Social Identity [1 ed.] 9781620818749, 9781613244623

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Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

SOCIAL ISSUES, JUSTICE AND STATUS

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SOCIAL IDENTITY

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Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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SOCIAL ISSUES, JUSTICE AND STATUS

SOCIAL IDENTITY

MICHAEL WEARING

Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

EDITOR

Nova Science Publishers, Inc. New York

Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Copyright © 2011 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. For permission to use material from this book please contact us: Telephone 631-231-7269; Fax 631-231-8175 Web Site: http://www.novapublishers.com NOTICE TO THE READER The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, consequential, or exemplary damages resulting, in whole or in part, from the readers‘ use of, or reliance upon, this material. Any parts of this book based on government reports are so indicated and copyright is claimed for those parts to the extent applicable to compilations of such works.

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Independent verification should be sought for any data, advice or recommendations contained in this book. In addition, no responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property arising from any methods, products, instructions, ideas or otherwise contained in this publication. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information with regard to the subject matter covered herein. It is sold with the clear understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering legal or any other professional services. If legal or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent person should be sought. FROM A DECLARATION OF PARTICIPANTS JOINTLY ADOPTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND A COMMITTEE OF PUBLISHERS. Additional color graphics may be available in the e-book version of this book. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Social identity / editor, Michael Wearing. p. cm. Includes index. ISBN:  (eBook)

1. Group identity. 2. Identity (Psychology) I. Wearing, Michael, 1961HM753.S6195 2011 305--dc22 2011014206

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. †New York

Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

CONTENTS Preface Chapter 1

Social Identity: Frail Elders at Home Beatrice Hale and Patrick Barrett

Chapter 2

Sexual Identity: Developmental and Social Considerations Sabra L. Katz-Wise and Julie C. Keller

25

Chapter 3

Social Identity and Professional Architects Tsung-Juang Wang

47

Chapter 4

Mediating Masculine Desire: Male Constructions of Intimacy and Violence in Heterosexual Relationship Narratives Michael Wearing

69

Integral Study of Ethnic Identity in Baikalian Siberia and the Role of Russian Colonization in Its Shaping Milana V. Ragulina

91

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vii

Chapter 6

Chapter 7

Chapter 8

Chapter 9

Chapter 10

1

Who Do You Think I Am? An Analysis of the ‗IT Professional‘ Self-Identity Hamid Nach

109

Latinas and Black Women Negotiating Multiple Marginalized Social Identities Brandyn-Dior McKinley and Marysol Asencio

129

Second/Foreign Language Teachers‘ Professional Identity and its Relation to One‘s Decision to Leave the Profession Peter Swanson

145

Social Identity Implications for Active Individuals with Physical Disabilities Jeffrey J. Martin and Francesca Vitali

163

Self Image and Social Identity: A Study on a Sample of Italian Adolescents Paola Nicolini and Luisa Cherubini

175

Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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Chapter 12

Contents Ideology and Defense against Counter-Stereotypic Experiences: When Pro-Black and Anti-White Feelings are not so Welcome Rick M. Cheung

193

Existential Intangible Heritage Tourism and the Innate Tendencies of a Social Identity Miguel Vidal González

203

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Index

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PREFACE

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The movements, the attitudes, the glances of the other fixed me there, In the sense in which chemical solution is fixed in dye (Frantz Fanon in his Black Skin, White Masks 1986: 109)

We are all, as Fanon suggests, cast and fixed in time and place by our identities within the culture and the society in which we live. We are also part of the moving flows and fluid relations of identity construction that come out of the social interactions, networks and institutions of our societies. The concept of social identity helps us self-consciously realize that society is intricately involved in shaping our being and our identity. There is also a reverse affect through relationships communication and interactions where identity can shape the kind of society we live in and want to live in. We are living in times of fluid identity where the ‗light capitalism‘ of the modern period enables those in better paid work to move locations even internationally if need be and change jobs or careers a number of times (Bauman, 2000). This acknowledges the broad conceptual picture of modernity as involved in constant flows of identity in the network society where powerful communication networks of social actors organize and in many cases manage and control identity formation (Castells 2004, 2009). These new constructions of modern identity are based in fluid modernity and embodies a multiple sense of place. Identity then is based in social interactions, a depth of connectedness with others and new modes of communication. There are recent and interesting developments in the changing identities of modern societies such as those established via the internet or mobile phones in ever widening identity networks and communities: If the search for identity is a struggle to arrest the flow and solidify the fluid in order to create the thick narratives that give form to an otherwise fragmentary experience, so too is this identity expressed in the search for places that can add some weight to becoming a self (Burkitt 2008: 182).

In Anglo-democracies those who are flexible in their careers and life narrative survive and flourish—full time white collar and often white works-- those who remain in their local communities that often bare the brunt of the worst excesses of globalization and an uncertain labor market usually loose out i.e. the unemployed, the casual worker the working class communities (Bauman 2005). The coherence of a person self narrative will help to maintain a more stable sense of self that responds to the flows of interaction and communication that help construct our sense of shared and ‗separateness‘ of identities.

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Michael Wearing

This preface will briefly consider the broad field of identity theory from a largely sociological and cultural studies perspective that are the disciplines of the author. Other important perspectives on social identity are also current in social psychology, history and anthropological studies. The bulk of these theories are not mentioned here though they inform the frameworks of several chapters in this book. What is not discussed in any detail are the macro-social, micro-social, cultural and psychological theories on social identity. These theories can inform the parochial and sometimes eccentric interpretations of self and identity in local and micro-social analysis of social relations and the inner interpretive world we might call the psyche. As a key social science concept the theories that underpin social identity are many and diverse. They range in effect across sociology, cultural studies including cultural history and psychology. This preface will consider some of the theories, debates and examples of the application of social identity theory. In broad terms this means that self and identity can be conceived and understood from the individual and personal level to the broader understandings of identity from society-centered and political views that involve identitypolitics and social movements. Most of the arguments and discussion on social identity in this volume are of the micro-sociological and social psychological kind.

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Psychology is mostly concerned with the emotional and affective behavior of individuals, treated as physiologically conditioned actors who respond to sensory stimuli from the environment. In contrast, social theorists and sociologists are mostly concerned with the structure of material and symbolic relations between individuals, treated as members of collective groups in definite cultural and historical contexts. (Harrington 2005: p10)

My own perspective on social identity is derived largely from both social theory and sociology. Given this intellectual background I will only very briefly touch upon the theory and research available in social psychology, cultural and social history and political science on social identity. This preface provides a brief introduction to the use of the concept and will emphasis the political dimensions underlying conceptions of social identity. From this it is important to explore conceptual, theoretical and political questions and issues of identity in modern societies. Identities are contested and negotiated in everyday life, they are form out of recognition and the struggle for identity often by the oppressed can challenge their oppressor. In a simplistic manner categories of opposites can invoke an ‗us‘ and ‗them‘ sociology that lines up ‗black‘ versus ‗white‘, one social class versus another or ‗women‘ versus ‗men‘. These broad us versus them identities are part of the normative structures and the perceptive and everyday realities of our lives. Nonetheless they lack a shaper focus on the intersections of gendered, classed and racial forces that can cross cut and make up new hybrid and complex identities. Such binary opposites do not capture much of the complexity and meaning of identity in modernity. Also in doing so they run the risk of stereotyping and essentializing categories of identity to which we belong and are commonly defined as fixed and unchanging entities i.e. a process of reification. People‘s identities in other words are classified and defined within conceptual systems of inclusion and exclusion of certain identities. Identity understood as an intersection of forces is a question then of social difference across social groups and social classes. This makes the substance of social identity both relational in that identity is formed through and by social relations and

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contextual in that our sense or understanding of self and other identity is shaped in the social context and division of inequality and power in this context. With change occurring at such accelerated pace in the new world order even the most stable and comfortable identities of modern culture are constantly being challenged and bombarded with the messages of global capitalism and related marketeering in term of mass consumption. This means that identities are constructed in relation to other identities in a global world. We have some choices or human agency in the elements of global and local identity we belong to or have adopted. Nonetheless there are identities we embrace, identities we resist and identities we are unsure of or uncertain about either shared in a collective way or kept to ourselves in an intra-psychic way. Commonly those we resist carry the stigma of ‗the constructed other‘ and their representations such as those associated with disability, poverty, criminality or migrant and refugee status. This raises some important question about the basis of personal and social identity in modern society. Is there a crisis of identity in contemporary society? Is it personal or collective crisis or both? Is difference necessary for identity? Why do people invest in identity? Why and how do people mobilize around specific identities such as gay and lesbian identities or religious identities? How is this identity politics seen as ‗the politics of difference‘ understood in the modern age? Virtual online identity for example underscores the shifting and symbolic nature of identity in the modern age. As if to exemplify the crises and flight from fixed and local identities in modern society the virtual realities of the internet provide something of an escape from the ties of the local, uncertain and everyday real world. These virtual worlds of identity are incorporated into our everyday realities via the internet and yet represent some form of escape or freedoms from the mundane sameness of everyday living. This ‗escape from‘ is part of the fluid and fleeting identities of interactions and meanings systems in contemporary capitalism and globalization where ironically in the search for a substance to identities beyond the local and parochial these identities can become general, homogenous and contentless (Burkitt 2008). As Winder (2008: ix) points out in reflecting on the construction of virtual identities sometimes there is choice and the power to manufacture an individualized identity completely at odds with a person‘s actual persona and social identity One example he gives is a young male who becomes a lesbian online: In the virtual world you have the chance to impact on the very real lives of others regardless of race, culture, class or location. Perhaps, more importantly, in the virtual world you have the divine power to create your life and mould it into pretty much anything you please.

This ‗virtuality‘ also invokes the impact of globalizations on identity with the expansion of planet wide communication and interaction in that what was once authentic differences that make up identities has to some extent become sanitized, standardized and bland and therefore lacking in difference. We now have virtual online worlds with functioning churches and pastors and car dealerships, amongst a range of other virtual transactions and encounters available online! Identity experienced as interactions and material and symbolic relations in the non-virtual world or what I will call ‗the real world‘ is often a much more complex emotional and social affair. What interest me about those who assume a virtual identity online is how their assumed identity, persona and emotions are reflected back into the real world but also how virtual

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communities have a life and politics all their own. We have seen the possibilities and uses for democracy and otherwise of shared secret information across the globe such as the example given by Wikileaks.com. There is also the relatively new ability to take private and secret information undetected and quickly from the net as ‗identity theft‘ that can place our own identity at threat. What is less understood is the overall effect the use of the internet and associated e-phenomena can have on different and alternative communities, political activism, human relationships and human stewardship of this planet. The internet provides a new social dynamic that requires some close critique. Is the internet a positive development in human consciousness, in agency terms and in social and political understanding given the unlimited access to information? Or is it harmful to our lifestyles and quality of life? Such questioning of identity raises more fundamental ones about: who we areas individuals and collectives; where we come from; and; how are social and cultural constructions of our identity accepted and taken for granted in our everyday lives from naming people to the calling of names? One area of identity that affects all people is a sense of national identity and perhaps pride. Coming from my own national background what does it mean to be Australian (or an American)? This search for identity can include questions such as whether Australia part of Asia or not part of Asia, and how much cultural effect have Asian societies had on Australia given their close geographic proximity? This includes the dominant ideas of white, heterosexual, non-Indigenous and masculine notions of national identity. What is the practice and ideology of ‗whiteness‘ in Australia? Elder (2007: 12) has argued that white Australia and whiteness in Australia is connected by the narrating of national identity and the foundations in Federation and to other English speaking nations especially Britain and the United States. A further dimension of this white mono-culturalism and privilege is that it has excluded non-Anglo cultures and minorities from the central institutions of Australian society. The white Australia story was also formed around the desire to exclude those who were not English speaking, especially people from the countries of Asia. Before Federation (in 1900), and for decades after, the Asian region was a site of anxiety for Australian governments and peoples. Though the geographical proximity of this region might suggest a closeness, Asia was not represented in terms of familial connection but rather in terms of danger and aggression. (Elder 2007: 12)

These processes of identity-exclusion and the rendering of other cultures as a danger to the national culture can have far reaching implications. These dangers in the Australian national culture are largely based on real and imagined fears as Jamrozik, himself a Polish migrant to Australia in the early 1950s, points out: From the outset, or from the time of Federation, Australians have been on the defensive, maintaining fear of contamination‘ by people from other than the ‗British stock‘. This fear still exists though often seen under different guises such as religious differences, incompatible cultures, or population sustainability. (Jamrozik 2004: 39).

A diasporas of non-white groups and identities has resulted from border crossing and the movement of people globally largely due to war, racial and religious conflicts, famine, floods, and disease. The concept of the diaspora means that peoples are spread away from their homeland often crossing borders and migrating to new countries. Diasporic communities

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construct imagined communities where they can never go home or do not wish to go home. The same disaporia and multiculturalism has in many ways created the United States as a modern superpower. Nearly twenty years ago Takaki (1993: 2) in his history of Chinese and Japanese minorities in multicultural America said that ‗in the creation of our national identity ‗American‘ has been defined as ‗white‘. This ideal White American clearly does not match the demographies and multicultural facts of American society with minorities of Chicano, and other Latin Americans, Japanese, Chinese and other Asian cultures all represented in the national population for centuries. More than one third of Americans can trace their families‘ origins to non-European and non-Anglo sources. Where possible useful social science theories will disturb as well as confirm the basis and nature of social identity in any society or culture. Assumptions about the social order in these societies and the dominant ideas that shape this order need to be carefully deconstructed i.e. unpacked and interrogated. In particular Anglo-European notions of identity need to be understood in their often implicit and taken for grant assumptions of mono-cultural ‗whiteness‘ and colonized thinking about minorities and subjugated people notably Indigenous people, people of color and black communities. Indeed if we consider the dominant order as the hegemony of ‗whiteness‘ as cultural and social constructions in Australian society we begin to then understand the very core of domination and supremacy of certain identities over others constructed as they are by ideology and power relations (Hagg 1998, Anderson 2002). Where the constructions of social identity is concerned there are ambiguities, sometimes paradoxical and complex around the phenomena. These will need appreciation in order to understand crisis, transformation and shifts in identity in society. If some brief examples are considered this will give clear insight into how the basis of identity is made socially uncertain, unsure and shifting in the fluid relations of modernity. What identity is made visible or invisible in Muslim women wearing full length Islamic veils? The wearing of the hijab in French public schools as outlawed in France recently? This identity issue has created a political and legislative affair in France. In January 2010, scarves covering the face were banned in schools and hospitals, as well as on public transport and women, who violate this requirement will be fined €150 Euros and given a course of lectures on the basics of the secular foundations of the French Republic. Any men who forces women to wear burqa will face up to a year in prison. In this example traditional identity is tied to a political decision to repress such an identity. There are many other examples where discrimination, prejudice and oppression can result from the intersections of class, race, gender, location and disability created categories of the other as the target of domination and repression. For example, how do Asian men and their forms of masculinity tie their subjectivities to desire and sexuality? Does the West see Asia as inferior and colonized and therefore the sexualities and gender roles of Asian people as ‗inferiorized‘ in public and popular discourse? Another question of identity might be considered in relation to young people and children - the so called generation Y and Z. What is the meaning of children and virtual online play, networking and online gaming? For example, how is adolescence development affected by online gaming especially for boys and through social networking for girls? Do these leisure activities mean further detachment from face-to face interactions or ate they intrinsically useful skills in building relationships for young people? Research does indicate that their a negative and positive effects of gaming technology for boys and in some cases girls involved in these activities (Olson et al 2008).

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Gender relations and sexuality are more broadly a good place to begin critical discussion of the concept of identity in the modern age. Throughout the twentieth century a new visibility of non-heterosexual sexualities have taken up the heterosexist challenge and created new spaces and policies that provide for such identities. The anti-disciplinary and antiauthoritarian nature of the 1960s radical politics led to significant challenges to the Freudian ‗repressive hypothesis‘ legacy in the human and social sciences. Foucault, as a founder of post-structuralism, is highly critical of Freud and his followers as missing the mark on sexuality in the modern age. Foucault argues that there is not a unified repression of sexuality only a proliferation of sexualities. There are several areas of both extension and trenchant post-criticism of psychoanalytic theory that add to this criticism.

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We must therefore abandon the hypothesis that modern industrial societies ushered in an age of increased sexual repression. We have not only witnessed a visible explosion of unorthodox sexualities; but,- and this is an important point - a deployment quite different from the law, even if it is through the network of interconnecting mechanisms, the proliferation of specific pleasures and the multiplication of disparate sexualities. (Foucault 1979, 49).

There is little doubt that Freudian-based psychodynamic theories were developed within a patriarchal cultural frame and certainly gave little space to a positive account of homosexuality. While these are some of the specific criticisms of the theory there is also the general one that it is essentialist in terms of understanding the differences and diversity of social and personal self/identities in late capitalism. Critical theorist of the 1960s took issue with the lack of radicalism in Freudian analysis. During the 1960s critical theorists such as Herbert Marcuse (1972) argued for a social and sexual revolution led by student radicalism and William Reich was infamous for arguing that ‗the orgasm‘ was at the centre of liberation in society; these ideas contributed to more promiscuous ideas about sex e.g. ‗free (heterosexual) love‘ for example that were already arguable in place for much of the twentieth century in various forms. The full weight of Gay and Lesbian Movements and ‗coming out‘ did not emerge in modern life until the late twentieth century. One of the key critical concepts of this later movement is that of heteronormativity – a term that is similar to ‗compulsory heterosexuality‘ (Rich 1980) indicating that the dominant emotional and sexual order of modern societies is heterosexual and thus silences non heterosexual relations. The normalizing of all sexualities to the dominant heterosexist order has an enormous impact on our subjectivity. Normalization is embedded in ‗regimes of truth‘ that are made up of statements or discourse that form normalizing judgments about the other and social difference (Foucault 1981). It has been through the combination of psychoanalytic and post-structuralist feminist theory evident in French feminism (see Feldstein and Roof 1989, Groz 1989) that has influenced our understanding of the symbolic relations of a gendered order and patriarchy. Some of the concepts within these theories are shaped and reinvented from psychoanalysis into feminism and the ways in which women, their bodies, souls and spirit are represented (signified) in modernity. For example, ‘the phallus‘ as a non-biological symbol and thus the use of the term- phallocentrism as ‗the way in which patriarchal systems of representation always submit women to models and images defined by and for men. It is the submission of women to representations in which they are reduced to relations of dependence on men. Such representations also define and sustain patriarchy.

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There are three forms phallocentrism generally takes: whenever women are represented as opposites or negatives of men; whenever women are represented in terms of the same as or similar to men; and whenever they are represented as men‘s complements. In all three cases women are seen as variations or version of masculinity‘ (Groz 1989: xx). This can be applied to all social representation and moves away from any more naïve versions of identity politics that fail to interrogate their own ideologies and practice.

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To take seriously the ideological constructions of subjects is to be alert to the problems inherent in speaking from a particular position without problematizing that position as overdetermined by the forces it seeks to oppose. Subjects internalize oppressive ideologies thereby reproducing pernicious myths that structure their self-understanding (Chanter 2006: 17).

Such naïve identity politics does not problematize their own speaking position. Standpoint feminism has been criticized for this problem as not revealing its own whiteness or social class positioning (Chanter 2006). Ideology can be understood here as the process by which meaning is produced, challenged, reproduced and transformed by social identities and social interests so that gendered ideology around say ‗mother hood‘ reproduces the structures of gender inequalities. In combination with critical feminism, symbolic interactionist (SI) theory can also provide some philosophical insights into the nature of micro social order, Segmentation of self and social differentiation occurs when the self is defined and constructed as part of broader social identities and social groups. For example, 'women', 'feminists' or a particular football club supporter such as the English club Manchester United all denote certain associations some positive and some demeaning. Interactionist sociologists focus one the endless play of interactions with others. According to Strauss (1959, 1964) and his colleagues society is constantly organized and reorganized and members of society are constantly involved in the process of negotiation with one another as they make agreement on how they will conduct themselves. The 'negotiated order' is a metaphor for the way we make our selves ins rarely explicit more often implicit and unspoken adjustments of action through forms of negotiation and bargaining produced in social interaction (Rock 1979). This enables a fluid micro social understanding of how the self is shaped and formed at the everyday level of society and in terms of gender, class and race relations. The insights of SI also help understanding the role that perception plays in the construction of social reality. Identity theory has a significant legacy to pay to SI in that many of the precepts about subjectivity within and across disciplines such as sociology and psychology derive from core understandings used in this theory. SI is part of American liberal sociological traditions that focus on the micro-social i.e. the activities of everyday life and the 'lived experience' of social interaction. In a negotiated social order of emotions, attitudes, gestures, rituals intimacy, competition and so on we define and see ourselves as others see us. We are objects of the social environment. As such SI is a social action theory in that it is concerned with action rather than structure. key tenet of the approach is to get as close as possible to those whose interactions you are observing to understand their point of view i.e. one of the key principles of qualitative social research. This means the researcher must understand how the actors define themselves and their situation.

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A further consequence of taking the actor's standpoint is to be partisan in your observations and adopt their viewpoint. The example of the hospital inmates versus the staff such as the sympathetic view of patients that the audience can take in the film One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest or for homeless youth in My Own Private Idaho. Another important aspect of adopting this standpoint is to overcome the effects of labeling the person as deviant or different. These labeling processes using such tags as ‗thief‘, ‗slut‘ or ‗pervert‘ stigmatize people and place them in heavily demeaning and discriminatory categories in social schemes of hierarchical classification. That tag or label then becomes part of the stigmatized self (Goffman 1963, 1965). One of the key theorist of this school Erving Goffman (1922-1982) was also concerned with verbal and non-verbal displays that made up the presentation of self in everyday life (Goffman 1959). This view on social reality is partly shared by latter cultural theorist that concerned themselves with cultural representations of identity amongst the working class and with other social groupings (Hall et all 1978, Hall et al 2008). In narrating and scripting our own lives we give voice to concerns and identity struggle where there are the possibilities for multiple voices and maneuvers for change and resistance (Baktin, 1981, Shotter 1991, Gergen 1999). To turn now to another important area of theory deriving from global constructions and challenges to identity helps to connect the micro-social insights of theory to more macro sociology concerns with networks, structures and institutions today. Castells (2004) for example has directly linked the power of identity to the rise of social movements in terms of political, cultural, economic and social citizenship. He contends that social movements constitute the `widespread surge of powerful expressions of collective identity that challenge globalization and cosmopolitanism on behalf of cultural singularity and people's control over their lives and environment' (2004: 2). Three types of identity – legitimizing, resistance and project-- are shaped by the forces of modern network society in collectivities. Legitimizing identities as social actors extend and rationalize the dominant institutions of society of which Anglo-Saxon ‗whiteness‘ could be a feature. Resistant identities form from devalued and stigmatized social (collective) actors that can generate communes or communities. And last, project identities attempt to define new identities that seek to change overall social structures (Castells, 2004: 8-13). All three identities can produce subjectivity constructed not by the forces of civil society but communal resistance. Resistant and project identities could be reflected in Gay and Lesbian identities or the identities of disabled people that take up collective action and challenge the social order and social policy. In identifying and recognizing oppressed identities Melucci warns of the dangers in reducing collective action to a single minded and intolerant ‗identity politics: One of the pathologies of what is commonly called ‗identity politics‘ is competition among oppressed groups over whose claims to victimization should be privileged… A radical form of ‗identity politics‘ is not only dangerous for society in its intolerant fundamentalism: it is self-defeating. (Melucci 1996: 186-190)

His central concern is how collective action is mobilized and associated with collective identity defined ‗a network of active relationships between actors who interact, communicate, influence each other, negotiate and make decisions‘ (Melucci 1996: 71). Following Castells and Mellucci‘s ideas the power of networks in society can shift and even transform identities into new and more positive social spaces. At a broader level social movements and identities

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can have broad affiliates with political parties but they do not always line up with Left-liberal parties. The Green movement in Australia like the Green movement in Western Europe is one example of social movement that has increasingly had an influence on mainstream Australian party politics. The second wave of the Feminist Movement in the 1970s is another. It is best to conclude on a note of caution when using identity theories to understanding group and collective action in modern society. Such theory should not be used as ideology to justify hate crimes, intolerance and prejudice such as those that laid the foundations for major authoritarian regimes of the twentieth century such as Nazi Germany, Apartheid in South African and other forms of racist and genocidal policies in many countries across the globe in recent decades. For identity theory to be open and tolerant and relatively free of the dangers of an authoritarian ‗identity politics‘ it needs to be based in the social and economic values of equity, tolerance and social justice for all social identities. This is what the eminent political philosopher Nancy Fraser (2009) calls a ‗reimagining of political space‘ in a globalizing world. On this basis the state of social identity theory in the social and cultural sciences is robust and healthy in that the macro and micro are closely intertwined in efforts to analysis and understand the effects on social identity of economic globalization, diasporas, heteronormativity and sexualities, border crossing and migration, hybridity of identity and the need for social change and social justice in modernity and these changing times. As the chapters in this volume testify such theory and its application can provide interpretation that challenges the social order and offers deeper insight into the social representations, social constraints and social interests that form the substance and style of modern identity. Michael Wearing PhD (Sociology) 31st January 2011 Social Work Program School of Social Sciences and International Studies, The University of New South Wales Sydney, Australia.

REFERENCES Anderson, B. (1991), Imagined Communities. (Revised Edition) London: Verso. Anderson, W (2002) The Cultivation of Whiteness: science, health and racial destiny, Melbourne, Melbourne University Press. Baktin, M. (1981), The Dialogic Imagination. Austin: Texas University Press. Bauman, Z. (2000), Liquid modernity. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Bauman, Z. (2005), Work, consumerism and the new poor (2nd Ed.). Buckingham, UK: Open University Press. Burkitt, I. (2008), Social Selves: theories of Self and Society (2nd Ed.) London: Sage. Castells, M. (2004), The Power of Identity: The information age-economy, society and culture. (2nd ed. Vol. 2). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. Castells, M. (2009), Communication Power, New York, Oxford University Press. Chanter, T. (2006), Gender: key concepts in philosophy, London, Continuum Elder, C. (2007), Being Australian: narratives of national identity, Sydney, Allen and Unwin.

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Fanon, F. (1986), Black Skin, White Masks, London, Pluto. Feldstein, R. and Roof, J. (Eds.) (1989), Feminism and Psychoanalysis, Cornell: Cornell University Press. Foucault, M. (1979), The History of Sexuality Vol 1, London: Penguin. Foucault, M. (1981), Power/Knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings, 1972-77. London: Harvester. Fraser, N. (2009). Scales of Justice: Reimagining Political Space in a Globalizing World. Columbia University Press. Freud, S. (1930), Civilization and its discontents (J. Riviere and J. Strachey, Trans.). London: Hogarth. Gergen, J.J. (1991), The Saturated Self: dilemmas of identity in Contemporary Life, New York: Basic Books Gergen, K.J. (1999) An Invitation to Social Construction, London, Sage. Gilroy, P (1997), Diaspora and the Detours of Identity in Woodwards, K. (ed) Identity and Difference (pp. 299-346) , London: Sage. Giroux, H.A. (1997), Racial Politics and the Pedagogy of Whiteness in Hill, M. (Ed) Whiteness: a critical reader, (pp.294-315) New York, New York University Press. Goffman, E. (1961), Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates. New York: Doubleday. Goffman, E. (1963), Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Goffman, E. (1971 [1959]), The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, New York, Penguin. Groz, E. (1989), Sexual Subversions, Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Hall, S. (Ed.) (1977), Representation: Cultural representations and signifying practices. London: Sage. Hall, S., Winlow, S., and Ancrum, C. (2008), Criminal identities and consumer culture: Crime, exclusion and the new culture of narcissism. Abingdon, UK: Willan. Harrington, A. (2005), What is social theory? In Harrington, A. (Ed) Modern Social Theory, (pp,1-15) Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jamrozik, A. (2004), The Chains of Colonial Inheritance, Kensington: UNSW Press. Marcuse, H. (1972), Eros and Civilisation, London, Abacus. Melucci, A. (1996), Challenging Codes, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Olson, C.K. Kutner, L.A. and Warner, D.E. (2008), The Role of Violent Video Game Content in Adolescent Development: Boys' Perspectives Journal of Adolescent Reserch, 23, 1: 55-75. Rich, A. (1994 [1980]), Compulsory heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence Blood, Bread, and Poetry. ( pp 631-660) Norton Paperback: New York. Rock, P. (1979), The Making of Symbolic Interactionism, London: MacMillan. Strauss, A. (1959) Mirrors and Masks: The Search for Identity. Glencoe, IL: Free Press. Strauss, A. et al (1964) Psychiatric Ideologies and Institutions, Free Press: New York. Takaki, R. (1993) A Different Mirror: a history of multicultural America, Boston: Little, Brown and Company. Tariq, A. (ed) (2002) Clash of Fundamentalisms: crusade, jihad and modernity, London: Verso.

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Winder, D. (2008) Being Virtual: who you really are online, Chichester, John Wiley and Sons. Woodward, K. (1997), Concepts of Identity and Difference in Woodwards, K. (Ed.) Identity and Difference (pp 7-62), London, Sage. Woodward, K. (2002), Understanding Identity, London Arnold.

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Chapter 1

SOCIAL IDENTITY: FRAIL ELDERS AT HOME Beatrice Hale and Patrick Barrett Dept of Political Science and Public Policy, University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand

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ABSTRACT Late-life transitions, such as retirement, bereavement, or a move into residential care, have long been acknowledged as significant events that signal changing social identity. Recent widespread adoption of policies of ageing-in-place in OECD countries is resulting in a growing number of frail or disabled older people receiving care services that enable them to continue to live in their own home. This chapter argues that this group, the current generation of older people in their 70s, 80s and 90s who live at home with care, constitutes a ‗threshold‘ generation which, given broader changes in demography, policy and family, are experiencing for the first time the provision of in-home care services provided on such a large scale. There are no historical exemplars for this group and we are only beginning to understand their lives. Drawing on a variety of studies, we argue that this new social category represents a new stage in later life and a new social identity—the age of supported independence. This chapter considers the consequences of the transition into the age of supported independence in terms of social identity. In Hockey and James‘ (2003) terms, these consequences include the ‗new rules, roles and obligations‘ (p.25) that are ascribed to and assumed by these older people. Physical changes and the markers of frailty and disability, such as crutches, frames or wheelchairs; spatial changes in terms of the home environment; temporal changes in terms of the ability to control the organisation of one‘s daily routine; and family and social changes all contribute to the development of a new social identity. In tracing these changes we draw on the concept of rites of passage to identify key phases within these transitions and to allow for the comprehension of individual and social processes of separation, liminality and reconnection. The concepts of biographical disruption and status passage (Bury 1982 and Kingston 2000) are also used to understand the meanings people attach to the movement from independence to increasing dependence. The chapter concludes by referring to the importance of understanding ageing within the context of the life course, with a need to understand, as Conway (2004) says, the ‗paths that people follow which shape their sense of social identity‘ (p. 87). Doing so enables us to capture both individual and the common aspects of ageing, and the way in

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Beatrice Hale and Patrick Barrett which the life course overlaps with broader social and institutional structures within the context of distinctive historical periods.

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INTRODUCTION Late-life transitions, such as retirement, bereavement, or a move into residential care, have long been acknowledged as significant events that signal changing social identity (Hyde and Higgs 2004). Recent widespread adoption of policies of aging-in-place in OECD countries is resulting in a growing number of frail or disabled older people receiving care services that enable them to continue to live in their own homes. We argue that this current generation of older people in their 70s, 80s and 90s who live at home with care, constitutes a ‗threshold‘ generation which, given broader changes in demography, policy and family, is experiencing for the first time the provision of in-home care services provided on such a large scale. English social historian Peter Laslett (1996), in his characterization of old age, distinguished between the Third Age of fit older people, and Fourth Age of 'decrepitude', a subdivision which has gained considerable currency. Our reading of the literature on the aging experience and of broad demographic trends, and our own research (Hale, Barrett and Gauld 2010), indicates that such a characterization does not capture the range of experience in old age and the fact that there is a growing population of older people who are not quite fit and not quite 'decrepit'. Drawing on a variety of studies, we argue that this new social category represents a new stage in later life and a new social identity—the age of supported independence. This chapter considers the consequences of the transition into the age of supported independence in terms of social identity. The chapter begins by presenting the argument, laid out more fully in Hale, Barrett and Gauld (2010), that the growing numbers of older people who live in their own homes with the aid of formal and informal care are representative of a new life stage, 'the age of supported independence'. This is followed by an analysis of the experience of the process by which people move into this life stage. This process is conceptualised as a type of ‗biographical disruption‘ (Bury, 1982) which involves a ‗status passage‘ (Kingston 2000). If we analyse this period of disruption or passage by using the rites of passage framework, key stages emerge, showing an experience of separation from one‘s former self or identity, a phase of liminality, followed by experiences of reconnection and reintegration. This framework provides for a detailed examination of different aspects of change experienced by the older person who depends on formal and informal care services to remain living in his or her own home. The chapter examines these experiences by considering the implications of the change in terms of the challenges to former meanings attached to living in the home itself (in spatial terms), it considers the implications in terms of the challenges in organising one‘s daily life (in temporal terms), and it considers the implications of these changes in terms of the immediate social environment of the older person (in relational terms). These analyses allow us to make a number of observations that relate to questions concerning the social identity of frail elders at home.

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TRANSITION INTO AN AGE OF SUPPORTED INDEPENDENCE There is undoubtedly a trend towards aging populations across countries, although with significant differences in the patterns and rates of aging (Pool 2005). Countries have responded to these broad trends by providing greater emphasis on home care. Timonen (2005) shows that, while there are differences, patterns of care for older people within OECD countries show a steady increase in the number of people receiving care in the home. The OECD (2005) note, too, that increasingly, member countries are exploring the provision of more intensive care in the home as an alternative to institutional care, resulting in an increase in the overall amount of care being provided in the home. An increasing number of frail or disabled older people are, therefore, being supported to continue to live what are assumed to be independent lives in their own homes. We assert this group shares the experience of a new life stage. Hareven (1982) and Jerrome (1992) have proposed the criteria by which a new life stage becomes evident includes demographic recognition, the development of institutions designed to meet the special needs of individuals moving into this social category, growth in academic research which identifies and labels the group, and a league of new professionals concerned with articulating the unique conditions of the group. There has been considerable growth in specialist services and institutions which focus on care and support for older people in the home. New policies are being developed, there is a growing workforce of home carers, and there has been growth in the level of academic and media attention to the situation of older people who receive care at home. Older people who are a part of this new group are aged from 65 onwards, but are more typically in their 70s, 80s and older. The current generation of older people is the first to experience the opportunity for such a degree of formal care in their own homes (OECD 2005). With no historical experience to draw on, there are, thus, no role models for this age group, nor is there an established knowledge base to inform policies and models of care. Our aim is to contribute to the understanding of this group by exploring their experience of change and the meanings they give to that experience. We do this by focussing on the transition into the stage of supported independence.

RITES OF PASSAGE How best can we understand this transition? Social gerontological literature1 as well as data from our own research suggests the rite of passage concept of Arnold Van Gennep (1909), is a valuable tool to produce insights into this area of aging, with its conception of transition in three stages: separation, liminality and reconnection. Separation refers to the experience of moving out of the current stage through some type of disjunctive experience. The stage of liminality is an ‗in-between‘ stage characterised by an unsettled social status and identity. The third involves reincorporation and reconnection with the wider society with a new identities 1

Moore and Myerhoff (1977), Haim Hazan (1984), Renee Rose Shield (1988, 1997) in terms of residential care, Elizabeth Teather (1999), Richard Hugman (1999), Bonnie Hallmann (1999) in family caregiving, Jenny Hockey and Allison James (1993, 2003) in considering passages through the lifecourse, Julia Twigg (2000) applying a rite of separation to bathing and baths, and Jennifer Parks (2003) with her focus on care at home.

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and roles. Hockey and James (2003) suggest this analytic model has wide applicability in assisting understanding of changes in social role and identity in modern secular contexts. They maintain that:

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According to the analytic model, passage through each of the three phases of the ritual meant that individuals had been detached from their previous social position, processed through an intermediary state which shared the features of neither the previous nor the successive social position, and then had been incorporated into a new set of rules, roles and obligations (p. 25).

Applying this model allows us to obtain a better understanding of aging within the context of the life course and, as Conway (2004) says, of the ‗paths that people follow which shape their sense of social identity‘ (p. 87). Doing so enables us to capture both individual and the common aspects of aging, and the way in which the life course overlaps with broader social and institutional structures within the context of distinctive historical periods. Our own use of this model has allowed us to understand aspects of changes in the aging social identity of those who make the transition into supported independence at home (Barrett et al. 2005, Hale 2006). Therefore, our approach implies that late life is characterised not by stability, but rather by many possible transitions. These are phases where significant, personal, developmental, social and economic changes occur. To date, the main focus in the study of such transitions among frail older people in care has been on shifts from one site of care to another, from home to hospital (Hirst, 2002, 2004), to residential care (Shield, 1997), between facilities (Diamond 1992), within residential care (Diamond 1992) and into assisted living (Frank 2002). Each of these moves involves changing social relationships and a challenge to one‘s social identity. Less attention has been given by researchers to changes for those who remain at home and receive care. In fact, the notion of aging-in-place assumes continuity in many aspects of life, including social identity, rather than change. We argue below, however, that the transition involves significant change. Not only does home change from being a place of independent living to a place where ‗formal‘ care services are delivered, there are further related changes in social status and relationships, and identity. From our research data, and a review of the literature, we identified three significant areas of change: spatial issues (cf. Lawton, 1977), temporal issues (Twigg 2000), and those of social relationships and networks (Twigg 2000, Gubrium and Sankar 1990, Janlov et al. 2006 Efraimsson et al. 2001, Barrett et al. 2005, and Hale 2006). Each of these is fundamentally linked with social identity. Hugman (1999) captures the interlinked nature of these themes in the observation that: Home is the location in which, through the use of time and space, self-hood is enacted in the routines and decisions of daily living. (201).

The rites of passage concept provides not only a view of the structure of social change but also of the changing roles and identities at each stage. Further, it implies recognition of the risk of failing to complete the passage and reach a state of reconnection or reintegration in a new and accepted social identity.

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OUR APPROACH Our approach to examining the question of social identity in the stage of supported independence in late life aims to accommodate the insights of those who have drawn attention to both structured dependency in old age and the agency of older people (Achenbaum 1978; Moody 1988; Minkler 1996; Phillipson and Walker 1986). The transition into frailty, disability and the need for care has typically been examined from an individual, biomedically focused perspective as Markle-Reid and Brown (2003) have suggested. Such analyses of these processes tend to focus on the interaction between the aging body and the environment, and the loss of equilibrium that occurs when an older person crosses a certain threshold in ability to continue to live independently. Early studies in this tradition have emphasized that the individual‘s relationship with their environment in old age was characterized by a process of disengagement (Cummings and Henry 1961). Bond and Cabrero (2007), among many others, observe that this contributed to ‗[a]n enduring stereotype of human aging [as] one of inevitable ill-health and mental and physical incapacity leading to disability and dependency‘ (p.113). Decline and disengagement approaches ultimately explain many of the experiences in later life in ways that emphasise passivity, acceptance, and less active individual and physical processes. Critical approaches to the study of aging have challenged this type of analytical framework for the underlying principle behind it, of individualizing old age, and presenting it as some type of pathology. The significant contribution of the political economy approach was to conceptualise old age as a ‗social construction‘, with shared experiences in later life being understood as the outcome of broad economic and social structures. So, for example, a nation‘s compulsory retirement policies, its pension system, or its arrangements for the provision of social and health care services began to be seen as structuring the lives and framing the opportunities, or lack of them, for older people. Biological aging was not denied, but with this social constructionist approach the focus shifted to how policies led to the structuring of dependency in old age (Walker 1980, Estes 1979, Townsend 1962, 1981). The critical approach has insisted that older people are not passive subjects within these structural contexts and that the study of aging should include a concern with questions of identity and meaning in old age. To gain an understanding of issues of identity and meaning attached to the life events and circumstances of old age, according to this approach, requires understanding what Tulle (2004, p. 185) describes as the ‗normalizing discourses which people have to manage and negotiate as they get old.‘ Uncovering such discourses requires interpretive approaches which capture the subjective experiences of older people and which privilege their voices and their descriptions of the experience of aging. These various approaches point to the relationships between ‗political economy, culture and personal narrative as influences on social identity in later life‘ (Phillipson and Biggs 1998, p.11). A key outcome of these insights has been the loss of an established framework for an aging identity and the realisation of the social construction of the aging experience. Critical gerontology, therefore, seeks to accommodate the realities of external factors such as state policy and the economy in shaping the aging experience, while also recognising that the individual also actively constructs his or her world. Some postmodern social gerontologists (Featherstone and Hepworth 1991 and Phillipson and Biggs 1998, p.17) have asserted that the influence of social structures and categories is, in fact, less important and that social identities

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are defined with a greater degree of freedom by older individuals themselves. Phillipson and Biggs (1998, p.17) persuasively suggest, though, that for most older people a postmodern view of identity in old age implies an ‗uncertain inner identity‘, particularly for those whose experience is defined by frailty. In fact, they suggest that for some older people who become frail, this uncertain identity constitutes a ‗no-identity zone‘, a social space where the identity of the older person is seriously compromised. For older people moving into the new life stage of supported independence at home with care, there is a real threat of moving into a situation without clarity about their position in the world. In Taylor‘s (1989, in Phillipson and Biggs 1998, p. 19) terms, this implies the threat of a crisis of identity, where day-to-day living lacks a clear social point of reference and where existing options appear to ‗lack meaning and substance.‘ Such a state of existential ambiguity and doubt is captured within the notion of liminality, the second stage within the rite of passage which is taken to imply that an individual is between statuses, and is neither one thing nor the other. We examine this, now, with regard to the spatial, temporal and relational dimensions of moving into becoming a recipient of home care. We do so, to recap, by drawing on Van Gennep‘s (1909) tripartite rites of passage concept which depicts key life stage transitions as constituting three distinct processes. By following this period of late life from the onset of frailty, through assessment to acceptance of care in the home and thence to a question of ‗reconnections‘, we have a closer view of some of the key issues of social identity faced by older people moving from independence to increasing dependence on formal care in their own home.

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THE SEPARATION EXPERIENCE The process of moving into the receipt of home care is typically initiated by symptoms and behaviours that bring the older person to the attention of family members and health professionals. Kaufman‘s (1994) description of the ‗frailty process‘ emphasises the way: any combination of … symptoms and behaviours … [are] construed to tip the balance towards a problem of more dependence than independence with regard to functional ability and social role performance, … [individuals and families are forced] to reconsider and renegotiate the meanings of autonomy and freedom, risk and responsibility, choice and surveillance, and interdependence (p.49).

The experience of loss of either physical abilities, energy or social relationships is the common trigger initiating the transition (Janlov et al. 2006). I know there was no other choice but it‘s so hard to say, ―well that‘s another step back, that‘s another thing I cannot do anymore‖ (p.329).

Triggers include the development of multiple medical conditions, such as combinations of cardiovascular problems, arthritis, respiratory problems, complications arising during or after surgery, and stroke, cancer and diabetes that lead to problems of pain, limited mobility, low levels of energy and problems with stability and balance. The result is decline in functioning and greater difficulty in carrying out key daily tasks—washing, cooking,

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housework, shopping and visiting. This combination of symptoms is typical of those variously identified in biomedical frailty studies as diminished reserve capacity, unstable disability, comorbidity, dependence in activities of daily living, and failure to thrive. Whether this is conceived as the consequence of a sudden trigger or the reaching of a tipping point in a slower process of cumulative loss, is conveyed in the following comments by Barrett et al. (2005) respondents: I‘ve had this last fall and have, sort of, passed from ‗before fall‘ to ‗after fall‘ (p. 29). All of these things just sort of dwindled away progressively. Not all of a sudden … it is a process of saying to yourself, there it goes, another bit. It just slowly, slowly gets less (p.32).

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These symptoms or behaviours prompt the involvement of family members and/or health and allied care professionals. Assessments are systematically implemented following discharge from hospital, or on the referral by the family doctor, or community based groups (e.g., arthritis, asthma, cardiovascular health problem support groups). The changing interactions with family members, and new interactions with health professionals and home care assessors constitute the social exchanges that signal the rite of separation. Being assessed to determine functional capacity, level of need and eligibility for assistance is the critical social interaction that initiates the rite of passage. A lack of power in the assessment process and in the development of subsequent care plans challenges the sense of identity and autonomy and constructs the experience of separation. Somebody came whilst I was in hospital and asked me what I had at home and so they bundled me up into an ambulance and took me home to see what I could do and what I couldn‘t do. … They put rails up for me and rails in the bathroom and in my bedroom beside my bed so that I could pull myself up. And they supplied me with boxes to put my chair up a bit higher. … I got terribly depressed, I‘m sorry I just -- I can‘t cry, I have no tears. And sometimes I wanted -- I felt if only I could have a damn good howl I‘d feel better, but I can‘t (Barrett et al. 2005).

A number of researchers draw conclusions about the assessment process which supports our observation that it signifies an official point of separation from a former independent identity (Richards 2000, Olaison and Cedersund 2006, Janlov et al. 2006). The assessment is carried out by means of face-to-face interviews, usually in the individual‘s home, by needs assessors, case managers, nurses, social workers, and, care coordinators. The procedure covers physical and cognitive abilities as well as the family and social situation. It seems simple enough, but in accepting a needs assessment, the older person is acknowledging that he or she belongs to a particular category of older people, a sub-group that is in need of additional formal care. Janlov et al. (2006 p.334) observe that, ‗asking… for help seems to be a turning point, the start of a new phase in life marked by an awareness that life is nearing its end,‘ this point of change being captured by one of their research participants in the comment, ‗The countdown has begun.‘ The acknowledgement of change requires the older person to begin to reframe or become conscious of a changing identity. Olaison and Cedersund (2006) have described how the interactions between the older person and the assessor contribute to this. They suggest these interactions are a type of institutional conversation, a discursive practice, with the effect that

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the person being assessed learns the philosophy and rationale of formal care and the terms of accepting care. The person being assessed becomes aware of the particular needs categories and begins to see his or her situation as falling within these. This can lead them to construct a ‗category-based identity‘, as Hale (2006) found when one of her respondents said that the process led her to ask: Who are you really? You become a set of ticks in boxes (p.96).

Hale (2006) found her research participants described seeing their assessment as a type of test, one that they were worried they would not pass: It felt like an exam. [I was] worried in case I didn‘t qualify (p.96).

Passing the assessment ‗test‘ involved fitting within the provisions of the identity of a frail or disabled older person. Anxiety associated with this influenced how the older person positioned his or her situation and presented it within the context of the needs categories implicit within the assessment criteria, and doing so reinforced an identity in terms of that need. Kingston (2000) has observed that in this type of exchange:

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Individuals may overemphasise the degree of damage … [this being perhaps] more psychological than physical. This leads to individuals placing themselves in a lower status preferred identity, which is in effect, a reduced status identity not based on reality, but rather imposed by subtle negative societal portrayal (p.229).

This positioning is part of a subtle process of negotiation. Olaison and Cedersund (2006) in analysing the dialogue of participants in the assessment process identify certain negotiating identities that tend to be adopted by the older person in order to access the care considered necessary by the potential recipient. It is clear, they assert, that the power to determine eligibility in these exchanges lies with the assessors. This is evident through the way the dialogue about the older person‘s situation between the parties is controlled by the assessor. For example, it is the assessor who introduces and closes off the topics which are examined. The experiences recounted by Olaison and Cedersund (2006) and Janlov et al. (2006) indicate that the individual being assessed does find it difficult to have a voice in these exchanges, especially when the focus is on ‗embarrassing‘ questions such as incontinence, showering ability and personal hygiene. In fact, such exchanges are accompanied by feelings of confusion, anxiety and anguish. As well as indicating that professionals often do not believe people are the best judges of their own capabilities (Jerrome 1992), it shows that individuals in need of assistance have to accept that the assessor has the right to frame their exchange and in so doing, communicate the accepted roles and identities. The spectre of either residential care or of ‗failing the test‘ and being judged as ineligible to receive assistance in the home reinforces compliance and resistance within these constructions. Conceptualising this onset as discontinuity suggests that individuals move through a distinct separation process, to be labelled frail by a health-care assessment procedure, and thus eligible to receive a variety of formal care services. The assessment is comprehensive and the assessed person‘s life is laid bare before the assessor. It has important existential implications within which, as noted above, the older

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person is relatively powerless. Standardised assessment schedules aim to account for: a person‘s background and living situation, the nature of current formal and informal support networks, income sources, medical history and diagnoses and current treatments, communication ability, vision and hearing, mobility, personal care ability, capacity for safe household management, and cognitive functioning. Unlike Kane‘s (2004) proposed assessment schedule based on personal preferences (e.g., ‗what would you prefer, what makes you comfortable?‘), the typical form emphasises losses, be they in functional capacity and areas of domestic and personal hygiene, and it is used to structure assistance to compensate for those losses. It corresponds with Aronson‘s (2002) observation that ‗[o]lder people are treated as bundles of expertly defined needs to be accorded priority in some standard process of resource rationing‘ (p. 60). The result is that the elderly person becomes a client and a care recipient, and a care plan is developed by the needs assessor based on their perception of the level of need. Care plans are then often sent to the agency of choice to ‗put in‘ the hours and types of care required. Gilleard and Higgs‘ (1998) comment, in this context, is relevant:

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ironically at the point when the body becomes the defining element in a person‘s life, the health care professionals reorientate themselves …[and] construct disembodied packages of care in which the fourth ager becomes a series of categories of response: a new cultural text of met and unmet need (p. 19).

The physical onset of frailty and/or disability does constitute a biographical disruption as Williams (2000) avers, one that leads to a break with historic roles and identities and a narrowing of social networks, especially for the more severely frail, as unstable health and related problems of reduced mobility weaken the capacity to maintain roles, identities and networks. The extent of the biographical disruption is, it would seem, determined in part by the social environment and expectations around the normal process of aging. In the analysis of rituals, ‗separation‘ was the first step of the rite of passage and was understood as involving the stripping of social status, this being a disjunctive experience involving the removal of certainty and understanding. A part of the separation experience involves confronting the frail and/or disabled body. Consciousness of the aging and the damaged body occurs when faced with the inability to move around quickly, to bend and stretch, reach, stride or walk easily, to continue the fine finger and arm movements, to hear and to see. When the body becomes disabled it needs help to move, and to take care of its hygiene and its dressing and undressing. The appearance of the body changes. Instead of an upright body shape and posture, which is linked with self esteem and a positive identity, there are visible changes. The appearance of the body is altered, with a different posture and movement—it becomes an extended body, dependent on assistive devices, a damaged body, with, for example, amputations, all this pointing to a dying body. Assistive devices, such as crutches, a walker, or a wheelchair, change the physical presentation from the body, from upright on two legs, to a set of different positions, often bringing the head below the level of others. This altered and extended body, with physical signs of stooping, shaking, paralysis or amputation, challenges the individual's identity, a challenge which also confronts others in their interaction with the older person. Hale‘s (2006) participants commented that the struggle to maintain function actually emphasised the loss of former abilities.

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In confronting one‘s aging body and presenting it to oneself, the literature makes much of the ‗mask of aging‘ (e.g., Featherstone and Hepworth, 1991), the attempt to refute and change visible signs of aging, such as wrinkles, grey hair, and even the slow gait. Not so easy to change, however, are the signs of the aging body with disabilities. Murphy (1987) describes this as like coming into contact with a foreign identity. He suggests an individual becomes:

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alienated from his [or her] old carefully nurtured and closely guarded sense of self by a new foreign and unwelcome identity (, p.109).

Becker (1993) has shown that older people living with limitations often continue to regard themselves positively and in control, although being in need of regular help and assistance. This supports the argument of Rubinstein et al. (1992) that, with appropriate resources, the aging self has an enormous capacity to cope. Nevertheless, however resilient people may be, there is still the break from the self and the lifestyle prior to the onset of frailty or disability that must be negotiated. Working with the disabled and damaged body and learning to accept and present it to oneself involves experiences of separation, liminality and change in one‘s social identity. Murphy‘s (1987) comment that the ‗diminution of the self‘ can be ‗magnified by debasement by others‘ (p. 93) refers to the way the sight of the older, damaged body evokes negative responses from the self and others. The types of bodily changes leading to the need for care in the home are often socially stigmatizing and degrading, for example, being unable to control the body, its ‗leakiness‘, its unresponsive limbs, or its slowness of pace, or its inability to speak or take care of itself properly (Kvigne et al. 2003). Responding to this ‗diminution‘ and ‗debasement‘, and presenting the changed, incapacitated body, involves the deployment of social ‗boundary maintenance strategies‘ (Dyck et al. 2005). For women, for example, this can involve the performance of a social feminine identity, as distinct from a physically needy identity, marked through the careful selection of clothing and careful grooming. The separation experiences brought about by the confrontation of the damaged body are accentuated further in interactions with caregivers. Personal care and ‗body work‘ can reinforce a negative self identity or it can facilitate acceptance of physical loss. Personal care that is carried out in a way that draws attention to the older person‘s lack of ability to perform very basic self care can be contrasted with caregiving that involves working alongside the older person in a way that supports their continuing abilities. The lack of personal privacy and the relative powerlessness of the cared-for individual in these exchanges leave him or her vulnerable to the attitudes of caregivers about the acceptability of their body. The rites of passage framework suggests that a person moves from the experience of separation into a phase of liminality. We examine liminality next in terms of the meanings associated with living at home as a frail or disabled older person receiving care.

LIMINALITY: SPATIAL ISSUES AND IDENTITY The assumptions behind aging-in-place imply that remaining at home, particularly in one‘s long-term dwelling, is an important means of accommodating physical losses and facilitating adaptive responses to the physical challenges that can accompany old age. Home

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is, across all cultures, one of the most taken-for-granted concepts, generally characterised by warmth and stability, continuity, independence, security and autonomy, safety and familiarity. Autonomy, independence and identity are central both to the meaning of home and to aging at home with care. There is an independent identity connected with doing things for yourself at home (Hale 2006, p. 179). To remain at home, despite difficulties, is to show to families, friends, neighbours and others that you are capable of being independent. It implies, as Collopy (1990) says, ‗self-determination, freedom, independence, liberty of choice and action‟ (p.10). Dahlin-Ivanoff et al. (2007) echo these observations when they state that:

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Home means having the freedom to come and go as one wishes and being able to do things in one's own way, and decide when and how to do things. For example, to have the freedom to decide how clean and tidy the home has to be, and how to keep things in order, all this creates feelings of home. One can close the door and be alone, or open it to friends when one wants to. Being able to decide when to lie down, if one wants a rest during the daytime, or to go to bed late, without interference from anyone else, is important (p.28).

