolute in

mind.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Try to keep that sort of mind throughout your

life. ELECTRA:

That advice means that you will not help me.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

That's right, for anyone making the attempt is

likely to meet with failure. ELECTRA:

Ienvy you your caution, but detest your cowardice.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

me. ELECTRA: 1030

I shall be equally patient when I hear you praise

No, never will you experience that from me .

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

There is plenty of time in the future to decide

that. ELECTRA:

Go away!

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

For there is no help in you.

Yes, there is, but in you there is no willingness to

learn. ELECTRA:

Go and tell all this to your mother.

CHRYSOTHEMIS: 1035

ELECTRA:

No, I don't hate you as much as that.

Well, at least you should understand into what dishonour

you are bringing me. CHRYSOTHEMIS:

ELECTRA:

I intend no dishonour, only care for you.

Must I follow, then, what you decide is right?

98

XP. HA. XP. HA. XP. HA. XP. HA. XP. HA. XP. HA. XP. HA.

XP.

ΧΟ.

ὅταν γὰρ εὖ φρονῇς, τόθ᾽ ἡγήσῃ σὺ νῷν. ἦ δεινὸν εὖ λέγουσαν ἐξαμαρτάνειν. εἴρηκας ὀρθῶς ᾧ σὺ πρόσκεισαι κακῷ. τί δ᾽; ob δοκῶ σοι ταῦτα σὺν δίκῃ λέγειν; ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ἔνθα xr) δίκη βλάβην φέρει. τούτοις ἐγὼ ζῆν τοῖς νόμοις οὐ βούλομαι. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ ποήσεις ταῦτ᾽, ἐπαινέσεις ἐμέ. καὶ μὴν ποήσω γ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐκπλαγεῖσά σε. καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἀληθές, οὐδὲ βουλεύσῃ πάλιν; βουλῆς γὰρ οὐδέν ἐστιν ἔχθιον κακῆς.

1040

1045

φρονεῖν ἔοικας οὐδὲν ὧν ἐγὼ λέγω. πάλαι δέδοκται ταῦτα κοὺ νεωστί μοι. ἄπειμι τοίνυν οὔτε γὰρ σὺ τἄμ᾽ ἔπη τολμᾷς ἐπαινεῖν οὔτ᾽ ἐγὼ τοὺς σοὺς τρόπους. ἀλλ᾽ εἴσιθ᾽. οὔ σοι μὴ μεθέψομαί ποτε, οὐδ᾽ ἣν σφόδρ᾽ ἱμείρουσα τυγχάνῃς" ἐπεὶ πολλῆς ἀνοίας καὶ τὸ θηρᾶσθαι κενά. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ σεαυτῇ τυγχάνεις δοκοῦσά τι φρονεῖν, φρόνει τοιαῦθ᾽" ὅταν γὰρ ἐν κακοῖς ἤδη βεβήκῃς, τἄμ᾽ ἐπαινέσεις Em. τί τοὺς ἄνωθεν φρονιμωτάτους ἐσορώμενοι τροφᾶς kn-

δομένους ἀφ᾽ ὧν τε βλάστωσιν ἀφ᾽ ὧν τ᾽ ὄνησιν εὕρωσι, τάδ᾽ οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἴσας τελοῦμεν; ἀλλ᾽ ov τὰν Διὸς ἀστραπὰν καὶ τὰν οὐρανίαν Θέμιν δαρὸν οὐκ ἀπόνητοι.

ὦ χθονία βροτοῖσι φάμα, κατά μοι βόασον οἰκτρὰν ὄπα τοῖς ἔνερθ᾽ ᾿Ατρείδαις, ἀχόρευτα φέρουσ᾽ ὀνείδη.

1050-4 deleted by Lloyd-Jones and Wilson

οἰωνοὺς

1050

1055

στρ. α΄

1060

1065

99

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Yes, for when you come to your senses, then you

shall lead us both. ELECTRA: 1040

Strange, that one who speaks so well can be so wrong.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

You have accurately described your own failing.

ELECTRA:

Don't you think that what I say is right?

What?

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

But there are times when even what is right

brings harm. ELECTRA:

I have no wish to live by such a code.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Well, if you are going to do this, you will say

that I was right. 1045

ELECTRA:

And do it I will.

CHRYSOTHEMIS: ELECTRA:

I won't be frightened off by you.

Is that really so? Won't you change your mind?

No, for nothing is worse than bad advice.

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

You seem to have no mind for anything I say.

ELECTRA: I decided this a long time ago, not just recently. 1050

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Then I shall go. For you cannot bring yourself to

accept what I say, and nor can I accept what you do. ELECTRA:

Then go indoors!

Never shall I follow you, however

much you may desire it, for it is the height of folly to pursue a futile cause. 1055

CHRYSOTHEMIS:

Well, if you think you are being wise, carry on

being wise like that.

When presently you get into trouble, you

will agree with what I say. [Exit Chrysothemis into the palace.] CHORUS: 1060

When we see the birds above, in their wisdom caring for

the nurture of those from whom they had life, from whom they found succour, why do we not equally fulfil our duty?

No, by

the lightning of Zeus and by Themis throned in heaven, not for 1065

long shall we then escape trouble.

Voice that goes to the dead

beneath the earth, send down a pitiful cry, I pray you, to the

sons of Atreus below, carrying joyless tidings of disgrace.

ὅτι σφὶν ἤδη τὰ μὲν ἐκ δόμων τὰ δὲ πρὸς τέκνων διπλῆ φύλοπις

νοσεῖται,

ἀντ. α΄ 107]

οὐκέτ᾽ ἐξισοῦται

φιλοτασίῳ διαίτᾳ. πρόδοτος δὲ μόνα σαλεύει

ἁ παῖς, οἷτον ἀεὶ πατρὸς

1075

δειλαία στενάχουσ᾽ ὅπως ἁ πάνδυρτος ἀηδών, οὔτε

τι τοῦ

θανεῖν

προμηθὴς

τό τε μὴ βλέπειν ἑτοίμα, διδύμαν ἑλοῦσ᾽ Ἐρινύν.

1080

τίς ἂν εὔπατρις ὧδε βλάστοι; οὐδεὶς τῶν ἀγαθῶν «γὰρ» ζῶν κακῶς εὔκλειαν αἰσχῦναι

στρ.

β΄

θέλει

νώνυμος, ὦ παῖ mai: ὡς καὶ σὺ TáykAavTov ὥνα

κλεινὸν

ai-

1085

εἵλου,

τὸ μὴ καλὸν καθοπλίσασα δύο φέρειν «ἐν» ἑνὶ λόγῳ, σοφά τ᾽ ἀρίστα τε παῖς κεκλῆσθαι. ζῴης μοι καθύπερθεν χειρὶ καὶ πλούτῳ τεῶν ἐχθρῶν νῦν ὑπόχειρ ναίεις" ἐπεί σ᾽ ἐφηύρηκα μοίρᾳ μὲν οὐκ ἐν ἐσθλᾷ βεβῶσαν,

ἃ δὲ

μέγιστ᾽

αντ. β΄ 1091

ὅσον

ἔβλα-

1095

στε νόμιμα, τῶνδε φερομέναν ἄριστα τᾷ Ζηνὸς εὐσεβείᾳ. 1070 σφὶν Schaefer : σφίσιν most mss.

most mss. : σφίσ᾽

Triclinius

1075 a mais, oltov Heath: Ἠλέκτρα τὸν mss. 1082 «γὰρ» Hermann : «ἂν» Schneidewin (with θέλοι

1086 1087 1088 1092 1097

κλεινὸν Sirks : κοινὸν mss. τὸ μὴ mss. : ἄκος Lloyd-Jones «ἐν» Brunck ὑπόχειρ Musgrave : ὑπὸ χεῖρα mss. Ζηνὸς Διὸς most mss.

in 1083)

| νοσεῖται

one ms. : νοσεῖ

101

Tell them that now their house is beset with sickness, and

1070

that strife between the two children breaks the harmony of a life 1075

of love.

But the daughter, forsaken, endures the storm alone,

forever

sorrowfully

lamenting

nightingale ever-mourning. 1080

her

father's

fate,

like

the

She takes no thought for death and

is ready to leave the light, could she but overcome the double Fury. Who could be born so noble? No one who 15 noble wishes to disgrace a fine reputation by living basely, inglorious, my child, my child.

1085

chosen

a splendid

life of tears

and

Thus have you

sorrow,

overcoming

dishonour so as to win at once a two-fold name, to be called

wise and best of daughters. 1090

I pray you may live as high above your enemies in power and wealth as now you dwell beneath them.

1095

For I have found

you placed in no happy fate, and yet, for observance of nature's greatest laws, winning the highest prize by your reverence to Zeus.

102

OP. ΧΟ. ΟΡ. ΧΟ. ΟΡ. ΧΟ. ΟΡ. ΗΛ.

ap’, ὦ γυναῖκες, ὀρθά τ᾽ εἰσηκούσαμεν ὀρθῶς θ᾽ ὁδοιποροῦμεν ἔνθα χρήζομεν; τί δ᾽ ἐξερευνᾷς καὶ τί βουληθεὶς πάρει; Αἴγισθον ἔνθ᾽ ᾧκηκεν ἱστορῶ πάλαι.

1100

ἀλλ᾽ εὖ θ᾽ ἱκάνεις χὠ φράσας ἀζήμιος. τίς οὖν ἂν ὑμῶν τοῖς ἔσω φράσειεν ἂν ἡμῶν ποθεινὴν κοινόπουν παρουσίαν; ἥδ᾽, εἰ τὸν AyxLOTOV γε κηρύσσειν χρεών. ἴθ᾽, ὦ γύναι, δήλωσον εἰσελθοῦσ᾽ ὅτι Φωκῆς ματεύουσ᾽ ἄνδρες Αἴγισθόν τινες. οἴμοι τάλαιν᾽, où δή ποθ᾽ ἧς ἠκούσαμεν

1105

φήμης φέροντες ἐμφανῆ τεκμήρια; ΟΡ.

οὐκ οἶδα τὴν σὴν kAn6óv" ἀλλά μοι γέρων ἐφεῖτ᾽

ΗΛ. ΟΡ. ΗΛ. ΟΡ.

Ὀρέστου

Στροφίος

ἀγγεῖλαι

πέρι.

τί δ᾽ ἔστιν, ὦ ξέν᾽; ὥς μ᾽ ὑπέρχεται φέροντες αὐτοῦ τεύχει θανόντος, οἱ ᾽γὼ τάλαινα, πρόχειρον ἄχθος, εἴπερ τι κλαίεις τόδ᾽ ἄγγος ἴσθι

1110

φόβος.

σμικρὰ λείψαν᾽ ἐν βραχεῖ ὡς ὁρᾷς, κομίζομεν. τοῦτ᾽ ἐκεῖν᾽, ἤδη σαφὲς" ὡς ἔοικε, δέρκομαι. τῶν Ὀρεστείων κακῶν, σῶμα τοὐκείνου στέγον.

ΗΛ.

ὦ ξεῖνε, δός νυν πρὸς θεῶν, εἴπερ τόδε

ΟΡ.

κέκευθεν αὐτὸν τεῦχος, ἐς χεῖρας λαβεῖν, ὅπως ἐμαυτὴν καὶ γένος τὸ πᾶν ὁμοῦ ξὺν τῇδε κλαύσω κἀποδύρωμαι σποδῷ. δόθ᾽, ἥτις ἐστί, προσφέροντες" οὐ γὰρ ὡς

1115

1120

ἐν δυσμενείᾳ γ᾽ οὖσ᾽ ἐπαιτεῖται τόδε, ΗΛ.

ἀλλ᾽ ἢ φίλων τις, ἢ πρὸς αἵματος φύσιν. ὦ φιλτάτου μνημεῖον ἀνθρώπων ἐμοὶ ψυχῆς Ὀρέστου λοιπόν, ὥς σ᾽ Am’ ἐλπίδων

1125

103

[Enter by an eisodos Orestes, Pylades, and (probably two) attendants,

one of whom carries a bronze urn. ] ORESTES:

Ladies, have we been directed aright, and are we on the

right road for where we want to go? 1100

CHORUS:

What are you looking for? And what do you want here?

ORESTES:

I have been trying to find out where Aegisthus lives.

CHORUS:

Well, you have come to the right place, and the man who

directed you was not at fault. ORESTES:

Could one of you, then, tell them indoors of our arrival,

long desired? 1105

CHORUS: ORESTES:

This lady, if the nearest of kin should announce it. Go in, lady, and tell them that some men of Phocis are

looking for Aegisthus. ELECTRA:

Oh no!

You are never bringing visible proof of the story

that we heard? 1110

ORESTES:

I know nothing of your story.

But old Strophius sent me

to bring news about Orestes. ELECTRA:

What is it, stranger? How fear steals over me!

ORESTES: He is dead, and as you see we are bringing home his small remains, carrying them in a little urn. 1115

ELECTRA:

I can't bear it!

This is it, now clear!

It seems I see a

grievous burden ready for my hands. ORESTES:

If you weep at all for Orestes’ sufferings, know that this

urn shrouds his body. 1120

ELECTRA:

Stranger, I beg you, if this urn really holds him, then let

me take it in my hands, that with these ashes here I may weep and mourn for myself and all our family together. ORESTES: 1125

Bring it and give it to her, whoever she is, for she does

not make this request in enmity, but as one of his friends, or of his family. [Electra takes the urn. ] ELECTRA:

O last memorial of the life of Orestes, the dearest of men

to me, how far from the hopes with which I sent you forth do I

104

οὐχ ὧνπερ ἐξέπεμπον εἰσεδεξάμην. νῦν μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν ὄντα

βαστάζω

χεροῖν,

δόμων δέ σ᾽, ὦ παῖ, λαμπρὸν ἐξέπεμψ᾽ ἐγώ. ws whedrov πάροιθεν ἐκλιπεῖν βίον, πρὶν ἐς ξένην σε γαῖαν ἐκπέμψαι χεροῖν κλέψασα ταῖνδε κἀνασώσασθαι φόνου, ὅπως θανὼν ἔκεισο τῇ τόθ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ, τύμβου πατρῴου κοινὸν εἰληχὼς μέρος. νῦν δ᾽ ἐκτὸς οἴκων κἀπὶ γῆς ἄλλης φυγὰς κακῶς ἀπώλου, σῆς κασιγνήτης δίχα᾽ κοὔτ᾽ ἐν φίλαισι χερσὶν ἡ τάλαιν᾽ ἐγὼ λουτροῖς σ᾽ ἐκόσμησ᾽ οὔτε παμφλέκτου πυρὸς ἀνειλόμην, ὡς εἰκός, ἄθλιον βάρος" ἀλλ᾽ Ev ξένῃσι χερσὶ κηδευθεὶς τάλας σμικρὸς προσήκεις ὄγκος ἐν σμικρῷ κύτει. οἴμοι τάλαινα τῆς ἐμῆς πάλαι τροφῆς ἀνωφελήτονυ, τὴν ἐγὼ θάμ᾽ ἀμφὶ σοὶ πόνῳ γλυκεῖ παρέσχον. οὔτε γάρ ποτε

[130

1135

1140

1145

μητρὸς σύ γ᾽ ἦσθα μᾶλλον ἢ κἀμοῦ φίλος, οὔθ᾽ οἱ κατ᾽ οἶκον ἦσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγὼ τροφός, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἀδελφὴ σοὶ προσηυδώμην ἀεί. νῦν δ᾽ ἐκλέλοιπε ταῦτ᾽ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ θανόντι σὺν ool’ πάντα γὰρ συναρπάσας, θύελλ᾽ ὅπως, βέβηκας. οἴχεται πατήρ᾽

1150

τέθνηκ᾽ ἐγώ aot: φροῦδος αὐτὸς εἶ θανών: γελῶσι

δ᾽ ἐχθροί:

μαίνεται

δ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς

μήτηρ ἀμήτωρ, ἧς ἐμοὶ σὺ πολλάκις φήμας λάθρᾳ προὔπεμπες ὡς φανούμενος τιμωρὸς αὐτός. ἀλλὰ ταῦθ᾽ ὁ δυστυχὴς δαίμων ὃ σός τε κἀμὸς ἐξαφείλετο,

1155

ὅς σ᾽ ὧδέ μοι προὔπεμψεν ἀντὶ φιλτάτης μορφῆς σποδόν οἴμοι μοι.

τε καὶ σκιὰν ἀνωφελῆ. 1160

ὦ δέμας οἰκτρόν. φεῦ φεῦ.

ὦ δεινοτάτας, οἴμοι μοι, πεμφθεὶς 1150 θανόντι] θανόντα

κελεύθους, some mss.

φίλταθ᾽, ὥς μ᾽ ἀπώλεσας"

105

receive you home! [130

For now you are nothing carried in my

hands, but I sent you off from home, child, radiant.

I wish that

before this I had died, before ] stole you with these hands and

sent you to a foreign land, saving you from murder, so that on that very day you would have lain there dead, and had your 1135

share in our father's grave.

But now, far from home, an exile in

another land, you died unhappily without your sister near. And I, to my grief, did not wash or dress you with the hands that 1140

loved you, nor lıft you as was rıght, a weight of sorrow, from

the blazing pyre. No, sadly you had your rites from alien hands, and so are come to us, ἃ little weight inside a little urn. All sorrow 1145

now

for my

care of you long ago, gone

nothing; I gave ıt you often with labour of love.

for

For you were.

never more dear to your mother than you were to me, and I was your nurse, and not the servants, and always you called me sister. 1150

Now with your death, in a single day all this 1s ended;

like a hurricane you have gone and swept it all away.

Our

father is gone; I am dead because of you; you yourself are dead

and gone.

Our enemies are mocking us, and our mother who 15

no mother is mad with joy — she of whom you often sent me 1155

secret messages, that you would come yourself as an avenger. But this our evil fortune, yours and mine, has torn away, and

sent you on to me as you are now, no more the form I loved, but dust and empty shadow. 1160

What sorrow!

O body pitiable!

Ah!

Ah!

You who were

sent, to my grief, on a dreadful journey, my dear love, how you

106

ἀπώλεσας δῆτ᾽, ὦ κασίγνητον κάρα. τοιγὰρ σὺ δέξαι μ᾽ ἐς τὸ σὸν τόδε στέγος, τὴν μηδὲν ἐς τὸ μηδέν, ὡς σὺν σοὶ κάτω

1165

ναίω τὸ λοιπόν. καὶ γὰρ ἡνίκ᾽ ἦσθ᾽ ἄνω,

ΗΛ.

ξὺν σοὶ μετεῖχον τῶν loov: καὶ νῦν ποθῶ τοῦ σοῦ θανοῦσα μὴ ἀπολείπεσθαι τάφον. τοὺς γὰρ θανόντας οὐχ ὁρῶ λυπουμένους. θνητοῦ πέφυκας πατρός, Ἠλέκτρα, φρόνει᾽ θνητὸς δ᾽ Ὀρέστης" ὥστε μὴ λίαν στένε" πᾶσιν γὰρ ἡμῖν τοῦτ᾽ ὀφείλεται παθεῖν. φεῦ φεῦ, τί λέξω; ποῖ λόγων ἀμηχανῶν ἔλθω; κρατεῖν γὰρ οὐκέτι γλώσσης σθένω. τί δ᾽ ἔσχες ἄλγος; πρὸς τί τοῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν κυρεῖς;

ΟΡ.

ἢ σὸν τὸ κλεινὸν εἶδος

HA. OP. HA.

τόδ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἐκεῖνο, καὶ μάλ᾽ ἀθλίως ἔχον. οὐ δή ποτ᾽, ὦ ξέν᾽, dud’ ἐμοὶ στένεις

OP.

ὦ σῶμ᾽ ἀτίμως κἀθέως ἐφθαρμένον.

HA.

οὔτοι TOT’ ἄλλην ἢ ᾿μὲ δυσφημεῖς, ξένε. φεῦ τῆς ἀνύμφου δυσμόρου τε σῆς τροφῆς. τί δή ποτ᾽, ὦ ξέν᾽, ὧδ᾽ ἐπισκοπῶν στένεις; ὡς οὐκ ἄρ᾽ ἤδη τῶν ἐμῶν οὐδὲν κακῶν. ἐν τῷ διέγνως τοῦτο τῶν εἰρημένων; ὁρῶν σε πολλοῖς ἐμπρέπουσαν ἄλγεσιν.

ΧΟ.

ΟΡ.

OP. HA. OP. HA. OP. HA. OP. HA. OP. HA. OP. HA.

οἴμοι

καὶ

ταλαίνης

μὴν

ὁρᾷς

dpa

γε

Ἠλέκτρας

τῆσδε

παῦρα

συμφορᾶς.

τῶν

ἐμῶν

τάδε;

τίς γάρ σ᾽ ἀνάγκῃ τῇδε προτρέπει βροτῶν; μήτηρ καλεῖται, μητρὶ δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐξισοῖ.

1175 γλώσσης] γνώμης

some mss.

1176 ἔσχες mss.:éoxe σ᾽ Bergk 1185 οὐδὲν] ἐγὼ one ms. 1193 ἀνάγκῃ] ἀνάγκη

most mss.

1180

1185

κακῶν.

εἶτα τοῖσδε δουλεύω βίᾳ.

1170 deleted by Zippmann

1175

τόδε;

καὶ πῶς γένοιτ᾽ ἂν τῶνδ᾽ ἔτ᾽ ἐχθίω βλέπειν; ὁθούνεκ᾽ εἰμὶ τοῖς φονεῦσι σύντροφος. τοῖς τοῦ; πόθεν τοῦτ᾽ ἐξεσήμηνας κακόν;

τοῖς πατρός.

1170

1190

107

have finished me! [165

Yes, finished me, dearest brother! Therefore

receive me to this little room of yours, nothing to nothing, that

with you below I may live for all the time to come.

For when

you were on earth I shared all with you equally, so now I long 1170

to die and never to leave your grave.

For I see that the dead no

longer suffer pain. CHORUS:

Remember,

Electra, that you are the child of ἃ mortal

father; Orestes was mortal too. So do not grieve too much. This is a debt which all of us must pay. ORESTES: 1175

Ah!

What shall

Isay? Where can I possibly find words?

I no longer have the strength to control my tongue. ELECTRA:

What has pained you? Why do you say that?

ORESTES:

Do I see in you the illustrious Electra?

ELECTRA:

That is so, though in a most wretched state.

ORESTES: I grieve, then, for this unhappy plight! 1180

ELECTRA:

Surely, stranger, you are never grieving for me?

ORESTES:

Body so disgracefully and godlessly wasted!

ELECTRA:

Your ill words, stranger, certainly fit no one else but me.

ORESTES:

What a sad life is yours, without husband or happiness!

ELECTRA:

Whyever are you gazing at me like this, stranger, and

speaking so sadly? 1185

1190

ORESTES:

How utterly ignorant I was of my own sorrow.

ELECTRA:

What has been said to make you realise that?

ORESTES:

By seeing you obviously suffering so much.

ELECTRA:

And yet you see only a few of my afflictions.

ORESTES:

How could any be worse to see than this?

ELECTRA:

Because I have to live with the murderers.

ORESTES:

Whose murderers?

From where does this evil you speak

of come?

ELECTRA: My father's. And then I am forced to be their slave. ORESTES: Then who is it that drives you into this bondage? ELECTRA: A mother she 15 called, but she is nothing like a mother.

108

τί δρῶσα; πότερα χερσίν, ἢ λύμῃ fiov; καὶ χερσὶ καὶ λύμαισι καὶ πᾶσιν κακοῖς. οὐδ᾽ οὑπαρήξων οὐδ᾽ ὁ κωλύσων πάρα;

OP. HA. OP. HA. OP. HA. OP. HA. OP. HA. OP. HA. OP. HA. OP.

οὐ 680" ὃς ἦν γάρ μοι σὺ προὔθηκας σποδόν. ὦ δύσποτμ᾽, ὡς ὁρῶν σ᾽ ἐποικτίρω πάλαι. μόνος βροτῶν νυν ἴσθ᾽ ἐποικτίρας ποτέ. μόνος γὰρ ἥκω τοῖσι σοῖς ἀλγῶν κακοῖς.

1200

οὐ δή ποθ᾽ ἡμῖν ξυγγενὴς ἥκεις ποθέν; ἐγὼ φράσαιμ᾽ ἄν, εἰ τὸ τῶνδ᾽ εὔνουν πάρα. ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν

OP. HA. OP. HA. OP. HA.

εὔνουν,

πρὸς

πιστὰς

ἐρεῖς. 1205

ἄτιμος οὐδενὸς σύ: τοῦτο δ᾽ οὐχὶ σόν.

[215

εἴπερ γ᾽ Ὀρέστου

τοῖσι

ὥστε

μέθες τόδ᾽ ἄγγος νῦν, ὅπως τὸ πᾶν μάθῃς. μὴ δῆτα πρὸς θεῶν τοῦτό μ᾽ Epydon, ξένε. πίθου λέγοντι κοὐχ ἁμαρτήσῃ ποτέ. μή πρὸς γενείου, μὴ ᾿ξέλῃ τὰ φίλτατα. οὔ φημ᾽ ἐάσειν. HA. ὦ τάλαιν᾽ ἐγὼ σέθεν, Ὀρέστα, τῆς σῆς εἰ στερήσομαι ταφῆς. εὔφημα φώνει’ πρὸς δίκης γὰρ οὐ στένεις. πῶς τὸν θανόντ᾽ ἀδελφὸν οὐ δίκῃ στένω; οὔ σοι προσήκει τήνδε προσφωνεῖν φάτιν. οὕτως ἄτιμός εἶμι τοῦ τεθνηκότος;

1200 ποτέ] ἐμέ 1201

1105

some mss: pe

σοῖς] τοῖς

ἴσοις

[205 ἄγγος] ἄλγος some mss.

σῶμα

ov others some mss.

βαστάζω

τόδε.

1210

109 1105

ORESTES:

How does she do it? By blows or by deprivations?

ELECTRA:

By blows and deprivations and every kind of misery.

ORESTES:

And is there no one to help you, or to stop her?

ELECTRA:

No one now.

You

have shown

me the ashes of the

person I had. ORESTES:

My poor girl!

What pity I have been feeling at the sight

of you! 1200

ELECTRA:

Then you can be sure that you are the only one who has

ever pitied me.

ORESTES: Yes, I am the only one who has come and felt pain at your suffering. ELECTRA:

Surely

you

are never

a relative

come

to us from

somewhere? ORESTES: ELECTRA:

I would tell you, if these women here are friends. Yes, they are friends, so you will speak to people who

are loyal. 1205

ORESTES:

Then put down this urn, and you shall know everything.

[He tries to take the urn from Electra, but she clasps it firmly to her.] ELECTRA:

No, I beg you, don't do this to me, stranger!

ORESTES:

Do as I say, and you will never be wrong.

ELECTRA:

No, by your beard, don't take from me my most precious

possession! ORESTES: 1210

ELECTRA:

I say I will not let you keep it. All sorrow for me and you, Orestes, if I am robbed of

giving you burial!

1215

ORESTES:

No words of ill omen!

For you have no reason to mourn.

ELECTRA:

How can I have no reason to mourn my dead brother?

ORESTES:

It 1s not right for you to speak like that.

ELECTRA:

Am Iso unworthy of the dead?

ORESTES:

You are unworthy of no one. But this is not for you.

ELECTRA:

It is, if this really 1s the body of Orestes that I hold.

10

ΟΡ.

ΗΛ. ΟΡ. ΗΛ. ΗΛ. ΗΛ. ΗΛ. ΗΛ. ΗΛ. ΗΛ.

ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ Ὀρέστον, πλὴν λόγῳ γ᾽ ἠσκημένον. ποῦ δ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἐκείνου τοῦ ταλαιπώρου τάφος; οὐκ ἔστι TOU γὰρ ζῶντος οὐκ ἔστιν τάφος.

πῶς εἶπας, ὦ παῖ; OP. ψεῦδος οὐδὲν ὧν λέγω.

à ζῇ γὰρ ἁνήρ; ΟΡ. εἴπερ ἔμψυχός γ᾽ ἐγώ. N γὰρ σὺ κεῖνος; ΟΡ. τήνδε προσβλέψασά

1220

μον

σφραγῖδα πατρὸς ἔκμαθ᾽ εἰ σαφῆ λέγω. ὦ φίλτατον φῶς. ΟΡ. φίλτατον, συμμαρτυρῶ.

ὦ φθέγμ᾽, ἀφίκου; ΟΡ. μηκέτ᾽ ἄλλοθεν πύθῃ.

1225

ἔχω σε χερσίν; ΟΡ. ὡς τὰ λοίπ᾽ ἔχοις ἀεί.

ὦ φίλταται γυναῖκες, ὦ πολίτιδες, ὁρᾶτ᾽ Ὀρέστην τόνδε, μηχαναῖσι μὲν θανόντα, νῦν δὲ μηχαναῖς σεσωσμένον.

ΧΟ.

ΗΛ.

ΟΡ. ΗΛ. ΟΡ. ΗΛ.

ὁρῶμεν, ὦ παῖ, κἀπὶ συμφοραῖσί

μοι

γεγηθὸς

ἄπο.

δάκρυον

ὀμμάτων

ἰὼ γοναί, γοναὶ σωμάτων ἐμοὶ φιλτάτων, ἐμόλετ᾽ ἀρτίως, ἐφηύρετ᾽, ἤλθετ᾽, εἴδεθ᾽ os ἐχρήζετε. πάρεσμεν: ἀλλὰ σῖγ᾽ ἔχουσα πρόσμενε.

στρ.

1235

τί δ᾽ ἔστιν;

σιγᾶν ἄμεινον, μή τις ἔνδοθεν κλύῃ. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τὰν θεὰν τὰν ἀεὶ ἀδμήταν, τόδε μὲν obmor' ἀξιώσω τρέσαι περισσὸν ἄχθος ἔνδον γυναικῶν

ΟΡ.

ἕρπει

1230

[240

ὃ ναίει.

ὅρα γε μὲν δὴ κἀν γυναιξὶν ὡς "Apns ἔνεστιν εὖ δ᾽ ἔξοισθα πειραθεῖσά που.

1239 ἀλλ᾽ où] ἀλλ᾽ où μὰ some mss. | θεὰν Steinhart: ἤλρτεμιν 1242 ὃ ναίει Viketos : ὃν αἰεί some mss. : ὃν del others

mss.

111

ORESTES:

No, not Orestes, except tricked out in words. [He now

takes the urn from Electra and puts it aside.] ELECTRA: 1220

Then where is the poor one's grave?

ORESTES: Nowhere. There is no grave for a man who is alive. ELECTRA: What are you saying, boy? ORESTES: I say nothing that is not true. ELECTRA: Then is the man alive? ORESTES:

If there is life in me.

ELECTRA:

Then you are he?

ORESTES: Look at this ring of mine that was our father's, and be sure that I speak the truth. ELECTRA: O happiest day! 1225

ORESTES:

Happiest I say too!

ELECTRA:

Is this really your voice?

ORESTES:

Ask it of no one else.

ELECTRA:

Do I hold you in my arms?

ORESTES:

So may you hold me always in the time to come.

ELECTRA:

Dearest women, fellow citizens, look at Orestes here,

dead by a trick, and now by a trick brought safely home. 1230

CHORUS:

We see him, child; and for this happy outcome a tear of

joy trickles from our eyes. ELECTRA: 1235

Child, child of him whom I loved most, now you have

come, now you have come and found and seen her whom

you

longed to see. ORESTES:

I am here. But wait, stay silent!

ELECTRA: What is the matter? ORESTES: Better to be silent, in case they hear indoors. 1240

ELECTRA:

No, by the ever-virgin goddess, I shall never deign to

fear this useless load of women who live indoors. ORESTES:

Yes, but remember that women too have a warlike spirit.

You know that well from experience, I think.

112

HA.

ὀττοτοῖ

«ÓTTOTOL»,

1245

ἀνέφελον ἐνέβαλες οὔποτε καταλύσιμον, οὐδέ ποτ: λησόμενον ἁμέτερον

οἷον ἔφυ κακόν. ΟΡ.

ἔξοιδα καὶ ταῦτ᾽" ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν παρουσία φράζῃ,

ΗΛ.

1250

τότ᾽ ἔργων

τῶνδε

ὁ πᾶς ἐμοί, ὁ πᾶς ἂν πρέποι παρὼν τάδε δίκᾳ χρόνος"

μεμνῆσθαι

χρεών.

ἀντ. ἐννέπειν 1255

μόλις γὰρ ἔσχον νῦν ἐλεύθερον στόμα. ΟΡ. ΗΛ.

ξύμφημι κἀγώ’ τί δρῶσα;

τοιγαροῦν σῴζου ᾿τόδε.

ΟΡ.

οὗ μή ᾽στι καιρὸς μὴ μακρὰν βούλον λέγειν.

ΗΛ.

τίς ἀνταξίαν

σοῦ γε πεφηνότος

1260

μεταβάλοιτ᾽ ἂν ὧδε σιγὰν λόγων; ἐπεί σε νῦν ἀφράστως ἀέλπτως τ᾽ ἐσεῖδον.

ΟΡ. HA.

ΟΡ.

ΗΛ.

τότ᾽ εἶδες, ὅτε θεοί μ᾽ ἐπώτρυναν μολεῖν «X---X---X---»ἔφρασας ὑπερτέραν τᾶς πάρος ἔτι χάριτος, εἴ σε θεὸς ἐπόρισεν ἁμέτερα πρὸς μέλαθρα: δαιμόνιον αὑτὸ τίθημ᾽ ἐγώ. τὰ μέν σ᾽ ὀκνῶ χαίρουσαν εἰργαθεῖν, τὰ δὲ δέδοικα λίαν ἡδονῇ νικωμένην. ἰὼ χρόνῳ μακρῷ φιλτάταν

τί μὴ ποήσω;

ΗΛ.

1270

ἐπ. ὁδὸν ἐπαξιώ-

σας ὧδέ μοι φανῆναι, μή τί με, πολύπονον ὧδ᾽ ἰδὼν -ΟΡ.

1265

1275

μή μ᾽ ἀποστερήσῃς

1245 «ὀττοτοῖ» Bergk 1246 ἐνέβαλες schol. : ἐπέβαλες mss. 1260 ἀνταξίαν Lloyd-Jones and Wilson after Arndt : οὖν ἀξίαν most mss. :οὖν ἂν ἀξίαν others | σοῦ γε Seidler:γε σοῦ mss. 1264 ἐπώτρυναν Reiske : ὥτρυναν mss. 1266 ἐπόρισεν Fröhlich : ἐπῶρσεν most mss. : ἐπόρσεν one ms. 1275 πολύπονον] πολύστονον

most mss.

113 1245 1250

ELECTRA:

Ah! Ah! You have reminded me of what my sorrow was

— sorrow that cannot be hidden, cannot be ended, cannot forget. ORESTES:

I know this too.

But when the occasion summons us,

then will be the moment to remember what was done.

ELECTRA: 1255

Every moment, every moment of all time would justly be

the right time for me to tell all this!

For only just now have I

had my lips set free. ORESTES:

And I agree.

So keep your freedom safe.

ELECTRA:

What must I do?

ORESTES:

When

it is not the moment, do not choose to talk too

much. 1260

ELECTRA:

Who could exchange speech for a silence worthy of your

appearance, since now past guessing, past hope, I have seen you? 1265

ORESTES: ELECTRA:

1270

When the gods urged me to come, then you saw me ... You have told me of a joy still greater than the last, ıf a

god brought you to our house. ORESTES:

I believe it was a god.

I don't want to check your joy, and yet I am afraid

you

are too much overcome with gladness.

ELECTRA: 1275

O

you who decided after so long a time to come and

appear before me like this, bringing me such joy, do not, seeing me thus full of suffering ... ORESTES: What am I not to do? ELECTRA:

Do not take from me, do not make me lose, the joy of

114

τῶν σῶν προσώπων

ἡδονὰν

μεθέσθαι.

ΟΡ.

*| κάρτα κἂν ἄλλοισι θυμοίμην ἰδών.

ΗΛ.

ξυναινεῖς;

ΗΛ.

ὦ φίλ᾽, ἔκλυον

ΟΡ.

τί μὴν

οὔ;

ἂν ἐγὼ οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἤλπισ᾽ αὐδάν. «ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ἐπ»έσχον ὀργὰν ἄναυδον οὐδὲ σὺν βοᾷ κλύουσ᾽ ἁ τάλαινα. νῦν δ᾽ ἔχω ce: προὐφάνης δὲ φιλτάταν ἔχων πρόσοψιν,

1280

1285

ἃς ἐγὼ οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐν κακοῖς λαθοίμαν. ΟΡ.

ΗΛ.

τὰ μὲν περισσεύοντα τῶν λόγων ἄφες, καὶ μήτε μήτηρ ὡς κακὴ δίδασκέ με μήθ᾽ ὡς πατρῴαν κτῆσιν Αἴγισθος δόμων ἀντλεῖ, τὰ δ᾽ ἐκχεῖ, τὰ δὲ διασπείρει μάτην’ χρόνου γὰρ ἄν σοι καιρὸν ἐξείργοι λόγος. ἃ δ᾽ ἁρμόσει μοι τῷ παρόντι νῦν χρόνῳ σήμαιν᾽, ὅπου φανέντες ἢ κεκρυμμένοι γελῶντας ἐχθροὺς παύσομεν τῇ νῦν ὁδῷ. οὕτως δ᾽ ὅπως μήτηρ σε μὴ ᾿πιγνώσεται φαιδρῷ προσώπῳ νῷν ἐπελθόντοιν δόμους" ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἄτῃ τῇ μάτην λελεγμένῃ στέναζ᾽: ὅταν γὰρ εὐτυχήσωμεν, τότε

χαίρειν παρέσται καὶ γελᾶν ἐλευθέρως. ἀλλ᾽, ὦ κασίγνηθ᾽, ὧδ᾽ ὅπως καὶ σοὶ φίλον καὶ τοὐμὸν ἔσται, τάσδ᾽ ἐπεὶ τὰς ἡδονὰς πρὸς σοῦ λαβοῦσα κοὺὐκ ἐμὰς ἐκτησάμην. κοὐδ᾽ ἄν σε λυπήσασα δεξαίμην βραχὺ αὐτὴ μέγ᾽ εὑρεῖν κέρδος" οὐ γὰρ ἂν καλῶς ὑπηρετοίην τῷ παρόντι δαίμονι.

[28] φίλ᾽ φίλαι most mss. : φίλος Blaydes 1283 «ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ἐπ; Lloyd-Jones and Wilson: «πρὶν μὲν οὖν ἐπ» Dawe | ὀργὰν mss. : ὁρμὰν Jebb [284 κλύουσ᾽ à Hartung after Hermann : κλύουσα mss.

1288 ἄφες) μέθες some mss. 1296 1302 1304 1306

οὕτως] οὕτω some mss. : τούτῳ Lloyd-Jones and Wilson τάσδ᾽ ἐπεὶ Brunck: τῇδ᾽ ἐπεὶ mss. δεξαίμην] λεξαίμην one ms. : βουλοίμην most mss. ὑπηρετοίην Musgrave : ὑπηρετοίμην mss.

1290

1295

1300

1305

115

seeing your face. 1280

ORESTES: I would certainly be angry if I saw anyone else do that. ELECTRA: Do you feel as I do? ORESTES:

ELECTRA:

Of course I do!

Dear, I heard a report I could not have expected to hear,

but nevertheless I held back my feelings in silence and heard it without crying out, unhappy as I was. But now 1 have you: you 1285

came to me with your dear, bright face, which never, even in

sorrow, could I forget. ORESTES: 1290

Spare all superfluous words, and do not tell me how our

mother is evil, nor how Aegisthus is wasting the wealth of our father's house by extravagance or aimless squandering, for the telling would hinder the moment for action. will best serve the present

1295

moment:

where

But tell me what we

must

show

ourselves, or hide ourselves, so that by this day's enterprise we

put a stop to our enemies’ exultation.

And when we two go

indoors behave ın such a way that our mother does not notice your radiant face, but grieve as for my pretended destruction. 1300

For when we have been successful, then we shall be able to rejoice and exult in freedom. ELECTRA:

No, brother, whatever pleases you shall be my pleasure

also, for this joy I have is not my own, but given me by you. Nor would I agree to win a great good for myself at the cost of a 1305

moment's grief for you, for then I would be giving poor service to the god who is with us now.

116

ἀλλ᾽ oloda μὲν τἀνθένδε, πῶς γὰρ οὔ; κλυὼν ὁθούνεκ᾽ Αἴγισθος μὲν οὐ κατὰ στέγας, μήτηρ δ᾽ ἐν οἴκοις: ἣν σὺ μὴ δείσῃς ποθ᾽ ὡς γέλωτι τοὐμὸν φαιδρὸν ὄψεται κάρα" μῖσός τε γὰρ παλαιὸν ἐντέτηκέ μοι, κἀπεί σ᾽ ἐσεῖδον, οὔ TOT’ ἐκλήξω χαρᾷ δακρυρροοῦσα. πῶς γὰρ ἂν λήξαιμ᾽ ἐγώ, ἥτις μιᾷ σε τῇδ᾽ ὁδῷ θανόντα τε καὶ ζῶντ᾽ ἐσεῖδον; εἴργασαι δέ μ᾽ ἄσκοπα, ὥστ᾽, εἰ πατήρ μοι ζῶν ἵκοιτο, μηκέτ᾽ ἂν τέρας νομίζειν αὐτό, πιστεύειν δ᾽ ὁρᾶν.

1310

1315

ὅτ᾽ οὖν τοιαύτην ἡμὶν ἐξήκεις ὁδὸν, dpx’ αὐτὸς ὥς σοι θυμός" ὡς ἐγὼ μόνη οὐκ ἂν 8voiv ἥμαρτον: ἢ γὰρ ἂν καλῶς

1320

ἔσωσ᾽ ἐμαυτήν, ἢ καλῶς ἀπωλόμην. ΟΡ.

σιγᾶν

ἐπήνεσ᾽"

ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἐξόδῳ κλύω

τῶν ἔνδοθεν χωροῦντος. ΗΛ. εἴσιτ᾽, ὦ ξένοι, ἄλλως τε καὶ φέροντες οἷ᾽ ἂν οὔτε τις δόμων ΠΑ.

ἀπώσαιτ᾽

ὦ πλεῖστα

οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἡσθείη

μῶροι

καὶ

φρενῶν

λαβών.

τητώμενοι,

πότερα παρ᾽ οὐδὲν τοῦ βίου κήδεσθ᾽ ἔτι, ἢ νοῦς ἔνεστιν οὔτις ὑμὶν ἐγγενής, ὅτ᾽ οὐ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀλλ᾽ ἐν αὐτοῖσιν κακοῖς τοῖσιν μεγίστοις ὄντες οὐ γιγνώσκετε; ἀλλ᾽ εἰ σταθμοῖσι τοῖσδε μὴ ᾿κύρουν ἐγὼ πάλαι φυλάσσων, Av ἂν ἡμὶν ἐν δόμοις τὰ δρώμεν᾽ ὑμῶν πρόσθεν ἢ τὰ σώματα" νῦν δ᾽ εὐλάβειαν τῶνδε προὐθέμην ἐγώ. καὶ νῦν ἀπαλλαχθέντε τῶν μακρῶν λόγων καὶ

τῆς

ἀπλήστου

τῆσδε

1325

σὺν χαρᾷ

1330

1335

βοῆς

εἴσω παρέλθεθ᾽, ὡς τὸ μὲν μέλλειν κακὸν ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ἔστ᾽, ἀπηλλάχθαι δ᾽ ἀκμή.

ΟΡ.

πῶς οὖν ἔχει τἀντεῦθεν εἰσιόντι μοι;

ΠΑ. ΟΡ.

καλῶς: ὑπάρχει γάρ σε μὴ γνῶναί τινα. ἤγγειλας, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὡς. τεθνηκότα.

1312 χαρᾷ Schaefer : χαρᾶς mss. 1328 ἐγγενής] ἐκγενής some mss. : εὐγενής others 1332 ἡμὶν Blaydes : ὑμῖν most mss. : ἡμῖν others

1340

117

But you know, I am sure, how things stand here.

You have

heard that Aegisthus is away from home, and our mother is 1310

indoors.

And never fear that she will see my face lit up with

smiles, for my hatred of her has long since settled deep within me, and now that I have seen you I shall never stop weeping for joy. 1315

How indeed could I stop, I who on this one day have seen

you come home dead and then again alive?

To me you have

done inconceivable things, so that if my father were to come alive, I should not now think it a miracle, but believe I saw him. So now command 1320

that you me

as you

have

come

wish,

achieved one of two things:

death.

to me

for on

my

in such own

a fashion,

1 would

have

glorious salvation or a glorious

|

ORESTES: Best be quiet, for I hear someone indoors coming outside. ELECTRA: Go inside, strangers, especially as you are bringing what 1325

no one there will refuse to admit, nor yet be glad to receive. [Enter the Old Slave from the palace.]

OLD SLAVE: You utter, senseless fools! Have you no longer any concern for your lives? Or have you no innate wits, that you 1330

don't realise you are not just on the brink of the greatest possible dangers, but in their very midst?

Why, if I had not long since

been keeping watch at these doors, we should have had your doings in the house before yourselves. 1335

of those things myself.

But as it is, I took care

And now have done with all this talk of

yours, and your unending cries of joy, and come indoors; for delay is dangerous in matters like this, and it is high time to be finished. ORESTES: So how shall I find things when I go in? 1340

OLD SLAVE: ORESTES:

All well, for you are safe from recognition.

You have reported me dead, I presume.

118

ΠΑ. ΟΡ.

ΠΑ. ΗΛ. ΟΡ. ΟΡ. ΗΛ. ΗΛ. ΟΡ. ΗΛ.

εἷς τῶν Ev “ἍΛιδου μάνθαν᾽ ἐνθάδ᾽ ὧν ἀνήρ. χαίρουσιν οὖν τούτοισιν; ἢ τίνες λόγοι; τελουμένων εἴποιμ᾽ dv: ὡς δὲ νῦν ἔχει καλῶς

τὰ

κείνων

πάντα,

καὶ

τὰ

μὴ

καλῶς.

1345

τίς οὗτός ἐστ᾽, ἀδελφέ; πρὸς θεῶν, φράσον. οὐχὶ ξυνίης; ΗΛ.

οὐδέ γ᾽ ἐς θυμὸν φέρω.

οὐκ οἶσθ᾽ ὅτῳ μ᾽ ἔδωκας ἐς χεῖράς ποτε; ποίῳ; τί φωνεῖς; ΟΡ. οὗ τὸ Φωκέων πέδον ὑπεξεπέμφθην

σῇ προμηθίᾳ

χεροῖν.

1350

N κεῖνος οὗτος ὅν ποτ᾽ ἐκ πολλῶν ἐγὼ μόνον προσηῦρον πιστὸν ἐν πατρὸς φόνῳ; ὅδ᾽ ἐστί. μή μ᾽ ἔλεγχε πλείοσιν λόγοις.

ὦ φίλτατον φῶς, ὦ μόνος σωτὴρ δόμων ᾿Αγαμέμνονος, πῶς ἦλθες; ἦ σὺ κεῖνος εἶ ὃς τόνδε ὦ φίλταται

ποδῶν ξυνών λόγοις χαῖρ᾽, χαῖρ᾽"

κἄμ᾽ ἔσωσας μὲν

ἐκ πολλῶν

χεῖρες, ἥδιστον

1355

πόνων; δ᾽ ἔχων

ὑπηρέτημα, πῶς οὕτω πάλαι μ᾽ ἔληθες οὐδ᾽ ἔσαινες, ἀλλά με ἀπώλλυς, ἔργ᾽ ἔχων ἥδιστ᾽ ἐμοί; ὦ TaTep’ πατέρα γὰρ εἰσορᾶν δοκῶ: ἴσθι δ᾽ ὡς μάλιστά σ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἐγὼ

1360

ἤχθηρα κἀφίλησ᾽ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ. ΠΑ.