Presenting the personal identity to family, friends and neighbours is also accomplished through home arrangements and the activity of home making, as Canadians Dyck et al. (2005) observe: ‗home is a crucial material and symbolic source in the construction of personal identity‘ (p.175). Home arrangements express this identity through the way in which the home is maintained, clean and tidy, or otherwise, and in how rooms are organised, furniture arranged, artefacts displayed. Identities are constructed through emblems on the walls, such as painting, photography, and needlework. Craik (1989) insists, with regard to the current generation of older women, that the kitchen is an important space, ‗not just in terms of specialised function but also in terms of articulating domestic patterns in general‘ (p. 57). Howarth (1993) elaborates that ‗the kitchen … [becomes] the site of many other activities and the focus of the local social network‟ (p. 7), making home, in Swenson‘s phrase (1998, p. 389), the ‗center of reach‘ where women relate to the communities outside their homes. This occurs in a variety of different ways – the kitchen being the centre of food preparation for social activities, and a point from which to observe the ‗yard‘ and connect with the neighbourhood. Changes brought on by aging processes and disability which challenge the meanings of stability, security independence and personal identity associated with home, tend to be overlooked, unnoticed or hidden within the dominant script of ‗living at home‘ and aging-inplace. Such changes as the formal delivery of care services disturb ‗the established meanings and routinized activities that constitute the lived home‘ (Dyck et al. 2005, p.175). It is important to consider these changes, given the implications for social identity. Reorganisation, modification and adaptation of space can indicate the autonomous decision-making on the part of the older person as an adaptive strategy to compensate for declining physical abilities. However, decisions on spatial changes are also made by other people, especially with the onset of frailty and disability such that formal care is required. To maintain an increasingly disabled body at home requires conscious spatial decisions. A complex mix of factors come together and affect these decisions: the size, design and condition of the house, the degree of modification required to suit the particular needs of individual conditions, the location of the property and its proximity to facilities, whether the house was warm (especially for those who were severely frail), and the sense of safety and

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Beatrice Hale and Patrick Barrett

security. The design of the housing stock in many countries means modifications are required to help achieve a person-environment fit, which allows the older person to remain in his or her own home and include assistive devices such as handrails for toilets, showers, stairs, raised toilet seats, and additional furniture like stools for the shower, walkers, and lifts. Percival in his United Kingdom study (1997, 2001) considered the implications of interior space remodeling for the older person. Percival‘s participants reported the following types of reordering of space in response to the onset of frailty and disability, such as: remodeling of the kitchen to allow for the comfortable reaching of items; reorganizing of the downstairs part of the house into a bedrooms/living area; closing off spare rooms or rooms not accessible or in use; parts of the house becoming chilly, musty and out of bounds; and using conveniently created space, such as the kitchen, re-created to provide sitting, entertaining, cooking and eating spaces. Another example of reorganizing space (Swenson 1998) is that of placing necessary items conveniently to hand, on small tables on either side of the individual‘s chair, to ensure as little movement as possible, or in response to living mostly in one room—for example, in one case in Hale‘s (2006) study this was the kitchen, where the respondent sat between two tables, with her walking frame in front of her. The left hand table held the impedimenta of disability such as telephone with big figures, emergency phone numbers and numbers of contact people in large figures, and a medication tray. The table at her right hand held her magnifying glass, books, and magazines. Modified chairs, greater emphasis on heating, large print books and magazines, a magnifying glass, and medication are the types of changes in space in response to reduced function as well as use of practical aids such as grab rails, ramps, raised toilet seats, and special grab poles for getting in and out of bed as well as aids for assistance to move around the home and increase reachable space. Such adaptation helps maintain control and independence, but it also makes the disability clearly visible, a defining feature of the space, a constant reminder. The normal allocation of boundaries between different parts of the house for the performance of personal care is disrupted when space is reorganized to accommodate the delivery of formal care in the home. This can result in the private body care tasks, such as washing and toileting, being performed in the public areas of the house (Dyck et al. 2005, p.181). House modifications and visible assistive devices are material indicators of the change the older person experiences. Place and space take on new meanings, as individuals are moment by moment confronted with physical reminders of their need for assistance, and this can lead to the former meanings and identities associated with home becoming threatened or compromised. We might see this as a type of ‗spatial disruption‘ that leads to the experience of liminality. In fact, Turner (1969) claims that in a rite of transition, the material possessions which mark a social identity are often removed as the individual makes the transition into a liminal stage and that the individual becomes ‗invisible‘ as the people they used to be (p.93). At home, the various rooms in the house, and the possessions within them, cease to have their former meanings but take on new meanings with, for example, different items such as assistive devices becoming the dominant signifier of meaning. The spatial changes, the sense of strangeness and unease, the anxiety caused by changing space to suit new needs, and the loss of control over the organisation of space, are an important part of the liminal experience of the older individual, when taken in conjunction with other changes.

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LIMINALITY: TEMPORALITY AND SOCIAL IDENTITY The liminal experiences which we suggest are part of the passage into supported independence can be illuminated further by considering temporal disruptions which accompany the advent of the transition into frailty and the receipt of formal in-home care. This section explores the disrupted temporal experience which occurs with the transition into disability, frailty and the receipt of care in the home. Despite its abstract nature, there is considerable value to be gained by focusing on the issue of time. To study the experience of time is to study how people‘s lives are constructed and framed through their temporal environments. As Westenholz (2006) observes,

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time identities are not... static. In practice, they are socially negotiated, and in the process the delineation between the individual and its environment changes (p.34).

The process of social negotiation associated with the transition involves the negotiation of time identities as the relationship between the individual and his or her environment changes. Our research (Barrett et al. 2005, Hale 2006) showed older people receiving in-home care in New Zealand experienced discontinuity and led us to question the assumption that agingin-place provides for stability and continuity. One of the aspects of discontinuity was the way in which time was experienced. While the transition into supported independence can be thought of as a broad lifecourse disruption, or, in Bury's (1982) term ‗biographical disruption‘, closer examination indicates there are many other temporal dimensions within that broader experience. These are both the broad patterns of change and the more micro-level changes, such as the implication of multiple time frames which begin to have an impact on the lives of older people with the advent of care at home. As older people interact with service agencies they must reconcile their own slower ‗disability time frames‘ with those of service agencies and other family members. This dissonance can contribute to the disorganized and out-of-control feelings that comprise the experience of liminality. Older people‘s narrations of their experiences of becoming frail or disabled reveal the significance of time, highlighting temporal disruptions. Time and again, as researchers hearing about the experience of frailty or disability, we were aware that we participated in reliving the experiences of disrupting social dramas, where individuals face experiences of disconnection. As we have read the research of others and listened to the narratives of our own participants, we have became increasingly aware of the importance (not only to the participants, but also to our argument of liminality) of the moment-to-moment struggles which characterise the transitional experience. Such change is similar to the microcosmic spatial changes identified by Percival (2001). They also tend to be invisible to the broader population, occurring within the privacy of the home and evident only to the individual and his or her family. Negotiating with others to establish preferred time frames leads to consideration of home care services. In examining the details of temporality in home care, Twigg (2000) has already noted the pluralities and complexities of ‗time‘. To make sense of the complexity of times, Westenholz‘s (2006) notion of ‗time identities‘ is useful. Time identities are derived from the experiences, position and background of individuals, and in the home care situation may include that of the older person receiving care, spouses and other family members, employed

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family members, and care workers. Adam‘s (1995) notion of timescape also captures the complex, multiple timeframes that impact on the home care situation. Indeed, if we consider ‗time identities‘ of care recipients, family members and care workers alongside the notion of timescapes, we can identify complex multiple times in home care. Examples are: the funding and service allocation times in health service policy guidelines; the service delivery times of the care work agencies; the care worker time; and the disability times of the cared-for person. Conflicting time frames create complex timescapes which can contribute to anxieties and tensions in home care and contribute to experiences of liminality. They weaken the capacity for the individual to maintain his or her daily rhythm. Timing means personal organization, maintaining an acceptable temporal rhythm to the day, the week, or the month (Larsson et al. 2009; Haggblom-Kronlof et al. 2007). Daily rhythm is part of what has been laid down during the life course, and thus part of ongoing expectations. As Goffman (1959) indicated, such daily rhythms are established early in life and connected with the presentation of self. These continue as part of the adult role, as an employee, as a parent, as a host/hostess. Such daily rhythms structure the organisation of the self and the home, and provide markers for the experience of the day: for example, morning is for tasks, after lunch is either siesta or leisure time, then another meal, depending on the culture. Maintaining our own daily rhythm is part of continuity and self-determination, part of keeping life on track. Twigg's (2000) and Hale‘s (2006) participants had their preferred daily routines, of morning tasks and afternoon leisure. While most formal care agencies would like to adhere to these wishes, the need to organise daily routines around the time of the regular working day in the formal economy tends to result in care recipients being allocated times by provider agencies and told ‗take it or leave it‘. The choice is rarely with the recipient. The power lies with the agency. Whatever the recipients‘ home schedules, with in-home care, their preferred routines become subordinate. A comment from one of Hale‘s (2006) respondents captures this: We don‘t call the tune. It‘s them at the hospital [the needs assessors] they tell us what we can have, and the government pays the caseworker…well, through [the agency]. We don‘t pay and it‘s those who pay who‘re in charge (p.114).

Hale‘s (2006) participants pointed to this type of situation as an issue of control. They felt it was an important part of the slow dispossession of power, because the more valuable time, ie. paid time, of the care worker dominated the preferences of the care recipients. Without exception they fitted their days around the schedules of the workers. When care workers were providing domestic work only, as opposed to personal care when they would by definition have to be present, none of her participants would go out and leave the worker on her own; nor would they encourage any visitors during the time the worker was in the house. Part of the reasoning for this was to maintain personal contact with care workers for companionship, as well as the usual reason given of ‗keeping an eye on‘ the work and the worker. Aronson (1999) describes the loss of control as a part of the process of ‗being managed‘, where the problems of time have to be solved from the standpoint of the agencies and care workers. This is supported by Twigg (2000, p.188) who describes how ‗making clients conform to time discipline... is a central element in the work.‘ Assessment and becoming care recipient is, therefore, an issue of time. It leads to the question of whether the rite of passage ever ends. Kingston (2000), quoting Glaser and

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Strauss‘s (1971, p.33) definition on temporality and passage, refers to the issue as one of the ‗rate, pace or speed of the passage‘. When an individual puts questions such as: ‗Am I likely to fall again in the future? How long will it take before my health improves?‘ to medical professionals, they are asking about when they will return to their former selves. As Glaser and Strauss suggest, such individuals wish to know not only where they are going, but approximately how soon they will arrive there (p.35). It may be difficult to predict how long the passage of an illness will continue or what the rate of change will be, or whether there is any possibility of reversing the decline. The notion of a rite of passage, though, implies there is a chance for the passage to end when the individual finds a stable and valued identity, however this is defined.

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LIMINALITY: RELATIONSHIPS AND SOCIAL IDENTITY Becoming an older person, with or without disabilities, leads to new social encounters and attracts social definitions which shape how individuals are treated, the style of relationships and transformed identities. The process of growing older itself influences relationships with family members, as adult children establish independent lives, set up their own homes and create their own families. Such interpersonal interactions are influenced by past patterns of behaviour (Lewis and Meredith 1988; Finch and Mason 1993; Fine 2007). With policies of aging-in-place, the onset of disabilities in late life has meant that more formal care is required, partly because family members are today unable to provide the level of care to meet the increasing severity of need. In this context, there is a need for new relationships to be formed with needs assessors, care agencies, and care workers. These relationships are influenced by the context of expectations about how older people should behave, and the ideologies of aging and activity that structure the policies and system of old age care (Katz 2000; Victor 2005). For the older people with whom we are concerned, interactions with family members as well as the relationships with agency coordinators and in particular the care workers are imbued with the normative views, often ageist stereotypes, about how older people should behave. Often these relationships are conducted in such a way so as to reinforce passivity and dependency in older people and undermine their autonomy and agency (Szebehely 1995, Olaison and Cedersund 2006). As we have noted, Aronson (1999) refers to this as a relationship that involves the ‗management‘ of the older person, and as such, it has particular features that require greater understanding. The rites of passage framework directs our attention to the social context, and the importance of relationships and the significance of changing interactions. Changing interactions characterise the onset of frailty and/or disability, notably during the assessment process and subsequent development of care plans. The process of assessment presents new relationships to be negotiated by the assessed person. At one level, the goal of assessment is to specify the level of need, to establish eligibility for assistance and to provide information upon which to develop a care plan. At another level, as we observed earlier, the assessment experience, with its needs-based questions, is accompanied by a variety of emotions: concern, anxiety, embarrassment, humiliation and anger, as well as acceptance and understanding. The assessment experience is described by Olaison and Cedersund (2006) as a form of institutional conversation, a discursive practice with the subtext that the assessed person will

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learn the philosophy, rationale and terms of receiving home care. The terms of care, in this sense, is communicated and constitutes a specific social script, one which spells out society's expectations in terms of activity and aging. These scripts are evident in the assessments and decisions that emerge from them. However, to be assessed and to receive care produces for the older person an awareness of disabilities and needs, and a learning of the system and how to suit the needs to the system. So when Olaison and Cedersund (2006) suggest that those being assessed for home care position their accounts in relation to ‗category-based identities‟, they are suggesting a process of action in accordance with the social scripts for care, and that these actions influence how individuals seek to have their needs recognised by the assessors. The encounters, then, involve a form of:

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implicit identity constructions that are created through locally ordered discourses where applicants' self-presentations are negotiated and adapted to what is available in terms of home care (p.378).

They reinforce particular expectations about what it means to be at home with care. In these encounters power lies with the assessors, and those being assessed demonstrate an awareness of that by presenting themselves and their conditions within the terms of the care arrangements. There is a process of negotiation, implicit or explicit, but this ultimately requires conformity by the cared-for person to the social scripts associated with the receipt of care. Questions about the capacity of the immediate social environment are also explored and these can lead to the allocation of new care roles and therefore new types of relationships with family members and formal caregivers. Older people who are deemed eligible face new relationships with the selected service provider agency and their care workers. It is standard practice for care agencies to attempt to select care workers who are likely to be compatible with the cared-for person, but other criteria such as proximity and availability influence decisions. The importance of this relationship, in our opinion, is little recognised. The care worker - care recipient relationship is one where once the care contract is developed for the care agency, much of the power lies with the care worker. Their relative dominance within the relationship is reinforced by the fact that they are able-bodied and mobile. Within these relationship contexts, cared-for individuals employ a variety of strategies to have their needs met. These range from, on the one hand, subservience, acceptance and appreciation, to, on the other, negotiation, struggle and assertiveness (Hale 2006, p.130). An example of the former is the way care recipients often show appreciation and gratefulness of the care worker‘s time and attempt to be as little trouble as possible, something, as we have noted before, Aronson (1999) calls ‗managing‘ and allowing oneself to ‗be managed‘.

RECONNECTIONS: THE TRANSFORMED IDENTITY? Moving into a situation where there is a need for in-home care, then, does represent a biographical disruption – a discontinuity that has the risk of leaving the older person in a liminal or ‗no-identity‘ zone. Without clear social ‗rules, roles and obligations‘ (Hockey and James 2003) to move into, there is a risk that the older person finds him or herself in an

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existential vacuum. Aging-in-place is accepted as the preferable approach to housing an older population, but it is not yet clear that this is matched by an appreciation of the experience of older people who become home care recipients. In this section we develop an argument about the potential of the formal home care sector to promote positive social identity within the context of empowering relationships, to encourage and support the older person through the transition into socially valued roles and identities. Support for independence assumes that once the scheduled care tasks in support of the older person are completed, he or she is then able to continue as an autonomous and independent individual, connected with former roles, relationships and identity. We suggest, based on our research, that the experience of late life frailty and disability, the associated assessment procedures and the subsequent introduction of care programmes in the home of the older person constitutes a fundamental discontinuity. The organisation of home in temporal, spatial and relational terms is disrupted, with profound implications for the social identity of the cared-for person. As home becomes a place of more intensive health, body and care work carried out by formal care workers and family members (Kellaher 2002, p.23), a ‗struggle between the normal and the strange‘ sets in (Efraimsson et al. 2001, p.818). Losing function and developing disability is a major disruptive experience. It restructures everyday life and the taken-for-granted meanings and identities upon which it is founded (Williams 2000, p.43). Being unable to manage and control bodily needs and functions and care for oneself disrupts the normal self management associated with independent adulthood. Remaining at home does contribute to the potential for retaining this sense of normality and continuity, and healthy transitions in home care are described by Meleis et al. (2000; in Efraimsson et al. 2001, p.818) as being characterised by processes that enable the individual to feel connected and interact, and are ‗associated with collaboration within the family unit and with professional carers‘. ‗Reaching a new sense of identity … [however, is] difficult‘ (Efraimsson et al. 2001, p.818) given the challenges in managing this new life situation, given the threats to coping capacities presented by frailty and disability and the impact of these on confidence levels. This is where the formal sector, in the person of the careworker, becomes increasingly important. While the official language of in-home care work concentrates on the performance of specific tasks in a timely fashion, it is the qualitative, emotional connections in caring for another person, the listening and talking that are a part of it, that allows those receiving care to ‗express who they are and to preserve their identities as something other than sick, declining persons‘ (Stone 2005, p.283). Hale (2006, p.168) found that receivers of care were less concerned with the performance of practical, physical care tasks than with the personal connection implicit in the care relationship. It is these inter-personal qualities of the care relationship which define ‗excellent care‘ (Eustis and Fischer 1991). It is the conversations which envelop the practical, physical tasks of caring that allow for the establishment of intimacy and for in-home care workers ‗to give clients their lives back and to make a difference—which is far more important to them than, say, giving a bath or a meal‘ (p.283). This is why the cared-for person often tracks the caregiver through the house while domestic and other tasks are performed. In fact, it is this emotional engagement itself that provides much of the motivation and satisfaction for caregivers. The high rate of satisfaction reported by in-home care workers, an occupation with typically very low rates of pay and poor conditions, is explained by the direct nature of the contact with the cared for person and the rewarding feelings of being needed and appreciated (Eustis et al. 1994). Other studies also

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find that in-home care workers have high rates of satisfaction when compared to other caring aspects of this type of work - social workers, managers or residential staff (Eustis et al. 1994; Balloch et al. 1999; and Denton et al. 2002) - this being seen as a reflection of the ‗direct nature of the interpersonal rewards‘ (Twigg 2000, p.127). These relationships, therefore, have the potential to preserve hope in the face of the loneliness, isolation and disorientation caused by the onset of disability and late life frailty and need for in-home care. As Stone (2005) says:

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Care is a way of fighting. It is how we fight when we are so powerless that defeat is certain, when fighting is the only thing that will preserve hope, and preserving hope is the only possible victory. It is the way we do whatever we can to make life better for the people we love, for the world, and for ourselves (p.286).

Coming to terms with frailty, disability and dependence has been shown to be related to an individual‘s ‗values and beliefs and their self image‘ (Efraimsson et al. 2001, p.814). Coming to terms or ‗accepting‘ the losses in function and ability is certainly a part of the reconnection process with which we are concerned here. However, we suggest that the goal of assisting an individual merely to come to a state of acceptance of their situation without an awareness of the deeper issues of identity, meaning and value can be an unsatisfactory response to more complex issues. This can stem from a glib desire to ‗quieten down‘ or silence those presented with inadequate in-home care and living arrangements. At one level, the notion of reconnection implies a return to what was before, the re-establishment of continuities in the person‘s life. There are of course, other forms or levels of reconnection to the wider society than a return to the former state. To suggest a type of reconnection does not deny the reality of difficulties faced in the ongoing struggle to cope with loss of function, disability and the related challenges of negotiating change in the meaning of self and the home. It does involve, though, a reaffirmation of the sense of self and a reconnection with the identity that existed prior to the transition or the adoption of a preferred identity in a new life stage.

CONCLUSION Without the ability to 'do' or to be fully autonomous, the experience of older people who become dependent on home care resembles that of Durkheim‘s (1897) anomie – a sense of normlessness or feelings of being at a ‗loose end‘. This sense of 'normlessness', as Eriksson points out (2010, p.10) characterises the experience of older people relocated into residential care who may become excluded from decision-making, and we suggest the same observation can apply to those moving into receiving care at home. In these contexts, Atchley (2009) advocates fostering the capacity to ‗be‘ rather than ‗do‘. Atchley (2009) observes that many people become overly focused on acting primarily according to socially defined positions and roles, and that since their attention is absorbed by this social world, ‗they lose sight of the liberating 'qualities of being' (p.7). He comments further that, 'the spiritual journey is often about learning to bring being back into our consciousness.' At the same time, there is no question that older people should be valued and respected for who they are and what they do at this time of life. The question is, how can this be done? We emphasise the value of the

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careworkers in home care situations in encouraging these qualities. While this chapter owes much to our earlier work The Age of Supported Independence (2010), we have continued to reflect on this area, as further changes take place for this age group, in terms of, in New Zealand at any rate, defining vulnerabilities and needs, entitlements to care, and entitlement to carer respite. Our 'naming' of this group of older people, and our examination of the processes of developing a different identity, highlights the common characteristics and experiences and allows an understanding of these. This, we hope, will lead to a more informed government focus. We believe this to be a significant issue requiring further discussion, its significance lying in the definition of social identity in terms of how dependence is interpreted, not only by the individual, but by welfare and government agencies, and in the implications for eligibility for assistance and the type of assistance that is provided.

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REFERENCES Achenbaum, W. A. (1978). Old Age in the new land: the American experience since 1790. Baltimore: John Hopkins University. Adam, B. (1995). Timewatch: the Social Analysis of Time. Cambridge: Polity Press. Aronson, J. (1999) Conflicting Images of Older People Receiving Care: Challenges for Reflexive Practice and Research (pp.47-70). In S.M. Neysmith (ed), Critical Issues for Future Social Work Practice with Aging Persons. New York: Columbia University Press. Aronson, J. (2000). Restructuring Older Women's Needs: Care Receiving as a Site of Struggle and Resistance. In S.M. Neysmith (ed), Restructuring Caring Labour: Discourse, State Practice and Everyday Life (pp.52-72). Toronto: Oxford University Press. Aronson, J. (2002a). Elderly People's Accounts of Home Care Rationing: Missing Voices in Long-Term Care Policy Debates. Ageing and Society, 22 (4), 399-410. Aronson, J. (2002b). Frail and Disabled Users of Home Care; Confident Consumers or Disentitled Citizens? Canadian Journal on Aging, 21(1), 11-25. Atchley, Robert (2009) Spirituality and Ageing, John Hopkins Univ., Baltimore: Maryland. Balloch, S., McLean J. and Fisher, M. (1999). Social Services: Working Under Pressure. Bristol: Policy Press. Barrett, P, with Kletchko, S. Twitchin, S., Ryan, F. and Fowler, V. (2005). Transitions in Later life: A Qualitative Inquiry into the Experience of Resilience and Frailty. Tauranga: University of Waikato at Tauranga. Becker, G. (1980). Growing Old in Silence. Berkeley: University of California Press. Becker, G. (1993). Continuity after a stroke: Implications of life-course disruption in old age. Gerontologist, 33, 148–158. Bond, J. and Cabrero, G. R. (2007). Health and dependency in later life. In J. Bond, S. M. Peace, F. Dittman-Kohli, and G. Westerhof (Eds.), Ageing in Society (pp.113-141). London: Sage. Bury, M. (1982). Chronic illness as biographical disruption. Sociology of Health and Illness, 4(2), 137-169.

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Kaufman, S. (1984). The Social Construction of Frailty: An anthropological perspective. Journal of Aging Studies, 8 (1), 45-58. Kellaher, L. (2002). Commentary 1. In K. Sumner (Ed.), Our Homes, our Lives: Choices in Later Life Living Arrangements (pp.26-29). London: Centre for Policy on Ageing. Kingston, P. (2000). Falls in Later Life: Status Passage and Preferred Identities as a New Orientation. Health, (London), 4, 216-233. Kvigne, K. and Kirkevold, M. (2003). Bodily Strangeness: Women's Experiences of their Changing and Unpredictable body following a stroke. Qualitative Health Research, 13(9), 1291-1310. Larsson, A., Haglund, L. and Hagberg, J. (2009). Doing everyday life—experiences of the oldest old. Scandinavian Journal of Occupational Therapy, 16(2), 99-109. Laslett, P (1996). A Fresh Map of Life. London: Macmillan Press Ltd. 2nd edn. Lawton, M.P. (1983). Time, Space and Activity. In Rowles, G. D. and Ohta, R.J. (Eds.), Aging and Milieu: Environmental Perspectives on Growing Old (pp. 41-61). New York: Academic Press. Lewis, J. and Meredith, B. (1988). Daughters who Care. London: Routledge, Chapman and Hall. Markle-Reid, M. and Browne, G. (2003). Conceptualizations of frailty in relation to older adults. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 48(1), 56-68. Minkler, M. (1996). Critical perspectives on ageing: New challenges for gerontology. Ageing and Society, 16(4), 467-487. Moody, H. R. (1988). Ethical dilemmas in long-term care. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 5(1,2), 97-111. Moore, S.F. and Myerhoff, B.G. (1977). Introduction: Secular Ritual: Forms and Meaning. In S. F. Moore and B. Myerhoff (Eds.), Secular Ritual: Forms and Meanings (pp. 3-24). Assen, Netherlands: Van Gorcum. Murphy, R. (1987). The Body Silent. New York: Norton and Co. Olaison, A. and Cedersund, E. (2006). Assessment for home care. Negotiating solutions for individual needs. Journal of Aging Studies, 29(4), 367-380. Organisation for European Economic Development. (2005). Long-Term Care of Older People. Paris: OECD. Parks, J. A. (2003). No Place Like Home. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. Percival, J. (1997). Problems and potentials of sheltered housing; balancing lives in sheltered housing. Ageing and Society, 17(2), 209-214. Percival, John (2001) Domestic Spaces and the Daily Lives of Older People. Ageing and Society, 22 (6), 729-749. Phillipson, C. and Walker, A. (Eds.) (1986). Ageing and Social Policy: A Critical Assessment. Aldershot: Gower. Phillipson, C. and Biggs, S. (1998). ‗Modernity and Identity: themes and perspectives in the study of older adults, Journal of Aging and Identity, 3, 1, 11-23. Richards, S. (2000). Bridging the Divide: Elders and the Assessment Process. British Journal of Social Work, 30(1), 37-49. Rubinstein, R. L. (1999). The Importance of Including the Home Environment in Assessment of Frail Older Persons. Journal of the American Geriatric Society, 47, 111-112. Shield, R. R. (1988). Uneasy Endings: Daily Life in an American Nursing Home. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

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Shield, R. R. (1997). Liminality in an American Nursing Home: the Endless Transition. In J. Sokolovsky (Ed.), The Cultural Context of Aging: Worldwide Perspectives, 2nd Edn (pp. 472-491). London: Bergin and Harvey. Stone, D. (2005). For Love Nor Money: The Commodification of Care. In M. Ertman, and J. Williams (Eds.). Rethinking Commodification: Cases and Readings in Law and Culture (pp. 271-290). New York: NYU Press. Swenson, M. M. (1998). The Meaning of Home to Five Elderly Women. Health Care for Women International, 19(5), 381-393. Szebehely, M. (1995) The Organization of Everyday Life: On Home Helpers and Elderly People in Sweden. Lund University: Sweden. Teather, E. K. (Ed.). (1999). Embodied Geographies: Space, Bodies and Rites of Passage. London: Routledge. Timonen, V. (2005). Policy Paradigms and Long-term Care: Convergence of Continuing Difference. In P. Taylor-Gooby (Ed), Ideas and Welfare State reform in Western Europe (pp.30-53). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Townsend, P. (1962). The Family Life of Old People. London: Penguin 1963 (1st pub. Routledge and Kegan Paul 1957). Townsend, P. (1981). The Structured Dependency of the Elderly: A Creation of Social Policy in the Twentieth Century. Ageing and Society, 1(1), 5-28. Tulle, E. (Ed.) ( 2004). Old Age and Agency. New York: Nova Science Publishers. Turner, V. (1969). The Ritual Process. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Twigg, J. (2000). The Body and Community Care. London: Routledge. Van Gennep, A. (1909/1960). The Rites of Passage. Translated by M. B. Vizedom and G. L. Caffee. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Walker, A. (1980). The Social Creation of Poverty and Dependency in Old Age. Journal of Social Policy, 9(1), 49-75. Westenholz, A. (2006). Identity, Times and Work. Time and Society, 15(1), 33-55. Williams, S. (2000). Chronic illness as biographical disruption or biographical disruption as chronic illness? Reflections on a core concept. Sociology of Health and Illness, 22(1), 4067.

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Chapter 2

SEXUAL IDENTITY: DEVELOPMENTAL AND SOCIAL CONSIDERATIONS Sabra L. Katz-Wise and Julie C. Keller University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin, USA

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ABSTRACT The aim of this chapter is to provide an overview of sexual identity, and address some of the complexities of researching this topic, related to construct definition, measurement, and sampling. Additionally, the chapter will provide a review of existing research on sexual identity in the areas of sexual orientation-based victimization and rural studies, and directions for future research. Sexual identity has been defined in numerous ways, and is often conflated with sexual orientation. Relatedly, many measures of sexual identity exist that focus on different dimensions of sexual orientation (e.g., attractions, fantasies, behavior). Sexual identity development may proceed differently based on whether an individual is heterosexual or a sexual minority. Most existing research on sexual identity development describes this process for sexual minorities only and outlines a series of steps and developmental milestones. More recent research revisits these developmental models and re-conceptualizes sexual identity development as ongoing and sexual identity as more dynamic and fluid than stable. The formation of sexual identity takes place on both personal and interpersonal levels, classifying sexual identity as a form of social identity. Sexual identity may be experienced and expressed differently depending on cultural and historical contexts, as well as locations, such as rural versus urban spaces. Sexual identity is an important aspect of identity to understand because of its social implications, such as experiences of victimization based on sexual minority status. In this sense, conceptualizations of sexual identity can also inform larger social issues, such as societal norms and stereotypes related to sexuality. This chapter highlights the importance of taking an intersectionality approach to investigating the many issues related to sexual identity.

―We come to know who and what we are through interaction with others.‖ Stryker and Serpe, 1982

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INTRODUCTION Conceptualizations of sexual identity can inform larger social issues, such as societal norms and stereotypes related to sexuality. One aim of this chapter is to provide an overview of sexual identity, including complexities of researching this topic related to construct definition, measurement, and sampling. Another aim is to provide a discussion of sexual identity development and sexual identity as a social identity. Additionally, this chapter will review two areas of research pertaining to sexual identity: sexual orientation-based victimization, and sexual identity in rural spaces. Finally, this chapter will suggest directions for future research. We hope that this chapter can shed light on these multifarious issues.

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DEFINING SEXUAL IDENTITY While the concept of sexual identity may seem to be straightforward, definitions of the term are plentiful and contradictory. Previous chapters on sexual identity have defined it in multiple ways. Shively and DeCecco (1993) defined sexual identity as comprising three components: gender identity, social sex role, and sexual orientation. In another chapter on the development of sexual identities during adolescence, sexual identities were suggested to encompass sexual orientation, as well as activities, interest, and behaviors tied to the gender of the partner (Brooks-Gunn and Graber, 1999). Most notably, sexual identity is frequently conflated with sexual orientation, which is also defined in multiple ways. In the context of Diamond‘s (2003) biobehavioral model of love and desire, sexual orientation is conceptualized as ―a relatively stable tendency to seek sexual partners of the same gender, the 1 other gender, or both genders‖ (p. 174). But the term sexual orientation is often expanded beyond this to include romantic and sexual attraction, and sexual fantasies. For example, one definition states that sexual orientation is ―the preponderance of erotic feelings, thoughts, and fantasies one has for members of a particular sex, both sexes, or neither sex‖ (Savin2 Williams, 2005, p. 28). Other definitions of sexual orientation are expanded even farther to include sexual behavior. Striepe and Tolman (2003) defined sexual orientation as whom one has sexual experiences with, fantasizes about, and to whom one is emotionally attached. To complete the definition of sexual orientation, identity is added to the dimensions of attraction, behavior, and fantasies. When sexual identity is not conflated with sexual orientation, it is defined as a subdimension of the larger construct of sexual orientation. For example, Savin-Williams (2005) defined sexual identity as ―a socially recognized label that names sexual feeling, attraction, and behavior‖ (p. 34). But in this definition, sexual identity itself includes the other dimensions of sexual orientation. Additionally, sexual orientation has been defined as influencing sexual identity and sexual behavior, yet it is also considered to be independent (Savin-Willams, 2005). Thus, each term is defined in the context of the other terms, causing confusion both in conceptualizing terms for theory development, as well as complicating 1

We would add to this definition ―seeking sexual partners of other genders,‖ in acknowledgement that there are more than two genders. 2 See footnote 1. Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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research methodology in considerations of sampling and measurement. Another problem with conflating the terms sexual orientation and sexual identity is that sexual orientation is thought to be stable, while sexual identity is more fluid (see ―Sexual Identity Development‖ below). This suggests that the two concepts are not only different conceptually, but also operate differently over time. Therefore, it is important to distinguish between sexual orientation and sexual identity. One similarity among all the definitions is that sexual identity and sexual orientation are always defined in reference to both the self and others. In other words, even though attractions and behaviors represent an individual‘s preferences, attractions and behaviors depend on another person as the recipient, or the determining factor of the preference. Sexual identity similarly describes individuals‘ labeling of the direction or ―orientation‖ of their own attractions, behaviors, and fantasies, but the direction is in relation to the gender of others. Thus, sexual identity is a form of social identity. For purposes of clarity in the rest of this chapter, sexual orientation will be defined as comprising four dimensions: attraction, behavior, fantasies, and identity.

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MEASURING SEXUAL IDENTITY Measuring the construct of sexual orientation could aim to capture only one dimension, such as sexual identity. However, the dimensions of sexual orientation are interrelated. For example, to whom one is initially romantically or sexually attracted, dictates the direction of how one acts on that attraction through sexual behavior, and whether one identifies their orientation in a manner that reflects this attraction and/or behavior. However, identity, attraction, and behavior might not always coincide in an individual. In a recent study of sexual identity and different indicators of sexual orientation such as sexual attractions, fantasies and behaviors, 84% of female and 51% of male heterosexual-identified young adults reported same-gender sexuality for at least one sexual orientation indicator (Vrangalova and Savin-Williams, 2010). This suggests that a heterosexual identity may not always indicate exclusive heterosexuality. In a study of adolescents in Montreal examining concordance and discrepancy in sexual identity, attraction, and behavior, researchers did not find a consistent pattern of overlap between the three measures either in heterosexual-identified or gay/lesbian/bisexual-identified youth (Igartua, Thombs, Burgos, and Montoro, 2009). In another study analyzing data from the Massachusetts Youth Risk Behavior Survey, both sexual identity and sexual behavior of teenage girls were independently linked to risky outcomes, such as multiple partners (Hollander, 2008). This highlights the importance of asking multiple questions to tap all four dimensions of sexual orientation to fully understand the complexities. Thus, it is not useful to measure sexual identity in isolation of the other dimensions of sexual orientation if the intent is to capture a complete measure of identity. Sexual orientation has been measured in numerous ways, each of which emphasizes different dimensions of orientation. The most well-known measure of sexual orientation is the Kinsey scale (Kinsey, Pomeroy, and Martin, 1948). This measure is a one-item 7-point Likert scale with 0 representing ―exclusively heterosexual‖ and 6 representing ―exclusively homosexual‖. The Kinsey scale measures sexual orientation based on the dimension of behavior, or sexual contact. This measure is viewed as an improvement over assessing sexual

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orientation categorically because the continuous nature of the scale provides a more nuanced picture of sexual orientation. However, Sell (1996) put forth a number of criticisms of this scale. First, the seven points on the scale may represent seven categories rather than a true continuum. Additionally, while one strength of the scale is its use of a continuous measure in an attempt to determine sexual orientation on a spectrum, the measure‘s focus on behavior excludes other dimensions of sexual orientation that are equally important. Finally, Sell also suggested that measuring homosexuality and heterosexuality independently rather than in relation to each other on the same continuous scale gives a more complete measure of sexual orientation. Another measure of sexual orientation is the Sell Assessment of Sexual Orientation (Sell, 1996), recommended by Savin-Williams (2005) to measure sexual orientation. The Sell Assessment is thought to be a better measure of sexual orientation than the classic Kinsey scale because it includes multiple dimensions of sexual orientation, as well as assessing homosexuality and heterosexuality separately, rather than using a dichotomous scale. The Sell Assessment contains 12 items, 6 of which assess sexual attraction, 4 of which assess sexual behavior, and 2 of which assess sexual identity. Four sets of ―summaries‖ are used to provide a profile of an individual‘s sexual orientation: ―Homosexuality Summary,‖ ―Heterosexuality Summary,‖ ―Bisexuality Summary,‖ and ―Asexuality Summary.‖ One criticism of both the Kinsey scale and the Sell Assessment of Sexual Orientation is that neither measures change over time. As will be described shortly, developmental considerations of sexual orientation and identity necessitate longitudinal measurement or retrospective measures of change to acknowledge the flexibility of sexual identity across the lifespan. One measure that taps multiple dimensions of sexual orientation and measures change over time is the Klein Sexual Orientation Grid (KSOG; Klein, Sepekoff, and Wolf, 1985). The KSOG measures seven dimensions of sexual orientation: ―Sexual Attraction,‖ ―Sexual Behavior,‖ ―Sexual Fantasies,‖ ―Emotional Preference,‖ ―Social Preference,‖ ―SelfIdentification,‖ and ―Hetero/Gay Lifestyle.‖ Each dimension is measured for the past (up to 12 months ago), present (past year), and ideal, resulting in 21 items total. Example items are ―To whom are you sexually attracted?‖ and ―About whom do you have sexual fantasies?‖ with response options ranging from 1 (other sex only) to 7 (same sex only), with a mid-point of 4 (both sexes equally). We recommend use of the KSOG to fully capture the dimensions of sexual orientation, as well as change over time. One consideration of the previously discussed measures of sexual orientation is that the items are forced-choice. In other words, participants must choose one of the response options regardless of whether their sexual orientation or identity fits into the measure. This is especially relevant when determining sexual identity through use of a forced multiple choice question such as ―How do you identify your sexual orientation?‖ As sexual identity is representative of the labeling of an individual‘s sexual and romantic preferences, the choice of a particular label indicates an aspect of self-identification. If the response options do not fit an individual‘s concept of self, then the item cannot adequately measure sexual identity. Since sexual identity labels are both historically and socially contingent, it becomes problematic to use a previously established item to measure sexual identity when labels change over time, and therefore the particular response options for an item might no longer be relevant. Savin-Williams (2005) highlighted this issue in his discussion of sexual minority or LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) youth and their resistance to labels. He proposed that youth are part of a ―post-gay‖ movement in which sexual minority labels no longer

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matter. Diamond (1998) also found that many of the sexual minority women in her sample preferred not to label their sexual identity, suggesting that the current options to describe sexual identity are limiting. An alternative to the use of a forced-choice item to measure sexual identity is an openended question. This allows the participants to identify their sexual orientation on their own terms, using labels that are most relevant and accurate in describing their own experiences. Another alternative is to use a forced-choice question in which the response options are updated each time the question is used to include newer terms. One sexual identity term that is beginning to be used more frequently in research is ―mostly heterosexual.‖ The counterpart to this term is ―mostly homosexual.‖ These terms can be viewed as positions on the spectrum of sexual orientation that represent a step away from ―completely heterosexual‖ and ―completely homosexual.‖ Research has demonstrated that if given the option, participants will choose this sexual identity rather than heterosexual. In the third wave of data collection in the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health (Add Health; Udry and Bearman, 1998), adolescent participants were asked about their sexual identity with the options: heterosexual, mostly heterosexual, bisexual, mostly homosexual, homosexual, and no attraction. In females, 11% of participants identified as mostly heterosexual compared with 85% of participants who identified as heterosexual; in males, 3% of participants chose a mostly heterosexual identity compared to 94% who chose a heterosexual identity (SavinWilliams and Ream, 2007). Presumably, the participants who chose mostly heterosexual would have chosen heterosexual if the former label had not been an option in the forcedchoice question. Another sexual identity label that is gaining popularity is ―queer.‖ While this term was previously seen as derogatory, it has recently been re-appropriated by the sexual minority community, and reflects the complexity of identifying with one label or another that might not completely describe an individual‘s experience. Use of the terms ―queer‖ or ―pansexual‖ can also be viewed as a resistance to existing labels. Thus, we recommend adding these newer terms if a forced-choice item is used to measure sexual identity, as well as including the options ―unsure/questioning,‖ ―unlabeled,‖ and ―other‖ with an open-ended option. It should also be mentioned that while the term ―homosexual‖ is still often used in scales measuring sexual identity, this term has received increasingly negative reactions by sexual minorities since this term is often associated with the notion of homosexuality as pathological, as evidenced by its pre-1973 inclusion in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. Thus, currently it is not frequently used in common vernacular in sexual minority communities.

SAMPLING CONSIDERATIONS The issues of defining and measuring sexual identity are closely related to issues of sampling. Traditionally, recruitment of sexual minorities for research was based on sexual identity. Individuals were recruited via self-identification as gay, lesbian, or other related sexual identity labels. More recently, researchers have criticized this approach for obscuring those individuals who may have same-gender attractions or behaviors, but do not identify with a non-heterosexual label (Diamond and Savin-Williams, 2000). As discussed above,

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while sexual identity, romantic and sexual attractions, and sexual behaviors are often in line with sexual orientation, this is not always the case. Thus, researchers have emphasized the importance of including individuals who have experienced same-gender attractions, but may not identify as a sexual minority, in research on sexual identity (Diamond and SavinWilliams, 2000). Therefore, recruitment of sexual minorities can be done via sexual identification as non-heterosexual, same-gender sexual or romantic attraction, same-gender sexual behavior, or a combination of these. Previous studies have used any number of these methods of recruitment. In a metaanalysis of victimization experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals that included 164 studies, 66% of studies used self-identification as LGB (lesbian, gay, bisexual) to classify sexual orientation, 11% used same-gender behavior, 3% used same-gender attraction, 2% used the Kinsey scale, and 17% used combined measures (Katz-Wise and Hyde, under review). Many of these measures were based on different definitions of sexual orientation; and the use of different methods of measurement may complicate interpretation of the results. In the case of this meta-analysis, it was difficult to determine the reasons why sexual minorities might experience different rates of victimization, given the use of different measurements of sexual orientation. Were sexual minorities victimized more because they identify as a sexual minority, because they have same-gender sexual partners, or because they are attracted to members of the same gender? This highlights the importance of careful consideration when choosing a definition of sexual orientation or sexual identity to guide recruitment of sexual minorities, as well as heterosexual individuals.

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SEXUAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT Sexual identity can be conceptualized as a specific identity within overall identity development. Identity theory posits that identities reflect discrete parts of the self that represent participation in societally-defined roles; and a person may have multiple identities based on these various roles (Stryker and Serpe, 1982). Furthermore, a person‘s identities are organized into a salience hierarchy that may shift based on particular situations. For example, an identity of ―parent‖ may be more salient in some situations or at some points in time during a person‘s life, whereas an identity of ―worker‖ may be more salient at other times. Sexual identity represents just one identity among many in an individual‘s salience hierarchy. Classic models of general identity development propose that identity formation occurs in adolescence in a series of steps in response to an identity crisis (Erikson, 1959). Within this theoretical model of psychosocial development, adolescents undergo an identity crisis and must integrate previous identities from childhood into a cohesive identity to develop a general sense of self. Identity development is now thought to extend into young adulthood (Steinberg, 2005); and the late teens and early twenties are identified as the critical time period for solidifying a sense of identity (Nurmi, 2004). Furthermore, Marcia‘s (1980) research on identity development over time revealed that a coherent sense of identity is not often established before age 18. This developmental time period of young adulthood has been termed emerging adulthood, and encompasses both the late teens and twenties, often focusing on ages 18 to 25 (Arnett, 2000).

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Sexual identity development may proceed differently based on whether an individual is heterosexual or a sexual minority. Research on sexual identity development in heterosexual individuals is scarce, in comparison to research on sexual identity development in sexual minorities. Presumably, this is due to the fact that majority identities (e.g., heterosexual) are considered ―normal,‖ while minority identities (e g., gay) are considered ―different‖ and thus are named and problematized (Anzaldúa, 1990). Indeed, heterosexual identity in males has been formulated as ―unmarked‖ because although it is central in motivating actions and behaviors, it is not salient in that a heterosexual identity is not cognitively available (Frankel, 2004). In other words, heterosexual males might not consciously consider their sexual identity in the same way that sexual minority males construct a sexual identity. Despite the scarcity of research on heterosexual identity development, some work has been done in this area. Worthington, Savoy, Dillon, and Vernaglia (2002) proposed a multidimensional model of heterosexual identity development, suggesting that sexual identity development is influenced by biological, psychological, and social factors such as culture, religious orientation, gender norms and socialization. In a qualitative study of heterosexual identity formation based on Marcia‘s (1987) general identity model, in which heterosexual individuals were asked to write essays on their heterosexual identity development process, results demonstrated that heterosexual individuals fit into all of Marcia‘s identity statuses: diffusion, foreclosure, moratorium, achievement (Eliason, 1995). This research suggests that heterosexual identity development follows Marcia‘s general identity model. However, some of the common themes found in this research, such as not having thought about sexual identity, causes of sexual identity (e.g., society causes heterosexuality), and believing that there is no alternative to heterosexuality, suggests that heterosexual identity might develop differently from sexual minority identities in part because of its normative nature. It has been assumed that heterosexual individuals often do not question or think about their sexual identity unless they have reason to believe that they might not be heterosexual, or unless they are prompted to question their identity status through an external source, such as taking a women‘s studies course. However, in a study comparing sexual identity development in heterosexual and sexual minority men, approximately half of heterosexual men in the sample questioned their sexual identity, whereas all of the sexual minority men engaged in questioning (Morgan, Steiner, and Thompson, 2010). These results suggest that it might be more common than expected for heterosexual individuals to question their sexual identity. All of the research in relation to heterosexual identity development discussed thus far pertains to men. What do we know about heterosexual identity development in women? Eliason (1995) found gender differences in heterosexual identity formation: many women first considered a lesbian or bisexual identity before choosing a heterosexual identity, while most men formed a heterosexual identity after rejecting a gay identity. Similarly to sexual minorities who demonstrate individual differences in identity formation, heterosexual individuals may not follow one path of identity development, and women and men might have differing processes of heterosexual identity development. Most existing research on sexual identity development describes this process for gay and lesbian individuals only and outlines a series of steps (Cass, 1979; Meyer and Schwitzer, 1999). For example, Cass‘ (1979) classic model describes lesbian and gay identity formation as comprising six stages: identity confusion, identity comparison, identity tolerance, identity acceptance, identity pride, and identity synthesis. However, Cass (1996) more recently acknowledged that stages can help us recognize significant shifts in development, but that

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identity formation is inherently ―a process of interaction, not a set of stagnant categories‖ (p. 249). Milestones of sexual identity development in sexual minorities, which Diamond (2008a) has termed the ―master narrative,‖ include feeling different, gender-atypical behaviors, fascination with the same gender, gradual realization of romantic and sexual feelings toward the same gender, and consciously questioning sexual identity. Classic models of sexual identity development propose that sexual orientation is stable and fully formed by adolescence (Bell, Weinberg, and Hammersmith, 1981; Money, 1988). However, more recent research has found that for many sexual minorities, sexual orientation develops in late adolescence or early adulthood (Evans and Levine, 1990). This time frame of development is evidenced in part, by the timing of romantic relationships in sexual minorities. On average, gay males establish their first serious romantic relationship at age 17.2, and at age 16.6 for lesbians (Savin-Williams, 1990). Although the average age of the first romantic relationship for lesbians is in late adolescence, other research has demonstrated that sexual identity may develop later than adolescence in sexual minority women (Diamond, 1998). Less is known about first romantic relationships among bisexual and queer-identified adolescents, although one study of lesbian and bisexual adolescents aged 13 to 18 found that most of the women in the sample had dated in the past 12 months (Elze, 2002). This suggests that perhaps bisexual women form their first romantic relationships at a younger age than lesbians. A key aspect of sexual identity development, especially for sexual minorities is selflabeling. Self-categorization as lesbian or gay, for example, is both a communication of identity to others, as well as an acknowledgement of self-stereotyping (Chapman and Brannock, 1987), or group membership (Paul, 1984). Use of labels reflects a certain degree of choice, although the underlying sexual orientation has been conceptualized both in terms of choice and biology (Veniegas and Conley, 2000). Individuals may choose particular labels based on the context; for example, identifying as ―homosexual‖ in a legal context and ―gay‖ in an informal social context (Donovan, 1992). The particular labels used are both historical and cultural, in that certain labels are available in specific places and times (see Sexual Identity as a Social Identity). One example of the historicity of sexual identity labels is the recent phenomenon of label rejection among sexual minority youth (Savin-Williams, 2008). Label rejection also represents the agency involved in self-labeling, which is an important aspect of sexual identity development for sexual minorities. Bisexual identity development may proceed differently from gay and lesbian identity development. Although a stage model has also been proposed for bisexual identity formation, the stages differ from theories of gay and lesbian identity development, and comprise the following: initial confusion, applying a label, settling into an identity, and continued uncertainty (Weinberg, Williams, and Pryor, 1994). This model seems to suggest that bisexuality is a state of continuous identity confusion or ―uncertainty,‖ but a more useful interpretation is that of fluidity. Indeed, Rust (2000) found that bisexual women experience multiple shifts in identity related to the gender of their partner, and in Weinberg et al.‘s (1994) study, many bisexual women thought their identity might change in the future. More recent research on sexual identity development in all sexual minorities revisits the classic step models and re-conceptualizes sexual identity development as ongoing, and sexual identity as more dynamic and fluid than stable and linear (Diamond, 2008b). The flexibility of sexual identity has been documented in women. In Diamond‘s (2008a) influential 10-year longitudinal study of female young adult sexual minorities, she found that over the course of the study, two-thirds of the women in the sample changed their sexual identity labels, and

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one-third changed their labels two or more times. Another area of evidence challenging a linear step model of sexual identity development stems from research on sexual minorities. Sexual minorities have been found to have a range of developmental histories regarding the age and context of the developmental milestones of sexual identity development (e.g., Charbonneau and Lander, 1991; Diamond, 1998; Diamond and Savin-Williams, 2000; Kitzinger and Wilkinson, 1995). Therefore, it seems that a new model of sexual identity development is in order, particularly for sexual minorities. It is important for any model of sexual identity development to take into account both individual and social aspects of identity formation.

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SEXUAL IDENTITY AS A SOCIAL IDENTITY General identity as a social identity is not a new conceptualization. In Erikson‘s (1959) classic model of general identity development, he proposed that formation of an identity is both a cognitive and social process. Other developmental theorists have followed this perspective. Sociocultural theory proposes that development takes place within a social and cultural framework, and that individual experience cannot be separated from context (Vygotsky, 1978). Complimenting this theory, the social constructionist perspective suggests that reality is constructed through social interactions rather than inherently present (Berger and Luckmann, 1966). Among the most well-known social constructionist perspectives is Mead‘s (1934) theory of symbolic interaction, in which self and society are created through social processes. Stryker‘s identity theory took as its basis symbolic interactionism, and introduced two additional concepts to the framework: identity salience and commitment (Stryker, 1968; Stryker and Serpe, 1982). Identity salience refers to the ways in which identities can be hierarchically organized, and commitment refers to the degree to which an individual occupies a certain role with respect to other social relationships (Stryker and Serpe). Identity salience and commitment can help us understand why sexual minority individuals in particular, might use one identity in one context (e.g., gay) and another identity in a different context (e.g., queer). The formation of sexual identity takes place on both personal (cognitive) and interpersonal (social) levels, classifying sexual identity as a form of social identity. In illustration, in sexual minorities an individual first comes out as non-heterosexual to the self, before coming out to others. Sexual identities are also linked to social relationships, because sexuality often occurs in the context of relationships with others (Brooks-Gunn and Graber, 1999). Rather than solely internal, identity formation for sexual minorities is ―one in which people translate the everyday understanding of lesbian, gay, or bisexual identity provided by the Western indigenous psychologies into knowledge, behaviors, beliefs, and experiences about themselves via the process of reciprocal interaction‖ (Cass, 1996, p. 230). Thus, an individual‘s sexual identity is constructed through interactions with others, and development of a sexual identity takes place within a social and cultural framework. Another way to think about the concept of self in terms of social context is to distinguish between the private self and public self (Deaux and Major, 1987). The private self encompasses a person‘s attitudes and values, while the public self is the representation of the private self to others (Leaper, 2000). This conceptualization of self can be applied to sexual

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minorities and used to highlight the importance of clearly defining sexual orientation and sampling methods. Sexual minorities have a self-concept of non-heterosexual that includes romantic and/or sexual attraction to same-gender others. But the public self, or sexual identity labels used to describe one‘s sexual orientation to others, may not accurately represent the private self since the individual has control over when and to whom she or he ―comes out‖ as a sexual minority. To describe the self in terms of social context, an individual must first locate the self within the social context, and then define relationships to others within the context (Rust, 1993). Since social contexts are continuously changing, identity must also be fluid to maintain an accurate social location. For sexual minorities, this may include selective use of sexual identity labels to conform (or not conform) within each social context. The social and cultural framework in which identity development occurs is both contextual and historical. For example, sexual minorities come out in the context of heteronormativity and heterosexism, in which heterosexuality is the norm and any nonheterosexual form of behavior, identity, relationship, or community is stigmatized and punished (Herek, 1994). In addition to being contextual, identity development is also situated historically (Kroger, 1993). An important aspect of Savin-Williams‘ (2005) definition of sexual identity is as a ―socially recognized label.‖ Therefore, sexual identity develops in the context of particular identity possibilities, and societal beliefs about which identities are acceptable or desirable, and which are not. In a heteronormative society, a sexual minority identity is viewed as less desirable, and sexual minorities develop their sexual identity within this restrictive context. Additionally, particular labels used to describe sexual identity are historical. Sexual identity is limited by the pool of potential, socially-constructed identities defined by the culture and time in which one lives (Savin-Williams, 2005). In the current societal context, more identity possibilities exist for sexual minorities because terms such as ―bisexual‖ or ―queer‖ are more widely used, whereas in the past these labels were more obscure or seen as derogatory. Can heterosexual identity be considered a social identity in the same way that a sexual minority identity is a social identity? Heterosexual individuals do not have to ―come out‖ to others as heterosexual, unless they are in a situation in which their sexual identity is the minority (for example, at a gathering of primarily LGB individuals). In Eliason‘s (1995) study, some heterosexual individuals expressed that society made them heterosexual, or cited a religious influence. Beliefs such as these support the idea that heterosexual identity is also formed in part through social interactions, similarly to sexual minority identities. But, for sexual minorities more so than for heterosexual individuals, social interactions might be risky or dangerous because of their sexual minority status.