ἀρκεῖν δοκεῖ pov: τοὺς γὰρ ἐν μέσῳ λόγους, πολλαὶ κυκλοῦνται νύκτες ἡμέραι τ᾽ ἴσαι, αἱ ταῦτά σοι δείξουσιν, Ἠλέκτρα, σαφῆ.

1347 ἐς θυμὸν φέρω mss. : ἠσθόμην σφέ πω Wilson 1359 ἔσαινες Lloyd-Jones and Wilson : ἔφαινες mss.

1365

119

OLD SLAVE: I tell you, here you are one of those who are in Hades. ORESTES:

Then are they pleased at this?

Or what have they been

saying? 1345

OLD SLAVE: I will tell you when all this is finished. But as things stand now, all is well for us in that quarter, even what is not well. ELECTRA:

Who is this man, brother?

I beg you, tell me.

ORESTES:

Don't you know?

ELECTRA:

I cannot even guess.

ORESTES:

Don't you know the man into whose hands you once gave

me? ELECTRA: 1350

What man?

What are you saying?

ORESTES: By whose hands, through your forethought, I was secretly sent to the land of Phocis. ELECTRA:

Is this the man, alone out of so many, whom

I found

loyal when our father was murdered?

ORESTES: This is he. Don't ask me any more questions. ELECTRA: O happiest day! O only saviour of the house of 1355

Agamemnon, how did you come?

Are you really the man who

saved my brother and myself from many sorrows?

O dearest

hands, and you whose feet have done most precious service! How could you be with me all that while unrecognised, and not greet me? 1360

Instead you killed me with your words, even while

you had for me the sweetest reality. Greetings, Greetings!

father!

For it is a father that I think I see.

I tell you, in one single day I have hated you and

loved you more than any man in the world.

OLD SLAVE: I think that is enough. 1365

As for the explanations, many

are the circling nights, and days to match, that will bring it all to

light for you, Electra.

120

σφῷν δ᾽ ἐννέπω γε τοῖν TTAPEOTWTOLV ὅτι νῦν καιρὸς ἔρδειν: νῦν Κλυταιμήστρα μόνη;

νῦν οὔτις ἀνδρῶν ἔνδον: εἰ δ᾽ ἐφέξετον,

ΟΡ.

ΗΛ.

φροντίζεθ᾽ ὡς τούτοις τε καὶ σοφωτέροις ἄλλοισι τούτων πλείοσιν μαχούμενοι. οὐκ ἂν μακρῶν ἔθ᾽ ἡμὶν οὐδὲν ἂν λόγων, Πυλάδη, τόδ᾽ εἴη τοὔργον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον τάχος χωρεῖν ἔσω, πατρῷα προσκύσανθ᾽ ἕδη θεῶν, ὅσοιπερ πρόπυλα ναίουσιν τάδε. ἄναξ

"Απολλον, ἵλεως

αὐτοῖν

1370

1375

κλύε,

ἐμοῦ τε πρὸς τούτοισιν, ἥ σε πολλὰ

δὴ

ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἔχοιμι λιπαρεῖ προὔστην χερί. νῦν δ᾽, ὦ Λύκει᾽ "Λπολλον, ἐξ οἵων ἔχω αἰτῶ, προπίτνω, λίσσομαι, γενοῦ πρόφρων ἡμῖν ἀρωγὸς τῶνδε τῶν βουλευμάτων, καὶ δεῖξον ἀνθρώποισι τἀπιτίμια

1380

τῆς δυσσεβείας οἷα δωροῦνται θεοί. ΧΟ.

ἴδεθ᾽ ὅπου προνέμεται

στρ.

τὸ δυσέριστον αἷμα φυσῶν “Apne.

1385

βεβᾶσιν ἄρτι δωμάτων ὑπόστεγοι μετάδρομοι κακῶν πανουργημάτων ἄφυκτοι κύνες" ὥστ᾽ οὐ μακρὰν ἔτ᾽ ἀμμενεῖ τοὐμὸν φρενῶν ὄνειρον αἰωρούμενον.

1390

παράγεται γὰρ ἐνέρων δολιόπους ἀρωγὸς εἴσω στέγας, ἀρχαιόπλουτα πατρὸς εἰς ἑδώλια,

ἀντ.

νεακόνητον αἷμα χειροῖν ἔχων" ὁ Μαίας δὲ παῖς Ἑρμῆς σφ᾽ ἄγει δόλον σκότω κρύψας πρὸς αὐτὸ τέρμα κοὐκέτ᾽ ἀμμένει.

1367 ye mss. : ᾽γὼ Hermann 1393 ἑδώλια] ἑδράσματα some mss.

1395

121

And as for you two who stand ready, I advise you that now is the time to act. 1370

man is inside.

Now Clytemnestra is alone.

Now

no

But if you hold back, bear in mind that you will

have to fight both with these and with others more able and more numerous. ORESTES:

It would seem, Pylades, that this task of ours requires us

no longer to talk at length, but to go inside at once, when we have paid our respects to the images of my father's gods that [375

stand by the portals here. [Exeunt Orestes, Pylades, the Old Slave and attendants into the palace, taking the urn with them] ELECTRA: who

Lord Apollo, graciously hear them, and hear me also, so often have stood before you ın prayer, making

offerings from what I had. 1380

you

And now, Lycian Apollo, with all I

have 1 beg, supplicate, implore you, be favourable to us and help in these our plans, and show men what reward the gods bestow upon wickedness. [Exit Electra into the palace.]

1385

CHORUS: See how Ares advances, breathing blood-lust against which the guilty will strive in vain. Even now the pursuers of villainy have passed into the house, hounds that none can

1390

escape.

So not for long now will the dream of my heart linger

In suspense.

For the champion of those under the earth is stealthily moving indoors, into his father's house rich from of old, with 1395

keen-edged death in his hands.

Hermes, son of Maia, who has

hidden the plot in darkness, leads him on to the very end and delays no more.

122

HA.

ΧΟ.

ὦ φίλταται γυναῖκες, ἅνδρες αὐτίκα στρ. τελοῦσι τοὔργον᾽ ἀλλὰ σῖγα πρόσμενε. πῶς δή; τί νῦν πράσσουσιν; ΗΛ. ἡ μὲν ἐς τάφον 1400 λέβητα κοσμεῖ, τὼ δ᾽ ἐφέστατον πέλας.

ΧΟ.

σὺ δ᾽ ἐκτὸς ἧξας πρὸς τί;

ΚΛ.

Αἴγισθος «ἡμᾶς» μὴ λάθῃ μολὼν ἔσω. alal. ἰὼ στέγαι φίλων ἔρημοι, τῶν δ᾽ ἀπολλύντων πλέαι.

ΗΛ. ΧΟ. ΚΛ. ΗΛ.

ΗΛ. φρουρήσουσ᾽ ὅπως 1405

βοᾷ τις ἔνδον. οὐκ ἀκούετ᾽, ὦ φίλαι; ἤκουσ᾽ ἀνήκουστα δύστανος, ὥστε φρῖξαι. οἴμοι τάλαιν᾽. Αἴγισθε, ποῦ ποτ᾽ ὦν κυρεῖς; ἰδοὺ μάλ᾽ αὖ θροεῖ τις. ΚΛ. ὦ τέκνον τέκνον, οἴκτιρε τὴν τεκοῦσαν. ΗΛ. ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐκ σέθεν

1410

ὠκτίρεθ᾽ οὗτος οὐδ᾽ ὃ γεννήσας πατήρ. ΧΟ. ΚΛ. ΚΛ. ΧΟ.

ὦ πόλις, ὦ γενεὰ τάλαινα, νῦν σοι μοῖρα καθαμερία φθίνει φθίνει. ὦμοι πέπληγμαι. ΗΛ. παῖσον, εἰ σθένεις, διπλῆν.

ὦμοι μάλ᾽ αὖθις. ΗΛ. εἰ γὰρ Αἰγίσθῳ γ᾽ ὁμοῦ. τελοῦσ᾽ dpa(^ ζῶσιν οἱ γᾶς ὑπαὶ κείμενοι.

παλίρρυτον γὰρ αἷμ᾽ ὑπεξαιροῦσι οἱ πάλαι

θανόντες.

1403 «ἡμᾶς» Reiske : «αὐτὸς» Triclinius 1413 σοι

1415

Hermann: σὲ

1420 παλίρρντον

mss.

Bothe : πολύρρυτον

mss.

τῶν κτανόντων

1420

123 [Enter Electra from the palace. ]

ELECTRA:

Dearest women, at any moment the men will be finishing

their work. 1400

CHORUS:

But wait in sılence.

How is ıt? What are they doing now?

ELECTRA:

She is decking the urn for burial, and the two of them

stand near her. CHORUS:

Why did you rush outside?

ELECTRA:

To guard against Aegisthus coming on us unawares.

[Clytemnestra is heard offstage.] 1405

CLYTEMNESTRA:

Ah!

The house is empty of friends, and full of

murderers. ELECTRA:

CHORUS:

Someone inside is shouting.

I heard a cry, horrible to hear, that made me shudder.

CLYTEMNESTRA: [410

Don't you hear, friends?

ELECTRA:

Oh! Oh!

Aegisthus, where are you?

Listen, someone is crying loudly again.

CLYTEMNESTRA: ELECTRA:

My son, my son, have pity on your mother!

But he had no pity from you, nor did his father before

him. CHORUS:

O

city, o unhappy child, now the fate you have suffered

day to day is dying, dying. 1415

CLYTEMNESTRA: ELECTRA:

Oh!

I am struck!

Strike, if you have the strength, a second blow!

CLYTEMNESTRA:

Oh! Yet again!

ELECTRA: I wish it were Aegisthus too! CHORUS: 1420

The curses are being fulfilled.

earth are alive.

Those who live under the

Those long since dead are draining away from

their killers blood in return for blood. [Enter Orestes and Pylades from the palace. sword. }

Orestes carries a bloody

124

ΗΛ.

Kal μὴν πάρεισιν οἵδε’ φοινία δὲ χεὶρ στάζει θνηλῆς "Apeos, οὐδ᾽ ἔχω ψέγειν. Ὀρέστα, πῶς κυρεῖ τάδ᾽, ΟΡ. ἐν δόμοισι καλῶς,

ΗΛ. ΧΟ. ΗΛ.

᾿Απόλλων

εἰ καλῶς

μὲν

ἐθέσπισεν.

τέθνηκεν ἡ τάλαινα; ΟΡ. μηκέτ᾽ ἐκφοβοῦ μητρῷον ὥς σε λῆμ᾽ ἀτιμάσει ποτέ. παύσασθε: λεύσσω γὰρ Αἴ-γισθον ἐκ προδήλου. ὦ παῖδες, οὐκ ἄψορρον; ΟΡ. εἰσορᾶτε ποῦ

τὸν ἄνδρ,

ΗΛ.

1425

1430

ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν οὗτος ἐκ προαστίου

χωρεῖ

γεγηθὼς « - - - X - - - >,

XO.

βᾶτε

κατ᾽ ἀντιθύρων ὅσον τάχιστα,

ΟΡ.

νῦν, τὰ πρὶν εὖ θέμενοι, τάδ᾽ ὡς πάλιν. θάρσει’ τελοῦμεν. HA. À νοεῖς ἔπειγέ νυν.

ΟΡ. ΧΟ.

ἀντ.

καὶ δὴ βέβηκα. ΗΛ. τἀνθάδ᾽ ἂν μέλοιτ᾽ ἐμοί. δι᾽ ὠτὸς ἂν παῦρά γ᾽ ὡς ἠπίως ἐννέπειν πρὸς ἄνδρα τόνδε συμφέροι, λαθραῖον ὡς ὀρούσῃ πρὸς δίκας ἀγῶνα.

1435

1440

ΑἸΓΙΣΘΟΣ

τίς oldev ὑμῶν ποῦ ποθ᾽ οἱ Φωκῆς ξένοι, οὕς dao’

Ὀρέστην

λελοιπόθ᾽ ἱππικοῖσιν

ἡμὶν ἀγγεῖλαι

βίον

ἐν ναναγίοις;

σέ τοι, σὲ κρίνω, ναὶ σέ, τὴν ἐν τῷ πάρος χρόνῳ θρασεῖαν: ὡς μάλιστα σοὶ μέλειν

1445

οἶμαι, μάλιστα δ᾽ ἂν κατειδυῖαν φράσαι.

1422-3 attributed to the Chorus by Hermann, to Electra in the mss. 1423 ψέγειν Erfurdt : λέγειν mss. 1424 κυρεῖ mss. : kupeite Reisig and Elmsley τάδ᾽, ἐν Kolster : rdv mss. : δέ; τάν Hermann

1426 τέθνηκεν ἡ τάλαινα attributed to Electra by Erfurdt, to Orestes in the mss. 1430 ποῦ Hermann : tov mss. 1435 à νοεῖς ἔπειγέ νυν attributed to Electra by Erfurdt, to Orestes in the mss. 1437-41 attributed to the Chorus by Triclinius, to Electra in the mss.

125

Look, they are here. A bloody hand drips with a sacrifice to Ares, and I can find no fault. 1425

ELECTRA:

Orestes, how goes it?

ORESTES:

All is well within the house, if Apollo prophesied well.

ELECTRA:

Is the wretched woman dead?

ORESTES:

Fear no more that your mother's arrogance will ever

degrade you again. [430

CHORUS: Stop! For I am certain I see Aegisthus. ELECTRA: Boys, get back! ORESTES:

Where do you see the man?

ELECTRA: There he is, at our mercy, coming from the outskirts of the city full of delight. CHORUS: 1435

Go back through the doors quick as you can!

The first

part has succeeded, so now may the next one also. ORESTES: Don't worry! We shall accomplish it. ELECTRA:

Hurry then to where you mean to go!

ORESTES:

There, I am gone.

[Exeunt Orestes and Pylades into the palace.]

1440

ELECTRA:

Leave things here to me.

CHORUS:

It would be as well to speak a few words in his ear with

feigned gentleness, so that he will rush unsuspecting into the ordeal to which justice brings him. [Enter Aegisthus by an eisodos.] AEGISTHUS:

Which of you knows where the strangers from Phocis

are, who it's said have brought us news that Orestes lost his life 1445

when

his chariot was wrecked?

You, I ask you!

Yes, you!

You used to be bold enough before, and I think it concerns you most of all, so you are the one most likely to know and to tell

me.

126

HA.

ἔξοιδα᾽ πῶς γὰρ οὐχί; συμφορᾶς γὰρ Av ἔξωθεν εἴην τῶν ἐμῶν γε φιλτάτων.

ΑΙ.

ποῦ δῆτ᾽ ἂν elev οἱ ξένοι; δίδασκέ με.

ΗΛ.

ἔνδον:

ΑΙ.

h καὶ θανόντ᾽ ἤγγειλαν ὡς ἐτητύμως;

ΗΛ. ΑΙ. ΗΛ.

οὔκ, ἀλλὰ κἀπέδειξαν, ob λόγῳ μόνον. πάρεστ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἡμῖν ὥστε κἀμφανῆ μαθεῖν; πάρεστι δῆτα καὶ μάλ᾽ ἄζηλος θέα.

Al.

ἢ πολλὰ χαίρειν μ᾽ εἶπας οὐκ εἰωθότως.

ΗΛ.

χαίροις ἄν, εἴ σοι χαρτὰ

ΑΙ.

οἴγειν

πύλας

πᾶσιν

Μυκηναίοισιν

ὡς

ΗΛ.

Al.

ΟΡ.

ΑΙ.

φίλης γὰρ προξένου

εἴ τις

ἄνωγα

αὐτῶν

1450

κατήνυσαν.

τυγχάνει

1455

τάδε.

κἀναδεικνύναι

᾿Αργείοις θ᾽ ὁρᾶν,

ἐλπίσιν

κεναῖς

πάρος

1460

ἐξήρετ᾽ ἀνδρὸς τοῦδε, νῦν ὁρῶν νεκρὸν στόμια δέχηται τἀμά, μηδὲ πρὸς βίαν ἐμοῦ κολαστοῦ προστυχὼν φύσῃ φρένας. καὶ δὴ τελεῖται Tat’ ἐμοῦ τῷ γὰρ χρόνῳ νοῦν ἔσχον, ὥστε συμφέρειν τοῖς κρείσσοσιν.

1465

ὦ Ζεῦ, δέδορκα φάσμ᾽ ἄνευ φθόνου μὲν οὐ πεπτωκός" εἰ δ᾽ ἔπεστι νέμεσις, οὐ λέγω. χαλᾶτε πᾶν κάλυμμ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ὀφθαλμῶν, ὅπως τὸ συγγενές τοι κἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ θρήνων τύχῃ. αὐτὸς σὺ BácraC" οὐκ ἐμὸν τόδ᾽, ἀλλὰ σόν, τὸ ταῦθ᾽ ὁρᾶν τε καὶ προσηγορεῖν φίλως.

1470

ἀλλ᾽ εὖ παραινεῖς, κἀπιπείσομαι᾽ σὺ δέ, εἴ που κατ᾽ οἶκόν μοι Κλυταιμήστρα, κάλει.

1449 φιλτάτων) τῶν φιλτάτων some mss. : τῆς φιλτάτης others 1458 as restored by Wilamowitz (with Wecklein's οἴγειν) : σιγᾶν πύλας mss. 1460 πάρος] μάτην some mss. 1467 λέγω] ψέγω Dawe 1471 φίλως] φίλος some mss. : φίλους Purgold 1473 μοι] ἡ Triclinius

ἄνωγα

κἀναδεικνύναι

127

ELECTRA:

Of course

Iknow.

Otherwise I should be ignorant of the

fate of those I love best. 1450

AEGISTHUS:

Where then might the strangers be? Tell me.

ELECTRA:

Inside. They have fallen on a kindly hostess.

AEGISTHUS:

And did they actually announce that he is really dead?

ELECTRA:

No, more:

they not only told us what happened but

showed him to us. AEGISTHUS: 1455

Then can I see him actually with my own eyes?

ELECTRA:

Indeed you can, and it's a most unenviable sight!

AEGISTHUS:

Your words have certainly brought me more pleasure

than usual. ELECTRA:

Then you may be pleased, if this brings you joy.

AEGISTHUS: 1460

Open the doors, I say, and display for all the people of

Mycenae and Argos to see, so that if any of them were once buoyed up by empty hopes because of this man, they will now see him dead and accept my bridle, and not become

wise

against their will through punishment from me. ELECTRA: 1465

Well, my part in this is finished.

For I have the sense at

last to be on the side of those with the greatest power. [Enter Orestes and Pylades from

the palace,

together with the

covered corpse of Clytemnestra lying on the ekkyklema (wheeled platform).]

AEGISTHUS:

Zeus, what I see here is someone brought down

through the gods' displeasure.

But if there is cause for anger

here, I say nothing. Take all the coverings off the face, so that I too may duly mourn over my kin. 1470

ORESTES:

You lift them yourself.

It is not for me, but for you, to

look on this and greet it with love. AEGISTHUS:

That's good advice, and I shall do as you say.

And

you, call Clytemnestra for me, if she is somewhere in the house.

128

OP. AI. Al.

Al. OP. Al.

αὕτη πέλας coU: μηκέτ᾽ ἄλλοσε σκόπει. οἴμοι, τί λεύσσω; ΟΡ. τίνα φοβῇ; τίν᾽ ἀγνοεῖς; τίνων ποτ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἐν μέσοις ἀρκυστάτοις πέπτωχ᾽ ὁ τλήμων; ΟΡ. οὐ γὰρ αἰσθάνῃ πάλαι ζῶν τοῖς θανοῦσιν οὕνεκ᾽ ἀνταυδᾷς ἴσα; οἴμοι, ξυνῆκα τοὔπος οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπως ὅδ᾽ οὐκ Ὀοέστης ἔσθ᾽ 6 προσφωνῶν ἐμέ. καὶ μάντις ὧν ἄριστος ἐσφάλλον πάλαι; ὄλωλα δὴ δείλαιος. ἀλλά μοι πάρες

1475

1480

κἂν σμικρὸν εἰπεῖν. ΗΛ. μὴ πέρα λέγειν ἔα, πρὸς θεῶν, ἀδελφέ, μηδὲ μηκύνειν λόγους. τί γὰρ βροτῶν ἂν σὺν κακοῖς μεμειγμένων

1485

θνήσκειν ὁ μέλλων τοῦ χρόνον κέρδος φέροι; ἀλλ᾽ ὡς τάχιστα

κτεῖνε, καὶ κτανὼν

πρόθες

ταφεῦσιν ὧν τόνδ᾽ εἰκός ἐστι τυγχάνειν, OP. Al.

ἄποπτον ἡμῶν: ὡς ἐμοὶ τόδ᾽ ἂν κακῶν μόνον γένοιτο τῶν πάλαι λυτήριον. χωροῖς ἂν εἴσω σὺν Táxevr λόγων γὰρ οὐ νῦν ἐστιν ἁγών, ἀλλὰ σῆς Ψψυχῆς πέρι. τί δ᾽ ἐς δόμους ἄγεις με; πῶς, τόδ᾽ εἰ καλὸν

[490

τοὔργον, σκότον δεῖ, κοὺ πρόχειρος εἶ κτανεῖν; OP.

μὴ τάσσε' πατέρα

Al.

Al.

OP.

τὸν

δ᾽ ἔνθαπερ

ἀμόν,

ὡς

κατέκτανες

ἂν ἐν ταὐτῷ

1405

θάνῃς.

n πᾶσ᾽ ἀνάγκη τήνδε τὴν στέγην ἰδεῖν τά

OP.

χώρει

τ᾽ ὄντα

καὶ

μέλλοντα

Πελοπιδῶν

κακά;

τὰ γοῦν c" ἐγώ σοι μάντις εἰμὶ τῶνδ᾽ ἄκρος. ἀλλ᾽ oU πατρῴαν τὴν τέχνην ἐκόμπασας. πόλλ᾽ ἀντιφωνεῖς, ἡ δ᾽ ὁδὸς βραδύνεται.

1485-6 delected by Dindorf

1500

129 ORESTES: 1475

She is near you.

AEGISTHUS:

ORESTES:

No need to look elsewhere!

[He lifts the covering.]

Ah!

What are you afraid of?

What do I see?

Don't you know who it is?

[Orestes and Pylades draw their swords.]

AEGISTHUS: ORESTES:

Into whose trap have I fallen so miserably?

Don't you realise that you, while still alive, have for some

time been bandying words with the dead? AEGISTHUS: [480

Ah!

I understand what you say, for this can be none

other than Orestes speaking to me. ORESTES:

Were you, so fine a seer, misled for so long?

AEGISTHUS:

Then this is the end of me.

But let me say just one

little thing. ELECTRA: 1485

I beg you, brother, don't let him say any more or spin out

this conversation.

For when

men

have got themselves

into

trouble, what does someone about to die gain from delay?

No,

kill him as quick as you can, and when you have killed him, put

him out for the buriers he deserves, far from our sight. For me, 1490

this alone will bring release from all my past sufferings. ORESTES:

Go in quickly!

Now

the issue is not about words, but

about your life.

AEGISTHUS:

Why

take me into the house?

darkness if this act is honourable?

Why

Why

do you need

not kill me out of

hand? 1495

ORESTES:

Don' give orders!

Go where you killed my father, so that

you can die in the same place. AEGISTHUS:

Is it really necessary for this house to witness both the

present and future evils of the family of Pelops? ORESTES:

Yours, at any rate. I am the best prophet of that, I assure

you. 1500

AEGISTHUS:

ORESTES:

But your father did not have the skill you boast of.

You're answering back too much, and you're slowing

down our progress. Move on!

130

ἀλλ᾽ ἕρφ᾽. AI. ὑφηγοῦ.

ΑΙ.

OP. σοὶ βαδιστέον

πάρος.

ἦ μὴ φύγω σε; ΟΡ. μὴ μὲν οὖν καθ᾽ ἡδονὴν θάνῃς

φυλάξαι

δεῖ με τοῦτό

σοι πικρόν.

χρῆν δ᾽ εὐθὺς εἶναι τήνδε τοῖς πᾶσιν δίκην, ὅστις

ΧΟ.

πέρα

πράσσειν

γε

τῶν

νόμων

1505

θέλει,

κτείνειν: τὸ γὰρ πανοῦργον οὐκ ἂν ἦν πολύ. ὦ σπέρμ᾽ ᾿Ατρέως, ὡς πολλὰ παθὸν δι᾽ ἐλευθερίας μόλις ἐξῆλθες τῇ νῦν ὁρμῇ

1505-7 deleted by Dindorf 1508-10 deleted by Ritter

τελεωθέν.

1510

131

[505

AEGISTHUS: You lead. ORESTES: You must go first. AEGISTHUS: In case I escape you? ORESTES: No; but so that you may not die as you please. I must make sure that death is bitter for you. This is the punishment that should come at once to everyone who likes to act against the law — death. Then there would be little crime. [Exeunt Orestes and Aegisthus into the palace, followed by Pylades.] CHORUS:

Child of Atreus, after so many sufferings you have come

at long last to freedom, by this day's enterprise brought to good 1510

fortune.

[Exeunt Electra into the palace and the Chorus by an eisodos.]

133

Commentary 1-120: Scene:

Prologue: It is dawn (17-19) in Mycenae (8-9), on a day some seven or more years (14n.)

after the murder of Agamemnon by Clytemnestra and Aegisthus. The skene-building, with a single central doorway, represents the royal palace of the house of Pelops (10) where the murderers now live, ruling the land. With them live Clytemnestra’s daughters by Agamemnon:

Electra, the play’s central character, and Chrysothemis.

A third daughter,

Iphianassa, is mentioned (157), as arc children born to the murderers (589), but they play no part in the action. Three characters, one grey-haired (43) older man leading two young men, enter along one of the eisodoi, the side-entrances to left and right. One of these eisodoi (later, conventionally, the right) is imagined as leading to the country, the other to the town. Before the palace stands a statue and altar of Apollo aguieus (634-59n.). Nearby, but out of sight offstage, ıs imagined Agamemnon’s tomb (893n.). The Prologue (that part of the play which precedes the entry of the Chorus) falls into two distinct and contrasting parts: a dialogue (1-85) beiween Orestes and the Old Slave which

briskly prepares for the revenge action; and a lament (86-120) from Electra which lays bare her loneliness and sorrow and which, although technically part of the Prologue, belongs in spirit rather with the emotional lyrics that make up the Parodos (121-250). 1-85 Sophocles begins his play (as he does all of his seven surviving plays except Trach.) with an expository dialogue, which in a dramatically natural way establishes the background to the action and foreshadows what that action will be. The first speaker identifies for the audience the physical setting and the mythological context of the play: he is the Paidagogos, the old slave who has looked after Agamemnon’s

son, Orestes, ever

since he was taken from Mycenae at the time of his father's murder, and has now brought him home again to take revenge (11-14). He urges action (16, 20-22), but his 1s a supporting role (28n.) and it is Orestes who has formed the plan of revenge and who now succinctly outlines its details (29-66). The third character, Pylades (16n.), remains silent. 1-2 Son of Agamemnon, once great general at Troy: Orestes was the only son of Agamemnon, so nobody tn the audience can now be in doubt about the identity of the

young man onstage. His brilliant parentage is emphasised (and again at 694-5). Agamemnon was the leader of the Greek expedition to the Trojan War (541n.), the greatest mythical war of ancient times, and his capture of Troy was the most famous

of all military triumphs. His heroic achievements act both as a stark contrast to the shameful manner of his death (101-2n.), and as an incentive to Orestes to emulate his valour and to avenge his murder. (Cf. Phil. 3-4 and the reference to Neoptolemus’ noble parentage, which will later have its effect on his actions.) Thus there are sound

COMMENTARY

[34

dramatic reasons for not deleting line 1, which Haslam argues is spurious (GRBS 16 (1975) 149-74), quite apart from those offered by Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1990, 42; 1997, 30) in their convincing refutation of his arguments. you were always eager for ... for which you longed: Orestes has yearned for this moment of return to his homeland, and the doubts that Electra will later express about his feelings and intentions (171-2, 305-6, 319) are groundless. The old man, as he

speaks, points to the distant (imagined) landmarks. Davidson (56-7) suggests a parallel between this scene and the situation at Hom. Od. 344ff., where Athena points out the Ithacan landmarks to Odysseus; and he observes (59) that the Old Slave fulfils

the very role which Achilles hoped Patroclus would have fulfilled for Neoptolemus (Hom. Il. 19.328-33: "My heart hoped ... that you would return to Phthia, so that, taking my son in your swift black ship from Scyros, you might show him all my possessions and my property, my servants and my great high-roofed house."). Argos:

the district of Argos, not the town.

The characters are imagined as standing

in front of the palace of Mycenae on its high hill, looking southward over the Argive plain. Inachus’ gadfly-driven daughter: Orestes' distant ancestress, Io, daughter of the river-god Inachus who founded the Argive people (the Inachus being the chief river of the Argive plain). Io was loved by Zeus and turned into a cow by the jealous Hera, who set All-seeing Argus (so called because he had many eyes, placed all over his body according to vase-paintings) to guard her. Hermes killed Argus, so Hera next sent a gadfly to sting Io and drive her far over the earth. In Egypt she bore Zeus a son, Epaphus, whose great-grandson, Danaus, eventually returned to settle in Argos. This was "sacred ground" because of Io's story. For the myth, see Aesch. PV 561— 886, Suppl. 291—324, 531-89, Apollod. 2.1.3. 6-7

the Lycean

marketplace of the wolf-slaying god:

this 15 the marketplace of the

town of Argos, about six miles to the south, with the temple of Lycean Apollo on one side of it (Thuc. 5.47.11). The original meaning of Apollo's common epithet "Lycean" is uncertain, and it has been connected with both the land of Lycia and the root Auk-, "light", as well as with λύκος, “wolf”. This last is clearly how Sophocles understands it here, and "wolf-slaying" is an appropriate epithet for the god who protected flocks and herds (for Apollo Nomios see Jebb on OT 1103). The temple of Lycean Apollo at Argos was said to have been founded by Danaus (5n.), when the victory of a wolf (sent, he thought, by Apollo) over a bull won him the kingship (Paus. 2.19.3).

Apollo Λύκειος

is often invoked

as a destroyer of enemies

(by

Clytemnestra at 645, 655, and by Electra at 1376, 1379; cf. OT 203 and esp. Aesch. Sept. 145, "Lycian lord, be a very wolf to the enemy army"). Another possible play on the “wolf-slaying” epithet for the god who orders Aegisthus' death may derive from Aesch. Ag. 1256-9, where Aegisthus is likened to a wolf who has sex with a lioness in the absence of the noble lion. Apollo is a god fundamental to the play (on which see Horsley): he, or institutions with which he is associated, is also alluded to at 32-7, 49, 82, 634-59,

COMMENTARY

135

682, 1264, 1376-83, 1424-5, and his statue and altar stand onstage in front of the

7-8

audience (634—59n.); see also 17-19n.

temple of Hera: one of the most famous temples of antiquity, almost two miles from Mycenae to the south west, though not in fact visible from Mycenae itself. Io (5n.) was said to have been its first priestess (Aesch. Suppl. 291-3). The ancient temple was burnt down in 423 (Thuc. 4.133); a new temple was built a short distance away and housed a famous statue of Hera in ivory and gold by Polyclitus (Paus. 2.17). you may say: φάσκειν, infinitive as imperative. Mycenae: a city stronghold set on Mount Euboea, in a deep recess high above the northern end of the Argive plain (cf. Hom. Od. 3.263, "deep in the corner of horse-pasturing Argos"), and surrounded by huge Cyclopean walls.

10

11

It was destroyed by Argos in Sophocles'

lifetime, in about

468. rich in gold: the Homeric epithet (//. 7.180, 11.46, Od. 3.304), validated by the many gold objects found in excavations, first by Schliemann. the house: a return to stage-reality as the old man indicates the skene-building. rich in slaughter: a powerful description, the adjective emphatically placed at the beginning of the line and echoing the πολυ- of "rich in gold”. Atreus and Thyestes, the sons of Pelops, killed their half-brother Chrysippus; Atreus killed his own son, Pleisthenes; he also killed the eldest sons of Thyestes, then cooked them and served them up for their father to cat; Thyestes' youngest son, Aegisthus, killed Atreus, and later, aided by Clytemnestra, killed Atreus' son, Agamemnon. The audience, heanng “rich in slaughter", would no doubt guess that more deaths are in the offing (a guess soon confirmed at 14). after your father's murder:

lit. "out

of” the murderous

situation

(plural

for

singular, as often). 12

13

14

16

your sister, blood of your blood: the emphasis here on the physical link between Electra and Orestes foreshadows the strong emotional link which will become apparent as soon as Electra speaks of her brother with love and longing. carried you away ... saved you ... raised you: the three verbs, concentrated in a single line of Greek, emphasise the old man's servic®s to Orestes; see also 1349-56. "Saved you" is a hint that Orestes was rescued from a violent death, a hint later confirmed (296—7n.) to this stage of manhood: Orestes was an infant when Agamemnon went to Troy,

which fell in the tenth year of the war. According to Homer (Od. 3.303—6) Aegisthus was killed in the eighth year after Agamemnon's murder, though Sophocles may be imagining a rather longer interval (thus Sommerstein 208 n. 49), since enough time has passed for Electra to feel that Orestes has been procrastinating (171-2, 319) and to declare (185-6) that "the best part of my life has already passed away". We may imagine Orestes to be in the region of nineteen or twenty. Pylades: the son of Strophius, king of Crisa in Phocis, who gave the young Orestes refuge (44-6n.). Pylades is Orestes’ silent partner: he will be present in every scene in which Orestes appears, and he is addressed by Orestes at 1373, but he remains

136

COMMENTARY silent (a κῶφον

πρόσωπον), as he does throughout the revenge action of Eur. Εἰ., and

of Aesch. Cho. apart from one short but crucial speech at 900-2. Pylades was popularly believed to have married Electra in the aftermath of the vengeance: Euripides takes the marriage for granted (Εἰ. 1249, 1340-1, Or. 1078-9, 1092-3,

1658-9, IT 695-6, 915), and according to Hellanicus (FGrH 4 F 155) the

couple had two sons, Medon and Strophius. Although Sophocles makes no mention in his play of what happens after the revenge murders, the original audience may well have assumed from Pylades’ presence that marriage and motherhood would be the outcome for Electra. 17-19 we have: ἡμίν, ethic dative, lit. “the sun's bright light awakens for us ...”, i.e. we experience it doing so. the sun's bright light: the sun is prominent in the play: Electra addresses the sunlight (86) and calls out to its light when she recognises Orestes (1224) and the Old Slave (1354); Clytemnestra tells her dream to the sun

(424); Orestes' imaginary chariot race takes place at sunrise (699); and the Chorus call on the shining sun as witness (824). During the fifth century Helios, the Sun-god, came to be identified with Apollo (see Eur. Phaethon fr. 781, cf. Aesch. Sept. 859),

and it may be (as Leinieks argues, 116-17) that all references in the play to sun and sunlight are automatically references also to Apollo, the omnipresent god (6—7n.) who has commanded Orestes to avenge his father's murder (36-7 and note). the clear birdsong of morning: there may not necessarily be in the songs of the birds the cheerfulness which Jebb seems to see, but neither is there the “gloom and foreboding” suggested by W. Beare (CR41 (1927) 11-12). The clear voices of the birds simply herald the dawn. the black night of stars has ended: the darkness of night has given way to the bright light of morning (as it has for Electra: see 86-91, and cf. esp. 91), and the old man's lyrical words sound a note of hope, hinting at deliverance from an as yet unspecified evil. The light of day traditionally symbolises salvation: cf. e.g. Hom. II. 6.6, 17.615, 18.102, Aesch. Pers. 300-1, Ag. 522, Cho. 131, 809-11, 863-5, 961-2. Segal (1966, 492-3) admits an apparently bright promise in these lines, but argues that this is negated by the verb, ἐκλέλοιπεν, which is here tainted by the later use of similar verbs with negative connotations. Certainly not: such a retrospective judgement is hardly possible. Moreover these later verbs have in fact positive connotations: directly so at 91 (see note), and indirectly so at 185, 1131, 1149 and 1444, where they are based on an illusion — as the audience well knows. 20-21 before anyone comes out of doors: this is the first hint to the audience that behind the door in the skene-building are enemies, whose untimely entrance could bring disaster to the vengeance plot and death to the plotters. The threat of this will raise tremendous dramatic tension in the long recognition scene between Electra and Orestes and its aftermath (see notes on 1174-1223,

1236, 1326-53,

1354-63).

For

the dual in the Greek in 21, see 75—6n. 21-2 since in this situation it is no longer the moment for hesitation: the Greek of the mss. is corrupt, and printed here is the conjecture of Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1997,

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137

31). However, whatever the true solution to the problem, there is no doubt about the general sense of these lines. There is much

emphasis within the play on καιρός,

“the right time” (here

translated as “the moment”): see 39, 75-6, 1251-2n., 1259, 1292, and especially 1368-9 with the Old Slave's insistent "Now ... now ... now ... "; and cf. Phil. 466, 837-8, Woodard

(1965) 201, Torrance 309-10, Brann

103.

Smith gives a valuable

discussion of καιρός in the play, pointing to its association with δίκη and concluding that Sophocles uses the word in his plays with connotations of fitness, rightness, justice. Since, however, Smith follows Sheppard and Kells (see my 33-4n.) in

assuming that Apollo does not support the vengeance, he further concludes that καιρός in this play must be used ironically to point to the depravity of the situation. On the contrary: the revenge is most certainly god-directed (36-7n.), so we may take the use of καιρός as giving positive and affırmatory undertones to the revenge action. high time for action: this is typical of the old man, who always concentrates on the

matter in hand and urges on the young avengers:

cf. 28, 82-5, 1337-8, 1344, 1368-

71. It is Electra who encourages Orestes with similar words at Eur. Zi. 275.

26-7 does not lose ... pricks up his ears: 28

in the Greek, a gnomic aorist is followed by a

vivid present tense. with yourself the first to back us up: lit. "and yourself follow among the foremost”. The image ıs one of battle, where ranks of men follow their leaders: the old man would be in the very front rank. We must note that, even though he urges Orestes on (21-2n.), he is a follower, not a leader, and he can hardly be the "sinister"

manipulator suggested by Kells (on 1322-38). As Horsley underlines (21 n. 14), Orestes is the kyrios of the oikos returning to regain his rightful patrimony, while the old man is merely his slave (προσπόλων 23):

this would have been so obvious to the

original audience that it did not need emphasis. 29-31

I shall tell you ... while you ... put me right: so Orestes and Pylades have already conferred together (21), and Orestes now gives the Old Slave the chance to make

changes to what they have planned, though he does not do so. Orestes' narration of his plan is a dramatic device to give the audience an indication of what to expect; but, as so often, it gives away only part of the plot. Orestes cannot know that Electra will intercept the urn supposedly containing his ashes (54-8) and grieve over it, so Sophocles gives no hint of the moving recognition scene between brother and sister that will form the climactic turning point of his action (1098-1287). listen carefully: lit. "give a sharp hearing". 32-3 the Pythian oracle: Apollo's famous oracle at Delphi, where his priestess, the Pythia, answered questions put to her while she was in a state of trance.

33-4

to learn how I might take vengeance: it is sometimes argued (originally by Sheppard in his 1927 articles, and later by, c.g., Kells, pp. 4-5 of his edition) that by putting such a leading question into Orestes’ mouth, Sophocles intended to absolve Apollo of any responsibility for the matricide: the impious Orestes asked how he

might take vengeance, whereas he ought to have asked whether he should do so, and

COMMENTARY

138

therefore the god encouraged him towards his own ruin. This cannot be so, for the words of the oracle itself instruct Orestes to carry out “lawful killings” (36-7 and note); Kamerbeek rightly calls Sheppard's argument a "sophism", and WinningtonIngram comments (236): “If Orestes asked about means and not ends, we are given no reason to suppose that the god did not approve the end.” (See also Bowra 215-18,

Hester 1981, Heath 136 n. 30, Lefèvre 43-4.)

Orestes’ own later words (69-70 and

note) show that he is convinced that he acts under a divine mandate; as also is the Old Slave (82-3). Orestes in Aeschylus also believes that he must take vengeance, quite apart from the god’s command (Cho. 299-304 and Garvie’s note).

35

gave me the response:

χρῇ is a historic present (from xpdw), adding immediacy to

the narrative. 36-7 There is no reason to doubt that these were solemn and explicit instructions to

Orestes from the god. In Aeschylus too (Cho. 269-96) Apollo’s instructions are spelled out, though not in Euripides (ZI. 87-9) where their absence has the effect of emphasising the god’s remoteness from the action (Cropp on 87). It must be remembered that Apollo’s statue gave him a permanent stage presence in the play (634-59n.). The god is thus a silent witness of all that follows, constantly reminding the audience that he is the initiator of this vengeance by guile (Goward 112). I alone (αὐτὸν) ... with my own hand (χειρὸς): emphasising the directly personal nature of Orestes’ vengeance, the responsibility laid on him and him alone. stealthily accomplish (κλέψαι) by guile (δόλοισι): this must be vengeance in kind: just as δόλος, “guile”, played its part in the murder of Agamemnon (124, 197,

279), so 9, 1392, general Apollo’s does

must guile now be used in requital against the murderers (cf. 56, 649, 1227— 1396). The verb, which usually means “to steal", is here used in the more sense of “to do by stealth”; cf. 56, Aj. 188, 1137. δόλος also occurs in oracular instructions at Aesch. Cho. 556-8 (cf. 888). It is wrong to assert, as

Segal

(1966, 510-11),

that Sophocles,

as the creator of the unscrupulous

Odysseus in Phil., means Orestes in his use of guile to be seen as base and unheroic. There is a categorical distinction between a trick urged by Odysseus with the aim of stealing from a friend, and one ordered by Apollo for use against an enemy. Cf. Soph. fr. 247 Radt: “Even if you are ordered to go beyond the bounds of right, you must go there; for no guidance that the gods give is shameful.” lawful killings: we note the plural: both Aegisthus and Clytemnestra are condemned by Apollo to die.

39-66

Orestes has returned to Mycenae with a carefully thought out plan of action, leaving

much

less to chance than in Aeschylus (Cho. 554-84), and in emphatic contrast to his

Euripidean counterpart, who has no clear plan at all and is told what to do by Electra and the old retainer (ΕἸ. 612-70). Uniquely in Sophocles, the plan and preparation for the vengeance take place before the recognition of brother and sister, so Electra will remain completely ignorant of the scheme and will herself become a victim of the deception by believing that her dear brother ıs dead.

COMMENTARY 39

when you have the chance:

139

lit. "when the right moment (καιρός) takes you in" (21-

2n.). 41

you can report to us: this part of the plan will be interrupted by Electra’s meeting with Orestes, and it will be Electra who explains the current situation to her brother (1307-9; cf. 1174-1223n.). 42-3 they will never recognise you: alter an absence of only eight years or so (14n.) this is perhaps not entirely plausible; but the forward movement of the action would not allow the audience to dwell on any anomaly. 44-6 Phanoteus and his brother Crisus were said to have fought with each other even in their mother’s womb, and they grew up to share a lifetime of hostility. They founded, respectively, the Phocian towns of Phanoteus (or Panopeus) and Crisa (180). Crisus was the father of Strophius, the ally of Agamemnon who gave refuge to the young Orestes. Phanoteus, the enemy of Crisus, was the ally of Aegisthus and Clytemnestra, the enemies of Agamemnon. He is not found in Aeschylus or

Euripides, and was no doubt introduced by Sophocles to make the deception appear more convincing, since it would seem natural for him to send his allies the glad news of Orestes’

death (670-3).

Strophius, on the other hand, will be said to have given

the last rites to Orestes' corpse before sending his ashes home for burial (757-60, 1110-11). Strophius is the father of Pylades (16n.), and by a sister of Agamemnon according to Euripides (17 918, Or. 1233), which would make Orestes and Pylades cousins. their allies: their "spear-friends", allies with armed forces at their command who would support cach other in war (Jebb on OC 632f.).

47

take your oath on it:

a false oath would have been acceptable in the light of

A pollo's instructions to use guile (37), but in fact no oath is needed: the old man instead spins the simple fact of Orestes’ death (48, 673), “tossed from his racing chariot at the Pythian Games”

(49-50), into a vivid and compelling narrative (681—

756) that convinces by its realistic detail.

The physical evidence of the urn (54-8)

will convince further. Because no oath is later taken, Musgrave’s ὄγκον is a possible emendation here, approved by Kells, with the text then reading "Tell them, and add bulk/padding (to my outline), that Orestes is dead ...". Certainly the Old Slave does indeed add padding when he comes to tell his story. 49-50 tossed from his racing chariot: it is possible that Sophocles conceived the idea of the fictional chariot race for Orestes from hints in Aeschylus (Cho. 794-9,

Pythian Games:

1022-4).

the scholiast (and probably Aristotle, Poetics 1460a 31) felt that

this must be anachronistic, since the athletic contests at Delphi were said to have been instituted only in the third year of the 48th Olympiad, i.e. 586 (Paus. 10.7.4-5), many centuries later than the events of this play, which is set in the heroic age and the

aftermath of the Trojan War.

As at 42-3, such an anomaly would probably pass

unnoticed by the audience. (But see P. E. Easterling, JHS 105 (1985) 7-8, for arguments that Sophocles and his audience may not have known that there was any anachronism.) The Pythian Games were held every four years, in April.

140 51-3

COMMENTARY my father’s grave: Agamemnon’s tomb (893n.), central to the setting of Aesch. Cho. and here important to the later action (406ff., 893ff.), is to be imagined as nearby, but out of sight offstage. This is the first time that Orestes has ever visited his father’s grave, so now he will make the appropriate offerings: libations (52, 894-5), locks of hair (52, 901), and (not mentioned here) a mass of flowers (895-6).

54

as the

god commanded: the Greek has simply “as he commanded”, 1.6. Apollo (82-4), which shows clearly that the god is at the forefront of Orestes’ mind as he outlines his plans for compliance with the oracle. libations: liquid offerings, poured on to the earth, were thought to reach the dead directly, as at Aesch. Cho. 15, 23, 84-164; and see W. Burkert, Greek Religion (translated by J. Raffan, Cambridge MA 1985), 70-3. Chrysothemis will later see libations of milk (894-5). Wine, and milk mixed with honey, were also traditional offerings to the dead; cf. Hom. Od. 10.519, Aesch. Pers. 610-17. luxuriant locks of hair: as at Aesch. Cho. 6-7, 168-9, and Eur. Εἰ. 90-1, 515. Cutting one’s hair was an act of mourning, and the practice of offering hair at a tomb is widely attested in ancient literature, as at Hom. //. 23.135-52, Aj. 1173-5, Eur. Or. 96, 113, /T 173-4, 703, Phoen. 1524-5, Paus. 7.17.8. The audience is now prepared for the hair to be found by Chrysothemis (900-15), and will expect it to lead, directly or indirectly, to recognition between Electra and Orestes, traditional since Stesichorus (217 PMG) - as indeed it does in Aeschylus and Euripides. But Sophocles has other intentions: see 871-937n. and 1098-1287n. The luxuriant locks of Orestes, brought up in comfort, are very different from the rough hair of Electra (451), who is living the life of a slave. the urn of beaten bronze: this is a crucial piece of stage property, comparable in importance to the bow in Phil., the robe in Trach., and the sword in Aj. Mentioned again at 757-8, the urn is finally brought onstage by Orestes at 1098, where it plays a vital role in Electra's ensuing scene of grief (1113ff., and see 1205-17n.) before she is finally reunited with her brother. It is then taken indoors, and Clytemnestra will be unsuspectingly decking it ready for burial when her murderers strike (1400-1 and note). It is the outward symbol of Orestes' fictitious death, while being the means of bringing him back to life and position in his father's house. (Segal (1980) 278ff. has some good comments on the functions of the urn.) We may imagine it to be about eighteen inches high (on ash urns from early Athenian burials, see Kurtz and Boardman 53). There is a fourth-century (360-340) depiction of Orestes holding the urn, with in front of him Electra, and behind him Pylades, on a Lucanian bell-krater in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna (LIMC, “Electra I’, no. 48).

Sophocles’ phrase, lit. “a beaten thing with sides of bronze", was probably suggested by Aesch. Cho. 686 (see Garvie's note), where the ashes of Orestes are said to be confined within the “sides of a bronze urn", λέβητος χαλκέου πλευρώματα. Dunn (1998) suggests that the rather ambiguous phrasing in 54, linked with the Homeric associations of xaAxómAeupov (“perhaps implying a shield covered or adorned with bronze"), gives epic colouring to the actions of Orestes and Pylades: "they will prepare themselves for the mighty task at hand by taking up (on one level)

COMMENTARY

141

an ambiguously described urn, while at the same time donning (on another level) the

56

arms and the stature of Homeric warriors.” deceive them with our story: κλέπτοντες echoes κλέψαι of 37; cf. a similar phrase at Eur. Phoen. 992. welcome news: Orestes has no illusions and knows that Clytemnestra and Aegisthus desire his death. This is later borne out by their reactions to the news:

773-87 (and see 766-8n.), 791-3,

1432 and 1456.

The fact that the

news is what they wish to hear will also make it more believable. Cf. Eur. ΕἸ. 418, where Electra recognises that if Clytemnestra learns of Orestes’ being alive, the news would gall her. 59-61 what harm does this do me?:

lit. “what grief is this for me?”

The ancient Greeks

believed in omens, so Orestes is aware that a report of his own death might seem ominous; but he brushes aside any natural scruples in the interest of the great advantage to be gained from such a false report. And indeed no harm will come to Orestes; it is Electra who will suffer extreme (though temporary) grief when she believes her brother dead. Cf. Eur. Hel. 1050-2 with Dale's note; also Dale 228, where she suggests that Menelaus' response to the idea of a pretended death followed by a typical female lamentation (Hel. 1056, “The idea isn't a very original one") is a humorous comment by Euripides himself on these lines here, which are soon to be followed by Electra's lament over the urn. Dale concludes that Sophocles' play was

produced the year before Helen, i.e in 413. Aeschylus’ Orestes too is reported dead, but he feels no scruples at the thought.

in fiction ... in fact:

the contrast between

λόγος and ἔργον, word and deed (a common antithesis in sophistic thought), is one of the recurring motifs of the play: cf. 73-4, 347n., 357-8, 624-5, 1359-60, 1372-3. Discussions of the whole play interpreted in terms of logos and ergon, with each

reaching different conclusions, are offered by Woodard 1964 and 1966, Minadeo 1967 and 1994, Kitzinger. This is, however, too restrictive an approach on which to base a complete interpretation of the play - there are, after all, many other antitheses within its compass, such as illusion/reality, light/dark, joy/grief, life/death, friends/enemies — and it does insufficient justice to the richness of the whole. See

also 349-50n. win renown: κλέος, the very word used of Orestes' revenge at Hom. Od. 1.298, 3.204. no word is ill-omened if accompanied by profit: some critics have likened this statement to the words of the unscrupulous Odysseus at Phil. 111; but there is a clear difference:

Sophocles has in this play put the command for δόλος

into the mouth of Apollo (36-7n.), so all Orestes’ plans are based on obedience to the god. Batchelder's reading (38) is to be preferred:

she compares the κέρδος, “profit”,

here with the κέρδος from Zeus that Odysseus expects from his deception detailed at Hom. Od. 23.130-40 (κέρδος 140). See also 766-7 In.

62-6

clever men ... falsely reported dead ... : Jebb gives various instances of such popular stories. But the man most naturally coming to mind would (despite Jebb and most commentators)

be Homer's Odysseus, that “man of many

wiles" (πολύμητις)

and fabricator of lying tales, who was assumed to be dead but returned, in disguise, to take revenge on the Suitors, the usurpers of the king, and to regain his home and

142

COMMENTARY

kingdom; though in Homer it is Achilles who is specifically likened to a star blazing on his enemy, when he goes in his splendid new armour to avenge Patroclus by slaying the man who killed him, Hector: //. 22.26—32; cf. 19.381, where Achilles’ helmet shines like a star, ἀστὴρ ὥς ἀπέλαμπεν, and 22.317-21. Just so, splendid but menacing, will Orestes blaze on his enemies, ἄστρον ὥς λάμψειν (66), a brilliant image reminiscent of the bright promise of the new day at 17-19. Seaford (1994, 378) sees this whole passage (59-66) as alluding to mystic initiation ritual: “The victory achieved by the fictitious death of Orestes ... is assimilated to the ‘victory’ of the mystic transition from fictitious death to lasting joy”; cf. 1224n. 67-72 This is the first of several prayers made during the course of the play. It will be fulfilled, as will Electra's prayers at 110-18 and 1376-83. The only prayer unfulfilled will be Clytemnestra’s to Apollo, obliquely asking for Orestes’ death; though she herself will believe her request to be immediately and favourably answered - a belief that will bring about her own death (634—59n.). 67 land of my fathers and gods of my country: Philoctetes prays in almost the same words at Phil. 1040. At Aesch. Ag. 810, Agamemnon too, on his return to Argos, prays first to his fatherland and its gods. 69-70 I come in all justice as your purifier, spurred on by the gods: these words are vital for an understanding of Orestes’ role in the play: there is no shadow of doubt in his mind that by killing his father’s murderers he will be (a) justly purifying his house, which they have defiled, and (b) acting as an agent for the gods; cf. Aesch. Cho. 941, 966-8. 71 donot send me dishonoured from this land: i.e. without gaining the god-instructed vengeance, and without regaining his house, his possessions and his position. 72

let me take control of my wealth: this would have been seen, not as mercenary, but as the natural and honourable desire of a son to succeed his father to his rightful inheritance: see Aesch. Cho. 300-1 and Garvie's 299-304n., Jones 109-10, Vickers

232-3. 75-6

wetwo:

partnership

the dual in the Greek (also at 21, 1297,

of Orestes

and Pylades,

1367, 1376,

and acts as a reminder

1401) emphasises the

of Pylades'

silent

supporting presence (16n.). the right time: see 21-2n., and for a similar philosophic sentiment Phil. 837-8. 77-81 As the three men are about to depart, there comes from inside the palace the sound of Electra’s desolate lament (77; cf. 1404-Sn.), in dramatic contrast to their own rational discussion of practical matters, and made more dramatic by its metrical contrast with the prosaic iambic trimeters that precede and follow her utterance.

(Cf.

Medea’s cries from within the house, before she appears onstage, at Eur. Med. 96ff.). Electra’s cry of sorrow sets the tone for Sophocles’ presentation of his central character, and connects this first part of the Prologue with Electra's monody at 86— 120 in a satisfyingly dramatic way. It also raises in the minds of the audience the immediate possibility (soon dented) that brother and sister will now meet. The fact

that neither even catches a glimpse of the other makes possible their later intensely

COMMENTARY moving recognition strangers.

scene (1098-1287),

when

143 they come together as complete

The Old Slave assumes that the cry comes from one of the servants; Orestes correctly guesses Electra. He will not be so perspicacious when he first meets his

sister face to face, and will quite fail to recognise her (1106n.). 82-5 Certainly not: Orestes’ suggestion that they wait and hear more from Electra is quickly rejected by the Old Slave in a reply which, with its emphasis on the matter in hand, is typical of him (21-2n.). Orestes yields at once to his advice, so there is no question of Orestes and Pylades eavesdropping on Electra as they do in Aeschylus (Cho, 20-1) and Euripides (ZI. 107-11). Let us attempt: this does not mean that the Old Slave will be helping Orestes and Pylades at the grave, for he has his own task to undertake (73-4); it merely implies his participation in the plan. before following Apollo’s commands: the Old Slave, like Orestes (69-70), is convinced that they are acting under the auspices of Apollo. F. H. Sandbach (PCPS 23 (1977) 71-3), following Nauck, would transfer 80-1

to the Old Slave and 82-5 to Orestes; but see the convincing counter-arguments of Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1990) 44. It must be Orestes who wishes to stay and listen to Electra, and the Old Slave who, as ever, insists on action (21-2n.). The scholiast comments that Orestes is young and curious, while the Old Slave is practical. All three actors now leave the scene, probably by different eisodoi (implied at 73-5):

the Old Slave to await the right moment to enter and announce Orestes' death

(660), Orestes and Pylades to pay the necessary observances at Agamemnon's tomb before returning with the urn supposedly containing the ashes of the dead Orestes (1098). 86-309 When the house, coming out sunlight. She will lyric dialogue with

men have gone, Electra, meanly dressed (190-1, 451-2), enters from through the central doorway of the skene to air her sorrows in express her feelings successively in anapaestic monody (86-120), the Chorus (121-250), and in iambic rhesis (254-309). This use

the the in of

different modes of presentation is likened by Gould (50-1) to the alternation between recitative and aria in opera. On such switches in dramatic perspective, see Dale on Eur. Alc. 280ff. 86-120 A powerful lament by Electra, called by Jebb a θρῆνος ἀπὸ σκηνῆς, a “lament from the stage building", delivered by an actor alone, as distinct from a kommos shared by actor and Chorus. It is in free or "melic" anapaests, which have “more of a lyric character than the regular anapaests of the marching songs" (Jebb). Electra expresses the two intense and overmastering emotions that drive her on, her grief at Agamemnon's unavenged death and her longing for Orestes' return, forming an effective contrast with the practical tones of

the men's discussion.

This is the only extant play of Sophocles in which he brings a

principal actor onstage to perform a monody before the entry of the Chorus, and by doing

so here, he emphasises in the solitary figure of Electra the pathos of her extreme isolation

144

COMMENTARY

(see 119-20 and note), thus evoking a heightened emotional response from the audience. “It is generally supposed that Sophocles is here under the influence of Euripides, who often puts an actor’s monody, usually sung by the heroine, in between the end of the prologue proper and the entry of the chorus” (Taplin 246-7); cf. Eur. El., Andr., Hec., Tro., lon, Hel. The singer of such an extended solo aria must have had to be something of a virtuoso: see Owen (1936) 148-54; C. Collard, Euripides, Greece and Rome New Surveys in the Classics

14 (Oxford 1981) 24-5, and on Eur. Suppl. 990-1033. On the lament of the Greeks for the dead, see in general Alexiou; and especially 22 on the role of women in cases of vengeance, where she comments: “Although the act itself rested with the men, unless there was no male survivor, the women maintained the consciousness for the need to take revenge by constant lamentation and invocation at the tomb.”

86

89-90

Ο holy light: the light of the sun is blessedly pure after a night spent among the pollutions of the house of Pelops — Electra's last such night of sorrow, though she does not yet know it. Contrast the first words of Euripides’ Electra, “O sombre night" (El. 54). blows full against my bleeding breast:

this may sound overly melodramatic

to

modern ears, but the Greeks readily gave active physical expression to their grief by tearing their hair and flesh: see Hom. //. 11.393, 19.284-5 (Briseis, mourning Patroclus, “tore at her breast, and her soft throat, and her beautiful face"), 22.77—8,

91

405-6, Aesch. Cho. 24-31, 423-8, Eur. El. 146-50 and Denniston's note, Andr. 826— 7. See also 285-6n. dark night has ended: Electra's "dark night". her long cycle of misery, is indeed about to end; cf. the similar phrase at 19, and see 17-19n.

Davidson (60) notes that

this is the only Sophoclean example of the Homeric epithet 8vo$epós. 92-3 by now: the transmitted reading ἤδη, "before now", implies the long duration of Electra's grief, which is so often emphasised throughout the play; so Frólich's κήδη

(“troubles”, cf. Aesch. Cho. 469), printed by Lloyd-Jones and Wilson, although it gives good sense, is unnecessary.

my night-long vigils:

there is bitter irony in

Electra calling her sleepless nights of mourning παννυχίδες, which were joyous allnight festivals, particularly associated with female celebrants; cf. the similar irony of Aj. 220, Aesch. Ag. 645. Electra's sleepless nights of anguish recall those of Penelope, while she waits for Odysseus: see Hom. Od. 11.181—3 (“... and all the time the sorrowful nights and days waste her away with weeping"), and especially 19.51324, where Penelope likens herself to the nightingale, bird of mourning, which is used

in this play as a mythical exemplar for Electra at 107, 147-9, 1077. 95-6

the murderous War-god gave no resting-place in a foreign land: Electra wishes

that Ares, god of war, had brought Agamemnon to death at Troy, which would at least have been a heroic end, in contrast to the brutal and shameful reality (101—2n.).

Orestes makes a similar wish at Aesch. Cho. 345-53, and Agamemnon's spirit in Hades voices similar regrets at Hom. Od. 11.405-11.

COMMENTARY 97-8

145

my mother and ... Aegisthus: it is clear that Aegisthus and Clytemnestra shared in Agamemnon’s murder (see also 205-6, 263, 358, 587-8, 815-16, 1080, 1190-2), but at times each is individually named as the murderer when becoming the particular focus of attention: Clytemnestra at 124-6, 278-9, 408, 444-6, 526, 578-9, Aegisthus at 269-70, 955-7. This same differentiation occurs in Eur. El. (see Cropp’s IOn.); also in Hom. Od.: sometimes both Clytemnestra and Aegisthus are seen as joint partners

in crime

(3.234-5,

4.91-2,

11.409-10,

24.96-7);

but

at other

times

concentration is on only Aegisthus as murderer, particularly when Telemachus is learning about Agamemnon's death and is being encouraged to take revenge on the Suitors just as Orestes did on Aegisthus (1.36, 298-300, 3.193-8, 304-8, 4.534-5);

and Clytemnestra alone is mentioned as murderer when the shade of Agamemnon is brooding on his wife's treachery (11.429—30, 452-3, 24.199-200).

Cf. Garvie xi-

xiii; and contrast Aesch. Ag. where Clytemnestra is the sole murderer. Extant depictions in art show Aegisthus and Clytemnestra sharing the murder (see Introduction 8-10).

the man who shares her bed:

the fact that her mother has a full

and satisfying sex life, with children born to her, forms for Electra a constant and bitter contrast to her own loveless, childless existence (164-5n. and 272n.).

98-9

split his skull:

σχίζουσι, a historic present adding vividness to Electra's words.

with a bloody axe:

a two-edged axe of bronze (484-5; cf. 195-6).

So the murder-

weapon in Sophocles is an axe, as it 1s in Euripides (Εἰ. 160, 279, 1160, Or. 497, Hec. 1279, Tro. 361), in contrast to the sword in Homer (Od.

somewhat ambiguous, but the weapon is probably a sword:

11.424).

Aesch. Ag. is

see A. Sommerstein, CQ

39 (1989) 296—301, against M. Davies, CQ 37 (1987) 65-75, who argues for an axe.

The famous Attic red-figure krater by the Dokimasia Painter (the "Boston Oresteia Krater”: see Introduction, p. 10) depicts Clytemnestra gripping an axe and moving in behind Aegisthus, while he kills Agamemnon with a sword. as woodcutters fell an oak: a powerful simile, giving a sense of both the lack of pity in the executioners and the greatness of their victim; cf. the deaths of warriors at Hom. 1|. 13.389-91, 16.4824. The simile at Hom. Od. 4.535 and 11.411 1s of Agamemnon killed “like an ox at the manger”.

100-1

no pity is offered by anyone but me: Electra is painfully aware that she is quite alone in her grief: sec her words at 119—20 and note. 101—2 so shameful and pitiful a death: the shame of Agamemnon's manner of death, particularly appalling in so great a man (“once great general at Troy" 1, "lord of Greece” 483), is frequently emphasised: see 206, 444, 487, and cf. 95-6 and note. The same kind of contrast is made in Aesch. Cho. (see Garvie on 1071-2) and at Eur. Or. 574; cf. Aesch. Eun. 625-8.

103-4

But never shall I cease my dirges and painful laments: this will be a major theme during the following lyric dialogue between Electra and the Chorus (121—250): they will suggest that Electra moderate her grief, while she will insist that night and day, on and on without end, she must carry on lamenting her father's death. She

146

107

COMMENTARY gives a reason for this life of constant mourning at 355-6. For a discussion of the boundlessness of Electra’s mourning, see Seaford 1985. a nightingale who has lost her young: the adjective can be passive, as translated here (so LSJ and Kaibel), or active, “child-slaying”, preferred by Jebb. Aedon, or Procne, killed her own son, either unintentionally in the case of Aedon (Hom. Od. 19.515-24); or intentionally, in the case of Procne, to avenge her husband Tereus’s

rape and mutilation of her sister, Philomela. The latter was the version used by Sophocles in his (lost) Tereus, perhaps produced soon after 430 (1. March, “Vases and tragic drama", in K. Rutter and B. A. Sparkes eds, Word and Image in Ancient Greece, Edinburgh 2000, 119-39). Procne was outraged at what her husband had done, and she killed their son Itys, cooked his flesh, and served it up to Tereus. He ate heartily of what seemed a sumptuous meal and only afterwards did he learn the truth. He would have killed both Procne and Philomela, but the gods intervened and turned all three of them into birds, Tereus into a hoopoe, Philomela into a swallow, twittering inarticulately, and Procne into a nightingale, forever singing her son's name in mourning. This mytific example is very apposite to Electra, who continually laments her father's death — and it is used again as a parallel at 147-9 and 1077 (see also 164—5n.) — especially since (like Electra, 92-3) the nightingale was associated

with sleeplessness (Aelian VH 12.20, citing Hesiod). 110-18 There is dramatic irony in this solemn and moving prayer for Orestes' return to help her in her troubles, and for divine vengeance for Agamemnon, since unknown to Electra this has already in large part been answered. Because the audience is well aware of this, the dramatic effect is to suggest that the divinities whom Electra invokes have already acted on her behalf, and will continue to act. Electra makes four invocations: (1) house of Hades and Persephone: the Underworld, ruled over by Hades (who by extension gives his name to the Underworld itself) and his bride Persephone; here the souls of the dead live a shadowy existence, and here the spirit of

Agamemnon

now dwells. Segal (1966, 485) comments that Hades is *a vivid and

insistent presence" in the play (see also 137, 183-4 and note, 463, 542, 833, 949,

1342), and infers from this that an important theme 15 therefore the negation of life. On the contrary: Hades is naturally in the background because Agamemnon is there, and so, in fiction at least, will be Orestes; but it acts as a positive force towards the god-driven punishment of evil (see 1417-21 and notes). (2) Hermes of the Underworld: Hermes Psychopompos, the god who leads the souls of the dead down to Hades; see Garvie on Aesch. Cho. 1, and cf. Hom. Od. 24.1-10. Hermes once led Agamemnon to Hades, and the Chorus will later (see 1395-7 and note) visualise him guiding Orestes to avenge Agamemnon's death. Hermes also helps Orestes in the execution of his revenge in Aesch. Cho., and he is invoked in that play by Orestes (1), Electra (124), and the Chorus (727 and 812-14). (3) hallowed Curse: the curse

pronounced by Agamemnon on his murderers, here personified and invoked as a supernatural power in its own right; see also 1417 and cf. Aesch. Cho. 692, Eum. 417, Sept. 70. Curses are regularly associated with the Furies, whom Electra next invokes

COMMENTARY (e.g. Hom.

147

Il. 9. 453-7, 566-72, and see Garvie on Aesch. Cho. 406-9).

(4) Furies:

the Erinyes, spirits of retribution who exact punishment for murder and other serious crimes of kin against kin, with the two crimes specified here at 113-14, unjust murder and adultery, being those committed against Agamemnon by Clytemnestra and Aegisthus. The Furies who will exact retribution are referred to again at 276 and 488-94 (in both places the adultery in particular is emphasised; cf. 272n.), and indirectly at 1386-8 (see note). Winnington-Ingram argues that these brief references

are meant to raise sinister possibilities of future trouble in the minds of an audience familiar with Orestes’ pursuit by the Furies in Aesch. Eum.; but in fact these passages

need have no reference beyond their obvious one, to the just punishment of the adulterous criminals who killed Agamemnon. (For a full discussion of WinningtonIngram's thesis, see Stinton 75-84.) As Case (198-200) correctly urges, the Furies in this play are active in concert with Apollo, not in opposition to him as the representatives of an opposing claim, as in Aesch. Em. Contrast a rather different use of the word Fury at 1080 (with note); and see also 1428-9n. holy daughters of the gods: on the identification of the Furies with the originally distinct "holy goddesses" who were worshipped in a cave near the Areopagus at Athens, see Garvie

on Aesch. Cho. 835-8. For the Furies’ all-seeing powers, cf. Aj. 835-7, OC 42. 119-20 The metaphor here is of a balance, with Electra imagining her own strength in one scale pan and her grief in the other: lit. “I no longer have the strength alone to move the weight of grief in the opposite scale": she is afraid that her grief will soon overpower her. The image vividly expresses the strain under which she constantly lives.

Woodard

(1965, 208) comments:

"The technical language of the balance

leaves us with a clear image of her depression; but also with the covert possibility of redress and ascension."

to hold up alone:

Electra has been isolated ever since

Agamemnon’s murder. At that time only one man was loyal to her, the Old Slave who took Orestes to safety (1351-2). Her scenes with Chrysothemis and Clytemnestra will shortly emphasise her painful isolation in the palace, and she will

feel yet more alone (813, 1019, 1074) when she believes Orestes dead and decides that she must kill Aegisthus unaided.

The Chorus will be her only supporters until

she is at last reunited with Orestes.

The Sophoclean hero regularly feels himself

(herself) isolated and alone (Knox (1964) 32-3). 121-250:

Parodos (entry of the Chorus)

The Chorus enter, a group of fifteen well-born (129) older women (Electra calls them γυναῖκες, 254; they address her as "child", 121, 154, 174, cf. 234). They represent the people of Mycenae (1227, cf. 1413), and are friends of Electra (134, 226, 307), with whom

they now sing an emotional konımos, a lyric dialogue. It consists of seven parts: three each of metrically responding strophes and antistrophes, and an epode, each of which is divided

between the Chorus and Electra, with the Chorus opening and Electra closing. (In Phil. and OC too the Parodos 1s shared between Chorus and actors, and also in Eur. El.) The women

are full of a motherly concern for Electra that emphasises by contrast Clytemnestra's

148

COMMENTARY

inadequacies as a mother (121-2, 233-4).

Their aim is to comfort Electra (130. 229), and

they urge her, for her own sake, to lessen her extremity of grief (141n.). But a Sophoclean hero is hardly ever receptive to the advice of friends (Knox (1964) 13-15), and again and again Electra replies by stressing that her duty to the dead Agamemnon leaves her no choice but to continue her wholehearted expression of anger and sorrow. To fail in this would be disloyalty to the dead. This reiteration of her constancy towards her father culminates in a passionate outcry (236-50) which finally convinces the Chorus (251-3 and note) that her way is right. This constancy will earn their outspoken praise in a later song (1058-97). On this Parodos, Kamerbeek comments: “Not a single word in this great structure is irrelevant to the matter in hand. When its last great lapidary sentence (245-50) has sounded, we know all about this Electra, and the impact of these lyrics is such that the hearer will identify himself with the heroine to an uncommonly high degree.” On the role of the Chorus in the play, see Introduction 17-18. 121-52 The first strophe and antistrophe focus on Electra’s sorrow, the Chorus urging her for her own sake (140-3) to moderation, Electra insisting that outspoken grief is her only possible course of action. 121-2 most wretched of mothers: significantly, the Chorus begin by damning Clytemnestra for her inadequacy as a mother. This is one of the major themes of the play, that Clytemnestra is no true mother at all (273-An.). The Chorus, in contrast, are trying to advise Electra as a “true-hearted mother” (234) would; and like a mother, as this Parodos demonstrates, they care for Electra, support her, comfort her

and suffer with her. 122-3 why do you forever waste away in this ceaseless lament:

lit. “what is this

ceaseless lament (in which) you thus waste away forever’, with Agamemnon

external object as though τάκεις 124-6

who long ago: (l4n.).

the

wiles

... oluwydv

the

= olpaxets.

something over seven years ago, if Sophocles is following Homer of your

treacherous

mother:

the

Chorus

do

not

mention

Aegisthus in this instance since their attention is on the faults of Clytemnestra (97— 8n.). For her treachery, see 279n. 127-8 Death to the contriver: the previous lines have been damning Clytemnestra, but

suddenly the Chorus refer to “the contriver”, ὁ τάδε πορὼν, in the masculine. Jebb and Kamerbeek take this as a general reference to include both the authors of the crime; but why then does Sophocles not use the plural, as elsewhere? Sommerstein observes (201): “The near contradiction between the beginning and the end of the

strophe cannot have been meant to pass unnoticed; and the listener who notices it can hardly take it other than as a hint from the dramatist that in this play Aegisthus will be the main, perhaps even the sole, victim of the avengers.” Sharp focus on Clytemnestra's death is certainly avoided until the time for it arrives (1368-9n.). if it

is right for me

to say so:

understandable caution, given that Aegisthus and

Clytemnestra are the rulers of Mycenae. at Eur. Med. 83.

For a similar caution, see the Nurse's words

COMMENTARY 131

I know... what you say:

149

Electra recognises that her grief is extreme.

134

you who ... give love in return for love: lit. “you who give and take the graciousness of every kind of friendship”, emphasising the mutual affection between Electra and the women of the Chorus. 137-44 Cropp (113) compares these lines with Eur. Εἰ. 194-8, and adds: “The commonplace view [of the Chorus] stresses by contrast the special nature of Electra’s

position ... Their view is not necessarily the right one; in both plays Electra is about to be released from her grief on her own terms.”

137-9 A conventional commonplace: 24.550-1).

the lake of Hades:

weeping will not raise the dead (as at, e.g., Hom. //. the Acheron, the River of Woe, was one of several

rivers in Hades (110-18n.) and was sometimes pictured as a marshy lake (Eur. Alc. 439-44, Virg. Aen. 6.107, 295).

to which we all must go:

πάγκοινος, lit. “common

to all”; cf. with the same thought Aj. 1194 πολύκοινος, Aesch. Sept. 860 πάνδοκος. 140

forsaking all moderation: this is a tendency of Sophoclean heroes, who are forever going to an extreme in the pursuance of their principles, and who by no means adhere to the Delphic maxim of μηδὲν ἄγαν, “nothing too much” (Knox (1964) 24-7). you are destroying yourself: this is the core of the Chorus’s concern, that Electra, by lamenting too much (ὑπερ΄. 176, 177, 217), merely deepens the misery of her

141

situation: see their words at 213-20. 145-6

Foolish is the child who forgets parents pitifully dead:

although

Electra is

speaking of herself and Agamemnon, she is also making a general statement, so she refers to “parents” in the plural instead of to “father”; and she says (lıt.) “foolish is he” (νήπιος “os) in the masculine, since generalisations about women in Greek are

often expressed in masculine terms:

cf. the words of Clytemnestra at 770-1 and of

Chrysothemis at 1026; also Trach. 151-2. 147-52 Electra chooses the nightingale (147-9) and Niobe (150-2) as mythical exemplars

for her situation because of their everlasting fidelity to grief.

For the nightingale’s

myth, see 107n. Niobe was the wife of King Amphion of Thebes: she had many children (numbers vary, but six sons and six daughters, or seven and seven, were the most usual), and was rash enough to boast that she was superior to the goddess Leto,

who had only two.

The offended goddess sent her son and daughter, Apollo and

Artemis, to avenge the insult, and they shot Niobe’s children dead with their arrows.

Niobe returned to her homeland of Lydia, where in her grief she was turned into a rock on Mount Sipylus (her “rocky tomb”, 151), an image of inconsolable sorrow with a spring of water forever flowing down her face like tears (just as Electra describes herself as “wet with tears" at 166). The story first appears at Hom. //. 24.599-620. Both Aeschylus and Sophocles wrote a Niobe, now lost. For the Sophoclean version, sce W. S. Barrett in R. Carden, The Papyrus Fragments of Sophocles (Berlin, 1974), 171-235. Antigone too sings of Niobe, whose imprisonment in rock is a parallel for her own approaching incarceration and death (Arr. 823-33). Thus Electra’s words here, later reinforced by a threat of imprisonment (379-82 and note), may raise in the minds of

COMMENTARY

150

the audience the possibility that her fate in this play will be similar to that of Antigone.

148 149

The reiterated “Itys, Itys” is reminiscent of the nightingale’s song; cf. Aesch. Ag. 1142-5. the messenger of Zeus: it was Zeus who sent the Seasons (they were his daughters by Themis:

150

Hes. Theog. 901-3, cf. Hom. Od. 24.344); and the nightingale was the

harbinger of Spring, arriving in Greece in late March or early April; cf. Sappho fr. 136 LP. Niobe, you I count divine: Niobe is blessed, like the gods, because she lives forever, and is able to express unending grief for those whom she has lost.

152

forever weep: αἰαῖ, found in most mss., may be correct here, echoing as it does the alat in 136; but alel is perhaps to be preferred, because the point is that Niobe’s grief is never-ending (thus Jebb), just as is that of the ever-mourning nightingale (αἰὲν 148).

153-92

The second strophe and antistrophe.

The Chorus now

try vainly to console

Electra, while she laments her longing for Orestes and her miserable life of loneliness and childlessness. 153 Not to you alone:

157

a common motif of consolation, as at Eur. Alc. 417-18, 892.

For

the irony of its use by Clytemnestra, see 289-90n. Chrysothemis ... and Iphianassa: these are named, along with Laodice (perhaps an early name for Electra: see 164—5n.), as Agamemnon's daughters at Hom. //. 9.145, 287. It is often assumed that Iphianassa is in Homer a variant name for Iphigenia, as is Iphimede in the pseudo-Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, fr. 23a. Sophocles evidently distinguishes between the two (as did the Epic Cycle's Cypria, fr. 17 Davies), although neither Electra nor Clytemnestra mention Iphigenia by name in

their argument about her death (528-94). Iphianassa will play no further part in the action, unlike Chrysothemis, who in appearance, character and behaviour will act as an emphatic foil to Electra (328—403n.).

159-63 The name of Orestes is dramatically emphasised by being withheld to the very end of a long sentence. For a similar effect, cf. Clytemnestra's words at Aesch. Ag. 877— 9. fortunate in a youth hidden from grief:

because Orestes has been far away from

the miseries that Electra herself has suffered in the royal palace of Mycenae. born of noble blood: lit. "bom of a noble father", a reminder of Orestes’ noble parentage (1— 2n.) and of his legitimate claim on the throne of Mycenae. The adjective is used again of Orestes by Electra at 859, and of Electra by the Chorus at 1081. by the blessed sending of Zeus: Διὸς εὔφρονι βήματι, with βῆμα, if correct, boldly used in a causal sense. Various conjectures have been suggested to replace βήματι, such as λήματι, "will" of Zeus, or σήματι, a "sign" from Zeus. But the basic sense

remains the same, with the Chorus emphasising that Zeus will bring Orestes home to Mycenae. Because the audience knows that Orestes has already returned, the effect 15

COMMENTARY

151

to suggest that Zeus too (as well as Apollo, 32-7) is behind Orestes’ mission (Kitto

(1958) 31). 164-5

The mention of her brother diverts Electra to the subject of her loneliness and her

personal sorrows (and see 303-6n.). That she has no husband and no child is a deep grief to her: see also 187-8 and cf. 961-6. Her sad childlessness gives further resonance to her choice of the nightingale as her mythical exemplar at 107-9 and 147-9. It may well be that this had long been a significant part of her myth, since we are told, in an etymology suggesting a Dorian source (Jebb xix-xx), that Xanthus, a

lyric poet earlier than Stesichorus (6th century BC), said that Homer's Laodice (//. 9.145) was renamed Electra because she was unmarried, ἄλεκτρος, and growing old in her virginity (PMG 700). Electra in Eur. Zi. (43-4, 254-62) is still a virgin, even though married, because her peasant-husband has not consummated the marriage out

of respect for her family; cf. Eur. Or. 1050. 168-70 he has forgotten what he has suffered: i.e. the wrongs of his father’s murder, which he should be avenging. and what he has learned: of the situation at Mycenae, either from messages sent by Electra herself from Mycenae to Phocis, or

from the Old Slave who carried Orestes to safety.

what message comes:

content of Orestes’ messages to Electra, see 171, 319, 1154-6. 171-2 always longing to come ... he does not think fit to appear:

for the

there is great pathos

in Electra’s words; but despite her doubts, reiterated in 305-6 and 319, she still believes in Orestes: see 323 and note. 174-9 The Chorus agree (178) that, as Electra herself declared at 145-6, she must not forget her father’s murder, but typically they once more urge moderation. It is Zeus’s province to bring retribution on malefactors, and since he sees and governs all things, her own bitter anger against (he murderers and desire for vengeance can safely be left in his hands. Time will ease her pain (as in our own saying, “Time heals all things”). your over-painful anger:

on the anger of the Sophoclean hero, see Knox (1964) 21-

3. 180-1

Crisa’s cattle-grazing shore:

the plain of Crisa (44-6n.) falls away southwards

from Delphi to the Corinthian Gulf. 183-4 the god who reigns by Acheron: Hades, king of the Underworld, whose realm lies along the banks of the river Acheron (137-9n.); Electra herself invoked the “house of Hades and Persephone” at 110. Campbell and Kamerbeek, however, see these words as referring to the spirit of Agamemnon himself, still with power in the Underworld, just as the dead Amphiaraus is later said to reign there (83641; cf. Aesch. Cho. 35462 and Garvie's note). 185-6 the best part of my life: cf. Electra’s words at 961-2, where she speaks of Chrysothemis as “growing old without marriage". Women married young: according to Plato (Laws

785b),

the right age was

no earlier than sixteen, but no later than

twenty. Electra was several years older than Orestes (for his age, see 14n.), since she was his nurse when he was little (1147). We should probably imagine her to be in her

152

COMMENTARY mid to late twenties, with Chrysothemis a little younger. Electra’s lament here is very similar to that of Electra in Eur. Or. 202-7.

187

I am wasting away without children: most mss. read ἄνευ τοκέων, “without parents”. But Electra has only one parent dead, and even though the living Clytemnestra is later condemned as “a mother who is no mother” (1154), it is better

to read here τεκέων, “children”, with Electra’s lament that she is without children, without a husband, echoing her similar words at 164-5. Campbell and Kamerbeek keep τοκέων, which would emphasise Clytemnestra’s complete lack of motherly qualities (273—4n.).

189-92 This is the first indication of Electra’s maltreatment and wretched living conditions, later reinforced at 264-5, 354, 379-82, 597—600, 626-7, 814-15, 911-12, 1181 and 1192-6. some worthless foreigner: Electra is treated like an alien immigrant with no citizen rights or privileges, fit only for menial labour; cf. Hom. II. 9.648, 16.59. clothed in these shameful garments: cf. Electra’s words at 451-2,

and Orestes’ later comments on her appearance at 1177 and 1181.

standing at a

bare table: Electra’s scanty sustenance is again suggested at 264-5 and contrasts with the rich fare enjoyed by the compliant Chrysothemis (361-2). She stands because she is treated like a slave (814, 1192), and only free members of the

household would eat reclining on couches. 193-212

The third strophe.

Moved by Electra’s misery, the Chorus lament its cause (193-

200), reverting to the theme which they mentioned briefly in the first strophe, the horror of Agamemnon’s murder — a theme taken up ın turn by Electra (201-12). 193-4 Pitiful was the cry ...: there has been some uncertainty as to the source of these pitiful cries (the pathos emphasised by the repetition), but most likely these are simply two references to Agamemnon’s own death-cry (Kaibel, Kamerbeek). Less plausible suggestions are that possibly they came from Electra when her father was murdered on his return home (Campbell); possibly from Cassandra, first in

foreboding (Jebb) and then at her own death (cf. Hom. Od. 11.421, οἰκτροτάτην δ᾽ ἤκουσα Oma Πριάμοιο θυγατρός, "most pitiful was the voice I heard of Priam's daughter’); possibly from the people of Mycenae in foreboding, and then from the dying Agamemnon (Jebb again). at his homecoming: agreeing with Aeschylus and Euripides in having Agamemnon’s murder take place in his own palace. In Homer, Agamemnon is killed at a feast in Aegisthus' house (Od. 11.389 = 24.22, 11.410, cf. 4.528-37), although 3.234 implies Agamemnon’s house (see Garvie x). as your father lay on his couch: the couch on which Agamemnon reclined to eat, as is clear from 203-4. In both Aeschylus (Ag. 1540, Cho. 999, Eum. 633) and Euripides (Et. 157) Agamemnon is killed in the bath. In Sophocles (194-6, 203-4), as in Homer

(Od. 4.534-5,

11.409-26), he is killed at supper (and there are verbal echoes in

Sophocles of Homer’s narrative: see Jebb on 95, 193-6). It seems that in the Epic Cycle too the murder occurred at a feast (see Introduction 2 n. 7), and possibly also in Stesichorus, for he began his Oresteia by singing of feasting and festivities (210

COMMENTARY

153

PMG), and may have gone on to sing of a peaceful feast shattered by murder (as M. I. Davies suggests (248-9), in “Thoughts on the Oresteia before Aischylos”, Bull. Corr. Hell. 93 (1969) 214-60). 197-9

Guile was the instructor and lust the killer ... : sexual lust was the motive (cf.

492-4, 561-2) and guile devised the means (cf. 124—6, 279 and note), together generating the “monstrous shape" (198-9) of Agamemnon's murder, imagined for a moment as an embodied horror. 199-200 whether it was god or man who did this: Jebb suggests that possibly an evil daimon was there, working out Myrtilus' curse upon the line of Pelops (504-15); but

if this were the case, why did Sophocles make no explicit reference to the curse? The Chorus's comment may be suggestive of Clytemnestra's words at Aesch. Ag. 1500-4, where she sees herself, in killing Agamemnon, as taken over by a spirit of divine vengeance for Atreus' murder of Thyestes' children (see Fraenkel on Ag. 1501); but

there is probably no need to read here a suggestion of direct divine intervention: the Chorus are simply doubting whether so horrible a crime could be merely of human contrivance. 205-6

shameful death:

see 101—2n.

In the Greek (τοὺς

... θανάτους

αἰκεῖς), we find

plural for singular, as at OT 497, Trach. 1276 (cf. φόνους 779); τοὺς is relative (acc.), and its antecedent θάνατοι alkets (nom.) has been drawn into the relative clause. the hands of the pair of them: of Aegisthus and Clytemnestra. The dual in the Greek emphasises the joint nature of the crime (97-8n.).

207-8

hands that betrayed and took my life captive, hands that destroyed me: ever since her father's murder, Electra has been wholly in the power of the murderers and has been condemned to a life of perpetual grief and anger: see esp. 164—5n., 18992n.

209 210

She

has indeed

carried a "terrible burden"

(204) ever since the night of

Agamemnon’s death. the great Olympian god: Zeus (174-9 n.). apportion pain for them in punishment: the T-alliteration in the Greek gives bitter emphasis (cf. 283, x and 1; 544-5, m; 613-14, τ; 622-3, x and τ; 804-6, 8 and x; 1253-4, 1; OT 371, 1; Phil. 927-31, 1t and 7).

211

ἀποναίατο: 3 pl. aor. opt. ἀπονίναμαι.

213-32 The third antistrophe. Hearing Electra curse her father’s murderers, the Chorus once more urge her, for her own good, to moderate her grief and anger at Agamemnon’s death (213-20), and once more she firmly rejects their advice because her course of action, although painful, is the right one (221-32). 215-16 calamities of your own making: the Chorus stress that Electra harms only herself

by continually expressing her feelings, since she provokes Aegisthus and Clytemnestra to treat her worse than ever. Cf. Ajax's "sufferings of his own making" (οἰκεῖα πάθη) at Aj. 260. 219-20 such wars should not be waged in conflict with those in power: lit. "these things are not a matter for contest with those in power, (so as) to come into conflict

154

COMMENTARY (with them)”

(see Jebb’s note for parallels).

The compliant Chrysothemis

wins

herself a pleasant and easy life by acting on this principle: see 340, 359-61 and note, 396, 1013-14; and cf. Electra's ironic words at 1464-5. 221 I have been forced into desperate measures by a desperate situation: Electra emphasises here, and again at 256, 307-9 (see note), 616-21, and 624-5, that she has

222

223-5

no choice but to act the way she does: she has been compelled into such extremity of emotion and conduct by the murder of her father and the subsequent outrageous behaviour of his killers, which she will detail at 261-81. She may feel a certain shame at the way she is forced to behave (254, 616), but she feels no guilt. Iknow that well, my passion does not escape me: Electra sees the truth of what the Chorus have been saying, for she is well aware that her passion is extreme, and she recognises thc high cost to herself of her fidelity to grief. I shall not curb my calamitous

ways, while life is in me:

echoing (ταύτας

ἄτας) the words of the Chorus at 215 (οἰκείας … ἄτας), Electra firmly rejects their plea for moderation: she will persevere in her course of action because it is the right one (236—50).

226-8

232

Lit. "For in the judgement of what person (τίνι) who thinks right could I ever hear a helpful word?". Electra will not be comforted, but will mourn openly because it is right to do so. crying these laments past reckoning: lit. "(being) thus without measure in lamentations".

233-50 The epode. By ring-composition, a common principle of literary construction in Greek, the Chorus return to their starting point. They began by damning Clytemnestra, that most wretched of mothers (121-2), and they now contrast their own motherly attributes, the affection and concern for Electra that have motivated all their advice (233-5). They have

urged moderation, but Electra vehemently repudiates any possibility of such a thing. reiterating the passionate convictions on which her actions are based: that Agamemnon's appalling death demands constant lamentation, and requital of blood for blood (236-50). 233 Well, at least: on ἀλλ᾽ οὖν "following upon the rejection of a suggestion", see Denniston 442-3; cf. 1035. 235

I tell you not to add misery to miseries:

the Chorus echo (ἄταν

dtats) their own

words at 215 and Electra's reply (223-5n.). 236

what is the limit of my sorrow?:

Kaibel and Kamerbeek take this as “what is the

measure of their wickedness?". 238 Who could harbour such an idea?: lit. “in what human being has this taken root?". 241-3 restraining the wings of my shrill lamentation: cf. Aj. 630-1, Ant. 423-4. Here each fresh lament is imagined as a bird eager to fly. my father: a generalising plural, for singular, in the Greek; cf. Eur. Hec. 403, where Polyxena speaks of "parents" while referring only to her mother. 245-50 These words form a solemn and impassioned climax to the Parodos and to Electra's justification of her behaviour. (“The passionate convictions on which her

COMMENTARY

155

[Electra’s] very life is based are here uttered with a vehemence surpassing all that has been said before”, Kamerbeek 48-9.) They must be meant to convince, and certainly they convince the Chorus (253, cf. 1085-6 and note). The tone is reminiscent of OT 895-6, where the Chorus famously ask why they should honour the gods with choral dances, if injustice and impiety are allowed to prosper on earth; and cf. OT 906-10, where they urge that if oracles are not honoured, everything holy will disappear. Here, the only possible conclusion is that Clytemnestra and Aegisthus must pay the duc penalty of blood in recompense for blood.

Cf. Aesch. Cho.

122-3, where the

Chorus reassure Electra that there is no wrong in praying for the death of enemies; and, for the thought, Ant. 643-4, Eur. Med. 809, Aesch. Sept. 1049, Pl. Rep. 33 le332b. all reverence for the gods: εὐσέβεια, on which see W. Burkert, Greek Religion

(51-3n.)

272-5.

As

Long

(151)

observes:

"This

conviction

that

the

vengeance is an act of piety is a crucial aspect of her [Electra's] character" (cf. Orestes’ words at 69-70, with note). The Chorus will praise Electra for her reverence

to Zeus at 1097. 251-471:

First Episode

The First Episode falls into two parts: first, Electra reiterates her point of view in more detail, and the Chorus reassure her that Orestes will return (251-323). Then Chrysothemis enters with offerings from Clytemnestra for Agamemnon’s tomb, and Sophocles highlights the manifold differences between the two sisters (324—403) before advancing his plot with the narration of Clytemnestra's ominous dream. Electra, restored to hope, interprets this as

an encouraging sign from the gods and persuades Chrysothemis to take their own offerings to their father's tomb (404-71).

251-3

for your good as well as my own:

here the Chorus clearly identify their interests

with those of Electra (and indeed throughout the play they are fully on her side): they

too wish the downfall of the murderers, whose unpunished crime hangs over Mycenae. For this use of the article with neuter possessive pronoun, cf. Aj. 1313. let your way prevail: lit. "you win". imperative. Electra has converted the Chorus to her point of view and they will no more urge her to moderate her behaviour, which in

fact will later earn their unreserved praise at 1058-97. 254-309 The high emotion of the choral lyrics is now over and Electra repeats in ordinary iambic trimeters many of the thoughts she has already expressed in the Parodos, but now more calmly and rationally. Having moved her listeners by her emotion, she now convinces them with facts, describing in detail the murderers’ atrocious conduct and attitudes. Note particularly the recurring emotional repetitions and crescendos (see notes

on 264-5, 266-73, 282-3, 287-99, 299-302). The speech begins with Electra’s justification of all her lamentation (254-60), touches briefly on her wretched relationship with her mother (261-2) and the misery of living with her father’s murderers (262-5), then moves to Aegisthus’ usurpation of Agamemnon's property and position (266-73). This leads naturally to Clytemnestra and

[56

COMMENTARY

her insults to Agamemnon’s memory (273-81), Electra’s consequent grief (282-6), and Clytemnestra’s harsh treatment of Electra which shows clearly her hatred of her daughter and her fear of Orestes’ vengeance (287-99).