SEXUAL ORIENTATION-BASED VICTIMIZATION Sexual identity is an important aspect of general identity to understand because of its association with political and social consequences, especially as a result of sexual minority identification. Political consequences may include being in a disadvantaged position regarding specific rights and policies, such as being able to adopt a child or marry someone of the same gender. Social consequences are represented by rates of discrimination and victimization based on sexual orientation and identity. Victimization of sexual minorities has

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been demonstrated both in past research (Berrill, 1992) and in a recent meta-analysis of victimization experiences of individuals identifying as lesbian, gay, and bisexual (Katz-Wise and Hyde, under review). The impact of living in a heterosexist society for sexual minorities has been termed ―cultural victimization‖ and has been compared to the negative consequences of physical and sexual abuse, which include both shame and negative self-concept (Neisen, 1993). Sexual minorities also experience direct victimization, including verbal, physical and sexual victimization, based on the stigma of identifying as non-heterosexual. Fernald (1995) suggested that sexual minorities face a hostile climate of sexual orientation-based discrimination, harassment, and violence that stem from both institutional and interpersonal heterosexism. The illegality of same-gender marriage in most states in the U. S. is an example of institutional heterosexism. This type of heterosexism is also demonstrated through discrimination of sexual minorities in issues of healthcare (Mays and Cochran, 2001) and adoption (Ryan and Whitlock, 2008). Interpersonal heterosexism is represented by an increased risk of victimization in sexual minorities compared with heterosexual individuals (Katz-Wise and Hyde, under review). Bisexuality in particular, has been associated with a number of negative stereotypes, and bisexual individuals have been subjected to prejudice within the larger sexual minority community. Prejudice specifically related to bisexuality has been termed biphobia (Bradford, 2004), and includes beliefs about the instability of a bisexual identity, as well as intolerance toward bisexual persons (Mohr and Rochlen, 1999). Many models of sexual identity formation do not recognize bisexuality as a legitimate sexual identity, and instead view bisexuality as a transitional identity between heterosexual and homosexual (Rust, 1993). Research has not supported this view, instead suggesting that bisexuality is a stable identity in itself (Diamond, 2008b), at least among women. The view of bisexuality as a transitional identity reinforces the dichotomy between homosexual and heterosexual (MacDonald, 1981), and suggests that bisexual individuals may choose when to identify as a sexual minority and when to identify as heterosexual, based on convenience (Paul, 1984). The stigma of this label not only restricts usage of the label by sexual minorities, but those individuals with a bisexual orientation may also be particularly subject to expressions of the stigma by others. Indeed, research has demonstrated that bisexual individuals are especially vulnerable to victimization experiences (Russel and Seif, 2002; Udry and Chantala, 2002). These experiences, though negative, can help us understand sexual identity as a social identity: identifying as bisexual may increase negative social interactions, such as victimization. Victimization based on sexual orientation results in both poor physical health as a result of acute injury, as well as poor mental health outcomes (Meyer, 2003). The minority stress hypothesis proposes that stigma, prejudice, and discrimination create a hostile or stressful social environment that leads to negative health outcomes (Mays and Cochran, 2001), and specifically to mental health problems and a higher prevalence of mental disorders in sexual minority populations (Meyer, 2003). Sexual orientation-based victimization can be considered a ―bias crime.‖ This type of hate crime has a more negative psychological impact on victims than non-bias crimes (McDevitt, Balboni, Garcia, and Gu, 2001). Negative mental health outcomes resulting from sexual orientation-based victimization, such as depression, anxiety, and PTSD, have been demonstrated in both sexual minority youth (Hershberger and D‘Augelli, 1995) and adults (Cogan, 1996). Negative impacts of victimization have also been found for types of victimization less severe than physical violence. In youth identifying as lesbian, gay, and bisexual, verbal and

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physical harassment were related to problematic behavioral outcomes, such as school-related problems, conflicts with the law, and substance abuse, as well as outcomes more directly related to mental health such as suicide (Savin-Williams, 1994). Even more subtle, microaggressions may have similar mental health implications compared with more overt types of victimization (Sue et al., 2007). Microaggressions are defined as ―brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color‖ (p. 271). This concept, originally developed with respect to racial minorities, has been expanded to sexual orientation (Sue, 2010). Microaggressions may represent one aspect of the heterosexist context within which sexual minorities reside and sexual identity develops.

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SEXUAL IDENTITY IN RURAL SPACES As noted above, sexual identity is socially and culturally constructed, and bound by history and context. Although there are examples of same-gender sexual relations across the world and throughout history, the sexual identities of ―gay‖ or ―lesbian‖ are not universal (e.g., Crompton, 2003), and contemporary research engages simultaneously with the concepts of sexual identity and place. Queer theorists often argue that ―the understanding of sexual identity may be inflected in unique ways depending on racial, ethnic or class affiliations‖ (Valocchi, 2005, p. 754). The approach we take in reviewing this research is derived from this aspect of queer theory, which acknowledges the intersections of sexual identity with other social markers of difference, such as race, ethnicity, gender, class, citizenship, ability, and place. We see this in the definition of ―queer‖ put forward by McRuer (1997) and others (e.g., 3 Johnson, 2005). McRuer‘s (1997) definition of ―queer‖ encompasses identities that are ―shaped and reshaped across differences and that interrogate and disrupt dominant hierarchical understandings of not only sex, gender, and sexuality but also race and class‖ (p. 4). Queer theorists appear to recognize that focusing solely on sexuality will result in an incomplete picture of social life, as other sources of oppression are ignored. Scholars note that this part of queer theory has its roots in the call for a focus on ―intersectionality‖ in feminist movements, put forth primarily by women of color starting in the 1980s (Stein and Plummer, 1994; Valocchi, 2005). In this section, we take an intersectionality approach to understanding sexual identity, with particular emphasis on the importance of place in sexual identity construction. There are few social science studies that examine the intersections of sexual identity and rurality. In rural sociology and studies of rurality from other disciplines, lesbian, gay, bisexual and queer people are typically invisible in the literature. By the same token, in the interdisciplinary field of LGBT studies or queer studies, it is the urban gays who tend to be assigned the ―master status,‖ representing all non-heterosexual minority identities (Brekhus, 2003). Spurlin (2000) noted that in addition to American queer studies‘ preoccupation with queers in urban places, there is also a coastal preoccupation that ignores queer lives of those

3

The definitions of ―queer‖ reviewed here follow from queer theory and are not limited to sexual identity.

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living in middle America. What are the daily lived experiences of queer and LGB people living rurally, and what makes their experience of the rural distinctive? McCarthy‘s (2000) study of rural lesbians in the U. S. focused on lesbian identity maintenance in rural areas, noting that most studies focus on the formation of homosexuality identities, and not their maintenance. For the participants in this study, locating a small informal network of lesbian friends was very important to avoid feeling isolated. McCarthy constructed her argument by starting with the literature on identity and the importance of community identity to rural gays and lesbians. The author employed various models of homosexual identity development, such as those put forward by Cass (1979) and Troiden (1988): ―In his theory of homosexual identity development, Troiden suggests that gays and lesbians commonly employ techniques to manage the stigma associated with being gay or lesbian‖ (McCarthy, 2000, p. 82). McCarthy described that one of these techniques that Troiden (1988) focused on is ―group affiliation,‖ and she noted that:

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Unfortunately, this option is unavailable to rural lesbians. Rural lesbians are more likely to capitulate or avoid lesbian activity because they have internalized negative messages about being lesbian, or to ‗pass‘ as heterosexual. Although passing may grant rural lesbians some sense of control over who knows about their sexual orientation, it also forces them to live an isolated and secret life. (p. 82)

In reviewing this study‘s conclusions, it is important to recognize that passing as heterosexual may not preclude participation in informal queer networks. Some rural lesbians‘ lives might consist of strategic self-management techniques that allow them to shift between passing in some contexts and participating in these networks in different contexts. Additionally, portraying the closet as always repressive is not an accurate portrait when for some, being closeted can involve moments of empowerment and self-discovery (Seidman, Meeks, and Traschen, 2002). Noting the lack of social science research on rurality and sexuality, Oswald and Culton (2003) set out to uncover the ―best‖ and ―worst‖ aspects of the lives of rural LGBT people. Their aim was to develop a better understanding of LGBT people in rural areas so that family professionals, such as educators, extension staff, and others can better serve their needs. Using survey methods, they collected data on 527 ―non-metropolitan‖ LGBT people in Illinois and analyzed the open-ended question data inductively according to grounded theory methods. Overall, the best aspects among respondents came from having tight networks of friends and family, being ―tolerated‖ in society, and having the financial resources to live comfortably. Among the negative aspects, researchers concluded that their results ―are the first to identify that the existing GLBT (gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender) community in rural areas is not a viable resource for many GLBT people‖ (p. 76). Oswald and Culton concluded overall that ―non-metropolitan GLBT people have informal support, but struggle to maintain a strong GLBT community and experience discrimination and hostility‖ (p. 78). In their study, Oswald and Culton did not distinguish between ―rural‖ and ―nonmetropolitan.‖ It may be inaccurate in this case for authors to claim to have reached conclusions about the experiences of LGBTs in the rural, versus the suburbs, or the urbanrural fringe, if survey responses from these areas were pooled. An additional critique is that respondents were asked to choose among the categories of biological male, biological female, transsexual or intersexual, and mark whether they identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or other.

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The researchers relied on these rigid classifications by which respondents were to identify themselves, and did not allow space for writing in self-identification, or ask questions that would have elicited responses regarding the ―incongruities between classification systems and individuals‘ actual behavior‖ (Valocchi, 2005, p. 767). As we discussed previously, use of open-ended questions is an important method of measuring sexual identity that fully allows for the emergence of a range of identities (see Measuring Sexual Identity). In Cody and Welch‘s (1997) study, researchers interviewed 20 gay men living in rural New England. Among the themes that emerged, several were associated with rural life including, ―benefits of rural life,‖ ―negative aspects of rural living‖ and ―isolation.‖ The men who coped most successfully with isolation were those who had strong ―families of choice,‖ that is, families made up of other gays in their communities, or sometimes lesbians and heterosexuals (see Weston, 1997). Most gay men in the study described the benefits of living rurally, and authors concluded that these ―quality of life‖ measures seemed to balance the negative aspects they described (Cody and Welch, 1997). Similarly, in a study of gay men on the suburban-rural fringe in Massachusetts, researchers found that men in this region did not feel isolated, nor did they feel the need to rely solely on a gay community for social support (Kirkey and Forsyth, 2001). Drawing from interviews with 14 gay men, census, mailing lists, and business data, Kirkey and Forsyth provided a picture of the lives of gay men in the Connecticut River Valley, Massachusetts during the 1990s. The researchers found that gay men were integrated in their communities, participated in potlucks and outdoor events, and were not dependent on a solitary local gay bar for socializing. Unlike results of studies of urban gays, gay men in this community did not form a gay ―ghetto‖ based on bar culture. The authors noted that the region has a history of back-to-the-land feminist movements and a high population of lesbians. The researchers also found interesting tensions between gay men and lesbians, wherein the latter were the first to do the work of fighting homophobia and integrating in this region. Now over 15 years old, Weston‘s (1995) ―Get thee to a big city: Sexual imaginary and the great gay migration‖ is a reflection and excerpt from her larger ethnography of urban gays and lesbians who migrated from non-metropolitan areas. Weston concluded that the ―gay imaginary‖ described by her participants in their coming out stories was spatially constructed, in which the city represented ―a beacon of tolerance and gay community‖ and the rural was constructed as ―a locus of persecution and gay absence‖ (p. 262). Yet Weston also found more complicated evidence of the experiences of queer rural life. She found that most stories about the Great Gay Migration ―culminate in a kind of anti-identification,‖ wherein upon arrival, respondents were faced with a lack of commonality with queer people in urban areas (p. 269). Weston used an implicitly queer theory lens in her critique of identity formation politics, and in her discussion of respondents‘ experiences of racism and classism in gay communities. From this review of five studies, it is clear that place plays an important role in the life experiences of rural LGBs (and possibly also transgender individuals, based on Oswald and Culton‘s (2003) study). In some studies, isolation in rural areas seems to influence the quality of life of gays and lesbians, and social support appears to be important in improving the lives of LGB people in rural places. On the other hand, Kirkey and Forsyth (2001) found that the gay men in their study did not express feelings of isolation in their suburban-rural environment. This underscores the importance of analyzing the variety that exists within ―the rural.‖ For example, available social support networks or the proximity to large urban centers

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may influence the quality of life or level of discrimination that rural LGB people face, as well as the unique history of social relations in the area. Recognizing that rural places are indeed varied will lead researchers to form a more accurate picture of LGBs in the countryside.

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FUTURE DIRECTIONS In reviewing the literature to write this chapter, we identified a number of areas related to sexual identity which we believe would benefit from further research: relationships among different dimensions of sexual orientation, heterosexual identity development, sexual identity in rural places, and sexual identity in a global context. Sexual Identity vs. Sexual Orientation. As we discussed previously, sexual orientation is a complex construct, comprising multiple dimensions. Although researchers have begun to explore the relationships among the different dimensions of sexual orientation (e.g., Diamond, 2008a; Weinberg et al., 1994), such as fantasies, attractions, and sexual behaviors, it is not completely clear how all of these dimensions relate to sexual identity. For example, is it required for someone to be attracted to both women and men and have sexual experiences with both genders for their sexual identity to be considered bisexual? Do same-gender sexual fantasies alone lead a person to identify with a sexual identity other than heterosexual? What leads some individuals with same-gender attractions to adopt sexual minority identities, while other individuals retain a heterosexual identity? These and other related questions need further exploration. Heterosexual Identity Development. Another area in need of further research is heterosexual identity development. As discussed in the section on Sexual Identity Development, some work has been done on this process, but far more effort has been placed on understanding the development of non-heterosexual identities. Frankel (2004) advocated for future research on heterosexual male sexual identity, and specifically for the use of a model that separates the saliency and centrality of heterosexual identity. Frankel defined saliency as ―the degree to which an identity category is cognitively available to an individual‖ and centrality as ―the extent to which identity motivates action and behaviors‖ (p. 2). He proposed that heterosexual male sexual identity is central, but not salient, because of its normativity. Using this model can help us understand the importance (or unimportance) of heterosexuality to males who identify this way. It would be interesting to extend this theoretical model to heterosexual females and their experience of having a heterosexual identity. Clearly more research is needed in the areas of both heterosexual identity development, and the experience of having a heterosexual identity. Sexual Identity and Rurality. One place for more research in the area of sexual identity and rurality is the study of the migration patterns of rural queer ―others,‖ following the research of Halfacree (2001). The changing rural economies of the U.S. and U.K., which include the growing trend of ―hobby farming‖ and organic value-added enterprises, may be providing opportunities for the migration of those with minority sexual identities from urban to rural spaces. How do queer farmers who migrate to rural places manage their sexual identities in rural social contexts? To what extent do the experiences of sexual identity management among in-migrant queer farmers differ compared to queer farmers who were

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raised in rural places? Analyses of these migration flows may shed light on the ways in which sexual identity might be influenced by geographical shifts and changing contexts. With respect to queer studies, while previous works on rurality and sexuality have made some progress toward recognizing the benefits of a queer theory lens, much work remains – particularly in the field of rural sociology. The studies that focus on rural sexualities have generally remained uninformed by queer theories, and have not been seriously considered byscholars of rural studies in discussions of identity and rurality. We agree with Bell and Valentine (1995) in their conclusion that ―Both rural studies and lesbian and gay studies stand to be enriched by the further investigation of this queer country,‖ especially when these investigations engage with other social markers of difference (p. 120). Sexual Identity in Global Spaces. A separate realm for future research on sexual identity is the area of international studies. In their review of sexual identity development, Levine and Evans (1991) were careful to introduce the models as ―Western‖ frameworks. However, this attention to global specificity is often omitted from LGBT research, and few sexual identity studies from the global North acknowledge that research findings ought to be geographically contextualized. Just as feminists of the global South critiqued the universalist tendencies of Western feminism (e.g., Mohanty, 1988), it cannot be assumed that the development and forms of sexual identity in the U. S. can be mapped onto the global South. For instance, Carrier‘s (1995) research on Mexican men who have sex with men (MSM) revealed that these men‘s sexual identities in Mexico were constructed using the active/passive dichotomy of individuals during sexual behavior, versus the gender of the object choice. Further, Carrier noted that the influence of U. S. migration has added a third sexual identity, ―internationals‖. This evidence illustrates that scholars of sexual identity cannot uncritically ―export‖ modes of sexual identity from the U. S. to developing countries, and that broader structural processes, such as migration and globalization, ought to be analyzed for their influence on global sexual identities (Cantu, 2009).

CONCLUSION This chapter aimed to provide an overview of sexual identity related to researching this topic, understanding the formation of a sexual identity and sexual identity as a social identity, and examining current research on sexual identity in the areas of sexual orientation-based victimization and rural studies. The contradictions in defining sexual identity and its conflation with sexual orientation became evident. The clearest delineation of the two terms is to view sexual orientation as representing sexual preference, with the dimensions of sexual identity, sexual and romantic attractions, sexual fantasies, and sexual behavior considered within the larger construct of sexual orientation. Measurement and sampling issues related to sexual identity were also discussed. We recommended the use of forced-choice quantitative items that are up-to-date and include many possible responses, as well as an open-ended option. Use of the KSOG was also recommended, to capture each of the dimensions of sexual orientation in addition to change over time. The importance of measuring change in sexual identity over time was highlighted in our discussion of sexual identity development, and specifically sexual fluidity.

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In our discussion of sexual identity as a social identity, we outlined how sexual identity develops both individually and in relation to others. Sexual identity is particularly social for those with a minority sexual identity, such as gays or lesbians, because sexual minorities must come out as such to others, lest their identity be assumed to be heterosexual. Additionally, sexual identity is based on labels that are culturally and contextually based. Therefore, sexual identity is by nature a social identity. The social aspect of sexual identity was also linked to sexual orientation-based victimization, in which individuals are targeted because of their sexual identity or sexual behaviors. In this chapter we also examined intersections of sexual identity and rural studies. While some studies found that social isolation is a challenge for rural lesbians and gays, others in different rural contexts were satisfied with the available social networks in their lives. This research illustrates the importance of distinguishing among different types of rural places, and their respective relationships to quality of life and sexual identity maintenance for rural LGBs. Finally, we suggested directions for future research, including relationships between sexual identity and other dimensions of sexual orientation, heterosexual identity development, and sexual identity in rural and global spaces. We also see queer theory and intersectionality as important tools for understanding how experiences of sexual identity may be influenced by other social markers of difference, such as race, ethnicity, gender, class, citizenship, ability and place. We hope that this chapter has highlighted both the complexities of researching sexual identity, as well as the importance of understanding this topic to other areas of research in the social sciences such as general identity development, and stereotyping related to sexual orientation and gender norms.

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Chapter 3

SOCIAL IDENTITY AND PROFESSIONAL ARCHITECTS Tsung-Juang Wang

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National Taipei University of Technology, Taipei, Taiwan

In regard to professionalism in general and to architecture in particular the radical challenges of arguments based on social identity theory are often thought to be an impetus for expanding the role of the architectural practitioner (Groat, 1992, 1993, 2000; Davis, 1993), but there is a possibility that this new approach might actually diminish the profession of architecture. In the following pages I will examine this issue through the presentation of what I call the Mediation Model of Design Professionalism. In the past architects were often conceived as artists with independent visions who cared for nothing but realizing their imaginative visions. Classic examples are Frank Lloyd Wright and Frank Gearhy. Such architects were essentially strong individualists educated by immersion in a traditional body of knowledge – namely, the aesthetics of ancient and often ruined buildings – and possessed of a highly specialized expertise. If such architects experienced a social identity, it was as the élite members of a narrow fine arts community. For such architects professionalism was virtually identical with social standing and respectability. But all of that has changed over the past few decades. Architects still conceive themselves, somewhat hesitantly, as artists – or at least as creative designers (Cohen et al., 2005) – but the profession of architecture in relation to society is now much different than it used to be. In the past architects concerned themselves almost exclusively with achieving civilly uplifting visions of building projects. Both their work and their social identity were defined by aesthetic concerns. Today, however, architects construct their social and professional identity not only in terms of art but also in terms of business and public service. Traditionally, the professional architect was presented with a solution to a problem by a client, but now the architect is expected to solve the problem as well. Since architecture has always had close associations with engineering and technology, the problems presented to architects today often require ICT expertise for their solution. Moreover, the increasing social demands of communitarian ethics in the form of environmentalism and sustainability have usually been constructed as problems that architects are being asked to help solve. Finally, it is not so much the artistic vision of the architect that is valued today as it is the architect‘s

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ability to design buildings compatible with the bottom line of contractors in the building industry and – increasingly – with conformity to the demands of the promoters of cultural diversity. All of these recent changes to the profession of architecture illustrate how the social identity of architects was once devised mostly in terms of individualism, but it is now constructed in broader terms, implying greater accountability to the dominant values of society as a whole.

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SOCIAL IDENTITY THEORY Social identity theory (SIT) can be traced back for several decades, beginning perhaps with Tolman‘s (1943) concept of group identity. Tajfel and Turner (1985) provide the fundamental conceptualization of social identity theory. According to these authors, people tend to classify themselves and others by reference to social categories or schema, constructed by abstracting prototypical – or stereotypical – features of the membership of the group. As Ashforth and Mael (1989) remind us, social categorization serves two purposes: first, it establishes an organization of the social environment, and second, it permits individuals to identify with particular social groups. ―According to SIT, the self concept is comprised of a personal identity encompassing idiosyncratic characteristics (e.g., bodily attributes, abilities, psychological traits, interests) and a social identity encompassing salient group classifications. Social identification, therefore, is the perception of oneness with or belongingness to some human aggregate.‖ (p. 21) Two problems with social identity theory spring to mind immediately. The first problem is the matter of reliability. Because the construction of group identity is, more than anything else, a question of psychological perception, the categorical identification may not be valid. When this happens, the result is usually called a stereotype. Whereas prototypes are usually considered to be correct, stereotypes are usually considered to be incorrect, downright false, and even insulting and debilitating to the members of the group. In other words, when a group approves an image of its identity, the image is thought to be a prototype, or even an archetype, but when a group does not approve of an image of its identity, the image is thought to be a stereotype. The second problem with social identity is the matter of legitimacy. That is, who speaks for the group? This is especially problematic if there are multiple manifestations of a certain social identity. There are, for example, many forms of feminist identity, and they are often in conflict with one another. Which identity is authentic? And even if this could be determined – which, at the present time it cannot – who is the best spokesperson or authority for that form of social identity? Setting side these problems for a moment, we should also understand that social identity theory in its present form is essentially a political methodology, one that is readily used by those possessing a certain ideology. Regardless of whether or not a group is accurately identified, and regardless of the authenticity of those who speak for the group, the group as a whole – sometimes without a head to speak, either rationally or enthusiastically – moves through the social world with the simple and profound purpose of asserting its own power. Additionally, there is usually no shortage of individuals – particularly liberal-minded and university-educated individuals, often holding a strong sense of resentment against the dominant cultural structure, who are ready to advance the cause of whatever social identity

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they believe and feel should have greater recognition and status. The rallying cry for the advocates of social identity theory is invariably Democracy! Moreover, the democratic theme they assert is not liberty but equality, and not equality of opportunity, which traditionally went hand-in-hand with liberty, but equality of social recognition. Translated into more basic terms, social identity theory is virtually equatable with the common claims of diversity and multiculturalism, along with their attendant commitments to communitarian ethics, especially in the related forms of environmentalism and sustainability. An excellent example of the way that social identity theory can come into contact with architectural professionalism is provided by Regina Davis (1993) who writes, ―In the spring of 1991 I taught a new writing course with another African American faculty member, Ken Simmons, in the Department of Architecture at the University of California at Berkeley. The purpose of the course was to write about African American, Asian American, Latino, and Native American architects and artists and their works. We created this course at the urgent request of African American architecture students who were angered by the omission of architects of color in our curriculum.‖ (p.30). Davis discusses various ways to ―write multiculturalism‖ into architectural curricula. These strategies include emphasizing experiential learning rather than relying on lectures, and finding multicultural texts and exemplars to discuss, but the key idea is easy to overlook: ―First, the course must integrate the classroom with the outside world‖ (p.36). This theme will recur throughout the remainder of this commentary, and it should always be kept in mind. So, too, should Davis‘s observation that the subsequent changes she describes in the architectural curricula at UC Berkeley originated in an ―urgent‖ and ―angry‖ demand from a group of students with a particular social identity.

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ARCHITECTURAL THEORY Linda Groat (1992) reviews the history of architectural theory from the advent of modernism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to what she – along with certain other critics – regard as its postmodern ―cul-de-sac‖ condition at the end of the twentieth century. Groat finds theoretical evidence that over the past four centuries there have been two distinct but often competitive and sometimes ambiguously intertwined epistemological traditions that have defined the modernist project in the Western world. The first of these traditions is humanism with its emphasis on the subjective powers of the individual, and the second of these traditions is empirical science with its emphasis on the objective and infinitely various world of facts. Cartesian dualism separated the subjective and objective worlds completely, while at the same time privileging the mental over the physical. Concurrently, cultural romanticism glorified the idea of the creative genius. According to Groat, these epistemological traditions were evident in architecture as well as in other intellectual endeavours. For her, the modernist tradition in architecture reached a dead end in 1966 with the publication of Robert Venturi‘s masterpiece Complexity and Contradiction, in which creative ambiguity is argued as an artistic solution to the centuries-old conflict between subjective and objective epistemologies: it is the architect who gives meaning to physical facts.

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Groat tells us that during the 1970s and the 1980s postmodern approaches to architectural theory began to appear. Notable among these were structuralist, semiotic, and phenomenological expressions of architectural theory, all of which tend to emphasize the expressive possibilities of architecture. J. P. Bonta‘s (1978) argument for the language-like quality of architecture (with or without an interpreter) and the emphasis on the sense of place and the totality of experience in the buildings and the writings of Christian Norberg-Schulz (1979) are good examples of this attempt to break away from the restrictions of the objective epistemology of empiricism. Finally, deconstructivist theory, exemplified by the buildings of Peter Eisenman, allowed multiple (and ironic) interpretations of architecture, while at the same time retaining the freedom of the architect. Unlike general French post-structuralist theory, Anglo-American architectural theory did not totally sever the unity of signifier and signified – that is, subjectively creative epistemology and objectively empirical epistemology. If anything, it seems, at least in the mind of Groat, that postmodern deconstructionism – along with structuralism, semiotics, and phenomenology – ultimately served to reconfirm the ideal of the architect as independent creator. Groat goes on to argue that what is needed for architecture in the twenty-first century is the adoption of a culturalist perspective. Following Cahoon (1988), Groat lists three characteristics of culture in its new and current meaning. First, culture is neither subjective, nor objective, for it is logically prior to this dichotomy. Second, culture is communicative, communal, and therefore always in the public domain. Third, culture is constantly changing and endlessly diverse – or messy. Thus, for architectural theory to adopt a culturalist stance these essential characteristics of culture would have to be assumed. The consequences of basing architectural theory on such assumptions would be utterly transformative. With neither a subjective nor an objective bias, architecture would be seen neither as the work of an individual creative genius nor as a technical response to external forces, such as those of the marketplace. Moreover, architecture based on culture as a communal artefact would be a totally public enterprise. Finally, because culture is always in flux, architecture embedded in culture would also be caught in a network of changing particularities – process instead of product. In a later article Groat (1993) sums up her argument for a culturalist architectural theory: Specifically, women and minorities are not likely to see the two dominant models of the architect –the architect-as-artist and the architect-as-technician – as offering viable roles that will enable them to have a significant impact or to effect broader changes. In this light, the characteristics and advantages of a culturalist theoretical perspective offer the possibility of a different model: the architect-as-cultivator. (p. 3)

This, then – the architect-as-cultivator – is the ultimate model that social identity theory has to offer the theory of architecture.

WHAT DO ARCHITECTS KNOW? Architectural knowledge is what makes an architect. What he or she knows about designing buildings is the essence of the architect‘s identity. Until very recently – that is, the early nineteenth century – architects thought of themselves as being artists. John Ruskin‘s

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famous comment in The Stones of Venice (1853) that all architects should also be painters and sculptors highlights this conception of the architect as an independent creator concerned primarily with the aesthetic quality of the buildings he designs. During all those centuries from Antiquity onward architects were usually commissioned by wealthy aristocrats or institutions, such as the Roman Catholic Church, to design buildings that would satisfy social and religious ideals. With the advent of the Industrial Revolution, however, and the establishment of a free market economy, the architect was suddenly thrown into a different relationship with his patrons. No longer an independent spirit, the architect now had to compete in the marketplace. This abrupt shift in the architect‘s role resulted in the rapid development of professionalization. From this time forward architects would no longer regard themselves as gifted artistic amateurs but as qualified and respected professionals protected by this conceptualization of their work from various forms of exploitation. Nevertheless, the essential feature of the identity of architects was retained. Like amateur architects of the past, professional architects were – and are today – still identified, more than anything else, by the knowledge or expertise they possess. It is this knowledge that makes the services of professional architects so valuable in the marketplace. We shall look at professionalism itself very shortly, but first it would be useful to review the kind of knowledge that both amateur and professional architects are thought to possess and to exhibit in their work. The logical place to begin is with Vituvius in ancient Rome, whose treatise De Architectura, written in the first century BC, was the first formal statement to conceptualize the identity of the architect. Hanno-Walter Kruft (1994) provides a succinct summary of Vitruvius‘s characterization of the architect: In the first chapter of Book I Vitruvius builds up a detailed profile of the professional architect. The architect must be a master of fabrica (craft) and ratiocinatio (theory). Ratiocinatio is a concept characterized by scientific content. Vitruvius demands a broadly ranging education for architects, on the ground that architecture makes varied demands upon its practitioner. The architect must be skilled in writing, in order ―to be able to render his memory more reliable by the use of notes;‖ he must be a good draughtsman and have a command of geometry, in order to make correct perspective drawings and plans. A knowledge of the laws of optics is necessary for the correct use of light. Arithmetic is necessary for the calculation of costs and also for proportions. Historical knowledge is required if the architect is to understand ornament and its meaning. Philosophy should set its stamp on his character. An understanding of music is desirable for its application to tensions in siege machines and the building of theatres. Medical knowledge is called for in order to take account of the requirements of climate and of health in building. Vitruvius further stipulates a basic knowledge of building law and astronomy.

This wide ranging catalogue of the knowledge required of architects immediately reminds us of similar lists that architectural critics and educators often stipulate for architects today. At the core of Vitruvius‘s analysis of architectural knowledge is the idea that architects must command both theoretical and practical knowledge – ratiocinatio and fabrica. Moreover, Vitruvius thought it essential for an architect to be able to draw designs and to write well. Added to these core kinds of knowledge are the ―softer‖ kinds of knowledge relating to social matters, such as history and law. What is sometimes overlooked in discussions of Vitruvius is that he also believed that the architect should possess a philosophical soul – presumably meaning that the architect should always be wise and ethical.

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Perhaps the question about this summary of the characteristics of the good architect that first needs answering is this: What does Vitruvius mean by ratiocinatio or theory? Indeed, the question about architectural theory is still vexed after two thousand years of study and commentary. It is certainly pertinent to note that when the first modern school of architecture was instated in France in the seventeenth century, the founders established Vitruvius‘s De Architectura as the basic text on theory. Even more interesting is the fact that Vitruvius‘s principal belief about theory – the idea that the formal quality of architecture is based on nature – was very soon replaced in France by the idea that the formal quality of architecture should be based on the mental and apodictic truths of geometry. This new conception of form was adopted by the Academie des Beaux-Arts, and it has enjoyed pride of place in a tradition that has continued to be an active and relevant discourse on architecture until the present day, though it has been largely rejected in the last few decades as the formal quality of architecture has been replaced by the cultural possibilities of critics grounded in social identity theory. Robert Dripps (1987) sums up Vitruvius‘s importance with these words:

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Vitruvius had an idea. He wrote about a world that could be understood through the accumulated knowledge of the various disciplines of learning. He wrote about an architecture that operated as a synthetic discipline and thereby was capable of representing and interpreting this world. He believed that architecture was a public gesture—its greatest achievement being the city—and he proposed a way to think about architecture that related idea to form and the detail to the whole. In the coherent world of belief, his ideas produced a human-made environment that was in accord with his culture's view of itself and its relationship to the world of nature. (p. 20)

According to Dripps, architecture represents a combination of form and idea – possibly theory and practice, in Vitruvius‘s terms. Form is a matter of composition or design. It is the language of architecture, and it remains relatively the same over time. Ideas are related to the world outside the form of architecture. They describe thoughts about the changing relationship of humanity to nature or humanity to the city. Dripps argues that the theoretical emphasis given by Vitruvius to natural form – and by the Beaux-Arts tradition to geometrical form – should not be forgotten in an age that has so radically shifted its attention to architecture‘s relationship to society. Since we have located the beginning of our examination of architectural theory with Vitruvius in classical Rome, it seems appropriate that we should also mention the relevance of architectural theory to Aristotle in ancient Athens. We have noted that it is knowledge that defines both the amateur and the professional architect, and, in the manner of Vitruvius, we have focused so far on theoretical knowledge as being primary, though it must be remembered that theoretical knowledge is always supported and realized by practical knowledge. Vitruvius‘s ratiocinatio echoes Aristotle‘s epistēmē, and Vitruvius‘s fabrica echoes Aristotle‘s technē (Metaphysics). What needs emphasizing here is that rational knowledge or theory works closely together with technical knowledge or practice in the activity of the architect. Moreover, both theory and practice are kinds of epistemology – knowing through reason and knowing through physical application. In recent years much has been made by Donald Schön (1984, 1988) and others of the importance of practical learning experienced in the design studio. Despite the pleas of critics such as Dripps (1987), the existence and importance of purely rational or theoretical architectural knowledge has been

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generally doubted and disparaged for some time now in favor of the culturalist perspective on a pragmatic approach to architectural design. A major exception is the argument presented by Marco Frascari (1988). After telling the legend of the pre-Socratic philosopher – that is, rational or theoretical thinker – Τhales who fell into a well because he had his ―head in the clouds‖ and had to be rescued by a practical maiden, Frascari describes the allegorical depictions of Theoria and Practica standing on either side of Lady Architecture on the frontispieces of architectural treatises of the Italian Renaissance and the later English Renaissance. He then explains the significance: ―These frontispieces usually depict Theory as a young maid, dressed in light blue fabric, who is always looking upward. This female figure represents the soft thinking of architectural mediations. Practice is also presented as a maid, but she is no longer the young woman of the story of Thales; she is a downward-looking old maid dressed in dark, earth-colored clothes.‖ (p. 16) This Renaissance allegorical understanding of the primary importance of theory and the secondary importance of practice represents the apex of rationality in the epistemology of architecture in the Western world. But still the questions remain: What is the substance of architectural knowledge? What is it that that architects know – or at least were thought, until very recently, to know? According to Frascari, the answer is simple and obvious, but its justification is a little roundabout. Frascari finds his answer in the writings of the eighteenth century philosopher Giambattista Vico who argued that just as there are rational universals, there are also imaginative universals – universali fantastici, as Vico called them – a storehouse of images that poets, painters, and architects can access at will. Frascari elaborates: Suggesting a possible critical approach to architectural theory drawn from imaginative universals, the research agenda for architects is, then, founded on a theory of image. This theory proposes an understanding of architecture as a system of representational knowledge, emerging from a critical system, that does not separate instrumental from symbolic representations. As in the hermetic visual tradition, this theory of image holds that images not only represent but capture something of, or participate in the nature of, what is represented. . . . In connection with his theory of image construction, Vico also advocates establishing a "mental vocabulary" of images. He indicates as well that human understanding requires the development of human images and, further, that abstract categories can be expressed through human representations. Theoretical explanations belong to the realm of necessary fables, a group of imaginative class concepts (Vico's generi fantastici) that are the measures for the production of significant expressions. (p. 18)

The ultimate value of the artistic theory of images presented by Frascari is that it both identifies the substance of architectural theory as the formal elements of great and usually ruined buildings and provides a means of judging the value of present designs by asking if they meet the implied standards of the universali fantastici the architect possesses in his or her mind. Thus, this theory of images ultimately serves as the resource base for the creative processes of the design process of architecture. It is interesting at this point to refer to Aristotle again, this time to his argument about phantasia or imagination (De Anima, 3.3). Aristotle states that thinking is impossible without imagination. This idea at first sounds counter-intuitive to rationalists, but upon examination it does make sense. Aristotle claims that imagination is dependent, in the first place, upon sense perception, but unlike sensations, and unlike memories derived from sensations, images are

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not limited by time as either succession or duration. Images are, in fact, free to associate and to aggregate to form complex images, and, although images are not always true, they are necessary for the pure reason to form abstract ideas. According Dorothea Frede (1992), Aristotle‘s claim that the basic information (aisthētmata) leading eventually to the universal abstraction comes through the senses first is central to his psychological theory. ―The upshot of this interpretation of phantasia is that it plays a crucial cognitive role both in practical and in theoretical thinking in Aristotle by supplying the necessary link between the sensible and the intelligible‖ (p. 292). Moreover, in Aristotle‘s psychology imagination enjoys the status of being purely formal. Aristotle argues, according to doctrine of hylomorphism, that form and substance always cohere and exist together in the physical world (Physics). But, according to De Anima, both perceptions and imagination receive the form of perceptible objects without the substance. Aristotle uses the metaphor of wax receiving an impression from a signet ring to explain this idea. The wax retains the form of the ring but not the material. Since Aristotle also believes the soul or mind, unlike physical objects, is not material, what is in the mind – beginning with sense perceptions, followed by often multiple and metamorphosing images, and ending, at least possibly, with abstract ideas – must be purely formal. The implication of all this Aristotelian psychology for architectural theory is that, if Vico (and Frascari who advocates Vico) is correct in his argument that images can be universals, and if Aristotle is correct (as he usually is) about the necessity of images to the formation of universal ideas, then the basic structure of architectural knowledge must be universal images occurring as a set or system of essential forms.

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THAT WAS THEN, THIS IS NOW For at least the last twenty-five years there has been an ever-increasing sociallymotivated demand for architectural theorists and educators to expand the knowledge requirements for the discipline. One of the earliest, and still one of the strongest, advocates of broadening – if not transforming – the cognitive base of architecture was Amos Rapoport. The following statement summarizes his position: The essence of my argument has been that the purpose of design is to provide settings appropriate to the bio-social, psychological, cultural and other characteristics and needs of the different people for whom design is done. This means that the most important decision is what to do and why to do it rather than how it is to be done (which comes later), with which design has traditionally been more concerned. (2000, p. 103)

Rapoport entire body of architectural criticism suffers from an impatient, self-righteous, and almost angry tone. It is certainly ironic that in his promotion of what he calls Environment-Behavior Relations (EBR) Rapoport insists on the importance of theory and the scientific application of theory, while his entire approach is so obviously not disinterested. It is clear from Rapoport‘s statement above that he would reject the entire tradition of architectural theory, with its emphasis on the knowledge of forms and the creative use of this knowledge in design, in order to replace it with what today might be called general cultural theory. In Groat‘s (1993) terms, Rapoport would replace the images of architect-as-artist and

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architect-as-technician with the image of architect-as-cultivator for the purpose of shifting the attention of the architect from how to do architecture to what architecture to do and why to do it. The trouble with such a radical change in architectural theory is that it rejects a distinctive architectural epistemology altogether and replaces it with a hodge-podge of socially scientific epistemologies that defy unified and coherent description. Bob Burnham (1988) offers an overview – and what now amounts to a preview – of the manifold changes facing architectural theory:

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Conditions in our society have changed a great deal since the architectural profession was organized. The building process has become much more complex. Technology has changed radically. Economic and cultural institutions now have an entirely different scale. Today, many architects provide buildings to users they never see and who have cultural values different from their own. Building types have multiplied. Many of the more recent types have very specific and complex technical, functional and regulatory requirements. All of these changes have placed great pressure on architects to broaden their knowledge base, change their focus to include "problem-solving" as a desirable partner to "design" and extend the range of their activities. Some architects have also sought to broaden their role in society. They have in recent decades sought to cast themselves as political philosophers and social organizers. They have made attempts once again to blur the distinction between architecture and a variety of engineering disciplines and they have moved with increasing frequency into the businesses of development and construction. (p. 53)

Perhaps the most telling of the changes announced by Burnham in this passage is the shift in the occupation of architecture from designing to problem-solving. Traditionally the architect, first as an amateur commissioned by wealthy patrons or institutions, then later as a professional hired by business and governmental organizations, performed the work of designing buildings according to his or her relatively independent imagination. In recent times, however, the architect has been pressed into service to an endless variety of projects emanating from the robust proponents of social identity theory who strongly – even angrily – demand that architects use their specialized knowledge to help them solve particular problems, especially those related to cultural diversity and environmental concerns. This represents, indeed, a turning away from matters of how – the architect‘s proper knowledge – to matters of what and why, the proper knowledge of sociologists, economists, politicians, biologists, geologists, and so on. Vitruvius, or even Frank Lloyd Wright, would be shocked to see how far beyond the artistic knowledge of building forms contemporary architects are expected to range in their epistemology. A good example of the new approach to architectural design can be seen in C. Delancey‘s (2004) article boldly titled ―Architects Can Save the World.‖ This author writes, without a trace of irony, that by committing to an ethical – rather than an aesthetic – theory of architecture today‘s practitioners can help to ―save‖ the environment from further destruction at the hands of humans. Moreover, Delancey suggests that such a commitment is not an option but a moral imperative for architects in the twenty-first century. Delancey defines environmental ethics very simply: First, design for sustainable resource use, and second, maximize ecological benefits to local habitats. ―Decisive design criteria, coupled with a profound new ethical vision, provides for architecture a new opportunity: in striving to meet the goals of an environmental ethic, architecture can reveal the values of environmental ethics‖ (p. 155). Delancey then compares this approach to that of the Medieval church

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builders who used architecture to help reveal the Roman Catholic vision of God. Needless to say, this analogy, along with the tone of Delancey‘s entire article, suggests the obvious fact that environmentalism has become the global religion of the twenty-first century. What Delancey does not say, however, is the kind and extent of environmental knowledge that the new architect can or should be expected to possess beyond the standard architectural knowledge of universally imagined forms. It seems that to satisfy Delancey‘s call to ethical action the architect would need to possess degrees in several more academic disciplines – and how likely is that to happen?

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ARCHITECTURAL PROFESSIONALISM Professionalism began as a result of the introduction of the free market economy in the eighteenth century under the auspices of Adam Smith. Professionalism is also associated with the modernist movement initiated by the development of the ―new philosophy‖ of empirical science by Francis Bacon and René Descartes in the seventeenth century. The essential characteristic of professionalism is the accumulation and codification of knowledge into an established body of theory that practitioners can use – with ethical responsibility – as a cognitive base for their work and that novices are required to learn before they can be admitted to the profession. The ultimate outcome of this codification of expert knowledge is to make the services of the professional a valuable commodity in the modern world. Architectural professionalism developed relatively slowly and somewhat late. In England Sir John Soane (1753-1837) has been frequently regarded as the prototypical modern architect, and in America Charles Bullfinch (1763-1844) has enjoyed a similar distinction. Neither of these architects, however, was a professional. Instead, they were amateurs who regarded architecture as an art, and their wealthy backgrounds allowed them to practise on commissions, though Bullfinch did fall into financial troubles that somewhat curtailed his artistic freedom. Perhaps the best example of an early professional architect was Benjamin Latrobe, who was born in England but migrated to America early in the nineteenth century. To say that Latrobe was a professional architect does not mean that he was not a highly accomplished artistic architect. In fact, his few remaining buildings, such as the Catholic Cathedral in Baltimore, display exquisite formal beauty. What made Latrobe a professional is simply that he had to constantly bid on projects in the marketplace, but when he occasionally did secure a contract – for example, from the federal government in Washington to design the reconstruction of the White House after the War of 1812 – he was such a perfectionist in the performance of his duties that he was dismissed for costing too much money and taking too long to complete the project. Sadly, Latrobe died not long afterward in terrible poverty. The tradition of amateur gentlemen architects continued in both England and America throughout much of the nineteenth century. The Royal Institute of British Architects (the RIBA) was established in 1837, but it was not until the 1930s that the registration of architects occurred. A growing number of young architects associated with the Arts and Crafts movement of the 1880s, inspired by the meditations on Gothic architecture and the promotion of the Medieval concept of ―sound building‖ by John Ruskin in the 1850s, gradually shifted the emphasis on architecture as a fine art to architecture as a profession able to compete in the marketplace. In America much the same trajectory of development

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occurred. New York‘s first noteworthy architect was Richard Morris Hunt (1827-1895), who owing to his family‘s wealth, studied in Paris and returned to America to firmly establish the Beaux-Arts tradition of architecture on the East Coast, where it held its highly honored place until the 1920s. Meanwhile, in Chicago the idea of architecture as a profession developed, along with American modernism, in the latter decades of the nineteenth century. Perhaps the strongest example of this movement was the architectural firm of Dankmar Adler and Louis Sullivan. It was also Sullivan who is often credited with the development of the skyscraper, the ultimate symbol of architectural modernity. Although the American Institute of Architects (the AIA) was established in 1857, it was not until the 1950s that all the states required the registration professional architects. Since the end of World War II the identity of the architect in both England and America has been firmly established as an organizational business man more than an independent artist. Throughout the history of architectural professional it has been evident that there has always been a tension between the concept of the architect as artist and the architect as business man. From the time of Vitruvius in ancient Rome until the Industrial Revolution the architect was conceived principally as an artist, a tradition that has been enshrined in the Beaux Arts tradition that is still influential today in architectural education programs. It is often overlooked, but it should not be, that Donald Schön theory of the architect as a ―reflective practitioner‖ educated mainly in the ―design studio‖ derives its impetus from the Beaux Arts model. The artistic conception of the architect is based on creativity as its essential characteristic, and the activity of the architect is the creation of new designs for buildings through the power of imagination. We have already seen how Aristotle argues that phantasia or imagination provides the necessary link between the perceptible and the intelligible, and that images are, essentially, immaterial forms in the mind. We have also seen how Vico argues that imaginative forms are actually universals and that as such they provide the main resource for poets and all other artists. As Frede (1992) reminds us, Aristotle does not use the word phantasia for poetic creativity, but he does call the poet an eikōnopoios – that is, a maker of images, or, in other words, a creator of mental forms, and this is perhaps the longest-standing and most trustworthy definition of the artist that the Western world has produced. According to the conception of the architect as artist, the architect is a creator of images that are based on perceptions, memories, and other images gained through experience or study, or both. In the modern world, however, the architect has been increasingly drawn into competition in the marketplace. Instead of being commissioned by wealthy patrons and institutions and given virtually limitless freedom to create designs for appropriate, attractive, and spiritually uplifting buildings, architects have been increasingly expected to deliver largely predetermined designs to corporations and governmental agencies, and to do so in a practical and cost-effective manner. In some cases – a perfect example is the American architect and business tycoon John Portman – architects have become organization men who are as adept at management as they are at design. In a more typical scenario the architect is expected to function mainly as a technical wizard who can solve the design problems of business or governmental projects. Today, of course, this means that the architect is often assumed to be a master of information and communication technologies (ICTs). The conflict and tension between the conceptualizations of the architect as artist and the architect as business man is thus frequently manifested as an opposition between theory and practice – in other words, epistemology and methodology. The artist knows through an imaginative command of forms,

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while the technician, who serves the interest of the organization, knows how through experience and common sense. At this point it would appear to be obvious that a third conceptualization of the architect is needed to resolve the conflict between the artistic conceptualization of the architect and the business conceptualization of the architect. Such a resolution can be found, I believe, in the conceptualization of the architect as a professional. As we have seen above, such a resolution has already historically occurred. In fact, for most of the twentieth century architecture enjoyed the status of being a highly respected profession. To a certain extent, this is still true today, but, owing to the extensive and profound and rapid social changes that have occurred throughout the world over the past few decades, the ideal of professionalism itself has come under attack, and architecture has not escaped the public‘s outcry for greater accountability from professionals – and far less autonomy for professionals. As we have already noted, the mastery of a critically accumulated and painstakingly codified body of knowledge or theory is the primary criterion of any profession. By being the custodian of this knowledge a profession balances the claims of creative individuals on the one side with the claims of business interests on the other side. As far as architecture is concerned, it is professionalism that enables the opposing conceptualizations of the architect as artist and the architect as business person to co-exist and function together. I like to depict architecture – and all design, for that matter – as consisting of three interrelated spheres of activity: art, professionalism, and business. I call this schema the Mediation Model of Design Professionalism (see Figure 1). The essential feature of this model is the idea that professionalism mediates between the concerns of art and the concerns of business, and that by doing so professionalism participates in both art and business, so that all three spheres interact and function in such a way that the product of design is motivated and realized by this complex co-operation. The creativity of art, the knowledge of professionalism, and the strategy of business produce the final design. At the same time, the individuality of art struggles with the social identity of professionalism, the social responsibility of professionalism struggles with the market competition of business, and the pragmatics of business struggles with the ideals of art. It must be stressed here that the Mediation Model of Design Professionalism is historically determined. That is, this model is not merely an expression of the political bias of the author. In other words, this model is not a normative schema that the author believes should represent architectural professionalism. Instead, the Mediation Model represents the actual past and present conceptualization of professionalism in the world of design. As Andrew Saint (1983) observes, the triadic relationship among art, professionalism, and business – along with the mediating position of professionalism among the three spheres – is the defining characteristic of the development of professionalism in the world of design since its inception in the early nineteenth century until the present day. It is important to bear in mind the historically descriptive accuracy of the Mediation Model, because this schematic simulation is what is currently coming under attack from the proponents of radical changes to professionalism whose argument is broadly grounded in social identity theory. In order to judge the value of the champions of changes to architectural professionalism it is first necessary to see how these innovations would affect the Mediation Model as a whole.

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PROFESSIONALISM

Social Identity

Social Responsibility

Expertise Market Competitiveness

Individualism

Product of Creativity

Strategy

BUSINESS

ART Pragmatism

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Idealism

Figure 1. The Mediation Model of Design Professionalism based on spheres of epistemology. Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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Before advancing in that direction, however, some more explication of the Mediation Model might be useful. Each of the three spheres contributes a distinctive knowledge to the work of design. Art is essentially the creative activity of imagination. As such art is ideal – that is, the knowledge of art consists of making mental forms without physical substance that eventually suggest, to the rational mind, ideas that dispense with images. This is what Aristotle means when he claims that phantasia is the necessary link in the thought process that begins with sense perceptions and ends with logical abstractions. Meanwhile, business is thoroughly pragmatic, totally concerned with practice in the sense of what will work in any situation. The knowledge of business is strategy, or decision-making about what goals to set and how to proceed in order to maximize organizational benefits. It is obvious from all this that in regard to epistemology art and business are diametrically opposed. Moreover, it is claimed that, within the framework of the Mediation Model of Design Professionalism, the sphere of professionalism is capable of easing all such tensions between the sphere of art and the sphere of business. What, then, is the special knowledge of professionalism? We have already observed that the very essence of professionalism is the theoretical – that is, the incrementally accumulated and carefully codified knowledge of any discipline that is intended for future use, either in research or in practical applications. Thus, in architecture, and in all design endeavours, professionalism becomes both the repository of knowledge and the resource base of knowledge. The sphere of art contributes its knowledge of universal building images and forms, and the sphere of business calls upon architects to apply this theoretical knowledge in a practical or technical manner toward the solving of problems. In this manner, creativity, strategy, and expertise combine in the overall epistemology of the profession of architecture. Besides being a repository for theoretical knowledge and a resource for technical expertise, architectural professionalism is also the location of the ethical concerns of architecture. As we have noted on more than one occasion, the primary characteristic of professionalism is always the accumulation and codification of knowledge. It is this knowledge that allows professionals to sell their services in the marketplace. At the same time professionalism operates according to a social contract. Traditionally society has allowed professions the privilege of self-regulation or autonomy in exchange for the provision of their expert knowledge at a fair price. Thus, within the framework of the Mediation Model of Design Professionalism, the sphere of professionalism is where the individualism of the artist is balanced by the social identity of the professional, and the competitiveness of the marketplace is balanced by the social responsibility of the profession. All this means that architectural professionalism ensures that neither the conceptualization of the architect as artistic genius nor the conceptualization of the architect as ruthless business person will dominate. In terms of the benefits of architecture, the Mediation Model of Design Professionalism also permits both variety and harmony. The sphere of art maintains a measure of creative control, the sphere of business allows a reasonable profit, and the sphere of professionalism protects architecture from the excesses of both the artistic genius on the one side and the ruthless business person on the other side. Similarly, the technical appeal of the professional sphere moderates the aesthetic appeal of the sphere of art and the economic appeal of the sphere of business. Finally, the social value of vision originating in the sphere of art and the social value of new buildings appearing in the sphere of business is balanced by the social value of ethical responsibility residing in the sphere of professionalism. Thus the Mediation

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Model of Design Professionalism accounts for the way that architecture has developed over the past two hundred years. This model also accounts for how architecture has evolved into a harmonious system of designing and constructing new buildings with at least a reasonable amount of efficiency. It is precisely the Mediation Model of architecture and design, however, that has come under severe attack during the past twenty-five years by the advocates of change who base their arguments on the fundamental assumptions of culturalist or social identity theory – especially the belief that the good of the community – including all non-human members of the community, animal and vegetable – should be the ultimate concern of architecture as a profession. Or, as Linda Groat (1993, 2000) argues, the architect of the twenty-first century must forget the roles of artist, scientist, technician, and business person to become a ―cultivator.‖ In many instances this new conceptualization of the architect and architecture has already come into being, beginning with a commitment to environmentalism. Carlson (2006), for instance, argues that architects of the future need to balance environmental and aesthetic considerations, but once this is done, environmental values still must predominate, for the aesthetic quality of the work is to be judged solely on how appropriate it is for the terrain, the territory, and the place where it is situated. K. K. Ashraf (2007) calls architecture ―a landscape event‖ and asserts that architecture and landscape are ―inscrutably‖ united (p. 48), once again echoing the religious tone of much of the recent discourse on architecture in relation to the environment. In fact, environmentalism, with its grounding in communitarian ethics and social identity theory, has virtually taken over the profession. As Simon Guy and Steven Moore (2007) observe, architects today are almost all either ―light green‖ or ―dark green‖ (p. 15). But the incorporation of environmentalism into architecture is only the beginning of the work of the architect as cultivator. Following the lead of Amos Rapoport, many recent architectural theorists have argued that architecture is determined by culture as well as by nature, and that architects must therefore be ―culturally sensitive‖ to the users of the buildings they design. This argument has not been quite as successful as the argument for green design. Susan Kent (2000) ponders and laments this fact: How can architects design culturally sensitive buildings that will better conform to the society in which it will be built and used? This would require much more research and education; more than I think most architects would be interested in spending. They would have to learn what culture is, how and why culture varies across societies, and how the built environment articulates with a society's culture. The question really is not about how – they could take anthropology courses. The more important question is, will they? I do not think so. I do not think that most architects will ever feel that a solid knowledge of culture is a necessity to be a good architect. (p. 273)

Perhaps the reason for Kent‘s skeptical criticism of architects derives from the fact that she is an archaeologist. Be that as it may, the uprightness of her tone of voice, based on her assumption that to be culturally sensitive is a moral imperative for architects, is inescapable and somewhat annoying in a supposedly rational discourse. I mention this merely to illustrate the inherently emotional and ethical quality of most of the arguments in favour of

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incorporating a culturalist perspective, based on social identity theory, into the traditional triadic model of architecture as an art, a business, and a profession.