Aegisthus is once more mentioned, briefly

and contemptuously (299-302), before Electra turns to Orestes, speaking movingly of her longing for his return and of her own hopelessness (303-6). The speech ends with a reiteration of the compulsion which drives Electra into her present behaviour (307-9). Contrast the equivalent speech in E. Εἰ 300-38, a less detailed damnation of Clytemnestra’s and Aegisthus’ conduct but spoken directly to the disguised Orestes, and thus in effect urging him to vengeance (see Cropp’s note). 256 a violent compulsion forces me: Electra begins her speech with a statement of the compulsion behind her actions: see 221n., 307-9n. 257 well-born: the adjective εὐγενής. "well-born", "noble", can imply notions of both birth and character (Kirkwood (1958) 177-80):

cf. Phil. 874-5, “But you, my son, as

a noble nature of noble stock ... ”; Ant. 37-8, "You will soon show whether you are noble or the base child of an illustrious race.” 258 the troubles of her father’s house: lit. “her father’s troubles”, which have arisen from Agamemnon’s murder and now affect his whole house. 260 on the increase and never growing less: Kamerbeek points out that this same antithesis increase/decrease, θάλλεινιφθίνειν, is found in medical writings. 261 my relationship with my mother: À = ἐμοὶ γάρ, hence "my". the mother who bore me: hence the very person who should have been all love and care. As Denniston comments on the same phrase at Eur. Εἰ. 964, “The fullness of the expression adds to the pathos.” Cf. similar elaborations at Aj. 1172, Eur. El. 264, Or. 29, IA 1338. 264-5 to them... on them: note the pathos in the repetition (anaphora) of ἐκ τῶνδε. For the sense, Jebb compares Ant. 63, OC 67, Xen. Hell. 3.1.6, and adds: “In such phrases ἐκ is somewhat more than a mere equivalent for ὑπό. It suggests the head and fount of authority; a sense fitting here.” I get or go without: this is a quite normal use of the aorist infinitive for the act of receiving and the present infinitive for the state of going without. Nevertheless these tenses still give a sense of the occasional and momentary nature of Electra’s receiving in contrast to her ongoing state of deprivation. 266-73 Electra turns to Aegisthus’ conduct, recalling the outrages which she 1s forced to witness daily. Her feelings rise in a crescendo of indignation as each piece of appalling behaviour is worse than the preceding one. Aegisthus sits on Agamemnon’s throne, wears his robes, pours libations at the very place of his murder, and finally, the supreme outrage, sleeps with Clytemnestra in Agamemnon’s bed. 267-8 sitting on my father’s throne: many vase-paintings show Aegisthus sitting on a throne (i.e. Agamemnon’s throne) when Orestes rushes in to kill him (March (1987)

92-3). It would seem, therefore, that this was a familiar part of the legend. So, for the alert in the audience, the phrase “sitting on my father’s throne” might well remind

COMMENTARY

157

them of this motif and thus of Orestes’ coming vengeance, sounding a note of hope in contrast to Electra’s grief and despair. 268-9 the same clothes: the royal robes of Agamemnon. Aegisthus also carries Agamemnon's sceptre (420 and 419-21n.).

269—70 pouring libations at the very hearth where he killed him: so Agamemnon was killed at the most sacred place in the house, the place where the master of the house performed the family sacrifices (Fraenkel on Aesch. Ag. 1435). We also know that Agamemnon was killed during supper (193—4n.). At every sacrifice and feast the first libation (drink-offering) and probably also the last was made to Hestia, goddess of the hearth (Hom. Hymn 29.4-6); so we must assume that shortly before his death Agamemnon, as master of the house, had been pouring the required libations. This would have made Aegisthus' later behaviour in himself pouring libations at the place of the murder an even more painful reminder to Electra. 272 in my father's bed: the sexual licence of Clytemnestra and Aegisthus is emphasised in the play (97, 197, 492-4, 561-2, 587-9) and is in strong contrast to Electra's sexual deprivation and childlessness (164-5n.). This adultery will call forth retribution from the Furies quite as much as the murder of Agamemnon (112-14, 276, 488-94). See Winnington-Ingram 231-2 on the contrast between Sophocles’ Furies and those of Aeschylus, who are spurred into action by blood-guilt but nor by adultery.

On the Furies in this play, he adds (232) : "And since such crimes tend to

generate their own punishment through the resentment they cause, it may not be too far-fetched to see the virginal Electra as an appropriate agent for punishing the unchastity of Clytemnestra.” On adultery as pollution, see Fisher 79, Parker 95. 273-4 if mother I should call her: throughout the play Clytemnestra is repeatedly depicted as “ἃ mother who is no mother" (μήτηρ ἀμήτωρ 1154, and cf. 597-8, 1194): she treats Electra like a slave (189-92 and note, 597-600, 814-16, 1192), hates her (289), curses her (291), threatens her (298, 626-7), verbally abuses her (523-4) and

even beats her (1196), and with Aegisthus plans to imprison her (379-82); after Agamemnon's murder she would have killed Orestes if Electra had not saved him (296-7, 601, 1132-3), and here in the play she prays obliquely to Apollo for his death (655—9), then exults when she believes him dead and gloats over Electra's grief and weakness (773-98, cf. 804-7, 929).

Thus, by her behaviour to her children, she has

forfeited the right to the name of mother. Cf. Hyllus's (mistaken) condemnation of Deianeira at Trach. 817-18: "Why should anyone uselessly be dignified with the name of mother when she behaves in no way like a mother?" Sophocles' depiction of Clytemnestra is very different from that of Aeschylus and Euripides. In Aesch. Ag. she is intensely sympathetic in her grief for the dead Iphigenia (sec esp. 1414-18, 1525-9, 1552-9), and sull somewhat so at Cho. 896-9 when she appeals to Orestes by the breast that fed him as a baby (though cf. 190-1, 241). In Eur. El. she is sympathetic in her remorse for what she has done (1105-6) and in her concern for Electra after the supposed birth of her baby (see esp. 1102-10, 1123-35).

158 275

276 277

278

279

COMMENTARY this criminal: a μιάστωρ (here translated criminal") is someone connected with the pollution of blood-guilt (μίασμα), either the person who commits the crime (as here and at OT 353), or, as at 603, the one who exacts vengeance for it (as at Aesch. Eum. 177, Eur. Med. 1371). unafraid of retribution: lit. “fearing no Fury” (on the Furies see 110—18n.). exulting in her behaviour: γελᾶν and its cognates are often used of one enemy laughing mockingly in triumph over another, as at Aj. 79, 957, 1043, Eur. Med. 1049. Here it tells us much about Clytemnestra’s hard vindictiveness; see also 807, where, after hearing of Orestes’ supposed death, “she went away gloating”; and cf. 1153 and note, 1295, 1300. she has worked out the very date: some time after the murder Clytemnestra carefully ascertained the exact day of the month on which it took place, then instituted a monthly festival on that day in celebration of Agamemnon’s death. According to Argive historians, Agamemnon was killed on the 13th of Gamelion, or about the end of January (Jebb on 280-1; he comments that perhaps Clytemnestra’s hideous festival was suggested to Sophocles by some actual commemoration of Agamemnon’s death which existed in his own day). she treacherously killed my father: Clytemnestra’s part in the plotting (δόλος) is often stressed more than that of Aegisthus, as at 124-6 (cf. 197), and also (e.g.) Hom.

Od. 4.92, 11.422, 429, 24.199, Aesch. Ag. 1495, 1519, Cho. 991, Eur. ΕἸ. 9, 983. 280 song and dance celebrations: song, presumably hymns of thanksgiving; and dance, because dance naturally accompanied song. | 281 each month: monthly celebrations/offerings were not uncommon in Greece (Jebb’s note gives details). to the gods who saved her: that Clytemnestra sees Agamemnon’s murder as salvation granted to her by the gods emphasises her shameless impiety. 282-3 weep ..., waste away, and lament: the threefold repetition of words of grief adds pathos and underlines Electra’s deep emotion, as does the repetition of the consonants K and T (210n.). in the house: Electra naturally refuses to go anywhere near the celebrations outdoors. 284

the unholy feast:

the feast that followed the sacnfice (280-1).

285-6

I may not: πάρα = πάρεστι, as the accent on the first syllable shows. weep as much as my heart pleases: the Greeks set little store by the “stiff upper lip” response to grief, but well understood the release that could come from tears and emotion expressed without inhibition, as at Hom. Od. 19.213, 251, 21.57 (“when she had taken her pleasure in tearful lamentation”), Eur. ΕἸ. 126 (“arouse the pleasure that comes from many tears"); cf. Aesch. Cho. 447-9; see also 89—90n.

287-99 This passage is a prelude to the scene between Clytemnestra and Electra (516633), and the image of Clytemnestra which the audience gets from Electra in these lines will be confirmed by Clytemnestra’s words and behaviour when she finally comes on stage. This is in emphatic contrast to Eur. E/., where Clytemnestra turns out to be an altogether

COMMENTARY

159

more sympathetic character than has been suggested by Electra’s comments. Here, 289-92 and 295-8 must be Clytemnestra’s own words, quoted by Electra, and they vividly depict the mother’s vindictive hatred towards the daughter. Note the strong words used of Clytemnestra’s behaviour, each showing more violent hostility than the last: she cries out (φωνοῦσα

288), scolds (ἐξονειδίζει

288), abuses (ἐξυβρίζει

293), raves and shrieks

(ἐμμανὴς βοᾷ 294-5), and howls (ὑλακτεῖ 299). The present tenses indicate that these are typical examples from many such incidents. 287 this woman, in words so noble: this is probably sarcasm, referring to the kinds of words that Electra 15 about to quote (so Kamerbeek).

Other interpretations are (a)

Clytemnestra is noble in her words (as opposed to her deeds); or (b) she is said to be so noble (but is not), as if λόγοισι denoted words said about her by others. 288 crying out: φωνοῦσα is more than just “saying”: it conveys something of the loud tone in which Clytemnestra abuses Electra. 289-90 godless: Clytemnestra believes that Agamemnon's death was a good thing which “the gods who saved her” (281) helped to bring about, so in her opinion those same gods will have deserted Electra since they must oppose her grief and loathing of the murder. δύσθεος is a rare word, found elsewhere in tragedy only at Aesch. Suppl. 421, Ag. 1590, Cho. 46, 191,525. In these last three instances the adjective 1s applied to Clytemnestra, once by Electra (191); Sophocles’ Clytemnestra returns the compliment. are you the only one whose father is dead?: ἃ frequent consolation motif was “you are not the only one”, as expressed by the Chorus at 153-4. Here, spoken to the mourner by the murderer of the dead man, it becomes heavily ironic. 291-2 To hell with you: lit. “may you perish miserably”, a form of cursing very common in tragedy, as at e.g. Phil. 961, 1019. may the gods below never release you: i.e. when you die, may they still give you cause for lamentation. Electra has already called on the gods of the Underworld to avenge her father’s death and to send Orestes to her aid (110-18). Now we hear them invoked by Clytemnestra, but the audience knows that her words are in vain, for already Orestes is here, the vengeance has been set in motion, and the burden of Electra’s grief will soon be lifted. 293-4

except when she hears

... that Orestes

is about to come:

Clytemnestra has

obviously been afraid of retribution at Orestes’ hands from the very moment of Agamemnon's murder:

296-7

see her own words at 778-82 and note.

stole Orestes from my hands: these words suggest that Clytemnestra would have killed Orestes if Electra had not saved him from her (cf. 11-13 and 321), a suggestion later confirmed

by the explicit references to Clytemnestra’s

violence

in 601

and

1132-3 (with repetition of the vocabulary here); cf. 1410-12. According to Euripides (El. 17), Aegisthus, not Clytemnestra, tried to murder the boy. Uniquely in Sophocles it is Electra (296-7, 321, 1132-3) who initially saved Orestes' life: in Aeschylus (Ag. 880-5) Clytemnestra sends him to safety; in Pindar (Pyth. 11.17-18), Pherecydes (FGrH 3 F 134) and presumably Stesichorus (PMG 218) his nurse does so; in Euripides (Εἰ. 16-18, 416) his saviour is a male retainer.

smuggled him away:

to Strophius at Crisa (44-6n.).

The verb ὑπεξέθον, with its

160

298

299

COMMENTARY connotations of necessary secrecy (cf. Eur. Andr. 69, Thuc. 1.89.3), again hints δι Clytemnestra’s violent intentions; cf. ὑπεξεπέμφθην 1350. you can be sure you will pay the penalty you deserve: “the feeble menace is in keeping with the picture of the frightened criminal” (Kamerbeek; similarly Kaibel). Cf. Clytemnestra’s later blustering threat at 626-7. she howls: commonly used of dogs (howling, giving tongue, barking) but rarely of

humans:

cf. Hom. Od. 20.13 (Odysseus when angry), Eur. A/c. 760 (the drunken

Heracles).

299-302 A fourfold crescendo of abuse against Aegisthus. that glorious bridegroom: sarcasm; cf. Eur. ΕἸ. 327-8: “this glorious man leaps on our father’s grave and pelts with stones his stone memorial.” that total coward: the same derisive term ἄναλκις is used of Aegisthus at Hom. Od. 3.310 and Aesch. Ag. 1224. that utter villain: the same abusive phrase ts used by Philoctetes of Odysseus at Phil. 622. who fights his battles with the help of women: in strong contrast to Agamemnon, who led the Greeks to fight at Troy (1-2 and note, 482-3). The scholiast comments here: “He killed Agamemnon with the help of Clytemnestra.” To need help from a woman was the ultimate mark of effeminacy in a man. Cf. the Chorus’s derogatory comments on Aegisthus at Aesch. Ag. 1625-7, 1634-5; Orestes’ words at Cho. 304-5; Electra’s abuse of the dead Aegisthus at Eur. Εἰ. 916-17, 947-51 (with Cropp's notes on 948— 9, 950-1); Hom. Od. 3.262-4. Cf. also Creon's contempt for Haemon at Ant. 740. 746. 303-6 Compare Electra's words here with her sung lyric verses at 164-72: both-passages are redolent with grief and despair, simply and movingly expressed, which somehow seem all the more poignant because we know that in fact Orestes has returned and that Electra is talking about the past, although she does not know it. 305-6

always being on the verge of doing something:

see 171—2n. all the hopes I have

or might have: 1.6. all possible hopes; for the expression, cf. Anr. 1109, Eur. Εἰ. 564. Wilamowitz on Eur. HF 1106. Electra’s hopes, apparently frustrated but ultimately fulfilled, are one of the recurring themes of the play (810, 833, 857, 952, 958, 1127, 1460). 307-9 Electra ends by restating in greater detail the compulsion behind her actions which she expressed at the beginning of her speech (256, cf. 221): in such circumstances (i.e. the entire set of circumstances which she has just been describing), she cannot

be restrained (as the Chorus has urged) or reverent (this cannot refer to reverence towards the gods, in whom Electra firmly believes (249-50) and for which she 15 Jater

praised by the Chorus (1096-8), but to filial piety towards Clytemnestra), but with wrongs all around (the murderers’ appalling conduct) she is forced (lit. “great is the necessity") also to practise what is wrong, i.e. to show disrespect and disobedience. She deplores her conduct but cannot avoid it: see her later words to Clytemnestra at 608-9, 616-21 (and note), 624-5. What Aeschylus’s Electra prays for (Cho. 140-1), “to be far more restrained than my mother, and more reverent in what I do”, is thus impossible for the Electra of Sophocles, who insists that Agamemnon’s death

COMMENTARY

161

demands perpetual defiant lamentation and condemnation of his murderers. Like Antigone, in pursuit of reverence (to the gods) she must “acquire the reputation of irreverence” (Ant. 924).

310

At the end of this vivid and stirring account of Electra’s wretched situation, her listeners can fully understand and sympathise with her grief and anger, and the dramatic action is ready once more to move forward. is Aegisthus nearby?: the presence or absence of Aegisthus is obviously highly relevant to the coming revenge action, so Sophocles makes clear at an early moment that he 15 away from home. His absence is reiterated by Chrysothemis at 386, by Clytemnestra at 517 and 627, and by Electra at 1308 and 1402-3. It will simplify Orestes’ killing of Clytemnestra, but it will increase the tension in the earlier recognilion scene between the vulnerable Electra and Orestes, since the audience will have not only an interruption from someone

in the house to fear (20-21n.), but also the

possible return of Aegisthus down one of the eisodoi. His sudden return will tighten the dramatic tension immediately after the death of Clytemnestra (1428-9 and note). 312-13 Don’t imagine that I would be coming out of doors if he were near: Electra’s words are confirmed by Clytemnestra at

516-18 and are an indication that Aegisthus

is more to be feared than she is (and see 519-20n.).

The Chorus hint at their own fear

of him at 314-15. It is clear that Electra is a virtual prisoner in the palace (516-18, 911-12, and cf. Eur. ΕἸ. 19-42). 319 321 322

he does nothing of what he says:

see 171-2n. and 323n.

when I rescued him: see 297n. he has a noble nature: i.e. Orestes 15 of good stock, and this indirect allusion to Agamemnon brings a more confident response from Electra. 323 I believe it: so despite her doubt and sorrow expressed at 171-2, 305-6 and 319, Electra still believes in Orestes. And she is right, for Orestes has indeed always longed to come (2-4) and now, unknown to her, he is here. 324-7 The door in the skene-building opens and the Chorus-leader announces the approach of Chrysothemis, whose presence in the house has already been mentioned at 157.

(She does not appear in Aeschylus, and Euripides makes only one bnef mention of her, at Or. 23, presumably influenced by her appearance in this play.) child of the same father and mother: this is an emphatic statement of the sisters" close blood relationship (cf. Ant. 1, 513), perhaps to mark the closeness of the bond that will be damaged by their quarrel (cf. 1070—3); perhaps to emphasise that Chrysothemis is in exactly the same position as Electra with regard to blood ties, while her reaction to the situation will be seen to be very different; perhaps even to draw attention to the striking contrast in the physical appearances of the two women (328-403n.). Blundell (157) comments that the elaborate word-order in the Greek pinpoints the issue of the divided family. burial offerings: these are for the grave of Agamemnon, and must consist of libations (406, 434) and the κτερίσματα, "gifts", of

434, perhaps flowers, fruit or cake. see 406n.

For the audience's reaction to the sight of them,

162

COMMENTARY

328-403

Enter Chrysothemis, who, as this part of the scene will demonstrate, acts as a

dramatic foil to Electra in looks, character and behaviour.

She is somewhat younger than

Electra (185-6n.), but very different in appearance, for her life has been one of continuing

luxury (359-62) in contrast to Electra’s life of deprivation. Her stage costume would no doubt have been rich and elaborate, the very opposite of Electra’s poor garments (190-1, 451-2); the visual contrast between the two sisters will act as the outward symbol of the deeper contrasts in character and behaviour which this scene will explore. This contradistinction between the two sisters is often likened to that between Sophocles’ Antigone and Ismene, but while Ismene rejects Antigone’s heroic stance out of timidity, Chrysothemis’ unheroic attitude is motivated by calculation and self-interest as well as by weakness (338-9n., 339-40n.). The differences between the sisters’ points of view will be further emphasised in their later dispute at 1017-57 (and see esp. 1042-3 and notes). Whitman (156) writes: "Sophoclean scholars have, almost to a man, concluded that

Chrysothemis, though weak, is fundamentally right, and that Sophocles spoke personally through this, almost the least attractive of his characters." The italics are mine, for male critics are often uneasy in the face of Electra's fierce heroism; many view her with alarm, as obviously does Gellie, in whose unfortunately stereotyped judgement Chrysothemis is "the model of feminine sophrosyne" (234), while "out of [Electra's] range and depth of feeling there could have come a creature perfect in her womanliness, but from the same range and depth has come a person committed to hating and killing" (122, again my italics). No: Electra is a Sophoclean hero, who happens to be also a woman. See rather McDonald's balanced conclusion (1994, 112): "We appreciate Electra's defiance all the more by seeing Chrysothemis' compromises." 328-9 What are you yet again holding forth about: lit. "What is this speech you are yet again voicing”. having come outside the door: Chrysothemis begins her conversation with Electra in a similar strain to Clytemnestra at 516, which will confirm Electra's assertion at 343-4 that her sister models her critical manner on that of their mother. But there is concern for Electra behind Chrysothemis' criticism: see 373-5. 330 will you not learn?: cf. her later statement at 1032. Electra, like other typical Sophoclean heroes, is intractable and not easily "taught" (Knox (1964) 25-7).

331

not to indulge in vain your useless anger: Chrysothemis charges Electra with ineffectiveness, but this is belied by the very news that she brings (379-82), that Aegisthus and Clytemnestra feel the need to silence Electra by incarceration (see also

Clytemnestra's own words at 783-7; and cf. 349—50 and note, 355, 556-7, 654). 332-3 Yet I know this much: the same expression is at OT 1455, and a similar at Aj. 441.

I too am grieved at our predicament:

i.e. grieved that she and Electra are obliged

to live with their father's murderers, who exult in their unpunished crime. 333-4 if I could find the strength: Chrysothemis feels as Electra feels, but is too weak to do as Electra does — a lack not of physical but of moral strength (338—9n.). what I think of them: of the murderers, Clytemnestra and Aegisthus. Chrysothemis, with

COMMENTARY

335

336

163

typical caution, speaks guardedly; but at 348 Electra bluntly defines her sister’s feeling for them as hatred, though cf. her scathing comment at 357-8. to lower my sails: a nautical metaphor, lit. “to sail with slackened sail", the safest way to ride out a storm; cf. similar metaphors at Ant. 715-17, Eur. Med. 523-5, Ar. Frogs 999-1003, 1220-1. The Athenians were a seafaring people and fond of using nautical imagery: cf. 730, 732-3, 1074, 1444. instead of giving the impression of doing something, but without really hurting them: hers is the sensible attitude, far removed from Electra’s determination to voice her feelings regardless of their effect, simply because it is right to do so (399). Chrysothemis lays a great deal of emphasıs on the importance of common sense (384, 394, 398, 429, 992-3, 1038, 1055-6). But her idea of right judgement is not Electra’s: cf. 346, 365, 403.

338-9

the right course is not as I say, but as you have chosen:

Chrysothemis

has

already said that she feels as Electra feels (332-3); now she admits categorically that Electra’s choice of action is the right one. But this is the vital difference between the two sisters: Electra acts out her beliefs (363-4 and note, 399), while Chrysothemis, although she knows what should be done, out of weakness (333-4), cowardice (351, 401; cf. 1027) and expediency (339-40 and note; cf. 1042 and note) shrinks from

doing it. Interestingly, Chrysothemis (named) appears on an Attic red-figure pelike by the Berlin Painter of c. 500 (Vienna 3725; see Introduction 9-10), standing alongside Orestes as he kills Aegisthus. 339-40

A "marvellously

paradoxical

statement" (Knox

(1964)

18).

if I am to live in

freedom: Chrysothemis implies that Electra lives the life of a slave, which indeed superficially she does (189-92n.). But Chrysothemis’ idea of freedom is simply to acquire a comfortable physical life and material advantages (359-62) by offering obedience to tyrants, while Electra has the true freedom of thinking as she wishes and acting on her beliefs (363-An.). I must obey our masters in everything: see 21920n., and cf. Ismene's words at Ant. 63-7. 343-4 All your reproaches to me have been learned from her: see 328-9n. 345-6 take your choice ... : Chrysothemis must either act imprudently, as Electra does, and have the satisfaction of remaining loyal to her dead father, or she must act sensibly (336n.) and betray her kin (367-8). your dear ones: her φίλοι. primarily the dead Agamemnon (341-2, and cf. 395), but also Electra and Orestes (368). Under the term φίλος the Greeks included anyone linked by bonds of blood, affection, or reciprocal obligation (for a full discussion, see Goldhill 79-106, Blundell 39-49). 347 you who said just now: there is antithesis between Chrysothemis’ mere words and Electra's actions (350); see 59-61n.

348 your hatred of them: of the murderers; see 333-4n. 349-50 It is important to recognise that Electra sees her words of grief and anger as action (and indeed they have their effect: see 331n.).

This can blur the clear-cut dichotomy

between word and action on which some critics base their interpretations of the play (59-61n.).

[64 354 356

357-8

COMMENTARY miserably, I know: for Electra’s wretched living conditions, see 189-92 and note. in that other world: for ἐκεῖ referring to Hades (110-18n.), cf. Aj. 855, Ant. 76.

so you would have us believe: ἡμὶν. ethic dative (17-19n.). in word ... in fact: see 59-61n.

you are on the side of your father’s murderers:

lit. “live with"

(ξύνει), the same verb that Electra uses of herself at 264, but here in a different sense.

359-61 I would never yield: unlike Chrysothemis (219—20n.); μέν after ἐγώ ("T") implies the antithesis "whatever may be the case with others". The Sophoclean hero refuses to yield (Knox (1964) 16-18). On the Greek of 359-60, Kitto (1958, 11-12) comments: "The nineteen words, fourteen of them monosyllables, convey by their very clatter Electra's biting scorn." the gifts in which you now luxuriate: Electra refers to the rewards and privileges that Chrysothemis gets for being amenable to the murderers, and perhaps specifically, with a stage gesture, to the fine garments and ornaments she is wearing. 361-2

your rich foods and life of overflowing abundance:

contrast Electra's bare table

and life of slavery, 190-2. 363-4 Let it be sustenance enough for me not to give pain to myself: i.e. pain from failing to live out her high principles. The most important thing to Electra (far more important than mere food or material possessions) is to hold firm to what she sees as

honourable and not yield in any way to the murderers;.cf. Ant. 466-8. 365 if you had any sense: see 336n. 366-7 be called your mother's child: because Chrysothemis repudiates her father by ignoring her duty to him. For the thought, cf. Eur. El. 933-5. 368

your kin:

φίλους

... σούς (345-6n.), here primarily Electra herself and Orestes.

369—71 As so often, the Chorus-leader tries to mediate between quarrelling principals (as at e.g. Ant. 724-5): Electra could show more caution, and Chrysothemis more loyalty to the dead. Cf. the choral interjections at 464—5, 610-11, 990-1, 1015-16. 373 I would never have mentioned the subject: Chrysothemis refers to the criticism into which she launched as soon as she saw Electra (328-31).

379-82 they intend to send you to ... a dungeon: the threatened dungeon (lit. a "roofedover room", presumably underground since daylight will never penetrate to it) is reminiscent of Antigone’s living tomb (cf. Ant. 773-4, 885-6, 888, 891-2) and perhaps suggests a similar sentence of death by starvation. However apart from Clytemnestra's vague threat at 626—7, this punishment for Electra is not referred to again during the course of the play; but see 147-52n. outside the borders of this country: perhaps because Aegisthus does not wish to risk polluting the soil of his country should Electra die in her prison (Sommerstein 208 n. 48); or because the usurpers may fear the sympathy which disaffected Mycenaeans (like the women of the Chorus) would feel with Electra (Jebb on 380ff.).

Some critics seek to amend the

text, thinking it unlikely that Electra's prison would be outside the land; but see her comment at 391, and cf. Seneca Ag. 997-1000.

COMMENTARY

165

383-4

don’t blame me: Chrysothemis feels that she has played her part by warning Elecıra of her impending punishment, so can now disclaim all responsibility for what may happen. 385-414 Stichomythia, or line-for-line dialogue, occurs in all Greek tragedies. The rapid exchange of one- or two-line utterances between (usually two) characters is effective

in, e.g., scenes of dispute (here 385-403), interrogation (404-14) and agitated discussion, and makes for dramatic excitement, often signalling some kind of climax or moment of crisis. 386 as soon as Aegisthus comes home: a reminder that Aegisthus 15 to be feared (310n., 312-13n.). 387 let him come soon: cf. Antigone’s swift resignation to her fate, Ant. 461—4. 388 ἐπηράσω: 2 sing. aor. ἐπαράομαι, an “instantaneous aorist” (668n.). 390 Whatever are you thinking of?: lit. “wherever are you in your wits?”; cf. Ismene's similar reaction to Antigone at Ant. 42. 391 I can escape ... away from you people: Electra presumably means escape by death: certainly this is how Chrysothemis interprets her words (392). Now Electra classes her sister with her enemies, who until now have been “them” (348, 355, 361); but she will soon once again see Chrysothemis as her ally (431—63) when she finds renewed hope in hearing of Clytemnestra’s ominous dream. 393-4 my life is wonderfully good: bitter sarcasm from Electra, which elicits a typical (336n.) response from Chrysothemis. 395 Don’t teach me disloyalty to those I love: to her φίλοι (345—6n.), in this instance referring to her dead father; cf. 367-8. 396 to yield to authority: see 219-20n. 397 not my way: cf. Electra’s words at 1043, and Knox (1964) 38-9. 398 it is as well not to come to grief through foolishness: Chrysothemis will turn this statement into a plea at 428-9 (and see 336n.). On ye μέντοι, “yes, but”, see Denniston 412 (1).

399

I shall come to grief, if need be, in avenging our father: another emphatic statement from Electra (cf. 363-4) that she will live out her high principles at all costs to herself. The verb is plural for singular, and the participle is masculine, as is regularly used by a woman

400

402

speaking of herself in the plural: cf. Ant. 926, Eur. Hec.

237, 511, Med. 314-15. our father ... makes allowances for our situation: i.e. Agamemnon would understand if his daughters submit to his enemies for the sake of comfort and peace. Ismene uses a similar excuse to defend her behaviour at Ant. 65-7. Both Electra and Antigone respond to what they see as cowardice with anger and contempt. So you won’t listen to me: the very same words are used by Tecmessa after she has

unavailingly tried to sway the determined Ajax from his purpose (Aj. 592); but the Sophoclean hero regularly rejects advice from others (Knox (1964) 13-15).

403

May I never be so witless: see 336n.

[66

COMMENTARY

404-71

The dispute between the two sisters has reached an impasse, so it is time for the

plot to move forwards.

Attention is now switched to the offerings that Chrysothemis is

carrying (326-7), and from there to Clytemnestra’s sinister dream and its probable meaning. The dialogue between the sisters, from being hostile, now becomes friendly. 404 Well then (τἄρ᾽ = τοι ἄρα), I shall go off on my errand: lit. “I shall go to where of journey I was sent”. Chrysothemis has given up the attempt to persuade her sister to her way of thinking. 405 these offerings: the ἔμπυρα, according to Jebb, are probably the offerings themselves which are to be burnt at the grave; but they may well be the containers for the offerings, since F. Sokolowski (ZPE 34 (1979) 66) has shown that ἔμπυρα can be vessels used to carry or preserve food or burning charcoal; see on this Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1990) 49. 406 Our mother is sending me to pour libations on our father’s grave: now the hint at 326 (“burial offerings”) is followed up. The alert in the audience, familiar with Aesch. Cho. (515-16, 523-5), may well have been waiting for this statement, and for

the narration of Clytemnestra’s dream which ensues.

They would also be aware that

a visit to the tomb must bring the recognition of Electra and Orestes closer (51-3n.).

408

409 410 411

For the man she herself killed: now Chrysothemis 15 being deliberately blunt, in contrast to her earlier guardedness (333—4n.), presumably in an attempt to be conciliatory (not with a display of annoyance, as Kaibel suggests). Who wanted her to do this?: lit. “Whom did this please”. some terror: δεῖμα, a word often used of frightening dreams, as of Clytemnestra’s dream at Aesch. Cho. 524; cf. Eur. Hec. 69. Gods of our fathers, be with us now at last:

Electra assumes that the dream has

brought some warning to Clytemnestra from the gods, and she seizes on it as a sign that vengeance is imminent. At once her hope revives. 415-16 Trivial words have often ... brought ruin or success to men: for the idea that a trivial matter can lead to important consequences cf. Aj. 1077-8, 1148-9, 1253, Ant. 477-8. 417-23 Clytemnestra’s dream in Sophocles is very different from that recounted in Aeschylus (Cho. 523-50), where she dreams that she gives birth to a snake, and when she puts it to her breast, it buries its fangs in her flesh and sucks her blood along with the milk. The snake symbolises Orestes, killing the mother who bore him, and must excite some sympathy for the dreamer and victim. This is not so in Sophocles; here the dream goes chronologically further and clearly portends that Orestes will return as the rightful and beneficent ruler of Mycenae - although Clytemnestra herself is uncertain of the dream’s meaning (see 644-7 and 645n.) and thus is afraid. The dream is equated by the Chorus with oracles and prophecies, and linked in turn with Justice and the Furies (472-503). Thus there is here, as in OT (see 245-50n. above), a close connection between the fulfilment of

prophecies and the validity of religion (see especially the Chorus’ words at 499-503 and note). See, for a discussion of the dream, Bowra 223-6; for an interpretation with strong

COMMENTARY

167

emphasis on “the restoration of the ınterrupted [male] descent line”, Des Bouvrie 264; for a

psycho-analytical study, Devereux 220-55. Cf. also Penelope’s dream of the geese and the cagle (Hom. Od. 19.536-53) which predicts a coming revenge. In Aeschylus, Orestes overhears the narration of the dream and is encouraged by it, but in our play he never gets to learn of the dream. It is, as Kitto (1961, 36) points out, no coincidence that only when

Orestes has

returned home to take vengeance does Clytemnestra have her dream, which will lead to her prayer to Apollo and to her belief, taking her off her guard, in the god’s favourable response (660-803n.): “Orestes is an autonomous agent; but the gods are moving on a path parallel to his.”

417

It is said: by the attendant who heard Clytemnestra tell her dream to the Sun-god (424-5). 418 once more living with her: lit. “a second (time of) companionship”, perhaps meaning simply that Agamemnon was at Clytemnestra’s side once more (thus Jebb), but perhaps with erotic connotations, since ὁμιλία is often used of sexual intercourse (thus Kamerbeek, Kells). For Agamemnon to approach once more the woman who helped to kill him would seem to Clytemnestra an ominous sign; small wonder that she is afraid and is trying to appease his spirit. 419-21 the sceptre: the symbol of Agamemnon’s lawful sovereignty (see Garvie on Aesch. Cho. 360-2), which is referred to again at 651 (and translated there as "kingdom"). According to Homer (//. 2.100-9), the royal sceptre of Mycenae had been made by Hephaestus and given to Zeus, and from Zeus it was passed down to Agamemnon through the hands of Pelops, Atreus and Thyestes (the feud between the brothers [10n.] being overlooked). Now it is carried by the usurper Aegisthus. Cf. Eur. ΕἸ. 319-21: “the man who slew [Agamemnon] ... revels in taking in his bloodstained hands that sceptre with which he commanded the Hellenes.” For Agamemnon to take back the sceptre in the dream is a sign that Aegisthus will have the royal power taken from him. Pausanias

(9.40.11-12) records that in Roman

times this very sceptre was

worshipped at Chaeronea and surmises that it had originally been taken to Phocis by Electra, presumably when she married Pylades (16n.). planted it by the hearth: symbolising Agamemnon’s reassertion of power (see 269-70n.) and the restoration of the legitimate dynasty. Here also Kamerbeek suspects an underlying sexual meaning and compares Aesch. Ag. 1435-6 with its certain erotic connotation (Clytemnestra: “Aegisthus kindles the fire on my hearth”). 422-3 a leafy branch: the live branch, springing against expectation from the dead wood of Agamemnon's sceptre at the palace hearth, symbolises Orestes’ return and resumption of the rule. Perhaps Sophocles had in mind Achilles’ oath at Hom. //. 1.234-6: “... by this sceptre, which will never again bear leaves or branches, now that it has left its stump among the mountains, nor will it ever sprout again”. The return of Orestes, after he is reported dead, will seem to be quile as miraculous as the sprouting of the dead wood. Burnett (134 n. 43) notes: “The dream also affirms the

168

COMMENTARY revenge by unmothering Clytemnestra: the paternal sceptre has only to be thrust into the hearth in order for it to bring forth the ominous but promising child-twig.” which shaded all the Mycenean land: portending Orestes’ beneficent dominion over the country. Cf. the similar dreams recounted by Herodotus at 1.108 and 7.19.1, where spreading foliage symbolises imperial power (“The vine overshadowing Asia represents the beneficent aspects of royal power”: H. R. Immerwahr, Form and Thought

in Herodotus

(1966)

163).

Cf. also a similar image

in Clytemnestra’s

hypocritical welcome to Agamemnon at Aesch. Ag. 966-7. Certainly the later myth confirms the prediction of the dream, for Orestes added the throne of Sparta to that of Argos when Menelaus died, and he ruled long and effectively, dying in old age (Asclepiades, cited by schol. Eur. Or. succeeded him (Paus. 2.18.6).

1645).

His son by Hermione, Tisamenus,

424-5

from someone who was there: Clytemnestra, as queen, would have had attendants near her. when she revealed her dream to the Sun-god: the scholiast explains that it was the custom of the ancients to avert the power of bad dreams by telling them to the sun — not surprisingly, since the Sun-god Helios brought the pure light of day to the world, dispelling the terrors that haunted the darkness of night. Also he was a god who on his daily journey across the heavens saw everything that happened on earth (Garvie on Aesch. Cho. 984-6), and therefore, as Jebb points out, he was “able to reveal the lurking danger which an evil dream might foreshadow”; and he was seen as a saving power (Aesch. Supp/. 213, Paus. 8.31.7). Cf. Eur. /7 42-3, “I shall tell to heaven the strange visions that the night has brought, if there is any relief there”, and Med. 57-8 with Page’s note. 428-30 Most mss. give these lines to Electra, but they are obviously more appropriate to Chrysothemis, who, having recounted her mother’s dream, is reminded that Clytemnestra’s fears are likely to make her even Jess tolerant of Electra’s behaviour. She repeats her earlier warning (398; cf. also her later warning at 1056-7).

Kamerbeek suggests that, during the narration of the dream, Electra’s gestures have expressed her feelings of hope and confidence, thus causing Chrysothemis anxiety as to what foolishness she may now commit. For a different view, see D. A. Grote, CJ 86 (1991)

139-43, who argues that the mss. attribution should be retained.

editors, including altogether.

Lloyd-Jones

and

Wilson

(1990, 49-50),

delete these

Some

lines

431-63 Electra’s anger is forgotten in her renewed hope. She speaks to Chrysothemis with affection (“my dear", 431) and quite ignores her repeated warning in excited concentration on what must now be done. She is determined to prevent Clytemnestra’s offerings from reaching Agamemnon’s tomb, since they would be an offence to him, and instead to send

offerings from herself and Chrysothemis that will summon their father’s help in the hour of vengeance.

COMMENTARY

169

432-3

It would be unlawful and irreverent: gifts from an enemy were wholly unacceptable: cf. Aj. 665, ἐχθρῶν ἄδωρα δῶρα κοὐκ ὀνήσιμα, “The gifts of enemies are no gifts and bring no benefits”. 436 the place where our father sleeps: Agamemnon’s grave; though Garvie (on Aesch. Cho. 318) sees this as referring to his resting place in Hades. 437-8 let these treasures be kept safely below for her, for when she dies: scornful sarcasm. Electra is speaking generally, not referring to the vengeance but suggesting that when Clytemnestra dies (however and whenever that may be) the grave-gifts will stand her in good stead, perhaps because no one else will so readily offer them to her. For the idea, cf. Aj. 660. 439-41 ἀρχὴν ... otk: “absolutely not". 444-6 These details of Clytemnestra’s brutal treatment of her husband’s corpse make his murder seem even more appalling. at whose hands he died dishonoured like an enemy: see 97-8n. and 101-2n. and had his corpse mutilated: Agamemnon’s hands and feet were cut off, then tied round his neck and under his armpits, as also in Aeschylus (see Cho. 439 and Garvie’s note).

This was the rite of maschalismos, the

aim of which was to deprive the victim of the power of movement and thus of any possibility of revenge. wiped the bloodstains off on his head: this alludes to a ritual custom by which the blood on a sacrificial knife was wiped off on the victim, thereby transferring the blood-guilt from the killer to the victim (cf. Hom. Od. 19.92, Hdt. 1.155.3). Thus Clytemnestra, in a further attempt to avert the pollution of husband-murder, wiped the blood trom the death-dealing sword on to Agamemnon himself. 449 a lock cut from your own luxuriant hair: lit. “cutting the end-strands of the curls of your head”. 450-2 little enough but all I have: a pathetic reminder of Electra’s destitute situation. this rough hair:

the epithet describing Electra’s hair is uncertain, and the reading

adopted here, ἀλίπαρον, “not oiled” (“possibly the best solution”, Kamerbeek), 1s based on the scholiast’s paraphrase of the mss. reading ἀλιπαρῆ as αὐχμηράν, “dusty, unkempt”. This gives an appropriate sense, for Electra’s hair, like the rest of her appearance, is neglected, in contrast to the luxuriant locks of Orestes (52) and Chrysothemis (449); Euripides mentions Electra’s “sordid” hair (πιναρὰν κόμαν, El. 184; cf. 241, 335). this girdle of mine, plain and simple: lit. “not decorated with costly ornaments". Girdles were often rich and elaborate, decorated with embroidery or metalwork. Electra's plain girdle matches its owner's appearance, as no doubt does that of the richly-attired Chryothemis. For offerings of garments at tombs, cf. Eur. Or. 1434-6, Thuc. 3.58.4. 453-4

pray that he himself will come from the world below:

the Greeks believed in the

very real existence of the spirits of the dead, ready and able to help the living in crucial events on earth; so now Electra desires Agamemnon's support in the vengeance against his enemies. This is an immensely powerful theme in Aesch.

170

COMMENTARY Cho., where Orestes and Electra together call on their dead father to help them (and see Garvie on 354-9, 476-8).

456

and trample on them: Electra uses the same verb at 835, as does Hippolytus at Eur. Hipp. 668; and for the idea of trampling on one’s enemies, cf. Aj. 1348. 459-63 I believe that he too had some part ... But even so... : Electra believes that Clytemnestra’s dream, sent by the gods, is also a sign that Agamemnon is already helping them of his own accord; nevertheless it is better to ensure his support by making the offerings and prayers at his tomb as she has suggested. Hades: see 110-18n.

466-71

I shall do so:

Chrysothemis takes the lock of hair and the girdle from Electra, for

she, as well as the Chorus (464-5), has been persuaded that the course of action urged

by Electra is the right one. But her plea for silence from the Chorus (468-71) shows that her basic attitude of timidity and fear of the consequences remains unchanged. It also acts as a reminder of Clytemnestra’s harshness. Chrysothemis now leaves the stage to make the offerings at Agamemnon’s tomb, using the same eisodos by which Orestes and Pylades left, and the audience will expect some dramatic development. She will return at 871, excited by what she has found at the tomb. Electra, meanwhile, remains onstage and silent while the Chorus sing. 472-515: First Stasimon The Chorus sing the First Stasimon (“standing song”), consisting of a single strophe, antistrophe and epode. They, as well as Electra, are encouraged by the news of Clytemnestra’s dream and now, interpreting it, they predict imminent vengeance on the cvil-docrs. They envisage Justice personified bringing victory against the murderers, and the Fury, invincible, ready to attack them for their adultery. They are confident (note the emphatic parallelism of θάρσος in both strophe and antistrophe, 479 and 495) that the dream is a divine portent and cannot fail to be fulfilled. The audience, who know thal Orestes has already returned home as avenger, will of course be confident too. Finally in the epode the Chorus muse on the origin of the troubles, besetting the house of the Pelopids, which require this remedy of Justice and Fury. In the Second Episode following this ode, the Chorus will hear the tragic news of Orestes’ supposed death and all their confident hopes of victory and vengeance will be dashed. This is a familiar Sophoclean ploy, to have an ode of triumph or joy before disaster strikes; cf. Aj. 693ff., OT 1086ff., Trach. 633ff., Ant. 1115ff. Here, however, the disaster will be a fiction and the Chorus’s present confidence will prove justified. 472-4 if I am no false prophet nor one who fails in wisdom: this confident opening ts similar to the Chorus’s first words in their song at OT 1086-1109 (“If I am a prophet and wise in judgement ...”), where their joyous and excited ode precedes the catastrophe in which Oedipus discovers his true parentage. 475-8 Justice has given a sign ... : Clytemnestra’s ominous dream, foretelling Orestes’ triumphant return (417-23), is a prediction from Justice (personified) that she is about

COMMENTARY

171

to arrive and bring retribution on the murderers; see also 528n. and 580-3n.

Justice is

also linked with victory at Aesch. Cho. 244 (see Garvie on 244-5), and with the Fury

as an avenging power (as here, 488-94) at Aj. 1390, Aesch. Cho. 639-52, Eum. 551— 2; and she frames the great kommos

in Aesch. Cho.

personifications of Justice, cf. Ant. 854-5, OC

at 311

and 461.

For other

1381-2, Aesch. Ag. 1432-3, Hes.

Theog. 902, WD 256-62.

480-1

the dream that breathes gladness: 1.6. the auspicious dream. At Aesch. Cho. 33 the dream ıs described as “breathing wrath” against the murderers, the wrath of Agamemnon and the powers beneath ıhe earth. 482-3 Your father, lord of Greece: a reminder of Agamemnon’s power and glory, before the Chorus once again refer to the shame of his death. 485-7 the two-edged axe of bronze: the axe that struck Agamemnon’s death-blow is imagined, not only as bearing damning witness of the deed, but as itself desiring vengeance for the act that it was compelled to carry out, rather as Philoctetes imagines his own bow as pitying him (Phil. 1128-30). a shameful act of cruelty: see 101-2n. and 510-15n. 488-9 with great swiftness and great might: lit. “with many feet and many hands”: the approach of the Fury (110-18n.) is imagined as that of a huge and invincible army. 490 lurking in dreadful ambush: cf. Ant. 1074-5, where again the Furies are imagined as lying in ambush for their victims; but in our instance, unknown to the Chorus, this is a particularly apt description of the Fury about to avenge Agamemnons' death, since the plot to bring retribution on the murderers is based on δόλος, guile (36-7n.). 491 the bronze-shod Fury: i.e. thc Fury's footsteps are unwearying and her relentless pursuit of the guilty will never tire. Cf. Ay. 837 where the Fury has long-striding feet, Aesch. Sept. 791 where she is called "swift-footed", and Aesch. Eum. 246 where the Furies are said to pursue the guilty like hounds after

a wounded fawn.

In a similar

context, a curse is "terrible-footed" at OT 418. 492-4 an unlawful and unhallowed lust for blood-soiled union: lit. “wrong-bedding, wrong-wedding strivings after blood-soiled marriage", and taking these strivings as the subject of ἐπέβα, "attacked". Logically the epithets "unlawful" and “unhallowed” apply to the sexual union of the evil-doers, but are here transferred to the passionate desire that led to that union ("suggestive of the inextricable relation between the passion and its object”, Kamerbeek).

Long (136-7) gives a good discussion of the

passage. A different interpretation takes the Fury as the subject, understood, of ἐπέβα; "she is gone out against ...” (Kells 119).

497

498

Burton (199) agrees:

“... a timeless aorist,

suggesting that the Fury's onslaught upon the adulteress is seen already accomplished". this portent: Clytemnestra's dream; though Burton (199-200) concrete sense as the Fury herself, "the nightmare monster interpretation, which they are confident will draw near to the guilty sinners and partners in sin: Clytemnestra and Aegisthus.

as imminent if not takes Tépas in a of the Chorus's pair".

172

COMMENTARY

499-503 A solemn and explicit verdict on the significance of Clytemnestra’s dream, which must be meant to convince: like oracles, such dreams make the gods’ will manifest to men; so if Orestes’ predicted assumption of power does not come to pass, then never again may such divine portents be trusted. Cf. Electra’s words at 245-50 and note. this night’s omen: see 644n. 504-15 In the epode, the Chorus sing of the origin of all the troubles that beset the house, referring to the myth of Pelops and Myrtilus. Oenomaus, king of Pisa in Elis, promised the hand of his daughter, Hippodameia, to whoever could beat him in a chariot race, with death as the punishment for all who failed.