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THE ATTACK ON PROFESSIONALISM The rise of culturalism (and multiculturalism) in recent times – along with many other kinds of radically ―progressive‖ campaigns for social justice – has been largely justified by a shift in Western epistemology from scientific positivism to social constructivism: the belief, derived from Karl Marx, that truth is not objectively discovered but subjectively created, especially by those embodying the dominant culture of any society. This means that what people believe is mostly determined by their ideology or political perspective. And, since knowledge is power, those who construct the most plausible and popular knowledge gain the most power. Because this entire trend is expressive of a grass roots communitarian mentality, its advocates have been especially critical of any kind of claim of exclusivity. At first glance, exclusivity seems to refer to social status and wealth – and it does. But knowledge can also be exclusive. In fact, as we have already noted, several times, professionalism is defined by its claim of expert, esoteric, and exclusive knowledge. Furthermore, this specialized knowledge is what allows professionals to command such high rewards in the marketplace and to enjoy such high social prestige. Therefore it is not surprising that various culturalist critics have attacked professionalism for being élitist and alienating, and have demanded that professionals relinquish their traditional privilege of self-regulation or autonomy and become more accountable to the public. What such demands for a fundamental change in the conceptualization of professionalism reveal is a profound resentment and suspicion on the part of the attackers. Since the beginnings of professionalism in the nineteenth century professionals have operated according to a social contract whereby they agree to use their exclusive, time consuming, and expensively acquired knowledge for the benefit of humanity in exchange for the privilege of regulating themselves and determining the standards whereby they do their work. When the critics of professional argue that professions should be more ―open‖ to input from the public, they are expressing a serious mistrust in the fiduciary relationship that has benefitted both professionals and the public for a long time. Such mistrust has been extremely alarming to all professional communities, whose members, after all, have generally acted in good faith and honoured their social responsibilities. The British philosopher Onora O‘Neill (2002) presents what is probably the most eloquent defence of professionalism to be published so far. Focusing on what amounts to the appropriation of the fundamental professional matters of self-definition and self-regulation by various governmental agencies acting in the name of public interest, O‘Neill reveals the deleterious effect these mistrustful measures are having on professionalism: The new legislation, regulation and controls are more than fine rhetoric. They require detailed conformity to procedures and protocols, detailed record keeping and provision of information in specified formats and success in reaching targets. Detailed instructions regulate and prescribe the work and performance of health trusts and schools, of universities and research councils, of the police force and of social workers. And beyond the public sector, increasingly detailed legislative and regulatory requirements also bear on companies and the

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voluntary sector, on self-employed professionals and tradesmen. All institutions face new standards of recommended accounting practice, more detailed health and safety requirements, increasingly complex employment and pensions legislation, more exacting provisions for ensuring non-discrimination and, of course, proliferating complaint procedures.

Architecture is somewhat less affected by the governmental appropriation of professionalism than education, health care, and other professions, but there are many new regulations enacted to make sure that architecture is compliant with an infinitely subtle variety of environmental and – to a lesser extent – cultural concerns. As O‘Neill points out, the need to follow all the intricate culturally sensitive regulations, to keep all the seemingly endless required records, and, worst of all, to conceptualize professional work as organizational management with bureaucratic standards and rationalized goals to meet is potentially destructive to professionalism altogether. This, of course, is an outcome that would no doubt please many critics of professionalism who would be happy to see the disintegration of such an apparently élitist institution.

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THE ATTACK ON ARCHITECTURAL PROFESSIONALISM It is time now to examine the attack on architectural professionalism in relation to the Mediation Model of Design Professionalism. Recall that Groat (1992, 1993, 2000), following the lead of Rapoport (1969, 1983, 2000), argues that the twenty-first century architect should forego his or her traditional roles as artist, scientist, technician, or business person to actively embrace the role of cultivator. This means that the primary concern of architecture should be to design buildings toward the end of satisfying the social or cultural identity of its users. At first glance, that may seem to be a simple enough request. Architects have always been aware of the needs and demands of those who employ their services, be they governments, corporations, religious institutions, or wealthy patrons. But when Groat argues that the architect should be primarily, or even essentially, a cultivator, that is a different matter altogether. According to the Mediation Model I have proposed (see Figure 1), the sphere of professionalism mediates the tension between the spheres of art and business in the activity of architecture and other design disciplines, such as engineering. Each of the three spheres in the model consists of its epistemological identity plus two of its main characteristics, each related to one of the other two spheres. Thus, the epistemological identity of the sphere of art is creativity, and its two main characteristics, individuality and idealism, are directed, respectively, toward the spheres of professionalism and business. Similarly, the epistemological identity of the sphere of business is strategy, and its two main characteristics, market competitiveness and pragmatism, are directed, respectively, toward the spheres of professionalism and business. Finally – and most importantly at the moment – the epistemological identity of professionalism is expert knowledge, and its two main characteristics, social identity and social responsibility, are directed, respectively, toward the spheres of art and business. From all this we see that professionalism is central to the Mediation Model because it is in this sphere that the essential knowledge of architecture resides, and it is in this sphere that social concerns, both of identity and responsibility, occur. If the architect is to become a cultivator, this is where a radical change would need to happen.

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Perhaps the first thing to note here is that social identity is already a feature of the sphere of professionalism in the Mediation Model. In fact, social identity is balanced with social responsibility in the schema. This means that the professional architect conceptualized in the Mediation Model is already aware of and committed to the social and cultural needs of clients and users. It must be remembered, though, that, in the model, social identity and social responsibility are characteristics of professionalism – not its formal essence. It also needs to be emphasized that the sphere of professionalism, like the spheres of art and business, is essentially an expression of epistemology. We have seen again and again that what distinguishes professionalism is the incremental accumulation and codification of knowledge. In architecture, as in all disciplines, professionalism is the repository and the resource of knowledge. A profession is known by what it knows. What architecture knows is the universal images and forms of the most distinguished buildings of the past and present. For Groat and other culturalist critics to transform the role of the architect from an artist and a business person into a cultivator, the artistic epistemology of architectural professionalism would have to be abandoned and replaced by a plethora of socio-cultural epistemologies without any apparent unity or coherence or any authentic collective voice. Perhaps this is what Groat (1992) means when she argues that architecture should engage ―the messy diversity of culture‖ (p. 144). And yet t o do so would result in a massive and confused influx of clamorous claims, all of them demanding, and some of them angry. The trouble is, to shift social identity from its position as a main characteristic of professionalism to the much more important position as the essence of professionalism would not only transform the identity of the architect, but it would also destroy the profession of architecture as it has stood for the past two hundred years. To be a cultivator is not the same thing as to be an architect, because taking up the role of cultivator would preclude the identifying aesthetic epistemology of both the discipline and the profession of architecture. To reiterate, architects know universal building images and forms – not socio-cultural politics. If this knowledge of buildings is marginalized or abandoned, what would architects be able to use to benefit any particular culture or society at large? To conceptualize the architect as a cultivator, aligned with the ideology of social identity theory and the general culturalist perspective, would, in fact, demolish the entire triadic relationship represented by the historically accurate Mediation Model of Design Professionalism. If expert knowledge of building forms and images were to be abandoned as the essence of architectural professionalism, architecture would cease to be a profession, because there would be nothing to justify its high status in the marketplace. Who is going to pay for a social expert to design a building? At the same time to conceptualize the architect as a cultivator would radically reduce his or her role as a business person. Similarly, the architect as cultivator would be useless to consult about the aesthetic qualities of buildings, thus destroying the time-honoured concept of the architect as artist. All things considered, the argument for conceptualizing the architect as a cultivator would be both theoretically and practically disastrous. Moreover, such a change is unnecessary. The profession of architecture, like all professions, has always respected the social and cultural identities of its patrons and clients, and it has always demonstrated a high degree of social responsibility in exchange for its occupational autonomy.

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CONCLUSION The basic confrontation that we have been examining is not going to be easily resolved any time soon. On the surface the conflict appears to be relatively simple. Critics of the traditional conceptualization of architecture as a fine art, a business, and a profession argue that architecture should be transformed so as to make it more sensitive and responsive to the demands of cultural diversity founded on social identity theory. It is time, say architectural commentators such as Linda Groat, to re-conceptualize the architect as primarily a ―cultivator,‖ so that architecture can reclaim its past glory in the eyes of the public in this new age of social justice for all people, not just wealthy patrons and even wealthier organizations. What this superficial statement of the conflict masks, however, is a profound mistrust and hostility on the part of many people today toward any form of social exclusivity. As Onora O‘Neill reminds us, this mistrust has led in recent years to an ever-increasing governmental appropriation of the traditional prerogatives of professionalism, especially self-regulation and occupational autonomy. Thus it seems that the call to reform architecture by making it more culturally sensitive is, at bottom, motivated by the desire to attack the exclusivity of professional knowledge. This, however, is an attack that cannot succeed without destroying professionalism itself and throwing society into chaos. No one would imagine that the professional knowledge of physicians could be learned by everyone, or that the profession of medicine should be destroyed because its knowledge is exclusive. Those who think that the professional knowledge of architecture is not also complex and daunting, or that the profession of architecture could be destroyed with no great loss, simply do not understand and appreciate architecture. The present essay has analyzed the issue of changing the conceptualization of architecture to make it more culturally relevant through the presentation of what I call the Mediation Model of Design Professionalism (see Figure 1). This model is based on the actual history of architectural professionalism – which we have looked at in some detail – and as such it claims to represent the state of the discipline at the present time. According to this model, the activity of architecture can be conceptualized as three inter-related spheres. Two of these spheres, art and business, are strongly opposed, and the third sphere, professionalism, serves to mediate between the other two in order to achieve a reasonably efficient operation of architecture as a discipline and a practice. Specifically, these spheres represent three distinct epistemologies: art as creativity, business as strategy, and professionalism as expertise. Following Marco Frascari, I have argued that the theoretical knowledge of architecture as a whole is produced in the sphere of art as what the eighteenth century philosopher Vico calls universali fantastici – that is, universal images. These images are the mental forms of distinctive past and present buildings. The images as a system, along with all the complex informations relating to them, are stored in the sphere of professionalism. In fact, this theoretical expertise is what defines the profession of architecture. By applying the Mediation Model of Design Professionalism we can see that the argument for changing the conceptualization of the architect from the architect-as- artist or the architect-as- business person or the architect-as-professional to the architect-as-cultivator is ultimately specious, impractical, and doomed to failure, for it would require rejecting the epistemological essence of architectural professionalism – namely, the universal forms and images of buildings – with a disorganized and multifarious hodgepodge of cultural

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epistemologies. Such a change would amount to transforming the bearer of aesthetic knowledge into a bearer of cultural knowledge. Indeed, an architectural cultivator would no longer be a professional architect, for his or her identity would be determined not by art but by social culture.

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REFERENCES Ashforth, B. E. and Mael, F. (1989). Social identity theory and the organization. Academy of Management Review, 14 (1), 20-39. Ashraf, K.K. (2007). Taking place. Journal of Architectural Education, 61(2), 48-58. Burnham, B. (1988). Specialized knowledge, professionalism and the discipline of architecture. Journal of Architectural Education, 41 (2), 53-55. Bonta, J. P. (1978). Architecture and its interpretation. New York: Rizzoli. Cahoon, L. (1988). The Dilemma of modernity: Philosophy, culture, and anti-culture. Albany, NY: Albany State University Press. Carlson, A. (2006). The aesthetic appreciation of environmental architecture under different conceptions of environment. Journal of Aesthetic Education, 40(4), 77-88. Cohen, L., Wilkinson, A., Arnold, J., and Finn, R. (2005). ‗Remember I‘m the bloody architect!‘: Architects, organizations and discourses of profession. Work, Employment and Society, 19 (4), 775-796. Davis, R. (1993). Writing multiculturalism into architectural curricula. Journal of Architectural Education, 47 (1), 30-37. Delancey, C. (2004). Architecture can save the world: Building and environmental ethics. Philosophical Forum, 35 (2), 147-159. Dripps, R. (1987). Rethinking Vitruvius. Journal of Architectural Education, 40 (2), 19-20. Frede, D. (1992). The cognitive role of phantasia in Aristotle. In M. C. Nussbaum and A. O. Rorty, ed., Essays on Aristotle‘s De Anima, pp. 279-295. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Groat, L. (1992). Recuing architecture from the cul-de-sac. Journal of Architectural Education, 45 (3), 138-146. Groat, L. (1993). Architecture‘s resistance to diversity: A matter of theory as much as practice. Journal of Architectural Education, 47 (1), 3-10. Groat, L. (2000). The architect as artist or scientist? A modest proposal for the architect-ascultivator. In K. D. Moore, ed., Culture – Meaning – Architecture, pp. 127-150. Burlington VT: Ashgate. Guy, S. and Moore, S. (2007). Sustainable architecture and the pluralist imagination. Journal of Architectural Education, 60(4), 15-23. Kent, S. (2000). The cultural revolution in architecture. In K. D. Moore, ed., Culture – Meaning – Architecture, pp. 261-277. Burlington VT: Ashgate. Kruft, Hanno-Walter. (1994). A history of architectural theory from Vitruvius to the present. Trans., R. Taylor, E. Callander, and A. Wood. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Architectural Press. Norberg-Schulz, C. (1979). Genius loci. New York: Rizzoli. O‘Neill, O. (2002). A question of trust: The BBC Reith Lectures 2002. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Rapoport, A. (1969). House, form, and culture. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Rapoport, A. (1983). Development, culture change, and supportive design. Habitat International, 7 (5/6), 249-268. Rapoport, A. (2000). Studious questions. In K. D. Moore, ed., Culture—meaning— architecture: Critical reflections on the work of Amos Rapoport. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Saint, A. (1983). The image of the architect. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Schön, D. (1984). The reflective practitioner: How professionals think in action. New York: Basic Books. Schön, D. (1988). Educating the reflective practitioner: Toward a new design for teaching and learning in the professions. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Tajfel, H., and Turner, J. C. (1985) The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In S. Worchel and W. G. Austin, ed., Psychology of intergroup relations, 2nd ed., pp. 7-24. Chicago: Nelson-Hall. Tolman, E. C. (1943). Identification and the post-war world. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 38, 141-148. Venturi, R. (1966). Complexity and contradiction. New York: Museum of Modern Art.

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Chapter 4

MEDIATING MASCULINE DESIRE: MALE CONSTRUCTIONS OF INTIMACY AND VIOLENCE IN HETEROSEXUAL RELATIONSHIP NARRATIVES Michael Wearing Social Work Program School of Social Sciences and International Studies University of New South Wales Sydney, Australia

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ABSTRACT This chapter deals with the lives of heterosexual men who are abusive in couple relationships and in particular their fears of intimacy, personal fears over emotional attachment and issues of constructed masculinity. Male intimacy and violence is contextualized in this chapter using relationships narratives of male perpetrators of domestic violence. The focus of this Chapter is on the forming, formed and formlessness of emotional self as self-confessional narratives that reveal issues of love and desire. The men‘s self-attachment to masculine desire is a counterpoint to efforts to self-care and other-care say of partner and children. The narratives illustrate some of the ‗chaotic negotiation‘ between couples in separation, attendance at group programs and possible return to the relationships. Qualitative and survey interview data of male perpetrators of domestic violence who have entered voluntary psycho-educational group programs is drawn from a funded Australian study (1997-2000). Further research will focus on the lives of heterosexual men identified as non-abusive. These cases contain strong emotional content and are used as illustrative of ‗emotional extremes‘ of relationship narratives. They indicate issues of disintegration (and potential re-integration) of the male intimate self and masculinity. Unpacking the emotionality and emotional memory of these men is further complicated by the shifting codes of intimacy, domestic passions and private



Email: [email protected].

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Michael Wearing desire in their social worlds over time. The analysis will also include reflections on the sociology of intimacy as part of the ‗new sentimental order‘ in modernity.

―Desire is an impulse to strip alterity of its otherness: thereby to disempower. From the tasting, exploring, familiarizing and domesticating, alterity would emerge with the sting of temptation pulled out and broken.‖ (Bauman 2003: 9).

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INTRODUCTION This chapter provides a rethinking of the basis for masculine desire within intimate heterosexual relationships and in family life. I am interested in developing a theory of masculinity that contains critical and post-humanist concerns around male desire, emotionality and intimacy. I want to explore but leave open the question of what is masculine desire (or desire more generally) and use the data to explore some dimensions to desire. The main challenge for this research is understanding how erotic or sexual love, non-sexualized desires and intimacy are present in couple relationships and then languaged as part of intimate behavior. This research is contrasted and different to that provided by psychology and sociology studies of desire (Singer 1994, Gadd 2003, Greene 2008). It is focused on what Gadd (2003) calls a new sociology of masculinity and identity that traces the dominant or hegemonic forms of masculinity and possible subversion of these forms (Connell 1995, 2000, 2008). Issues of strong emotions, aggression and abuse and violence of men as the ‗desiring subjects‘ in couple relationships are used to highlight some of the formation of masculinities in relationships today. Previous studies in the area by the author and his colleagues have focused on professional discourse and violence (Wearing 1993), the gendered constructions of male violence (Wearing and Massam 1999). and the ‗psych effect‘ in counseling training and knowledge about male perpetrators of domestic violence (Wearing, Matheson and Massam 2003). This chapter is more empirical than theoretical in that an initial framework and method is developed for future research on intimacy as forms of close and connected bonding and heterosexual men. Some criticism of the theorizing of intimacy in sociology and family therapy is provided in what follows based within an empirically grounded discussion. Space does not permit a discussion of the changes to Australian or modern Western family life and relationships in the last thirty years. Needless to say this is an important backdrop to future research on the biographical narratives of men and their intimate relationships. At theoretical issue here is how to understand heterosexual men‘s definitions and fear of intimacy, and their desires for intimacy in couple relationships. Desire is a difficult philosophical and sociological concept because it is more readily associated with sexuality than say intimacy. The abstractness and vagueness of the terms means that the specifics of sexual desire and intimacy can be conceived together as definitional terms for love and sex respectively. Neither concept can, however, be reduced or essentialized to forms of emotional actions as sexual love that constitute the sexualizing of love as a dominant (including its hegemonic phallus-centric nature e.g. Irigarey 1986) modes and structures of ‗feeling effects‘ in Western societies. This chapter will focus on a holistic definition of intimacy in family life

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that interacts with ‗private passions‘ and desire and sex as part of the emotional ‗effect‘ of intimate couple relationships and possibly other modes of intimacy. As a general guide I am following here philosophical, sociological and (existential and psychoanalytic) psychotherapy writing on desire and love. Firstly, I rely on Roll May‘s (1953: 338-9) basic argument that it is difficult to ‗find‘ mature love in a lonely and affluent consumer society. Roland Barthes (1990: 4-5) also provides a (theory-based) lexical code for the discourse of love, intimacy and desire that is reflexively aware of the blanks and silences of everyday life in this code as well as the structured narratives of the code. Issues for the micro-sociology of love are taken up in different ways by both Luhmann (1986) as ‗media codes‘, and in the sociology of emotions as emotionality in social structure (Scheff 1990, Lupton 1998) and everyday coding as feeling rules (Hochschild 2003). Finally, Martha Nussbaum‘s (1994) account of the stories, poems and dramas of desire and love by the Stoics of Ancient Greek philosophy are I think echoed in the self-narratives of male intimacy in modernity. These traces help us understand the modern paradoxes, tragedies, discontents and potential violence of erotic desire and forms of love that inform our everyday views. As if to challenge the modern obsession for erotic love, she insightfully states in taking this broad and philosophical view, that ‗only that which threatens holds the promise of true therapy‘ (p 144). As the pre-modern antecedents to our belief in love and in the power of love stories (i.e. ‗our love of love‘) her insights are invaluable in taking a broader conception of desire. My own concern is to interpret and deconstruct the self-narratives of men on issues of desire, intimacy and love. In the case of this chapter I am interested in the more volatile, distressing and strongly emotional narrative of men who are violent to their partners. We are led into a world by these narratives where men have been physically, psychologically and emotionally abusive to their partners and their feelings of disgust, self-blame, shame and obsession that are self-disclosed in these interview narratives. They create a politics of intimacy all their own between interviewer and respondent. There are also processes of discovery, change and awareness in these interviews with men who are violent in intimate relationships (see also Seidler 1991 and 1999). One key issue in doing a sociology of male intimacy is the potential for an undue focus on sex in relationships and not the cosmology of possible modalities and emotionalities within everyday acts of love as based in erotic desire or otherwise. This problem is discussed by Connell and Dowsett (1990) who theorise the history of sexuality research. They do not really solve how these processes can be explored or re-thought for qualitative and interpretative research. Harding (1998) comes closer to the issues in her account of sex acting as performativity (following Butler 1993) in a variety of representational ways. The performance of styles of masculinity can become part of the illness and recovery process for individual men and their partners. Philosophers have argued that the last two centuries have been dominated by a view that sexual love is the only relationship that reveals love‘s nature: other meanings for love can include love of self, parental love of a child, filial love of a parent, peer love, group or social love, and religious love (Singer 1994: 44-5). The plural or multiple view of love also relates to other multiples of subjectivity such as those of sexuality. Michel Foucault (1977: 17) challenged Freud‘s repressive hypothesis to highlight the proliferation of multiple sexualities including those within heterosexuality as ‗a veritable discursive explosion‘ regulated by intensified moralities, techniques and rationalities. Foucault‘s textual language makes (anarchic) fun of the historically escalating and heightened longing for sex in its optimizing and valorization ‗to yield multiple effects of

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displacement, intensification, re-orientation and modification of desire itself‘. Feminist philosophers, in particular have also described the feminine in relation to desire, gender ordering and to sex (Irigary 1986, Butler 1990, 1993, 1998 and Groz 1990, Potts 2002). I will suggest later that all desires (as wants) demonstrate sexualizing characteristics but are not necessarily sexualized. Such a framework can be traced to the grey areas between the sexual making of the social and vice versa) during the twentieth century.

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UNRAVELLING INTIMACY: THEORY AND METHOD Today the concept of intimacy is often coded, rationalized and legitimized as part of psychological and social psychological research that is especially influential in the counseling and family therapy literature and in vocational training and further a field in ‗popular psychology‘ and self-help books (see Wearing et al 2003a). However, there are analytic traditions within modern sociology that include the study of the social dynamics of intimacy including post-structuralist feminisms, family sociology and the recent sociology of emotions literature (see Jamieson 1999). A brief glance reveals issues raised by: symbolic interactionist accounts that describe intimacy as a element of social ‗congregation‘ and couples‘ ‗intersubjectivity‘ (Davies 1973); theoretical sociologists such as Giddens (1992) views intimacy as part of the ‗plastic sexuality‘ of modernity that shape and form contradictions of couple relationships or sexuality and love and desire as the fluid dynamics of modernity (Bauman 2003); and, empirically oriented feminist arguments on a ‗new sentimental order‘ (BewinLegris 2004). Central within this are the issues feminisms have raised over the last four decades and, indeed, for all of last century around personal and family life. What is less well analysed and theorised are the concrete conditions of languaged intimacy as a post-humanist sociology of the emotions driven from fine detailed studies of men and their lives. Relationship narratives around intimacy are understood following: Butler (1990) as performative identity; Reissman (1993) as part of wider discourse and politics; and, a style of research suggested by Plummer (1994) and Griffiths (1995) as telling emotional stories - ie. stories with ‗lots of feeling-including lots of feeling not even recognised as feeling‘ (Plummer 1994: 154). The chapter frames such intimacy narrative for the most part as gender performed and gender scripted constructions. Such constructions arrive out of biographical ‗emotional memory‘ traced partly from earlier modes of attachment and associated masculinities, amongst a range of possible dimensions suggested by the literature (cf Connell 1996, 2008). The emotional stories of these men display loose narrative forms based on relationship structures over time i.e. from beginning a relationship to living in and then ‗breaking‘ or ending relationships with female partners and, as part of the closure to their story, a possible ‗recovery‘ of self. These structures can be interpreted in several ways where ‗a teller constructs a story from a primary experience and interprets the significance of events in clauses and embedded evaluation‘ (Reissman 1993: 19). Inflexibility in personal change, immediate re-partnering to meet needs or lack of effort in seeking self-discovery leading from the break in a relationship are some reasons for patterned and habitual relationship behaviors in men upon re-partnering or maintaining existing relationships. These are relationships are gendered in a real and actual sense as domestic violence.

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In particular male heterosexual violence and abuse has significant social and economic costs in Australian society. Connell (2000: 224) has argued that ‗masculinities are the forms in which dynamics of violence take shape‘ and clearly over-ride or stand in opposition to simple biological or psychological explanations for domestic violence. Gendered violence within family life is institutionalized in modern societies and plays a significant role in the construction of masculinities in family life. Connell‘s arguments for peace (or non-violence) in these relationships is spelt out in a thoughtful stratagem: a strategy of ‗contesting the hegemonies of masculinities which emphasize violence, confrontation and domination, and replacing them with patterns of masculinity more open to negotiation, cooperation and equality‘. This is also a broad strategy that links to practices of narrative therapy and counseling (Nylund and Nylund 2003). The focus of the data analysis is partly on how language itself mediates the desires of these men. Violence itself is the final and beginning point for ‗homing in‘ on these men for research. When considering men‘s emotions a complex sociological methodology is required to open up possibilities for the subtleties of theory and practice the counseling of these men. This chapter takes both literal or ordinary language categories and those provided in the theoretical-emotions oriented literature and the author‘s own analysis to interpret data. This is so the author is attuned to both literal and interpretative meaning systems as well the possible broader metaphorical and wholistic intent of the narratives (Polkinghorne 1991: 197): e.g. ‗a metaphorical interpretation resulting from the ‗twist‘ imposed on these words in order to make sense in terms of the statement as a whole.‘ (Ricoeur 1978: 296). A dynamic psycho-cultural and social orientation is needed from the point of view of teaching counselors and doing research on couple relationships that. One that encourages both a practice and a theorizing as policy analysts or practitioners to subtly hold how such conceptions might work: e.g. one way of understanding this is as fleeting resemblences in the language and words used to describe the socially experienced realities. but nonetheless mediated by languaged representation. A world of ‗realness‘ beyond textual reality. Some issues of theory are discussed in conclusion below. In terms of literature we can include sources of discourse from several domains to make sense of the intimacy of men i.e. popular and public culture as well as that available in psychology, counseling and family therapy, and normative and cultural studies of men. In popular and public culture the imagery and constructions of male intimacy are everywhere connected to sex and to issues of ‗manliness‘ or otherwise. Magazines like GQ (the USA men‘s magazine Gentlemen Quarterly) portray and code men‘s bodies as erotic or status objects and areas such as sport are now well-publicised as involving sexual violence and assault in Australia through the recent sexual assaults on young women by male swim coaches and football players. Everywhere the social structuring of sexuality and intimacy is apparent. Not all of this public gaze is negative or difficult to change. There are perhaps both popular and public spaces and selves that give deeper emotional experiences and sharper institutional and structural definitions of class, gender and race amongst a range of colonial and constructed Othering. What is less well known are the private and silent spaces of violence, abuse and distress in relationships and how the social contexts and intimate encounters interact to create such social worlds for men and women. In psychology, counseling and family therapy there are a range of studies of intimacy between couples (see Sternberg 1987, Weingarten 1991, 2000, Flaskas 2002). The classic psychological studies of intimacy concern themselves with what at first glance appear to be

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intellectual abstractions of lay or ordinary perceptions of love. They tend to focus, as most tertiary taught psychology in Australia, on a plane of meta-concepts that then drive and generate operational research. These concepts often look as if they are drawn from definitions in everyday language and pop or ‗lay-person‘ psychology. Hence there is an immediate appeal in training psychology, social work and other counseling vocations and, yet, quite obviously they involve more positivist, reifying and quantified research methods (see Wearing et al 2003b). There is the classic methodological and political criticism that they put the ‗tail‘ or technique before the horse e.g. usually combining positivism plus determinism plus essentialist concepts plus hypothetico-deductive method to equal some kind of ‗academic rigour as opposed to an open, engaged, indeterminate to determinate, contextual, pluralistic and layered theory and debate on the human condition and conduct. Psychological theories have a purchase on the area all their own. The theoretical framing of social knowledge particularly in the health and welfare professions have taken on board the bio-psycho-social models as important to their own work. For example both attachment theory and ego-psychology are used in casework teaching for social work (Howe 1995, Goldstein 1995,see also Wearing 2003) Sternberg‘s (1987) ‗triangle‘ model of love commitment-passion-intimacy in psychology provides one illustration of this type of ‗knowledge‘. For example, the concept of passion is set within this triangle and defined:

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Passion is largely the expression of desires and needs-such as for self-esteem, nurturance, affiliation, dominance, submission, sexual fulfilment. ….. Passion in love tends to interact strongly with intimacy, and often they fuel each other. …( )… Passion may have drawn the individuals into the relationship in the first place, but intimacy helps sustain the closeness in the relationship. In other close relationships, however, passion, particularly as it applies to physical attraction, develops only after intimacy‘ (Sternberg 1987: 42-3).

Without questioning the value of thinking about these concepts together there is a need to expose them to further social criticism in that they are supposedly located within individual interactions or, at best, the inner world of couples. But clearly domestic violence is culture bound and related to the structures of society including patriarchal and gendered structures. Giddens (1992) definition of intimacy appears to rely on psychological definitions of intimacy as requiring self-disclosure (Jameson 1998, 1999). Notwithstanding the fact that successful relationships seem to rely as much on dishonesty, not going into taboo areas and resource/time inequalities as they do their opposites (Jamieson 1999). Psychoanalytic theory has a strong following in certain areas of therapy, counseling and family intervention work. One example is in the area of male violence to their partners where relationship volatility is explained and caused by patriarchy and misogyny. This is applied to basic ideas about heterosexuality and sexual feelings. Without going into detail writers claim a universal and essentialized cause in the misogyny of these men and the exercise of ‗repressed destructive feelings‘ towards the partner emerge as ‗deeply rooted in unconscious anxieties‘ (Jukes 1997: 161-163). I believe that men‘s desire is structured heterosexually during the Oedipus complex, and this is not ‗natural‘. The structuring of desire around the female inevitably entails that it will evoke all the infantile feelings connected with the primary carer, who is universally designated female. To some degree these feelings are neither mature or altruistic for any man (Jukes 1997: 163).

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Whatever the value these ideas have as therapeutic frames, there are, however, serious intellectual and practical misgivings about their use in understanding heterosexual men. I do not want to question this psychoanalytic approach as a counseling model given its usefulness in understanding some dimensions of men and a mature theoretically informed approach to their sexuality (see also Flaskas 2002 on theory diversity here). Post-structuralist and constructionist approaches rooted in the philosophy and psychology of desire I believe offer a better alternative. In the theory below desire is mediated by languaged conceptions of things and people not just within the immediate gaze of the subject to the object of desire (in this case the partner). I want to connect male desire in couple relationships to both a more holistic view than just the erotic desire within the family system and to the wider symbolic order. To do this theoretically I include the possibility in couple relationships of a second subject as mediator of masculine desire, hegemonic or otherwise.

MASCULINE DESIRE AND THE „SECOND SUBJECT‟

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What is mediated desire? As a general guide if desire is mediated it is triangulated by a mediator ‗stand in‘ or ‗supplement‘ for the gaze of the subject of desiring over the object of desire as set out in Typology 1 i.e. the three way relations between A, B and C. This is perhaps best understood as the imagined or real mediations especially of sexual desire, fantasy and love. The mediator may of course be desire for other things in life that may have status or economic value attached to them in material form this can also be C. Clearly, social position and status may also constitute objects of desire and also ‗second subjects‘ that mediate desire. Buchbinder uses Girard‘s (1965) ‗triangle of desire‘ to analysis literary novels and suggests that: ―Interrupting the flow of desire from subject to object is the figure of a second subject of desire, a rival who constitutes both a model desire for the first subject and an obstacle to the fulfilment of the first subject‘s desire.‖ (Buchbinder on Girard 1998: 111)

This is useful in family therapy; counseling and sociological research on intimacy in that the second subject can be both object and subject depending on the frame of reference. Desiring subjects can then gaze or look to the object with refractions and reflections of the second subject as spectator. Such a complex view allows for the ideology of desire or an ensemble of discourses that re-constitute desire as B. ‗Pure‘ desire might be explained by the gaze of A on C but is also distorted, shaped and re-made by B in a mediated way. Typology 1. Girard‟s „Mediated Desire ‟and Masculinity in Couple Relationships A. Subject (eg Hetero Male) B. Second Subject usually positive and negative symbolism as representations for enhancing masculinity and self. C. Object (eg Female Partner but can also be social position, status etc.) (Source: see Buchbinder on Girard 1998: 111).

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What I am suggesting here is a desire that is ‗intensely social‘ not just rooted in intrapsychic conflicts or anxieties. In a symbolic sense then there is (unless untainted in memory or consciousness as literal impossibility). Allowing for this complexity in relationships means that all relationship involve elements of refraction, expectation and ideal as well as ambiguity, withdrawal and modification of desire as sexual love or otherwise. I am also bringing in masculinity to acknowledge the hegemonies of masculinity as they may affect relationships. The desired woman in this gaze is not passive, she can resist and change the basis of control through image management or breaking the image up a re-presenting as woman outside the male symbolic order (see Iragary 1986). The mediator might be so powerful or significant in the life of the male that it almost fully stands in for desire of the partner. This is especially if the A-C passionate or commitment connection ‗drops out‘s. Thus enabling scenarios like the couple still being intimate but not sexually active for a considerable period and/or seeking out others as desirous. I would suggest without wanting to over-stretch Girard‘s model that second subjects can be constituted as real and/or virtual by: ‗psycho-spiritual/religious beliefs and deity‘, ‗intrafamily attachments‘; ‗other partners/potential partners‘; ‗addictions‘ or silent partners such as drugs, alcohol, pornography and cyber-sex/relationships; includes; Status icons such as cars or houses; narcissism like a male ‗beauty myth‘ (Wolf); and, indeed, formal services (think of the concept of transference and counter-transference in therapeutic encounters and the dangers of falling ‗mimetically‘ in love with therapists) can all in theory be a mediator of desire. Buchbinder uses gay and heterosexual pornography to illustrate how the ‗second subject‘ can be understood as text and inter-textual generating both a visual and word based mediator for men. Another example might be the production of masculine qualities in hetero men‘s magazines and movies emerging as newly made ‗narcissistic masculinities‘ (eg the stereotype ‗metro-sexuals‘). This could be the male beauty myth similar in a way to Wolf‘s (1990) use of the beauty myth for women and femininity. It would be useful to explore the role of male fantasy here in a variety of areas in helping construct woman as objects rather than as women. Beyond psycho-cultural theory it is useful to explore alternative views of desire than those within hetero-normativity, and the sexualising discourses and ‗nativisms‘ (essentialist or bio-psycho social reductions following Connell and Dowsett 1992, Connell 1995, 2000). This would include a range of literatures including: Queer Theory (see Sedgwick 1990, Butler 1991, 1993, Seidman 2001); acknowledging the complexities and richness of feminist writing on sexuality (e.g. Ricardson 1996, Ussher 1997, Harding 1998, Potts 2002); intimacy and gender in family therapy literature (Weingarten 1991, 2000, Shaw et al 1996, Flaskas 2002); and sociologist/philosophers writing on sexual citizenship and values (Plummer, 1994, Singer 1994, Weeks 1995, Seidler 1997, Coates 2003). It is not possible here to integrate these views but in general they share some argument for plural, flexible and contextual understandings of couple relationships and sexuality in therapy and counseling, and in wider society. I would argue that a view of intimacy is encouraged by these writings as relational and experiential in a real sense despite its coding in intellectual, popular and public discourse. The issue of human desire and relationships whilst central too much of social policy has rarely been theorized or addressed in public and intellectual circles in Australia. Governments and policyoriented research address family policy at the level of type or value rather than relationships and everyday concerns.

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Masculine desire is conceived here as shaped and structured by normative and symbolic ideals of familial/relationships/intimate practices. Using Lacan and Groz, Egan (2003: 11011) defines woman as the object desire ‗through which (hetero) men seek to fulfil their lack‘:

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‗Masculine desire functions as a lack of knowledge regarding the feminine, and male desire marks the feminine through the signifier, as such, the feminine sinks into abstraction. Although the object of desire is inherently asexual and there is no feminine signifier per se object status gets grafted onto women through fantasy and culture‘

Defining what exactly is the masculine in this representational process is difficult in itself given it is probably less categories of identity than a set of qualities structured in the psyche but govern by externalized forces. Masculine qualities might be (defined in opposition to feminine) i.e. strong, active, task oriented, and instrumental whilst displaying aggressive and competitive feelings especially when threatened, or lacking awareness of feelings in general and displaying an inability to express tender feelings. Desire then can be defined as a system of idealized attachment to the ‗constructed intimate other‘ (the partner as object of desire) or things as replacements for this Other. Modes or forms of masculinity play into this desire in complex and symbolic ways-more an empirical question of in the interaction of internal psyche and external social agency. If these bonds are de-stabilized by lack of intimacy then an ‗insatiable thirst‘ or longing becomes the effect of the Other- ‗not a person but a place, the locus of the Law, language, and the symbolic‘ (Grosz on Lacan 1990: 67, see also Barthes 1990). Desire in this way can be emotionally mimetic of say ‗obsessional romantic love‘ or mediated by the ideals of family life as effect of the Other. Desire of the Other in couple relationships can also been defined as a positive erotic ‗intensity‘ although this conception appears to ignore categories of a love or status object that men ‗graft ‗ onto the object (see Potts 2002). In term of couple relationships such passions as ‗domesticated desires‘ are embedded and enacted in the potentially illusionary and symbolic spaces of familial microcultures and the private sphere of family life.

DESIRE, INTIMACY AND VIOLENCE Mediated masculine desires is where a second subject in the construction of the first subject minds-eye stands in for, filters, modifies by grafting onto the gaze and possibly distorts the desired object on the basis of masculine emotionality and self configuration. How might this work for men who are interpersonally violent especially toward their partners? At one level we could say they are powerless in terms of moderating their desire. The qualitative material from interviews below indicates that they may be going through significant anguish, anxiety and even trauma in displaying such strong and what appear to be quite an irrational emotionality. Their own recollections of these events and their emotionality are of course problematic. They appear to be blocking ‗re-constructions‘ i.e. other ways of understanding the trauma and crisis of separation in their emotional memories. These psychological and emotional states are not, nonetheless, an excuse for these men‘s behaviour. At this point I am just exploring the possibilities of ‗masculine desire‘ as a construct that helps explain their ordering of the memory and experience in these men‘s

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narratives. One example masculine desire as a constructed space of emotionality and intensity is presented in this statement from a man (with then a AVO – now known in New South Wales as a Apprehended Domestic Violence Order or ADVO—placed on him) who has recently separated from both his partner and his daughter: ―There are a lot of incidents during the course of my separating where the level of tension and emotion was so high that I probably let my emotion get out of control. …. Probably the biggest would have been a day when I was trying to resolve an issue where my personal belongings were packed in boxes and left out the front of the house, and I wasn‘t able to take them. My wife wasn‘t able to give me assurances that they‘d be looked after and I was wanting to secure them in the house. So I made moves to take them back into the house and she refused to let me in and so I turned around and left. Now that was an extremely distressing situation.‖ (Interviewed November 1998).

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The geographic site of intimacy as constructed place‘ (e.g. ‗the house‘ as say family home) and associational personal ownership (‗personal belongings‘ as say an extension of self) is also the site of strongest emotion. For these men there is a sense of living out an epic and/or tragic ‗love story‘ in re-defining their masculinity that follows the structure of journey, quest, ordeal and possible return (to the Other in) the relationship. In another 1998 interview with a DV perpetrator metaphors are used of ‗illness and a cure‘ and of the good husband as ‗planner and provided‘ for family wellbeing—i.e. his personal life is construed as a frustrated business. These justifications are used to both explain and rationalise the man‘s abuse towards his partner. Interviewer: So what is your understanding of losing it, the aggression over time and the physical violence if I asked you for an explanation of what you think caused it all? Respondent 2: stress – I just didn‘t handle stress and for some reason it is just so easy to use the person you love as your whipping boy. I don‘t know why that is. It was frustration, particularly frustration at being accused of constantly having an affair. It sounds pretty stupid I suppose but I had set my marriage out like a business plan – my wife was going to work for five years and then we would have some more kids whatever and then it did not happen that way. I was frustrated The respondent continues to explain his actions. Interviewer: You said frustration is an explanation? What happens to you when you get frustrated? Respondent 2: Um-just frustrated. I don‘t know how to explain it.

If we reflect on his desires they revolve as much around his financial insecurities as his emotional ones. His anxieties about business and financial pressures mean that he is future orientated and not living now in the reality of his home situation. Many of these concerns arrive out of the expectation of his provider masculinized role and the over whelming desire he has to be a ‗good husband‘. The narrative structure of these men‘s accounts have some similarities particularly in the style of self-discovery and articulation of a self-awareness for their actions during in and after their participation in group programs. In a third interview the male perpetrator sets up his ‗recovery‘ narrative but with several important twists

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Interviewer: did you ever have an AVO out on you? Respondent 3: once Interviewer: how did you experience the AVO itself? Respondent 3: I felt cast out – no-ones cares. I think any man feels that until he can learn to accept that it‘s him that needs to stop whatever the violence is. It‘s like going to jail – you‘re going to waste your time in jail until you learn to accept that you‘re there because you did something and the sooner you accept it you can get out and get on with your life again.

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These feelings of being ‗cast out‘ are common to the twenty four men interviewed and can be read as an effort to find redemption and a normalizing ‗renewal‘ of self e.g. ‗get on with your life again‘. They interpret their crisis-ridden and irrational worlds as ‗a lapse in self‘ or ‗hollowing of self‘. They (often at partner or close others insistence) seek therapy, voluntarily join group programs and even used these research interviews for self-confessions about their histories and patterns of abuse. They can also be interpreted as stories of obsessional love, melancholic and depressive episodes, suicidal or homicidal thinking, and illustrates generally the workings of an irrational and chaotic psyche. The emotional memory of such men is also ‗discovered‘ by the skilful clinical therapist (conducting the interview) to contain some disturbing incidents of abuse or violence either as victim or perpetrator as in this case of ‗killing the dog‘ in his adolescence. Highlighting a ‗rurally-made psychosis‘ involved in this man‘s past as perhaps a common attitude to the use of cruelty with animals to control them in private seclusions and secrecies of farm life. The traditionally rural, negative and hegemonic masculine overtones of the control, sadism and blood-lust of this man become apparent as a feature of past acts: Interviewer: What was your first incident (of violence)? Respondent 3: Never thought about that. I always think about when I was a teenager on the farm. I had a motorbike and used to take my anger out on the motorbike.. as fast and as rough as I could across the paddocks and through the bush…. I used to get angry at the cows for not coming to the milking shed and I‘d get lumps of timber and bloody nearly kill the cows. I‘d belt it until it nearly died. I shot the dog because it wouldn‘t do what I wanted it to – killed it. …. I was fifteen or sixteen (yrs old) . Shot the dog in the leg first and made it suffer and then shot its other leg.

What does this story say about his violent rural and ‗farming‘ past in counterpoint to the male-to-male intimacy of this disclosure in the interview? Is his ‗self-disclosure of this incident as act of intimacy with the therapist-research interviewer itself positive. There is little way of knowing whether this is projective identification with (see Weingarten 1991, 2000, Flaskas 2002). In the full interview transcipt of this man he describes a series of relationships with partners that is characterised by abuse and violence. This theme of continued abuse with new or existing partners was common amongst the men interviewed in both the interviews and survey (see Wearing and Massam 1999, Brown, James and Seddon 2000, for the therapeutic implications). Then the emotional memory of perpetrator‘s violent past is re-conceived as being changed by the therapeutic group intervention (ie sessions for 36 weeks in group programs):

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Interviewer: What‘s your understanding of why you have used violence in the past? Respondent 3: It‘s a release from things that have built up inside. I have only understood this since seeing psychologists and counseling and reading books and being aware of this in the last few years. Part of this is like blaming my parents I guess. I didn‘t like the way I was dealt with as a child. And you know I still don‘t forgive my father …

Clearly this violence is a desire for power over animals to literally annihilate animalsand later another human being in intimate relationships. This shows how past expression of violence can have serious mental health implications and also how contexts can shape such aggressive and violent actions. Does this cruelty and savagery playing on the stereotype of a brutalized, violent and ‗wild masculine‘ farm boy image result from a lack of intimacy and care in the man‘s life? Is this cruelty and memories of intergenerational abuse as a mediator and grafted onto the desire for the partner in relationships. Some of the interview data confirms this as a hypothesis for all twenty four qualitative interviews. Being bullied as children and having what they considered ‗abusive parents‘ (father, mother or both) was often seen as undermining the traditional masculine identity of these men and creating a ‗fragility of psyche‘ that led to their own abusive actions in relationships. One could suppose that their erotic desires where grafted on to these ‗crimes of passion‘. However, the larger sample of quantitative men showed very little evidence of this. The process of mediating desire in these abusive relationships is more difficult and complex. Indeed the pleasure of fulfilled masculine desires in play (say family home or co-habitation space) is largely non-erotic but is given heightened eroticism in the presence and absence of the feminine constructed partner. In this place, surrounded by familiar and desirable objects the fantasies of cars, house-bound and house-proud or otherwise lifestyles, family, children and tender intimate love memories all filter into the man‘s desiring world and his sense of masculinity. Furthermore, this brief excerpt from a long interview punctuated with abusive incidents both as perpetrator to partners and others and as victim of his family of origin violence illustrates the effort put into the construction of a guided and yet revealing narrative. This is an epic tale of woe and redemption. On exposure to intensive counseling and group programs these men recover from their violence in some ways but nothing is guaranteed. When asked what she wanted form a group program and counseling one partner said: ―I want an understanding in him of the results of his actions towards his family and how after 15 years I do not wish to put up with it anymore and hoping that this (program) may be able to assist in dealing with the problem with a view to keeping the marriage and the family unit together‖.

„MY HUSBAND THINKS HE OWNS ME‟ Sources of mediation for the subject‘s desire are difficult to find as literal objects in the perpetrator narratives. Nonetheless, Tables 1 and 2 drawn from the quantitative survey show how others who have ties or are bonded intimately with these men such close relatives and children feature strongly in their efforts to return to or ‗repair‘ their relationships. They can also sources of consistency in bonding and ‗new‘ re-constructed intimacy after the break or

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uncoupling occurs. Some ‗supports‘ might act in a positive way for re-bonding and reconstructions of intimacy and others in a more negative and ‗un-healthy‘ way. There is a tendency with these men to deny the ‗presence‘ of what might be seen by themselves or others as negative mediators in their masculine desires. This could range from pornography or alcohol ‗addictions‘ as habitual obsession of men under psychic stress to other objectified passions men attach to that include possibly casual sex. All mediate their desires and can be conceived as either at close or relative distance from both object C and subject A. Table 1. „Are there problems in your living situation?‟ (male perpetrators) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

6. 7. 8. 9.

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10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

17. 18. 19. 20.

21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27.

Currently we are separated!! I‘m living in the family home and my wife is in the unit she is renting with my sons We cannot get on I couldn‘t say no to my wife and that she took me for granted Over spending. Does not respect my relatives My wife‘s sons have lived with us at different times. The son from ages 17-20 would act like a hand grenade in our relationship. He would be abusive to his mother, I didn't say anything. My wife would be hurt by her son and feel unprotected by me Less privacy, family arguments, different than living alone Fed up with no having our own space, freedom, even equality. Abuse Mostly money and guidance. For the family being together (family functions not so much) Don‘t like the place. To many bills to pay on one wage I argue with my mother over silly things With to (sic) male adults trying to be ‗man of the house‘ it does create a lot of tension – but it really isn‘t a major problem Dad and I don‘t get on to (sic) well Two (sic) small sons (sic) 7 months has to share a room with his 13 year old sister Brother was living with us and ripped (sic) us off Only recently separated (sic) – 4 weeks - due to partner asking for space to think – now living with mother – problem‘s (sic) with situation is my concern for my mothers (sic) health and being separated (sic) from my partner and kid‘s (sic) Stepfamily 2 girls f/t, 2 girls p/t. issues of who to discipline/organize/show affection, etc Partner denies (sic) both of us temperamental I spend a few nights in Sydney each week. 2 nights at mother in laws. 1 night at mothers We lived at my partner‘s mother‘s house; we had to have separate rooms. At night we just wanted to be together but couldn‘t. I was also hard to have privacy to talk and communicate physically Many, but the biggest (sic) problem is the lack of communication and sex It is temporary. Living back with mum has its problems. Space, own time, own space for thought/reflection I‘m not living at my house, feel restricted Arguing, shouting at kids, wife, swearing, something throwing things No problems, I live with my parents, but stay with partner a lot too Blended family situation I am to (sic) old for it and cannot handle dominance

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Michael Wearing Table 2. „How do you deal with these problems?‟ (Male perpetrators) N= 26 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

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17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

I‘m trying to keep my distance at the moment. I have to give her space to sort out her problems Try to stop talking to her I attend a relationship counseling (sic) course that is helping me I haven‘t been able to. I have felt inadequate and hopeless Shouting at her I won‘t stay around the house after any conflict. I need to get out or I will go mad Ignore the problem. If I don‘t associate with them the problem is lessened. I don‘t Talk to each other or just ignore some not so worrying matters or just helping each other out Just shut off and try and work them out by myself then once I have thought about it enough I try and talk it over with my partner Tell her I‘m not going to argue about. I‘ll talk about it I‘m coping. Generally we get along fine. Every now and then an argument may occur Keep my mouth shut and agree with whatever he says Try talking or punishment as take things off them or they are grounded Don‘t By reading about these problems and trying to open my eyes to what I have become. Attend to my mother‘s needs (sic) Frustrated/egg shells (sic Best way possible most of time arguing occurs Fight and argue We look to the future and comfort each other Try to ignored until one or the other explodes and the abuse starts, physical or social (sic) or emotional Talk with mum, Find/make time to think things through. Relax Put up with it Time out, arguing Try to muddle through Get on with it

Bauman‘s (2003: 9-10) definition of the difference between love-‗the wish to care and to preserve the object of care‘-- and desire—‗the wish to consume. To imbibe, devour, ingest and digest- annihilate‘ -- offers some further insight on intimacy in these narratives. If desire is the negative consuming of others or things then love is possession. i.e. ‗to ingest, absorb and assimilate the subject in the object… Love takes captive‘. In many instances desire and love have worked at cross purposes in these men‘s lives. The desire for control, for the relationships and/or the family as a unit say as a ‗business‘ as in the above example can conflict with providing real and direct emotional and financial care for children and partner. There is, however, no easy co-presence of desire and love in relationships, and the hegemony of heterosexualities means that new subjectivities within these relationships are difficult to imagine let alone operationalize especially in re-configuring emotionality. There is some hope especially on the part of partners for these men to change in group programs and for partners/ex-partners who have been abused to re-work their emotional self:

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―I want my de facto to understand his controlling personality and how to see ‗grey‘ areas about situations in life. And I want an understanding of myself and soul searching as to what attracts me to controlling men.‖

Aside from the anguish and desperate emotional concerns of these partners, there is a sense in which ‗witnessing‘ to the abuse and its effects and not remaining silent gives hope to these women. By witnessing they are becoming aware and empowering their own selves to protect and remain safe from this violence and abuse. (Weingarten 2000). In the qualitative interview data the reasons men gave for their voluntary attendance at group programs was overwhelmingly because of three things, ‗anger, aggressiveness and failure to communicate‘.

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‗My wife left me and our home for various reasons. In order for her to return I need to make changes… (What do you hope to get out of the group program?) I hope to learn how to cope and to handle situations when they arise in our future relationship or if not in any other relationship‘

When conflict and violence occurs the perceived need for distance and space as physical reality becomes apparent and longed for in reframing what he has done: ―I‘m trying to keep my distance at the moment. I have to give her space to sort out her problems‖. His problems become her problems. Another important question for exploration is whether or not these women are able to negotiate a less oppressive and violent space in re-coupling either with the existing partner or in serial relationships with others. Table 3 shows how female partners would understand the possibility for a ‗return‘ of their partner. The women can displace the gaze of these men with her own re-interpretations and re-definitions of the situations. In so doing she replaces too the phallo-centric nature of masculine desire by shifting her femininity away from the ‗real‘ of the desiring subject to her own definitions‘ -- ‗ I thought when I got married I would never answer back- I didn‘t and that‘s why I became a doormat and my husband now wipes his feet on me‘. The respondent is realizing her own vulnerabilities and strengthening her protection: ‗I just shut off and try and work them out by myself then once I have thought about it enough I try and talk it over with my partner ‗

The kind of redemptive desiring and re-bonding is seen in Tables 2 and 3. It is important to remember that these men are self-identified abusers and in a limited number of cases their violence towards their partners was extreme e.g. rape and physical injuries requiring hospitalization. In some cases this also meant verbal or physical abuse of children. In Table 3 we see the issues of ‗return‘ in re-establishing the relationships as seen by 21 female partners in the larger survey of the study. Significantly therapists such as Gouldner et al (1990) have emphasized the ‗love-bond‘ as a reason for staying or trying to stay within the relationship. This raises questions about the resistance to the power and desires of the male partner. How do the women cope with the realization of disintegration of their relationships and then the potential for return? What of re-newed masculine desire? The re-ordering of the new relationship still works within the matrix (symbol system) of desire with power stratagems and potential conflicts. This is no longer an imaginary world of ‗love stories‘ but one in which the real world of ‗vain longing, anxiety, fear, arrogance, wantoness, angry,

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gluttony‘-the monsters of belief and desire (Nassbaunm 1994: 144). So we begin to understand this world of resentment, disgust and/or desire as bonded within the relationship. Table 3. „Why did you return?‟ (Female Partners Reponses) N = 21 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

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14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

I tried to leave but he threw himself behind the car so I couldn‘t reverse out without killing him and he cried and sobbed like a baby so I felt sorry for him and stayed. He promised not to do it again. For the children‘s sake and he had promised to attend counseling and would never be violent or intimidating again An attempt at reconciliation. To attend joint and individual counseling I haven‘t really but we were trying to work things out up until 6 weeks ago and now he his (sic) seeing someone else He said he was sorry and that ―it‖ would never happen again, that he loved me Because I love the man and want to keep our family together He talked me into returning, by being on good behavior and also made me feel guilty about breaking up the family For the kids and thought things could get better Still loved him and want my marriage to work out We reconciled after counseling and because I felt guilty and pressured. I hoped it would work I didn‘t return. He got a new job and followed me home. I believed his promises again and allowed him to stay To give him another chance. At the time though, I thought it was me who was in the wrong He cooked me dinner and was really sad and sorry about his behavior, we talked about what happened then I returned He promised a commitment, increased communication and a loving relationship I have not returned He promised he wouldn‘t do it again and he was sorry. I believed him Worried about the children I loved him and he was sorry I was about to leave but never did I left for respite. I wanted to try and work on the problem in the relationship

The intervention of group programs and other lay or professional interventions that enable self-discovery in the lives of these men may help negotiate a mature masculinity and a resultant intimacy, not of a ‗child-like‘ imaginary order but of the symbolic order. This ‗mature‘ masculinity remains, nonetheless, rationalized and constrained by desire mediated by family practices and produced as hegemonic or marginal in wider society (Connell 1996, 2007, 2008). The key self-reflective theme in the emotional lives of these men is a perceived self-failure or inadequacy to achieve certain wants/desires (not necessarily self-centered, sexualized or individualized) based in the break-up and possible return of their relationship with a partner as mediated by their family life and masculine desire. This appears to be a long way from Zygmunt Bauman‘s (2003) conception that we now live in the era of ‗virtual relationships‘ based within networks of knowing and desiring where couples choose again and again to find togetherness or separateness. Given the deceit of this ‗virtuality‘ where hope

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is overwhelmed by desire then new subjectivities will eventually alienate and self-destruct. When fresh or ‗new‘ coupling occurs then there is the potential for a triumph of love over desire. Nonetheless the re-configuration of new relationships occurs within the always fragile and present danger of newer illusional reality and subjectivity.