Many suitors died before Pelops, son of Tantalus,

accepted the challenge. This time, bribed either by Pelops or by Hippodameia herself, Oenomaus’ charioteer Myrtilus sabotaged Oenomaus’ chariot, so that it crashed when the king was in hot pursuit of Pelops. Oenomaus was killed, but with his dying breath he cursed his treacherous charioteer, wishing on him death at the hands of the man whom he had helped. Myrtilus was indeed killed, either because he tned to rape Hippodameia, or because she falsely accused him of rape, or because Pelops wished to get out of paying him the promised reward for his treachery: for whichever reason, Pelops threw him into the sea, and with his last breath Myrtilus cursed Pelops and his house. The race was the subject of the east pediment of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, and both Sophocles and Euripides wrote tragedies on the theme entitled Oenomaus, now lost. This epode, with its sudden reversion to events in the distant past, has been seen as creating an abrupt and surprising narrative discontinuity. But as Scott rightly points out (303 n. 150), such probing of the past for an explanation of the present is all part of normal choral practice. Moreover this epode has its own logic: Pelops’ chariot race was the origin of the woes that have since beset the house, culminating in the murder of Agamemnon (strophe), and in this latest blood-stained marriage of Clytemnestra and Aegisthus (antistrophe); while Orestes’ vengeance on the murderers will shortly be facilitated by the narration of a fictional (hence also "treacherous") chariot race, prepared for at 48-50, which will make way for Justice (strophe) and the Fury (antistrophe) to fulfil Clytemnestra's portentous dream. This will create a satisfying sense of coming full circle, since the imagined chariot race will help to bring an end to the chain of suffering which the real one began. This is perhaps emphasised by the repetition of πρόρριζοςον at 512 (death of Myrtilus)

and 765

(death of Orestes), its only occurrences

in the extant works

of

Sophocles. Euripides too traces the woes of the house back to Pelops' chariot race and Myrtilus' curse (Or. 988—96; cf. Hel. 386-7), whereas Aeschylus traces them back only to the curse of Thyestes (Ag. 1584-1602, Cho. 1068-9). "For Aeschylus, however, the curse is a real abiding force through which the past bleeds into the present; for Euripides it is merely a conventional justification for filling up songs with mythical retrospects" (West on Or. 996). 504-5 O grievous chariot race: see 510-15n. 508-9 Myrtilus sank to his rest in the sea: the legendary scene of Myrtilus' death was near Geraestus in southern Euboea (Eur. Or. 990-4).

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173

510-15 the golden chariot: in Pindar’s version of the myth (Οἱ. 1.86-7), Poseidon provided Pelops with a golden chariot drawn by winged horses. Pausanias (5.17.7) saw the race, and Pelops’ winged horses, depicted on the chest of Cypselus (7th to διῇ century BC). with deplorable cruelty: Pelops’ murder of Myrtilus was particularly heinous since he was Pelops’ bencfactor (504-15n.). The Chorus use the same word,

alkela, for the murder of Myrtilus as for the cruelty that has since beset the house of the Pelopids (515) and for Agamemnon’s murder (487; cf. 102, 206), thus emphasising the close links in this chain of suffering. They achieve a similar effect by using the same adjective, πολύπονος, “grievous”, both for Pelops’ chariot race (505) and for its aftermath of violence (515). never yet: see 10n. for the many deaths which thıs house has seen. grievous cruelty: at these two final words (in the

Greek) of the choral epode, Clytemnestra comes onstage. Such has been her depiction before her actual appearance that the phrase might well be taken to refer largely to her (“the living embodiment of present guilt’, Scott 158). 516-1057: Second Episode The long Second Episode falls into four parts: (1) Clytemnestra and Electra engage in a formal debate (agon) on the nghts and wrongs of Agamemnon’s sacrifice of Iphigenia, and of his own death at his wife’s hands; then Clytemnestra, alarmed by her ominous dream, prays to Apollo for freedom from harm and, in effect, for Orestes’ death (516-659); (2) the

Old Slave, entering unrecognised, relates the elaborate story of Orestes’ death in a chariot race (to the very different reactions of Electra and Clytemnestra), and is afterwards welcomed into the palace by Clytemnestra (660-803); (3) Electra, alone with the Chorus, laments Orestes’ tragic death (804-70); (4) Chrysothemis re-enters, joyful in the belief that

what she has seen at Agamemnon’s tomb points to Orestes’ presence, but Electra disillusions her, then tries unavailingly to gain her help in a plan to murder Aegisthus (871— 1057). 516-51

The door in the skene-building opens and Clytemnestra enters, together with a

maidservant who carries offerings intended by the queen for Apollo (634-5), to aid her

prayer that her frightening dream may bring her no harm. Clytemnestra at once launches into aggressive criticism of Electra (516-24; cf. 287-99n.). Her opening words, and the presence of offerings, make her entrance a dramatic "rhyme" with that of Chrysothemis.

Clytemnestra then begins a verbal contest with Electra, a typical agon in which the two sides of a dispute are set out in lengthy speeches, both of them efficient rhetorical performances, and which ends with the original disagreement exacerbated. (For a good discussion of tragic rhetoric, sec Heath 130-7, and especially his comments 136-7 on this specific debate; and for helpful discussions of this agon sce Swart, Kitzinger 311-17, Burnett 136-8.) Clytemnestra claims that she killed Agamemmon because of his sacrifice of Iphigenia, then offers a reasoned argument in which she suggests a number of possible reasons for the sacrifice, rejecting each point before passing swiftly to the next. She does

[74

COMMENTARY

not, ın Sophocles, raise the issue of Agamemnon’s concubine, Cassandra, as justification for murdering him, as she does in Aeschylus (Ag. 1440-7) and Euripides (El. 1032-4).

516-18

You’re roaming around at large again:

wild animal that has escaped

“Clytemnestra talks to Electra as to a

from the cage" (Knox (1964) 43); and see 328—9n.

Clytemnestra's language in this scene gives a sense of the repetitive nature of her complaints and of the interminable recrimination between mother and daughter: "again" 516; "always" 517, 525, 530, 556; "often" 520; "so often" 524; "I abuse you in return" 523-4. So also does Electra's "this time" at 552. because Aegisthus is not here: a double reminder (a) that Aegisthus 1s away from home, which is vital to the plot (310n.), and (b) that his is a presence to be feared (312-13n.).

from going

out of doors and disgracing your family: the convention that respectable Athenian women should keep away from the public gaze is often referred to in tragedy: e.g.. relating to unmarried girls, at Eur. Or. 108, Phoen. 89-95, 1275-6, Held. 43-4, 474— 5, and to married women at Eur. Tro. 648-9, [A 735, 1029-32. Cf. Ar. Lys. 16; K. J. Dover, Greek Popular Morality in the Time of Plato and Aristotle (Oxford 1974), 98; P. Walcot, Greek Drama in its Theatrical and Social Context (Cardiff 1976), 90—1.

519-20 now that he is away, you pay no heed at all to me: another indication that Aegisthus is more to be feared than Clytemnestra; she may be wicked, but it is he

who has the oppressive power (Scodel 84). 521-2 a cruel and unjust tyrant: at 597-8 Electra complains that Clytemnestra is more a tyrant than a mother to her; and see 189-92n., 273-4n. 523-4 insolence: /iybris, a word that describes outrageous behaviour, or the intention to commit such behaviour, usually against another human being, and this behaviour is seen by the victim as bringing dishonour on himself; Garvie gives an excellent discussion of Aybris in Sophocles in his edition of Ajax, 12-16. On the charges in this play of hybris, against Clytemnestra and Aegisthus (justified) and against Electra and Orestes (unjustified), see Fisher 299-302.

I abuse you in return:

a similar precept

can be found at Hom. //. 20.250, "The sort of thing you say is what will be said to you"; and Hes. W&D 72], "If you speak abuse, you yourself will soon hear worse".

526-7

I know that full well, and I have no wish to deny it: Clytemnesira's words here are reminiscent

of Aesch.

Ag.

1380

(Clytemnestra

admitting

to the murder

of

Agamemnon) and Eum. 588 (Orestes admitting to the murder of Clytemnestra); cf. OT 518. 528 it was Justice that took him: at 475-6 the Chorus sang triumphantly and convincingly that Justice the avenger was even now advancing to take retribution for Agamemnon's murder. Thus for Clytemnestra to open her self-defence with an appeal to this same Justice cannot help but cast a shadow of doubt over the argument that follows. Electra will counter her assertion by stating that she did not kill Agamemnon because of Justice, but because of lust for Aegisthus (584n.). 531-2 to sacrifice your sister to the gods: Iphigenia was sacrificed at the beginning of the Trojan War to raise winds to take the Greek fleet to Troy (see 566-76). In Euripides, Artemis substituted a deer for Iphigenia on the sacrificial altar (JA),

COMMENTARY

175

carrying the girl away to be her priestess in the land of the Taurians in Chersonese (/T). In Aeschylus (Ag.), as here in Sophocles, there salvation and Iphigenia was simply sacrificed. Clytemnestra, in her agon with Electra in Euripides, also gives Iphigenia as her justification (ΕἸ. 1018-23); but Euripides draws more description of the killing itself:

the Cimmerian was no divine the sacrifice of pathos from a

“[Agamemnon] held her stretched above the altar and

gashed through Iphigenia’s pale white throat” (1022-3, Cropp). 532-3

he... had nothing like the pain of labour that I had:

Clytemnestra is arguing that

Agamemnon had only the pleasure of the sex-act in conceiving Iphigenia, while she herself had all the pains of bearing her, so he had no right to decide on their daughter’s death. Cf. Medea’s memorable judgement on the pains of labour (Eur. Med. 250-1):

“I would rather stand three times with a shield in battle than bear a

child once.” But the Greeks saw the sufferings of childbirth as closely linked with the love a mother bore her child: cf. Clytemnestra speaking of Iphigenia at Aesch. Ag. 1417-18, φιλτάτην ἐμοὶ ὠδῖν᾽, "my pain grown into love" in Lattimore’s fine translation. Sophocles, however, allows Clytemnestra to make no mention of any love

she may have bome her daughter, presumably because he is intent on depicting her as “a mother who

is no mother"

(273-4n.).

It seems

rather that Clytemnestra sees

Iphigenia’s death as an offence against herself and her rights of possession as a mother (Kitzinger 313-14, Burnett 137); she does not question the fact that a child should have died, but merely asks why /rer child.

539

two children:

Homer knows of only a daughter, Hermione, born to Menelaus and

Helen (Od. 4.12-14, cf. II. 3.175); but the pseudo-Hesiodic Catalogue of Women adds

ἃ son, Nicostratus (fr. 175 MW). Hom. Od. 4.11-12 mentons a son, Megapenthes, born to Menelaus and a slave-woman. 541

mother for whom

the voyage was taking place:

Helen, wife of Menelaus.

The

Trojan War was set in motion when Paris, prince of Troy, eloped with Helen and carried her off from Sparta to Troy. Menelaus appealed to his brother, Agamemnon, for help, and they raised a huge Greek fighting force to subdue Troy and reclaim Helen. 542 Hades: see 110-18n. 544-5 The v-alliteration in the Greek gives bitter emphasis to Clytemnestra's words (210n.). παρεῖτο is 3rd person singular pluperfect passive of παρίημι. 546

Was

this not the act of an inconsiderate

father, one with

poor judgement?:

Clytemnestra's singularly unemotional argument has focused only on the unfairness of Iphigenia's sacrifice; so now she criticises Agamemnon's lack of reason in killing his daughter, rather than his lack of emotion, his head rather than his heart. 549-50 1 feel no misgiving: Clytemnestra is keeping up a bold front and refuses to acknowledge openly the fears that have sent her outdoors with offerings for Apollo. Contrast Eur. Εἰ. 1105—6: "I am not so very glad at what I have done." 552-3 you will not claim that I was the first to say something hurtful: as in Clytemnestra's reproach to Electra at 520-4.

176 554-5

556

COMMENTARY But if you allow me, I should like ... : Electra’s tone is quiet and deferential, and Clytemnestra willingly assents to her request. the truth on behalf of the dead man and my sister: Electra offers to speak impartially for both Agamemnon and Iphigenia, implying by ὀρθῶς (here translated “the truth”) that she will be correcting what Clytemnestra has just said. Certainly I allow you: cf. Eur. ΕἸ. 1055-9, where again Clytemnestra gives assurances to Electra; but there she does not later revoke them, as she does here in anger at what she hears (626-9).

558-609 Clytemnestra has argued that, because Agamemnon killed Iphigenia, she herself was justified in murdering him in retribution. Electra's argument is structured as follows: (a) Clytemnestra's

Agamemnon

true motive

was

not justice, but lust for Aegisthus

(558-62);

(b)

killed Iphigenia only because he was compelled to do so by the goddess

Artemis, hence, by implication, the sacrifice was excusable (563-76); (c) even if he had

acted voluntarily to please Menelaus, Clytemnestra would not have been justified in killing him in return (577—83); (d) nor does Iphigenia's death justify her in living with the man who helped to murder her husband, and having children by him who have supplanted her lawful children (584-94), which thus demonstrates that her real motive was indeed the lust

for Aegisthus claimed at 558-62. Electra ends (595-609) by reproaching her mother with some of the wrongs, already recounted to the Chorus, that she herself has suffered. ἢ Kells comments (on 566ff.) that “there is something curiously legalistic and unreal about Electra’s ‘pleading’ on behalf of Agamemnon”; but this is a rhetorical set-piece confrontation: see 516-51n. and Heath 136-7. 558-9

You say you killed my father: Clytemnestra’s admission at 525-6.

this simple and poignant statement What could you say more shameful:

recalls cf. the

Chorus's response to Clytemnestra's claims at Eur. EJ. 1051: “There is justice in what you say, but the justice is shameful.” 561-2 the influence of that evil man with whom you live now: i.e. the sexual charms of Aegisthus lured Clytemnestra on to kill her husband, and this was her true motive for the murder. The Chorus have already asserted that lust was behind Agamemnon's murder (197, cf. 492-4); and cf. Hom. Od. 3.264: "[Aegisthus] kept talking to Agamemnon's wife and trying to charm her." For the erotic connotations of Peitho, “Persuasion”, sec Buxton (1982) 31-52.

563

the huntress Artemis: Artemis was the daughter of Zeus and Leto, and the twinsister of Apollo. Herself a virgin huntress, she was the goddess of hunting; and as πότνια

564

θηρῶν, "Mistress of Animals", she was mistress of the whole of wild nature

and protector of all young creatures. she held in check those many winds: in earlier versions of Iphigenia's sacrifice, the Greeks were detained at Aulis by adverse winds (Proclus' summary of the Cypria, Aesch. Ag. 147-50, 192), where presumably Agamemnon still had the option of ordering a return home, even though this might be viewed as shameful failure (at Aesch. Ag. 212 Agamemnon speaks as though a return home would be possible, even

COMMENTARY

177

though disgraceful; and the same is implied at Eur. JA 94-6). Sophocles in his version does away with this option and has the fleet held back by a calm, with no chance either of sailing onwards to Troy or of returning home again (573-4). This has the effect of removing as much guilt as possible from Agamemnon, since he was then forced to sacrifice Iphigenia so as to appease Artemis. The further implication is that, if the killing of Iphigenia was excusable because of divine intervention, then the murder of Agamemnon in retaliation was an act which now demands punishment (Blundell 164). at Aulis: Aulis was on the coast of Boeotia, west of the island of Euboea. The traveller Pausanias (9.19.6-7) saw at Aulis in the second century AD an

565 566-9

ancient temple of Artemis with two statues of the goddess. Preserved in the temple, he records, was what still survived of the plane-tree mentioned by Homer (//. 2.307), and on a nearby hillside was the bronze threshold of Agamemnon’s tent. or I will tell you: Electra corrects herself, since for ἃ mortal to cross-question a soddess would not show sufficient respect. my

father,

so

I have

heard:

thus

Sophocles

introduces

his

version

of

Agamemnon’s offence against Artemis which leads to the death of Iphigenia. Electra’s “so I have heard" is not meant to imply doubt as to the truth of what follows (as some critics argue, e.g. Ringer 160: “These are the shifting sands of hearsay’): her words are simply an introduction to the explanation that follows. In Aeschylus the offence which angered the goddess is not clearly defined (Ag. 134-8). In Euripides (/7 20-4) Agamemnon had vowed many years earlier to sacrifice to Artemis the loveliest creature that the year brought forth, and this turned out to be his own daughter Iphigenia. the grove sacred to the goddess: a grove near the temple of Artemis (564n.), mentioned at Eur. JA 185-6 and 1544 as the place of sacrifice. he startled by his tread ... and chanced to let fall some boast about its killing: Agamemnon put up a deer quite accidentally, then killed it by hitting it (βαλών) either with an arrow or a javelin, and offended Artemis by boasting about his deed. No details are given of his boast, which is made to sound a light and involuntary offence. Sophocles 15 perhaps distancing his version from that of the Epic Cycle’s Cypria where, according to Proclus’ summary (Davies p. 32.55-8), Agamemnon was out hunting when he shot a deer and rashly boasted that as a huntsman he surpassed even Artemis. Divinities were easily offended; indeed, when the fine huntsman Actaeon, in one version of his legend, uttered a similar boast, Artemis punished him by having him tumed into a deer and torn to pieces by his own hounds (Eur. Ba. 337-40).

571-2

so that my father might offer up the life of his own daughter: we may presume that Calchas, the seer who accompanied the Greek expedition to the Trojan War, interpreted the goddess’s anger to Agamemnon (cf. Hom. //. 68-72, Aesch. Ag. 198— 204). 573-4 there was no other way of setting the army free: see 564n. 575-6 he reluctantly sacrificed her, under compulsion and after many a struggle: Aeschylus vividly depicts the struggle that Agamemnon went through (Ag. 205-17),

178

COMMENTARY

at the end of which “he put on the yoke of necessity” (218) and sacrificed his daughter. not for the sake of Menelaus: Electra’s calm recital of the facts has shown that Iphigenia's death had nothing to do with Menelaus, despite Clytemnestra’s insistent suggestions at 537-45. 577 But even if: εἰ δ᾽ οὖν: “particularly used when a speaker hypothetically grants a supposition which he denies, doubts, or reprobates” (Denniston 465). 578-9 was that a reason: τούτου ... οὕνεκ᾽, lit. “because of this”. 580-3 At Eur. Ef. 1093 Electra makes the same point, though there with much conscious irony at Clytemnestra’s expense, since she knows that Orestes is waiting inside the cottage to kill their mother. Here the irony is unconscious, because only the audience knows that Orestes has returned intending vengeance. if we are to take a life for a life: by "we", Electra means the human race (βροτοῖς 580). you would be the first to die: 1.6. if the principle of a life for a life were to hold, then no one would deserve death more than Clytemnestra because of the appalling circumstances of Agamemnon’s death. There is certainly no suggestion that, if Clytemnestra meets with (just) retribution at Orestes’ hands, Orestes would then in turn deserve to die. Nor should we see this as “an awkward principle for a person intent on murder” (Gellie 110; cf. Winnington-Ingram 220-1 and n. 19, Kells on 582f.): as Heath points out (136-7), an audience familiar with tragic rhetoric would take Electra’s words as

making a valid point against Clytemnestra, and would not be inclined to explore their implications beyond this limited context (especially since they know that Clytemnestra’s death has already been commanded by Apollo). Electra is showing that Clytemnestra’s evocation of this law of retaliation is in fact a sham pretext and thus no defence. if you were to meet with justice: so Clytemnestra’s argument about Justice (528n.) has been turned back on herself, and we are reminded of the Chorus announcing the approach of Justice the avenger to take retribution for Agamemnon’s murder (475-6).

584

you are not putting forward: μὴ ... τίθης, indicative, because the false present actuality, not a possible future consequence. a false excuse: suggesting that Clytemnestra’s motive in murdering Agamemnon, substantiated by her actions (585-90), was not the death of Iphigenia, as claims (“for public consumption”, Cropp on Eur. Ef. 1067-8), but lust for

excuse is a Electra is which is she herself Aegisthus,

as both the Chorus (197, 492-4) and Electra herself (561-2) have already asserted.

585 586

explain to me: δίδαξον, echoing Clytemnestra’s δίδαξον at 534. the most disgraceful acts of all: to Electra, the fact that Aegisthus sleeps with Clytemnestra in Agamemnon’s bed is the supreme outrage in all his appalling behaviour (266-73n.).

She now accuses her mother of the same crime, and adds the

additional charge that Clytemnestra has even had children by her paramour. 588 before: πρόσθεν; the point being that Clytemnestra not only killed her husband with the help of Aegisthus, but then took him to her bed in Agamemnon’s place. 589-90 having children by him: Electra makes the same charge at Eur. El. 62-3: “my mother, ... by having other children by Aegisthus, robs Orestes and me of our status

COMMENTARY

179

within the house”; cf. 1086-90. Two names of Clytemnestra’s children by Aegisthus are known from later sources: a son, Aletes, and a daughter, Erigone (Apollod. Ep. 6.25, Hyg. Fab. 122, Tzetzes on Lyc. 1374); in Hyginus, Aletes is killed, and Erigone

nearly killed, by Orestes. According to Paus. 2.18.6, Erigone was also mentioned by the earlier epic poet Cinaethon as the daughter of Aegisthus and as bearing a son to Orestes. The fates of Aegisthus’ children may have been the subject of the lost tragedy Erigone by Sophocles, since the lost Erigona by the Roman

poet Accius

certainly mentioned Aegisthus and Orestes, and it presumably had a Greek original. you have cast out your legitimate children: Electra is referring to herself and Orestes: “both are ‘cast out’ of their just rights” (Jebb), and also out of their mother’s

594

favour, as will be well demonstrated by (1086-93), Electra argues that the Clytemnestra’s treatment of her children your enemies: Acgisthus was not only Thyestes, Agamemnon’s hereditary Clytemnestra’s enemy too.

her own words at 773-87. In Eur. El. too sacrifice of Iphigenia does not justify by Agamemnon. Agamemnon's murderer but, as the son of enemy (10n.), so he should have been

Cf. Trach. 1236-7 and Hyllus’s abhorrence at the idea of

marrying Iole, whom he sees as the cause of both his mother's suicide and his father's approaching death. 597-8 I consider you more a tyrant towards me than a mother: cf. 521-2 and see 2734n.

599 so wretched is the life I live: see 189-92n. 601 who only just escaped your violence: see 297n. 603-4 Many a time have you accused me: for Clytemnestra's fears, see 778-82 and note. your executioner: on μιάστωρ, see 275n. 606-7 if you wish: χρῆῇς is 2nd person present indicative of χράω, with contraction inton instead of a, and = χρήζεις, "you wish". The rare use of the word in this sense made corruption into χρή inevitable, as at Anr. 887 and Ay. 1373. disloyal, or loudmouthed, or full of shamelessness: this need not mean that Electra accepts her mother’s evaluation of her behaviour, only that she is indifferent to having it thus described (Blundell

608-9

169).

if I am good at behaving like this ... : there is no suggestion here that Electra has inherited her mother's evil nature (despite, e.g.. Segal (1966) 499-500, Winnington-

Ingram 245-6, Cairns 246; see rather Stinton 81 and n. 78). Her “bad behaviour” has been imposcd on her by her situation: see her own words at 221, 307-9, 616-21 and 624-5 (with notes).

610-11 I see she is breathing fury: although critics disagree as to whether the Chorus are referring to Electra or to Clytemnestra (there is a summary of opinion and bibliography on the question in J. Bollack, Rev. Et. Grec. 101 (1988) 173-80), these lines should be taken to refer to the now enraged Clytemnestra. This can be seen from the anger of Clytemnestra's response (612-15 and note, 622-3, 626-7), in contrast to Electra's calm words at 616-21; from the sarcastic reference in 611 to Clytemnestra's earlier claim at 528 to have Justice on her side (the Chorus would

180

COMMENTARY hardly call into question Electra’s concern for Justice, as Kamerbeek notes); and from Electra’s comment at 628 that her mother is carried away by anger. The words have almost the force of a stage direction, and the masked actor playing Clytemnestra would no doubt be making her anger apparent through his gestures. For good discussions of the issue of attribution, see D. B. Gregor, CR 64 (1950) 87-8, and A. D. Fitton Brown, (Ὁ ns 6 (1956) 38-9 (who would attribute the lines to Electra rather than to the Chorus). Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1990, 53-4)

believe that the apparent ambiguity of the reference is due to the loss of a line after 609, in which the Chorus addressed Clytemnestra. I no longer see her caring as to whether she has justice on her side: a hint that Clytemnestra’s arguments have been defeated by Electra’s. 612-15 Clytemnestra’s anger shows in the T-alliteration of 613-14, as she almost spits out her reaction to Electra's criticism; and again in the repetition of m and T in 622-3 (210n.). Her use of φροντίδος (care), echoing the Chorus’s φροντίδ᾽ of 611, shows that she has taken their remark to apply to herself. insults: Clytemnestra is claiming that Electra’s relentfess verbal assaults on her mother’s behaviour “constitute both hybris [523—4n.], by a subordinate member of the family who should show respect and obedience, and is old enough to realise this, and also total shamelessness” (Fisher

300). at her age: presumably Clytemnestra means that Electra is old enough to know better. For Electra’s age, see 185-6n. 616-21 Electra is painfully conscious that she is acting in a fashion contrary to her true nature (618) and she is ashamed of it (616, picking up Clytemnestra’s αἰσχύνης 615; cf. 254); but once again she emphasises, here and at 624-5, that she is compelled into such behaviour (608-9n.) by her mother’s conduct (221n.); only in this way can she be true to what she knows is fundamentally right (Torrance 311-14). Dale (229) observes:

“It was ın her [Electra’s] nature to love, and one of the things for which

she cannot forgive Clytemnestra is that such vileness has made her turn her whole life into one long expression of unnatural hatred.” 622-3 Again the alliteration shows Clytemnestra's anger (612-15n.). you say too much: Le. things that should not be said of a mother. 624-7 For the last time Electra emphatically declares that her behaviour is forced on her by Clytemnestra's deeds — by which we must understand Agamemnon's murder and all that has happened since (221n.). That Clytemnestra has been defeated in the agon with her daughter is implicit in the way she argues no more, but resorts merely to a blustering threat of punishment (“just wait till Aegisthus comes home!”). Cf. 298 and note. by the lady Artemis: an oath by the virgin goddess might be thought inappropriate in the mouth of an adulterous murderess. when Aegisthus comes: another reminder (a) that Aegisthus is away from home (310n.), and (b) that his is a presence to be feared (312-13n.).

629

you don’t know how to listen: i.e. Clytemnestra has been deaf to Electra's carefully reasoned argument, responding on an irrational level with an emotional outburst of anger.

COMMENTARY 630-1

181

Clytemnestra, recognising herself defeated, now gives up all pretence of carrying on the debate with Electra and reverts to the purpose for which she came outside the palace: to make offerings and pray to Apollo.

634-59 Once more the action moves on, as Clytemnestra steps to the altar of Apollo that stands before the doorway; see J. Diggle, Studies on the Text of Euripides (Oxford 1981) 33-4, for the familiarity of the statue and altar of Apollo aguieus (who protects houseentrances) on the Athenian stage; also Fraenkel on Aesch. Ag. 1081. Clytemnestra makes offerings and prays to the god for deliverance from any harm that may be threatening her, for continuing control over her palace and kingdom, and for salvation from her enemies (646-7n.). She is also implicitly praying for Orestes’ death (657n.), a desire which confirms Electra’s earlier arguments and her accusation at 589-90. Reinhardt (150) suggests that Clytemnestra’s veiled prayer ıs an indication that she is ambivalently concealing the truth about her inner desires even from herself; but this is unlikely, since she has already explained that she is using veiled language because of Electra’s presence (637— 43).

In Eur. El. (805-10) it is Aegisthus who prays to continue enjoying the fruits of his

crime, and Orestes who makes a silent prayer that the opposite may be the case. Jocasta too brings offerings and prays to Lycean Apollo at OT 911-23, and with similar effect to Clytemnestra: in each case the prayer seems to be answered by the immediate entry of a character with an apparently favourable message, but in each case that message leads to catastrophe for the woman who prays. See also 1376-83n. 635-6 the lord here: Lycean Apollo (637, 645, 655; to whom Electra will pray at 1376, 1379; and to whom Jocasta also appeals at OT 919), who is often invoked as a destroyer of enemies (6—7n.). deliverance from the terrors I now suffer: see 410n. Just so Jocasta asks Apollo for deliverance from the anxieties that are haunting her and Oedipus. 638 listen ... to what I say in secret: Clytemnestra will speak aloud but with ambiguous language because she is aware that Electra must overhear her words (this is not an "aside": see Bain 77-8).

She does not realise that Electra already knows about the

ominous dream and will fully understand her prayer — as indeed will the audience. 641 her busy ... tongue: Clytemnestra uses exactly the same phrase of Electra at 798. 643 in this way: i.e. in secret, referring to 638. 644 the visions that I saw last night: Clytemnestra uses the same word for her dream, φάσμα, as do the Chorus at 502, and thus evokes their prediction of the omen’s fulfilment. See also 1466-7 and note for Aegisthus’ application of the word to Clytemnestra’s corpse. 645 ambiguous dreams: that the sceptre which Aegisthus now carries sprouted luxuriant foliage, creating shade, might perhaps be seen as a favourable omen (422-3n.), but that Agamemnon came back to life would certainly seem ominous (418n.). 646-7 Cf. the Chorus’s advice to Atossa on her dream at Aesch. Pers. 217ff. For NearEastern parallels to this conventional plea, see H. Jacobson, “Ritualistic Formulae”, CQ 32 (1982) 233-4. grant their fulfilment: prophetic irony, for the god will

[82

COMMENTARY indeed grant the dream’s fulfilment, but it will bring “good” (646), not to Clytemnestra, but to those she considers her enemies (647), Electra and Orestes. At Aesch. Cho. 540-1 it is Orestes who prays that Clytemnestra’s very different dream (417-23n.) be fulfilled.

648-9

if anyone is treacherously plotting:

Clytemnestra means Orestes, even though

τινές, “anyone”, is plural (just as she refers to Aegisthus in the plural at 652): she is deliberately speaking vaguely because Electra is listening. She has long been haunted

651

by the dread of Orestes’ revenge for Agamemnon’s murder (see 778-82). δόλοισι (649), “treacherously”, is a reminder that Apollo has already instructed Orestes to use guile, δόλοισι (37), in carrying out the lawful killings that will avenge his father's death. controlling the house of the Atreidae and this kingdom: Orestes too prayed for wealth

and

power

over the land (72), but this was

for his rightful

inheritance.

Clytemnestra, on the contrary, is praying to keep what she has unjustly gained by murder. 652 living ... with the friends whom I live with now: Clytemnestra means Aegisthus, even though she speaks in the plural (648-9n.); the verbs have sexual connotations. 653-4 with those of my children who do not hate me or cause me bitter vexation: lit. "(with those) of my children from whom no hatred or bitter vexation attaches to me".

Clytemnestra means the children she has had by Aegisthus (589), and probably Chrysothemis and Iphianassa (157); certainly she 1s excluding Electra, who hates what her mother has become (261-2) and who, as we have just seen, does indeed

655 657

659

cause her bitter vexation. Graciously hear: the same phrase that Electra will use in her prayer to Apollo (1376). As for all the rest: although Clytemnestra dares not voice it, she is clearly praying for Orestes' death, which alone will give her safety and peace of mind. The immediate arrival of the Old Slave to announce that death, coming into view even as Clytemnestra is still praying, will seem to be the fulfilment of her prayer, but will in fact be the instrument of her undoing. the children of Zeus see everything: pointing to the dramatic irony of the situation: Apollo does indeed see everything (his onstage statue is a mute reminder of this: 36— 7n.), and he has reacted accordingly by sending his agents to bring about retribution.

660-803 The Old Slave enters down one of the eisodoi, posing as a stranger from Phocis (44—5), to report Orestes' death, having judged that the right moment (καιρός, 39) has now come. His entry conforms to that of the conventional tragic messenger, but his report will be a complete fiction, and so his need to make it convincing in the heart of the enemy camp creates tension and a sense of danger (Goward

114; and see her good discussion of the

many conventional elements of a messenger speech which are present in the Old Slave's narrative). To Clytemnestra his report will seem like the answer to her prayer — as indeed it is, though in fact a quite different answer from the one that she is hoping for, as the

COMMENTARY

183

audience well knows: Apollo is sending a false messenger designed to lure Clytemnestra to her death. Practically, the scene prepares the way for the entry of the disguised Orestes (1098), bringing home the urn supposedly containing his own ashes, and for the tremendously effective recognition scene between brother and sister.

It also brings out Electra’s innate

heroism, by reducing her to a despair from which she will emerge with the courageous resolution to kill Aegisthus herself.

660-1

The Old Slave asks the Chorus if he has come to the right place, just as does the “parallel” messenger (634-59n.) in the OT (924-6).

664 665

She certainly has a royal look: or perhaps “She looks quite the tyrant”. she it is who stands before you: πάρα: see 285-6n.

666-7

good news to you and Aegisthus from a friend: from the term “friend”, φίλος (345-6n.), Clytemnestra will assume that the old man means simply a friend, Phanoteus (670); but the news comes from another kind of φίλος, Orestes, who is blood-kin to both Clytemnestra and Aegisthus. I welcome what you say: “Instant recognition of an ulterance as well-omened was a

668

way of appropriating the omen” (Jebb); cf. Aesch. Ag. 1653, Hdt. 8.115.1, 9.91.2, Eur. El. 622. ἐδεξάμην is an “instantaneous aorist”, referring to the moment ago 670

when the action occurred, where English uses a present tense; cf. 677, 1322, 1479. Phanoteus of Phocis: see 44-6n. That the news of Orestes’ supposed death

apparently comes from a friend (667, 671-2) of Clytemnestra and Aegisthus will add verisimilitude to the report. This 1s an improvement on Aeschylus, where in Cho. (679) the news is said to come from Strophius. See also 1110n. to discharge an

674

important mission: a nice irony, for the Old Slave and the two avengers are indeed on an important mission. Sec Dawe’s arguments (183) for the adoption of Reiske’s πορσύνειν, an infinitive of purpose. [can’t bear it: the old-fashioned "woe is me” is a fair, though unacceptable, version of the Greek. For this, and for Electra's many other expressions of grief which follow her realisation of Orestes' "death", a certain latitude must be allowed in the translation, since what is normal and appropriate in Greek can often sound extremely stilted if translated literally. Contrast Electra's simple grief at the news of Orestes' death, here and at 677, with Clytemnestra's reaction (766-7 |n. and 770—1n.); and note that it will be Electra

who expresses the sorrow at all her vain care of the young boy spoken by a mother (1143-5n.). This day is the end of me: which "this day" has on Electra (674) and Clytemnestra (783): to deepest (temporary) grief, to Clytemnestra (temporary) freedom the comments of Chrysothemis (918—19) and Electra

in words normally contrast the effect Electra it brings the from fear. Cf. also

(1149 and 1362-3) on this one

day. On the changes that a single day can bring, cf. OT 438, Aj. 131-2 with Garvie's note.

[84

COMMENTARY

675

What are you saying?: Clytemnestra’s eager repetition (cf. OC 1099) shows her excitement at the news: this is exactly what she has just been praying for. She brushes aside Electra and her obvious distress as of no importance. 677 This breaks my heart: lit. “wretched I died”, with ἀπωλόμην an instantaneous aorist (668n.). Now I am nothing: with the same words Philoctetes expresses his despair at Phil. 951, 1030, 1217. 678-9 You, mind your own business: painfully contemptuous, as though Orestes’ death were no concern of Electra’s. give me the facts: lit. “tell me the truth”: ironic, for the audience is expectantly aware that what is to follow is anything but the truth. how did he die?: a vivid historic present in the Greek: Clytemnestra wishes to visualise Orestes’ death exactly as it occurred.

680-763

The Old Slave's report of Orestes’ death, the longest set-speech in Sophocles’

extant works. He has been instructed to say “that Orestes is dead from a fatal accident, tossed from his racing-chariot at the Pythian Games” (47-50). He spins this simple

statement into a vivid and stirring narrative, which forms the centre of the play and on which the revenge action hinges. His story, rich in rhetorical power and abounding in realistic detail, will completely convince Clytemnestra of the reality of Orestes’ death, so that she will be thrown off her guard when the living Orestes himself arrives to take vengeance. The reader may visualise the two who listen to this narrative, Electra and Clytemnestra, each with very different emotional reactions to what is being described (cf. 674n.). 680 I was sent for that purpose: the audience will appreciate the irony, for the old man has indeed been sent, and by Orestes, while Clytemnestra is imagining anyone but that; and

682

his purpose

is to tell the very opposite

of the truth that Clytemnestra

demands. the Delphic Games: see 49n. These games are an appropriate setting for what follows, since they were held in honour of Apollo, the god who has sent Orestes to take vengeance and to whom Clytemnestra has just offered her prayer (to which the god’s answer will appropriately seem to be that he has killed Orestes at his own games).

685

686

687

a splendid figure: the same word, λαμπρός, is used of Orestes by Electra at 1130, where she is emphasising the radiance of his young life, cut short by the darkness of death. He matched the result of the race to his appearance: there is no need to change τῇ φύσει, to which Jebb and others object: cf. Trach. 308 and OT 740, where φύσις means “appearance”. The idea 15 that Orestes’ performance amply lives up to the splendid promise of his looks, a theme that occurs in some of the epinicians of Pindar: cf. Ol. 8.19, 9.94, Nem. 3.19, Isth. 7.21—2. the glorious prize of victory: the prize in the Pythian Games was a wreath of laurel (Paus. 10.7.7).

COMMENTARY 689

185

I do not know of any man with such achievements or triumphs: lit. “I do not know the achievements and triumphs of such a man”. Orestes’ fictitious victories

will make his fictitious death all the more pitiful. They also foreshadow his real triumph over his enemies within the play. 690-1 of the contests: line 691 tries to define these contests but is desperately corrupt; in all probability it is an interpolation that occurred because of a scholiast’s explanatory comment on 690. It is best to delete it. 693-5 being announced ... the son of Agamemnon: in the Greek games the winner was announced at the end of each contest by his name, his father's name, and his origin, so this would have had a convincingly realistic ring. Orestes is named as an Argive because Mycenae was in the land of Argos (4n.). who once gathered together the famous army of Greece: this 1s not part of the proclamation, but a general awareness among the spectators that this is the son of the Agamemnon (1-2n.). By implication, Orestes is seen as a worthy son of the great general. 696-756 This is the nub of the Old Slave's narrative: the description of the fatal chariot race, with its many echoes of the famous chariot race in Homer, //. 23.262-652 (and for a modern depiction of the thrills and the very real dangers of such an event, see the ercat chariot race in the film Ben Hur).

696-7

when a god sends harm, not even a strong man can escape: a traditional religious truth: cf. Aj. 455-6, OC 252-4. Cf. also Aegisthus’ words at 1466-7 when he contemplates what he believes to be the body of Orestes. Perhaps the audience, remembering that this narrative is a fiction designed to entrap, would think here of Aegisthus and his approaching fate, set in motion by Apollo's oracle; or would remember Clytemnestra's prayer at 650, soon to be denied, of a life "safe from harm".

698-9

701-8

the chariot race: lit. "swift-footed contest of horses". We note that the race occurs at sunrise and are reminded of the bright note of hope sounded at dawn in the Prologue (17-19 and note). Τῆς Pythian hippodrome was situated on the plain of Crisa south-west of Delphi. Jebb comments: “Beautiful as was Olympia, the scene of the Pythian festival was unrivalled in the grandeur of its natural surroundings." The list of ten competitors, twice as many as in Homer’s chariot race.

an Achaean:

Homer's Achaeans come from Phthiotis in southern Thessaly (//. 2.684, cf. Hdt. 7.132, 173, 197). But in Sophocles’ time, Achaea was on the southern shore of the Corinthian Gulf. If he is using “Achacan” in this sense, then the first two competitors come from the Peloponnese, the next two from the Greck colonies, and the remaining five (apart from Orestes) from northern Greece. Orestes himself comes from the Peloponnese, but races with horses from northern Greece (and indeed has been living there, close to the scene of the Games). Libyans: only Greeks could compete in the Games, so these would be men from Cyrenaica, the Greek colony in northern Africa, whose principal city was Cyrene (founded c. 630). The Cyrenaeans were famous for their horse-breeding and for their skill in charioteering; indeed Herodotus has it that it was they who taught the Greeks to harness four horses to a chariot (4.189, cf. Xen.

186

COMMENTARY Cyr. 6.1.27-8).

Pindar's Pyth. 4 and 5 celebrate a victory in the chariot race by

Arcesilaus, king of Cyrene, in 462.

Orestes, with Thessalian mares:

Thessaly, with

its wide and level plains so suitable for horse-rearing, was renowned for its fine horses, which according to Herodotus were the best in Greece (7.196).

a Magnesian:

from Magnesia, on the east coast of Thessaly. with white horses: white horses were often owned by gods and heroes (by Persephone, Pind. Ol. 6.95; by the Dioscuri, Pind. Pyth. 1.66) and were thought to be especially swift-footed: Rhesus’s horses were “whiter than snow and in speed like the winds” (Hom. //. 10.437), while those

of Turnus were “whiter than snow and swifter than the winds” (Virg. Aen. 12.84). an Aenian: the Aenians were a tribe living in southern Thessaly (Hom. //. 2.749, Hdt. 7.132). Athens, founded by the gods: an epithet no doubt added to gratify the Athenians watching the play, as the scholiast points out (see also 731-3n.). Euripides too uses this epithet of Athens at Hipp. 974 and 217 1449. It recalls the legend of Athena and Poseidon contesting possession of the city in the reign of Cecrops: to demonstrate their divine powers, Poseidon created a spring of salt water on the Acropolis, and Athena an olive tree. Athena’s was judged the greater gift, so the city became hers (Hdt. 8.55).

710

by lot: the lots (usually potsherds or small stones) were shaken in a container and drawn out at random, and the places were settled by the order in which the lots came out; cf. the drawing of lots at Hom. //. 23.352-7. 711-12 all of them shouting at their horses and shaking the reins in their hands: cf. Hom. //. 23.363-4, “they struck [their horses] with the reins and eagerly shouted (öuökAnoav) to them". 714-15 the dust flew upwards: cf. Hom. /l. 23.365-6, "the dust lifted and clung beneath the horses' chests like a cloud or a whirlwind".

716-17

they used their goads unsparingly:

the κέντρον may be literally a goad, with a

point or points; or it may be simply a whip, as in the Homeric passage (//. 23.387, cf.

384). 718-19 the horses’ breath foamed and fell around their backs and flying wheels: the contestants are so close and their teams racing so fast that the horses’ labouring breath flecks with foam the back of the driver in front (cf. Hom. //. 23.379-81, Bacch. 5.435, Nonn. Dion. 37.294-6) and the wheels of the neighbouring chariots. In the Greek, the verbs “foamed” and "fell" are juxtaposed with no conjunction (asyndeton), creating an effect of rapidity and excitement; cf. Aj. 60, Aesch. Pers. 426, Cho. 289, Eur. £/. 843. 720-2

In the four-horse chariot race, the horses were harnessed abreast, the two middle

ones being yoked to the chariot, the two outer ones attached to the chariot only by traces. Orestes, on reaching the stone pillar that marks the turning point at each end of the (counter-clock wise) circuit, follows the strategy that old Nestor advises (Hom. //. 23.306-48): "The clever driver ... always keeps his eye on the turning-post and wheels round close to it ... holding his team steady and watching the man in front ... You must drive your horses and chariot close [to the post] ... and whip the right-hand

COMMENTARY

187

horse and urge hım on, slackening his rein; but let your left-hand horse draw close to the post, so that the nave of your fashioned wheel seems to graze its surface — but be careful not really to touch it, in case you damage your horses and wreck your chariot” (322-41).

Antilochus has only one turn to execute, but at the Pythian Games Orestes

has to complete twelve circuits of the course (Pind. Pyth. 5.33); he executes the same manoeuvre at every turn (del, “each time”, 721), bringing the nave (σύριγγα) of his (left) wheel close to the post, until his disaster in probably the twelfth lap (74 1n.). E. Piccolomini, followed by Pearson, would place 720-2 after 740; Dawe goes

further, and transposes 718-22 after 740. But the passage makes sense where it 1s, so transposition 15 unnecessary (Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1990) 56). 724-30 As the Aenian is starting the seventh lap, his horses bolt out of control and, swerving aside, collide with one of the teams from Libya. Presumably the Aenian is in the lead; he pulls his horses to the left as he rounds the pillar, and they bolt even further to the left, colliding with the Barcaean team which is in second place and approaching the pillar. Six other chanots close behind crash into them in a great pileup, and only Orestes and the Athenian are left in the race (731-6). the Aenian’s hard-mouthed young horses: the horses are insensitive to the bit and so harder to control. the Barcaean team: onc of the teams from Libya: Barca was a cily in Cyrenaica, founded c. 550 (Hdt. 4.60). the wreckage of chariots: a nautical metaphor (335n.), referring to shipwrecks.

731-3

the quick-witted charioteer from Athens: once again (cf. 707) Sophocles is eratifying his Athenian audience; and in fact, when Orestes comes to grief, the Athenian,

as the only

man

left in the race,

will be the winner.

pulled aside:

ἀνοκωχεύει; this too may be a nautical term (Hdt. 6.116), perhaps “hove to”. Presumably the Athenian is lying ninth, and thus has time enough to see the disaster ahead and check his team, pulling aside to avoid it. the tumultuous surge of horses in the middle: continuing the nautical metaphor in 730. 734-5 Orestes was driving last: Orestes too, purposely keeping his team in the rear, has time to see the pile-up of chariots ahead of him and to avoid it. When the Athenian checks his team (732), Orestes has the chance to draw level with his only remaining

737

opponent and the horses race neck and neck (739-40). putting his trust in the finish: he is relying on a final spurt at the end of the race to bring him into the lead. The words are also applicable to the real Orestes within the play, who 15 also “trusting in the end (TEXoS)”, i.e. trusting that he will accomplish (τελεῖν) vengeance on his father’s murderers. (τελεῖν is used later in the play to refer to the vengeance at 1344, 1399, 1417, 1435, 1464, 1510; cf. 779, 947, 1508-10n.) That the fictive Orestes falls and dies as he approaches the finish raises the possibility that the real Orestes will do likewise, but this is denied by the later action of the play: the real Orestes will satisfactorily accomplish his desired end. he sent a piercing cry: ἐνσείσας, "sent ringing", is a vivid word, with the sense of driving something forcefully in. For vocal encouragement to horses, see also Hom. /. 23.402ff. and 442ff.

COMMENTARY

188

738-9

the two men brought their chariots level, and drove along: Greek (ἐξισώσαντε,

741

742

743-7

750

753

754 755-6

the duals in the

ἡλαυνέτην) emphasise that the race is now between only

two

contestants. all his other laps: six laps had been raced before the general disaster, with six still to go. Sophocles nowhere explicitly states during which lap Orestes meets his end, but certainly some distance has been raced with his horses and those of the Athenian neck and neck. It is usually assumed (e.g. by Jebb, Campbell, Kamerbeek) that Orestes meets his fate on the twelfth and final lap, so the phrase “all his other laps” here refers, not to his six laps before the general crash (we know from 723 that he survived these safely), but to five of the six remaining laps. Jebb notes (on 726f.) that twelve laps would amount to almost five and a half miles. standing firm in his steady chariot: on the Greek of this line Kamerbeek comments: “all these words together evoke before the mental eye of the audience the young prince standing steadfast in his speeding car as if favoured by the gods.” The alert in the audience, remembering Orestes’ instructions at 48-50, will hear in these words of the Old Slave, followed by his “but now ...”, a sign that the disaster they have been waiting for in this long narrative is about to take place.

While turning the pillar in a counter-clockwise direction, Orestes slackens the rein of his left-hand trace horse too soon, so that the horse, instead of completing the turn, moves to the right; the chariot then moves to the left, hitting the edge of the pillar and breaking the axle box in the centre ~ the very mishap which old Nestor wishes Antilochus to avoid (720-2n.). Orestes is flung from the chariot (over the rails, avrüywv, which ran around the driver's platform) and dragged along behind his team, entangled in the reins which were wound around his body as he raced. the sharp-cut reins: τμητός is a standard epithet for reins cut from leather (863, Eur. Hipp. 1245, cf. Hom. //. 10.567); but Campbell sensitively notes that it is suggestive here of the sharp edges of the rein cutting painfully into Orestes’ flesh. they cried aloud with pity: ἀνωτότυξε is Herwerden’s conjecture to replace the ἀνωλόλυξε of the mss., on the grounds that the ὀλολυγή was usually a cry of triumph, uttered especially by women. the charioteers: some of the drivers of the crashed chariots, who have by now disentangled themselves from the wreckage and try to come to Orestes’ aid.