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CONCLUSION: SELF-KNOWLEDGE, REFLECTIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS To return briefly to the issue of desire in men‘s lives, a focus needs to be kept on how these qualitative research narratives help to re-construct the order to chaos to order of these men‘s psychic lives and their social worlds. The example of men and domestic violence used in this chapter illustrate sometimes unique and often extremes of emotionality in relation to both male desire and male power over their partners and symbolically in mastery or otherwise of their own masculinities. It is the potential damage or healing that is done to their psychic worlds during this disordered state as a process of ‗recovery‘ that will determine how ‗wholly transformed‘ or partially destructive their re-constructed self, desires and imagined being are. Taking an agency view, masculine desires as male constructed wants are reasons and explanation for action or inaction of men. They result in masculinized practice or in Butler‘s terms performativity (defined as). Social being and wholeness as part of the circle of interpretation for these men (Desmond 1988). Their desires are then articulated in psychoeducational group programs and this new found awareness shifts and potentially transforms their attitude to their partners. What are some consequences of this perceived emotional ‗inadequacy‘ used as a postpsychoanalytic and language of cultural construct to fulfill desires in these men‘s lives? Transformations in intimacy can occur in strange and unequal ways where there are still shared repertoires of cover stories, taboo topics and self-dishonesty between couples that more accurately characterizes relationships that stay together (cf Jamieson 1998, 1999, Green 2008). These men do have a need for intimate story telling (Plummer 1994) and in sympathy with narrative therapy to confess and externalize their problems (White and Epston 1990, White 1988/9, White 2007). Psychotherapists (Nylund and Nylund 2003 p. 393) argue that narrative therapy can assist these men to ‗resurrect‘ a more relation and less biological selfunderstanding of their intimacy, potential violence and masculinity (Shotter and Billig 1998). Unfortunately, intimacy upon reconciliation of the relationship far from being made more pure or democratic may necessarily be just as unequal as the original and filled with the frictions and the paradoxes of erotic desire (Boonzalier 2008). These men perceive a failure in themselves to connect intimately with others in friendships, child-rearing and with partners. Traumatic events in relationships such as separation from a partner or from children. or the disclosure of abuse can signify self-crisis, the ‗hollowing out‘ of the emotional self and a denial of or lack of awareness of the pull of their desires. It is in this process of ‗formless self‘ that necessitates a recovery of self where masculinities are re-shaped to integrate their identity. Nonetheless, upon full partnering and re-coupling to the same or another partner the often self-constructed illusion of equality and gender inequalities remains.

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NOTES I would like to thank my colleagues Akivra Bouris, Mauro Di Nicola, Carmel Flaskas and Peter Melser for discussion of the issues in addressed in this chapter and our collective involvement in the teaching and/or practice of counseling and family therapy. 1. This research data is from Australian Research Council funded Collaborative Grant 1997-99 of which the author was Chief Investigator with Relationships Australia (NSW and ACT). File No. C59700221. 24 qualitative interviews and 124 quantitative (semi-structured) interviews with male perpetrators of domestic violence, and 17 questionnaires with their partners were conducted. I also respect the memory of Margaret Massam for her ongoing support as Research Officer on this project over a period of five years from 1997-2001. Margaret sadly passed away in September of 2003.

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Nylund, D. and Nylund, D.A. (2003), Narrative Therapy as a counter–hegemonic practice Men and Masculinities 5, 386-394. Plummer, K. (1994), Telling Sexual Stories. London: Routledge. Polkinghorne, D.E (1991), ‗Qualitative Procedures for Counselling Research‘ in Edwards Watkins Jr and Schneider, L.J. (Eds) Research in Counseling, (pp 163-204) New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Potts, A. (2002), The Science/Fiction of Sex: feminist deconstruction and the vocabularies of heterosex, London: Routledge. Reissman, C.K. (2008), Narrative methods for the human sciences. London: Sage. Reissman, C.K. (2003), Performing identities in illness narrative: masculinity and multiple sclerosis. Qualitative Research 3,1, 5-33. Reissman, C.K. (1993), Narrative Analysis. London: Sage. Ricoeur, P. (1978), The Rule of Metaphor, London: Routledge Kegan Paul. Robinson, V. (1996), Heterosexuality and masculinity: theorizing male power or the male wounded psyche Richardson, D. (ed) Theorising Heterosexuality, (pp 109-124) Bukingham: Open University Press. Scheff, T (1994), Microsociology: discourse, emotion and social structure, Chicago: Chicago University Press. Sedgwick, E, K. (1991), The Epistemology of the Closet, Berkeley: University of California Press. Seidler, V.J. (1997), Man Enough: embodying masculinities, London: Sage. Seidler, V.J.(1992), Men, Sex and Relationships, London: Routledge. Seidman, S. (2001), From identity to queer politics: shifts in normative heterosexuality and the meaning of citizenship Citizenship Studies, 321-8. Shotter, J. and Billig, M. (1998) A Baktinian Psychology in Bell, M. M. and Gardiner, M. (Eds) (pp13-29) Baktin and the Human Sciences, London: Sage. Simon, W. and Gagnon, J. H. (2003) ‗Sexual Scripts: origins, influences and changes‘ Qualitative Sociology, 26, 4, 491-497. Ussher, J.M. (1997) Fantasies of Feminitiy: reframing the boundaries of sex, London: Penguin. Singer, I. (1994) The Pursuit of Love, Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press. Wearing, M. (2003a) ‗Evidence Based Policy and Programs for Perpetrators of Relationship Violence: exploring the research issues for Australian social policy‘ A Paper Presented at the National Social Policy Conference, University of New South Wales, 9-11 July, 2003. 36pp. Wearing, M. Matheson, G. and Massam, M. (2003b) Inventing ‗the male psychological self‘ in quantitative research on domestic violence Referred Conference proceedings (CD Rom) The Australian Sociological Association Conference, University of England, Armidale, December 10-12, 2003. Wearing, M and Massam, M (1999). Gendered Violence and the Brutalisation Thesis: gendered constructions in male perpetrators accounts of domestic violence An unpublished paper presented at TASA Conference, Monash University, Melbourne 9-12 Dec 45pp. Wearing, M. (1993). Professional Discourse and Sensational Journalism: Media Constructions of Violent Insanity Australian Journal of Communication 20, 1: 84-96.

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Chapter 5

INTEGRAL STUDY OF ETHNIC IDENTITY IN BAIKALIAN SIBERIA AND THE ROLE OF RUSSIAN COLONIZATION IN ITS SHAPING Milana V. Ragulina Institute of Geography Siberian Branch Russian Academy of Sciences, Russia

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ABSTRACT The approach that has been elaborated by this author is used in investigating the factors and processes that are responsible for formation of a spectrum of ethnic identities of Baikalian Siberia. This Russian region lies in Northern Asia and is noted for its natural contrasts and ethnic diversity. This region has been inhabited and developed from time immemorial by nomadic peoples belonging to the hunting–reindeer and hunting–livestock husbandry cultures, specifically by the Evenki, Tofalars, and Buryats. A key factor of the shaping of identity in the region was provided by the Russian colonization dating back to the 17th century. This author‘s version of integral approach combines the constructivist, ethnoecosystem and cultural-anthropological ideas within the framework of the theoretical research scheme for social identity. The cultural landscape is treated as a contextual ―embodiment‖ of the identification processes. The Siberian local sociums and ethnic groups generate ―interior‖ processes of identification and assume the ―exterior‖ standards that are prescribed to them, by incorporating or refusing some aspects of social morphology, political events, economic practices, intercultural exchange and spatial-geographical characteristics.

THEORETICAL APPROACH TO IDENTITY RESEARCH Identity is a key concept of modern humanitarian knowledge. Within a variety of disciplines ranging from philosophy and psychology to political science and geography as well as in the realm of interdisciplinary sciences, the last three to four decades saw an active quest for a fundamental understanding of the self-determination of an individual and a group.

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The ―Identity‖ concept has in fact replaced the ―national character‖, the ―value preferences‖, and the ―ethnic self-consciousness‖. The great diversity of interpretations of identity dictates a need to study a broad spectrum of characteristics of personality consciousness and social communities. It is common knowledge that the researchers‘ interest in social identity is specific to the epoch of latemodern and post-modern style. It was generated, among other things, by the ever increasing possibilities of individualization, personality growth, and the attainment of a subjective sense of freedom. On the other hand, the problem of looking for an appropriate place in the life by the individual and society became of particular current importance. An enhancement in the quest for ―oneself‖ is also associated with the ―erosion‖ of the class-and-estate framework in the 20th century. In other words, there is a well-traceable parallel in research into identity and choice of the ―life style‖. But it hardly needs saying that there existed some live and mobile boundaries of the ―live style‖ in a traditional Siberian society of the 17th–18th centuries. Rather, the case in point is the formation of identity within the ―banks lined with concrete‖ of a poorly understandable tradition. In Soviet ethnography, an analogue of Western cultural anthropology, culture was treated as the epiphenomena, the superstructure above the material basis, i.e. the method of production; therefore, the emphasis was on the primordially perceived ethnicity and ethnic identity. Ethnicity was regarded as the quality being primordially inherent in a group, remaining almost unaltered, being transferred from generation to generation and objectively conditioned by material production. Constructivism dominating Western cultural anthropology emphasizes the contribution from imagination, ascription and projections to the creation of identities. Much attention is given to the colonial contact which gives rise to a complex of hybrid and situational identities. The two approaches are equally important in the study of the indigenous peoples of Siberia. In Siberia, we are dealing with the territorial rootedness which, according to A.Smith, ―…is essential to nationalist vision, which hold that distinct nations must not only occupy ―their own‖ homelands, but also ―feed off‖ a unique landscape and a particular soil‖ [1; 715]. In this case, the connection of the indigenous ethnoses with their landscape is not confined to ―nationalist vision‖. It ensures their survival and preservation of the community‘s cultural traditions, values and symbols. Taking into account the natural and cultural contexts, and the specific character of the historical period imposes the ―degree of stiffness‖ and the proportions of the primordialist and constructivist approaches used. Given the great importance of ethnicity for Siberia, identity has broader dimensions: ― …individuals and collectives conceive of themselves not only in ethnic terms but also in many other ways. They conceive of themselves only in specific situations, most frequently in the presence of the ethnic ―others‖. Different contexts and also different historical periods bring ethnic identity to the fore to varying degrees‖ [2; 18]. The Siberian ethnic groups with nearly traditional life styles are ―territorialized‖, and this is the realm of primordialism. With the penetration of the Russian colonists into Siberia, the indigenous peoples were at the crossroads of the imperial, political, economic, cultural and (later) scientific discourses engendering a whole variety of myths which govern the activity of the various elites. This block of issues is amenable best to analysis on the basis of a constructive paradigm. The Siberian nomads perceive of themselves as a part of the ―Living Earth‖ [3]. Land use, the economy, world outlook, communicative processes, the social structure, cultural

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standards, and individual self-reflection ―close on‖/‖form a circle with‖ this ―animate‖ earth . The attitude to the earth and the relation with the earth provide the source and the ―lens‖ refracting the historical identities; they can be scientifically reconstructed through the use of statistical data on land use, yasak registers, population censuses, maps portraying the strategies of geographical nomination, data on christening and assimilation and, of course, records of the consequences of political transformations. Investigating the identity is equivalent to comprehension of man, as the eminent Russian philologist Sergei Averintsev out it, – ―without converting him either to a countable thing or to the reflection of one‘s own emotions‖ [4].

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LOGICAL LEVELS AND INTEGRAL PERSPECTIVES Most publications on social identity take into consideration a number of basic factors: the conditions (natural, social, cultural, etc.), values, and activity. Activity ―develops‖ the values separated by the individual and the community, while the strategies govern the behavior, which, in the aggregate, forms the identity [5; 6; 7]. The aforementioned factors can be arranged by using the ―logical levels‖ due to R. Dilts [8] by transforming them into an hierarchical system for the individual and the group. According to Dilts, the first level, the ―environments‘ or ―surroundings‖, determines the exterior possibilities or restrictions to which man has to react; the second level is ―behavior‖, and the third encompasses intellectual and cognitive strategies. Belief systems and values that motivate man and community are structurized on the fourth level, and, finally, identity is a peculiar point of focusing which concentrates the personality and super-personality aspects of vision and goal of his mission in the context of his own and other communities, and they are recorded on the fifth level. We applied this scheme to the relationships between nature and two hypothetical communities in one geographical space (Table 1). Identity as the deepest personality structure is realized in a symbolic ―I am the master of nature‖ (A), and ‗I am a part of nature‖ (B). It governs the values and convictions: in case A the value is a progressive accumulation of material wealth, and B: conservation of equilibrium in nature. The level of values specifies the particularity of strategies of activity: for A – to take more, and for B – to maintain a balance of the living whole, to take what is received as a gift, and to compensate it in symbolic form. Activity is a practical implementation of the strategy, in case A – active appropriation, and in B – life support, life in landscape where the sacral and the mundane are merged together to form a single whole. At the level of the surroundings, for A – the earth is equated with resources, and the image of time has a vector expression; for B – landscape – ―home‖, and time has a cyclic character. The scheme does not have any rigid ethnic referencing; in Baikalian Siberia, the Russian old-settlers communities can tend to variant B, whereas some modernized and acculturated native ethnic groups can display features of A. However, when the scheme is being filled with concrete content, there arises a complexity: upon arranging the ―stories‖ leading to identity, we find ourselves in a methodological ―sea‖ of antagonistic approaches which treat identity from the objective and subjective standpoint.

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M. V. Ragulina Table 1. “Logical levels” of two hypothetical communities (A and B) in interactions with nature Communities Logical levels Identity Values, beliefs

Strategies (Nature management) Activity Environment -Territorial context

A “modernized” “I” – master, owner of nature Nature – object. An increase in material wealth improves the quality of my life Take as much as possible, the protection of resources is motivated by future profits. Development (extraction, felling, hunting, etc.)

B “traditional” “I” – part of nature Nature – living integrity Preserving /destroying nature – I create /destroy myself Take (materially) as much as return (ritually).

Habitat, landscape – primarily a resource

Landscape as Living Integrity.

Habitation (life support)

Time – cycle.

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-Temporal context

Time – linear and finite.

The synthesis problem can be solved using an integral approach suggested by Кen Wilber [9]. He proposed to systematize all domains of scientific knowledge, culture and art using the system of four (not reducible to one another) quadrants that are figuratively called the ―four corners of the Kosmos‖, or perspectives. The quadrants correspond to the interior (left-hand ―I‖, ―WE‖) and exterior (right-hand ―IT‖, ―ITS‖), individual (upper ―I‖, ―IT‖) and collective (lower ―WE‖, ―ITS‖) spectra of reality and are correlated with the subject, intentional ―I‖, the object ―IT‖, the inter-subject cultural ―WE‖ and the inter-object social-system ―ITS‖. This model furnishes an opportunity to combine into a single interface the opposing and contrasting approaches. We applied Wilber‘s quadrants to identity research, which turned out to be highly profitable: it was possible to ―construct the bridges‖ instead of the separating walls between competing flows as well as to reveal the social, cultural, behavioral and object aspects of the ethnic identities in their non-conflicting unity (Figure 1). ―I‖ actualizes individual experience of the bearer of a definite identity. The social, ethnic or some other identity is experienced from the inside, being emotionally colored and existentially meaningful. It is the insider‘s/Initiate‘s experience. Here, the first position of perception with emotional and sensory incorporatedness. The directions that are relevant to the upper left-hand quadrant are: existential approach, life world, theory of identity development cycles, individualization and search for ―self‖, archetypical identity, humanitarian-geographical identity, combination of self and landscape with corporality (approach bordering ―I‖ and ―IT‖, at the interface between the upper quadrants). ―WE‖ concentrates the cultural significations, stereotypes and group values, and accumulates the meanings and information filters engendering the models of the world and the modes of group identification. Phenomena are perceived from the standpoint of ―We‖

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based on comprehension of the group values of communication partners. This includes the sphere of morality, values and motivation, i.e. what induces society to comprehend its identity.

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Figure 1. Four terrains of identity and interior / exterior position of the researcher.

The sector presents the main constructivist approaches, the lines of investigation into the values, world outlooks and formation (on their basis) of social phenomena. It is the realm of post-modernistic and post-structuralistic methods. ―IT‖ encompasses the exterior, objectively recorded, manifestations of identity, and the cognitive and behavioral, physico-anthropological features of the individual. Research focuses on the projections of identity through behavior, and the influence of ethnic and ethno ecosystem structures on the preservation of the individual‘s viability. Relevant are the methods of behavioral sociology and psychology that record objective behavioral patterns of the individual, analysis of the objective component of identity: race, gender, age, membership in communities, and life environment. ―ITS‖ includes phenomena of group identity as an objective system. This quadrant considers the social aspects of identity having regard to the ―network‖, inter-object interconnections, and investigate the objective manifestations of human activity through which the identity ―transpires‖, and the connections between sociums and the territory. It is characterized by a rational approach to observed, rather than experienced, phenomena. Identity is investigated using social role theory and system analysis in order to reveal the mobilizational, political and socioeconomic prerequisites for the functioning. The four quadrants are in a state of interaction and conjugate development – they are ―tetra-evolutionizing‖. The social network for the construction of the identity (ITS) that includes material production, social stratification, and a repertoire of social roles has

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influence on the value sphere and makes a contribution to the construction of the model for cultural identity of the group (WE). Cultural identity serves as a ―nutrient medium‖ for formation of personality and its life world, which is reflected in quadrant (I). The somatic, physiological status and behavior (IT) reflect the aforementioned social and cultural characteristics. These relations of interdependence make them evident in the fact that every cultural event has its social correlate [9]. Wilber‘s approach permitted us to construct communication lines between dissimilar and conflicting areas of identity research and determine the particularity of identity from the standpoint of each of the four perspectives. The substantive content of the quadrants, and the methods of cognition of the identity in each of them are specific and not reducible to one another. As regards the identity themes, this approach is being pursued along two directions: one involves ―finding the correlates‖ of the collective and the individual, the subject and object, and the interior and exterior, and studying the ―tetra-evolutionizing‖ aspects in concert of an integral identity. The other direction implies reducing the contrasting approaches in identity research to a single interface. Then we can state with confidence that we shall not ―lose‖ some important aspect of identity thus impoverishing our understanding of the reality.

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RESEARCH MODEL: COMBINING THE LEVELS AND QUADRANTS S. Esbjorn-Hargens and M. Zimmermann [10] applied the integral approach to ecology and suggested th ―quadrivia‖ - the way of looking at something through the quadrants. In each sector, the investigators (in the case of ―quadrivia of an animal‖) put the questions: ―Who?‖ ―How?‖ and ―What?‖ The answers to them are gives in the first person – in the left-hand ―interior‖ quadrants, and in the third person – in the right-hand exterior quadrants. Since the procedure implies the researcher‘s view, the answer to the question ―Who?‖ in the four quadrants: ―integral researcher‖ ―How?‖ signifies the methods (for the right-hand quadrants – scientistic and empirical, and for the left-hand quadrants – hermeneutic), ―What?‖ – the phenomenon under investigation. Following the aforementioned authors‘ logic, we label the quadrants of our investigation as ―terrains‖ in which a definite perspective of identity is realized (Figure 1). Next, we place the researchers (dark symbol) in the position of a third person (the observer of the object) in the right-hand quadrants, and in the position of a first person (who understands and interacts) in the left-hand quadrants. At a next step we combine the hierarchy of levels with the ―quadrivia‖ of identities. This permits us to structurize the comprehension of identities in all the quadrants, and the search for correlates, exterior and interior, object and subject, social and cultural, becomes more comprehensible and relevant (Table 2). Let us now examine the variations of the levels in the quadrants. Environment, surroundings, context – in the ―IT‖ sector – a subject (including – landscape) surroundings at the particular instant of time. In the ―ITS‖ quadrant the surroundings include the ―scene‖ of manifestation of the group identity as a system of objects on the terrestrial surface, as the result of the action of geopolitical, economic and social forces. Going to ―WE‖, the surroundings transforms to a separable general cultural (including – mythologically constructed) background, and its correlation with time and place becomes symbolically mediated. For the ―I‖ quadrant the surroundings are determined by experience

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and biography of the subject and reflect the interior images of space and the individual course of time. Behaviors, activity – are objectivized and recorded as the individual in ―IT‖ and as a group one and are correlated with communicative and reflexive patterns thus creating a culturally separable sphere of activity in ―WE‖ and forming personality experience in ―I‖. Table 2. Four quadrants and five levels in identity research LEVEL

(WHERE?) Behaviors (WHAT?) Strategies Habits (HOW?) Values, beliefs (WHY?) Identity (WHO?)

LEVEL Environment Context (WHERE?) Behaviors (WHAT?)

Strategies Habits (HOW?) Values, beliefs (WHY) COLLECTIVE

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INDIVIDUAL

Environment Context

Identity (WHO?)

INTERIOR I Where am “I”? What do “I” think about my surroundings? What do “I” think about what I am doing? How do I evaluate the habits and strategies of activity? Why do “I” act in this way? Who am “I”? Are my values, strategies and activity congruent with my perception of myself? WE Where are “we”? How do “we” interpret the surroundings? What do “we” think about our actions and about their correspondence with who we are? How do “we” evaluate our strategies of activity and habits, and their contribution to who we are? Why do “we” act in this way? Who are “we”? Are our morals, world outlook and values congruent with our behavior?

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EXTERIOR IT Where (in what surroundings) is it and with what objects is the object contiguous and does the object interact? What does and creates the object? How does the object act (habits, means, and relationships)? Why does the object act precisely in this way? Who (what) is, from the researcher’s point of view, the object? ITS Where (in what surroundings) is the system of objects, and with what systems is it contiguous \ does it interact? What does and creates the system of objects?

How does the system of objects act (habits, means, and relationships)? Why does the system of objects act precisely in this way? What is, from the researcher’s point of view, the system of objects?

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Strategies and habits, in the sector on the right side, represent a nexus of actions of the individual (―IT‖) and of the group (―ITS‖), revealing an intimate connection with the resource base of landscape, and with social world-outlook interpretations within the culturally separable reality. Going to the ―WE‖ sector, they are determined by the group world-outlook interpretation within the culturally separable reality. The ―I‖ sector combines the strategies and capacities of the individual as regards gaining reflexive experience in the interaction with objects and subjects. Values and beliefs – the level that makes the capabilities and strategies more active. In the ―IT‖ and ―ITS‖ object sectors there arises a complexity: Can the objects have the values? The problem has a twofold solution: first, we take into consideration the values on the left side that are manifested and revealed in the object-specific activity; secondly, with due regard for the researcher‘s position, the values and motifs are ascribed from a third person‘s standpoint. The ―WE‖ and ―I‖ quadrants represent a sphere of collective and individual values, convictions and world outlooks. Personal experience and insights are accumulated by the collective semantic field of culture thus determining, in turn, the shaping of a personality. Identity is the deepest level category which governs and is governed by the values. In the quadrants on the right side, it is recorded in object manifestations and as an ascribed characteristic. Determination of the ethnic belonging in the USSR is an example of an ―objectively‖ ascribed identity (the ―IT‖ sector). In the ―ITS‖ sector, identity is represented by the search for the ethnic roots and documented evidence which substantiate the cultural differences of the groups. Identity is characterized through the particularity of nature management systems, life support strategies, demographic indices, and material values. But the sectors on the right side give only an object-specific, formalized idea of the functioning of an individual‘s and group‘s identification. The emphases of the right side is on the manifestation of identification in the material setting and system interactions. The ―WE‖ and ―I‖ quadrants on the left side constitute a focus of personal and cultural experience, strategies, values, and all that is a common life space of self-comprehension, answering the question: ―Who are we?‖ The suggested scheme makes it possible to realize the following research possibilities:   

representing an integral picture of subjective, objective, inter-subjective and interobjective aspects of any phenomenon taken as integrity, selecting the research approach, or developing the methodological framework adequate for the phenomenon, and determining the individual and collective, object and subject, material and ideal, and constructivist and scientistic correlates of identification processes.

ETHNIC IDENTITIES: EXPERIENCE IN REGIONAL STUDY According to its geographical location, the Baikal region is the region of interaction, contacts, adaptation and assimilation of the tribes and peoples of the steppe and taiga ―worlds‖. In the Middle Ages, the Turkic, Mongolian and Tungus tribes used to move to considerable distances from one place to another, so that the picture of their localization was mobile and changeable. Toward the 17th century the habitat areas of the Mongol-Buryat,

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Turkic and Tungus-Manchurian tribes had reached a relative stabilization. They developed a varied gamut of ethnic, hybrid territorial and ethnolocal identities. Over the last centuries the region has clearly shown the occurrence of processes relating to major historical events and causing a dynamics of the identities. The main of them are:

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  

Russian colonization of Siberia; institution of Soviet power, and collectivization of rural population, and Perestroika and disintegration of Socialism in the USSR.

The first (and the most powerful) impetus to the transformation of social and ethnic identification of the region's inhabitants was, undeniably, made by the Russian colonization in the 17th –early 20th centuries. The intention to capture the overall picture in order to reveal the most important tendencies makes one reject detailing. We concentrate our attention on the ethnic identities as the most accessible source base by examining the ethnic cultures of the taiga nomads (Evenki and Tofalars), the nomads of the forest-steppe (Buryats), and the farmers (Russians). Extrapolation of historical sources involves working in the field of interpretation, which appeals to the ―invention of traditions‖ [11] where researchers, often unwittingly, make use of a variety or fragments of a ―convenient‖ past. To gain a firm historical footing requires that the left-hand (Figure 1) interpreted data be supplemented by right-side, object evidence: statistical-economic, land-utilization, demographic. And other descriptions of the communities under study. The natural peculiarities of the region are distinguished by the contrast of the orographic and bioclimatic conditions. The mountainous Sayan-Baikal, tableland Mid-Siberian and plain territories traverse the river valleys of the Lena and Yenisei as well as of the Angara flowing from Lake Baikal. Separated by many thousand kilometers from the seas and oceans, the region has an ultracontinental climate, with very cold winters and warm (and even hot on some occasions) summers. Atmospheric precipitation is distributed extremely unevenly: depending on this, the windward slopes develop dark-coniferous taiga forests of Siberian stone pine, spruce and fir, while the intermontane depressions develop dry steppes, in places with saline soils, and with the appearance of semideserts. The largest areas are occupied by southern-taiga landscapes, with pine predominating, whereas the cold soils with long-lasting seasonally frozen ground or with permafrost in the northern areas are dominated by larch. The bottoms of broad river valleys are occupied by meadows or bogs. Everywhere in the highlands there occur stony and lichen ―golets‖-like (i.e. with bald mountains) tundras and, to a lesser extent, subalpine and alpine meadows, glaciers, and snow patches. The region‘s natural resources determine a broad spectrum of nature management patterns: originally, a traditional (largely on the biotic basis) pattern, and the current pattern involving development of minerals and of the power-producing base. The course of the identification processes in Baikalian Siberia is influenced considerably by the connection of the ethnolocal communities living here, with the soil and landscape. The degree and character of sacralization of this connection differs with different cultural, economic and social particularities of a community. Landscape is the carrier of a community‘s social and cultural memory, an ―identification mirror‖, and, in terms of the

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psychological approach in cultural geography, it is a combination of the past as the ―inherited identity‖ [12] and of the present as the ―field of projections‖ of the personality and group identification, perception of oneself into space.

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COLONIZATION OF BAIKALIAN SIBERIA AND ITS EFFECTS The colonization of Siberia combines a military subjugation of the Siberian peoples and agricultural development of the territory. Toward the end of the 17th century there emerged a network of militarized settlements (so-called ―ostrogs‖, or fortresses), while the Buryat, Evenki and Tofalar clans had to pay tribute to Moscow. The military, forced stage of Cossack colonization was followed by the resettlement of peasant farmers from northern and central Russia [13]. The goal of the early period of colonization (the 17th–18th centuries) was to procure furskins (mainly sable and squirrel) for paying tribute, and for personal enrichment of the arriving population. Subsequently, the colonization sought to expand the borders of the Russian Empire, to people and carry out economic development of Siberia, to promote agriculture, and to bring the indigenous peoples under the Tsar‘s rule. There is a similarity with the ―French pattern‖ of colonization as recorded for the Russian Old-Settlers of the northeastern Siberia: ―The Russian and French interests in obtaining furs required a population, that knew how to acquire them and was willing to enter into (trade) relations with the representatives of the colonial state. Descendants of mixed marriages were ideally suited to performing this job; they considered the woods of there homeland and were able to ―live in the both worlds‖ [14; 147]. The region‘s inaccessibility and remoteness, combined with the low population density of new-settlers, promoted formation of metis communities who ―lived in the both worlds‖. Furthermore, Russian peasants more often became intermediaries in trade relations with the native people thus gaining access to their culture and traditions. With the exhaustion of the reserves of fur-bearing animals, of an increasingly important significance was agricultural development, yet hunting still remained among the important pursuits of the Siberian oldsettlers. During the 18th–19th centuries the unrestricted peasant colonization laid the foundations for the region‘s geocultural unity and crated the preconditions for changes in the identification processes of its population. Let us now turn to the colonization effects of Baikalian Siberia as a crucial factor determining the ethnic and territorial identities, using the suggested research scheme (Fig. 1, Table 2). The ethnic communities were all considered by superimposing Dilts‘s logical levels [8] on K. Wilber‘s quadrants [9]. The hierarchical system of levels – from the lower level, the context of the surroundings, through behavior, strategies and values to the upper level, the identity, was analyzed in terms of the individual and collective dimensions in the socium which transformed within the ―I‖, ―IT―, ―WE‖ and ―ITS‖ quadrants where the subject and the object correlated differently. Object and inter-object - “right-hand” effects of the surroundings We interpret the surroundings, a lower level, as a natural context. The Russians in the 17th century lived in ostrogs which later transformed into Siberian cities. The peasant colonization formed two major agricultural cores: along the valleys of the

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Lena and Ilim rivers flowing in taiga forest, and in the Irkutsk-Balagansk forest-steppe. Given the absence of large tracts of land suitable for plowing, agricultural development had a fragmentary character and caused the peasants to settle in single-farmstead villages. Besides, the proximity of areas suitable for hunting and fishing was taken into consideration. The Evenki. In the 17th century, the core habitat area of the Evenki: hunters–reindeerbreeders and pedestrian hunters, includes monotonic landscapes of the Siberian taiga within the Lower-Tunguska, Upper-Lena and Middle-Angara basins. Should there arise any clashes with the Russians, the Evenki living in the Lena region used to forsake their native places heading northward. In the peripheral regions of settling, the Evenki maintained a closer interaction with the foreign-ethnic population. Toward the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century, most of them merged together with the Russians and Buryats thus forming metis populations. The habitat area of the Tofalars, hunters and reinder-breeders, living in the taiga formed in the taiga and tundra regions of the Eastern Sayan. Their geographical and information isolation was responsible for the larger (when compared with the Evenki) resistance to the foreign-cultural influence, and for a relative stability of the population size over a long period of time. Starting in the 17th century, the Buryat livestock-breeding tribes lived in forest-steppes and subtaiga landscapes. Toward the 20th century their population size increased due to the incorporation of Evenki groups, migrations and a rise in natural population growth because of the successful mastering of agriculture, combined with livestock husbandry, a traditional pursuit of the ethnos. Subject and inter-subject “left-hand” effects Landscape as the surroundings is interpreted according to the dominant world outlooks and to ―actualized identities‖; it holds in storage experience of traditions which people are able to perceive. In Baikalian Siberia, the connection with the territory (and this is particularly true for a traditional society) is a peculiar kind of identification marker. According to the Evenki‘s interpretation, their taiga landscape is multidimensional, living and filled with visible and invisible creatures, the general views of which and the belief in which spiritualize the Evenki [3]. The cosmological structure of the Evenki world is vertical and, at the same time, horizontal, in accordance with the particularities of settling within the taiga-bog basins of the rivers. At the river heads, in the mountains, there is the Upper World, and at its base there is the world of the not yet born souls, and further downward, on a large yagel (Iceland reindeer moss) pasture there is the world of the not yet born reindeer. The lower world lies downstream of the river mouth [15]. The stellar vault of heaven is like an elk‘s hide full of holes. The vertical cosmology is also characteristic for the Tofalars in mountainous taiga-tundra landscapes. According to L.V. Melnikova, the semantic counterparts of the Heavens are the source, the beginning, birth, kindness, and purity. The Center is associated with the earth, the middle flow, life. ―The interface between the worlds (foot of the mountain, the pass, the river bank, the lake shore, the near-root part of a tree, and the Shaman) are determined situationally [16; 196]. The underground world symbolizes the bottom, the mouth, the end, malice, the roots of a tree, and fire.

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The four-member structure of the Mongol-Buryat world, divided into the celestial, aerial, terrestrial and subterranean spheres, and the Supreme Gods of the Eternal Blue heavens and the Mother-Earth embodied the specific character of the steppe and forest-steppe areas. This is confirmed by the Shaman calling down: ―the golden sun – a luminary, the diamond moon – luminous mirror-like radiance, the silk-woven – clear earth, the infinitely high skies, and the endlessly broad earth!‖ [17]. According to B.A. Rybakov [18], situated amidst the plowed-up spaces, the house and the courtyard belonging to a medieval Slav and Russian human being, were in need of a system of exorcizing protective measures against the unexpected assault. A single-farmstead village of a Russian peasant new-settler literally served as an island in the unknown taiga and, hence, hostile world. If, however, these images remained unaltered and conservative, the ethnic map of the region would be quite different. A general regularity is traceable: with the decreasign distance between communities, there arises a deepening of interpretation of one another, a digression from the heterostereotype concepts. Object and inter-object “right-hand” effects of activity and strategies We consider the activity and strategies in landscape using the life-support practices as an example, which were established on the basis of object characteristics as well as subject interpretations of perception. The colonization of Siberia altered the economic behavior of the taiga and steppe nomads: hunting for fur-bearing animals ranked first in significance. As regards the Evenki, there was an increase in the length of roaming, and in the area of newly-developed habitats whenever there was a dwindling in the proportion of game hunting. In the case of the Tofalars, given the natural limitations of the surface area of usable land, there occurred an intensification of movement from place to place, with the network of nomadic routes becoming ―more compact‖[19]. Switchover from consumer hunting to hunting for fur-bearing animals was the cause of intermittently recurring spells of starvation and famine. For preventing and avoiding such developments, the supporting infrastructure was set up at the indigenous offices (units of administrative government): bread reserves stores, and provision with foodstuffs and ammunition was arranged. The Buryat life-support systems included agriculture thus satisfying the food requirements for a considerable part of the consumers. This same economic model was also aimed at by a part of the Evenki, who were ―pressed and ousted‖ by the Russians and Buryats from their habitat and lost, for a variety of reasons, their reindeer herds. Whenever there arose land disputes with Russian peasants, the interests of the ―inorodtsy‖ (meaning ―aliens‖, ―not ours‖, used by the Russians for the indigenous people of the recently conquered territories by the Russian Empire) as the hunters for fur-bearing animals were taken into consideration first. A considerable proportion of the exterior categories of identification, ascribed by the State, is concerned with activity. The Regulations of Administration for Non-Russians (―Inorodtsy‖) as of 1822 provided for the division into the following ranks: the settled (in cities and settlements; the nomads (changing their location according to seasons), and the ―vagrants or hunters‖ roaming from place to place along rivers and in the mountains irrespective of a season [20; 395]. The Evenki and Tofalars were referred to the ―vagrants, hunters‖, and the ―Buryats‖ were ascribed to nomadic ―inorodtsy‖.

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Toward the end of the 19th century, we can identify the following main models of the economic activities:

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1) The reindeer-breeding/hunting/fishing model (the Tofalars and Evenki); it is distinguish by the mobile modes of transport reindeer-breeding, with the lands being developed measuring considerable areas. The subject of nature management was represented by the nomadic territorial-neighbor community, the regulator of the main production and spiritual relations at the socio-cultural level. 2) The livestock-breeding/hunting/fishing model (the Evenki and Buryats). It is characteristic for Buryat culture, while for the nomads of the taiga it is elicited by the acculturation impact of their neighbors: the Russians, Buryats and Yakuts. The economic cycle is determined by the requirements of livestock husbandry and is connected with a prolonged period of settled and semi-settled way of life. 3) The agricultural/livestock-husbandry/hunting/fishing model (the Russians, Buryats and Evenki); it implies a settled way of life in log houses and seasonal roaming from place to place of male hunters; it is the strongest expression of the acculturation processes for the nomads. Subject and inter-subject “left-hand” effects of activity and strategies The activity and its strategies of the taiga nomads are related directly to landscape interpretation, and to the values of their culture. The main distinctive feature is ecologicity of behavior. It derives from a treatment of the hunting pursuits and associated ―bag‖ as a ―gift‖ presented by the spirits-masters to ―their‖ human being recognized by Forest [3]. The Russian peasant new-settlers, too, were not ―predators‖ in the taiga: an inhabitual environment ―peopled‖ by strange spirits-masters of the localities required an exceptionally attentive, correct and respectful attitude toward them, combined with the performance of the rites adopted from the aboriginal population. Researchers point out an enhancement in pagan elements among the Russian old-settlers of Siberia as contrasted to the inhabitants of European Russia, who more strictly adhered to the Orthodox canon [21, 22]. The ethnographer A.A. Makarenko wrote: ―In order to uphold their own existence, the Russian new-settlers used to adopt, to some extent, the indigenous trapping and hunting techniques, the methods of fishing in places of rapids and stony shallows of the Angara; their houses and structures were patterned after aboriginal yurtas and farmyards (polygonal in shape)… The new beliefs from the world of superstitions were adopted by all Russian peasant old-settlers in Siberia. The Orthodox believers… invite Shamans to heal their diseases, they are asked to tell fortunes, namely about lost things and animals, or practice shamanism foretelling the future and hunting‖ [23; 17]. Value orientations: “right-“ and “left-side” aspects In the object and inter-object context, the main values for the peasants – old-settlers and the Buryats–farmers changed by ―evolutionizing‖ together with the development of the commodity-money relations. The former show a pronounced individualism, the value of riches (as contrasted to European Russia where the peasant communities were dominated by the ideals of egalitarianism), confidence in one‘s own strength, and by the disposition toward a risk. The attitude to the soil was also ―capitalized‖: the Siberian old-settlers, who had converted forest

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lands into arable lands using their own resources, believed that it was natural to buy and sell land parcels. The new consumption standards, a peculiar ―consumerism‖, came to the prosperous Russian and Buryat families. Assimilated by the Russians, the Buryats and the Evenki merged together with the old-settlers populace without displaying any marked differences as regards the value orientations. The object projection of the values of individualism upon landscape involved the construction of enclosed and fenced homesteads belonging to separate families. Records from the 19th century bear witness that on holidays and religious feasts, every so often peasant women (both Russian and Buryat) in Siberian villages would wear clothes in vogue not only in Moscow but also in Paris [22]. As regards the hunters/reindeer-breeders, the Evenki and the Tofalars, the world outlook features ascribed to them are: the value of life at the present, carelessness, and ―disorderly wandering‖ in the mountains and valleys in the search for animals. The subject embodiment of the values inherent in nomadic taiga cuture was called into question. One and a half century ago, a contemporary wrote about the Tofalars: ―…the people not belonging to history cannot have and do not have any history. Living with continuous trouble about the present, they take little care of the past. Being content with the dwelling whose frame is made of thin larch poles, they leave behind themselves monuments bearing witness of the existence of people prior to the poles become rotten‖ [24;18-19]. ―Subtlety‖ of the nomads‘ cultural landscape engendered the mythologema about the huge savage, desolate and undeveloped spaces of Siberia like the ―empty landscape‖ of precolonization America [25]. Indeed, the cultural landscape of the taiga nomads is difficult to mark using artifacts: the sites of nomad architecture are unevenly distributed, sacred places are often hidden to the eye of a foreigner, ―cultural places of interest‖ (as they are understood in the West) are absent, while the remaining part of the nomad area seems undeveloped. Therefore, representatives of other cultures make their claims to ―empty lands‖: an array of examples of land disputes between the Evenki and the Russians, and between the Tofalars, the Russians and the Buryats in archival documents dating back to the 18th –19th centuries are currently followed by similar (in their meaning) situation with modern industrial development. Subject approach leads to interpretation of the values as the motives of activity, emphatic observation and comprehension of the ―depth‖ of one another at the personality and group level (world outlook, morality, morals, cultural traditions), and, finally, division of this ―depth‖ which becomes common in the areas of contact. The study of communications with the ―Other‖ becomes an integral part of the inter-subject perspective. An understanding interaction implies the movement from the surfaces (object measurement) on a spiral path to a new understanding of the identity of the ―Other‖ on the basis of empathy and common cultural space. In the sphere of the values concerning the settled and nomadic life style, and the animistic and Christian world outlook, ―regions of mutual overlap‖ emerged. They serve as the bases for the ethnic and territorial identities of the peoples living here.

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CONCLUSION The levels of surroundings, activity and values are crucial in transformation and formation of ethnic identities. Acting upon these levels, the colonization was responsible for the differing degrees of its change in the Siberian ethnic groups. The method used in this study permitted us to ascertain that formation of the social and ethnic identities in Baikalian Siberia is determined by both the exterior (object and inter-object) and interior (subject and inter-subject) perspectives. The exterior perspectives specify the ascribed identities, and the interior perspectives express self-identification, self-comprehension of the individual and group. Between the right-hand and left-hand, interior and exterior aspects there is taking place the interaction process which implies perception and rejection by the subject of the ascribed object identifications, incorporation of them in a group‘s cultural space and in an individual‘s personality experience. The subject, interior categories, in turn, can become exterior, forming part of the myth about the group constructed from the outside. Ethnic identity in Baikalian Siberia is a poorly explored and rather intricate issue whose complexity is determined by poly-ethnicity, and by the ambiguous interaction of the groups over the course of several centuries. Formation of the identity was proceeding along several directions, resulting in a considerable diversity of its kinds which can be arranged according to the logical levels determining its dimensions. The surroundings impose regional, local and (taking into consideration the landscape aspect) forest, steppe and mountain identities. The role of the natural surroundings also manifests itself in the tribal identity: the names of the Evenki tribes are correlated with the names of the rivers [15]. The Buryats and the Tofalars also correlate their tribal identities with the particular territory. Identification of the level of surroundings can be exterior objectspecific and interior subject-specific. The category of activity defines different kinds of identification according to life style as the administratively assigned identity to the Siberian non-Russians (i.e. members of national minorities): the settled, the nomads, and the vagrants [20]; and according to the economic models: the reindeer-breeders, the livestock-breeders, and the farmers. Of special interest is the interior self-identification; according to the character of activity: the subject appraises his own ethnicity depending on behavior: a ―real‖ bearer of a definite identity must know how to act in a definite manner. A.A. Sirina cites examples of a breach of behavioral prohibitions in the taiga ―with impunity‖ by the Russians; on the other hand, an imminent atonement was looming very large in the case of an Evenki, for the same fault [3]. The values determine the identity of a world outlook character. It is not confined to the belonging to religion and can include a more complicated world outlook (cultural-ideological) complex, yet religious categorization lies ―on the surface‖. The assignment to pagans, orthodox believers, old-believers, shamanists and Buddhists can be both exterior (an individual and a group are defined as an object) and interior (where the subject(s) interpret themselves in a similar spirit). The role of Russian colonization in identification of Siberian ethnic groups is multifarious. It manifested itself in an alteration to their environs and changes in the strategies of the economic activities, and in the spectrum of material and spiritual values. The early military stage of colonization affected the most the Evenki. Striving to preserve their habitual economic structure and identity, a high proportion of them moved to the northern, almost

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impassable, mountain-taiga areas. These groups were not subjected to intense acculturation, unlike the Evenki who used to maintain contacts with the Yakuts: most of them switched over to the livestock-husbandry economic model and underwent so-called ―Yakutization‖ thus becoming their mother tongue and traditions. Living in a ―strip-like‖ fashion with the Buryats and with the Russians settling down in their nomadic area, the Evenki formally retained their surroundings, but they were unable to withstand the acculturation influence. At times they were incorporated peasant villages and Buryat uluses (settlements or nomad camps) losing their property and adopting a foreign identity, and at other times they formed metis settlements by creating a new exterior and interior identification. Because of the specific character of their nomadic livestock-husbandry life style, the Buryats occupied subtaiga, steppe and forest-steppe territories which provided food for their herds. During the first period of colonization the Buryats received the main blow from Cossack military detachments and showed a strong, yet unorganized, resistance; a peaceful situation set in only within three decades. In spite of tight contact with the Russian population and the subsequent adoption of agriculture, the Buryats retained their habitat areas (except for a few groups which had migrated to other places), and a relevant tribal and territorial self-identification. As a result of the colonization, the Tofalars, like all the aboriginals of the region, became tributaries of Muscovy and shifted from game hunting to fur trade, specifically sable and squirrel. Their resettlement and life style did not experience any considerable changes. That socium retained, to a greater extent, its identification practices from exterior intervention. The subsequent colonization involving resettling of peasants to Baikalian Siberia was accompanied by formation of communication links between ethnoses, and by an enhancement in acculturation and assimilation. The process was aided by state policy. The year 1822 saw the enforcement of administrative prohibition of forced christening of non-Russians as well as of compulsory conscriptions. Their chief pursuits were fur trade and yasak, so as to replenish the currency reserves of Russia. Because of their more compact habitation and consolidation, the Buryats had Steppe Dumas and enjoyed extensive possibilities for self-government which were inaccessible for Russian new-settlers [26]. Nonintervention in the economic life, the traditions, values and world outlook, combined with the relative autonomy of the territories, were responsible for the fact that the transformation process of ethnic identities of the indigenous peoples was taking place comparatively smoothly. There emerged new ethnic identities: Siberian old-settlers, christened non-Russians (national minorities), and metis groups of ―yasak payers‖ and ―karyms‖, while the groups of the Evenki, Tofalars and Buryats that preserved their identification managed to ―strengthen‖ it via comparison and reflection through the image of the ethnic ―Other‖. The subsequent socio-political events of the Soviet period radically transformed the ethnic identities in Baikalian Siberia.

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[12] [13] [14]

[15] [16] [17] [18] [19]

[20]

Smith, A.D. The Politics of Culture, Ethnicity and Nationalism. In: Companion Encyclopedia of Anthropology. Humanity, Culture and Social Life. London: Routledge, 1994. Habeck, J.O. Dimensions of Identities. In: Rebuilding Identities. Pathway to Reform in Post-Soviet Siberia, 2005, Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, pp. 9–26. Sirina, A. The Living Land: Ecological Ethics of the Evencs and Evens. Sibirica, vol. 7, No. 2, Autumn 2008: 1–22. (International Journal of Siberian Studies, vol. 7, No. 2, Autumn 2008: 1–22). Averintsev, S.S. Philology. In: Concise Literature Encyclopaedia, vol. 7, Moscow: Sov. entsiklopediya, 1972. Erikson, E. H. Life History and Historical Moment. New York: Norton, 1975. Pavlova, O. N. Identify: Evolution History of the Views and Its Structural Features. Moscow: Institute of Psychoanalysis, 2001. Simonova, O.A. Toward the Shaping of Identity Sociology. Sotsiologichesky zhurnal, 2008, No. 3, pp. 45–61. Dilts, R. Modeling With NLP. Capitola, CA: Meta Publications, 1998 (Russian Trans.: Dilts, R. Modelign With NLP. St. Petersburg: Izd. Dom Piter, 2000). Wilber, K. A Brief History of Everything. Boston and London: Shambhala, 1996. Esbjörn-Hargens, S., Zimmerman, M. E. Integral Ecology: Uniting Multiple Perspectives on the Natural World. New York: Random House/Integral Books, 2009. Hobsbaum, E. and Ranger, T. (eds.). The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1983. Meinig, D. W. (Ed.).The Interpretation of Ordinary Landscapes. In: Geographical Essays. New York: Oxford University Press, 1979. Serebrennikov I.I. Initial Settling of the Irkutsk Province. Izv. VSRGO, 1915, vol. 44, pp. 197–224. Sweitzer, P., Vachtin, N. and Golovko, E. The Difficulty of the Being Oneself: Identity Politics of ―Old–Settlers‖ Communities in Northeastern Siberia. In: Rebuilding Identities. Pathway to Reform in Post-Soviet Siberia, Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 2005, pp. 135–151. Vasilevich, G.M. The Evenki. Historical-Ethnographic Essays. Leningrad: Nauka, 1969. Melnikova, L.V. The Tofy. Irkutsk: Vost.-Sib. kn. Izd-vo, 1994. History of the Buryat-Mongol Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Volume 1. Ed. A.P. Okladnikov. Ulan-Ude: Burmongizdat, 1951. Rybakov, E.A. Paganism of the Ancient Rus. Moscow: Nauka, 1988. Ragulina, M.V. The Indigenous Ethnoses of the Siberian Taiga. Motivation and Pattern of Nature Management (as Exemplified by the Tofalars and Evenki of the Irkutsk Region). Novosibirsk: Izd-vo SO RAN, 2000. The Regulations on Administration for Non-Russians (―Inorodtsy‖) of July 22, 1822. In: Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire Beginning in 1849. Vol. 38, No. 29.120, pp. 394–416.

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[21] Ostrovskaya L.V. Christianity as Conceived by Russian Peasants of Post-Reform Russia (Popular Variant of Orthodoxy). In: Social Mode of Life and Culture of the Russian population of Siberia (the 17th – beginning of the 20th Century). Novosibirsk: Nauka, 1983, pp.135–149. [22] Saburova L.M. Culture and Mode of Life of the Russian Population in the Angara Region (end of the 19th – 20th Century). Leningrad: Nauka, 1967. [23] Makarenko A. The Siberian Popular Calendar in the Ethnographic Context: East Sibria.. Yenisei Province. Zap. SORGO, St. Petersburg, 1913, No. 36, pp. 16–17. [24] Shtubendorf O.Yu. On the Karagass. In: Collection of Ethnographic Papers. Issue IV. St. Petersburg, 1858, pp. 1–18. [25] Sluyter, A. The Making of the Myth in Postcolonial Development Material – Conceptual Landscape Transformation in Sixteenth Century Veracruz. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, vol. 89, No. 3, 1999. pp. 377–401. [26] Zhamtsarano Ts. O. On the Sense of Justice Among the Buryats (Toward the Forthcoming Reforms). Sibirskiye voprosy, 1905, No. 2, pp. 167–184.

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Chapter 6

WHO DO YOU THINK I AM? AN ANALYSIS OF THE „IT PROFESSIONAL‟ SELF-IDENTITY Hamid Nach University of Quebec at Rimouski Levis Campus, Montreal, Quebec Canada

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ABSTRACT As Information Technology (IT) is driving business transformation on an unprecedented scale, IT Professionals are expected to play pivotal role to help companies meet their expectations (Paré and Jutras 2004). Recent Information System (IS) studies have placed great emphasis on ‗value skills‘ and ‗interdisciplinary approaches‘ in addition to ‗technical skills‘ as perquisites for today‘s successful IT professional (Makoto and Norma 2001; Peter and Robert 2001). However, while current IS literature has placed particular emphasis on the skills required by IT specialists; the question of identity of these professionals has been largely overlooked. To date, few theoretical and empirical IS research have directly addressed how IT professionals build their identities in today‘s dynamic environment and typically develop a self-understanding of the ―IT professional‖ or ―IT specialist‖. The present study is a first step to fill this gap. Three case studies were conducted with the objective to represent cognitive structures of three IT professionals about their self-identities in the form of cognitive maps. The analysis of the emerging semantic network indicates that IT professionals seem to identify strongly with the technologies they build and use, largely prevailing all other levels of identification with the organization.

Keywords: Identity, Information technology, cognitive mapping, IT professional.



Email: [email protected].

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INTRODUCTION In recent years, information technology (IT) has clearly evolved from a traditional orientation of administrative support towards a more strategic role within organizations with potential to develop value-added business activities that reach into the marketplace (Henderson and Venkatraman 1993). As technology is driving business transformation on an unprecedented scale, IT specialists are expected to play pivotal role to help companies meet their expectations (Paré and Jutras 2004). However, to be able to tackle organizations challenges in today's dynamic environment, IT specialists need to develop and broaden their skills portfolio (Horner Reich and Nelson 2003; Paré and Jutras 2004). Recent studies have placed great emphasis on ‗value skills‘ and ‗interdisciplinary approaches‘ in addition to ‗technical skills‘ as perquisites for today‘s successful IT professional (Makoto and Norma 2001; Peter and Robert 2001). Value skills like customer relationship, business orientation and entrepreneurship enable the IT professional to connect with the customer and drive innovation (Kakabadse and Korac-Kakabadse 2001; Peter and Robert 2001). Interestingly, while current Information System (IS) literature has placed particular emphasis on the skills required by IT specialists, the question of identity of these professionals has been largely overlooked. To date, few theoretical and empirical IS research have directly addressed how IT professionals build their identities in today‘s dynamic environment and typically develop a self-understanding of the ―IT specialist‖ or ―IT professional‖. So far, the need for a paradigm shift of the role of IT professionals in organizations has been repeatedly echoed by many authors (e.g. Denning 2001; Peter and Robert 2001; Sawyer et al. 1998), however, the extent to which this change has been internalized by IT specialists and became part of their selfidentity seems still inadequately explored by IS researchers. Furthermore, IT Professionals continue to be plunged deep into IT systems to remain technologically current. Being regularly immersed in computer systems may have an impact on their sense of self that have not been yet fully explored. Under such conditions, it is of a particular interest to examine how IT professionals actually define themselves. Do they still continue to identify with their technical knowledge as it has been years ago, or do they perceive themselves as agents of change and innovation? Do the technologies they use and construct have implications in the construction of their selfidentities? This study attempts to answer these questions through three case studies in which self-identity of three IT professionals have been examined. The subjects‘ cognitive structures about their sense of self are captured in the form of cognitive maps. The analysis of the resulting semantic network using the Decision Explorer software package yielded interesting insights. Perhaps the most obvious finding - and somewhat disappointing one -, is that IT professionals strongly identify with the technologies they build and use, largely prevailing all other levels of identification with the organization. We found little evidence of the presence of a business-oriented component in their view of the ―IT professional‖. In addition, being one of the few empirically-based IS researches that use cognitive mapping as a method, the research may also make a methodological contribution, as we believe the technique remains so far underused in the IS field. Through this study, we illustrate how cognitive mapping and the use of Decision Explorer can enrich our understanding of IS related phenomena. The paper is organized as follows. In the following section, we present the concept of identity and how IT may be implicated in identity construction. Next, we outline the research

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method employed in the case studies and how the concept maps are produced. After that, we discuss the results of our analysis and draw conclusions based on the findings.

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND In this section, we address the theoretical background of the research. We define, particularly the concept of identity and succinctly discuss its intertwining relationship with information technology. We discuss, afterwards, the concepts of project identity and extended self.

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The Concept of Identity Identities are lenses through which people make sense of the world (Weick 1995). They are a relatively stable and enduring constellation of attributes, beliefs, values, motives and experiences in terms of which people define themselves (Ibarra 1999). In Stryker and Statham‘s terms (1985), they are reflexively applied cognitions in the form of answers to the question ‗who am I?‘ Interstingly, this question entails not only who or what people believe themselves to be but also how they should respond to social experiences and be regarded by others (Lutgen-Sandvik 2008). In this vein, Giddens (1991) points out that identiy is not merely a set of distinctive traits possessed by the individual, but concerns particulratly the self as reflexively understood by the person in terms of her or his biography. People may have multiple identities (Lamb and Davidson 2002). One can be for example, a spouse, a mother, a doctor and paediatrician, each identity is enacted according to the particular context the individual is in. In addition to multiplicity, scholars taking a constructionist stance, particularly, posit that identities are negotiated through social interaction (Croucher 2003). They view identity as an ongoing interactional accomplishment; a view that embraces the possibilities of emergence, plurality, malleability and discontinuity of identities (Sveningsson and Alvesson, 2003). Furthermore, there is an ongoing conversation about the nature of interplay between role and identity (Simpson and Carroll 2008). Barley (1989) argues that identity and role are two sides of the same coin. He argues that roles look outward toward the interaction structure in a setting while identities look inward toward the self-definition associated with role enactment. Castells (1999) adds that identities are yet stronger sources of meaning than roles. Roles are defined by organizations and institutions and aim to organize functions while identities involve a process of self-construction and individuation (Castells 1999). Hence, although ready-made roles exist within organizations to communicate how individuals should think, feel and act, there is nevertheless potential for dynamic identity construction in that individuals choose the extent to which they embrace or distance themselves from these roles at different times (Kunda, 1992; Simpson and Carroll 2008) ‗This process provides a mechanism for identification, by means of which roles may or may not, become partially, or even fully, internalized as identities‘ (Simpson and Carroll 2008, p. 32).

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IT and Identity In today‘s global society, the project of construction of self-identity is becoming more complex (Mosse and Byrne 2005). Indeed, society is characterized by accelerated change due to the pervasive use of information and communication technologies (Castells 1999). Giddens (1991) describes, in this vein, how IT increases the flows of information available to the individual, and how the ongoing narrative of self-identity occurs in a global rather than a local context, negotiated through self-exploration and interactions and relationships with others. By changing and introducing new modes of interactions, IT creates new forums for identity construction and potentially challenge how people see themselves and experience their identities (Lamb and Davidson 2005). Lamb and Davidson (2005), for example, examined how scientists build their identities and concluded that the technologies they use and coconstruct with close collaborators are responsible, for the most part, for shaping their identities. Kilduff et al. (1997), in a similar vein, report, through an 11 month ethnographic study within a Japanese high technology company, how engineers sustain their identities, predominantly through the technologies they produce.

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Project Identity Castells (1999) emphasizes the fundamental role of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in modern society and their potential to strengthen collective identity by enabling the sharing of common views and concerns across groups located in different time and space locations. Castells distinguishes between three forms of identity: 1) legitimizing identity introduced by dominant institutions of society to extend and rationalize their domination over social actors, 2) resistance identity generated by actors in opposition to the logic of domination and 3) project identity, produced by those who seek to build, around a project, a new identity that redefines their position in society. It is interesting to note that projects, in Castells‘ view (1999), are macro social movements such as feminism, environmentalism or religious fundamentalism. However, authors, like Lamb and Davidson (2005), argue that the concept of project identity remains meaningful and appropriate for much smaller projects. They remarked that the scientists they interviewed shaped their identities around smaller projects in which information technologies are constructed and used with different stakeholders. They maintained that the project, in general, regardless of its scope, can also be used as a focal point – or a container – for identity construction.

Extended Self The concept of ―the extended self‖ suggests that our possessions are a major contributor to and reflection of our identities (Belk, 1988). The concept is of particular interest as it may shed light on how ―objects‖ contribute to shaping and sustaining people‘s identities. For example, Fischer (1992) showed that IT has been a resource for identity construction and selfpresentation since the early diffusion of telephone technology. Nowadays, individuals may be attached to particular technologies, such mobile or social-networking technologies, to a point where they become extensions of their selves. From this perspective, it would be no surprise

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to find out that some professionals, today, construct their identities not only on the basis of their ‗profession‘ but also on their ‗possessions‖. Knorr-Cetina (1999), for example, described how particle detection technologies take on a life of their own within the physics community. She reported that these detectors ―see‖ and ―put into text‖ what scientists are incapable of. The author reported that the scientists ‗love‘ these technologies and are particularly satisfied shaping their identities around these tools. Finally, before we discuss the research approach, it is interesting to note that Goffman (1989) distinguishes between two types of identities: ―given‖ and ―given off‘, the first is the avowed identity that we project intentionally to others, while the second, which may not necessarily coincide with the first one, is what others interpret from our self-presentation and that they then ascribe to us. Our emphasis in this research is on IT professionals ―given identities‖, that is, in other terms, who they believe they are. We start the research approach section by providing a brief review of concept mapping. .

RESEARCH APPROACH

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Concept Mapping A cognitive map is a ‗graphical representation of the researcher's mental representation of a set of discursive representations expressed by a subject based on his or her own cognitive representations with regard to a specific object‘ (Cossette and Audet, 1994, p. 15). Concept maps generally include concepts, which are treated as variables –– or constructs –– and links which are often influential associations between some of the concepts (Cossette, 2003). A positive link is a represented by an arrow joining two concepts and indicates that a variation in the first concept produces a variation, in the same direction, in the second concept. If the link is negative (i.e. the second concept‘s variation is in the opposite direction of the first concept‘s variation), a minus sign « - » is added. Bidirectional influences are marked with double arrows: « ↔ ». Concept mapping is particularly useful as it allows exploring, confirming or transforming individuals or groups ideas on a particular subject (Cossette 2003). Indeed, many researchers, particularly in the field of management, used the technique to examine a wide range of organizational phenomena (e.g. organizational change, entrepreneurship, decision making) (see Cossette 2003 for a review). Notably, when examining concept maps, investigators can not only analyze their content, they can also analyze the topography of the emerging semantic network, that is the very nature of the structure formed by the concepts and the links between them (Cossette 2003). Such analysis can be extremely useful and can reveal details on the representation of an individual‘s cognitive structure or ―schema" about a particular subject which is, in this study, is identity. Schemas are believed to guide a person in his or her actions, interpretations and forecasts (Cossette 2003; Weick, 1979; Lord and Foti, 1986). There are various techniques to determine the concepts and the links that will compose a concept map. A researcher may use for example observation, open interviews, Self-Q or Visual Card Soft (see Cossette, 2004 for extensive descriptions of these methods). Other researchers have used archival data to produce concept maps (for example, Barr et al. 1992 and Ross 1976). In this study, we use Systematic Exploration Grid to collect concepts and

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links that will make up the concept maps (see appendix 1). Systematic Exploration Grids provide the researcher with the advantage of avoiding unnecessary digressions during an interview while still remaining non directive. Indeed, no concept is suggested to the subject who, in the fact, explores systematically his or her own ideas. We describe in the next section with more details how the Systematic Exploration Grid is used in the process of data collection.

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RESEARCH METHOD This research is exploratory; In essence, exploratory studies are undertaken to elicit detailed information on problem that has not been sufficiently addressed (Yin, 2003). Hence, we were limited to interviewing three IT-professionals, each being a case. We selected our informants based on two criteria; first, the respondent should be an IT professional with an experience in information technology development and implementation, and second, he or she should be implicated in a process of a business transformation in the organization. Hence, the first case we study is an IT consultant who works in a Canadian IT services company (Simon), the second case is an IT manager working in large North-American IT solutions provider (Pierre), the third case is an IT professional working for the IT department of a Canadian university (Mathieu). Informants‘ names were changed to preserve anonymity. All interviews were held onsite. In the beginning, we asked the respondents to describe their role within their organizations. Questions like ―how do you define yourself in relation to your work?‖ were asked. We conceptualize responses into variables that we put in a Systematic Exploration Grid we had at hand. After that, we asked them to define elements that they think sustain their role. The underlying motivation was to determine ―explanations‖ for their projected identities. Next we asked them to describe ―consequences‖ of such identification. While informants were responding to our questions, we put the ―explanations‖ and ―consequences‖ variables in the appropriate boxes in the grid. Respondents were encouraged to use a same concept as many times as they wished and were informed that not all the grid boxes were supposed to be filled. Initial interviews lasted on average one hour and half. Based on the material we collected, we could build a network of ‗explanations‖ and ―consequences‖. In the first place, we built concept maps manually using a pen and a paper. After that, we wanted to assure their validity. Hence we conducted a second series of interviews. We used videoconferencing with the first and the third informant. The videoconferencing tool we used was equipped with real-time and collaborative editing capabilities of images and texts. Hence, we asked respondents to review the concepts and the links and to report any concept or link that should be added, modified or removed. The links and the concepts that were confirmed were highlighted in green while those that had to be removed were marked in red. Therefore, 11 links and 3 concepts have been added for the first respondent, 3 others were modified. As for the third respondent, 4 concepts and 9 links were added, 1 concept was discarded and three others were modified. We conducted the same process with the IT manager in his office, we used two different color highlighters to add, remove or modify links and concepts. At the end of this process, no concept was added, however, 4 were removed, 3 were modified, 8 links were added and 3 were removed. After

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that, we made the appropriate change to the maps, we transcribed them into Decision Explorer Software to analyze the content and the emergent semantic network. When we were drawing the maps, we tried to make the least intersections between the links for the sake of clarity. As suggested by the literature, there are various ways to analyze a cognitive map. For example, a researcher can conduct a domain analysis, cluster analysis or loops analysis (see Eden et al., 1992 for a review). In this research, we used content analysis and concepts‘ relative importance analysis as we believe they appropriate for the research. The concepts importance varies depending on the number of ‗direct‘ and ‗indirect‘ links that are attached to them. A variable is therefore considered to be particularly significant when it has many links with others (Cossette 2003). In the following section we present the cognitive maps produced here and their subsequent analysis.

RESULTS

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Case 1: Simon, IT Consultant Simon is an IT professional who works for a Canadian IT services company. He has a 10 year experience in IT administration. Simon‘s cognitive map counts C = 41 concepts and L = 57 links. Therefore we can derive the map‘s density, D = L/C*(C-1) = 57/41*(41-1) = 0.03 as well as the links per concepts ratio R = L/C = 57/41 = 1.4, which means that every concept has on average 1.4 Links. This first analysis suggests that Simon‘s cognitive map is not very dense which can be interpreted that Simon‘s thinking is not particularly ‗complex‘. If we take a closer look at table 1, we note that Simon attaches a high importance to being an ―open source advocate‖, to being an ―IT consultant specialized in web-based collaborative systems‖ and to being a ―Unix system administrator‖, with centrality scores equaling respectively 23, 20 and 18. These are his role-based identities at the time of the interview. Table 1. Centrality scores of Simon‟s concepts 1 Concept 22 Being an open source advocate 9 Being an IT consultant specialized in web-based collaborative systems 19 Participate to a world-wide open source project 1 Being a Unix system administrator 25 Give public talks on open source 24 Get recognition from the open source community 21 Use telecommuting tools (videoconferencing- chat- forums …) 32 Obtain visibility 15 Get Moodle’s founder recognition 23 Contribute to open source codes 10 Love to work with computers 38 Participate to a large scale world-wide open source projects 29 Promote open source systems both nationally and internationally 12 Publish articles in specialized magazines

1

Only concepts with centrality scores higher than 13 are shown.

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Centrality score 23 20 19 18 16 16 16 15 15 14 14 13 13 13

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A further analysis of Simon‘s cognitive map reveals other interesting details. We may note that there is an IT artifact associated with every avowed identity (open source, webbased collaborative systems, Unix). Such technological labels informs IT disciplinary background and provides distinctions that are important to the IT professional identity, because, as suggested by Lamb and Davidson (2005), they influence the social milieu in which identity is enacted and the audience to which the professional self is presented. We may also note that Simon enacts his ―Unix system administrator‖ within the boundaries of the organization [concept 2, 3, 11, 44]; however, the two others identities transcend those boundaries and are negotiated in a larger context. To construct the ―open source advocate‖ identity, for example, Simon participates actively to world-wide open source projects where there is little consideration for organizational, social, ethnic or cultural affiliations [path 35-39] - [path 35-37]. Members from the whole world, with different background participate to building open source systems. Simon‘s contribution to the success of a world-wide open source project helped him gain the community recognition of his IT proficiency [path 24-32-38-22]. Simon indicated that the open source community is dispersed geographically making, thus, telecommunication utilities essential tools for work [concept 21]. However, the role of these tools was not confined into online collaboration, they were also the means that carries the image of the ―open source advocate‖ [path 21-22]. In addition, Simon seemed particularly attached to some technologies (e.g. Sun, Linux, HPUX, Gettext) and believed they conferred value and identity enhancing distinction [concepts 3, 20]. He also revealed his great passion for the online learning system Moodle [concepts 13, 15, 18] and used verbs like ―love‖ and ―like‖ to describe his attachment to particular technological artifacts (computers, Unix, open source) [concept 7, 10, 26]. Overall, we can see that Simon deeply ground his IT professional identity in technological artifacts and in making unique contributions to the open source community which, in return, results in recognition among peers from the IT field. We found little evidence that he describes or differentiates himself as being an agent of change or relates his identity to business-oriented projects within the boundaries of his organization.

Case 2: Pierre, IT Manager Pierre is an IT manager working in a large North-American IT service company. He has more than 20 years in the IT field. Pierre‘s cognitive map consists of 37 concepts and 57 links. The map‘s density is 0.04, while the ratio links/concepts is equal 1.5. We may deduct, that just like Simon‘s, Pierre‘s thinking is not particularly complex. It is important to precise that the Pierre‘s avowed identities [concepts 4, 10, 16, 35, 54] present an evolution in time through formal training, education and assimilation of new technologies and (from mainframe to web-based technologies) [path 4, 30, 16, 10, 56, 54]. At the time of the interview he reported that the role-based identity he enacted was the: ―IT quality control manager‖. The relative importance analysis of concepts that compose Pierre‘s cognitive map (figure, 2) reveals that Pierre is particularly sensitive to the identities: ―mainframe project manager‖ [concept 4], ―web and client-server technologies specialist‖ [concept 16] and ―IT manager of e-commerce platforms‖ [concept 54] as they registered the highest scores. It is interesting to note that, just like Simon, Pierre‘s identities are associated with technological artifacts he uses

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or constructs such as ―mainframe‖, ―web-based technologies‖, ―client-server technologies‖, and ―ecommerce platforms‖ [concepts 4, 10, 16, 54]. Table 2. Centrality scores of Pierre‟s concepts

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Concept 4 Being a Mainframe project manager 16 Being a specialist of web and client-server technologies 54 IT manager of E-commerce platforms 18 Good ability to deliver IT projects in time 17 Be in the lookout of Innovative technologies 30 Being able to assimilate emerging technologies 15 Provide COBOL training session to clients 10 Client-Server Project manager 35 Being a manager of quality control 7 Obtain a visibility with the firm 48 Team recognition 41 Master different software development tools

Centrality score 19 17 17 17 17 15 15 15 14 14 13 13

For Pierre, to be associated with one‘s area of IT expertise is fundamental to what it means to be an ‗IT professional‘. The cognitive map also suggests that Pierre is particularly interested in being in the cutting-edge of new and emerging technologies [concept 17]. He also gives a great importance to being proficient in a broad range of software development methods and tools (such as Visual Basic, Mainframe, Mercury, Java, Websphere) [concepts 9, 13, 49, 56]. We may also note that Pierre‘s identities [concepts 4, 10, 16, 35, 54], unlike, Simons‘ identities are all constructed and sustained within the boundaries of the organization. They seem to yield a great satisfaction as he speaks of them with enthusiasm. Markedly, the ―quality control manager‖ identity is based on role conferred by the organization and somehow is challenged through interactions with peers. Some actions that are deeply grounded in this identity like ―proposing new tools for the QC team‖ are faced with active resistance [concept 63]. The team members perceived such changes as a threat to their competency. In addition, identity, in Pierre‘s case, is closely tied to attaining IT certifications like ITIL‘s (Information Technology Infrastructure Library) [concept 61]. Such certification reinforces his credibility and his visibility [concept 7]. In this vein, Pierre emphasized not only the important role that IT certification play in shaping his identity but also the ability to making unique contributions to peer IT professionals. In this regard, Pierre developed an innovation Cobol-based conversion tool that was of a great usefulness to other IT professionals [concept 22]. Such contributions resulted in recognition among peers (colleagues, superiors and clients) which, in return, conferred the highly valued status: the ―mainframe specialist‖ [concepts 6, 7]. Also, Pierre‘s expertise in mainframe administration helped the company to develop new training centers [path 48-50] which also serve as ―containers‖ to sustain to his identity. In Pierre‘s case mainframe was not only a technological artifact; it was indeed a social object through which he, constructs, maintains, enacts and diffuses his identity.

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Figure 1. Simon‘s cognitive map.

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Figure 2. Pierre‘s cognitive map.

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Taken as a whole, the ―IT professional‖ identity in Pierre‘s view is associated to four important elements, first, to be in the lookout of emerging IT trends, second, to be proficient in many programming languages, third, to attain IT certification in different areas of technical fields and fourth, to gain peer‘s recognition through making unique contributions to the IT community. Therefore, Pierre seems to shape predominantly his ―IT professional‖ identity around core technologies his uses in his work, few elements in the concept map show a possible embeddedness of identity construction in business processes.

Case 3: Mathieu, IT Professional Mathieu is an IT professional affiliated to a Canadian university. He has 12 year experience in the IT field. Mathieu‘s interview allowed us to define 37 concepts and 47 links as shown in figure 3. The map‘s density is 0.03 and the average links per concept is 1.3 which suggests that Mathieu‘s thinking is not particularly complex. Table 3 present the result of relative important analysis of the concepts as provided by Decision explorer.

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Table 3. Centrality scores of Mathieu concepts1 Concept

Centrality scores

1 Being a system analyst specialized in telecommunication networks

19

8 Build a videoconferencing infrastructure

15

30 Being able to solve technical problems

14

11 Obtain visibility among colleague and supervisors

14

32 Web projects coordinator

13

29 Assure technological watch for the department

13

26 Being Multimedia specialist

13

17 Provide technical assistance to actors

13

12 Participate to a world-wide multimedia project

13

5 Participate to the implementation of a large scale wireless internet project

13

Mathieu projected four identities namely: ―system analyst specialized in telecommunication networks‖ [concept 1], ―telecommunication network administrator‖ [concept 18], ―multimedia specialist [concept 26] and ―web projects coordinator‖ [concept 32]. He 1

Only concepts with centrality scores higher than 13 are shown.

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reported that he enacts either one or the other of these identities according to the situational context. Markedly, just like Simon and Pierre, all Mathieu‘s identities are associated with a technological artefact (for example, multimedia technologies and tele-communication networks). Thus far, we may think that ―who I am?‖ in the case of IT Professionals, is tightly interwoven with ―what technologies do I use in my work?‖. Indeed, we observed that the three IT specialists we interviewed narrowed down the answer of what it is they are by defining technological artefacts that they use or construct or those that generally delineate a technical domain of expertise. Furthermore, Table 3 suggests that the ―system analyst specialized in telecommunication networks‖ identity is the most salient among Mathieu‘ identities since the variable registered the highest centrality score. Interestingly, such an identity is enacted in the organizational settings and is historically constructed based on the expertise gained through experience, training and IT certifications [concepts, 2 3, 4]. We suggest that the project identity is particularly relevant in Mathieu‘s case as well –– as in the web projects coordinator‘s identity ––. The scope of the project may be small comparatively to world-wide open source projects as in Simon‘s case, however, it still indicates that IT professionals heavily rely on projects that form around information and communication technologies to build and enact their identities. We argue that the construction of the ―multimedia specialist‖ identity, however, is not confined in the particular context of the organization; Mathieu sustains his identity in a much wider context as he actively participates to world-wide multimedia projects [concept 12]. In one of these projects, he acted as a technical resource person for the geographically dispersed team members and used technologically advanced videoconferencing tools to carry out a broad range of activities. Yet, the use of these technologies not only supported remote collaboration but also served as a means to sustain the ―multimedia specialist‖ identity as he used such tools to enhance his visibility and gain peers‘ recognition [concept 11]. It is also interesting to note that Mathieu shows great interest to participating to any forthcoming multimedia projects [concept 31], which may suggests that his conceptualization of the self cannot be materialized unless within a multimedia project. He also showed great interest to being in the outlook of emerging technologies [concept 37]. For Mathieu, being technically current is one his top priorities so as be able to solve ant technical problems [concept 37]. Mathieu‘s view of the self is mirrored by his ability to provide technical support and to solve technical problems [concepts 14, 17]. Finally, Mathieu‘s concept map enfolds variables that demonstrate feelings of enthusiasm and excitement towards particular technologies. For example, he expressed great passion toward audio and video technologies. He uses these tools for his work but also for entertainment purposes [concepts 9, 41]. His keenness for multimedia devices is so strong that his colleagues call him ―the techy‖ [concept 41]. In Mathieu‘s perspective, these devices tend not only to be identity enhancing; they literally extend his perception of self as they become strongly associated with it. Notably, at this stage, we found little evidence in Mathieu‘s concept map that shows a salient interest in driving organizational innovation or change. Mathieu defines himself rather in terms technical knowledge and to a much lesser extent to business-oriented innovations.

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Figure 3. Mathieu‘s cognitive map.

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DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION We conducted this exploratory research, with the aim to shed light on the identification processes of IT professionals and, more particularly, to provide answers to the two following research questions, first, do IT professionals identify with their technical knowledge as it has been years ago, or do they perceive themselves as agents of change and innovation?, and second, do the technologies they use and construct have any implications in the construction of their self-identities? Hence, we interviewed three IT professionals and used cognitive mapping technique to capture their ―schemas‖ about the way they understand their identities. The three case studies provide interesting details about identity construction processes of IT professionals. One of the most striking insights brought about by this study is that, despite the many calls to IT professionals so that they become agents of change and innovation in today‘s high dynamic environment, they seem to fairly echo these calls as they develop a different understanding of the ―IT professional‖ identity. We remarked that they predominantly build and sustain their identities based on the information and communication technologies they use and construct and scarcely associate them to business forms of identification. We argue that IT professionals tend to associate technological artefacts to their identities so that they inform their area of expertise which may be interpreted that they use these artefacts as ―proxies‖ for professional competence. To circumvent technological obsolescence and maintain their identities, they continuously update their technical skills to stay technologically current. Indeed, all three informants demonstrated unequivocal interest to being in the cutting-edge of technological innovations. In this vein, Weick (1995) argues that people make sense of the world through the lens of their identities, hence, when IT professionals identities are threatened by technological obsolescence, they strive to redefine their self-conceptions around new technologies. The multiplicity of identities provides them with a sense of security and professional integrity. Pierre‘ sense of self, for example, is strongly associated to the wide range of the technologies he used. In addition, while we concur with Dubar (1996) as he states that identity is an ongoing process punctuated with periods of relative stability, we suggest that identity, in the case of IT professionals, seems to be continuously changing. Indeed, they constantly construct and reconstruct their identities with respect to ever changing technological innovations. Moreover, some IT professionals literally extend their sense of self to include highly valued technological artefacts. The three informants demonstrated great enthusiasm and keenness about using some technologies and tightly associate their identities with them. In this vein, the case of Mathieu is relevant as his professional identity is extended to multimedia devices. We also note that the emotional attachment toward IT is of a particular interest as it reveals that identities are not merely cognitive constructs but have an emotional dimension that should not be neglected. Interviews, with the three IT professionals enfold variables that are clearly affective, some are oriented toward the self, while others are oriented toward particular information and communication technologies. Furthermore, we remarked that all three informants use various IT projects to build their identity. Some IT projects are local –– e.g. IT department–– or global as it is the case of open source projects. Global projects, particularly, serve as containers for some IT professionals, to build their valued identity, particularly when other containers such as the department or the organization do not confer an appropriate environment to sustain their identity. Therefore, we

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suggest that the concept of the project identity as advocated by Castell (1999) is also suitable for IT professionals. For some IT specialists, open source is a project that provides a social ‗milieu‘ to build a coherent and positive identity and also that allows challenging the dominance of IT major players over the IT industry. Indeed, open source activists propose alternatives to proprietary IT solutions and advocate software that are accessible to everyone. Hence, we conclude that the project per se has significant implications in the IT professional‘s identity. However, it is striking to note the absence of an enterprise businessoriented project around which an identity may be built as most of projects we discussed are IT-based. Simon, for example, is an active member of the open source community and builds his identity around open source projects; it is not however a project that indicates some form of identification to the organization he works for. Few elements, in the concept maps show a direct or indirect link to a change project from a business perspective. Overall, many authors have called for a paradigm shift of the role of IT professional in today‘s world. IT professionals are prompted to develop ‗value skills‘ and ‗interdisciplinary approaches‘ in addition to ‗technical skills‘ to helping business unit partners through the often arduous and difficult transformation process (Paré and Jutras, 2004). However, we found little evidence that such calls have been echoed by IT professionals. IT specialists continue to be plunged deep into IT systems to remain technologically current and build principally their identity based on their technical expertise. The ―who I am?‖ as an IT professional is closely tied to the technologies they use and construct. Finally, this study is, in essence, exploratory and its research protocol is limited both in time and scope, therefore, it has several limitations that should be recognized. We do not pretend that the results or the conclusions we derived are generalized to the IT professionals‘ community. Many questions are left unanswered following this exploratory investigation. For example, what role academia should play to change the conventional view of the IT profession? How can we change the perception of the IT professional as providing only technical solutions to general information-processing problems? How to get the field organized so as to ensure minimum knowledge requirement in both technical and business fields? However, this research provides a jumping-off point for much-needed future research. We suggest to conduct further empirical research, both qualitative and quantitative-based, to examine IT professionals‘ identity. Besides we believe this research makes a methodological contribution as it showed how cognitive mapping and the use of Decision Explorer can enrich our understanding of individual and collective lives. Finally, in this research, we considered the particular case of IT professionals because they are more and more requested to melt down with business activities and organizational strategies, However, it is legitimate to ask ―do we understand how IT professionals develop their identities so that we exhort them to be agents of change and innovation?‖ In addition, being one of the few empirically-based IS researches that use cognitive mapping as a methodology, the research may also make a methodological contribution, as we believe the technique remains thus far underused in the IS field. Through this study, we illustrate how cognitive mapping and the use of Decision Explorer can enrich our understanding of IS related phenomena.

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REFERENCES Barley, S.R. 1989. "Careers, Identities, and Institutions: The Legacy of the Chicago School of Sociology," In: Handbook of Career Theory: B. Arthur, and B. Lawrence (Eds.). Cambridge,U.K. Barr, P.M., Stimpert, J.L., and Huff, A.S. 1992. "Cognitive Change, Strategic Action and Organizational Renewal" Strategic Management Journal (13), pp 15-36. Belk, R.W. 1988. "Possessions and the Extended Self," Journal of Consumer Research (15:2), pp 139-168. Castells, M. 1999. The Power of Identity - the Information Age. Cambridge, MA, USA Blackwell Publishers, Inc. Cossette, P. 2003. "Méthode systématique d'aide à la formulation de la vision stratégique: Illustration auprès d'un propriétaire-dirigeant de PME" Revue de l'Entreprenariat (2:1), pp 1-18. Cossette, P. 2004. L'organisation, une perspective cognitiviste. Québec: Les presses de l'Université de Laval. Cossette, P., and Audet, M. 1994. "Qu‘est ce qu'une carte cognitive?," in: Cartes Cognitives et organisations, E. ESKA (ed.). Québec: Les presses de l'Université de Laval, pp. 13-33. Croucher, S.L. 2003. Globalization and Belonging: The Politics of Identity in a Changing World. New York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers. Denning, J. 2001. "Who Are We?" Communications of the ACM (44:2), pp 15-19. Dubar, C. 1996. La socialisation: construction des identités sociales et professionnelles. Paris: Armand Colin/Masson. Eden, C., Jones, S., and Sims, D. 1983. Messing About in Problems. Pergamon. Fischer, C. 1992. America Calling: A Social History of the Telephone to 1940. Berkeley, University of California Press. Giddens, A. 1991. Modernity and Self-Identity. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Goffman, E. 1959. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Doubleday. Henderson, N., and Venkatraman, J.C. 1993. "Strategic Alignment: Leveraging Information Technology for Transforming Organizations" IBM Systems Journal (32:1), pp 4-16. Horner Reich, B., and Nelson, K.M. 2003. "In Their Own Words: CIO Visions about the Future of in-House IT Organizations" The DATA BASE for Advances in Information Systems (34:4), pp 28-44. Ibarra, H. 1999. "Provisional Selves: Experimenting with Image and Identity in Professional Adaptation" Administrative Science Quarterly, (44), pp 764-791. Kakabadse, A., and Korac-Kakabadse, N. 2001. "Multi-Skilled and Multi-Faceted: A Comparative Survey of UK and Australian Information Systems and Technology Professionals" Strategic Change, (10:2), pp 115-123. Kilduff, M., Funk, J., and Mehra, A. 1997. "Engineering Identity in a Japanese Factory" Organization Science (8:6), pp 579-592. Knorr-Cetina, K. 1999. Epistemic Cultures: How the Sciences Make Knowledge. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. Kunda, G. 1992. Engineering Culture: Control and Commitment in a High-Tech Corporation. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.

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Lamb, R., and Davidson, E. 2002. "Social Scientists: Managing Identity in Socio-Technical Networks," Proceedings of the Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, Big Island, Hawaii. Lamb, R., and Davidson, E. 2005. "Information and Communication Technology Challenges to Scientific Professional Identity" The Information Society (21), pp 1-24. Lamb, R., and Kling, R. 2003. "Reconceptualizing Users as Social Actors in Information Systems Research," MIS Quarterly (27:2), pp 197-235. Lord, R.G. and Foti, R.J. (1986), "Schema Theories, Information Processing, and Organizational Behavior", In. Sims, H.P. Jr and Gioa, D.A. (Eds). The Thinking Organization: Dynamics of Organizational Social Cognition. Lutgen-Sandvik, P. 2008. "Intensive Remedial Identity Work: Responses to Workplace Bulling Trauma and Stigmatization" Organization (15:1), pp 97-119. Makoto, N., and Norma, G.S. 2001. "IT Skills Portfolio Research in SIGCPR Proceedings: Analysis, Synthesis and Proposals," In: Proceedings of the 2001 ACM SIGCPR conference on Computer personnel research. San Diego, California, United States: ACM. Mosse, E., and Byrne, E. 2005. "The Role of Identity in Health Information Systems Development: A Case Analysis from Mozambique," Information Technology for Development (11:3), pp 227-243. Paré, G., and Jutras, J. 2004. "How Good Is the IT Professional's Aptitude in the Conceptual Understanding of Change Management?" Communications of AIS (14), pp 653-677. Peter, J.D., and Robert, D. 2001. "The Profession of IT: The Core of the Third-Wave Professional," Communication of the ACM (44:11), pp 21-25. Ross, S. 1976. "Complexity and Presidency: Governer Morris in the Constitunal Convention," in: Structure of Decision: The Cognitive Maps of Political Elites. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, pp. 96-112. Sawyer, S., Eschenfelder, K.R., Diekema, A., and McClure, C.R. 1998. "Corporate IT Skill Needs: A Case Study of Bigco‖ Computer Personnek, pp 27-41. Simpson, B., and Carroll, B. 2008. "Re-Viewing ‗Role‘ in Processes of Identity Construction," Organization (15:1), pp 29–50. Stryker, S., and Statham, A. 1985. "Symbolic Interaction and Role Theory." in: Handbook of Social Psychology (3rd Ed.), In G. Lindzey and E. Aronson (Eds.) (ed.). New York Random House. pp. 311-378. Sveningsson, S., and Alvesson, M. 2003. "Managing Managerial Identities: Organizational Fragmentation, Discourse and Identity Struggle" Human Relations (56-10), p 1163-1193 Weick, K.E. 1979. The Social Psychology of Organizing, 2nd Ed. New York: McGraw Hill. Weick, K.E. 1995. Sensemaking in Organizations. Thousand Oaks. CA: Sage. Yin, R. 2003. Case Study Research, Design and Methods, (3rd Ed.), Thousand Oaks. Sage publications.

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Appendix 1: Systematic Exploration Grid (Cossette, 2004)

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Chapter 7

LATINAS AND BLACK WOMEN NEGOTIATING MULTIPLE MARGINALIZED SOCIAL IDENTITIES Brandyn-Dior McKinley1 and Marysol Asencio2 1

Human Development and Family Studies,University of Connecticut-Storrs, 348 Mansfield Road, Storrs, CT 06269-2058 USA 2 Associate Professor, Human Development and Family Studies and Institute of Puerto Rican and Latino Studies, University of Connecticut-Storrs, 348 Mansfield Road, Storrs, CT 06269-2058 USA

ABSTRACT Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

For more than two decades, scholars have been attempting to understand and articulate the social positions and identities of minority populations, particularly the experiences of Latinas and Black women. This chapter will provide a critical analysis of the literature related to multiple and intersectional marginalized social identities. Specifically, it examines how scholars have conceptualized these women‘s experiences and the negotiation of their social identities which are shaped by interlocking systems of oppression. Scholars have argued that an individual‘s experience with multiple oppressions in a particular social structure or context may determine which identities individuals consider most salient. It may also influence which social identities are foregrounded or silenced. As such, scholars have attempted to understand individuals as the sum of multiple social forces and identities that are differentially negotiated in shifting contexts and may evolve over time. However, recent scholarship also indicates that it is possible to negotiate one‘s particular constellation of social identities in a way that does not always result in fragmentation but rather leads to empowerment.



E-mail: [email protected].

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INTRODUCTION According to a U.S. Census Bureau press release, ―[m]inorities…are expected to become the majority in 2042, with the nation projected to be 54% minority in 2050‖ [U.S. Census Bureau News, 2008]. As such, Latinas and Black women will be an increasing larger percentage of the U.S. population. The social identities of Latinas and Black women are complicated by various intersections which include but are not limited to race, gender, socioeconomic class, migration status, and sexuality. Until recently, minority women were treated as fragmented subjects in the literature on social identity. That is, they were Black or Latina and women but less commonly Black women or Latinas. The latter necessitates an understanding of the interplay of race with gender not to mention possible additional social identities (and marginalized positions) such as immigrant, poor, and/or lesbian. When referring to group identity politics based on race/ethnicity and gender, ―Blacks‖ and ―women‖ or ―Hispanics" and "women‖ seem to occupy separate social spheres. These social spheres are occasionally oppositional groupings wherein, for example, one‘s gender is viewed as subordinate to one‘s ―blackness‖ or ―Latina-ness‖ or one‘s race/ethnicity is subordinate to one‘s gender.The quandary of those with multiple marginalized identities is not always considered or understood as epitomized by the famous speech by Sojourner Truth who, in the debate for women‘s right to vote, declared ―Ain‘t I a woman?,‖ [Hooks, 1981]. Sojourner Truth stood between the rights given to Black [men] to vote and those of [white] women who wanted the right to vote. The marginalization of blackness and womanhood pitted each group against each other for citizenship rights. These struggles and conflicts continue within contemporary U.S. society as evidenced in the 2008 presidential election. Journalists and political pundits debated whether Black women would vote for a Black man or a white woman [Seelye, 2008]. With whom did they feel more aligned? As political pundits speculated about whether Black women would prioritize their race over their gender or vice versa, the women from South Carolina whose voices can be heard in Katharine Q. Seelye‘s New York Times article provide a much more nuanced view of Black women‘s motives and concerns. None of the interviewees explicitly cited then Senator Barack Obama‘s race or Hillary Clinton‘s gender as the sole criterion that informed their voting decisions. Instead, Black women talked, on one hand about Hillary Clinton‘s display of emotion in the New Hampshire primary as a potential weakness, and on the other hand noted her willingness to help people, particularly working women, as one of her strengths. Although some Black women questioned whether Barack Obama was ready to be president, others mentioned his educational background and ―maleness‖ as markers of his ability to lead. A couple of women also expressed their concern for Barack Obama‘s safety invoking the assassination of Martin Luther King as a cautionary tale. In other words, the question ―With whom did they feel more aligned?‖ is not a simple query with an easy answer. Rather, what can be gleaned from these women‘s accounts is that their political decision making was informed by a myriad of factors that, at times included considerations about how each candidate‘s unique social position interfaced with discourses about race and gender to influence societal assessments regarding whether Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama should become the next president of the United States. Enumerating the ways in which Black women situated themselves in the debates surrounding the 2008 presidential election, however, is only the tip of the iceberg in terms of

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understanding how Black women, Latinas, and other women of color negotiate their identities in ways that liberate them from and empower them against the hegemonic discourses that aim to define them. Indeed what we know from the current limited body of scholarship in this area is that the negotiation of multiple marginalized social identities is complex; it presents both challenges and opportunities for Latinas and Black women. In this chapter, we will examine the literature on multiple marginalized identities to better situate the experiences of Latinas and Black women. We will also address areas for further research and theoretical considerations.

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THEORIZING MULTIPLE SOCIAL IDENTITIES Recent theorizing about multiple marginalized identities underlines the dynamic interplay between the existence of multiple forms of oppression and the identity work in which individuals engage as a means of negotiating their multiple marginalized social identities. Multiple oppressions in this context represent interlocking systems that ―allow access to the services, rewards, benefits, and privileges of society‖ based on an individual‘s simultaneous membership in various socially defined groups [Reynolds & Pope, 1991, p. 70]. The concept of intersectionality recognizes that individuals have multiple identities – some privileged and others stigmatized - that shape their trajectories and influence how they make sense of the world around them [Pastrana, 2008]. This concept has been used to investigate the interconnectedness of racism, sexism, classism, and heterosexism. Intersectionality suggests that individuals who possess more than one marginalized (or stigmatized) identity must grapple with the effects of being multiply oppressed. Within such a framework, the lives of U.S. Black women and Latinas are contoured by racist and sexist ideologies that inform their subjugation [Collins, 2000]. Some scholars have traditionally discussed the effect of multiple forms of oppression as cumulative disadvantage [Greene, 1996]. Others suggest that the point at which one‘s marginalized identities intersect is a ―unique social space‖ that is accompanied by a specific experience of oppression or marginalization that cannot be justly articulated by using additive notions of multiple disadvantage or oppression [Bowleg, 2008]. As such, the lives of Black women and Latinas are shaped by their distinct experiences with discrimination as Black women and Latinas not merely the sum of race (racism) and sex/gender (sexism) [Crenshaw, 1989]. Bowleg [2008] notes that an additive approach assumes that ―social inequality increases with each additional stigmatized identity‖ [p. 59]. While this approach may characterize the experiences of Black women and Latinas who must grapple with multiple oppressions, it may also lead to the assumption that their multiple identities can be ranked or prioritized. The latter implies that such identities are mutually exclusive and operate separately in their lives [Collins, 2000]. Audre Lorde [2009] cautions against subscribing to this ―hierarchy of oppressions‖ when she states that ―I simply do not believe that one aspect of myself can possibly profit from the oppression of any other part of my identity‖ [p. 219]. In this statement, Lorde acknowledges that it is possible for individuals to possess both marginalized and privileged identities. She also questions the utility of conceptualizing the experiences of multiply marginalized subjects in terms of the accumulation of oppressed identities whereby certain parts of the self (and the accompanying political struggles for redress) are privileged

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over others. Although Black women have become ―prototypical intersectional subjects‖ [Nash, 2008] much of the work investigating the subjectivities of Black women emphasizes the intersecting forces of race and gender. There is far less research interrogating how those experiences are simultaneously informed by factors such as class, sexuality, and migration history. In so doing, the fact that a Black heterosexual class-privileged U.S.-born woman‘s experience may differ in important ways from a Black lesbian who has recently migrated from the Caribbean and is now living in a working-class U.S. neighborhood is obfuscated by solely focusing on and subsequently privileging the role of race and gender in structuring Black women‘s life course trajectories. Although the conceptualization of multiple marginalized social identities has been fraught with difficulties, so too, has the study and interpretation of how individuals actively negotiate their multiple identities. Indeed the process of negotiating multiple identities has been examined by scholars from two broad perspectives, one largely informed by psychological inquiry and the other by sociological analysis. These two disciplinary perspectives are important to consider in developing future studies that examine the lives of Black women and Latinas. They are both presented in this chapter along with some findings from current research to illuminate these theoretical frameworks as well as identify issues for further inquiry.

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ONE OR ALL: ENGAGING MULTIPLE SOCIAL IDENTITIES Drawing on Maria Root‘s [1990] work on biracial identity development, the social psychology literature in this area largely focuses on whether individuals choose to identify with multiple aspects of the self either in a holistic or ―segmented fashion.‖ Alternatively, individuals may decide to identify with only one aspect of the self in either a passive or active manner [Reynolds & Pope, 1991]. In this way, this approach emphasizes the ways in which people respond to multiple oppressions. What underlies this perspective is that each oppression is unique and can be addressed separately. There is room in this conceptual framework, however, for individuals to move ―among [these categories] during different parts of their lives‖ [p. 179]. Hence, Black and Latina lesbians can decide to identify first and foremost as Black women or Latinas and secondarily as lesbians. The decision to do so, however, could be the result of a ―conscious identification‖ with one identity over the other or a ―passive acceptance‖ of ―how society or one‘s community…determines one‘s primary group‖ [p. 178]. Individuals who instead engage multiple aspects of the self may do so by either addressing all oppressed identities simultaneously or by completing their identity work sequentially. Reynolds and Pope [1991] explain that the former approach often requires that individuals redefine themselves as members of a community or group comprised of individuals whose identities similarly intersect. The existence of queer organizations for Black women and Latinas is one example of a multiple-identity based group that potentially offers a context in which its members can confront multiple forms of oppression simultaneously. The latter approach, then, may result in individuals seeking out separate spaces for the affirmation of each of their marginalized identities. For example, a Chicana lesbian may join a Chicana/o student organization first followed by membership in a feminist

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group, and then finally seek membership in a LGBT organization [Revilla, 2010]. Though each space presumably offers the affirmation of one stigmatized identity, this example also underlines the fact that individuals may acknowledge multiple aspects of the self sequentially. Such an approach to identity negotiation is therefore characterized by the selective deployment of particular identities in a given social environment as a way to cope with and manage the effects of multiple oppressions. Related to the study of how multiply marginalized subjects respond to multiple oppressions, another line of research explores the role that the immediate social context plays in determining which identities exert the most influence on an individual‘s ―evolving sense of self‖ [Jones & McEwen, 2000, p. 407]. In so doing, research conducted from this perspective aims to elucidate how individuals come to determine which dimensions of their identity are most salient. It also recognizes that the salience of a particular identity dimension can shift as the result of changing contexts [Jones & McEwen, 2000]. Accordingly, the salience of a particular identity dimension is influenced by: 1) the extent to which one‘s multiple identities are a constellation of marginalized and privileged statuses; and 2) the extent to which the immediate social context threatens, supports, or invalidates a particular identity [Deaux & Ethier, 1998]. Based on research with a racially and ethnically diverse group of undergraduate women, Jones and McEwen [2000] found that privileged identity dimensions were less salient to participants‘ understandings of identity development. Though all of the participants identified gender as an important dimension of their identity, mostly Black women mentioned that race was equally as salient. Similarly, heterosexual-identified women did not report sexual orientation as a salient dimension of their identity. Thus the authors concluded that privileged identities may be less salient because they are supported by social contexts that conceal how these identities accrue societal advantages [p. 410].

A FOCUS ON MARGINALIZED AND STIGMATIZED SOCIAL IDENTITIES Marginalized identities, in contrast to privileged identities, often occupy most of one‘s identity work. When the larger social structure and immediate context are replete with threats to one‘s marginalized identities, individuals are constrained in terms of the options available for negotiating such hostility. While the theoretical perspectives on identity negotiation presented thus far outline the ―options‖ at individuals‘ disposal, the actual process of identity negotiation is far more complex. By acknowledging that the social context constrains individuals in their ability to negotiate their multiple marginalized identities, we can see where such individuals are ―constrained agents‖ in not only the construction of their social identities but also in the negotiation of those identities. As delineated by D. Lynn O‘Brien Hallstein [2000] in her discussion about feminist standpoint theory, within this framework ―women are [often] viewed as constrained agents,‖ whereby the constraints that exist in women‘s social contexts do not ―wholly [determine] their consciousness‖ [p.6]. This notion can be extended to understand the experiences of multiply marginalized subjects including Black women and Latinas. The current sociological discourse on identity negotiation suggests that it is often difficult for multiply marginalized subjects to find ―safe spaces‖ [Collins, 2000] in which all of their identities are ―equally addressed or respected‖ [Asencio, 2009]. Indeed, when interviewed, multiply marginalized

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women often report a layering of their identities as they interface with different social contexts that offer new possibilities for the full (or even partial) expression of their identities. Findings from recent qualitative studies indicate that among some participants this shift in context was the result of moving to a new place. Migration allows for movement away from families as well as a renegotiation of social identities including marginalized identities [Carrillo, 2004; Ortiz, 1996; Parker, 1997]. Not all multiply marginalized women can or want to leave their immediate surroundings, however. Under these conditions Black women and Latinas must find ways to renegotiate their current relationships to create ―protective environments‖ [Bowleg, Huang, Brooks, Black, & Burkholder, 2003] that allow them to survive (and often thrive) in their present milieu. This, of course, is neither an easy task nor a static process. In a study of migrant Puerto Rican lesbians, Marysol Asencio [2009] notes that some of the participants were able to ―subvert cultural and social conventions‖ while living in Puerto Rico by utilizing certain expectations of womanhood that characterized Latinas as passive and disinterested sexual subjects in order to ―create spaces to hide their desires [for] and activities [with]‖ other women. Other respondents mentioned only disclosing details of their sexuality to ―a close group of trusted people‖ as a way of negotiating their multiple identity statuses. This particular identity negotiation strategy, selective disclosure, is echoed in the voices of other women of color, including Black lesbians, whose sexual identity is deemed unacceptable by their families and communities [Bowleg et al., 2003]. In this way, identity work for multiply marginalized subjects is often a ―continuous process of negotiation and renegotiation‖ that occurs ―in response to contextual demands‖ [Deaux & Ethier, 1998]. Such a process is ―best conceived as continual efforts directed at maintaining existing identities as well as adapting to changing circumstances‖ [p. 30]. Social context is thus an important variable to consider when trying to understand as well as chart the development of identity negotiation strategies. Moreover, these strategies often enable Black women and Latinas to resist their marginalization and are often the underlying mechanism that promotes resilience and leads to empowerment among these populations.

CONTEXT IN THE DEVELOPMENT AND NEGOTIATION OF SOCIAL IDENTITY Identity development and negotiation does not occur in a vacuum. The process through which individuals accrue meaning to particular attributes and ―communicate their claimed identities to others‖ [Deaux & Ethier, 1998] is a dynamic social experience informed by the ecological context in which individual lives are embedded. These contexts can be proximal or distal; affirming or hostile. Families, neighborhoods, schools, religious organizations, and places of employment all represent proximal settings in which multiply marginalized individuals negotiate their social identities. Such settings also are likely to be interconnected. That is, because of the way contemporary U.S. society is structured the social actors present in one setting (i.e., neighborhood) are likely to appear in a different setting (i.e., school). The extent to which the composition of each setting differs from other settings is in part a function of how integrated a place is and how mobile its residents are. In many communities throughout the United States, individuals may attend school, work, and religious institutions

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with many of the same people who live in their neighborhoods. In contrast, individuals‘ lives may be more diffuse. Individuals may commute long distances to work or school, make connections with others through virtual communities, or move to a different state to pursue new career opportunities. Importantly, these movements or lack thereof and the subsequent identity negotiation strategies they necessitate are additionally influenced by more distal contexts including social policy and the economy. The identity negotiation strategies employed by Black women and Latinas are thus informed by these contextual factors. In particular, the primacy of race in the United States as a category of social exclusion has indeed structured the settings in which these women‘s lives are embedded and ensured their multiple stigmatized identity status as women who are racial ―others.‖ This process of racialization for Blacks and Latina/os has also resulted in the homogenization of both groups in the public imagination. When, for example, the U.S. government categorizes people as ―Hispanic‖ or ―Latino‖ it collapses groups of people with diverse national origins and histories [Lugo-Lugo, 2008] into a single classification that may distort or virtually erase individuals‘ lived experiences [Hitlin, Brown, & Elder, Jr., 2007]. Interestingly, research suggests that dichotomous notions of race in which persons are either ―black‖ or ―white‖ tend not to resonate with most Latina/o groups [Rodriguez, 2000]. Among Black populations, the recent immigration of individuals from other areas in the African Diaspora has reinvigorated discourses about diverse conceptualizations of ―race‖ [Waters, 1999]. Because Blacks and Latina/os are not homogeneous collectivities, the divergent understandings of ―race‖ and ―ethnicity‖ and differences in phenotype, nationality, language, and social class that exist among these populations further complicates the development and negotiation of social identities. In other words, these factors represent additional markers of difference that interface with particular social contexts to create distinct experiences with discrimination and subjugation. Research on how Black women and Latinas negotiate their identities and respond to discrimination in contexts such as the workplace offer poignant examples of how these markers of difference may operate in their lives. For example, Latina practitioners and executives working in the field of public relations described their frustration with having to constantly negotiate sexism from within their communities and ethnic discrimination by Anglos [Pompper, 2007]. In so doing, these women‘s accounts revealed that their phenotype as well as the perception of others regarding their English and Spanish language proficiency informed how they were treated by Latino clients and Anglo (white) managers of both genders. Specifically, managers‘ ability to erase Latina professionals‘ ethnicity or exploit their authenticity in Spanish-speaking markets generated contextual demands that constrained the negotiation strategies used by Latinas to combat their marginalization. The complexity of these issues can be further illustrated by the groundbreaking Walker vs. Internal Revenue Service case in which a light-skinned Black woman alleged that her dark-skinned Black supervisor discriminated against her based on the color of her skin [Jones, 2000]. While some legal scholars have debated whether the Court assessed the plaintiff‘s colorism claim as a race discrimination claim [Banks, 2009], the Walker case reveals the complexity of Black women‘s experiences with discrimination. For Black women and Latinas, then, the constraints placed upon them as multiply marginalized subjects may exist in seemingly disparate locations including their families and broader racial/ethnic communities. The interlocking systems of race/ethnicity, gender, class, and sexual oppression that permeate U.S. society provide the backdrop for the intimate

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negotiation of multiple marginalized identities that occurs in more proximate settings. In fact, disentangling the ways in which these forces overlap under specific sociocultural conditions has informed much of the recent scholarship on the lives of U.S. Black women and Latinas. Indeed there is a growing body of research that explores how minority women negotiate their sexual and gender identities with their families of origin. Such research, by detailing the strategies that minority women use to negotiate their identities within the context of familial relationships, is an invaluable resource for understanding how race, gender, sexuality, class and other social identifiers intersect to compel minority women to enact particular strategies of identity negotiation.

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SOCIAL IDENTITIES AND MINORITY FAMILIES In order to ground the research on how women of color negotiate their stigmatized identities in the context of their families, we will first offer a brief overview of the history of research on minority families. Studies on racial/ethnic minority families too often have created a narrative of family dysfunction whereby minorities‘ inability to conform to the family values espoused by the dominant society has been cited as the cause of racial/ethnic disparities in education, health, incarceration, and overall social mobility [Small, Harding, & Lamont, 2010]. The higher percentage of female-headed households among African Americans has often been provided as evidence that U.S. Blacks are complicit in their own suffering [Crenshaw, 1989]. On one hand, Black men are either viewed as victims of a problematic Black ethos that has stripped them of their patriarchal entitlements [Chito Childs, Laudone, & Tavernier, 2010] or as irresponsible fathers with little interest in caring for the children that they produce [Hamer, 2001]. On the other hand, in such discourses, Black women have been castigated for having children that risk not becoming ―productive members of society.‖ As ―urban‖ Black women, they are repeatedly chastised for having children they cannot afford [Collins, 2000]. In either case, the history of research on Black families is fraught with racist, sexist, and classist discourses that pathologize or problematize familial relationships within U.S. Black communities. These stereotypical images in turn have been used to legitimize and uphold interlocking systems of oppression [Collins, 2000]. Research on Latina/o families has been similarly problematic. While Latino men have uniformly been viewed as unrelenting patriarchs [Gutmann, 1996] Latinas have often been depicted as over-sexed [Chassen-Lopez, 2008] and yet, they are also characterized as passive recipients of male domination [Gutierrez, 2004]. In fact, it is Latinas‘ purported lack of agency and adherence to anachronistic cultural values that is seen as the problem. Latinas continue to be staunchly criticized for their fertility patterns including higher rates of adolescent pregnancy [Gutierrez, 2004; Russell & Lee, 2006]. In addition, as a group, Latina/os‘ moral character is continually attacked in debates about illegal immigration in which Latina/os are recast as criminals who break the law to benefit from the ever-expanding welfare state [Pulido, 2009] Again, these images similar to those of U.S. Blacks, have been used to maintain Latina/os‘ marginalization and to fuel anti-immigrant sentiment in the U.S. In recent decades, the scholarship that has emerged from Latina/o and African American studies, as well as the work of scholars of color across disciplinary bounds, has been instrumental in challenging these deficit-laden narratives about Black and Latina/o families.