κατασχεθόντες:

poetic aorist participle of κατέχω.

not one of his friends who saw him could have recognised

his poor body:

perhaps reminiscent of Sarpedon’s corpse in Homer (//. 16.638-40): “No longer could a man, even though he knew him well, have recognised godlike Sarpedon, for he was utterly covered, from his head to the soles of his feet, with weapons and blood and dust.” These words are true too of the real Orestes, who, because of the Old Slave’s story, will be unrecognised by all his philoi in Mycenae. “The blood of death covers him in fiction, as the fiction itself covers and protects him in life. The story of his death is Orestes’ most effective disguise” (Batchelder 104).

COMMENTARY 757-9

189

They burned him on a pyre: this would have been the best thing to do, since his corpse was in such a mangled state; but it also gives a convincing explanation of why Clytemnestra will see, not Orestes’ body brought home, but merely an um supposedly containing his ashes. and now: εὐθύς, “immediately”, goes with “are bringing” rather that “burned”: not “at once they burned him (after freeing his body)”, but “at once (after burning his body) Phocian men ...”. Phocian men chosen for this duty:

the Old Slave thus prepares for the arrival of the disguised Orestes and Pylades. in a little urn of bronze his mighty body, now a meagre dust: lit. “mighty body of a meagre dust (defining genitive)”; though a scholiast comments “interchange of cases", taking the phrase as “meagre dust of a mighty body". Cf. 1113-14, 1142; the same pathetic contrast is found at Aesch. Ag. 437-44, Eur. Suppl. 1130-1, Propert. 2.9.13-14. Herodotus (1.68) records the huge stature of the skeleton, thought to be that of Orestes, found at Tegea. 762-3 for those who witnessed it, the greatest sorrow that my eyes have ever seen: "Perhaps nowhere in this speech is its fictional character more palpable that here where the speaker emphasizes in the strongest terms the fact that he was an eyewitness” (Kamerbeek); thus, at least, for the audience. For Clytemnestra and Electra, this stress on the old man's authority as an eyewitness gives added verisimilitude to his false tale. 764-5

the whole family ... has perished ... root and branch:

because (the Chorus-leader

believes) there 1s now no male heir to continue the line. For similar expressions, cf. Ant. 599-602, Aj. 1178, Ar. Frogs 587-8. On πρόρριζον, see 504-15n. so it seems: these words gently remind the audience that the old man's thrilling narrative is in fact fiction; cf. 1116. 766-71 Ever since Clytemnestra was unable to kill Orestes at the time of Agamemnon's murder, she has feared his growing up to take vengeance on her (778-82 and note). Yet on hearing the harrowing details of his death, she is visited for a fleeting moment with ἃ genuine sense of grief. She expresses this sorrow in two brief utterances, the first (766-8) showing real feeling, the second (770-1) more objective. When she speaks for the third time (773-87), all her momentary sadness has disappeared and she is overwhelmed with happy relief at the thought of her own safety. Thus Kells (7) is mistaken to see these lines, together with 770-1, as "the very centre of the play”, constituting an "enormous reversal in the stage action", which means that Clytemnestra is to be pitied because she is killed while loving and grieving for her dead son; see rather Stevens 115, also Waldock (183), and his tart summary:

"Clytemnestra drops a tear — and notes her cmotion with surprise. It is only a passing pang, a reaction of some nerve of motherhood, not quite atrophied even in her. She smothers it with no trouble."

Contrast with Aesch. Cho. 691-9, where Clytemnestra

expresses intense grief when she learns of Orestes’ Garvie's discussion of her possible insincerity).

supposed death (though see

190

COMMENTARY

Clytemnestra speaks here of Orestes’ death being “profitable” (κέρδη) to her; but the profit which this “death” brings will be to Orestes himself, the κέρδος for which he hoped at 61. 769 Why are you so disconsolate, lady?: the Old Slave claims to be taken aback at Clytemnestra’s lack of joy at his “good news” (666-7). 770-1 a strange thing: i.e. there is an awesome power in motherhood; cf. Eur. JA 917— 18, Phoen. 355-6. even when they treat you badly: Clytemnestra 5665 herself as ill-treated because she has known from Orestes’ threats that he would avenge Agamemnon if he could. She is generalising, hence the masculine πάσχοντι (1456n.); but this very generalisation gives a distancing effect to this moment of sorrow, in vivid contrast to the far more immediate anguish of Electra’s responses to Orestes’ supposed death at 674, 677, 808.

772

773

774

you cannot hate your own children:

she is not

telling the truth, for we have already heard that she hates Electra (289; cf. 647). Ihave come in vain: because the Old Slave has apparently brought Clytemnestra no pleasure, so he can now hope for no reward. The “parallel” messenger (634-59n.) in the OT also makes it clear that he came hoping for a reward for his good news (10056). Not at all in vain: all of Clytemnestra’s momentary sorrow has disappeared, proving the shallowness of her maternal feelings. She now feels simply an abiding relief at the thought of her son’s supposed death. reliable proof of his death: Clytemnestra may be referring to the um which Phocian men are at this moment bringing to her (757-60), and to which Electra will refer as “visible proof’ at 1109. Or she may mean simply the Old Slave’s completely convincing narrative, as I. J. F. de Jong argues, drawing as parallels Aesch. Ag. 3523, Suppl. 54 (Munem. 47 (1994) 679-81).

776

but left my breast and my nurture: she does not mean this literally, for Orestes was at least ten when he left Mycenae (14n.); she 15 suggesting that he turned his back

on the debt of obligation due from a child to its mother. We know that she is using à false argument, for Orestes was taken into exile to save him from her own murderous hands (296-7n.). “The whole sentence breathes the exaggeration of insincerity” (Kamerbeek). 778-82 Here Clytemnestra herself spells out her fears for her life that were earlier alluded to by Electra (293-8, 603-4); and cf. her veiled prayer to Apollo for safety at 648-9. 779 uttered terrible threats against me: lit. “threatened to accomplish (τελεῖν, see 1508-10n.) terrible things". 781-2 the time to come kept me forever in fear of death: lit. “the time that stands in front [of the present moment] made me always live as though about to die” - a

783 784

powerfully expressed fear. on this day: see 674n. As Jebb notes, the perfect ἀπήλλαγμαι, expressing final deliverance, is better here than the aorist. It is also a touch more ironic. she was the greater harm: ironic, for the audience knows that Orestes has arrived and is a threat to Clytemnestra of the greatest possible harm.

COMMENTARY 785-6

191

incessantly draining my very life-blood: reminiscent of Ant. 531-2, where Creon likens Antigone to a snake drinking his blood (so Kaibel); also perhaps suggesting the Keres, female death-spirits who drank the blood of their victims (Hes. Shield 248—

57); and, most of all, suggesting the Furies (110-18n.), as in a similar passage at Aesch. Cho. 577-8. This last further suggests that Electra is the human representative of the Furies, and thus of the divine justice (Minadeo (1994) 129-30).

Orestes and

Pylades also will later be identified with the Furies (1386-8n.). 788 Now I can mourn: πάρα: see 285-6n.; cf. Aj. 904, 982. 7% Is it not well?: passionate and bitter sarcasm from Electra because of Clytemnestra’s harsh and self-centred response to a death so pitiful. 79 all’s well with him; but not with you: Clytemnestra implies that she is pleased about Orestes’ death and perhaps that she wishes Electra were in the same state (and of course her words are ironic, for they are literally true: all is well with Orestes, and certainly not well with Electra). She derisively echoes Electra’s ἔχει καλῶς and repeats καλῶς sneeringly at 793. At 816 Electra will use the same phrase of herself in her despair. Cf. the more literal use of καλῶς to refer to the vengeance at 1340, 1345 and 1425. 792 Nemesis: the goddess of retribution, who ensures that each man receives his due; so Electra here appeals to Nemesis as the avenger of the wrong done to Orestes by Clytemnestra’s insults. 793 She has heard those who should be heard and has decreed well: Clytemnestra means that Nemesis has punished Orestes with death for threatening to kill his mother, but once again she speaks the truth, for Nemesis has heard and will soon punish her. On καλῶς, “well”, see 791n. 795-8 So will you and Orestes not silence me?: lit. “So will you and Orestes not stop this?", 1.e. put an end to her power. The repetitions of παύειν, "stop" (translated "silence"), at 795, 796 (twice) and 798 “contribute to the biting pungency of the dialogue” (Kamerbeek).

Clytemnestra’s words are sarcastic, but full of irony, for the

audience knows that she will indeed soon be silenced (and the verb will be repeated by Orestes at 1295). we ourselves are silenced:

the perfect tense in the Greek

emphasises Electra’s hopeless sense of finality. her busy tongue: exactly the same phrase of Electra at 641.

Clytemnestra uses

801

the friend who sent you: Phanoteus of Phocis (670 and 44-6n.). 802-3 Leave her outside to cry the sorrows of herself and those she loves:

Electra’s

sorrows are of course the deaths of her father and Orestes, and the destruction of her hope that Agamemnon might be avenged. This sneering instruction is the last we hear of Clytemnestra until her death-cries begin at 1404-5; to wh.ch Electra's response at 1406, βοᾷ τις ἔνδον, “Someone inside is shouting”, forms an ironic echo of the Greck here. 804-22 Clytemnestra and the Old Slave go indoors, with Clytemnestra apparently the victor in her second verbal confrontation with her daughter and gloating in her victory

192

COMMENTARY

(807n.); but the next time we see her will be as a corpse. Electra is left onstage alone, but for the Chorus. Now she can express without restraint all the grief that she feels at Orestes’ death. 804-6 How grieved and distressed the unhappy woman was... : bitter irony, with the assonances and the repetitions of the consonants ὃ ἀπά contributing to the pathos of the passage and underlining Electra’s strong emotion (210n.). 807 she went away gloating: Clytemnestra left the stage with an exultant air and no trace of grief, maybe even with a mocking laugh. This echoes her earlier exultation over Agamemnon’s death: see 277 and note. 808 Dearest Orestes, how you kill me with your death: a heartfelt cry of grief, contrasting vividly with Clytemnestra’s merely momentary pang of sorrow at Orestes’ death (766-71n.).

812

Electra’s words are similar to those of Antigone about her

dead brother Polyneices (Ant. 871, and cf. Aj. 900-2); and indeed dead killing the living seems to be a favourite of Sophocles (1419-2 and my unhappy self: “the importance of this addition is not to for a correct interpretation of the play” (Kamerbeek). Orestes too

the concept of the 1n.). be underestimated is aware that he is

avenging not only his father’s death but also the wrongs done to his sister:

814

see his

words at 1426-7. | Now I must go back to being a slave: for Electra’s wretched life, to which she must now revert, see 189-92n. In truth she has never left her state of servitude, but in imagination she did so when the news of Clytemnestra’s dream brought her hope of freedom, a hope now completely demolished. She speaks again of being a slave at 1192 (the same complaint is at Aesch. Cho. 135); cf. 521-2, 597-8.

816

Am I not well off?:

irony, echoing her own words about Orestes at 790 (and see

791n.).

818-19 by this door I shall lay me down: in her despair Electra sinks to the ground, and perhaps remains there throughout the following lyric interchange with the Chorus, rising only on Chrysothemis' joyful entry at 871. 823-70 A highly emotional lyric duet between Electra and the Chorus. The women try to rouse Electra from her despair, but in vain. We have no evidence to confirm whether the choral utterances were sung by the whole Chorus or by one member alone; as Burton concludes (206), it seems reasonable to assume that certainly the brief interjections of one

or two words would have been confined to individual singers. 823-6 Where are Zeus's thunderbolts and where the shining Sun ... : the powers of heaven must surely intervene, sing the Chorus, for the Sun-god, who sees all things on his daily journey across the sky (424—5n.), must know of these iniquities (the crimes of Clytemnestra and Aegisthus, and also Clytemnestra' s unmotherly rejoicing at Orestes' death), and Zeus's thunderbolts must descend to punish them. 828 why are you weeping?: not “what are you weeping for?", but “why do you give way to grief?", a gentle remonstrance.

COMMENTARY

193

830

Do not cry out imprudently: i.e. do not complain too indignantly about what the gods have ordained. 831-5 Electra has managed to accept that Orestes is dead, and has decided (817-22) how she will end her days. For the Chorus to upset this resolve with some false optimism would, she feels, be a paın past bearıng. 832-3 when it is clear that he is dead and gone to Hades: since the mention of Orestes’ ashes at 757-60, there has been no doubt at all in Electra’s mind that her brother is

dead and that now all hope is gone. On Hades, see 110-18n. 836-8 Amphiaraus was brought to death, ensnared by a woman’s golden necklace: the Chorus adduce (as so often) a mythological parallel, here with the intention of offering comfort to Electra, since Amphiaraus, although he went to Hades, is still a

king among the dead. Amphiaraus was a seer who refused to join the expedition of the Seven against Thebes, since through his prophetic skills he knew that it was doomed to disaster and

that he would never return alive.

Oedipus’ son, Polyneices, was hoping by means of

the expedition to win the throne of Thebes, so he bribed Amphiaraus’

wife Eriphyle

with a beautiful golden necklace, made by Hephaestus (Apollod. 3.4.2) and once owned by Harmonia (Paus. 9.41.2), to persuade her husband to change his mind.

She

did so, and Amphiaraus reluctantly left. though not before he had charged his son Alcmaeon to avenge his expected death. The expedition was indeed a disaster and the Argive attackers were routed by the Thebans, but Zeus intervened just as Amphiaraus was about to be speared in the back: the god split open the earth ahead of him with a thunderbolt, and Amphiaraus was swallowed up, chariot, charioteer, horses and all (hence κρυφθέντα, lit. “hidden”, 838). In this fashion he descended to Hades. Pausanias, travelling in the second century AD, saw near Thebes the enclosed and sacred spot where the earth had opened for the seer (9.8.3).

839 841

and now beneath the earth: this reminds Electra that her dear ones, Orestes and Agamemnon, are also beneath the earth, and she utters a cry of grief. His spirit rules in the fullness of power: the prophet Amphiaraus is imagined, like another prophet, Teiresias (Od. 10.492-5), as retaining all hıs faculties ın Hades; so the same may hold good for Agamemnon. Reminded of her father, Electra agaın

cries out in grief. 842-8 His murderess ... Was done to death:

the Chorus begin to remind Electra that

Amphiaraus was avenged when his son, Alcmaeon, killed Eriphyle. (This was the subject of a tragedy by Sophocles, the Eriphyle, now lost.) Electra excitedly interrupts and completes their sentence, but when she recollects that Orestes, the equivalent avenger for Agamemnon, is dead, she once more relapses into despair. Unknown to both Electra and the Chorus, but clear to the audience, the real situation is indeed a true parallel between Amphiaraus/Alcmaeon and Agamemnon/Orestes. For him in his sorrow there appeared a comforter: μελέτωρ, “comforter”, is lit. “someone to care”, and hence can mean an avenger. Amphiaraus is imagined as

194

860

861

863

COMMENTARY mourning his fate in Hades until his avenger appeared and killed the woman who brought about his death. Death is the fate of all mankind: the Chorus revert to traditional words of comfort; cf. 153-4, 1171-3. Electra, quite uncomforted, replies with bitter vehemence that Orestes’ manner of death was a terrible way to die. among the swift and racing hooves: lit. “in swift-hooved contests". Of xalapyois (= χηλῶν ἀργῶν) Jebb notes “a vivid epithet, describing the tramp and rush of the horses’ feet”.

dragged by the cutting reins:

ὁλκός is something that drags, here reins.

On

τμητοῖς, see 743-7n. 865-70 There is great pathos in Electra’s words, for to her one of the most painful aspects of Orestes’ death is that she herself was not able to tend his body with the proper

rites, the customary prerogative of close female relations; cf. her words over the urn at 113642. 871-1057 Electra’s second scene with Chrysothemis, who now re-enters, using the eisodos by which she left, and rejoicing that what she has seen at Agamemnon’s tomb proves that Orestes is here in Mycenae; Electra disillusions her (871-937), then tries — and fails — to

gain her help in a plan to kill Aegisthus (938-1057). 871-937 Chrysothemis has discovered offerings, including a lock of hair, at Agamemnon’s grave, and rightly interprets this as evidence that their brother is nearby. Electra, from what she believes to be a truer knowledge of the facts, stoutly rejects all her sister’s conclusions. The scene is full of irony, since the audience is well aware that all Chrysothemis’ assumptions are true: she does indeed carry news that would bring Electra joy and relief from her sorrow (873-4), interpreting the clear evidence (885-6) correctly; and Orestes is

most certainly here (877, 882, 903-4, 907-8, 915). The finding of Orestes’ hair at Agamemnon’s grave is also a feature of both Aesch. Cho. and Eur. Εἰ. and leads directly to the recognition between Electra and Orestes. In Aeschylus, Electra herself finds the hair and suspects Orestes’ presence, a suspicion further confirmed by finding footprints that match her own, and finally by Orestes himself appearing and showing her a woven garment that she once made for him. In Euripides, the hair is found by an old servant, who reports it to Electra. She rejects this evidence, since hair of the same colour is no proof of kinship, and she also rejects the likelihood of finding a matching footprint (the ground is too hard, and a man’s foot is likely to be larger than a woman’s), or a woven garment, which would obviously by now be much too small to be worn (clearly this is all a comment on the Aeschylean version). Then, prompted by the old man, she recognises her brother by a scar on his forehead. Thus in each case the recognition depends on external tokens somewhat arbitrarily introduced. Sophocles has created an altogether more natural and dramatically effective recognition scene than in either of these two plays. The hair is found and recognised by Chrysothemis, but rejected as evidence by Electra, who is totally convinced of Orestes’

COMMENTARY

195

death and proceeds to convince Chrysothemis likewise. This allows the recognition to arise from a dramatic interchange between Electra and the disguised Orestes, in a scene of deep pathos and mounting emotion (1098-1287n.). The outward token of Agamemnon’s signet ring (1222-3) is simply a final proof. For a sensitive discussion of the three recognition scenes, see Solmsen. 871 Joy spurs me on, dearest: the dramatic contrast between the grief-stricken (and probably static) Electra, and Chrysothemis, hurrying onstage full of joy, is very effective, and would add even more poignancy to Electra’s grief if the audience did not know that it is the joy, and not the sorrow, which is based on reality. Chrysothemis, in her happiness, addresses Electra as “dearest”, and again “my dear" at 916; cf. Electra’s use of “my dear" at 431 and 986.

872 regardless of propriety: Chrysothemis apologises for her indecorous haste. 875-6 my sorrows, for which no cure is any longer (ἔτι) possible: there is a moving simplicity in Electra's statement that her sorrows can never now be healed. 877-8 yes, it’s really so: lit. "know that you are hearing this from me". 879 Are you mad?: the natural reaction of disbelief; cf. 920, and Electra's reaction at Eur. El. 568 ("Are you no longer thinking well?"), and Penelope's response to

Eurycleia at Hom. Od. 23.11-13 (“The gods have driven you crazy"). 881

by our father's hearth: the hearth was the centre of house and family, so it is very suitable that Chrysothemis should swear by it here (just as Odysseus swears by his own hearth when he returns to Ithaca: Hom. Od. 14.159). Perhaps the audience would remember that it was at the hearth that Agamemnon was killed (269-70n.).

888

this desperate hope: lit. "this incurable fire", a feverish and unreal, even mad, emotion; cf. Ajax's "incurable joy" at Aj. 52. 893-915 Chrysothemis’ account of her visit to Agamemnon's tomb has much in common with that of the Old Man

in Eur. ΕἸ. (509-19).

Both arrive at the grave and find it

deserted, but discover libations and offerings — including Orestes' lock of hair. Both speculate about the lock and conclude that Orestes must have been the donor. 893

our father's ancient tomb:

i.e. the family's ancestral tomb: a substantial mound of

earth on which offerings were made, and beneath it a stone chamber in which the dead were buried (on ancient grave-mounds, see Kurtz and Boardman 79-84, 105-8). In the second

901 903-4

century

AD,

the traveller Pausanias

(2.16.6)

saw

in the ruins of

Mycenae what was thought to be the the tomb of Agamemnon, and also the tombs of the men who were killed with him when he came home from Troy. a lock of hair: see 51—3n.; and 871-937n. for the part played by the lock of hair in Aesch. Cho. and Eur. Εἰ. a familiar image: Orestes is familiar to Chrysothemis, not by sight — she has not seen him for over seven years (14n.) — but because she has been accustomed to think

of him and remembers

the colour of his hair.

In Aeschylus (Cho.

174-6) and

Euripides (EJ. 520-31) the point at issue is the lock's similarity in colour to Electra's hair. Orestes, dearest of all men: Chrysothemis’ words echo those of Electra at

Aesch. Clio. 193-4.

196 908

909

COMMENTARY this bright offering: the same word, ἀγλάισμα, is used in the same context at Aesch. Cho. 193: “of that which gives joy”, comments Garvie. Euripides’ Electra remarks that Agamemnon’s tomb is usually barren of such things (ZI. 325). who else had that duty: hair was offered at a tomb only by those very close to the dead (51-3n.).

Aeschylus's Electra makes a similar point (Cho.

172); but the Old

Man’s reaction in Eur. El. is to say that no local man would have dared to visit the tomb, implying fear of Aegisthus. .911-12 you are not allowed to leave this house unpunished: i.e. without punishment from Clytemnestra or Aegisthus. 913-14 neither is our mother inclined to do such things: lit. “neither are our mother’s thoughts accustomed to be busy with such things”, because she is Agamemnon’s enemy (433). The libations might indeed have come from her as a propitiatory offering (just as she had earlier sent some

in Chrysothemis’

hands), but not

the

flowers or lock of hair. , 916-17 Remember that: Tot, pointing "the applicability of a universal truth to the special matter in hand", i.e. "Don't forget, please" (Denniston 542). the same fortune does not always accompany the same people:

the idea of mutability in human life, of

ebb and flow, of rise and fall, was an important Sophoclean concept: cf. Trach. 127135, OC 607-15, Ant. 1158-9, Aj. 131-2, 669-83, and Jones 174-7 and 184-6. 918-19 this day will mark the beginning of much happiness for us: here, as elsewhere, there is dramatic irony in Chrysothemis’ words: she is speaking the absolute truth, though she will quickly be dissuaded from it by Electra. On “this day”, see 674n. 920 how I have been pitying you: with these same words Orestes will express his pity for Electra at 1199. 922 You don’t know where you are or what you are saying: lit. “you don’t know where in the world or where in your mind you are carried”; 1.6. “you live in a world of mere delusion far removed from realities” (Kamerbeek).

928 929

Ican't help being amazed: lit. “really, wonder is stealing over me". welcome to our mother, and not at all displeasing: once again Clytemnestra is

marked as an unnatural mother (273—4n.). 930-1 Whose, then, were the many offerings at our father's grave?:

convinced by the

mention of an eye-witness of Orestes' death, Chrysothemis quickly accepts the truth of Electra's words and the consequence that the offerings must have been made by someone other than their brother. 934-5 joyfully hurrying to bring such news: a pitiful restatement of the feelings expressed by her opening words at 871-2, now emphasising her sad disillusionment. 938-1057 Now that there seems to be no hope of Orestes' coming to take revenge on Agamemnon's murderers, Electra decides that she will herself kill Aegisthus (there is no mention of Clytemnestra). She tries to gain Chrysothemis’ help, painting a glowing picture of the honour and the life of freedom and fulfilment that this would bring them. Chrysothemis decisively rejects the proposal and the sisters once again quarrel. The scene

COMMENTARY

197

ends with Chrysothemis going indoors and Electra, once more alone, firmly resolved to kill Aegısthus unaided. 938 This is how it is: Electra speaks with despairing acceptance. 940 Can I ever bring the dead to life again?: that there might be any possibility of action in Ihe present situation has not entered Chrysothemis’ head. 945 Remember, nothing succeeds without effort: Electra 15 gently leading up to her radical proposal, which she knows will probably be rejected: see her words at 101718. 947-89 Electra now uses all her powers of persuasion to gain Chrysothemis' help in her bid to murder Aegisthus. She begins by pointing out that she and Chrysothemis are the only pcople left alive who can avenge Agamemnon (954n.); then goes on to sum up the drawbacks of their present situation, and the great benefits of marriage and freedom that Aegisthus' death would bring them, plus the glory of carrying out so courageous a deed. 949-50 Hades has taken them away from us: Hades was king of the Underworld (11018n.). we two are left alone: λελείμμεθον, a very rare instance of the first-person dual (see Jebb's note for other examples), which here emphasises Electra's sudden sense that she and Chrysothemis, who has demonstrated that she shares Electra's intense grief (926—37), are now united as two against the rest of the world. There is a similar effect in the duals used by Electra at 977-85, and by Chrysothemis at 1003-6. 954 Now that he is no longer alive, I look next to you: Agamemnon's kin have a duty to avenge his murder, a duty that falls primarily on his son, Orestes.

When Electra

thought that her brother was alive, she lived in hope that he would return and perform what was required; but now (she believes) she and Chrysothemis are the only people left alive who can take up the duty of vengeance. Iphianassa (157) seems to be forgotten, as she is by Chrysothemis at 1009-10. For βλέπω used in this sense, see also 958-9 and cf. Aj. 397-400. 955-7

It is noteworthy that Electra mentions only Aegisthus, not Clytemnestra, in her

scheme of vengeance. She has already named her mother as Aegisthus’ partner in the murder of Agamemnon (97—9, 206, 587-8) and has openly wished that Orestes might take vengeance on her (603-5). But she does not suggest that she and Chrysothemis kill their mother; and the plural "enemies" at 979 need not mean specifically "Clytemnestra and Aegisthus” (cf. the general plurals at 66, 456), even though the Chorus speak of overcoming "the two Furies" at 1080.

Certainly Chrysothemis takes

Electra to be referring only to Aegisthus: see 1001. It would be wrong to assume that the murder of Clytemnestra must be in Electra's mind as part of her purpose, but kept secret from Chrysothemis (as do, for instance, Kamerbeek, Lloyd-Jones (1972) 224, Waldock

185, Segal (1981) 284, Blundell 160 n. 46).

This would mean that Electra

must be lying when she says “J must no longer hide anything from you" (957); and it is unlikely that Sophocles would have his protagonist, who shows a complete lack of duplicity and is frankly outspoken about her feelings from beginning to end, tell a direct lie. As Gellie comments: "Electra always tells the truth — even in her last scene

198

COMMENTARY with Aegisthus, her tronies are as true as they are false.” Moreover, as Gardiner (165) argues, Electra 15 not a living person but a fictive creation; she does not have hidden

962

motives which the audience must cleverly divine. If she is thinking something other than what she is saying, the dramatist must convey that fact to us verbally. See also Burnett's sensible discussion of Electra's resolve, 123-7. We must conclude that when Electra says Aegisthus, she means only Aegisthus, and that Sophocles is avoiding any clear focus on the death of Clytemnestra before the sudden and dramatic call to action by the Old Slave (see 1368-9 and note); for another possibility, see 973-85n. Jebb suggests that Sophocles has Electra plan to kill only Aegisthus because he "avoids everything that could qualify our sympathy with Electra". On this, Kamerbeek comments (17), "If that were true, he would not have had her cry: παῖσον, εἰ σθένεις, διπλῆν [1415] at the moment of the murder"; and Kells asks, “Why then does he later depict her gloating over her mother’s murder (1398ff.)?” In fact it is probable that her rejoicing at this just act of vengeance would have been endorsed by the ancient Greek audience (1415-16n.). This is very different from Euripides' treatment, where in his Electra he makes Electra plan the matricide, and urge the unwilling Orestes into action, and even grip the murder weapon and help drive it home when her brother's hand fails. you are growing old without wedding-song, without marriage-bed: this grieves Electra too (164—5n.).

For the sisters’ ages, see 185—6n.

ἄλεκτρα

…

dvupévata

are

neuter plurals, adverbial accusatives. Antigone, just before her death, also laments that she has had no wedding-song (the song sung during the procession to the bridegroom's house) nor marriage-bed (Ant. 917).

966

obviously they would do him harm: because they would grow up to think it their duty to avenge Agamemnon. It was recognised as dangerous to leave a slain enemy's descendants alive to take vengeance: cf. Hom. Od. 3.196-7, Eur. Tro. 721-3, 115866, HF 165-9, Andr. 519-22, Held. 468—70, 991-1008, Hec. 1138-44, Hdt. 1.155.1— 2, Arist. Rhet. 1376a 6-7, 1395a 16-17. This is why, in Euripides' version of

Electra's fate, she has been married off to a peasant farmer, so that any sons she may have will be poor and powerless (E/. 19-24, 34-42, 266—8). 967-89 On the cluster of traditional Greek heroic vocabulary in Electra's explanation of her plan, see Schein 76-7. 971-2 you will make a marriage worthy of you: Post (152) comments quaintly: "Only a character as exalted and desperate as Electra would be likely to suppose that a woman could recommend herself to suitors by such an exhibition of manliness." 973-85 Electra has already told Chrysothemis that her passivity and submission to Agamemnon's murderers make her in the eyes of the world a traitor to her dead father and to her kin (367-8). Now she urges the fine reputation that will be won by carrying out vengeance on Aegisthus. Juffras argues that Electra 1s talking about the people's response to tyrant-slaying (cf. ἀνδρεία, manly courage, 983), and that her

COMMENTARY

199

words here are meant to recall the cult of the Tyrannicides, Harmodius and Aristogeiton; her quotation of imaginary praise (977-83) can suggest both the honours to be awarded the sisters while still living, and the honours paid to a monument after their death (and note the phrase “in life and death”, 985); Kamerbeek too notes that

these words of praise might easily form part of a laudatory epitaph. Juffras concludes that this association would both underscore the political dimensions of Orestes’ and Electra’s desire to reclaim their inheritance, and help to explain why Aegisthus, and not Clytemnestra, is singled out as the intended victim of Electra’s plan. 975 citizen and foreigner alike: Electra is thinking of public festivals where visitors from other cities might be present, and where Athenian women could appear in public (as at OT 1489-91; see Jebb’s note). 976 will... hail us: δεξιώσεται, will "extend the right hand towards a person in token of greeting or admiration” (Campbell); so this could refer to the practice of greeting and touching public statues (Juffras 103-4) as well as to the acclamation of living women. 977-83 Cf. the people’s acclaim imagined here by Electra with the populace’s praise for Antigone reported by Haemon at Ant. 691-9. The dual forms in the Greek, by emphasising the envisaged partnership of the two sisters, give a warm and persuasive intimacy to Electra’s words. 980 came forward to kill: lit. “stood as champions of slaughter against” (dative) enemies. 984-5 vw is first person dual accusative and object of ἐξερεῖ (the second accusative governed by the verb); while ζώσαιν

θανούσαιν

are feminine dual datives (lit. “for

us living or dying fame will not cease”). 986-9 A stirring peroration from Electra, but Chrysothemis will remain unconvinced: urged by Electra at 461-3 she agreed to help her sister, but on this occasion the risks seem too great (1001-8, and cf. also 466-71n.). labour with me ... work with me: “with me” has to be supplied from συμ-- and ovy-; "father" and "brother" are datives

of advantage (so Kaibel and Kamerbeek; Jebb prefers “work with thy sire, share the burden of thy brother’). a shameful life brings shame on noble natures: cf. the Chorus’s words at 1082-5. See also Ajax’s words before his death: “the noble man should either live well or die well" (Aj. 479-80), and cf. Ant. 96-7,

Trach. 721-2,

Phil. 94-5, Eur. Hec. 377-8. 990-1

forethought is helpful:

a brief intervention by the Chorus-leader between the two

speeches of a quarrel is a regular occurrence in tragedy, giving the audience a moment to relax. Here she implies that Electra’s plan may be rash, and indeed at 1015-16 she will voice approval of Chrysothemis’ caution. But she and the Chorus will think differently by the time the sisters part (1058-97n.). The words are a generalisation, hence the masculine participles (145—6n.). 992-1014 the common

Chrysothemis is quite unmoved by Electra’s persuasive vehemence, and with sense (336n.) and the shrinking from difficult situations (338—9n.) familiar

200

COMMENTARY

from the earlier scene between the two sisters, she wholeheartedly rejects Electra’s heroic, if foolhardy, plan. 995 whatever are you thinking of: lit. “wherever having looked”. 997 You are a woman, not a man: as the weaker sister, Ismene, reminds Antigone at Ant. 61-2; on which Brown comments: “We may be sure that few men in Sophocles’ audience would have questioned the validity of this for a moment.” 1001 such a man: i.e. one so strong (physically, and with an armed fighting force at his disposal) and so prosperous. 1003-6 On the duals in the Greek, see 949—50n.; and 339n. on the masculine form for feminine. 1007-8

Dawe

(190) draws attention to the transmitted reading yap, which creates “a

massive non-sequitur”. Michaelis’s conjecture οὐδ᾽αὖ deals with this difficulty, though both Dawe, and Lloyd-Jones and Wilson, would prefer (after Nauck) to delete the lines. Jebb keeps γὰρ, commenting that it refers to the “shameful death” of 1006, the kind of lingering death prescribed for malefactors. the worst thing is not to die: Chrysothemis has no doubt that the plan is hopeless and that Aegisthus will catch them and punish them. She fears torture, or a slow and lingering death, in strong contrast to Electra, who would fearlessly face anything. 1009-10 before we perish utterly and irredeemably and leave our family completely destroyed: 1.6. if they induce Aegisthus to retaliate with violence, they will both die; Iphianassa (157) seems to be forgotten, as she ts by Electra at 954. 1013-14

you yourself must have the sense at long last to give in to those in authority:

this has consistently been Chrysothemis’ principle (219-20n.). Electra will ironically echo these words at 1465-6 when she is duping Aegisthus. 1015 Listen to her: see 990-1n. and cf. 402n. 1019-20 this deed must be done by my hand alone: Electra accepts that she has failed to persuade Chrysothemis to her scheme, so if she is to do what she believes to be right, she now has no other option but to act alone. Chrysothemis will try to persuade her away from her plan, and she too will fail. 1021-2 I wish you had been of such a mind when our father died: Chrysothemis is saying that, with this kind of courage, nothing would have been too hard to achieve and Electra might have saved Agamemnon's life. 1023-49 Another heated exchange of stichomythia (385-4 14n.) between the sisters. 1024 Try to keep that sort of mind: i.e. keep that lack of resolution and give up this decision to kill Aegisthus. 1026 anyone making the attempt is likely to meet with failure: Chrysothemis is generalising and the present participle is in the masculine (145—6n.). 1028 I shall be equally patient when I hear you praise me: Chrysothemis infers that Electra's rash scheme will fail and the day come when she will admit that her sister's caution was justified. 1030 plenty of time in the future: 1.6. for Electra to fail and to admit that Chrysothemis was right.

COMMENTARY 1032 1033

201

no willingness to learn: sce 330n. tell all this to your mother: Electra implies that she does not regard Clytemnestra as her mother.

1035

1038 1039

1040

Well, at least you should understand: see 233n. Electra wants Chrysothemis to understand how for honour’s sake she must live by her principles, even though she recognises that her sister will never agree with her. when you come to your senses: see 336n. Strange, that one who speaks so well can be so wrong: Electra refers to Chrysothemis’ general tone of complacent prudence, which nevertheless leads her to quite the wrong conclusions. Chrysothemis responds in kind, but, when challenged, tacitly acknowledges that Electra is right (1042 and note). your own failing: lit. “the fault to which you are attached”; κακῷ instead of accusative κακόν. the antecedent being attracted into the case of the relative, as often; cf. Trach. 152, 283, 1060-1.

1042

1043

there are times when even what is right brings harm: Chrysothemis implicitly admits that Electra is right (as she has already conceded: see 338-9 and note), but points to the risks in her chosen course of action; again she is arguing from expediency. Perhaps this admission that Electra is right has the decisive effect on the Chorus's change of attitude (990-In.; so Sommerstein 207 n. 44). Kamerbeek sees in Chrysothemis' words an implied prediction of harm to come to Electra through the murder of Clytemnestra, but there is no justification for this interpretation either here or elsewhere in the text. such a code: Electra's code demands that she live out her principles, and she does not allow that behaviour may be modified by circumstances. also Ant. 450-5 and Knox (1964) 38-9.

1049

I decided this:

Cf. her words at 397;

lit. "these things (Electra's code of behaviour, as distinguished from

her sister's) were determined by me".

1050—4

Never shall I follow you: Electra speaks as Chrysothemis turns to go into the palace, meaning that she will neither follow her sister indoors, nor give in to her viewpoint. it is the height of folly to pursue a futile cause: Electra accepts that she has no chance of ever persuading Chrysothemis, either to her scheme or to her way of thinking. Dawe (191-2) judges the "futile cause" to be best taken as referring to the proposed act of revenge, hence he places a lacuna after 1052 and gives 1053-7 to Chrysothemis. Lloyd-Jones and Wilson see 1052-4 as a peculiar utterance by either sister, and with 1050-1 attributed by Stobaeus (3.2.29) to Sophocles' Phaedra, they delete 1050—4 (discussed 1990, 62). Lloyd-Jones, in the third volume of his Loeb Sophocles edition (1996), has now printed the whole of 1050—4 as a fragment of the

Phaedra. 1055-7

if you think you are being wise, carry on being wise like that:

When

presently

you

get

into

trouble,

you

will agree

with

see 1058n.

what

I say:

202

COMMENTARY Chrysothemis ıs sure that she is in the right and that future events will bear her out. Cf. her earlier words at 430.

1058-97: Second Stasimon Chrysothemis exits into the palace and Electra is once more alone, her brief hope of an ally destroyed. She remains onstage while the Chorus sing the Second Stasimon, consisting of two strophes and their metrically responding antistrophes. They are completely won over to Electra’s viewpoint (990—1n.), changing their mind “as suddenly as the Furies at Aesch. Eum. 892 or the Oceanids at PV 1063 (whose advice to the intransigent hero has not been

unlike that of Chrysothemis to Electra)” (Stinton 97 n. 80). They hymn the courage and nobility of Electra’s lonely stand: Chrysothemis (they imply) has forgotten what is owed to her father, but Electra, quite alone, is resolved to avenge him, without thought of the cost to herself, and is deserving of the highest honour. They acknowledge that her life of lamentation, which earlier they urged her to moderate (141n.), is in fact the necessary consequence of her filial affection, and that, in acting as she does, she is upholding the highest laws of Zeus. They pray for her ultimate triumph over her enemies. 1058 the birds above: birds were thought to care for their parents. The stork especially was a type of filial piety: “When the parent stork has brought up his fledgelings and sent them out of the nest, then it is the duty of the young to support their parent” (Ar. Birds 1355-7). Cf. the young swan caring for the old one at Eur. Ba. 1364-5. in their wisdom:

φρονιμωτάτους,

echoing φρονεῖν,

φρόνει

(1056).

Since

it is

Electra whose care for her father is similar to that of the birds, the Chorus are rejecting Chrysothemis’ final taunt to Electra about her lack of wisdom. 1060-2 those from whom they had life, from whom they found succour: the birds’ care for their parents is the paradigm for Electra’s care for her father: for one parent only, since Electra’s mother 1s no true mother (273—4n.) and has completely failed to

give succour (ὄνησις, lit. “advantage”). 1063 1064

1065

the lightning of Zeus: the lightning was Zeus's means of punishing wrongdoing among mortals; cf. 823-6. Themis throned in heaven: Themis was an Olympian goddess closely associated with justice, law and order. She was throned beside Zeus, and mother by him of the Seasons and the Fates. These too all personified aspects of order in the universe and will in a sense be involved in the vengeance, the Seasons by bringing about its due time, the Fates by appointing the deaths of Agamemnon’s murderers. (Hom. Il. 15.87, 20.4—6, Od. 2.68-9, Pind. Οἱ. 8.21—3, fr. 30. Eur. Med. 160, 168-70, 208-9.) not for long shall we then escape trouble: i.e. if we mortals do not repay what we owe to the parents who have given us life and nurture. Although the sentence is general in form, it is an implied reproof to Chrysothemis, who has shown disloyalty to Agamemnon. Kells, who wishes to conclude that the Chorus are aligning themselves with Chrysothemis, implausibly argues that this 1s a rebuke to Agamemnon, who has failed to perform the reciprocal duty of care from parent to child by neglecting to help his children.

COMMENTARY

203

1066

Voice that goes to the dead beneath the earth: this presupposes possible communication between the living and the dead. Cf. Pind. Οἱ, 8.814, Ol. 14.20-4, Pyth. 5.100-1, where the news of an athlete’s victory is brought to his dead ancestors in the Underworld. 1068 the sons of Atreus below: the dead Agamemnon and the supposedly dead Orestes. Agamemnon is also invoked at Aesch. Cho. 306-509, Eur. El. 677-84, Or. 1225-42. 1069 joyless tidings of disgrace: i.e. news of the dishonour brought on the house of Agamemnon by an undutiful child. 1070-3 their house is beset with sickness: τὰ μὲν ἐκ δόμων is nominative, while the following τὰ δὲ πρὸς τέκνων is accusative of respect, lit. "as to the relations between the children". strife between the two children: the dissension between Electra and Chrysothemis, who should have been united in Agamemnon's cause. breaks the harmony: lit. "is no longer equated to", i.e. cannot be brought into balance with. 1074-5 the daughter, forsaken: Electra, deserted by Chrysothemis. Heath's conjecture makes sense of the meaningless ms. reading. This, plausibly, was caused by a gloss naming "the daughter" as Electra, which was then incorporated into the text, while the accusative noun following it was partially lost. endures the storm: for the nautical metaphor, see 335n. 1077 the nightingale ever-mourning: Electra too likens herself to the nightingale: see 107 and note, and cf. 147-9. 1078 She takes no thought for death: during the argument between the sisters, the Chorus were cautiously recommending forethought (προμηθία 990, πρόνοια 1015). Now, won over to Electra's viewpoint, they outspokenly praise her lack of it in the face of possible death (οὔτε ... προμηθής) as evidence of the highest nobility (1081). 1079

ready to leave the light:

lit. "ready to not see": βλέπειν, with or without φῶς, is

often used meaning "to see the light of day", hence "to live". 1080

the double

Fury:

i.e. the murderers Aegisthus and Clytemnestra,

who in their

actions are as baneful as the Furies (110-18n.). Helen too is called a Fury, Erinys, at Aesch. Ag. 749 and Virg. Aen. 2.573, as is Medea at Eur. Med. 1260. WinningtonIngram (244) is right to comment that Clytemnestra and Aegisthus “are twinned as

an evil spirit plaguing the house"; but he mistakenly goes on to infer that "they had themselves been instruments of divine punishment as Orestes and Electra were to be". No: Orestes and Electra certainly have divine sanction for their vengeance, but Clytemnestra and Aegisthus had none (Sunton 80).

1081

noble: Electra here has the same epithet as was applied to Orestes at 162 (by the Chorus) and 859 (by Electra herself); lit. "born of a noble father", here suggesting the father to whom she has been loyal. 1082-3 No one who is noble wishes to disgrace a fine reputation: a reason offered for Electra's devotion, just described, and similar to her own earlier words (989 and note).

204 1085-6

COMMENTARY Thus have you chosen a splendid life of tears and sorrow: during ihe Parodos (121-250) the Chorus urged Electra to moderate her grief. She persuaded them (236-50) that her choice of constant lament and opposition to the murderers was the only honourable course; now they praise it.

1087-8

overcoming

dishonour:

this is the sense which the scholiast gives

to

καθοπλίσασα, which elsewhere means “equip” or “arm”: so here “subdue by arms”. If this is how we should interpret the phrase (see Jebb’s note on similar compounds in Greek), then the Chorus are saying that Electra has vanquished dishonour by rejecting both the temptation of the easy life of aquiescence to the murderers, as chosen by Chrysothemis (338-9n.), and Chrysothemis’ idea of “right” (1037, cf. 1042 and note). Burnett (122 n. 8) gives a different explanation, suggesting that the phrase refers to Electra's strategy of attack with weapons of impropriety, and that she has “armed” her degraded position, just as popular outcry is "armed" at Aesch. Suppl. 685. . 1095-7 Lit. "but the greatest laws which have come into existence (i.e. have been begotten by the gods). on account of these (i.e. for observance

winning the best things for reverence to Zeus".

of them, causal genitive)

nature's greatest laws:

the

"unwritten and unfailing" laws (Ant. 454—5) laid down by the gods, as distinct from

the particular laws which each human community defines for itself; cf. OT. 865—72, Arist. Rher. 1.13, 15, Plato Laws 7.793 a-d, Xen. Mem. 4.4.19-20. 1098—1383:

Third Episode

As if in answer to the Chorus's message to the dead (1066) and their prayer (1090-2),

Orestes and Pylades enter, using the same eisodos by which they left, and now pretending to be the "chosen Phocian men” of 759. With them are (probably two) attendants, one of whom (see 1123) carries the urn supposedly containing Orestes' ashes. The scene falls into two parts:

the recognition between

Electra and Orestes

and Electra's consequent joy

(1098-1287), then their conference before the revenge action in which they are joined by the Old Slave (1288-1383).

Orestes and Pylades with the Old Slave and attendants will

enter the house at 1375, Electra, after a short prayer, at 1383. 1098-1287 The Recognition Scene: rich in irony since the audience, unlike the characters, is aware of the true situation. According to Aristotle, writing on the ingredients of à satisfactory tragedy, "Recognition (dvayvoptots) is a change from ignorance to knowledge ... The best form of recognition is coincident with a reversal of the situation (περιπέτεια) … The recognition which is most intimately connected with the plot and action is the recognition of persons" (Poet. 1452a). He adds that the “commonest and least artistic" recognitions are those by tokens (cf. 871—937n.), while "the best of all is that which arises from the incidents themselves" (Poet. 1454b -1455a).

Sophocles' recognition scene is surely one of the most effective in all extant Greek tragedy. He has allowed the recognition to arise naturally from a dramatic and moving interchange between brother and sister, in a scene of mounting emotion: Orestes takes the

COMMENTARY

205

meanly-dressed Electra for a servant, while Electra is completely convinced of Orestes’ death and believes the urn to contain his ashes; only as she grieves over it does Orestes realise who she is (1106n.), then because of the extremity of her grief he must be gentle in making himself known to her. Only right at the end, in the space of a line and a half (1222-3), is a token, the signet ring, introduced as a final proof. Throughout the scene, moreover, there takes place the “reversal of the situation” demanded by Aristotle, a huge reversal for Electra from the deepest grief to the highest joy, reunited at last with her longed-for brother. Kitto's summation of the Recognition as "a cheerful scene” (1961, 132) trivialises the powerful emotions depicted here. On Aristotle and recognition scenes, particularly in Homer, see N. J. Richardson, Papers of the Liverpool Latin Seminar 4 (1983) 219-35. 1101 where Aegisthus lives: perhaps a touch of irony here, since in the Greek "the perfect tense suggests the supposed permanence of Aegisthus' rule" (Campbell), which the audience knows to be so nearly at an end.

1104

our arrival, long desired: there is much irony here: the Chorus may take it that the Phocian stranger is glad to arrive at the end of his long journey. The audience knows that the words have a broader meaning: that Orestes !..mself has long desired to come home, that Electra has long desired his presence, a*.J that Clytemnestra has

1105 1106

1107

1110

long desired the evidence of his death which the urn brings. the nearest of kin: the Chorus-leader means the nearest of Kin to those indoors, but the audience knows that Electra is also the nearest of kin to Orestes himself. Go in, lady: Orestes speaks with little ceremony or even courtesy, obviously taking Electra, from her mean dress, to be a poor relation or a servant, not a daughter of the house. The question arises: at what point does he recognise her? We cannot tell for certain, but his words at 1117-18 and 1123-5 make more sense if he has not yet done so, especially since their cool objectivity are in vivid contrast to the warmth and compassion that he expresses from 1174, once Electra has spoken. Recognition will slowly come while he listens to the words of grief that she utters (1126 ff.), cradling the urn in her arms. By 1148 he will be sure that this 15 Electra (and his “no longer" at 1175 shows that for some time he has been wrestling with his emotion on recognising her). Jebb wrongly assumes that Orestes recognises Electra at once, but that he pretends not to know who she is until the Chorus-leader utters her name at 1171. As Bain (79) comments: "What we have is something much simpler and grander than the elaborate pretence envisaged by Jebb." some men of Phocis are looking for Aegisthus: the verb, pateve tv, has associations with hunting and can be used of hounds following the scent (cf. Aesch. Ag. 1093-4, Eum. 246-7), so it is appropriate for Orestes’ search fo: his prey, Aegisthus. Iknow nothing of your story ... old Strophius sent me: the Old Slave claimed to have been sent by Phanoteus (670), who had nothing to do with Strophius (44—6n.), so Orestes must appear to be ignorant of the old man's earlier arrival and his story of

206

COMMENTARY

the tragic chariot race. The fact that the news of Orestes’ death seems to come from two independent sources makes it, of course, all the more believable. 1113-14 a little urn: see 54n. and 757-9n. 1116 It seems: as at 765, these words remind the audience that what the speaker believes is in fact a fiction. I see a grievous burden ready for my hands: Electra means both the urn itself — the death of Orestes made tangible — and the weight of sorrow that it must bring her; cf. her words at 1139-40. 1123 whoever she is: he does not yet recognise Electra (1106n.). 1124 in enmity: Orestes is well aware that many people connected with Aegisthus’ house might be his enemies. 1125 of his family: lit. “by birth from his blood”; for a similar phrase, see Aj. 1305. 1126-70 Electra laments over the urn in words of deepest sorrow, and the anguish which she expresses drives home her profound capacity for love. Her language is simple and her metre the plain iambic trımeters of speech, rather than the more usual lyrics denoting high emotion. This gives her grief a moving simplicity that speaks direct to the heart. But

because thıs grief is based on a fiction, and because the audience sees Orestes standing beside her and the moment inescapably approaching when she too will know him,

the

reality is quite the reverse of what it seems and the effect of her words is anything

but

melancholy, since the measure of her sorrow here is also the measure of her coming joy. The effect is dramatic magic.

Reinhardt (157-8) writes sensitively of the high emotion of

the scene: “... although the speaker is not aware of it, her words storm and surgè across to a listener who is the very person to whom they refer, seize him, penetrate and shatter him with such force that it would be impossible for any speech which was openly and consciously directed towards the other to equal its penetrating power. Illusion and reality change places in the action once more, in order to show inner reality, the reality of the spirit — but in this case to show it no longer in its lonely rejection but in a most painful yet most

joyful contact.” Aulus Gellius (Artic Nights 6.5) tells an anecdote of the great actor Polus (late fourth century BC), who gave a most moving performance of this speech while lamenting over an urn containing the ashes of his own recently-dead son. 1127-8 how far from the hopes with which I sent you forth do I receive you home: the grammar is slightly awkward here: but οὐχ ὧνπερ is best explained as standing for οὐχ αἷσπερ, which has then been attracted into the genitive by ἐλπίδων. Electra is saying, “how far from (dT) the hopes — not (with the hopes) with which I sent you forth — do I receive you home." There is a pathetic emphasis in the negative

sense espressed in both ἀπό and οὐχ. 1129-30

The scholiast on

Patroclus:

1126 quotes Hom. 7/. 19.288-9, where Briseis mourns

for

"* left you alive when I went away from the hut, but now I find you

dead." Kells compares Thetis’ lament for Achilles at Hom. //. 18.438-41: "I reared him like a tree in a rich orchard, then sent him away in the curved ships to the land of Ilion to fight with the Trojans; but never again shall I welcome him home to thc

COMMENTARY

207

house of Peleus.” I sent you off from home: a reminder that it was Electra who saved Orestes and thus Agamemnon’s house (297n.), underlined by the emphatic ἐγώ, "I", at the end of line 1130. radiant: i.e. full of the bright promise of youthful life on which Electra’s hopes rested. The same word, λαμπρός, is used to describe Orestes’ appearance at 685, just before the fateful chanot race. Kaibel compares the description of the young Astyanax, “like a beautiful star", at Hom. Il. 6.401. 1131-42 Electra reproaches herself with the thought that her act of rescuing Orestes did not ultimately save his life, but led instead to his death among strangers (1136-7, 1141), without his sister to give him the proper funeral rites (1138-40). Better that she herself had died before she rescued him (1131-3), and that he had been killed

along with Agamemnon and so shared his father’s grave (1134-5). 1133 saving you from murder: see 297n. 1138-40 I... did not wash or dress you: i.e. for the πρόθεσις, the laying-out of the corpse; lit. “I did not honour you with washings”. Women would wash, anoint and dress a corpse before its laying out (Alexiou 5, Kurtz and Boardman 143-4, 149-61, Garland 24). Luc. On Grief 11 mentions washing, anointing with perfumes, crowning with flowers, and dressing as the proper treatment for the corpse; cf. Ant. 900-2, OC 1602-3.

Seaford (1994, 376 n. 36) notes that ‘koopetv is often used of

the ordered beauty of death ritual"; cf. Clytemnestra decking the urn at 1400-1. lift you ... , a weight of sorrow, from the blazing pyre:

the remains funerary urn The funerary bereaved: cf.

nor

after the body was burned,

of the calcined bones were gathered by the mourners and placed in a for burial, as described by Homer at //. 23. 237-40, 250-4, 24. 791-8. ash was of course light, but was felt as a heavy burden of grief to the Electra’s words at 1116.

1142 a little weight inside a little urn: see 757—9n. 1143-5 These are the words normally spoken by a mother over a child who 15 dead or about to die, as she grieves that all her loving care has been in vain, just as Andromache grieves over Astyanax at Eur. Tro. 758-60, and cf. Suppl. 918-24, Hom. //. 18.436-41. But in this play Clytemnestra is "a mother who is no mother" (273-4n.), and it is Electra who looked after Orestes like a mother when he was little (1147) and who, from the first announcement

of his death, has reacted with the

depth of grief typical of a mother (674n.). 1145-6 you were never more dear to your mother: φίλος, "dear", implies reciprocal affection (345-6n.). The scholiast understands here “you did not belong to your 1147

mother more than to me" and takes φίλος as a vocative. I was your nurse, and not the servants: in Aesch. Cho. (749-62) it is the Nurse

who speaks of all the physical care that she gave Orestes as a baby; here it is Electra who looked after him πόνῳ γλυκεῖ, “with labour of love" (1145). 1148

always you called me sister:

Orestes had other sisters, but it was Electra who was

the one especially close to him and the one he meant when he said "sister". Hearing this, Orestes must now be sure that it is Electra speaking. 1149

ina

single day:

see 674n.

208 1151-9

1151 1152

1153

COMMENTARY A despairing catalogue of of all Electra’s reasons for grief, ending with the final pathetic antithesis between “the form I loved" when Orestes was alive, and the "dust and empty shadow” of the urn. like a hurricane: just as a hurricane strips a tree of all its leaves, so her sudden bereavement has taken everything from Electra. I am dead because of you: Electra means that she is as good as dead, now that all hope and possibility of joy are gone for ever: cf. her words at 808-10. At 1162-70 she wishes literally to die and share Orestes’ grave. Our enemies are mocking us: γελῶσι, “mocking”, echoes Clytemnestra’s reactions to Orestes’ death (807) and to Agamemnon’s murder (277 and note), and

will be referred to again at 1294-5.

The Sophoclean hero dreads the laughter of his

enemies (Knox (1964) 30-1).

1154

our mother who is no mother: see 273-4n. For the phrase μήτηρ ἀμήτωρ, where the adjective shows that the essential meaning of the noun is to be denied, cf. OT 1214 ἄγαμον γάμον, Aj. 665 ἄδωρα δῶρα. and see Garvie on Aesch. Cho. 43-6. 1158-9 Electra turns from her contemplation of the past to the present reality (she believes) of her brother’s dear body turned now to ashes, and the lyric metres inserted into iambic speech (1160-2) signal her sudden emotion at the sharp and deeper pain of this thought. 1161 O body pitiable: Electra sees in her imagination either Orestes’ poor mangled body at the end of the chariot race (756) or, more probably, the pity of his splendid (λαμπρός 1130, 685) form being now turned to dust (1159).

1162-3

on a dreadful journey: the journey from earth to Hades by means of a terrible death (Campbell). Other interpretations are the journey from Mycenae to Crisa on the night of Agamemnon’s murder, “dreadful” because Orestes was to return from it only in the form of ashes (Kells); or the journey of Orestes’ ashes from Crisa to Mycenae, “dreadful” because the hoped-for avenger has returned as mere dust (Jebb, Kamerbeek).

1164

dearest brother: lit. “head of a brother”, the term of endearment used also by Antigone at Ant. 899, 915, and defined by Campbell as “the most endearing name". 1165 receive me to this little room of yours: Electra wishes to die so that her ashes may rest in the same urn as her brother’s. With this same aim of togetherness in death. Patroclus too desires his and Achilles’ ashes to be placed in the same urn (Hom. 77. 23.83-4, 91-2); and in tragedy Evadne leaps to join her husband on his funeral pyre (Eur. Suppl. 1019-24), Menelaus desires to die side by side with Helen (Eur. Hel. 985-6), and Admetus plans to be buried alongside his beloved Alcestis (Eur. Alc. 363—8); cf. Orestes' resolve to have Clytemnestra and Aegisthus share the same bed in death at Aesch. C/io. 894—5, 906-7. 1166 nothing to nothing: there is of course irony in Electra's words, for the urn does indeed contain nothing. 1168-9 now I long to die and never to leave your grave: Electra’s mood has changed utterly: earlier she was resolved to kill Aegisthus and win through to honour and

COMMENTARY

209

freedom (986-9); now, holding — as she believes — Orestes’ ashes, she longs only to die. 1170 For I see that the dead no longer suffer pain: this verse has been thought an unsuitable commonplace and therefore rejected as a later interpolation. But this is unnecessary, for it 1s wholly appropriate to its context as Electra contrasts the tranquillity of the quiet dust in her hands with her own painful torment; cf. Trach. 1173 and OC 955; also Pfeiffer on Call. fr. 263, 2. 1171-3 The Chorus-leader has no real consolation to offer, so she falls back on a commonplace: we all must die; cf. 153-4, 860. 1174-1223 Orestes, deeply moved by Electra’s words, is for a moment quite at a loss as to what he must say. His original plan had been simply to announce his arrival at the palace with the “ashes”, to hear whatever useful information the Old Slave had been able to garner, then to carry out the vengeance. He had not expected Electra to intercept him; but now, overcome by compassion, he changes his course of action. He questions her, gazing at her intently (1184) and arousing her wonder that a stranger should show such pity for her sorry condition (1179n.); then finally, after gaining her assurance that the Chorus are loyal (1203-4) since he must not have the vengeance threatened, he prepares to disclose the entire truth to her. It is completely convincing, given the extremity of Electra's grief, that he should move delicately and slowly towards the full revelation of his identity; but by spinning out the recognition, Sophocles also achieves an atmosphere of tension (see 2021n., 310n.) and mounting excitement to great dramatic effect. The stichomythia (385414n.) of the dialogue, which becomes antilabe at 1209 and 1220-6, emphasises the heightened emotion of the scene. 1174-5 ἀμηχανῶν is a present participle. Orestes’ pity for Electra puts him at a loss for what to say, and 15 reminiscent of Neoptolemus' reaction to his overwhelming pity for Philoctetes (Phil. 895, 897); on this comparison, see Bain 79-80.

1177

make it clear to the audience that he is now aware of Electra's identity, so now the dialogue which leads to recognition can begin; though here, and at 1179, 1181, 1183, 1185, Orestes does not directly address Electra but utters emotional exclamations, while she addresses him throughout. Only at 1186 does the real dialogue begin. Dolsee in you the illustrious Electra?: lit. "Is this form of yours the illustrious form of Electra?" - illustrious, because she 1s the daughter of the great Agamemnon (1-2n.).

1179

Orestes' words

Because the Chorus have named

her at 1171, Orestes can now ask this

question without causing suspicion. Igrieve, then, for this unhappy plight: Orestes begins to express (in a line similar in shape to Teucer's words of grief for Ajax at Aj. 980) the deep compassion he feels now that he recognises his beloved sister in the forlorn figure in front of him. So many more expressions of pity are wrung from him (1181, 1183, 1185, 1187, 1189, 1199, 1201) that at 1202 the bewildered Electra is moved to ask whether he might be blood-kin.

210 1180 1183 1186

COMMENTARY Surely, stranger, you are never grieving for me?: Electra expresses surprise, finding it hard to believe that she might be the object of a stranger’s pity. a sad life ... without husband or happiness: see 164—5n. What has been said to make you realise that?: lit. “In what, of what has been

said, have you come to this realisation?” 1188

1191 1192 1194 1196

you see only a few of my afflictions: cf. Eur. Εἰ 355, where the Peasant comments to Electra that the as yet unrecognised Orestes and Pylades “are seeing some of your troubles, I suppose, while you tell the rest”. Whose murderers?: acting his part well, Orestes pretends ignorance of the family history. I am forced to be their slave: see 814n. A mother she is called, but she is nothing like a mother:

cf. Electra’s words

at

1154, and see 273-4n. By blows and deprivations: Electra is afflicted both by physical violence, hinted at in 626-7 and 911-12, and by the general hardships first mentioned at 189-92 (see note).

1197 1199 1201 1202

πάρα: see 285—6n. What pity I have been feeling: see 920n. I ... felt pain at your suffering: cf. Orestes' reaction at Aesch. Cho. 222-3. Surely you are never a relative: Orestes, in his uncontrollable pity, has shown enough personal involvement (1179n.) to suggest to Electra that he has some bloodconnection to her.

1203

if these women here are friends:

lit. “if the disposition of these women (τὸ τῶνδ᾽

is present (πάρα Ξ πάρεστι) as well-disposed". 1205-17

Reassured that the Chorus are loyal (1204), Orestes is ready to make himself

known to Electra, but first he tries to take away from her the urn, the visible symbol of his "death". She naturally clings to it, since it seems to her the only thing she has left of her dear brother. She is still holding on to it at 1216, and presumably lets it go at 1217 when she hears "No, not Orestes ...", which reconciles her to parting with it. Their short struggle, as well as prolonging the recognition, heightens its pathos and dramatic intensity, and it is a moving moment when Electra releases the "dead" Orestes and takes her living brother in her arms. 1208 by your beard: a standard formula of supplication, often accompanied by actual touching of the chin; cf. Thetis supplicating Zeus at Hom. //. 1.501, Amphitryon Heracles at Eur. HF 1207-8, Andromache Peleus at Eur. Andr. 573-4. 1209 Antilabe, the division of the line of verse between two speakers, increases the dramatic tempo and marks high emotion - agitation or excitement — here, and again at 1220-6, 1276-80, 1323, 1347-9, and at many places in the scenes of the death of Clytemnestra and the entrapment of Aegisthus, 1398—1507.

COMMENTARY 1210

if I am robbed of giving you burial: connected

1211

1213

1216 1217 1218

1220

with

Orestes’

death

21]

Electra has been deprived of the other rites

(1138-40n.).

She

wishes

to have

at least the

consolation of burying his ashes in the family grave, as intended at 760. No words of ill omen: lit. "speak things of good omen", an expression which often means, as in religious ritual, “be silent". Orestes means that it is ıll-omened to speak of the living as though they were dead. He brushed aside such scruples at 59-60, but now, gripping the urn and faced with Electra’s poignant lamentations, his death has a greater reality and, such is the power of the spoken word, he feels a twinge of uneasiness; cf. Aj. 362, Aesch. Ag. 1247. You have no reason to mourn: this is the first hint of the truth. It is not right for you to speak like that: Orestes means simply that Electra should not speak of her brother as, though he were dead, but she thinks he 15 saying that she has no right to speak of him because she is unworthy to do so. Buxton (1984, 9) calls this qualifying ye (translated here as "really") “the second most overwhelming use of this particle in tragedy" (the first being at Eur. Ba. 1278). No, not Orestes: at these words (1205-17n.), Orestes gently takes the urn from Electra, and her attention moves from what is illusory to the real figure before her. where is the poor one's grave?: Electra infers that Orestes' ashes have been buried by strangers, and that she has been deprived even of the right to bury them herself (1210n.). "The desperate words lead up to Orestes' liberating answer" (Kamerbeek). What are you saying, boy?:

Electra feels her first moment

of hope, and she

addresses Orestes no longer as the formal "stranger" (1180, 1182, 1184, 1206), but as the more intimate "boy". 1222-3 Electra's recognition of Orestes has grown out of their conversation in an entirely convincing way, and the token of the signet ring merely provides the final proof of Orestes’ identity: see 871—937n. and 1098-1287n. Batchelder (117-23) gives a full analysis of the significance of the ring. 1224-6 O happiest day!: lit. "O dearest light", which has brought Electra the sight of her long-lost brother, the bright promise of the Prologue (17-19) now realised; “the light of Electra's tragic day breaks through" (Kamerbeek). Her senses confirm the joyful reality of Orestes'

living presence as she sees (1224), hears (1225) and touches

(1226) him, taking him in her arms. Seaford (1997, 377) sees here an evocation of mystic initiation rituals: “Orestes is like the god, whose death and rebirth bring salvation, and who is a light to the initiands"; cf. 62-6n.

So may you hold me

always in the time to come: a glance forward to the joy ahead once the vengeance has been accomplished; cf. 1364-6 and note. 1228-9 bya trick: Electra uses the common word for stratagem, μηχανή. But perhaps Ringer (193) is right to suggest that the audience may have been reminded here of the theatrical “machine”, the device for staging epiphanies; and Whitman right too when

he comments

(169):

"Orestes is, in reality, a deus ex machina, but one of

Sophoclean type ... The gods ... enter not from without, but from within."

212

COMMENTARY

1232-87 A “Recognition Duo” (as Kamerbeek calls it, after A. M. Dale, Euripides: Helen, 106), unique in Sophocles’ extant plays, but similar to those in Eur. Hel. 625-97, IT 82799, Jon 1437-1509, which are probably all close in date to Soph. El. After the high emotion of the Recognition Scene, Electra’s feelings demand greater release than ordinary iambic dialogue provides and she addresses Orestes mainly in lyric metres. He on the other hand, with the reunion accomplished, now remembers his mission once again and is very aware of the dangers pressing from all sides. So in the strophe and antistrophe he replies in cautionary iambics, in an attempt to keep Electra’s too vociferous joy from reaching the ears of their enemies (just as Orestes fears may happen at Aesch. Cho. 233-4); despite Electra’s words at 1307-8, he has had no chance to learn of Aegisthus’ absence: for all he knows, his enemy may be the other side of the doorway. The result is a scene of highly effective dramatic tension. Only in the epode, in a line of lyric antilabe when he gives a final reassuring response (1280), does he move into a more emotional

mode.

His is a

natural reaction. As Cropp (142-3) notes: “Insistence on returning to the matter in hand is almost formulaic after a recognition, emphasising rather than undercutting the sincerity of the joy to be controlled"; cf. Eur. El. 596ff., IT 902-6, Hom. Od. 21.222-8. Electra, in contrast, has no thought now for the vengeance for which earlier she had longed. It is as though her hatred for her enemies has become less important than her love for her brother, and she is entirely taken up by joy to the exclusion of all other considerations. 1232-5 Child, child of him whom I loved most: poetic plurals in the Greek, lit. "offspring, offspring of the bodies dearest to me". Jebb draws attention to the very bold use of the plural σωμάτων instead of σώματος. The verbs in 1234—5 are plural in agreement, and Orestes replies in kind at 1236, lit. "We are here". you have come and found and seen her whom you longed to see: Electra has no doubt that Orestes’ longing for their reunion has been as great as her own. Electra's ols, meaning herself, is again a poetic plural and in the masculine (399n.). 1236 wait, stay silent: this is the first of many cautions which Electra ignores, for her joy is now more important to her than thoughts of vengeance: see especially her words at 1260-3. But the audience is well aware that danger for brother and sister lies both within the house from Clytemnestra (although we later learn at 1331-2 that the Old Slave has been keeping watch inside the doors), and outside it from the temporarily absent Aegisthus (310n.) who may return at any moment; so the tension mounts. 1239-42 by the ever-virgin goddess: i.e. Artemis. I shall never deign to fear: now that Orestes

has

returned

as

her

champion.

this

useless

load

“superfluous weight of women", vainly burdening the ground. Hom. //. 18.104, Od. 20.378-9. 1243-4

women too have a warlike spirit:

of women:

lit.

For the thought, cf.

lit. "Ares (1384—5n.) dwells in women too".

Orestes reminds Electra that Clytemnestra is not an enemy to be despised and that danger can still come from indoors. You know that well from experience: Orestes

COMMENTARY

213

refers both to Clytemnestra’s killing of Agamemnon and to her maltreatment of Electra herself, the reminder of which prompts from Electra a cry of pain. 1251-2 the occasion: the scholiast explains that παρουσία, “the occasion", here = καιρός (and Kamerbeek and Kells argue in support of this interpretation). If this is so, then this reminder of the emphasis during the plotting of the Prologue on “the right time” (21-2n.) would make the word a dark hint of the coming vengeance.

The moment

of vengeance, Orestes suggests, will be the time to remember Electra’s wrongs and her father’s murder (the “sorrow” of 1246-50), when the memory can be a spur to action. It will seem at 1398-1416 (and especially 1411-12 and 1415) that Electra does remember. 1253-6

1257 1259

Every moment,

of all time:

the 1-alliteration in the Greek at

1253-4 reflects Electra's high emotion (210n.). “There can be no moment at which she might not fitly make her just complaints" (Jebb). only just now have I had my lips set free: now that Orestes is here, Electra feels herself free to say whatever she wishes without fear of reprisal. After the continuing pressure of her persecution for so long a time, this seems a precious freedom, and she feels that she should not be made to keep silent. So keep your freedom safe: i.e. by remaining for the time being silent, so that their enemies will not overhear and take her newly-gained freedom from her. the moment: καιρός once again: see 1251n. and 21-2n.

1260-1

1264

every moment

Who could exchange speech for a silence worthy of your appearance?:

Electra

is careless of caution, for her new-found joy is more important to her now than thoughts of vengeance. When the gods urged me to come: Electra's words, suggesting the misery of her long wait for Orestes, draw from him an assurance that he came as soon as he received a divine command to act. After 1264 an iambic line, corresponding to 1244 of the strophe, has been lost from the text. Perhaps Orestes encouraged Electra to put her trust in the gods (Kamerbeek), or assured her that without the support of the gods he would not have undertaken the task (Kells).

1265-6 a joy still greater than Orestes was sent by Apollo. 1269-70 I believe it was a god: signs of divine influence in

the last: Electra did not know of the oracle, nor that This redoubles her joy. Electra is swiftly convinced, for she has already seen Clytemnestra's warning dream: see 41 1n., 459-60.

1273-80 The strophe and antistrophe have rather had the effect of a verbal duel, with Electra’s vociferous joy competing against Orestes’ cautions. It is the joy that prevails, for in the epode Orestes at last stops attempting to quieten Electra and succumbs to her emotion.

The division of the line between speakers (antilabe, 1209n.) at 1276 and 1280

emphasises his own emotional response to Electra's feelings, and his lyric reply at 1280 reassures her that his joy is no less than hers. 1273-4 to come and appear before me like this, bringing me such joy: lit. "to make a journey most dear to me and thus to appear”.

214

COMMENTARY

1276-7

μεθέσθαι, epexegetic infinitive, αὐτῆς being understood: “do not take from me the Joy of your face, so as to lose it”. 1280 Do you feel as I do?: lit. "Do you agree?" -- in wanting never more to be parted. 1281-7 At first thought it seems that in 1281-2 Electra is saying “I heard a voice I could never have expected to hear”, the voice being that of the returning Orestes (cf. 1225, 1263); this 15 how Jebb reads these lines, supplementing «οὐδ᾽ ἂν» at the beginning of 1283, replacing öpyav with ὁρμὰν, and translating “nor could I have restrained my emotion in silence, and without a cry, when I heard it”. But as Campbell saw (PS 149), τάλαινα, “unhappy” (1284), is strange in such a context, and moreover there is a strong antithesis between

1285-6 (“But now I have you: you came to me

...) and what precedes. This suggests that 1283-4 refer to the time when Electra believed Orestes to be dead. This in turn suggests that Kaibel is right in taking the αὐδά of 1282, not as a “voice”, but as the “report” (cf. OC 240) of Orestes’ death by the Old Slave (see also Kamerbeek’s note, and Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1990) 69—

70). With this interpretation, Electra is saying that when she heard the appalling news she managed to restrain her natural cries of emotion, but that now she has her brother back, she cannot help expressing her feelings. This explains why she has kept on crying out in disregard of Orestes’ warnings: her present Jack of caution is to be excused by her new joy. The supplements at the beginning of 1283 keep the sense of the transmitted reading, while satisfying the trochaic metre. 1288-1383 The second part of the third Episode in which, now that the long and emotional Recognition Scene is over, the action can once more move forward towards the vengeance,

with, at 1375, the avengers going into the palace, followed by Electra at 1383.

Even so

there is meanwhile another brief disruption, when the Old Slave re-enters and Electra is once more overcome with joy when she recognises him (1354—63n.). 1288-92 It has been supposed by some that these lines imply a criticism of either Aesch. Cho. or Eur. El., but such an assumption is both unlikely and unnecessary. The lines perform two dramatic functions: they emphasise a change of key to the audience, in that now the action is to move swiftly forwards; and they succinctly make the very points about Clytemnestra and Aegisthus which they purport to brush aside. 1290-1 Aegisthus is wasting the wealth of our father's house: Orestes is not being mercenary, for his status is bound up with his inheritance and to a Greek this was an

important issue (72n.). Aegisthus also likes to enjoy wealth in Aeschylus (Ag. 1638) and Euripides (ΕἸ. 939).

1292 1294

the moment for action: see 21—2n. where we must show ourselves, or hide ourselves: Orestes needs to know whether it is safe to enter the palace now, or whether they must hide and wait for a less risky moment.

1295

we

put a stop to:

γελῶντας

ἐχθροὺς:

παύσομεν, cf. 795-8 and note. our enemies’ see 277n., 1153n.

exultation:

But Electra and Orestes will themselves be

able to exult once the vengeance is accomplished:

γελᾶν, 1300.

COMMENTARY 1296-7

when we two: behave

in such

Orestes and Pylades. a way

215

For the dual in the Greek, see 75—6n.

that our mother

does

not notice your

radiant

face:

("behave" is understood). A happy face would make Clytemnestra suspicious and thus put her on her guard. 1299-1300 A glance forward to the joy ahead once the vengeance has been accomplished; cf. 1364-6 and note. 1302-3 this joy I have is not my own: Electra means that her joy is not the result of her own efforts, but of her brother's presence. 1304-5 Lit. “Nor would I accept for myself to find a great gain, while grieving you a little bit”. 1306 the god who is with us now: i.c. the god (daimon, an unspecified supernatural power) of whose command Electra heard at 1264 and who, she now understands, has orchestrated the reunion and the vengeance. 1307-9 You have heard that Aegisthus is away from home, and our mother is indoors: a dramatic ploy to remind the audience of the situation. Orestes’ original plan had been for the Old Slave to go indoors and find out these facts (39-41), but

Sophocles has changed the antictpated course of action by having him unexpectedly intercepted by Electra (1174-1223n.). 1309-11 never fear that she will see my face lit up with smiles ... : these words are sometimes seen as an apology for Electra’s tragic mask, which could register no emotion other than grief (e.g. by Winnington-Ingram, 230 n. 44). But this 15 to misunderstand how masks function in theatrical performance. The ancient Greek actor was never restricted by his mask, but could portray a wide range of emotions by physical acting and by creating a complete body picture, so much so that a mask

could even appear to change its expression according to circumstances: see the excellent discussion in Walton

(1991)

163-72. Moreover these words of Electra

occur during a scene in which she has already been expressing the most overwhelming joy for almost a hundred lines. 1312-13 I shall never stop weeping for joy: a significant contrast with the Electra of the early part of the play, whose unceasing tears were from sorrow:

see her words at

(e.g.) 103-9, 231-2. But Clytemnestra will believe that her tears now, just as always previously, are from grief. 1314-17 Electra is saying that Orestes’ coming alive again, after she has held the ashes of his corpse in her hands (1129), seems to her a tremendous miracle, so much so that

she would no longer marvel at the genuine miracle of Agamemnon himself coming back to life, but would believe that she saw him (cf. 940-1).

There is certainly no

need to see in her words any suggestion of the “unhinged reason” that Kells (on 1313ff.) identifies. inconceivable things: things that she could not possibly have imagined beforehand. 1318

in such a fashion:

1319-21

i.c. so miraculously, and sent moreover by a god.

The sequence of thought is not very clear, but Electra seems iv ve saying that on

her own (μόνη

1319, cf. 1019) she would have won either a glorious life, if she had

216

1322

COMMENTARY succeeded in killing Aegisthus, or a glorious death if she had died in the attempt. Now, no longer alone, and with full confidence in her brother, she is only too happy to surrender the lead to him and to do whatever he may ask. Best be quiet: ἐπηνέσα is an "instantaneous aorist" (668n.). Against 1322 a scholiast comments: “Some say that the Chorus are speaking.” It is not clear how much of the text is referred to, and Hermann would give 1322 and the first half of 1323 to the Chorus, Dawe the whole of 1322-5. Although it is usually the Chorusleader who announces the entry of a new character, there are many instances where this is not the case; so it is best to follow the mss. in ascribing “Best be quiet, for I hear someone indoors coming outside” to Orestes, especially as he has so often urged silence on Electra. She then responds; and as Jebb notes, the antilabe (1209n.) of 1323 confirms the mss., since it is very rare for a trimeter to be divided

between the Chorus and another speaker. See also, against Dawe, Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1990) 71-2, (1997) 43-4. 1323-5 Go inside, strangers: Orestes has told Electra to be silent, but she does better: believing that a member of the household is approaching, she acts the polite hostess as though Orestes and Pylades are indeed who they pretend to be. So she is speaking for the sole purpose of being heard by someone whom she pretends not to have noticed, a dramatic ploy that seems to foreshadow the techniques of New Comedy (Bain 81). you are bringing what no one there will refuse to admit, nor yet be glad to receive: Electra ostensibly means the urn supposedly containing the ashes of a kinsman, which we assume is again picked up at this point. But she is also speaking ambiguously and ironically (as she will later speak in her dialogue with Aegisthus,

1448-65), since her words also refer to the inescapable retribution

that Orestes brings; she thus relieves her feelings, while concealing her thoughts. 1326—53 The audience is expecting the entrance of someone from the household, probably Clytemnestra. But, in a highly effective piece of stage action, instead of an enemy a friend emerges (Bain 81). This is the Old Slave, and his entry heralds a change of tempo and a sequence of exciting action that lasts for the rest of the play. He is intent upon urging Orestes and Pylades towards their task. First, however, another recognition must take place, for Electra sees him only as the servant who brought the terrible news of Orestes’ “death”, so is standing by, alarmed and bewildered, as she listens uncomprehendingly to his words. The suspense mounts as even more emphasis is laid on the imminent danger. Gellie (135) comments: “All those prayers threaded through the play, asking that Agamemnon join in the fight for vengeance, now receive their dramatic answer in an old man stepping out of Agamemnon’s palace to join and direct the children of the house.” 1326 You utter, senseless fools!: the Old Slave scolds Orestes and Electra as though they were still children under his charge. 1331-2 if I had not long since been keeping watch at these doors: i.e. so that he could intercept anyone inside who might hear all the noise outside and warn Clytemnestra. This is the first we hear about the Old Slave’s watchful presence — rightly so, for

COMMENTARY

217

otherwise the audience’s suspense during the reunion between brother and sister would have been appreciably less (1236n.). we should have had: reading ἡμίν, ethic dative (17-19n.).

1333

before yourselves: lit. “before your bodies”, τὰ σῶματα, a hint that to have been overheard would have meant the conspirators’ death.

1338

it is high time to be finished:

1340 1342

you are safe from recognition: Orestes is similarly reassured at Eur. El. 631. here you are one of those who are in Hades: the Old Slave emphasises the complete success of the deception. (On Hades, see 110-18n.) Campbell understands rather “you are the only dead man who is here above”.

1343-4

see 21-2n.

Orestes is naturally keen to hear his mother's reaction to the news of his death, but,

as ever, the Old Slave is more concerned to press on towards the vengeance (212n.)

The present participle τελουμένων

suggests the meaning "when things are

1346

being finished"; 1.6. when the vengeance has been taken and Orestes is reestablishing rightful rule in Mycenae. Kaibel comments: "The subject of τελουμένων is omitted with the same sensitivity with which the fearful deed is always spoken of in Sophocles." even what is not well: the Old Slave refers to Clytemnestra's joy, unnatural and unseemly, which even so has its favourable aspect, since her delighted conviction of Orestes' death will make the enterprise safer. Electra can stand by in apprehensive silence no longer, but must find out who this

1347

unknown man can be. The antilabe (1209n.) of 1347 and 1349 mark her extreme agitation. I cannot even guess: lit. "I do not even bring (anything) into mind”.

1345

1348

the man into whose hands you once gave me: as described by the Old Slave himself at 11-14 and remembered by Electra at 1132-3. 1351-2 the man, alone out of so many, whom I found loyal: once again we are reminded of Electra's extreme isolation ever since Agamemnon's murder (11920n.).

1354-63 For the second time Electra recognises a beloved figure and breaks out into noisy transports of joy. The reaction in the audience would surely have included amusement (“There she goes again!”), but also increasing tension and the fear that this time discovery must follow, for all the conspirators are onstage in front of their eyes and are vulnerable from all sides (1236n.). 1354 O happiest day!: the very same words that Electra used at 1224 when she recognised Orestes.

1355-6

the man who saved my brother and myself from many sorrows: i.e. who saved Orestes from murder and Electra from the grief of losing him. 1357-8 O dearest hands: as she speaks, Electra takes hold of the old man’s hands: the hands that carried Orestes to safety. you whose feet have done most precious service: i.e. by taking Orestes salely to Phocis and bringing him safely home again.

218 1359

1360

1361

1362-3

COMMENTARY and not greet me: reading Lloyd-Jones’ and Wilson’s ἔσαινες. σαίνω literally refers to a dog wagging its tail or fawning; but metaphorically it can be used of “ἃ sight or sound which appeals for recognition by vividly striking our senses ... the word usually implied a sensation of pleasure” (Jebb on Ant. 1213f.); cf. Ant. 1214, Eur. /on 685, Aesch. PV835. you killed me with your words, even while you had for me the sweetest reality: i.e. he had brought Orestes safely home, but "killed" Electra with the false story of his death. On this antithesis of word and deed, see 59-61n. Greetings, father! For it is a father that I think I see: these are highly emotional words of the deepest affection. Kells (on 1357f. and 1346-1383) quite wrongly takes this as a “sinister delusion” that Electra believes the old man to be Agamemnon brought back to life, and is consequently “showing signs of mounting madness". in one single day:

see 674n.

I have hated you and loved you:

this summarises

the effect of the deception on Electra and the whole gamut of her emotions. She hated the old man when he reported Orestes' death, especially when, in acting his part to Clytemnestra, he spoke of his "good news" (666) and was irritated (772)

when she did not at once rejoice. Now Electra loves him, since she has discovered that after all Orestes is alive and the old man is the saviour of Agamemnon's house (1354-5).

1364-6

I think that is enough:

once again the Old Slave calls his charges to order, surely

to the relief of the audience (1354—63n.).

the explanations:

lit. "the words in the

middle", i.e. "the intervening words”, which would delay the vengeance if this

inopportune conversation is not ended. ταῦτα in 1366 takes up τοὺς

... λόγους in

1364 and refers to the answers that Electra will receive to her eager questioning. many are the circling nights, and days to match: cf. Aj. 672-3. The old man presents a promise of the future that will come into being after the vengeance is accomplished (so perhaps starting this very night, not “a distant fulfilment", as Segal (1966, 519) suggests).

Then there will be time for the reunited brother and sister to

make up for all the lost years of parting. These imagined endless days and nights of peaceful talk form a powerful contrast to the wretched and lonely nights and days endured by Electra since Agamemnon's murder, a vision of perpetual future companionship and fulfilment, in contrast to perpetual past loneliness and lamentation; cf. Orestes' references to the future at 1226 and 1299-1300. 1367

as for you two who stand ready: Orestes and Pylades (for the dual in the Greek, see 75-6n.). Denniston (155) notes that δ᾽ ... ye here "marks a break off”: the Old

Slave turns from counselling Electra to advising the two avengers. 1368-9 now...Now... Now: a stirring call to action by the Old Slave, urging on the avengers (21—2n.). “The three vüv's are as it were hammer-blows

on the anvil of

katpós" (Kamerbeek). This is the first time in the play that Clytemnestra is named. Until now all references to vengeance have been either general, applying to her and Aegisthus together, or focusing specifically on Aegisthus' death (34, 127-8 (see

COMMENTARY

219

note), 209-12, 456, 498, 955-7, 1080, 1295). Contrast with Eur. ΕἸ. 278-81, where Electra states her bloodthirsty aim of killing Clytemnestra with the very axe she used agaınst Agamemnon. These words of the Old Slave would have come as a dramatic shock to Sophocles’ audience, since they would probably have been expecting Aegisthus to be killed first, as he ıs in Aeschylus and Euripides, and in art (and Aegisthus, as they well know, is at this point in the play still away from home). So they would have been unprepared for this command for action against Clytemnestra. On this, see Introduction p. 18 and n. 68. if you hold back: ἐφέξετον; dual future of ἐπέχω. 1370 others more able and more numerous: if they wait until Aegisthus returns, they will also have to deal with the men of his bodyguard, who are trained to arms. 1372-5 Orestes addresses Pylades by name for the only time in the play. This may be intended to point a contrast with Aesch. Cho. 899, where Orestes, about to kill Clytemnestra, famously hesitates and appeals to Pylades, his resolution quite failing him, until Pylades reminds him (his only words in the play) of Apollo’s command. In Euripides 100, Orestes falters (El. 967-81). Here Orestes is all resolve, with not a trace of reluctance or doubt. It would seem ... that this task of ours requires us no longer to talk at length: lit. “this task would no longer seem to be for us in any way (οὐδὲν) one of long words”, 1.6. words must now give way to deeds (59-61n.).

So Orestes accedes to the Old Slave’s urging, but first he proposes that they offer a respectful salutation to the gods. The gods of the entrance were especially Apollo (634-59n.) and Hermes, and it ıs these, and also Zeus, that the returning herald invokes at Aesch. Ag. 509-15. All would be appropriate in this instance, since these are the particular gods who are supporting Orestes’ mission. We assume some moments of silent respect for the gods, then Orestes, Pylades, the Old Slave and attendants enter the palace. The urn is taken indoors with them, to be delivered to Clytemnestra. Electra briefly lingers outside to pray to Apollo for success in the vengeance. 1376-83 Electra’s solemn prayer to Apollo forms both a parallel and a contrast to Clytemnestra’s earlier prayer to the god at 634-59. Clytemnestra’s equally vehement prayer (presumably her vain offerings still lie on the altar as a mute reminder) was apparently granted at once, and her false belief in its efficacy has led now to her imminent destruction; Electra's prayer is, after a short choral ode, truly granted. 1376 graciously hear them: the same phrase that Clytemnestra used in her prayer to 1378

Apollo (655). For the dual in the Greek, see 75-6n. in prayer, making you offerings from what I had:

lit. “with suppliant hands

(making offerings) from such as I had”. As was customary in ancient prayers, Electra reminds Apollo of the benefits he has received from her, which ought now to make him in recompense listen favourably to her request. Reciprocity between gods and mortals was fundamental to Greek thinking (cf. Hom. //, 22.168-73, and Zeus’s

220

COMMENTARY

concern for Hector because of his devoted sacrifices: “My heart is sorry for Hector. who has burned in my honour many thighs of oxen ...”). 1379 Lycian Apollo: see 6-7n. Clytemnestra addressed the god in just these words at 655. 1382-3 show men what reward the gods bestow upon wickedness: cf. Electra’s earlier words at 245-50 and Orestes’ final words at 1505-7 (with notes).

Electra too now enters the palace, leaving the Chorus alone onstage to sing a short choral ode. It may well be asked why Sophocles has her go indoors at this point, only to reappear almost immediately at 1398; but there are two clear results of her brief absence: (a) she is able to report the significant detail that, at the moment of her death, Clytemnesua is decking Orestes’ urn for burial (1400-1); (b) with the

stage empty but for the Chorus, all the audience's concentration can be on their emphatic reminder of the justice of Clytemnestra's killing and of the gods' involvement and support (perhaps as in the parabasis of Old Comedy, where once again the stage was

emptied

of actors so that the Chorus,

alone, could

put an

important message across to the audience). It may also be (especially ıf Eur. ΕἸ. preceded our play) that Sophocles wished to increase dramatic tension by suggesting to the audience — and then denying the possibility — that Electra herself might participate in the murder (thus Gellie 126, Sommerstein 212).

1384-97: Third Stasimon The Chorus now solemnly predict the success of the enterprise, visualising the avengers guided to their goal by the supportive gods and emphasising that what is to happen within Is divine justice incarnate. The ode consists of a single pair of responding stanzas. 1384-5 See how: a typical invitation from the Chorus to draw a conclusion from the events of the play; cf. OT 1524-30, Eur. /on 1090-1105, Or. 976-8. Ares advances:

Ares as god of war, and thus of bloodshed and slaughter generally, is

imagined as leading the avengers, intent on murder. For Ares as saviour, see AJ. 706 and Trach. 653. προνέμεσθαι is said to mean literally “to go forward in grazing": Campbell suggests that the image here is of fire "eating its way" forwards (and cf. Hom. //. 23.177). Either way, the suggestion here is of a steady and inexorable advance. breathing blood-lust: which will be realised at 1423. 1386-8 the pursuers of villainy: i.e. Orestes and Pylades, whose entry into the palace as the “hounds that none can escape" identifies them with the inexorable Furnes (110—

18n.), frequently likened to hounds (cf. Aesch. Cho. 924 and Garvie’s note, 1054, Eum. 132, Eur. El. 1252, 1342-5), who are punishing a great crime. So the Furies have come at last, as Electra prayed they would at 112 and as the Chorus predicted at 489-9]. 1390 the dream of my heart: the Chorus are referring to their vision at 472-503 of approaching retribution, now to be accomplished. 1391-2 the champion of those under the earth: i.e. Orestes, who is acting on behalf of both the dead Agamemnon, who will now be avenged, and the powers of the nether

COMMENTARY world invoked by Electra at 110-18.

221

stealthily moving:

δολιόπους, “stealthy of

foot”, in accordance with Apollo’s command (36-7n.).

1393

into his father’s house rich from of old: a reminder that the legitimate heir is about to be restored to his rightful place, as he himself prayed (72 and note).

1394

with keen-edged death in his hands:

αἷμα can mean “a deed of blood", hence here

“death” (Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1990) 73). Orestes’ resolution are “keen-edged”. 1395-7

Hermes, son of Maia:

Both the weapon

of death and

Hermes (110-18n.) has already been invoked by Electra at

111. who has hidden the plot in darkness: Hermes, as god of travellers and god of deceit and stratagems, is the ideal guide towards a vengeance which Apollo has instructed must be based on guile (36-7n.); cf. Phil. 133.

leads him on to the very

end and delays no more: this has almost the force of a stage direction, suggesting (as indeed is the case) that now the action will move swiftly forward to the successful execution of vengeance and the end of the play. 1398-1510: Exodos The unusually fast-paced scene that follows the final choral ode 1s made up of two sections: the killing of Clytemnestra and its aftermath (1398-1441) and the entrapment of Aegisthus (1442-1510). The frequent use of antilabe (1209n.) marks the excitement of the scene.

1398-1441 Electra re-enters to keep guard outside the door (cf. her similar role at Eur. Or. 1246ff., which was perhaps suggested by this scene; cf. also the “eavesdropping” scene at Eur. Hipp. 565-600). There follows an interchange between actors and Chorus in lyrics and iambics. The strophe (1398-1421), in which Clytemnestra is put to death, is divided between Electra, Chorus, and Clytemnestra offstage. Electra’s position at the doors means that she can vividly communicate to the audience what is happening out of their sight, while herself urging on Orestes and responding to her mother's cries of fear. Some cntics argue that Electra is in effect taking part in the deed of murder itself (e.g. Hartigan 90, "Sophocles has so structured his plot that we become uncertain as to the actual perpetrator of the matricide ... he gives us the illusion that the deed is in fact Electra’s own”; Seale 745; Minadeo (1994)

133); but this is to read too much into the scene.

Electra will in fact

play no direct part in the vengeance until it is time to deal with Aegisthus (1436 and note). As far as Clytemnestra’s death goes, Letters (259) makes the nice distinction that Electra 15 her mother's “hanging judge, not her executioner”. The antistrophe (1422-41), in which Orestes and Pylades re-enter and Aegisthus is sighted approaching (and in which some lost lines may have to be assu.1.ed after 1427 and 1429: see 1427n.), is divided between Chorus, Electra and Orestes. Now the Chorus play a positive part in the revenge action: they warn of Aegisthus’ approach (1428-9); they urge Orestes and Pylades back into the palace (1433); they say that Clytemnestra’s murder has been well done and that now Aegisthus must be dealt with similarly (1434); and they advise Electra to speak a few gentle words to him so that he will be lulled towards just retribution (1437-41). Cf. Arist. Poet. 1456a: “The Chorus too should be regarded as one of the

222

COMMENTARY

actors; it should be an integral part of the whole and share in the action, in the manner not of Euripides but of Sophocles.” 1400-1 She is decking the urn for burial: i.e. adorning it with fine fabrics, as Patroclus’ urn is adorned at Hom. //. 23.253-4 and Hector’s at Hom. Il. 24.796; and/or with wreaths of flowers.

“Is it conceivable”, asks Kells (213), “that she should ‘tend the

urn’ supposedly containing [Orestes’] ashes, while rejoicing over him, insulting him?” In fact Clytemnestra should indeed be imagined as rejoicing, bearing in mind her earlier relief and joy at 773-93 and 807. There is an ironic contrast between her illusion of safety, with the supposed ashes of the dead Orestes in her hands, and the presence of the living, avenging Orestes at her side (Stevens 115). the two of them: for the dual in the Greek, see 75-6n. 1402-3 To guard against Aegisthus coming on us unawares: another reminder of

Aegisthus’ temporary absence and of the ever-present danger to the avengers of his returning home down one of the eisodoi (310n.).

More reminders follow with the

use of his name at 1409 and 1416. 1404-5 The house is empty of friends: the very antithesis of what Clytemnestra prayed for at 650-4. Her cry from inside the palace echoes that of Electra at 77: there Electra cried out in lamentation for her dead father, here Clytemnestra in recognition that she is dying for his murder (Rehm (1996) 54). full of murderers: perhaps in ἀπολλύντων, “destroyers”, the audience would hear a pun on the name of Apollo, like the pun made by Cassandra at Aesch. Ag. 1080-2. 1406 Someone inside is shouting: see 802-3n. 1407-8

I heard a cry, horrible to hear:

lit. a cry “not to be heard”.