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By developing theories about families of color that highlight their diversity and strengths [Few, 2007; Cauce & Domenech-Rodriguez, 2000; McAdoo, 1988], researchers have begun to elucidate the ways in which families and communities of color have been able to survive in the face of mounting adversity. By interrogating how interlocking systems of oppression impact peoples‘ lives in ways that systematically disadvantage people of color, scholars have offered a counter-narrative to the hegemonic discourses that are continually used to maintain the status quo. Intersectionality, however, further complicates this narrative. Intersectionality with its emphasis on uncovering the ways in which multiple stigmatized identities operate in peoples‘ lives also reveals how threads of these hegemonic discourses are differentially expressed and understood within communities of color. As such, an intersectional analysis of the lives of Black women and Latinas does not end with an examination of how structural forces marginalize women of color. It also includes an investigation into how women of color manage their marginalization in proximate contexts that may both affirm and devalue minority women‘s experiences. Families in this regard provide a fruitful site of inquiry as they represent the earliest and at times most salient contexts in which women‘s identities are developed and negotiated.

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NEGOTIATING STIGMATIZED IDENTITIES IN THE FAMILY CONTEXT Among Black Americans and Latina/os, familial relationships include the emotional bonds that have been established with parents, aunts and uncles, grandparents, cousins, and godparents [Acosta, 2009; Collins, 1994]. Beyond the love and care that Black and Latina/o families provide, their support has largely ensured the survival of Blacks and Latina/os as a collectivity when formal systems of support excluded their full participation in society [Billingsley, 1992]. Notably, much has been written about the strong attachment to family among Latina/o populations [Vega, 1995]. While Latina/os are recognized as a heterogeneous pan-ethnic collectivity with divergent cultural practices, migration histories, socioeconomic statuses, political affiliations, and phenotypes; scholars tend to agree that the centrality of family is shared by the overwhelming majority of Latina/o groups [Hernandez-Truyol, 1999]. Specifically, familism with its emphasis on loyalty, solidarity, and interdependence has been investigated vis-à-vis its influence on the ―creation, construction, and constitution of gendered identities‖ among Latinas [Hernandez-Truyol, 1999]. The family often shapes and controls the gender and sexual expression of Latinas [Acosta, 2010]. As a result, sexual and gender nonconformity may result in Latinas‘ further marginalization as their identities situate them at the margins of both society and Latina/o communities as well as other communities of color. Negotiating this experience thus becomes an important component of some Latinas‘ multiple identity work in their families of origin. Katie Acosta‘s [2010] qualitative study on lesbian, bisexual, and queer Latinas examined how first- and second-generation Latinas negotiated their sexual identity in order to avoid (or at least minimize) familial rejection. In the process, she found that participants employed three different strategies for negotiating their sexual identities in ways that did not wholly jeopardize their familial relationships. The first strategy, erasing nonconformity, occurred when participants‘ sexual identity was disclosed to at least one member of their family and their family member(s) responded by asking for other members of the family not to be told.

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Another strategy that emerged from participants‘ accounts was sexual silence. Put simply, participants did not disclose their identity to their family members and in return their family members were happy to overlook their daughters‘ nonconformity. This strategy offered enough comfort for families that some participants‘ partners were allowed in the family home. The final strategy, avoidance after disclosure, signified instances in which participants and their family agreed to never speak of their sexual nonconformity after its initial disclosure. To do so, however, meant that participants had to keep their romantic and sexual lives separate from the family. Participants using this strategy reported that by doing so their close familial relationships endured at the cost of their ability to be open or acknowledge all of their social identities. In her analysis, Acosta reveals that these strategies were borne out of particular familial arrangements that in part dictated which strategies were most likely to be effective. In addition, she argues that the interlocking forces of race/ethnicity, gender, class, sexuality, migration, and age intersected with these arrangements to produce each participant‘s unique expression of each of the three negotiation strategies. Because Latina/os as a collectivity are racialized in America, familial relationships for many participants offered refuge from racial/ethnic oppression. The specific context in which participants were embedded impacted how they managed their sexual identities with their families. For some participants, the experience with being forced to deny a part of their identity led them to question their sexuality. Yet at the time of the study all participants either identified as lesbian, bisexual, or queer, which indicates that they were able to maintain their sexual identities even if these identities were invalidated within their familial relationships. This finding points to the significance of social contexts outside the family that can facilitate the validation or expression of unacceptable social identities.

CREATION OF “SAFE SPACES” FOR IDENTITIES By acknowledging that identity work for multiply marginalized individuals (including Black women and Latinas) is a dynamic social process that exists in both proximal and distal contexts, we can see more clearly how the constant negotiation of these multiple identities may lead to the creation of ―safe spaces.‖ ―Safe spaces‖ can be thought of as sites of resistance in which multiply marginalized individuals are able to construct independent selfdefinitions that are not restricted by external discourses that are so often used as tools of oppression [Collins, 2000]. According to Patricia Hill Collins, these ―safe spaces‖ for U.S. Black women have traditionally allowed them to counter ―objectification as the Other‖ [p. 100]. In so doing, in these spaces Black women are able to develop and articulate an independent identity that is self-defined in which the totality of the self is expressed, respected, and valued. Of course, this does not mean that Black women do not continue to be affected by a social political landscape that in varying contexts may necessitate the fragmentation of their identity. Rather, by adapting the expression of their identities to shifting contexts, such an act informs the articulation of an ―oppositional knowledge‖ that ultimately allows them to resist. This ―splitting of the body‖ indeed informs the context in which individuals with multiple marginalized identities interrogate the prevailing hegemonic knowledge that aims to define

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their lives. Through the process of developing ―oppositional knowledges‖ multiply marginalized individuals ―reinvent [their] identities… and deconstruct the discourses [that have been] inscripted upon the…body‖ [paraphrased from Cruz, 2001, p. 664]. Although Cindy Cruz [2001] discusses this process in the context of developing a Chicana standpoint, her analysis is instructive in understanding how Black women and Latinas negotiate multiple marginalized social identities. For Cruz, the creation of one‘s own space is critical in order to ―refuse the fragmentation that comes from the boundaries of identities‖ [p. 667]. These safe spaces, however, present challenges of their own. Safe spaces may serve two distinct and at times overlapping purposes. As safe spaces have been conceptualized as contexts in which multiply marginalized individuals (and U.S. Black women in particular) can ―speak freely,‖ they have also been demarcated as spaces in which individuals may engage in counterhegemonic discourses [Masequesmay, 2003] to ―foster empowerment and enhance [one‘s] ability to participate in social justice projects‖ [Collins, 2000]. Though Collins‘ discussion of safe spaces for U.S. Black women is not limited to multiple-identity based organizations, other theorists‘ exploration of how multiple identities are negotiated among women of color within such organizations illuminates the challenges that emerge in the maintenance of such spaces [Pastrana, 2006; Revilla, 2010]. Individuals who participate in ―safe spaces‖ may carry with them the experience of negotiating the interlocking forces of race/ethnicity, gender, and sexuality, for example, and yet this does not mean that various constellations of these identities will receive equal affirmation. A particular organization may be a safe space for Black lesbians or Latina lesbians, but operates in such a way that not all members‘ experiences are validated. Because individuals‘ experiences as racial/ethnic, gender, and sexual minorities are further complicated by class status, migration history, citizenship, skin color, and other social variables, it is possible for some women‘s experiences to be centered while others are marginalized [Masequesmay, 2003]. One explanation offered by scholars is that individuals who are multiply marginalized may distance themselves from those who are further marginalized and thus engage in a process of ―othering‖ the ―Other‖ [Nagel, 2003]. Individuals may remain silent regarding the oppression of others as a means to maintain at least some level of privilege. For example, Black heterosexual women may remain silent with regard to the homophobia directed at Black lesbians or Black lesbians may marginalize other Black lesbians based on their gender expression. While multiple-identity based organizations are important for the negotiation of multiple marginalized identities, such spaces must be careful not to reproduce hegemonic discourses that privilege the experiences and identity expression of some members over others. Thus creating safe spaces in which all voices can be heard requires that individuals interrogate their assumptions about other peoples‘ experiences by engaging in a method that Mari Matsuda refers to as ―ask the other question.‖ When I see something that looks racist, I ask, ―Where is the patriarchy in this?‖ When I see something that looks homophobic, I ask, ―Where are the class interests in this?‖ [Matsuda, 1991, p.1189]

In this excerpt, Matsuda underscores the importance of challenging ourselves to think critically about how systems of domination are structured and maintained in order to uncover how it is that even in a group of multiply marginalized women some women‘s experiences Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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continue to be marginalized. Asking the other question, then, ultimately offers the possibility that these safe spaces remain conducive to the development of counterhegemonic discourses and multidimensional social justice projects [Revilla, 2010] among Black women and Latinas that might allow for the full integration of all of their social identities.

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CONCLUSION This chapter explored the challenges of addressing multiple marginalized social identities. In particular, the experiences of Black women and Latinas provide a site for understanding the complexities of the development and negotiation of these identities. As such, there have been several approaches to understanding the social identities of Black women and Latinas. These theories have addressed their social identities as fragments, wholes, greater than the sums of their individual parts, and ever shifting. Within all these understandings and approaches, however, the larger social context provides the meaning and strategies for the development, acknowledgement, acceptance and negation of these identities. Yet, there is a great deal of research that is still needed to better study and understand the experience and negotiation of multiple social identities. We need to develop better methodological tools, quantitative and qualitative, to study Latinas and Black women as wholes rather than fragments. We need to study their multiple marginalized social identities in more varied contexts to better understand the processes and factors associated with the development and negotiation of these identities. Specifically, , we need to address how these identities develop across the lifespan and among different cohorts. The lives of Black women and Latinas are embedded in varied geographical locations and influenced by varied social factorsand experiences, and family structures and dynamics. Ultimately, what is needed is a way to address the types of contexts and experiences that promote empowerment and societal acceptance.

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Jones, S. R., & McEwen, M. K. (2000). A conceptual model of multiple dimensions of identity. Journal of College and Student Development, 41, 405-414. Lorde, A. (2009). There is no hierarchy of oppressions. In R. P. Byrd, J. B. Cole, & B. GuyShefthall (Eds.), I am your sister: Collected and unpublished writings of Audre Lorde (pp. 219-220). New York: Oxford University Press, Inc. Lugo-Lugo, C. R. (2008). ‗So you are a mestiza‘: Exploring the consequences of ethnic and racial clumping in the US academy. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 31, 611-628. Masequesmay, G. (2003). Negotiating multiple identities in a queer Vietnamese support group. Journal of Homosexuality, 45(2-4), 193-215. Matsuda, M. (1991). Beside my sister, facing the enemy: Legal theory out of coalition. Stanford Law Review, 43, 1183-1192. McAdoo, H. P. (1988). Black families. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Nagel, J. (2003). Race, ethnicity, and sexuality: Intimate intersections, forbidden frontiers. New York: Oxford University Press. Nash, J. C. (2008). Re-thinking intersectionality. Feminist Review, 89, 1-15. O‘Brien Hallstein, D. L. (2000). Where standpoint stands now: An introduction and commentary [Special issue]. Women‟s Studies in Communication, 23, 1-15. Ortiz, V. (1996). Migration and marriage among Puerto Rican women. International Migration Review, 30, 460–850. Parker, R. G. (1997). Migration, sexual subcultures and HIV/AIDS in Brazil. In G. Herdt (Ed.), Sexual cultures and migration in the era of AIDS (pp. 55–69). Oxford, England: Clarendon Press. Pastrana, A., Jr. (2006). The intersectional imagination: What do lesbian and gay leaders of color have to do with it? Race, Gender and Class, 13 (3-4), 218-238. Pompper, D. (2007). The gender-ethnicity construct in public relations organizations: Using feminist standpoint theory to discover Latinas‘ realities. The Howard Journal of Communications, 18, 291-311. Pulido, A. (2009). Immigration politics and motherhood. Amerasia Journal, 35, 169-178. Revilla, A. T. (2010). Raza Womyn – making it safe to be queer: Student organizations as tools for retention in higher education [Special issue]. Black Women, Gender and Families, 4(1), 46-62. Reynolds, A. L., & Pope, R. L. (1991). The complexities of diversity: Exploring multiple oppressions. Journal of Counseling and Development, 70, 174-180. Rodriguez, C. E. (2000). Changing race: Latinos, the Census, and the history of ethnicity in the United States. New York: New York University Press. Root, M. P. P. (1990). Resolving ―other‖ status: Identity development of biracial individuals. In L. S. Brown & M. P. P Root (Eds.), Complexity and diversity in feminist theory and therapy (pp. 185-201). New York: Haworth Press. Russell, S. T., and Lee, F. C. H. (2006). Latina adolescent motherhood: A turning point? In J. Denner & B. L. Guzman (Eds.), Latina girls: Voices of adolescent strength in the United States (pp. 212-226). New York: New York University Press. Seelye, K. Q. (2008, January 15). ―In South Carolina, a bid for Black women‘s votes. The New York Times. Retrieved http://www.nytimes.com. Small, M. L., Harding, D., & Lamont, M. (2010). Reconstructing culture and poverty. In D. Harding, M. Lamont, & M. L. Smalls (Special Eds.), Annals of the American Academy of

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Political and Social Science: Vol. 629 (pp. 6-30). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. U.S. Census Bureau News. (2008, August 14). An older and more diverse nation by midcentury [Press release]. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/ releases/archives/population/012496.html. Vega, W. (1995). The study of Latino families: A point of departure. In R. Zumbrana (Ed.), Understanding Latino families: Scholarship, policy, and practice (pp. 3-17). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Waters, M. C. (1999). Black identities: West Indian immigrant dreams and American realities. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

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Chapter 8

SECOND/FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHERS‟ PROFESSIONAL IDENTITY AND ITS RELATION TO ONE‟S DECISION TO LEAVE THE PROFESSION Peter Swanson Georgia State University Department of Modern and Classical Languages Atlanta, Georgia, USA

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Over the past several decades, considerable effort has focused on understanding teachers‘ professional identity (Beijaard, Meijer, and Verloop, 2004; Beijaard, Verloop, and Vermunt, 2000; Bullough, 1997; Gee, 2001; Knowles, 1992; Kompf, Bond, Dworet, and Boak, 1996; McNamara, 1997). The notion of identity has been drawn from the definition of identity used in philosophy and the social sciences. In particular, the research base is grounded in Mead‘s (1934) symbolic interactionism and the work of renowned psychologist Erikson (1968). For foreign/second language teachers, the study of one‘s professional identity has its roots in the work of D. Holland and her colleagues (1995, 1998). To that end, the following chapter begins with a review of the literature concentrating on research on general teacher identity. Next, the author investigates the literature base that focuses on second/foreign language teacher identity specifically and how their identity is related to occupational attrition. Afterward, the author presents J. Holland‘s (1997) theory of vocational personalities and work environments. The theory is discussed in relation to Holland‘s hexagon model for vocational stability and satisfaction and the author advocates using Holland‘s (1994) Self-Directed Search personality inventory as a means to identify potential second/foreign language teachers as well as teachers in all other content areas. The author discusses findings from multiple studies about second/foreign language teacher identity as defined by Holland‘s theory. The chapter will conclude with a discussion about the value of using Holland‘s research in order to increase the number of teachers, regardless of specialty.



Email: [email protected]

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INTRODUCTION A substantial body of research spanning several decades has concentrated on understanding teachers‘ professional identity (Beijaard, Meijer, and Verloop, 2004; Beijaard, Verloop, and Vermunt, 2000; Bullough, 1997; Duff and Uchida, 1997; Johnston, 1999, 2003; Knowles, 1992; Kompf, Bond, Dworet, and Boak, 1996; Morgan, 2004; Pavlenko, 2003; Varghese, 2000). Originally, the concept of identity was drawn from two prominent sources, Mead‘s (1934) symbolic interactionism and the work of the Danish-German-American psychologist Erikson (1968). Derived from American pragmatism, symbolic interactionism focuses on identity formation in social contexts and on the stages people pass through. That is, people tend to act toward things based on the meaning those things have for them and these meanings are derived from social interaction and modified through interpretation. Social interactionist researchers are interested in how people create meaning during social interaction, how they present and construct identity, and how they define situations in the presence of others (Blumer, 1969). To Erikson (1968), identity is not something one has, rather it something that develops during one‘s life via transactions with the environment. Credited with positing eight stages of human development, Erikson believed that humans pass through different stages from birth to death. Beginning with the Hope, Trust vs. Mistrust stage (age birth to one year) through the Wisdom, Ego Integrity vs. Despairs stage (65 years of age and beyond), Erikson (1950) discussed a dynamic progressing from the time a person was born until they died. He viewed the stages as a cycle with the end of one generation creating a new one. From a social context, his life stages were linear for an individual yet cyclical for the development of society. While both Mead and Erikson have made generous contributions to understanding one‘s identity, researchers in anthropology and sociology as well as general education and language teaching have broadened the notion of teacher identity by establishing three central tenets. First, identity is not a fixed, stable, and internally coherent phenomenon. Rather, it should be considered as transformational and transformative (Varghese, Morgan, Johnston, and Johnson, 2005). Additionally, teacher identity has social, cultural, and political contexts (Duff and Uchida, 1997). Finally, teacher identity is built and maintained through language and discourse (Gee, 1996; MacLure, 1993).

LANGUAGE TEACHERS Language teaching and language learning have multiple purposes dependent on the learners‘ goals and the curricular outcomes. In North America, for example, students in French Canada often learn English in an immersion setting while learning their first language, French (second language learning) because Canada has two official languages, French and English. However, English-speaking students in the United States of America, which has not declared an official language, may be enrolled in a German course (foreign language learning) to learn more about a new language and culture. Yet, new immigrants to either country may be enrolled in English as a Second Language classes and not have any formal instruction in their native language at school. Given the manifold differences in purpose (e.g., foreign language, second language), geographical location, and educational context (i.e., rural

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vs. urban), the author believes that the language instructors share similar objectives, tasks, challenges, and goals. While the magnitude of the challenges might be vary significantly, the author argues that language teachers face comparable professional situations and, therefore, can be collectively grouped as second/foreign language (S/FL) teachers and are referred to as such here. Due to the professional commonalities several sociocultural perspectives of identity are salient, the anthropologist Dorothy Holland and her collaborators and the Soviet psychologist and the founder of cultural-historical psychology, Lev Vygotsky. Framed within the three central tenets described earlier, S/FL teacher identity can be viewed from a social constructivist perspective where an individual‘s identity is conceptualized as a social product that develops over time in four contexts of activity. As described by D. Holland and her colleagues (1995, 1998), figured worlds, positionality, space of authoring, and making worlds describe identity formation for S/FL instructors. In a figured world ― ―a simplified world populated by a set of people who engage in acts as moved by a set of specific forces‖ (Holland et al., 1998, p. 52) ― individual identity is created and sutures an individual to social position via psychodynamic processes of development. Figured worlds can be seen as frames of meaning in which human interaction is negotiated and behavior is mediated by social and cultural forces. Positionality, which refers to divisions of power, status, rank, and entitlement to material and social resources, is the context of identity that is most developed by constructivism and helps Holland et al. (1998) to build upon their theory that identity develops in and through social practice. According to theory, identities are related to societal structures such as gender and ethnicity. In particular, they draw attention to the specific practices and activities found in figured worlds such as academia. The third context, space of authoring, is concerned with the responses that individuals give, human agency, and improvisation. The idea is that ―the world must be answered; authorship is not a choice‖ (p. 272). Holland et al. (1998) suggest that responses are not predetermined; responses depend on the situation. Responses are constantly changing through people‘s improvisations and human agency evolves through improvisations. The space of authoring is tied to the socioculturalist Vygotsky‘s (1978) notion of the zone of proximal development, ―the distance between the actual developmental level as determined by independent problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers‖ (p. 86). Holland and her colleagues (1998) assert that ―the voices that make up a space of authoring are to an ‗author‘ as Vygotsky‘s instructing adults are to the neophyte‖ (p. 272). The final context of identity is that of making worlds. This concept is tied directly to Vygotsky‘s (1962, 1978) work on children at play. Holland et al. (1998) claim that activities of free expression help people create new social competencies whereby identities are shaped. The authors suggest that new figured worlds arise through what they call serious play. Identities form on intimate and social planes through time. Therefore, given figured worlds, positionality, and space of authoring, ―flux is the ground for identity development‖ (p. 63). According to the theory, people have the propensity to be drawn to, recruited for, and formed into these worlds, and to become active in and passionate about them. For S/FL teachers, qualitative data from interviews and focus groups with rural foreign language teachers (Swanson, 2006) provide support for D. Holland et al.‘s interpretation of teacher identity. Findings revealed that these individuals‘ parents supported their professional

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goals of becoming a language teacher, especially in a rural context. Many reported that they were raised in small towns by parents who were teachers and that they wanted to work in a school similar to the one in which they were schooled. Such familial lifestyle patterns can be related to Holland et al.‘s (1998) concept of figured worlds because these individuals had firsthand insight into the educational realm. Their parents helped them create this professional world and Swanson believes that from having lived within such a sociocultural context, these individuals most likely consciously learned to embrace teaching. For those whose parents were not teachers, Swanson found evidence that other teachers helped recruit some of these people into teaching by creating figured worlds through friendship and mentorship. Participants reported that their parents did not to attempt to influence negatively or obstruct their children‘s choice of profession via positionality. This group of language teachers gave examples of parental support or indifference while others helped shape spaces of authoring and provided opportunities for these educators to make their worlds as foreign language teachers. However, the study did not indicate how one‘s identity relates to retention in the teaching profession. Nevertheless, the use of different perspectives to examine language teacher identity can offer a richer understanding of ―an immensely complex phenomenon‖ (Varghese, Morgan, Johnston, and Johnson, 2005, p. 36). To that end, this chapter focuses on a unique psychosocial approach to investigate S/FL teacher identity. The following section begins with a brief review of the literature regarding the shortage of S/FL teachers and then John Holland‘s (1997) theory of vocational personalities and workplace environments is presented along with a discussion of the instrument developed by Holland to measure vocational interests. Afterward, the author juxtaposes empirical evidence to Holland‘s theory in order to demonstrate how S/FL teacher identity is related to one‘s choice to remain in or leave the profession. The chapter concludes by reiterating the essentiality of identifying more S/FL teachers at a critical time and a discussion of areas for future research.

THE LANGUAGE TEACHER SHORTAGE For years the author has discussed the shortage of language teachers both nationally and internationally (Swanson and Moore, 2006; Swanson, 2008, 2010, in press). In North America the need for more language specialists became apparent following World War II. Leaders in both the United States (US) and Canada noted the shortage of language teachers in both countries and called for more language programs in order to ameliorate the situation (Flattau, Bracken, van Atta, Bendeh-Ahmadi, de la Cruz, and Sullivan, 2006; Ray, 1978). Despite the creation of various programs to lure individuals into teaching languages, the shortage persisted. In the 1980s, experts in the field along with organizations and individual researchers (Darling-Hammond, 1984; Haggstrom, Darling-Hammond, and Grissmer, 1988; National Academy of Sciences, 1987) made the public aware of the shortage. However, demand for language classes continued to outpace the recruitment of new teachers qualified to teach languages. Approximately 20 years later, the events of September 11th compelled the US government ―to reflect on the expertise of its personnel and to focus attention on the need for more and better language skills, particularly in certain languages considered critical‖ (National Research Council, 2007, p. 1). Regrettably, after nearly 60 years much remains the

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same. A severe shortage of trained individuals who are capable of preparing language and cultural experts for a variety of careers remains, especially where S/FL teachers are concerned. Such a shortage is problematic because language teaching positions (e.g., foreign language, English as a Second Language, heritage language) are the most difficult to hire for, well above special education, math, and science (Murphy, DeArmand, and Guin, 2003). Experts are unable to arrive at a consensus regarding the causes of this shortage. While some find an imbalanced distribution of teachers (American Association for Employment in Education, 2006; EFA Global Monitoring, 2009; Voke, 2002), others find a surplus of certified teachers who actively choose not to teach (Darling-Hammond, 2001; Ingersoll, 2001). Nevertheless, shortages of S/FL teachers continue to be reported in North America (American Association for Employment in Education, 2009; Karsenti, Collin, Villeneuve, Dumouchel, and Roy, 2008). Explanations for the shortage can be categorized in various manners, such as task-related, individual, social, and socioeconomic factors. Task-related factors, which constitute classroom management issues as well as working conditions, are the most commonly cited in the literature (Chaplain, 2008; Darling-Hammond, 2001, 2010; Ministère de l‘Éducation du Québec, Romano, 2008). Next, individual factors such as teachers‘ emotional and psychological states as well as the characteristics of teachers (i.e., time in the profession and gender) help paint a picture of why teachers choose to leave teaching (Brownell, Smith, McNellis, and Miller, 1997; Ingersoll, 2001; Kirsch, 2006). The social factors of teachers‘ lack of collaboration, professional networking opportunities, and poor relations with administrators contribute to the problem too (Borman and Dowling, 2008; Guarino, Santibañez, and Daley, 2006; Romano, 2008). Finally, the socioeconomic factors (e.g., salary, benefits), of particular interest given today‘s global economic turmoil, appear to affect negatively one‘s choice to remain or to leave the teaching profession (MacDonald, 1999). That is, during uncertain or even challenging economic times, teachers may choose to remain in teaching regardless of professional discomforts in order to remain employed and maintain an income. Alternatively, booming economic conditions or the prospect of such circumstances might encourage teachers to leave the classroom in pursuit of other employment opportunities. However, the author suggests that the shortage can be explained by examining the factors of teacher retirements and attrition, current legislation, student enrollments, and negative perceptions of the profession. Research indicates that more than half of US teachers are Baby Boomers and these individuals will be eligible for retirement soon (Der Bedrosian, 2009). In order to fill these teaching positions, more than 2 million teachers will be needed to fill the vacancies created by both retirement and attrition (Howard, 2003; National Center for Education Statistics, 2002). Assuming equal distribution among all content areas, school districts will be challenged to hire a large number of S/FL educators to fill these vacancies. Similar to the problems associated with teacher retirement is teacher attrition. Research indicates that approximately 50% of new teachers leave the profession in the first few years of service (Lambert, 2006). Specific to S/FL teachers, the attrition rate is higher than other content areas. Konanc (1996) found that in North Carolina, the attrition rate of S/FL teachers after two years of service was higher (22%) than with teachers in other content areas (1518%). Data from a long-term study indicated that S/FL teachers had the highest rate of attrition after the second year (21%), the fifth year (38%), the tenth year (49%), and the

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fifteenth year (57%). In neighboring Georgia, the S/FL teacher attrition rate was lower (11%) than that of North Carolina, however, the S/FL teacher attrition rate is higher than the rate of attrition for other content areas in the state (Georgia Professional Standards Commission, 2006). Complementing these two factors are current legislative initiatives and student enrollments in S/FL courses. Since its inception, No Child Left Behind (NCLB) has been problematic because it requires all teachers in federal core academic areas, which includes foreign language instruction, to meet the highly qualified criteria. That is, teachers must have: a bachelor‘s degree, full state certification or licensure, and prove that they know each subject they teach (US Department of Education, 2004). Additionally, NCLB has been focused in the core areas of reading, science, and mathematics and these areas dominate the allocation of resources (Rosenbusch, 2005; Rosenbusch and Jensen, 2004). Research suggests that such a focus not only increases instructional time in the tested areas (mathematics and reading), but it also subsequently decreases precious instructional time in the non-tested areas, such as language instruction (Rosenbusch, 2005). Moreover, it narrows the curriculum in terms of decreasing the number of elective courses students can take (Glisan, 2005). While the number of elective courses offered is negatively affected, there appears to be an increase in student enrollments in language courses. Research indicates that enrollments are growing at both the K-12 level as well in postsecondary language programs. Draper and Hicks (2002) examined public school enrollments spanning a 110 year period (1890-2000) and found that student enrollment in modern FL courses (French, German, and Spanish,) had increased steadily nationally from 16.3% to 42.5%. In US institutions of higher education, enrollments in 219 languages other than English between 2002 and 2006 grew by almost 13% (Furman, Goldberg, and Lusin, 2007). However, most students are not typically studying languages at advanced-levels. Unfortunately, the number of teachers qualified to teach these individuals regardless of context or language is not meeting the demand. Finally, while the aforementioned four factors certainly have been found to impact the S/FL teacher shortage, perceptions of the profession are causing harm as well. For decades teaching has been described as a dead-end job with a low salary. Moreover, public perception of education paints a picture that teachers have to deal with a plethora of issues such as a lack of control over how schools are run, unmanageable class sizes, and ineffective administrative support that leads to a lack of induction and mentoring (Brunetti, 2001; Guarino, Santibañez, and Daley, 2006; Quartz, Thomas, Anderson, Masyn, Lyons, and Olson, 2008). These perceptions and others can discourage individuals from possibly choosing teaching as a profession and even dissuade in-service educators from remaining in the profession. Cleary, these five factors help explain why FL educators choose not to enter the profession or why they leave it. Unfortunately, there is also a shortage of active initiatives to recruit prospective S/FL teachers despite concerns about the shortage (Swanson, 2008). Typically active strategies to recruit S/FL teachers include posting job vacancies on the Internet, hosting career fairs, and attempting to identify qualities of the most talented new staff members (Scheetz, 1995). In a more proactive method focused on the recruitment of secondary students into language teaching, the Alabama Association for Foreign Language Teachers invited French teachers to bring their strongest language students to the state meetings. While attending the conference, these individuals had the opportunity to meet with other students and language teachers from around the state to learn more about the teaching profession (Spencer, 2003). In an effort to recruit more S/FL teachers in Georgia, the author

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has been working with individuals from a different perspective. That is, teaching them more about themselves and how their vocational interests are related to career choice and satisfaction.

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VOCATIONAL PERSONALITIES AND WORK ENVIRONMENTS An individual‘s choice of profession is a complicated process and John Holland (1997) posits that the choice of occupation is an expressive act, which reflects a person‘s motivation, knowledge, personality, and ability. To Holland, an occupation represents a way of life, an environment rather than a set of isolated work functions or skills. According to theory, people seek out environments that provide them with the opportunities to use their talents and share their values and attitudes with others who are similar to them in the ideal. Working from Darley‘s (1938) notion of categorizing human knowledge according to occupational codes, Holland‘s (1985, 1997) theory is based on four working assumptions. First, most people can be categorized into one of six personality types: Realistic (R), Investigative (I), Artistic (A), Social (S), Enterprising (E), and Conventional (C). Each of the six types is the product of a host of cultural and personal forces including peers, parents, culture, biological heredity, social class, and the physical environment. Second, there are six model environments and are categorized using the same six factor typology: R, I, A, S, E, C. Third, people tend to search for environments that will let them exercise their skills, abilities, and talents while expressing their attitudes and values. Last, behavior is determined by an interaction between personality and environment. Holland‘s theory has been tested in hundreds of empirical studies (Feldman, Smart, and Ethington, 2004) using two instruments, the Vocational Preference Inventory and the SelfDirected Search (to be discussed in detail later). Holland reported that the six types of personalities were analogous in some ways to personality types proposed earlier such as Adler (1939), Fromm (1947), Jung (1933), and Spranger (1928). Holland depicts the relationship among the six domains using the hexagonal displayed in Figure 1. The Holland Hexagon serves three purposes. First, it defines the degree of consistency in an individual‘s personality pattern. That is, the two highest scale scores on the Self-Directed Search (Holland, 1994) personality inventory can be labeled as having one of three levels of consistency: profile patterns where an individual‘s two highest scale scores are found at adjacent points on the hexagon are most consistent (that is, some pairs are more closely related than others). For example, a personality profile that has Realistic and Investigative as the two highest scale scores is considered consistent according to the theory. Conversely, profile patterns composed on opposite sides of the hexagon are least consistent, such as Realistic and Social. Patterns following other types have an intermediate level of consistency. The more closely related the two highest scale scores are, the stronger the individual‘s vocational profile is said to be. Second, the hexagon defines the consistency of the environment in the same manner. For example, Realistic environments are posited to lack human relations ability, whereas Social environments are more cooperative and helpful (Holland, 1997). Finally, the hexagon defines the degrees of congruence between person and environment, which was based on Linton‘s (1945) notion that a considerable portion of the force of the environment is transmitted

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through other people. For example, Holland‘s theory proposes that the most congruent situation for Social type would be within a Social environment. The hexagon can be used to determine degrees of congruence and consistency and to predict expected outcomes related to job satisfaction, achievement, and change in employment. In all, Holland (1997) suggests that people search for environments in which to exercise their talents, express their attitudes, and take on agreeable roles. Realistic

Investigative

Conventional

Artistic

Enterprising

Social

Figure 1. Holland Hexagon (Holland, 1997).

Figure 1. Holland Hexagon (Holland, 1997).

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Self-Directed Search Inventory The Self-Directed Search Form R (SDS; Holland, 1994) is a career guidance survey that was designed to assist adolescents and adults alike in making career and education choices that coincide with their interests, abilities, and talents. The SDS has been tested over the years with a variety of groups to verify its integrity, especially in terms of gender and ethnic biases. At its inception its validity was challenged for possibly having gender and ethnic biases, but it has been found to be consistent with the theoretical predictions (Benninger and Walsh, 1980; Holland, Powell, and Fritzsche, 1994). Form R is composed of the aforementioned six subscales (RIASEC) that measure a person‘s interests and can be easily administered and scored in approximately 15-20 minutes. Participants must decide if they like/dislike certain activities, have/do not have certain competencies, and offer a self-rating of different skills. In order to determine an individual‘s interest profile, also referred to as a Holland code, the person totals the number of items for each of the six domains. For example, to find one‘s Conventional score, add all of the Conventional items marked ―Like‖ or ―Yes‖ for Activities, Competencies, and Occupations sections as well as the two numbers circled for Conventional in the Self-Estimates section. An individual‘s interest profile is determined by rank ordering the totals for the six subscales from the highest (50 maximum) to the lowest (0 minimum). When examining one‘s Holland code, several factors need to be taken into consideration. First, the differentiation of scores on the six subscales needs to be inspected. Holland finds that some people and environments are more clearly defined than others. Therefore, a differentiation of about eight points between a person‘s first and second highest scale scores

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on the SDS when determining a Holland code indicates that the person more closely resembles a single personality type (Holland, Powell, and Fritzsche, 1994) and is not one who might bear a resemblance to many types. The same can be said for environments. Next, when interpreting SDS results, individuals should examine the consistency of the personality profile. To do so, attention should focus on the two highest scale scores and their relation on the hexagonal model. If those two domains are located adjacent to one another on the hexagonal model, the individual‘s vocational preference is more predictable and stable. For example, a person with the two highest scale scores of Realistic and Conventional (adjacent) is considered consistent, whereas a person with the two highest scale scores of Conventional and Artistic (opposite) is least consistent. Finally, the notion of congruence must be examined. Congruence speaks to the match between an individual‘s vocational interests and the workplace environment. For example, Realistic types flourish in Realistic environments because such an environment provides the opportunities and rewards that a Realistic person would need. Incongruence occurs when the person works in an environment that provides opportunities and rewards unrelated to that person‘s preferences and competencies. Therefore, a more stable vocational profile exists when an individual‘s Holland code is highly differentiated, consistent, and congruent with the workplace environment. The more stable the profile, the more likely the individual is to experience success vocationally (Holland, 1997). Holland (1997) recommends working only with the first three highest-ranked domains for smaller studies because extremely large samples are needed for empirical studies using all six classifications. Moreover, Holland recommends that people ―rearrange the code letters in all possible ways to explore occupations under those three letter codes‖ (Holland, Powell, and Fritzsche, 1994, p. 268) to increase the congruency between interests and the workplace environment. For more detailed information about the SDS refer to Holland, Fritzsche, and Powell (1994). The SDS is a commercially marketed instrument and cannot be displayed here. However, a copy of it is available for viewing purposes only in the appendices of his last book (Holland, 1997).

LANGUAGE TEACHER IDENTITY AS IT RELATES TO ATTRITION The Holland codes found in the Dictionary of Occupational Codes (Gottfredson and Holland, 1996) were made originally from expert judgments and not from empirical observation. Holland‘s theory places teachers in the Social domain. According to Holland, Social individuals prefer activities that involve working with people that inform, educate, train, or enlighten. These individuals have an aversion to ―explicit, ordered, systematic activities involving materials, tools, or machines‖ (p. 24). The Social type is characterized by people who enjoy helping others and engaging in social activities. To test his ideas, Holland conducted a large-scale study of college freshman. He requested their vocational aspirations and then matched their aspirations to their vocational preference profile. He reported that of the more than 23,000 individuals in the sample, 17 men and 117 women aspired to become foreign language teachers. Holland reported that the personality profile for these individuals was Social, Artistic, and Enterprising (Holland, 1966). Regrettably, his finding was never tested later to see if these individuals actually became foreign language teachers or not.

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Forty years later the author, consulting with Holland, investigated in-service language teachers‘ (n = 80) vocational interests using the SDS (Swanson, 2008). He reported that the Holland code for this sample of working language teachers was Social, Artistic, and Enterprising, confirming Holland‘s earlier finding. Additionally and extending Holland‘s finding, the author gathered data regarding the participants‘ perceptions of their efficacy teaching languages because teachers‘ sense of efficacy has been linked to teacher burnout and teacher attrition (Brouwers and Tomic, 2000). Teacher efficacy, a judgment of a person‘s belief to bring about desired outcomes of student engagement and learning, even among those students who may be difficult or unmotivated (Tschannen-Moran and Woolfolk Hoy, 2001), is a powerful notion that can impact one‘s decision to remain or leave the profession. Results from the correlation analyses between the sample‘s SDS data and the teacher efficacy data indicated that only the three domains (Social, Artistic, Enterprising) were directly related to teachers‘ perceptions of their abilities in the classroom. It was suggested that perhaps the reason these teachers remain in the profession is because their vocational interests are aligned with workplace ideals. And because their interests are rewarded by the environment, their sense of efficacy is strong or vice versa. Findings from the study did not suggest causality. Later, however, questions began to arise about individuals that were about to enter the profession as language teachers and who may be vulnerable to attrition for various reasons. Therefore, the author initiated research on pre-service S/FL teachers in Georgia at a large urban institution. As individuals declared a major in language teaching, the researcher gathered data for various purposes (e.g., accreditation). Part of the data collected were preservice teachers‘ personality profiles using the SDS. The research was conducted with students as a method to offer vocational guidance and to test the hypothesis that individuals who did not have the Social, Artistic, and Enterprising Holland code were less likely to remain in the profession. Students (n = 58) enrolled in an undergraduate program to become certified foreign language teachers were administered the SDS as part of class assignment dealing with teacher identity. Data collected over several semesters indicated that those without the Social, Artistic, Enterprising Holland code, an iteration of it, or those who did not have a high Social score, were much more likely to either drop out of the program or not complete the program in a timely manner. While the study remains ongoing, the author notes the importance of S/FL teaching having high scores in the Social domain. While the aforementioned sample size may be considered rather small to make any conclusions at this time, the author embarked upon a large-scale study of in-service S/FL teachers in North America and used the SDS to measure participants‘ vocational identity. The study included second language teachers in Canada either teaching English or French in immersion program, English as Second Language teachers, and foreign language teachers (Swanson, in press). The researcher reported that those who indicated that they were going to remain in the profession had the Social, Artistic, and Enterprising Holland code, an iteration of it, or a high Social score in the highest two scale scores. However, the leavers did not. The personality profiles of those indicating that they were going to quit the profession were incongruent with the workplace environment. Their Holland codes lacked differentiation and consistency. That is, some of these individuals either had interests found in many of Holland‘s domains or they lacked interest equally in all domains. Moreover, some had stable Holland codes, but their interests did not match the workplace. For example, several S/FL teachers had well-differentiated personality profiles. One female was highly Realistic and Conventional. However, she was working in a Social environment instead of a Realistic one.

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For these individuals, the lack of congruence between their vocational interests and the workplace appeared to cause instability and promote thoughts of changing careers. Such findings are consistent with Holland‘s theory. Complementing the need for educators to have strong social interests as related to the SDS, the author‘s research has shown that fundamental gender differences exist. Data from the author‘s S/FL teacher studies indicate that women tend to have higher Social interests than their male counterparts. Additionally, females tend to have a Social, Artistic, and Enterprising Holland code as compared to the males‘ Social, Realistic, and Artistic code. Despite such differences, the males in the study seem to persist in the profession for years even though they have strong Realistic interests. The author believes that even though males tend to have higher Realistic interests than females, they choose to remain in language teacher because of their heightened Social interests. Such a belief is supported in the literature because males tend to have a higher Realistic component to their personality profiles (Holland, 1997). Given this difference, it appears that there are two essential components for S/FL teacher identity as they relate to teacher attrition. First, it is important that S/FL teachers have strong Social interests as defined by the SDS. Second, there must be congruence between the individual‘s interests and the workplace environment. Schools are categorized as social environmental domains (Holland, 1997) and those working in such an environment should be Social types. If there is a lack of congruence between a person's interests and the work environment's interest type, job satisfaction can become problematic. Such a lack of harmony can have disastrous consequences such as job dissatisfaction and changes in employment. In an effort to help adolescents avoid career hopping as adults and help ameliorate the teacher shortage as the next generation of educators enters the workplace, the author has worked with students in future educator programs. Results from adolescents (n = 262) in Georgia indicate that these individuals‘ interests align closely with the workplace environment (Swanson, 2009). Their Holland code was Social, Enterprising, Artistic, which was similar to Gottfredson and Holland‘s (1996) classification for teachers in general (Social, Artistic, Enterprising). While this group included only a few future S/FL teachers that shared the same Holland code for S/FL teachers, this research helped identify a critical time to initiate teacher recruitment activities to help thwart the S/FL teacher shortage. Super (1990) theorizes that adolescents begin to crystallize vocational preference between ages 14 and 18, though many students are still investigating career choices after age 18. Swanson (2009) reported ―a dramatic change in interests between ages 15 and 16‖ (p. 30). He found that high school students‘ vocational interests were no longer equally distributed among Holland‘s six domains (see Figure 2). These individuals‘ Social and Enterprising interests begin to increase significantly, suggesting that they want to serve others, value the opportunity to be free of control, believe in equality for all, and have aspirations of being a lead (Holland, 1997). Interestingly, their Realistic interests appear to remain rather unchanged, which offers support to Holland‘s theory. That is, teachers are social creatures and tend not to prefer Realistic activities. In terms of vocational stability and satisfaction, their Holland profile was found to be adequately differentiated and congruent with the workplace. When these findings are juxtaposed against data from Swanson‘s (2006) earlier study of in-service S/FL teachers (Swanson, 2006), the Holland profiles and total differentiation are remarkably comparable (see Figure 3).

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Figure 2. of 15 and 16 year olds. Figure 2. Differentiation ofDifferentiation 15 and 16 year olds.

40,00 35,00

30,00 25,00

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20,00

In-service S/FL teachers Adolescents

15,00 10,00 5,00

0,00 R

I

A

S

E

C

Figure 3. Differentiation differences between in-service S/f teachers and adolescents. Figure 3. Differentiation differences between in-service S/FL teachers adolescents. Research suggests that people‘s vocational identity remains relativelyandunchanged throughout adulthood (Chambers, Taylor, and Potenza, 2003; Holland, 1997; Low and Rounds, 2006; Low, Yoon, Roberts, and Rounds, 2005). The comparison between adolescents‘ and in-service S/FL teachers shows that as people take their vocational aspirations and point them directly into the teaching profession, their Social interests appear to increase even further as they progress in the profession. Interestingly, their vocational interests as defined by the SDS do not appear to change domains. That is, once an individual‘s vocational interests become crystallized, their interests specific to activities may fluctuate, but their overall interests as indicated by Holland‘s six domains appear to remain stable and predictable. Data from the author‘s studies on S/FL teacher identity and attrition

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offer support to the notion that individuals who have high Social scores on the SDS are less likely to leave the classroom in pursuit of other vocational ambitions.

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CONCLUSION As discussed earlier, the notion of teacher identity has been expanded beyond the early ideas of Mead and Erikson to include sociocultural components as well as Holland‘s ideas of vocational personalities. Teacher identity framed in a psychosocial context certainly holds implications for understanding not only S/FL teachers but also understanding teachers regardless of content area. Noting that half of the novice teachers are leaving the profession in the first few years of service (Lambert, 2006), it is time to use the knowledge of teacher identity in a pragmatic context in order to identify individuals whose interests are congruent with the workplace. It is no longer enough to just to understand how language teachers form their identities in communities such as in their teacher education programs and later in their schools and classrooms (Varghese, Morgan, Johnston, and Johnson, 2005). It is time to help individuals find satisfaction and longevity in the profession while helping to create highly efficacious and effective instructors for our children. Working collaboratively, S/FL teachers, guidance counselors in both secondary and postsecondary settings, and language education program directors could offer students the opportunity to take a vocational preference inventory and learn more about Holland‘s theory of vocational interests as related to the workplace environment. While the author has described the Self-Directed Search in detail, the Strong-Campbell Interest Inventory (Hansen and Campbell, 1985) could also be used to identify prospective educators either at the midpoint of their high school careers or even later. Such a strategy would be imperative for secondary students unsure of their career options, undergraduate students who have not declared a major, or even military personnel who investigate teaching as a profession. Additionally, using either instrument would be beneficial to students enrolled in professional programs as a measure to help students understand more about how their interests are congruent/incongruent with their selected vocation. Individuals‘ Holland codes can be identified and explored using the Dictionary of Holland Occupational Codes in order to help offer vocational guidance and perhaps even heighten career satisfaction. Clearly, such vocational guidance could prove to be a promising endeavor to help thwart today‘s teacher shortage. In light of this discussion, more research is certainly warranted. It would be informative to know more about the development of adolescents‘ interests with respect to the teaching profession, especially in Holland‘s Social and Realistic domains. Additionally, research is needed to know more about what takes place during teacher preparation that either encourages or discourages pre-service educators from completing certification programs. Furthermore, for in-service teachers, why do some of these individuals choose to remain as teachers when their Holland code is incongruent with the Social, Artistic, Enterprising personality profile. Is it simply because of economic reasons or do these individuals find professional satisfaction even though their vocational interests may not be rewarded in the profession? For decades a teacher shortage has existed and little has been done to end it. Several million new teachers will be needed in the next few years (Howard, 2003; National

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Center for Education Statistics, 2002) and solutions are needed to identify more high quality instructors and keep them in the profession. Perhaps vocational guidance instruments hold a key not only to understanding those in the profession, but also to providing insight into how to increase the number of S/FL teachers at a time of critical need.

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Chapter 9

SOCIAL IDENTITY IMPLICATIONS FOR ACTIVE INDIVIDUALS WITH PHYSICAL DISABILITIES Jeffrey J. Martin1 and Francesca Vitali2 1

Wayne State University, Detroit Michigan, USA 2 University of Verona, Verona, Italy

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ABSTRACT Individuals with physical disabilities have increased rates of sedentary behavior, overweight, and obesity relative to individuals without disabilities. Additionally, they often have high levels of loneliness and depression and reduced social support. Hence, physical activity (PA; i.e., sport, exercise) can be a vehicle for both physical and mental health enhancement. However, the social identity implications associated with disability can impact and be influenced by PA engagement. Therefore, the purpose of the current chapter is to examine how PA related social identity considerations influence and are influenced by exercise and sport participation. We first discuss some traditional non-PA grounded social identity issues germane to disability, such as stigma theory and the disability paradox, in terms of their ramifications for PA engagement. The supercrip/hero social identity stereotype of the athlete with a disability is examined as well as the social identity that athletes with disabilities are not real athletes. The impression management social identity ramifications of being physically active are also explored. Finally, we conclude with some practical ramifications of the body of knowledge we review.

INTRODUCTION Social identity theory focuses on the collective self and has its roots in Tajfel‘s studies and his analyses of stereotyping, culminating in his classic 1969 article on the cognitive aspects of prejudice (Tajfel, 1969). In 1972, Tajfel introduced the term social identity, shifting from studies on social and intergroup perceptions (i.e., stereotyping and prejudice), to self-conceptualization in intergroup contexts. He was interested in how a system of social categorizations ―creates and defines an individual‘s own place in society‖ (Tajfel, 1972; p.

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293). He defined social identity as ―the individual‘s knowledge that he belongs to certain social groups together with some emotional and value significance to him of this group membership‖ (ibidem; p. 292). Hogg and Williams (2000) proposed an historical analysis of social identity theory, describing it in the frame of social psychology‘s lasting dialogue between ―individualist (I) and collectivist (we) perspectives on self-conception and social behavior, in particular group phenomena and the social group‖ (p. 81). The authors analyzed the contributions of European social psychology to the development of social identity theory and described the mutual fertilizations between European and American studies that has characterized the last years. They clearly show how the common and distinctive European perspective, focused on the wide social context as the determinant factor for social identity and behavior (collectivist perspective), has encountered American social cognition (individualistic perspective) during the last decades, with the result that nowadays European researchers are ―involved in social cognition research, and Americans are involved in social identity research‖ (ibidem; p. 85). Social comparison processes (Turner, 1975) have been the linking construct that interrelate social categorization and social identity. Quoting Tajfel again, he stated that ―all groups in society live in the midst of other groups‖ (Tajfel, 1972; p. 293-294) and he was convinced that social identity and the membership‘s social value ―only acquire meaning in relation to, or in comparison with, other groups‖ (ibidem; p. 294). Hence, social identity derives from a self-evaluative process that compares one‘s own group to others: as a consequence of that, the social comparison process between groups tends to be selfenhancing, not accurate, emphasizing differences that foster the in-group perceptions in the service of self-esteem (Turner, 1975; 1982). Another notable distinction attributed to Turner (1982) differentiates between social identity – the self-concept grounded in specific group memberships – and personal identity – the self-concept grounded in idiosyncratic and close personal relationships. From this it follows that certain intergroup and group behaviors (e.g., intergroup discriminations, in-group biases, stereotypes, etc.) occur more frequently when social identity grounds on a contextually salient self-conceptualization. In this frame, the collective self is linked to group phenomena, and the interpersonal self is linked to interpersonal phenomena. Several authors (Deaux, 1996; Deaux, Reid, Mizrahi, and Cotting, 1999; Greenwald and Pratkanis, 1984) have made similar distinctions between collective and individual selves. Thus, in addition to individual characteristics used to describe themselves, people locate themselves in a broad social context and refer their personal identities to social categories (Deaux, Reid, Mizrahi, and Ethier, 1995). A basic distinction between collective and individual selves is proposed by Reid and Deaux (1996), who suggested how an amount of linkages between social identities and personal attributes influence the cognitive self-structure organization. In general, social identity has taken on quite a broad definition and can refer to individual‘s self-structure, intergroup relationships, as well as how individuals relate to broader institutional influences (Deaux, 2000). A development of social identity theory based on the categorization process is selfcategorization theory (Turner, 1985; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, and Wetherell, 1987). According to this perspective, social perception is influenced by social categorization processes. Thus, social perception not only refers to individual traits and personal attributes, but is also mediated by shared in-group or shared out-group category attributes. It is possible to understand as a consequence of these contributions, that social forces shape people‘s

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identities and are major influences on self-concept and self-esteem. Hence, although identities become internalized their origins are often socially grounded. Given the above premises, in our discussions of identity and self-concept we assume these constructs have a strong social component. A second and related way in which we think social identity is relevant to our chapter is because much of the work we review explicitly outlines how people without disabilities view or form perceptions (often inaccurately) of people with disabilities. These perceptions can be thought of as attempts by able bodied people to construct ―identities‖ (albeit simplified ones) of people with disabilities. Thus, there are three broad goals of the current chapter. First, to examine potential social influences on the identity development of individuals with disabilities. Second, to report on the identities that able bodied people construct of individuals with disabilities. Third, to posit some potential ramifications for physical activity (PA) behavior based on the findings discussed in the first two goals. In particular, we focus on active individuals with disabilities in PA settings and the research germane to those areas. For instance, we discuss the supercrip/hero stereotype that people without disabilities have of athletes with disabilities. We also report on research indicating how PA engagement enhances the positive feedback individuals with disabilities receive from able bodied people. However, before we discuss sport and PA specific research we start out with a wider focus. We provide a broader perspective as a context within in which to situate our more specific sport and PA review. Hence, we start out by examining some perspectives that are applicable to all individuals with disabilities (e.g., stigma theory) but that also have implications for individuals participating in sport and PA.

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THE DISABILITY PARADOX Other people can‘t understand why I am so happy. They don‘t have the same appreciation of life. They would have to understand the satisfaction of using all my resources to conquer each day of challenges (Albrecht and Devlieger, 1999; p. 983).

One inaccurate social identity forged by people without disabilities about people with disabilities is grounded in the disability paradox. The disability paradox is the inaccurate assumption by able bodied people that people with disabilities must inevitably have ―terrible‖ lives. This perception is ill conceived because many people with disabilities experience a high quality of life. The two different viewpoints held by people with and without disabilities are often referred to as the disability paradox. The disability paradox is the apparent contradiction that people who have a disability also simultaneously report enjoying a high quality of life. Considering these premises, it is important to understand self-evaluations of health by people with and with-out disabilities. Several researchers have dealt with this in recent years with some reinforcing the idea that people with disabilities must inevitably live in poor conditions. In a recent study, Drum, Horner-Johnson, and Krahn (2008) analyzed epidemiological data with the aim to confirm differences in self-rated health and health-related quality of life between people with and with-out disabilities, and to demonstrate that disability condition affects the way a person self-rates their health. Following the epidemiological approach, authors analyzed an impressive number of participants (i.e., 303,822 adults) from all States

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and territories in the United States. The weighted prevalence of disability in the sample population was 18.9%. Adults with disabilities were significantly more likely than were people without disabilities to be female, non-Hispanic white, less educated, not working, and in a lower income bracket. Drum and colleagues concluded that, as they expected, people with disabilities reported poorer health conditions, more days of recent poor physical and mental health, and fewer healthy days in comparison with people without disabilities. Drum, Horner-Johnson, and Krahn (2008) also asserted that their findings were consistent with other reports (Center, Beange, and McElduff, 1998; Patrick, Kinne, Engelberg, and Pearlman, 2005), but literature reveals how these conclusions are just as often not confirmed. Dunn (2000) reported that able bodied individuals regularly believe that the negative influence of a disability on life quality is far greater than that reported by persons with a disability. Contrary to this perspective many (i.e., >50%) people with disabilities indicate that they have a good to excellent quality of life. Moreover, Albrecht and Devlieger (1999) examined how good to excellent quality of life participants differed from poor to fair quality of life respondents. People reporting a high quality of life had a balanced view of the importance of the mind, body, and spirit. In other words one of the ways that they coped with their disability was to appreciate and value their minds and spirits. They also were supported by and integrated with their families and friends and they elicited and relied on social support. Participants with poor quality lives often reported that the mind, body, spirit, and feelings of connectedness to the larger world were regularly interrupted by pain and fatigue. The authors (ibidem) suggested that able bodied people overemphasize the value of the body and marginalize the importance of the mind, spirit, and social worlds. These beliefs then contribute to their opinions that all people with disabilities must have a poor quality of life and are the reason why it seems paradoxical that people with disabilities can have a joyful life. Hence this misconception generates the idea that disability should be pitied and that persons with disabilities must necessarily be living unfulfilling lives. The above dynamic means individuals with disabilities routinely have to endure and cope with social situations where people inappropriately convey unwarranted pity and unneeded sympathy. The false belief that people with disabilities are in need of pity is related to common language used to describe disability by the media. Stadler (2006) examines the relationship between the media and disability, by considering media content (e.g., attitudes, representations, stereotypes towards disability), media technologies (e.g., access to technology and technological determinism), and media policies (e.g., language addressed to disability and absence of disability theme in the scheduling). She clarifies how media content, technologies, and policies contribute to shape the frame in which disability is constructed and viewed in society. Certainly the roots of stereotypes addressed to disability are not directly grounded in the media, but the media has contributed to perpetuate and to reinforce them in a number of ways. Gold and Auslander (1999) in an international comparison showed how many terms used in news reports involving persons with disabilities reveal a conception of disability as synonymous with abnormality, impairment, illness, or a tragic loss of ‗normality‘ and healthy functioning. The award winning ―Million Dollar Baby‖ film about a quadriplegic boxer, unfortunately, conveys this attitude that death is better than life with a disability (Gard and Fitzgerald, 2008). Next to this, however, are positive signals from Italian public television

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scheduling: started on October 2010, a scientific dissemination program aired by Rai3 is conducted by a former F1 driver amputee who has continued his athletic career.