For the paradox, cf.

e.g. Eur. Hipp. 362-3, lon 783-4, Aesch. Suppl. 112. The Chorus give a shudder of horror at Clytemnestra’s cry of terror, but no expression of pity. 1410-11 My son, my son, have pity on your mother: now Clytemnestra has recognised Orestes, and she turns to him with just the plea for pity, a mother to a child, that she uses at Aesch. Cho. 896-8 (see Garvie’s note) and Eur. El. 1165; cf. Or. 526-8.

In

addition, in Aeschylus and Euripides, she appeals to her son by the breast that suckled him, and her plea makes Orestes hesitate: see his reaction at Cho. 899 and ΕἸ. 1206-20. But Sophocles has inserted no such emotional appeal by the breast here, and no such hesitation; and Electra’s stern reply, with its reminder of the Justice of Clytemnestra’s execution, scotches any possibility of pity. Sophocles has also avoided any chance of an onstage confrontation between mother and son, for the parts must be played by the same actor. 1411-12 he had no pity from you: see 296—7n. and 1251-2n. 1413-14 o unhappy child: γενεὰ τάλαινα may mean “unhappy race”, i.e. the members of the house of Pelops; but it can also be taken as meaning singular offspring, as at Pind. Pyth. 4.136 (Pelias, the son of Tyro), and thus here referring only to Electra. This latter perhaps seems preferable, since it has been Electra’s suffering and grief which have been the focus of the play. Either way, the Chorus are rejoicing that the

COMMENTARY

223

cause of these miseries is at this very moment being extinguished and the miseries themselves coming to an end. This interpretation rests on a textual emendation (σοι for oe in 1413, ethic or possessive dative with μοῖρα), as indeed does the Chorus’s approval at 1423 (see

note); but the argument for both changes of the transmitted readings is compelling (see e.g. Jebb’s notes), so much so that Kells, “to whose understanding of the play both passages as emended are prima facie very damaging, accepts both emendations without question and tries to remove their (to him) embarassing implications by interpretative ingenuity” (Sommerstein 207 n. 45). the fate you have suffered day to day is dying: the Chorus are welcoming the act of vengeance, which brings in its train the deliverance of Mycenae from the tyrants and of Electra from her long suffering at their hands (or of the family in general, if γενεὰ should be taken as plural). 1415-16 Oh,

I am

struck!

... Oh!

Yet again!:

Clytemnestra’s

words

are

exact

reiterations of Agamemnon’s dying cries at Aesch. Ag. 1343 and 1345, serving as a reminder that this is indeed vengeance in kind, blood for blood, a murder for a murder, and underlining the justice of this execution (not, as Johansen 26 has it, “eine doppelsinnige Tat”, with Sophocles’ view of Clytemnestra’s murder identical to Aeschylus’

view

of the murder of Agamemnon).

Strike,

if you

have

the

strength, a second blow: a savage cry from Electra, the effect (and possibly the function) of which 15 to call forth another blow and the second Aeschylean cry from Clytemnestra. Some critics see Electra’s reaction here as over-savage, but as Musurillo (106) comments, if the death of Clytemnestra is just (as indeed 1s emphasised time and again throughout the play), then “Strike a second blow” becomes a victory cry, a sign of conquest over a once unconquerable adversary. It is probable that the ancient audience would have endorsed Electra’s words; as, indeed, may more modern ones: Bernard Knox tells of a performance of the play when, at this point in the action, a man in the audience could contain himself no longer, but leapt to his feet shouting “Bravo!

Bravo!” (March

(1996) 80). Cf. Vickers 571:

"Electra's cry is perhaps intended to be savage, to show the effect of all those years of frustrated waiting for revenge. (But it could also be that Sophocles merely endorses it: he, like Electra, hates Clytemnestra.)”

Other critics would see Electra’s cry as evidence of her moral and spiritual degradation during the course of the play, but this is not likely: can we doubt that the Electra of the Parodos would have cried just as enthusiastically “strike yet again” to Orestes avenging Agamemnon? (Woodard (1965) 233). I wish it were Aegisthus too: a reminder that Aegisthus is very much alive ensures that, with Clytemnestra dead, there is no slackening of dramatic tension; instead, a slight tightening, for he is to be feared (310n., 312-13n.).

1417-18

The curses are being fulfilled:

the curses invoked on Agamemnon’s murderers

at his death, which set retribution in motion (110—18n.).

The same verb, τελοῦσι, is

used both here, of the powers that demand the vengeance, and at 1399, of the human

224

COMMENTARY avengers; and in both places with a sense of finality (see also 1508-10n.). Those who live under the earth are alive: this may refer simply to Agamemnon, plural for singular. It may also refer to Orestes, who was believed to be dead, but is alive, and in whose act of vengeance the dead Agamemnon lives too.

1419-21

1422 1423

1425

Those long since dead are draining away from their killers blood in return

for blood: 1.6. the old crime is recoiling upon its perpetrators and Agamemnon is, in effect, bringing his murderers to their own death (453—4n.). This idea of the dead reaching out to kill the living seems to be a favourite Sophoclean concept, since it is used in five of the seven extant plays: cf. 808, and see also Trach. 1159-63, ΑἹ. 1025-7, Ant. 871, OT 1451-4, and Kitto (1956) 193 and (1966) 179-88. The palace doors open and Orestes and Pylades re-enter, Orestes’ hands red with blood. a sacrifice to Ares:

because Ares, as god of war (1384—5n.), delights in bloodshed.

I can find no fault: accepting, with almost all editors, Erfurdt’s correction Ψέγειν of the λέγειν found in the mss. which makes little sense (and for the not infrequent confusion between λέγειν and ψέγειν, see Garvie on Aesch. Cho. 989). This may seem to be a radical change, but the revised comment of the Chorus is fully in accord with their attitude to the vengeance in all their previous choral odes (and see 1413-14n.). Contrast the Chorus’s approval here with their horror expressed at the murder at Eur. El. 1172-6. if Apollo prophesied well: some commentators, with the Orestes of Aeschylus (e.g. Cho. 1016-7) and Euripides (e.g. ΕἸ. 1190-3) in mind, read doubt in Orestes’ words here. But this can be validated only by rewriting his part in this play both before and after this moment, in which he shows absolutely no sign of misgiving. Rather, in the context of his certainty throughout the rest of the play, the sense of el here is “as sure as”. His words are positive and display a “calm confidence” (Jebb): "All is well, assuming (as of course we do) that Apollo prophesied well." For the positive use of el, cf. Electra’s words at Eur. Εἰ, 675, “give us victory, if our request is just”, and Cropp's note on the “if’-clause, "a basis for their claim, not an expression of doubt"; see also OC 623, “if (el) Zeus is still Zeus", where once again there can be no possibility of doubt.

Burnett (132 n. 33) suggests the modern

examples of “as God is good”, or the popular “if the Pope's a Catholic"; and for extended examples of doubt artfully used for emphasis, see T. C. W. Stinton, “Si credere dignum est”, PCPS 22 (1976) 60-89 = Collected Papers (Oxford 1990) 236-64. The contrasting δέ clause to the μέν clause here is not expressed, but Orestes obviously has Aegisthus in mind: “All is well within the house, but outside it there is still Aegisthus to be dealt with.” 1426-7

Fear no more that your mother’s arrogance will ever degrade you again: Orestes must be referring to Electra’s maltreatment at the hands of her mother (18992n. and 273—4n.); but eliminated also will be the sense of shame that Electra has

felt in being forced to act contrary to her true nature (616—21n.): now she is free to be herself again. That this should be Orestes’ response, rather than “our father is

COMMENTARY avenged”, is another indication of how moved (1174-1223n.).

225 he has been by Electra’s plight

Whitman (273 n. 30) adds that its dramatic purpose is to remind the

audience of Clytemnestra’s criminal treatment of her daughter, and thus to prevent any sympathy rising in reaction to her murder. If there should be exact antistrophic responsion in this lyric interchange, then we must assume the loss after 1427 of three lines corresponding to 1404-6, and after 1429 of one line corresponding to 1409: both Dawe and Lloyd-Jones/Wilson print lacunae. But as Jebb points out, the context itself does not indicate any lacuna. Kamerbeek adds that the responsion may not have been perfect as to the number of trimeters, while Campbell suggests that 1404-6 and 1409, all relating to Clytemnestra’s crics from within, are meant not to be counted in the strophe. The question of whether any lines have really been lost ıs one which, as Jebb concludes (222), must be left open.

1428-9

I am certain I see Aegisthus: Aegisthus is seen entering by the opposite eisodos to the one imagined as leading to Agamemnon's tomb and earlier used by Orestes, Pylades and Chrysothemis. So there is no dwelling on Clytemnestra’s death: as soon as it has been announced, all the focus moves to Aegisthus, who has always seemed a figure more to be feared than Clytemnestra (see esp. 310-15, 516-18, 626-7) and thus the greater test for the avengers. In this final scene too, after he is captured by Orestes, he is defiant and insolent to the last, so he does not lack courage. This would be the point for some reference to the Furies, had Sophocles wished them to pursue Orestes for his mother’s murder, and he gives the audience no time to feel their lack, as compared with Aeschylus’ version (Cho. 1021ff.), or to wonder at their non-appearance. Orestes ıs confronted, not with the Furies, but with the challenging and satisfying task of overcoming the usurper of his throne. 1431 at our mercy: ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν, lit. “in our power”, at at OC 66, Phil. 1003, Xen. An. 3.1.35. 1432 full of delight: naturally Aegisthus is happy (cf. 1456), having heard that Orestes is dead and believing himself now safe from the threat of vengeance, and Electra can see the joy in his bearing as he approaches. The latter half of this line has been lost; perhaps Electra added that he was coming alone, without his bodyguard. 1436 Leave things here to me: Electra, released from the suffering and impotency of earlier scenes, will now play a direct and active part in the vengeance (cf. 1398— 1441n.). 1441 the ordeal to which justice brings him: 1.6. retribution and death. 1442-1507

The entrapment of Aegisthus:

first, he shares a dialogue with Electra in which

her contributions are full of double meaning (1442-65); then Orestes and Pylades enter

with the covered corpse of Clytemnestra and two more recognitions take place: Aegisthus is made to recognise his dead wife, and then the stranger from Phocis as Orestes. . Outmanoeuvred, Aegisthus is taken indoors to meet his fate (1466-1507).

226

COMMENTARY In Eur. Ef. (1123-46) it is Clytemnestra who is mocked

and lured to her death.

though with a distinct pathos in her presentation notably absent from that of Aegisthus here; and cf. the irony of Clytemnestra’s contribution when she assures Electra, “He [Aegısthus, who unknown to her is dead], I am sure, will trouble you no longer” (Eur. El.

1119). 1444 when his chariot was wrecked: lit. “in the wreckage of chariots", the same phrase as at 730. 1445 You, I ask you! Yes, you!: Aegisthus addresses Electra contemptuously, and ina rough, hectoring tone. 1448-9 the fate of those I love best: συμφορᾶς, “fate”, can denote either good or bad fortune, so it gives Electra’s comment a nice ambiguity: Aegisthus understands her to refer to the death of Orestes, while the audience knows that she means her brother’s joyful return home. 1451 They have fallen on à kindly hostess: the apparent meaning is that the strangers have met with and received a kindly welcome from Clytemnestra; the hidden meaning is that they have accomplished her murder. Cf. the use of this verb at Eur. Or. 89, El. 1164, and see Barrett on Hipp. 364-5. 1453 they not only told us what happened but showed him to us: true, except that Electra means by “him” the living Orestes, while Aegisthus assumes her to be speaking of a corpse, visible evidence and not just hearsay. He has not been told of the urn, so will expect a dead body to be shown him - as indeed it will be, though not that of Orestes. 1454-5 can I see him?: Aegisthus wishes to be sure that Orestes is dead. πάρεστ᾽ is meant by him to be impersonal, but perhaps the audience hears another meaning, “Is he here?” Electra’s reply can similarly mean “Indeed he is here”. it’s a most unenviable sight: Aegisthus understands that the corpse of Orestes has upset Electra; she means that the corpse of Clytemnestra will upset him. 1457 you may be pleased, if this brings you joy: again, Aegisthus understands that Electra found no joy at the sight of the dead Orestes, though it may bring joy to him; she means that he is likely to find no joy at the sight of Clytemnestra. 1458 Open the doors, I say, and display: at these words the audience will be expecting the appearance of the ekkyklema (1464-Sn.): see Taplin (442-3) on such dramatic prompts. 1459 the people of Mycenae and Argos: i.e. the inhabitants of both the city and the neighbouring district (4n.). 1460-3 In these lines Aegisthus betrays both the fear of insurrection under which he has been living, and the cruel and tyrannical nature of his rule. There are similarities to Aeschylus’ portraiture of Aegisthus, as at Ag. 1639-41, “I shall heavily yoke the disobedient man, no corn-fed colt, running free-traced”; and cf. Sophocles’ Creon at Ant. 477-8, and Agamemnon at Aj. 1253-4. buoyed up by empty hopes: cf. Aj. 477-8, “the mortal who warms himself on empty hopes”. ἐξήρετ᾽ is 3rd person

singular imperfect passive of €Ealpw. this man: Orestes.

COMMENTARY 1464-5

1466-7

227

As she speaks, Electra opens the palace doors. my part in this is accomplished: Aegisthus understands that Electra, referring to what he has just said, has resolved to be docile; while she is really saying that she has tricked him with her ambiguities, luring him towards his doom, and now it is time for Orestes to play his part. to be on the side of those with the greatest power: this is the principle on which Chrysothemis tried to persuade Electra to live (219-20n.) and Electra is echoing her words at 1013-14. She speaks ironically: she means that she is working with the avengers, who are now the stronger; but Aegisthus believes that she has at last submitted to his authority. Once the doors are open, Orestes and Pylades, as the “Phocian strangers”, bring out the ekkyklema (a movable platform) on which lies the covered body of Clytemnestra. The actor who played Clytemnestra is now playing the part of Aegisthus, so the corpse is either an effigy or a silent actor (a kophon prosopon) garbed in her costume and mask. Aegisthus, of course, believes it to be the body of Orestes — until he lifts the covers. Walton (1984, 113) calls this revelation “the most glorious moment of pure theatre in all Greek tragedy". what I see here is someone brought down through the gods' displeasure:

lit.

"Zeus, I see a sight that has not come about without φθόνος". φθόνος is jealousy, and the invocation "Zeus" shows that Aegisthus is referring here to divine jealousy or displeasure. He means to suggest that the gods have struck down Orestes, perhaps for his wicked threats (778-9) against his mother and step-father (Jebb), or

for his too dazzling success at the Pythian Games (Kamerbeek); but his words are true, and heavy with unintentional irony, for the gods have indeed been involved in the killing of Clytemnestra (and cf. 696-7 and note). φάσμα is something that makes

an appearance it is often used (as indeed it Aegisthus "is φάσμα would

-- here the shrouded corpse — but the word has an ominous ring, since of something uncanny: a spectral appearance, or a vision in a dream is used of Clytemnestra's dream: see 644n.), or an omen. And standing face to face with Orestes, the revenant to whom the term seem pre-eminently to apply" (Kamerbeek). cause for anger: lit.

"nemesis" (792n.); Aegisthus adds that, 1f his words should provoke divine anger, he

takes them back. Jebb comments: "Aegisthus corrects himself with hypocritical piety; it is as if he said, 'but it is not for me to judge my fellow-mortal'." But Dawe (201—2) suggests that we have here the same corruption of λέγειν for ψέγειν as at 1423, particularly since où ψέγω may then be a deliberate echo for the purposes of

dramatic irony. Aegisthus would then be saying: “And if there is divine punishment here, I find no fault." 1468-9 Take all the coverings off the face: Aegisthus addresses Orestes and Pylades, the "Phocian attendants".

my kin:

the Greek is neuter, τὸ

συγγενές, and thus well-

suited to the ambiguity of Aegisthus’ words, where he believes he refers to a kinsman, but in fact is speaking of a kinswoman. 1470-1 It is not for me, but for you: Orestes' irony, unlike that of Aegisthus, is deliberate: ostensibly he is saying that Acgisthus must lift the coverings because he

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COMMENTARY

is nearer of kin to Orestes than is the “Phocian stranger”; but really he means because, of the two of them, it is Aegisthus who loves Clytemnestra. 1472-3 you, call Ciytemnestra for me: Aegisthus wishes to share this happy moment with his wife. He addresses Electra. 1474-5 She is near you: as Orestes speaks, Aegisthus, unaware of his heavy irony, lifts the covers from Clytemnestra’s corpse. Bewildered and terrified, he jerks back in horror from what lies before him. What are you afraid of? Don’t you know who it is?: both questions can have as the answer Orestes himself, or Clytemnestra, or (more nebulously and powerfully) both. It is probably at this point that Orestes and Pylades draw their sheathed swords, the better to demonstrate power over their victim. Orestes’ sword will still be red with his mother’s blood. 1476-7 Into whose trap: lit. "hunting-nets": “the word suggests, not merely the capture of the victim, but also the act of decoying or driving him into the toils" (Jebb). The followifig confrontation between Orestes and Aegisthus — a tussle of wills which Orestes wins — will presumably capture the audience's attention sufficiently for the ekkyklema to be discreetly drawn back into the palace. When Orestes drives Aegisthus indoors at sword-point, it will be better if the doorway is not cluttered up with a corpse. 1478 the dead: i.e. Orestes, whom Aegisthus believed to be dead; so once again a dead man has come back to life. Orestes' words are enigmatic, but Aegisthus understands at once, just as Clytemnestra, at Aesch. Cho. 886-7, immediately understands the nddling words of the servant. 1479

Iunderstand:

ξυνῆκα is an "instantaneous aorist” (668n.).

1481

so fine a seer: Kells suggests that this refers to an otherwise unknown part of the background story, where Aegisthus was indeed a seer (and cf. 1498n.); and that this is why Euripides depicted him conducting a sacrifice, and inspecting the entrails for signs of the future, when he was murdered by Orestes (Eur. El. 826-7). 1483-90 Electra seems to be afraid that the too-powerful Aegisthus may yet worm his way out of his predicament, and she urges his swift execution. Some critics think this harsh, but to the Greeks he was only receiving what he had earned. Moreover Sophocles would not want a long speech from Aegisthus to spoil the pace of this final scene, so Electra's interruption does away with any such possibility.

1483

κἂν = καὶ ἂν, with}

understood.

1485-6

what does someone about to die gain from delay: these lines were omitted in one manuscript, which was later corrected; Dindorf deleted them, followed by Nauck, Dawe, and Lloyd-Jones and Wilson. But they are relevant in their context, for Electra is seizing on an argument to back up her urgent desire for Aegisthus' instant death (and cf. Ant. 463-4). Electra is speaking only of Aegisthus; and Segal (1981, 265—6) goes too far in seeing in her a "darker vision of the ultimate futility of all human striving for ‘profit’” and in concluding that her part in the play therefore ends with “a trailing off into futility and uncertainty".

COMMENTARY 1488

229

for the buriers he deserves: there 15 some doubt as to the identity of these "buriers". They may be human (as Theseus is to be the Tadeüs, “burier”, of Oedipus at OC 582), with the buriers unspecified (thus Bowra 254-5, Letters 260,

Johansen 28 n. 34, Burnett 135-6). Or they may be dogs and birds and wild beasts, as at e.g. Ant. 29-30, 205-6, 1080-2, Aj. 830, 1064-5, Hom. 1]. 1.3-5, 22.354; cf. Aesch. Sept. 1020-1, and especially Hom. Od. 3.256-61, where Nestor says that, if Menelaus had retumed from Troy to find Aegisthus still alive, “they would not even have heaped earth over him when he was dead, but he would have laın on open ground outside the city, and the dogs and birds would have torn him to pieces”. Electra’s deliberate vagueness may simply imply (as is surely the case) that she does not really care what happens to Aegisthus’ body: her only concern is to have him dead and gone from her sight (1489). There is no true comparison here with the unburied bodies of Ajax and Antigone, for the crime of the Atreidae and of Creon was not that they failed to bury, but that they deliberately prevented others from burying (Gardiner 167).

1490

Electra makes no such veto.

Pausanias (2.16.7) records that Aegisthus and Clytemnestra were buried outside the city walls, because “they were thought unworthy of a place within the walls, where lay Agamemnon and those who were murdered with him”. release from all my past sufferings: Electra’s very last word in the play is λυτήριον, “release”, placed in a position of emphasis and marking what she 1s about to receive on the death of Aegisthus. There is no trace here of uncertainty ın her words, as Segal (1981, 266-7) claims:

he speaks of Electra’s “futility ... uncertainty

... lonely agony ... the loneliness if her tragic realisation ... her spiritual and inward isolation", all quite unfounded in the text. There is no reason to imagine any diminution in the fierce and triumphant joy she feels at the defeat of her enemies.

Although she speaks no more, she is vibrantly alive and present on stage (she will be the last, apart from the Chorus, to leave it), there to witness in triumph the subjection of her enemy.

1496

so that you can die in the same place: at the hearth, where he made libations (269-70). While this is in part an excuse as to why Aegisthus’ murder does not occur onstage, it is also truly appropriate, and a manifest act of retributive justice,

that he be killed in the very place where he murdered Agamemnon. 16) compares

1498

the death of Artayctes in Herodotus (9.120.4).

Horsley (21 n.

See R. Hirzel, Die

Talion, Philol. Suppl. 11 (1907-10) 442-56, for the convention of the revengemurder occurring on the same spot, and with the same weapon, as the original crime. both the present and future evils of the family of Pelops: this is a strange and vague expression which has caused much discussion. Aegisthus may simply mean, by the present evils, Clytemnestra's death, and by the future evils, his own death (and this last is how Orestes understands his comment, as we see from his reply). But some commentators read these words as a hint that the Furies are waiting in the wings; Winnington-Ingram, for instance, suggests (302-3) that here "Sophocles opens a window upon a tragic future", i.e. for Orestes and Electra. This is hardly

230

COMMENTARY

likely, for Aegisthus implies that the future evils are dependent on his own death (1496), and never in any version of the myth is there a suggestion that Ais murder results in anything other than triumph and just revenge for Orestes and freedom for Electra. Moreover, if this really is meant to be a hint of some future trouble, we must note that it is of events destined to take place under “this very roof" (τὴνδε τὴν στέγην), which would surely exclude the Furies’ pursuit. Sommerstein (214 n. 75) suggests that the only future troubles of the Pelopidae to which these words might appropriately apply are the killing of Aegisthus’ son Aletes, and the nearkilling of his daughter Erigone, in Mycenae, by Orestes (and certainly these are troubles dependent on the killing of Aegisthus, as stipulated above, since they would occur only after the death of the children’s father-protector); perhaps “Sophocles is here alluding to one of his own earlier plays [possibly his Erigone: see 589—90n.], and Aegisthus, far from predicting the future woes of his enemy, is ironically being made to predict, without knowing it, the extinction of his own male descent line”. This interpretation would give added ironic point to Orestes’ reply, and a further sharp irony to Aegisthus’ sneering reaction at 1500, since he himself is also blind about what the future holds. 1499 I am the best prophet of that: 1.6. of the certainty of Aegisthus’ death. 1500 your father did not have the skill you boast of: Aegisthus does not beg or grovel, but jeers at Agamemnon’s blindness in failing to foresee and prevent his own murder: “the summit of Aegisthus’ impudence” (Kamerbeek). There may be irony here: see 1498n. 1502 The double change of speaker in a single line is rare, and occurs elsewhere in Sophocles only in Phil. (810, 814, 816) and OC (832) at moments of great excitement. 1505-7 These final words of Orestes are too often passed over, or criticised, as by Kamerbeek (“the lines about whose absence in Sophocles’ works an admirer of the

poet would mind least ... so poor in content, so bluntly put"), or even deleted, as by Dindorf on literary and aesthetic grounds. They should rather be seen as a serious comment on the action and an endorsement of the god-directed revenge (McDonald

(1996) 161). Jebb notes that Nikephoros Basilakes, a professor of rhetoric at Constantinople in the twelfth century, made them the text of a moral discourse (Progymn. 6 = Rh. Gr. 1.461 Walz), commenting that they remind us how well Sophocles understood the function of Tragedy as a vehicle of moral teaching. The poet, he says, sets forth in action the warning example of Aegisthus, then generalises the lesson. Jebb comments: “From a literary and aesthetic point of view the remark deserves the notice of those who, like Dindorf, think the verses spurious.” Cf. Menelaus’ prayer to Zeus as he attacks Paris, Hom. //. 3.351-4: “Lord Zeus, grant me to punish the man who first injured me, ... and subdue him beneath my hands, so that anyone of men to come may shudder ‘o do evil to a host who has given him friendship”; and Plato’s judgement (Laws ix.862e) that laws are “an example to other men against wrongdoing”. At the first night of Michael Cacoyannis’s 1983

COMMENTARY

231

production of the play at Epidauros, the audience burst into applause at Orestes’ words (Ringer 233 n. 107).

1508-10 The Chorus’s final brief anapaestic utterance, which along with other such Sophoclean codas was deleted first by Ritter (Philologus 17 (1861) 422-36). He begins from the assumption that, since it is the characters and not the Chorus who open the action of Sophoclean tragedies, the Chorus can have no more to say once the actors have departed; he then brings linguistic and stylistic arguments to bear on the codas themselves. But for a full refutation of Ritter, see Roberts (1987), who shows that there are no grounds for such an assumption of general inauthenticity, and goes on to discuss the function and conventions of such endings. The coda in this play can be classified as one “that sets a seal on the past ... by placing emphasis on the finality or authority of what has happened” (58). What is emphasised here ıs release, freedom, triumph. To dismiss these words as a perfunctory tag, unworthy of attention, as does Kells, 15 inadmissible. Child of Atreus: to whom are the Chorus referring? σπέρμα, “offspring”, can mean singular or plural offspring, so they may be referring to Electra and Orestes together and thus emphasising the restoration of the house of Atreus after the murders. But since Sophocles regularly uses σπέρμα in the singular in Phil., for instance, where σπέρμ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλέως refers to Neoptolemus (364, 582, 1066), it may be better to assume that they are referring to Electra alone, and this for several reasons:

(a) Orestes is moving into the palace

with Aegisthus and Pylades, since at 1501 he complained that Aegisthus was slowing their progress, so only Electra ıs still onstage; Calder 213-16 notes that never in Sophocles is σπέρμα addressed to an actor offstage; (b) the Chorus’s reference to the achievement of freedom is more applicable to Electra, who has suffered

as a slave (814,

1192, cf. 189-92),

than it is to Orestes;

(c) it seems

appropriate that their final words should focus on the figure who has dominated the entire action of the play: (4) 1509 is a close echo of Electra’s own words at 1256. this day’s enterprise: the murder of the tyranıs. brought to good fortune: the emphatic last word of the play is τελεωθέν. "fulfilled", “perfected”, i.e. “made whole", hence “brought to good fortune". It echoes other TéAog-based words implying finality that are scattered throughout the last part of the play (1344, 1399, 1417, 1435, 1464; cf. 734-5 and note, 779, 947) and is an explicit and positive judgement on the whole action: the cessation of misery, the achievement of purpose, the end of all grim striving. Contrast the ominous ending of Aesch. Cho. and the Chorus's despairing question, “Where will it all end?" (1075-6, and see Garvie's note).

With this final word τελεωθέν resounding in the audience’s ears, Electra now follows Orestes into the palace and the Chorus exit by an eisodos.

232

Index Numbers in italics refer to pages of the Introduction, all others to line-numbers in the Commentary. Aegisthus /-20; 6-7, 10, 56, 97-8, 98-9, 127-8, 193-4, 245-50, 266-73, 267-8, 268-9, 269-70, 272, 299-302, 310, 312-13, 519-20, 523-4, 561-2, 58990, 938-1057, 955-7, 973-85, 1080, 1101, 1107, 1290-1, 1368-9, 13981441, 1428-9, 1432, 1442-1507, 14603, 1481, 1488, 1496, 1498, 1500. Aeschylus Agamemnon 4, 6, 10; 6-7, 67, 97-8, 989, 159-63, 193-4, 199-200, 273-4, 279, 296-7, 299-302, 419-21, 422-3, 475-8, 504-15, 516-51, 526-7, 531-2, 532-3, 564, 566-9, 571-2, 575-6, 7579, 1080, 1107, 1290-1, 1372-5, 14045, 1415-16, 1460-3. Choephori (Libation Bearers) 4-6, 7, 11,

12, 18-19, 22; 16, 33-4, 36-7, 39-66, 49-50, 51-3, 54, 59-61, 69-70, 72, 825, 95-6, 101-2, 110-18, 193-4, 24550, 273-4, 279, 299-302, 307-9, 406, 410, 417-23, 444-6, 453-4, 475-8, 480-4, 504-15, 646-7, 670, 766-71, 785-6, 814, 871-937, 903-4, 908, 909, 1068, 1147, 1165, 1201, 1232-87, 1288-92, 1372-5, 1386-8, 1410-11, 1425, 1428-9, 1478, 1508-10. Eumenides 5, 101-2, 110-18, 193-4, 275, 475-8, 491, 526-7, 1058-97, 1107, 1386-8. Agamemnon /-7; 1-2, 44-6, 67, 95-6, 110-18, 183-4, 299-302, 418, 419-21, 459-63, 482-3, 532-3, 558-609, 564, 566-9, 1417-18, 1419-21, 1488, 1500. murder of /-20; 10, 36-7, 95-6, 97-8, 98-9, 101-2, 193-4, 197-9, 199-200, 233-50, 269-70, 278, 444-6, 485-7, 510-15, 516-51, 528, 558-609, 564, 584, 1021-2, 1415-16, 1417-18, 1496.

tomb of 3, 4, 5, 7, 10, 13-14; 1-120, 513, 82-5, 324-7, 406, 431-63, 436, 871937, 893-915, 893. Agon 7-8, 12; 516-51, 531-2, 624-7. Alliteration 210, 282-3, 544—5, 612-15, 622-3, 804-6, 1253-6. Antilabe 1174-1223, 1209, 1232-87, 1273-80, 1322, 1346, 1398-1510. Apollo 3-4, 5-6, 7, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16-17; 1-120, 6-7, 17-19, 32-3, 33-4, 36-7, 51-3, 82-5, 110-18, 147-52, 563, 634-59, 635-6, 659, 660—803, 682, 1265-6, 1372-5, 1376-83, 1378, 1379, 1391-2, 1404-5, 1425. Ares 17; 95-6, 1243-4, 1384-5, 1423. Argos 3, 4; 4, 5, 6-7, 9, 422-3. Aristotle 49-50, 1098-1287, 1398-1441. Art 2, 8-11, 18; 54, 97-8, 98-9, 267-8, 338-9, 504-15, 510-15, 1368-9. Artemis 2, 3; 147-52, 531-2, 558-609, 563, 564, 566-9, 624-7, 1239-42. Athens 3, 5, 17, 110-18, 701-8, 731-3. Atreus 3; 10, 199-200, 419-21, 1508-10. Audience expectation 78; 10, 16, 20-21, 29-31, 51-3, 77-81, 110-18, 147-52, 267-8, 310, 406, 466-71, 472-515, 660—803, 742, 1326-53, 1368-9, 13823, 1458. Cassandra 2, 4, 6, 8; 193-4, 516-51, 14045. Catalogue of Women (ps.-Hesiodic) 3; 157, 539. Childlessness 97-8, 153-92, 164-5, 187, 272. Children, of Aegisthus and Clytemnestra 1— 120, 97-8, 558-609, 586, 589-90, 6534, 1498. of Electra and Pylades 16.

INDEX Chorus /3-/5, 17-18; 103-4, 119-20, 121-250, 121-2, 134, 137-44, 233-50, 251-3, 312-13, 369-71, 379-82, 472515, 823-70, 836-8, 990-1, 1042, 1058-97, 1078, 1085-6, 1322, 1382-3, 1384-97, 1384-5, 1398-1441, 141314. 1423, 1508-10. Chrysothemis 7, 2, 9, 11, 13-14, 21-2; 157, 185-6, 189-92, 219-20, 324-7, 328-403, 328-9, 333-4, 336, 338-9, 339-40, 359-61, 366-7, 369-71, 450— 2, 466-71, 871, 949-50, 954, 973-85, 986-9, 992-1014, 1007-8, 1039, 1042, 1050-4, 1065. Clytemnestra

/-20; 36-7, 56, 97-8, 98-9,

121-2, 187, 245-50, 272, 273-4, 277, 278, 279, 281, 287-99, 287, 289-90, 293-4, 296-7, 417-23, 418, 444-6, 510-15, 516-51, 516-18, 532-3, 54950, 558-609, 580-3, 586, 589-90, 594, 610-11, 624-7, 634-59, 674, 675, 76671, 773, 804-22, 807, 955-7, 1080, 1345, 1368-9, 1400-1, 1404-5, 141011, 1415-16, 1464-5, 1466-7, 1488, Costume See Staging Curses

110-18,

199-200, 213-32, 273-4,

291-2, 491, 504-15, 1417-18. Darkness/Night 17-19, 86, 91, 92-3, 424— 5, 685, 1395-7. Date of play 20-22; 59-61. Day (today) 674, 918-19, 1224-6, 1354, 1362-3. light of 17-19, 86-309, 86, 379-82, 424-5, 698-9, 1079, 1224-6. Delphi/Delphic Oracle 3; 32-3, 33-4, 4950, 140, 180-1, 682, 698-9, Dramatic irony See /rony Dream (of Clytemnestra) 3, 4, 5, 7, 13-14, 17, 406, 410, 411, 417-23, 422-3, 4245, 459-63, 472-515, 475-8, 480-1, 499-503, 638, 644, 645, 646-7, 14667.

233

Eisodoi 1-120, 82-5, 310, 466-71, 660803, 871-1057, 1098-1383, 1402-3, 1428-9, 1508-10. Ekkyklema 6, 1458, 1464-5, 1476-7. , Electra passim Epic Cycle 2-3, 157, 193-4, 564, 566-9. Euripides 86-120, 504-15, 1398-1441. Electra 5, 6-8, 11, 12, 15, 18, 21-2; 16, 21-2, 36-7, 39-66, 51-3, 56, 82-5, 86120, 86, 97-8, 98-9, 121-250, 137-44, 164-5, 193-4, 254-309, 261, 273-4, 279, 287-99, 296-7, 299-302, 419-21, 450-2, 516-51, 531-2, 549-50, 556, 558-9, 580-3, 584, 589-90, 634-59, 871-937, 879, 893-915, 903-4, 908, 909, 955-7, 966, 1068, 1188, 1232-87, 1288-92, 1290-1, 1340, 1368-9, 13725, 1386-8, 1410-11, 1423, 1425, 14421507, 1451, 1481. Iphigenia among the Taurians (IT) 5, 21; 16, 44-6, 424-5, 531-2, 566-9, 1232-87. Iphigenia at Aulis (IA) 5, 21, 531-2, 564, 566-9. Orestes 5, 11, 21; 16, 44-6, 98-9, 101— 2, 164-5, 185-6, 324-7, 504-15, 1068, 1398-1441, 1410-11, 1451. Freedom 24, 15, 17; 339-40, 814, 9381057, 1168-9, 1253-6, 1257, 1426-7, 1498, 1508-10. Funeral rites 86-120, 865-70, 893, 113142, 1138-40, 1210, 1218, 1400-1. Furies 2, 4, 5-6, 9, 16-19; 110-18, 272, 417-23, 472-515, 475-8, 488-9, 490, 491, 492-4, 497, 785-6, 1080, 1386-8, 1428-9, 1498.

Gods

5, /5, 16-17, 36-7, 67, 69-70, 107, 110-18, 199-200, 245-50, 251-471, 281, 289-90, 291-2, 307-9, 411, 41723, 499-503, 566-9, 696-7, 701-8, 1095-7, 1228-9, 1264, 1306, 1372-5, 1378, 1382-3, 1466-7, 1505-7. Guile (dolos) 16; 36-7, 47, 59-61, 197-9, 279, 490, 648-9, 1395-7.

234

INDEX

Hades 17. 110-18, 137-9, 183-4, 356, 836-8, 841, 842-8, 1066, 1162-3. Hair 3, 4, 5; 51-3, 450-2, 466-71, 871937, 893-915, 903-4, 908, 909. Hearth 269-70, 419-21, 422-3, 881, 1496. Helen 6; 59-61, 539, 541, 1080, 1165. Hermes 77, 5, 110-18, 1372-5, 1395-7. Hero, the Sophoclean 119-20, 121-250, 140, 174-9, 328-403, 330, 359-61, 402, 1153. Homer 3, 25, 18; 1098-1287. Iliad 1; 3-4, 62-6, 157, 419-21, 422-3, 564, 571-2, 696-756, 701-8, 710, 71112, 714-15, 716-17, 718-19, 720-2, 737, 755-6, 1129-30, 1138-40, 1165, 1400-1, 1505-7. Odyssey 1-2, 3, 18, 19; 3-4, 9, 14, 5961, 62-6, 92-3, 95-6, 97-8, 98-9, 1934, 279, 299-302, 417-23, 539, 561-2, 488. Hope 17-19, 267-8, 305-6, 391, 411, 42830, 431-63, 472-515, 698-9, 802-3, 814, 832-3, 888, 954, 1058-97, 11278, 1129-30, 1152, 1220, 1460-3. Hybris 523-4, 612-15. Iphianassa /, 2; 1-120, 157, 653-4, 954, 1009-10. Iphigenia /, 2, 3, 4, 12, 14; 157, 273-4, 516-51, 531-2, 532-3, 546, 558-609, 564, 566-9, 575-6, 584, 589-90. Irony 73; 92-3, 110-18, 289-90, 580-3, 646-7, 659, 670, 678-9, 680, 783, 784, 791, 795-8, 802-3, 804-6, 816, 871937, 918-19, 955-7, 1098-1287, 1101, 1104, 1166, 1323-5, 1400-1, 14421507, 1448-9, 1451, 1453, 1454-5, 1457, 1464-5, 1466-7, 1468-9, 14701, 1474-5, 1498, 1500. Justice (dike) 15-19; 21-2, 69-70, 417-23, 472-515, 475-8, 528, 580-3, 610-11, 785-6, 1064, 1382-3, 1384-97, 141011, 1415-16, 1441, 1496.

Kairos 21-2, 39, 75-6, 1368-9.

1251-2,

1259,

Lamentation 1-120, 59-61, 77-81, 86120, 103-4, 107, 122-3, 141, 153-92, 185-6, 193-212, 233-50, 241-3, 254309, 282-3, 285-6, 307-9, 1058-97, 1085-6, 1126-70, 1211, 1364-6, 14045. Laodice 1, 2, 3; 157, 164-5. Laughter, of enemies 277, 807, 1153, 1295. Libations 5; 51-3, 266-73, 269-70, 324-7, 406, 893-915, 1496. Light See Day, light of Madness

6, 19. 879, 888, 1314-17, 1361.

Marriage 16, 164-5, 185-6, 492-4, 50415, 594, 947-89, 962, 971-2. Matricide 2, 6, 7, 8, 10, 15-16, 18, 33-4, 580-3, 955-7, 1368-9, 1398-1441, 1410-11, 1415-16, 1428-9. Masks See Staging Menelaus 3; 59-61, 422-3, 539, 541, 558— 609, 575-6, 1165, 1488, 1505-7. Metre 77-81, 86-309, 86-120, 121-250, 254-309, 1126-70, 1158-9, 1232-87, 1281-7, 1398-1441, 1508-10. Monody 71, 22; 77-81, 86-120. Mycenae 3; 1-120, 4, 7-8, 9, 121-250, 159-63, 168-70, 251-3, 379-82, 41723, 419-21, 893, 1413-14, 1459, 1498. Myrtilus 199-200, 504-15, 508-9, 51015. Nemesis

77; 792, 793, 1466-7.

Night See Darkness Nightingale 92—3, 107, 147—52, 148, 149, 152, 164—5, 1077. Niobe 147-52, 150, 152. Nobility 74; 1-2, 159-63, 257, 287, 322, 986-9, 1058-97, 1078, 1081, 1082-3. Nurse

4, 5, 9; 185-6, 296-7, 1147.

Odysseus /, 19, 3-4, 36-7, 59-61, 62-6, 299, 299-302, 881.

INDEX Offerings 3, 4, 5, 7, 13-14, 51-3, 251-471,

281, 324-7, 404-71, 405, 431-63, 4502, 459-63, 466-71, 516-51, 634-59, 871-937, 893-915, 893, 909, 930-1, 1376-83, 1378. Old Slave /2, 13-15, 16, 20. 1-85, 3-4, 13. 21-2, 28, 82-5, 119-20, 168-70, 657, 660-803, 680-763, 1326-53, 1331-2, 1368-9. Orestes 7-20; 1-2, 3-4, 12, 14, 28, 33-4, 36-7, 39-66, 51-3, 54, 56, 59-61, 626. 69-70, 77-81, 82-5, 296-7, 417-23, 422-3, 589-90, 755-6, 757-9, 10981287, 1106, 1126-70, 1148, 11741223, 1174-5, 1179, 1205-17, 1224-6, 1232-87, 1273-80, 1372-5, 1386-8, 1394, 1410-11, 1425, 1426-7, 1428-9, 1498, 1505-7.

Paidagogos

See Old Slave

Parodos //, 13, 22: 1-120, 121-250, 1212, 245-50, 254-309, 1085-6, 1415-16. Parts, distribution of /3; 1410-11, 1464-5. Pathos 86-120, 171-2, 193-4, 261, 264-5, 282-3, 531-2, 757-9, 804-6, 865-70, 871-937, 1127-8, 1151-9, 1205-17, 1442-1507. Pelops 1-120, 10, 86, 199-200, 419-21, 504-15, 510-15, 1413-14, 1498.

Penelope /-2; 92-3, 417-23, 879. Persuasion 251-471, 404, 466-71, 561-2, 836-8, 947-89, 977-83, 992-1014, 1019-20, 1054, 1085-6, 1464-5. Phanoteus 73; 44-6, 666-7, 670, 801, 1110.

Pherecydes 4; 296-7. Pindar 4; 296-7, 1066. Pleisthenes 3; 10.

510-15,

686,

701-8,

Prayers 12, 14, 15, 16-17; 67-72, 67, 11018, 453-4, 634-59, 635-6, 646-7, 651, 657, 660-803, 1058-97, 1098-1383, 1326-53, 1376-83, 1378, 1386-8, 1505-7. Profit 59-61, 766-71, 1485-6.

Property

See Wealth

235

Pylades 2-3, 4, 5-6, 10, 12, 13, 14-15; 185, 16, 29-31, 44-6, 54, 75-6, 82-5, 419-21, 1098-1383, 1372-5, 1386-8, 1422, 1464-5, 1474-5. Recognition 3, 4, 5, 6, 12, 13, 14, 22, 2021, 29-31, 39-66, 51-3, 77-81, 310, 406, 660-803, 871-937, 1098-1287, 1106, 1126-70, 1174-1223, 1174-5, 1205-17, 1222-3, 1232-87, 1326-53, 1354-63, 1410-11, 1442-1507. Repetition 193-4, 254-309, 264-5, 282-3, 296-7, 504—15, 675, 795-8. Revenge/Vengeance 71, 12, 15-20, 21-2, 33-4, 59-61, 86-120, 110-18, 245-50, 417-23, 453-4, 472-515, 485-7, 680763, 734-5, 842-8, 954, 955-7, 966, 1064, 1232-87, 1251-2, 1368-9, 1384— 97, 1395-7, 1398-1441, 1413-14, 1415-16, 1417-18, 1496, 1505-7. Sarcasm 287, 299-302, 393-4, 437-8, 610-11, 790, 795-8. Sexual motifs 97-8, 197-9, 272, 418, 41921, 492-4, 532-5, 561-2, 586, 652. Simonides 4, 9. Slavery (of Electra) 51-3, 189-92, 273-4, 339-40, 361-2, 814, 1508-10. Sophocles 7-8, 10-11, 14, 17, 20, 23; 185, 21-2, 86-120, 107, 147-52, 328403, 472-515, 504-15, 523-4, 589-90, 680-763, 842-8, 916-17, 1050-4, 1228-9, 1232-87, 1398-1441, 141921, 1498, 1505-7, 1508-10. Antigone 11, 20, 147-52, 307-9, 324-7, 328-403, 339-40, 363-4, 379-82, 387, 390, 400, 785-6, 808, 916-17, 962, 977-83, 997, 1043, 1095-7, 1164, 1419-21. Philoctetes 20-22; 1-2, 21-2, 36-7, 5961, 67, 75-6, 121-250, 257, 291-2, 299-302, 485-7, 677, 1174-5, 1395-7, 1502, 1508-10. Oedipus Tyrannus (OT) 21, 23, 245-50, 417-23, 472-515, 472-4, 491, 634-59, 635-6, 660-4, 674, 772, 1419-21.

236

INDEX

Sparta 3-4; 422-3, 541. Staging 17-18; 1-120. actors’ gestures etc. 77-18 359-61, 428-30, 610-11, 807, 871, 1309-11, 1323-5, 1432, 1474-5. costumes 86-309, 328—403, 359-61, 1464—5. entrances 1-120, 86-309, 121-250, 328-403, 516—51, 660-803, 871-1057, 1098-1383, 1326-53, 1398-1441, 1422, 1428-9. exits 82-5, 466-71, 804-22, 1058-97, 1372-5, 1382-3, 1508-10. masks

Thyestes 10, 199-200, 419-21, 504-15, 594. Trojan War/Troy 2, 4; 1-2, 14, 49-50, 95-6, 531-2, 541, 564, 571-2, 893, 112930, 1488. Tyranny, tyrannicide 9, /5; 339-40, 521-2, 597-8, 664, 973-85, 1413-14, 1460-3, 1508-10. Urn

/8; 1309-11, 1464-5.

props (See also Urn) 54. Stesichorus 3—4; 51-3, 193-4, 296-7. Stichomythia 385-414, 1023-49, 11741223. Strophius 4, 73; 16, 44-6, 296-7, 670, 1110. Sun 17-19, 86, 424-5, 698-9, 823-6. Suspense/Tension 20-21, 310, 650-803, 1174-1223, 1232-87, 1236, 1326-53, 1331-2, 1354-63, 1382-3, 1415-16.

717, 12, 13, 14; 29-3]. 47, 54, 82-5, 757-9, 774, 1098-1383, 1098-1287, 1104, 1106, 1116, 1126-70, 113840, 1151-9, 1165, 1166, 1205-17, 1211, 1217, 1323-5, 1372-5, 1382-3, 14001, 1453.

Vengeance

See Revenge

Wealth/Property 28, 71, 72, 254-309, 651, 1290-1. Women 86-120, 145-6, 185-6, 299-302, 328-403, 399, 516-18, 532-3, 750, 865-70, 975, 997, 1138-40, 1243-4. Words and deeds 59-61, 347, 349-50, 1360, 1372-5.

Tension, dramatic See Suspense Textual matters 23; 1-2, 21-2, 47, 82-5, 92-3, 152, 187, 428-30, 450-2, 61011, 670, 686, 690-1, 720-2, 750, 10078, 1050-4, 1074-5, 1170, 1281-7, 1322, 1359, 1413-14, 1423, 1426-7, 1466-7, 1485-6.

Zeus

17,5, 59-61, 149, 159-63, 174-9, 419-21, 504-15, 823-6, 836-8, 105897, 1063, 1064, 1095-7, 1372-5, 1378, 1425, 1466-7, 1505-7.