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STIGMA THEORY People often react with uncertainty, awkwardness, and in some cases with rudeness to people who are different from themselves and this includes individuals with disabilities. One of the earliest explanations for these types of reactions is stigma theory (Goffman, 1963). According to Goffman (1963) the visible disability (e.g., a person who has difficulty walking due to cerebral palsy (CP)) is viewed negatively. This negative evaluation is then extended beyond the disability specific condition to color the complete person. Hence, the person with a disability is potentially viewed as lacking intelligence or possessing other negative character traits such as being unhappy. Simultaneously, consideration of any positive qualities (e.g., a kind and generous person) are minimized or not even considered. It is also thought that holding such negative stereotypes provides people with a license to engage in what would otherwise be considered quite inappropriate and rude behavior. For instance, in the documentary ―Murderball‖ members of the USA Paralympic Wheelchair Rugby team faced questions from strangers about their abilities to perform sexually (Lindeham, 2008). It should be noted that the origins of stigma theory, developed in the 60‘s, have lead some authors to criticize its relevance to contemporary society. For instance, Cahill and Eggleston (1995) have argued that the term stigma is so inclusive it is rendered meaningless. Hence, profound differences among and within various types of disability groups are ignored. Cahill and Eggleston (1995) also claim that blindly accepting the notion of stigmatization becomes a barrier to acknowledging that people with disabilities are often treated with kindness and compassion or simply no differently from able bodied individuals. For instance, Cacciapaglia and colleagues have provided evidence that people without disabilities interact kindly with people with disabilities (Cacciapaglia, Beauchamp, and Howells, 2004). Finally, social interactions are often complex and resist being classified as ―positive or negative, accepting or rejecting, kind or cruel‖ (Cahill and Eggleston, 1995; p. 695). For example, a person without a disability may experience some awkwardness and social anxiety at the beginning of a conversation with someone with a disability, but become more and more at ease over the course of the conversation. Despite the above commentary plenty of evidence still exists that suggests the feedback people with disabilities receive can often be quite cruel and have a negative influence on identity development. Various researchers have substantiated that people with disabilities are often on the receiving end of ―rejecting‖ judgments of their appearance. For instance, children without disabilities viewed children with disabilities as less attractive than children without disabilities (Kleck and De Jong, 1983). In another investigation, Goodwin, Thurmeier, and Gustafson (2004c) found that the children often received what they labeled as ―pitying poor you‖ stares (p. 288).

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IMPRESSION MANAGEMENT THEORY According to Leary (1995) people are motivated to create favorable impressions in others and to avoid creating unfavorable judgments. Stated differently, people attempt to actively create a positive social identity by influencing how others perceive them. Thus, in order to limit negative verbal (i.e., rude comments) and behavioral (i.e., staring) feedback, individuals with disabilities may engage in impression management. For instance, they may hide their disability by covering up (Zitzelsberger, 2005). The phenomenon of hiding a disability is often referred to as ―passing‖ in the disability culture (Stone, 1995). Dewis (1989) noted that female athletes with disabilities in her study indicated that they specifically wore loose shirts to hide their ―quad bellys‖ in order to reduce negative feedback. Perhaps even more detrimental to one‘s health are people with disabilities who avoid exercising in public so they do not receive negative feedback (Zitzelsberger, 2005). Contrary to the perspective that exercising in public might lead to increased negative feedback on ones identity, is research suggesting the opposite occurs: PA engagement reduces the negative evaluations that individuals with disabilities receive from able bodied people (Arbour, Latimer, Martin Ginis, and Jung, 2007). For example, Arbour and colleagues (2007) found that exercisers with disabilities were viewed as more ―good looking‖ with an ―attractive figure‖ than non-exercisers with disabilities. Goodwin and colleagues also reported that PA participation by people with disabilities served to enhance the impressions others had of them (Goodwin et al., 2004). Also, Taub, Blinde, and Greer (1999) found that male college students with disabilities believed that losing weight from engaging in PA contributed to others liking them. Finally, elite female basketball players strive to avoid a masculine oriented social identity as a result of developing large shoulder and arm muscles. Impression management strategies were used to highlight their femininity. For instance, they would wear their hair long and wear shirts that minimized how big their shoulders looked (Hardin, 2007a; 2007b; Tiemann, 2001).

INVISIBLE When not receiving mixed or negative feedback on various aspects of the self people with disabilities are often absent from the mainstream media (e.g., television, print, internet) resulting in a message that they are unimportant or unworthy of mention. For example, sport and PA based magazines (e.g., Sports Illustrated) rarely portray athletes with disabilities on their covers or have stories about them inside. There is virtually no mainstream media coverage of the Paralympics in the USA (Schell and Duncan, 1999). For instance, in 2002 the NBC provided one hour of Paralympic coverage by showing the opening ceremonies 48 hours after they occurred. The print media also fails to adequately cover disability sport (Golden, 2003). Although all coverage is minimal, female athletes with disabilities are particularly less visible in the media compared to males. Even the disability sport publication, Sports n‘ Spokes, uses male athlete images approximately 80% of the time compared to female images (Hardin and Hardin, 2005). Of course, given the much higher rates of male participation in disability sport compared to women it is likely more male photographs exist.

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As a result media representatives might need to work harder at obtaining pictures of female athletes. Furthermore, women are portrayed in less competitive and non-sporting situations relative to men (Hardin and Hardin, 2005).

THE SUPERCRIP Our athletic accomplishments are just as good athletically as able bodied people are and it's not because I have super human powers that I go out and play a sports [sic] everyday (Hargreaves and Hardin, 2009).

Athletes with disabilities are often portrayed as super crips (Hardin and Hardin, 2004) or, conversely, framed as victims. For instance, four major British newspapers published 62 articles on the 2000 Paralympics (Thomas and Smith, 2003). However, about a quarter of them reinforced common stereotypes by framing athletes as victims, suffering, or heroic. French and German media coverage of the Paralympics trivialized Paralympic performances (Schantz and Gilbert, 2001). Instead of focusing on athletes accomplishments, the mainstream media focuses on how they cope with their disability (Hardin, 2006). Hargreaves and Hardin (2009) interviewed 10 female wheelchair athletes who expressed frustration at having their athletic accomplishments portrayed as inspirational and as being labeled as ―supercrips.‖

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THE NON-ATHLETE According to Golden (2003) sport journalists don‘t see disability sport as ―real‖ sport because they fail to understand how athletes with disabilities can be competitive. Researchers have demonstrated that although many athletes with disabilities view themselves as committed and serious athletes, they typically feel that the public does not view them as legitimate athletes (Martin, Mushett, and Smith, 1995; Martin, Mushett, and Eklund, 1994; Wickman, 2007). One reason for this is that individuals with disabilities are often equated with their disabilities and their athletic capabilities go unrecognized. Being an athlete is thought to counteract the stereotype of a helpless disabled person (Hardin and Hardin, 2003; White, Gordon, and Jackson, 2006) and as a result make them somewhat impervious to prejudice (Hardin, and Hardin, 2003). Unfortunately, researchers have shown that even athletes with disabilities face strong negative biases when ―implicit‖ attitudes are measured (White et al., 2006).

THE HERO Contrary to feedback feeding a supercrip or non-athlete social identity, is the hero stereotype. As the quote at the beginning of this section illustrates, most athletes with disabilities do not view themselves as heroes or that their achievements represent a personal victory over their disabilities. Athletes perceive the hero label as inaccurate because they view their sport successes as normal athletic achievements (Hardin and Hardin, 2004). In brief,

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most elite-level athletes with disabilities do not want to be reduced to a hero, supercrip, or pseudo athlete. They simply want their legitimate athletic accomplishments to be recognized as such (Berger, 2008).

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NEGATIVE OUTCOMES Physical activity, for all people, has typically been trumpeted for its mental, social, psychological, and physiological benefits. However, there are some potential downsides to PA and the pursuit of body image related social identities. For instance, Guthrie and Castelnuovo (2001) researched women with disabilities who were physically active in order to ―improve their physical appearance and sexual attractability; to lose weight, gain muscle tone, or maximize their body‘s functional status so that their bodies and motor function did not appear abnormal or aesthetically displeasing‖ (p. 13). Guthrie and Castelnuovo (2001) labeled the women expressing these thoughts as ―Management by normalizing the body‖ (p. 13) and evaluated the women as seeking to ―…align or, more often, re-align themselves as much as possible with feminine body-beauty and other able-bodied ideals‖ (p. 13). Guthrie and Castelnuovo (2001) concluded that ―…such actions ultimately reify able-bodied norms and images, and thus further the oppression of persons with disabilities‖ (p. 17). Taub and colleagues (1999; p. 1,481) also commented that a few participants in their study were ―unaware that they strive toward elitist standards of beauty and body image: their efforts are paradoxical as they identify with norms that are oppressive for individuals with disabilities‖. Other researchers (Hardin, 2007b; Schell, and Rodriquez, 2001; Taub, Fanflik, and McLorg, 2003) have also commented that although some women resist able bodied and feminine body norms, many women internalize and comply with such social norms despite experiencing anger and discontentment (Taub et al., 2003). Thus, the potential for women with disabilities to strive for an ―ideal‖ body image created by social influences (e.g., media) that are unrealistic and constricting should be recognized.

RAMIFICATIONS A series of potential ramifications for PA behavior are presented next. First, people should attempt to recognize any conscious and unconscious assumptions and bias they might have about people with disabilities. Second, along with increased awareness people should attempt to change their behavior. For instance, asking personal and private questions that one would not ask of a person without a disability should not be asked of a person with disability. Third, in regard to sporting success, excessive and unwarranted praise should be withheld and instead genuine and appropriate praise should be offered. Finally, assuming inaccurate and/or negative social identities are often difficult to resist and frequently become assimilated. Hence, although speculative, it is plausible that the resultant negative psychological states (e.g., lowered self-esteem and physical self-concept, depression) contribute to reduced PA motivation and behavior.

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Schell, L. A., and Duncan, M. C. (1999). A content analysis of CBS‘s coverage of the 1996 Paralympic Games. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 16, 27-47. Schell, L. A., and Rodriquez, S. (2001). Subverting bodies/Ambivalent representations: Media analysis of Paralympian, Hope Lewellen. Sport Journal of Disability, 18, 127-135. Stadler, J. (2006). Media and disability. In B., Watermeyer, L., Swartz, T., Lorenzo, M. Schneider, and M, Priestley (Eds.), Disability and Social Change. A South African Agenda (p. 373-386). Cape Town, SA: HSRC Press. Stone, S. D. (1995). The myth of bodily perfection. Disability and Society, 10, 413-424. Tajfel, H. (1969). Cognitive aspects of prejudice. Journal of Social Issues, 25, 79-97. Tajfel, H. (1972). La catégorisation sociale. In S., Moscovici (Ed.), Introduction à la psychologie sociale, Vol. 1 (p. 272-302). Paris: Larousse. Taub, D. E., Blinde, E. M., and Greer, K. R. (1999). Stigma management through participation in sport and physical activity: Experiences of male college students with physical disabilities. Human Relations, 52, 1469-1483. Taub, D. E., Fanflik, P. L., and McLorg, P. A. (2003). Body image among women with physical disabilities: Internalization of norms and reactions to nonconformity. Sociological Focus, 36, 159-176. Thompson, N., and Smith, A. (2003). Pre-occupied with able-bodiedness? An analysis of the British media coverage of the 2000 Paralympic Games. Adapted Physical Activity Quarterly, 20, 166-181. Tiemann, H. (2001). Exploring the lives of women with a physical disability. In G., DollTepper, M., Kroener, and W., Sonnesncheir (Eds.), New horizons in sport for athletes with disability, Vol II. (p. 226-233). Oxford, UK: Meyer and Meyer Sport. Turner, J. C. (1975). Social comparison and social identity: Some prospects for intergroup behavior. European Journal of Social Psychology, 5, 5-34. Turner, J. C. (1982). Towards a cognitive redefinition of the social group. In H., Tajfel (Ed.), Social identity and intergroup relations (p. 15-40). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Turner, J. C., Hogg, M. A., Oakes, P. J., Reicher, S. D., and Wetherell, M. S. (1987). Rediscovering the social group: A self-categorization theory. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. White, M. J., Gordon, P., and Jackson, V. (2006). Implicit and explicit attitudes towards athletes with disabilities. Journal of Rehabilitation, 72, 33-40. Wickman, K. (2007). ―I do not compete in disability‖: How wheelchair athletes challenge the discourse of abel-ism through action and resistance. European Journal for Sport and Society, 4, 151-167. Zitzelsberger, H. (2005). (In)visibility: Accounts of embodiment of women with physical disabilities and differences. Disability and Society, 20, 389-403.

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In: Social Identity Editor: Michael Wearing, pp. 175-192

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Chapter 10

SELF IMAGE AND SOCIAL IDENTITY: A STUDY ON A SAMPLE OF ITALIAN ADOLESCENTS Paola Nicolini and Luisa Cherubini Macerata University, P.le Bertelli, Macerata 62100, Italy

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INTRODUCTION We are concerned in the developmental task of identity building in adolescence (Erikson 1968). Adolescence represents a privileged moment in which the individual realizes to possess a complex and structured inner world, which characterizes and identifies her/him with respect to others (Inhelder and Piaget 1955). This discovery allows the emergence of a cognitive, social and emotional representation, that the adolescent sees as self-image. Self-image provides a fundamental sense of continuity in time and on space. It is also useful in order to integrate and organize the experiences which the individual feels as important. In this paper we aim to describe the outcomes of a wide research on self reports written by adolescents. In particular our analysis is focussed on two topics: 1 – the qualities on which young people 14/15 years old base their self image; 2 – the way in which young people 14/15 years old are in contact with their self image. The study adopts a qualitative method, as the collected data will be analyzed in their particularity and uniqueness, as an expression of a specific environment and territory, without necessarily wanting to plan generalizations or comparative statements1.

1

The chosen instrument gave more value to the relationship with the participants to the research than to the accuracy of the results, in line with ethical aspects of research in psychology, especially since the adolescents are involved in a delicate moment of their psychological development. We asked them to write a self report consisting of a series of open questions, through which we wanted above all to help the adolescents to reflect and to enrich their self image.

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THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ON SELF In recent approaches of social and developmental psychology (Harter 1986; 1993; 1996; 1999; 2001; 2003) emerges in a clear way the shift from a monolithic conception that consider self-concept as stable over time and constant across situations to one that emphasizes, on the contrary, the dramatic changes that may occur in relation to the situational and motivational aspects of social interaction. A concept of self as multiplicity is emerging, in which possible selves are placed, with different structure and focus, which represent positive and negative self-image (Caprara 1995). In fact, self concept is considered inextricably linked to social relationships, through which it is continuously modified and re-created, on the base of the numerous feedbacks that the individual receives (Cooley 1902; Bruner 1990).

The Sample The sample involved in the research consists of approximately 1000 students, attending the first classes of secondary schools from towns in the central area of Le Marche region, in Italy, during the school years 2007-2010. The colleges that participated in collecting the data belong both to lyceums and technical schools as well as vocational, thus ensuring a group of adolescents from widely varying socio-cultural backgrounds.

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The Self Report Questionnaire We used a self-report questionnaire (Zuczkowski 1976), consisting of fifteen open questions posed on five different sheets: the first one includes a single question: ―About you: how do you think you are?‖. The other four pages contain four questions each, according to the following structure: ―In your opinion, what do your familiars - friends - teachers classmates – think about you?‖ ―What do they appreciate of you?‖ ―What do they depreciate of you?‖ ―How do they speak of you?‖ (Nicolini 1999; Nicolini and Bomprezzi 2003). While in the first sheet a direct reflection on herself/himself is required, the other questions invite to think about the reflected image (Cooley 1902) keeping in consideration the significant others (Crittenden 1994; Crittenden 1999) for adolescents (Palmonari 1997).

Data Treatment The self-report protocols, collected anonymously, were treated as linguistic texts and entered into a word processor (Word). Then they were studied using a software (TaLTaC2) in accordance with a lexicostatistics approach, which enables both semantic and content analysis. The computation of occurrences in the texts corpus is also available.

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The Analysis of the Qualities Referred to the Self Image The data currently processed, that will be presented and discussed in this part of the paper, are related to the scholastic year 2008/09. By the 492 young people involved we excluded the repeating students (111), for two reasons: they are older than the others and the scholastic failure probably has an influence in their self concept. The sample is then composed of 381 valid questionnaires. We found 4986 different graphic elements (words) and 51452 occurrences in the corpus, with an average frequency of 10.32. A selection of graphic forms detected by the program was made, with the aim to analyze only those words that the adolescents used to express qualities related to themselves. This is the reason why we decided to pick up the adjectives referred to the self image, and at the same time to exclude graphic forms such as conjunctions, adverbs, prepositions, verbs etc. were. In the selected corpus of adjectives we considered only the graphic forms with more than 10 occurrences, reducing the total occurrences (6295) to only 112 different graphic forms (average frequency 56.20).

Some Outcomes: The most Frequent Qualities Referred to the Self

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In the following graphic we illustrate the most frequent adjectives which the adolescents who participated to our research used in their self reports. The list comes from the elaboration of the whole texts, that is to say that the adjectives here calculated can be present in any part of the questionnaire (Figure 1).

Figure 1. The most frequent adjectives referred by the adolescents to themselves.

The adjective sympathetic clearly appears as the most used, with 777 occurrences (more than 3 times than any other). The meaning of sympathetic is linked to the kind of the social relationship and can show the necessity of adolescents to be in touch with others. It can also reveal the need of adolescents to be accepted. It is even more true if we keep in consideration the fact that the classes in which we collected data are in their first year, that is to say that

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boys and girls don‘t really know each other. The other adjectives are frequently connected to social dimensions (chatter, frank, cheerful, shy and so on). Little quotations appear to cognitive (swat, fine, clever) and bodily qualities (sporting, physical peculiarity), even less to moral aspects (responsible). Taking into account only the qualities referred by the students answering to the first question ―About you: how do you think you are?‖, we found again that the adjective sympathetic is the more present (172) (Figure 2). It reveals how much to be in relation with others and to receive social positive reception is considered important by the adolescents.

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Figure 2. The most frequent adjectives referred by the adolescents to their self-image.

Figure 3. The most frequent adjectives for the looking glass self (relatives).

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Figure 4. The most frequent adjectives for the looking glass self (teachers).

We also elaborated the data in order to obtain the representation of the quality of the image reflected by adults (both family and teachers). The following graphics (Figures 3 and 4) represent the adjectives coming from the answers written in the parts of the questionnaire dedicated to the looking glass self. We are here considering the qualities quoted by the adolescents as related to significant adults such as relatives and teachers. The main qualities linked to the relatives‘ looking glass self express moral (214) and cognitive (146) dimensions. It is usual to think about moral qualities as requested in the context of a family. Unusual the presence of cognitive dimensions, perhaps due to the influence of the scholastic situation in which the questionnaires were collected. It can be possible that the participants activated a special attention to the scholastic aspects as far as parents pay attention to their learning outcomes and marks. With regard to the qualities related to teachers‘ looking glass self, in this part of the protocol the majority expresses social aspects (150), that is to say adjectives such as bored, messy, educated, calm. It can be interpreted as if the teachers mainly interact with adolescents in order to manage social relationship in the class. Only 43 occurrences are linked to cognitive traits. It is the opposite of what can be expected in a scholastic context, in which learning processes should be focused. Obviously it is the students‘ point of view, in any case it represents an important signal about the kind of representation they possess about scholastic system. It can also be a significant information about the way in which the students perceive the learning context, and consequently orient their behaviours when they are at school With regard to the quality of the image reflected by peers (friends and schoolmates), the main qualities quoted express social traits (246). It is typical of adolescence, in which the developmental task is to leave the family, and to project the future. The answers provided in the part of the questionnaire directed to explore the world of friends, the mainly used adjectives are the following (Figure 5). Apart from the adjective reliable, that seems to suggest a moral dimension (at least in the Italian language), and the expression good friend that seems to allude to an affective component, the other adjectives appear wholly related to the social level of the relation

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Figure 5. The most frequent adjectives for the looking glass self (friends).

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The graphic related to the qualities referred to classmates‘ looking glass self (Figure 6) is not very different from the previous.

Figure 6. The most frequent adjectives for the looking glass self (schoolmates).

In order to identify meaningful differences, it can be functional to put together the data presented in the two last figures: the adjectives cool, crazy, asshole and sympathetic are present in both the parts of the questionnaire (Figure 7) related to friends and classmates. It is possible to suppose that, apart from asshole, the other are used in a positive way (crazy is often use to mean amusing or even creative). This positive image seems to be reinforced by the other mentioned characteristics, such as reliable, good friend and amusing at least. Strange can be positively as well as negatively intended. In fact, sometimes it is used in the sense of creative or eccentric, but it is also used as a synonymous of misfit or rebel. In any case the friends‘ looking glass self appears as a safe field.

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Figure 7. The most frequent adjectives for the looking glass self by peers (friends + schoolmates).

More troublesome seems to be the relationship with classmates. The adjectives cool, crazy and sympathetic can be managed as before, interpreting them in a positive way. In this case they are reinforced only by the adjective sociable, being a quality such as reserved not necessarily positive. In fact to be reserved can mean to be educated, but more often to be shy, unapproachable, uncommunicative or even coy. In addition, the adjectives nasty and bored undoubtedly represent negative component in self representation.

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A Gender Analysis In another survey we collected similar data in a sample of 105 youths 13 years old and 107 subjects 15 years old. In this case we also conducted a gender analysis, only on the peer reflected image, in order to identify possible differences between males and females in their self reports. In the following tables we will show the results of this kind of analysis. Table 1. Male self-image 13 years old Most frequent adjectives male 13 years old schoolmates 41% sympathetic 10% I don’t know 7% smart

friends sympathetic I don’t know smart

41% 7% 7%

7%

Physical details

Physical details

10%

14% 7%

sociable generous

playful willing reliable

10% 7% 7%

mad

7%

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Paola Nicolini and Luisa Cherubini Table 2. Female self-image 13 years old

Most frequent adjectives female 13 years old schoolmates 49% sympathetic 9% sociable 8% mad 7% Physical details 7% timid 5% bright 8% plugger 5% amusing 5% I don’t know 5% sensitive

friends sympathetic

willing

47% 8% 7% 5% 9% 17% 13% 12% 9% 9% 8% 7%

chatterbox strange

5% 5%

sociable mad Physical details timid bright stubborn honest Good friend outgoing kind

Table 3. Male self-image 15 years old

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Male 15 years old Most frequent adjectives Schoolmates

Friends

45%

Sympathetic

Sympathetic

30%

11%

amusing

Amusing

14%

9%

altruist

altruist

7%

9%

I don’t know

I don’t know

5%

7%

Willing

Willing

23%

7%

funny

funny

5%

5%

generous

generous

5%

5%

smart

smart

5%

11%

stupid

reliable

7%

9% 7%

Physical details irritating

Unanswered honest

7% 5%

5%

bright

decent guy

5%

5% 5% 5%

chatterbox Muddle-headed reliable

5%

sociable

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In line with what we showed above, in the group of 13 years old (Tables 1 and 2) we can see a very extensive use of the term sympathetic. Other adjectives can be grouped into a category that refers to social characteristics, tied to relationships with others (sociable, generous, willing etc.). Only a few are the adjectives negatively related to the self image, represent through terms such as timid and strange (for females). The collected data show some differences between males and females. As in the previous analysis, females make use of a wide range of terms than males. Again, the data can be understood under different perspectives: a lower level of differentiation of self in males than in females, and/or a different awareness on self image between males and females, and/or also a more developed linguistic competence. Both the adjectives referred to classmates and friends are mainly linked to social dimensions of identity, while cognitive dimensions seem to be almost absent, except for the words smart in the males‘ group and plugger in the females‘ group. In the above tables (Tables 3 and 4) a large number of adjectives used both by males and females can be appreciated. The data show a greater self-knowledge and a wider range of adjectives linked to self image than in the previous. As for 13 years old, the social-relational dimension is mainly taken into account. Table 4. Female self-image 15 years old Female 15 years old Most frequent adjectives Schoolmates

Friends

37%

sympathetic

32%

willing bright generous altruist

5% 13% 6% 8%

touchy sincere shy amusing sweet simple

8% 6% 8% 6% 6% 6%

sunny

11%

reliable mad good polite friendly fine smart loyal moody sensitive earnets sociable

8% 8% 6% 6% 5% 5% 5% 5% 5% 5% 5% 5%

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11% 8% 8% 6% 6% 6% 6% 5% 5% 5% 5% 10% 6% 6% 5% 5%

sympathetic willing bright generous altruist touchy sincere shy amusing sweet simple sunny I don’t know desagreeable Physical details demure plugger

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The most quoted adjectives is sympathetic again, but some others such as generous, funny, altruist, sweet etc. also appear. Characteristics related to the moral dimension of identity are shown, such as honest, reliable, decent guy for males and altruist, sincere, serious for females. The moral dimension was not at all present in the group of 13 years old, probably due to the achievement of a more structured level of cognitive development. Accordingly to cognitive development, adolescents become more aware also about variables related to conscientiousness and moral self. A difference can be noted between the group of males and females: the former uses do not know response in both the groups of peers. This data can support the idea of a lower level of differentiation of self in the male group.

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The Analysis on Cognitive Verbs and Expressions Accordingly to semiotic textology (Petöfi 1991, 1995a, 1995b, 1995c, 1996a, 1996c, 2000), every utterance can be broken into at least three kinds of proposition: the descriptive proposition, the performative proposition, and the cognitive proposition. The last one is represented by cognitive verbs or cognitive expressions. This is the reason why the analysis of cognitive verbs and cognitive expressions, when explicitly present, is useful to understand the way in which the speaker/writer has in his/her mind. The things about which is speaking/ writing. Cognitive verbs and expressions refer to perceptions (visual, auditory, olfactory, tactile, gustatory) or states and thought processes (such as thoughts, disappointments, hopes, memories, reviews and evaluations, insights, dreams, fantasies). In particular, according to the aim of the present work, the analysis of cognitive verbs and expressions can give interesting information about the way in which the writer is representing in his /her mind his/her self image. We worked on our database of self reports, checking for cognitive verbs and expressions listed in a previous work (Nicolini 2000). In this case we analyzed only the first part of the protocols, related to the question ―About you: how do you think you are?‖

The Sample In this case the sample is composed by 459 13/14 years old students, 242 females and 217 males.

The Outcomes Looking at the general data, it is possible to observe that the thinking processes obtained a lot of quotations. Evaluative cognitive verbs and expressions follow, the perceptions and hopes (Table 5). There are not explicit references to intuitions, fantasies, and memories. Reading the table above, it‘s useful to take into account that the prevalence of thinking cognitive verbs can be an effect of our question. In fact it contains the verb ―think‖, that also appears as the most cited verb. Anyway, it can be noted that 11 different verbs were used in

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the area of thinking process, such as: to understand, to reason out, to know, to learn etc (table 6). Judgement (evaluative verbs) is a metacognitive process, which consists in attributing a value to the products of thought or perceptions. In the case of self image, to have a judge on themselves can be considered as a protective factor, and may promote a good quality of development2. The reference to verbs and expressions related to reviews and evaluations may also refers to one of the most significant developmental tasks (Havighurst 1952; Palmonari 1997). Thanks to the acquisition of a more experienced and sophisticated reading of their internal world, teenager faces that becoming adult begins: to make assessments, assumptions, and abstractions up is a way to express opinions in an adult way. One of the most quoted verb is to believe. The peculiarity of this verb is that contains in itself the size of security/insecurity, then to use it by adolescents when describing themselves, can express both the aspects: it is an attempt to express some certainty, but also admit to not really be sure about what they are stating. The perception is by nature a process related to the here and now. In this category of verbs to feel often appears to describe themselves. This verb also refers to the inner self, and to intimate quality, probably related to the feelings and states mood. The future perspective is revealed by verbs such as to hope, but it seems absent the link to the past. In fact, we did not find citations of terms related to the category of memories. The almost total absence of reference to the world of insights may be indicative of the fact that young people 13/14 years old like to anchor to analytical cognitive processes their self image, probably trying to understand in which way the process of gradually building their identity takes place. Table 5. Cognitive verbs and expressions in adolescents‟ self reports

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Tot.

2

Kind of cognitive verbs or cognitive expressions

n. verbs used

n. quotations in % on Italian the text language’s corpus

% of total quotations

thoughts

11

144

6%

46%

evaluation

7

103

4%

33%

perceptions

4

32

2%

10%

hopes

4

28

2%

9%

insights

1

1

1%

0%

imaginations

1

1

1%

0%

memories

1

1

1%

0%

Tot.

29

310

17%

100%

In fact, it is more likely that parents with a high reflective ability to promote secure attachment in their children, especially in cases in their own childhood experiences have been negative, but also that, in turn, attachment sure can be a key precursor of a solid reflective capacity (Fonagy et al., 1996).

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Table 6. Different kinds of cognitive verbs and expressions in adolescents‟ self reports % on Italian % of total language’s quotations corpus

WHOLE SAMPLE To think

103

72%

To understand (don’t understand) To be aware

8 (2)

6% 1%

6

4%

To get an impression

5

3%

To reason out

5

3%

5

3%

To reason about

4

3%

To learn

2

1%

To have knowledge

2

1%

To be consciuosness

1

1%

To conceal

1

1%

To believe

51

50%

To consider oneself

30

29%

To prefer

11 8

11%

thoughts (11) To know

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evaluation (7)

perceptions (4)

hopes (4)

To consider

8%

To examin the situation To compare

1 1

1%

To suppose

1 25

1%

To feel To discover

3

9%

To give attention

3

9%

To notice

1

3%

To hope

12

43%

To want

14

50%

To dream

1

4%

To think about the future

1

144 (46%)

6%

103 (33%)

4%

32 (10%)

2%

28 (9%)

4%

1%

78%

4%

To seize on insights

1

100%

1 (1%)

1%

1

100%

1 (1%)

1%

1

100%

1 (1%)

1%

To forget memories imaginations

To have a dream

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Adopting a Gender Perspective A difference in the use of cognitive verbs and expressions is remarkable adopting a gender perspective: under a quantitative point of view the number of verbs used by females is larger than in the males‘ questionnaires (Tables 7 and 8). The quantitative difference can be explained at two levels, not mutually exclusive. It is possible that the data is the effect of a higher linguistic competence of girls to talk about themselves, and a more sophisticated way to manage the vocabulary linked to psychological processes. Another explanation concerns a higher and differentiated access of girls than boys to the inner life. Table 7. Cognitive verbs and expressions used by females: quantitative analysis FEMALE

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n. verbs used Thoughts

9

n. quotations in the text 84

% on Italian language’s corpus 5%

% of total quotations 46%

Evaluation

5

63

3%

35%

Perceptions

4

21

2%

12%

Hopes

4

13

2%

7%

Insights

0

0

0%

0%

Imaginations

0

0

0%

0%

Memories

0

0

0%

0%

Tot.

22

181

12%

58%

Table 8. Cognitive verbs and expressions used by males: quantitative analysis MALE n. verbs used Thoughts

6

n. quotations in the text 60

Evaluation

5

40

3%

31%

Perceptions

2

15

1%

12%

Hopes

1

11

1%

9%

Insights

1

1

1%

1%

Imaginations

1

1

1%

1%

Memories

1

1

1%

1%

Tot.

% on Italian language’s % of total corpus quotations 3% 47%

129

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42%

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Paola Nicolini and Luisa Cherubini

The qualitative analysis points out other interesting aspects. We found a similar quantity in the employ of cognitive verbs and expressions used for thoughts and evaluations by males and females (Table 7 and 8). Anyway the females‘ group (Table 9) shows a greater variety of verbs belonging to the thinking process, for example to understand, to be aware and to reason about are not cited by boys. As for verbs referring to reviews and evaluations we see that there is an almost equal use of them in the groups of males and females: to believe and to consider themselves are the most cited verbs by both the groups (Tabb. 9 and 10). Compared to perceptions, however, the group of males only refers to feelings, while the females also used other verbs that reflect their inner dimensions, such as to discover, to become aware. There are no citations of verbs referring to insights, memories and fantasies by females in their protocols. Table 9. Cognitive verbs and expressions used by females: qualitative analysis

FEMALE To think

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thoughts (9)

Evaluation (5)

perceptions (4)

hopes (4)

To understand (don’t understand) To be aware

52 62% 7 8% (1%) (1) 6 7%

To know

5

6%

To reason about

4

5%

To get an impression

3

4%

To reason out

3

4%

To learn

2

2%

To be consciuosness

1%

To believe

1 33

To consider oneself

15

24%

To consider

8

13%

To prefer

6

10%

To esamin the situation

1

2%

To feel

14

67%

To discover

3

14%

To give attention

3

14%

To notice

1

5%

To hope

7

54%

To want

4

31%

To dream

1

8%

To think about the future

1

8%

% of total quotations

% on Italian language’s corpus

84 (46%)

5%

63 (35%)

3%

21 (12%)

2%

13 (7%)

2%

52%

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Self Image and Social Identity Table 10. Cognitive verbs and expressions used by males: qualitative analysis

MALE

% on Italian language’s corpus

60 (47%)

3%

40 (31%)

3%

15 (12%)

1%

To think

51

85%

To get an impression

2

3%

To have knowledge

2

3%

To reason out

2

3%

To understand (don’t understand ) To conceal

1 (1) 2% 2% 1

2%

To believe

18

45%

To consider oneself

15

38%

To prefer

5

13%

To compare

1

3%

To suppose

1

3%

To want

10

67%

hopes (2)

To hope

5

33%

perceptions

To feel

11

100%

11 (9%)

1%

insights

To seize on

1

100%

1 (1%)

1%

memories

To forget

1

100%

1 (1%)

1%

imaginations

To have a dream

1

100%

1 (1%)

1%

thoughts (6)

evaluation (5)

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% of total quotations

CONCLUSION Social cognitive perspectives on self-concept development emphasize that conflict among various aspects of Self, relatively fewer in early adolescence, rises and peaks during middle adolescence and decline in late adolescence and beyond (Harter 1999; Harter and Monsour 1992). Conflicts among self-attributes arise due to two factors: adolescents‘ increasing awareness that new and different personality attributes can be used to describe their selfconcepts and a lack of the cognitive facilities necessary to resolve inherent contradictions that may arise among self-attributes. We consider self-knowledge as a protective factor in the process of identity construction, which is the main developmental task in adolescence (Havighurst, 1952). The more a person is able to know and recognize his/her positive and negative aspects in his/her own identity, the more this kind of distinction helps to have realistic expectations about themselves, to know in which way to face failures, to choose path of life suited to personal desires and capacities. Self-knowledge can be also considered as an ability to deal with interpersonal relationships, both with adults and peers. The identity expressed by teenagers, which is referred to this contribution, is understood as a complex set of images that the individual has

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of himself in a conscious way: explicitly or not, the concepts of self contain an assessment, a personal judgment about themselves, and are associated with particular emotional states and affects. Also belong to the category of self-images those concepts that adolescent thinks as looking glass self (Cooley 1902), that is to say the way in which others can see and represent him/her. The results shown are in step with other studies that focus on the actual appraisal effect on children's self-perceptions. Cole (1991) showed that peers' and teacher's actual appraisals have an effect on children's self-perceptions: this effect depends on the domains under consideration: peers‘ actual appraisal predicted change in self-perception in social and academic domains, whereas teacher's actual appraisal predicted change in athletic selfperception. Results by Cole, Jacquez, and Maschman (2001) also supported this view: they showed that teacher's, parents' and peers' actual perception were correlated with selfperception in the important domains for children - although this correlation was only weak for social acceptance and physical appearance (see also Cole, Maxwell and Martin 1997). Research more specifically concerning the academic domain showed that teacher's actual appraisal had an effect on children's academic self-perception (Gest, Domitrovich. and Welsh, 2005; Herbert and Stipek, 2005), but also on social and behavioral self-perception (Bressoux and Pansu. 2003). As far as parents are concerned, Felson (1989) showed that parents‘ actual appraisal has an effect on children's academic self-perception. Therefore, it seems that the relationship between actual appraisal and self-perception can be found, but only within particular combinations of domains and significant others. Studies testing the relationship between reflected appraisal and self-perception reported even clearer evidence: Felson (1989) showed that self-perception was influenced by both parents‘ actual appraisal and reflected appraisal. In the same fashion, Hergovlch, Sirsch, and Felinger (2002) showed a relationship between teacher's and parents' actual appraisals in various domains of children's self-perceptions (Nurra and Pansu, 2009). Adolescents seem to makes use of thoughts and judgments in their developmental task. In fact, through the investigation of cognitive verbs it was possible to highlight that analytical cognitive processes sustain self image construction, probably aimed to monitor in which way the building identity process is taking place. We also pointed out interesting outcomes related to understandings in relation to the weight of time dimensions in the construction of identity in adolescence. Gender differences emerged both in the use of adjectives and cognitive verbs. In this field further investigation can be conducted in order to identify the role of linguistic competence and/or the weight of intrapersonal knowledge.

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Harter S. (2003), The development of self-representations during childhood and adolescence. In M. R. Leary and J. P. Tangney (Eds.), Handbook of self and identity. New York: Guildford Press. Havighurst, R.J. (1952), Developmental tasks and education. New York: Davies Mc Kay. Nicolini, P. (1999), Che pensi di te stesso? Le autopresentazioni degli adolescenti. Milano: Franco Angeli. Nicolini, P., (2000), Mente e linguaggio. La proposizione costitutiva di mondo, Bologna, Clueb. Nicolini, P., Bomprezzi, M. (Ed.), (2003), Io sono la bottiglia che bevo. L‟immagine di sé in soggetti alcolisti. Milano: FrancoAngeli. Nurra C., Pansu P., The impact of significant others‘ actual appraisals on children‘s selfperceptions: what about Cooley‘s assumption for children? European Journal of Psychology of education, 2009, vol XXIV n.° 2 247-262. Palmonari, A. (Ed.), (1997), Psicologia dell‟adolescenza. Bologna: Il Mulino. Petöfi, J.S., (1977), Lexikoneintragungen in der kanonischen Repräsentation von Sätzen und Texten, in Petöfi, J.S., and Bredemeier, J., (eds.), Das Lexikon in der Grammatik, die Grammatik im Lexikon, Hamburg, Buske: 297-314. Petöfi, J.S., (1982), Representation languages and their function in text interpretation, in Allén, S., (eds)., Text Processing. Text Analysis and Generation, Text Typology and Attribution. Proceedings of Nobel Symposium 51, Stockholm, Almqvist and Wiksell International: 85-122. Petöfi, J.S., (1991), Aspects of Text Signification: A Semiotic-Textological Approach, in Petöfi, J.S., Towards a Semiotic Theory of the Human Communication (Text Linguistics – Semiotic Textology), Szeged, Gold Press: 110–148. Petöfi, J.S., (1995°), Retorica - Testologia Semiotica - Studium Generale, in Albaladejo Mayordomo, T., del Río, E., and Caballero, J.A., (eds.), Quintiliano: historia y actualidad de la Retórica, Logroño, Gobierno de la Rioja, Instituto de Estudios Riojanos, Ayuntamiento de Calahorra, 1998: 73-85. Petöfi, J.S., (1995b), La textologie sémiotique et la méthodologie de la recherche linguistique, en: Cahiers de l‟ILSL, 6, pp. 213-236. Petöfi, J. S., (1995c), Die semiotische Testologie und die pragmatichen Aspekte der Kommunikation, in Kertész, A., ed., Metalinguistica. Sprache als Kognition – Sprache als Interaktion. Studien zum Grammatik-Pragmatik-Verhältnis, Frankfurt am Main, Berlin-Bern- New York-Paris-Wien, Peter Lang: 59-100. Petöfi, J. S., (1996a), La lingua come mezzo di comunicazione scritta: il testo, in Petöfi and Vitacolonna, (eds.), 1996: 66-107. Petöfi, J. S., (1996b), Dal testo alla comunicazione multimediale – Dalla linguistica alla testologia semiotica della multimedialità, in Petöfi and Vitacolonna, (eds.), 1996: 51-65. Petöfi, J. S., (1996c), Retorica – Testologia semiotica – Studium generale, in: Annali della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia, Università di Macerata, XXIX: 9-22. Petöfi, J. S., (2000), Teorie del testo e analisi di testi filosofici, in Petöfi, J. S., and Proietti, O., Leggere testi filosofici (1) Aspetti dell‘interpretazione, Quaderni di Ricerca e di Didattica, XIX, Macerata, Università di Macerata: 64-93. Zuczkowski A. (1976), Autodescrizione e concetto di sé. Problemi e metodi di studio, Annali della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia dell'Università di Macerata, IX, pp. 281-321.

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Chapter 11

IDEOLOGY AND DEFENSE AGAINST COUNTER-STEREOTYPIC EXPERIENCES: WHEN PRO-BLACK AND ANTI-WHITE FEELINGS ARE NOT SO WELCOME Rick M. Cheung Brooklyn College and Graduate Center, City University of New York Nechama M. Abramson and Feiga Kieval Brooklyn College, New York, USA

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ABSTRACT This research examined the effects of momentarily induced racial experiences, and findings show that individual differences in ideology may prevent a shift towards egalitarianism. Counter-stereotypic experiences were experimentally induced by having participants to approach Black targets and avoid White targets. Social dominance orientation (SDO) predicted defense against the counter-stereotypic influences. Approaching Blacks caused the predicted pro-Black effect among low-SDO White participants, but caused a paradoxical anti-Black effect among high-SDO White participants. On the other hand, avoiding Whites caused the predicted anti-White effect among low-SDO Black participants, but caused a paradoxical pro-White effect among high-SDO Black participants. Hence, in two complementary ways high-SDO Blacks and high-SDO Whites transformed counter-stereotypic influences into stereotypic cognitions, contributing to the perpetuation of extant racial relationships.

INTRODUCTION Americans are optimistic about the future of race relations. In a recent Gallup poll about the relations between Blacks and Whites in the United States, two-thirds said that a solution 

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will eventually be worked out (Newport, 2008). This optimism may be well grounded, given the progress made in prejudice reduction. Over the past few decades, based on established principles of cognitive, social, and learning psychology, psychologists have offered and validated quite a number of prejudice-reduction interventions (for a review, see Dovidio and Gaertner, 1999). A recent one harnesses the effects of bodily feedback on affective experiences. Ample research shows that people often like a stimulus more when the stimulus is paired with an approach (pulling) arm movement and, conversely, like a stimulus less when it is paired with an avoidance (pushing) arm movement (e.g., Cacioppo, Priester, and Berntson, 1993), perhaps because pulling an object towards the self represents association whereas pushing an object away from the self represents dissociation (cf. Chen and Bargh, 1999; Förster and Strack, 1997, 1998; Markman and Brendl, 2005; Priester, Cacioppo, and Petty, 1996). Based on such known relationships between bodily feedback and affective experiences, Kawakami and colleagues devised a laboratory intervention to reduce prejudice (Kawakami, Phills, Steele, and Dovidio, 2007). In the study, participants were instructed to adopt the aforementioned approach and avoidance arm orientations, while viewing pictures of Black and White faces. The authors reasoned that if approach and avoidance arm movements could generate corresponding affective experiences, they should be able to change attitudes toward the Black and White targets, just as they do for non-social stimuli. Indeed, participants reduced anti-Black attitudes, in an ―Approach-Black/Avoid-White‖ condition relative to an ―Avoid-Black/Approach-White‖ condition. Findings like these suggest that simple laboratory interventions can change racial attitudes, providing grounds for optimism. But do prejudice-reduction interventions always produce the intended outcomes? Grounded upon system justification theory (Jost and Banaji, 1994) the current research examined the role of ideology in predicting when they do and when they do not. According to system justification theory, stereotypes are resistant to change because people ideologically support the hierarchically organized intergroup relationships. As such, people may resist the influences of counter-stereotypic interventions, especially if they have been persuaded by prosystem ideologies. Consistent with this theoretical implication, research shows that people often maintain or even amplify their racial attitudes in the face of counter-stereotypic information, resulting in stable or even stronger anti-Black prejudice (e.g., Kawakami, Dovidio, and van Kamp, 2005, 2007; Moreno and Bodenhausen, 1999; Plant and Devine, 2001). Therefore, just as people can process information with the goal of reaching preferred conclusions and maintaining preexisting attitudes (e.g., Baumeister and Newman, 1994; Kunda, 1990; Lord, Ross, and Lepper, 1979; Sherman and Cohen, 2006), people can process counter-stereotypic arguments, exemplars, and interpersonal pressures in biased or otherwise defensive manners (Chaiken, Giner-Sorolla, and Chen, 1996; also see Moreno and Bodenhausen, 1999). The current study extended this line of research by examining the motivated processing of counter-stereotypic experiences, and by examining if such processing is moderated by individual differences in ideology. To the degree that Whites hold pro-system ideologies, the ―Approach-Black/Avoid-White‖ intervention of Kawakami and colleagues may paradoxically decrease liking for Blacks. Instead of going along with the positive experiences associated with the approached Black targets (cf. Cacioppo et al., 2003; Kawakami et al., 2007), to defend against unwanted force of attraction, pro-system Whites may amplify their ideologically motivated prejudice. The ―Approach-Black/Avoid-White‖ intervention of Kawakami and colleagues (2007) also affords to test if defense occurs among Blacks as well. Past research on counter-

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stereotypic interventions has sensibly focused on examining the effects of Whites‘ attitudes towards Blacks; after all, such interventions are designed to reduce prejudice towards negatively stereotyped groups. On the other hand, a large part of system justification research has examined the attitudes of members of negatively stereotyped groups, demonstrating how they justify, psychologically cope with, and identify with the hierarchically organized and therefore inequitable status quo (for reviews, see Jost, Banaji, and Nosek, 2004; Kay and Zanna, 2009). For example, research shows that preference for high-status outgroups over low-status ingroups is hardly rare (e.g., Jost, Pelham, and Carvallo, 2002; Rudman, Feinberg, and Fairchild, 2002), indeed rather common to the extent that one holds pro-system ideologies (e.g., Jost and Burgess, 2000; Overbeck, Jost, Mosso, and Flizik, 2004). Tolerance of discrimination against the negatively stereotyped ingroup and the self often occurs, to the extent that one holds pro-system ideologies (e.g., Major, Gramzow, McCoy, Levin, Schmader, and Sidanius, 2002; Major, Kaiser, O‘Brien, and McCoy, 2007). People can confirm a cognitively salient stereotype and self-derogate and underperform along stereotyped lines, to the extent that they are ideologically pro-system (Cheung and Hardin, 2010). Findings like these suggest that system justification can occur at the expense of the self and the ingroup (Jost and Banaji, 1994)—which often requires dependence on, identification with, or otherwise bonds of loyalty towards the status quo but also the socially dominants (e.g., Freud, 1930/2005; Fromm, 1941/1969; Hardin, Cheung, Magee, Noel, and Yoshimura, in press; Jackman, 1994; Jost, 1995). Just as negative stereotypes are resistant to change (e.g., Chaiken et al., 1996; Jost and Banaji, 1994), positive stereotypes—including the positive stereotypes assigned to Whites in the United States—may be resistant to change. If that is that case, the counter-stereotypic, ―Approach-Black/Avoid-White‖ intervention of Kawakami and colleagues (2007) may paradoxically increase liking for Whites, to the degree that Blacks hold pro-system ideologies. Instead of going along with the negative experiences associated with the avoided White targets, Blacks may show rigid or even amplified positive attitudes toward Whites, especially if they are ideologically pro-system. In other words, avoiding (pushing away) Whites may not lead to anti-White attitudes, especially among those who find such actions ideologically incongruent. To defend against unwanted force of repulsion, prosystem Blacks may amplify their ideologically motivated preference for Whites. As such, the ―Approach-Black/Avoid-White‖ intervention has the potential to show collaborative systemjustifying efforts from Blacks. In sum, the current experiment tested the prediction that the influences of momentary, experimentally induced racial tendencies depend on individual differences in ideology. Counter-stereotypic effects should hold for people who are less ideologically pro-system. People who are more ideologically pro-system, however, may defend against counter-stereotypic experiences, resulting in a shift in the opposite direction of the intended egalitarianism.

METHOD Participants and Design Participant attitudes toward the approached and the avoided targets were examined as a function of approach-avoidance manipulation (Approach-Black/Avoid-White vs. Avoid-

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Black/Approach-White; Kawakami et al., 2007, Experiment 1) and self-reported SDO. Participants were 41 Whites and 50 Blacks who participated in partial fulfillment of course requirements.

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Procedure and Materials After giving informed consent and being told that the study was about ―the effects of tension achieved by adopting different arm positions,‖ participants read instructions about the arm position task. The arm position task comprised 24 trials which were presented in a fixed random order. Within each trial, participants (a) adopted one of the two arm positions, (b) viewed the presented picture of a Black or White target, and (c) indicated their attitudes toward the picture. The two arm positions were ―Pull‖ and ―Push,‖ and computer instructions indicated which arm position to use. When the word ―Pull‖ appeared on the computer screen, participants were to use the palm of their dominant hand to pull upwards against the bottom edge of the table. When the word ―Push‖ appeared on the computer screen, participants were to use the palm of their dominant hand to push downwards against the top surface of the table. Each arm action was followed by a picture of a target. The picture presented, which remained on the computer screen for 5,000 ms, was drawn from a pool of photographs and sketches of 12 Black and 12 White faces adapted from the Project Implicit website (https://implicit.harvard.edu/). Participants maintained the arm tension while viewing each picture. To assess the effect of arm actions participants were asked to indicate their attitude toward the picture (1 = very bad, 7 = very good), using the computer keyboard with their nondominant hand while maintaining the arm tension. After participants indicated their attitudes and relaxed their arm, a new trial was presented. For the purposes of this research, the pictures and the arm orientations were orthogonally paired, so that participants were assigned to either an Approach-Black/Avoid-White (counter-stereotypic) condition or an AvoidBlack/Approach-White (stereotypic) condition (Kawakami et al., 2007, Experiment 1). Individual difference in ideological acceptance of the status quo was assessed on an eight-item Social Dominance Orientation scale (SDO; Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, and Malle, 1994), which included items like ―Inferior groups should stay in their place.‖ Importantly, SDO (median = 2.38, SD = 1.17) was not affected by the manipulation (t < .8). Finally, participants rated the exercise on pleasantness and effortfulness (which did not differ as a function of manipulation, ts < 1), provided demographic information and were debriefed, thanked, and dismissed.

RESULTS Whites‟ Racial Attitudes To determine whether high- and low-SDO Whites respond differently to the same counter-stereotypic manipulation, a series of hierarchical regression analyses was performed on liking for Black targets. The approach-avoidance manipulation (Approach-Black/AvoidWhite = 1 vs. Avoid-Black/Approach-White = 0) and self-reported SDO (z-transformed)

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were entered in the first step and the two-way interaction term was entered in the second step. As predicted, the effects of counter-stereotypic intervention depended on SDO as indicated by the interaction effect, β = -.36, p = .08, which was mainly driven by photographs of Blacks than sketches of Blacks, β = -.45, p = .03 and β = -.19, n.s., respectively. As shown in Figure 1, approaching Black targets (and avoiding White targets; i.e., the counter-stereotypic condition) was associated with decreased liking for Blacks, inasmuch as White participants‘ SDO, β = -.64, p = .01. On the other hand, when avoiding Black targets (and approaching White targets; i.e., the stereotypic condition), liking for Blacks was not related to White participants‘ SDO, β = .08, n.s.1

Figure 1. Whites‘ liking for Black faces as a function of approach-avoidance instructions and social dominance orientation. *p < .05.

Further examination highlighted the potential for paradoxical effects of the counterstereotypic intervention among high-SDO Whites but not among low-SDO Whites (as determined by a median split). Although the intervention only non-significantly increased liking for Black targets among low-SDO White participants, β = .23, n.s ., the intervention backfired among high-SDO White participants, β = -.53, p = .02. Approaching Black targets (vs. avoiding Black targets) did not result in more liking as per the standard embodiment effect but instead caused the high-SDO Whites to do the opposite. Approaching Blacks— itself being the concession to counter-stereotypic influences and the manifestation of antisystem tendencies—is incongruent with or otherwise threatening the belief structure 1

The counter-stereotypic intervention affected attitudes toward outgroup but not ingroup. Whites‘ liking for Whites was affected neither by the counter-stereotypic intervention, SDO, nor their interaction, ts < 1.6, n.s. Blacks‘ liking for Blacks was affected neither by the counter-stereotypic intervention nor its interaction with SDO, ts < -1.3, n.s., but revealed a main effect of SDO, β = .23, p < .05.

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regarding hierarchy. Perhaps in part to defend against counter-stereotypic and ideologically incongruent tendencies, high-SDO Whites reported less liking for Blacks.

Blacks‟ Racial Attitudes

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The findings for Black participants mirror those for White participants. The same series of hierarchical regression analyses was performed predicting Blacks‘ liking for White targets, which only yielded the predicted two-way interaction, β = .43, p < .05. As shown in Figure 2, avoiding White targets (and approaching Black targets; i.e., the counter-stereotypic condition) was associated with increased liking for Whites, inasmuch as Black participants‘ SDO, β = .40, p = .04. On the other hand, when approaching White targets (and avoiding Black targets; i.e., the stereotypic condition), liking for Whites was not related to Black participants‘ SDO. Further examination shows that low-SDO Black participants were receptive to counterstereotypic instances, yet high-SDO Black participants were resistant to change. Low-SDO Black participants decreased liking for Whites when avoiding (pushing) White targets than approaching (pulling) White targets, β = -.42, p = .04. On the other hand, high-SDO Black participants did not decrease yet, if anything, increased liking for Whites when avoiding (pushing) White targets, β = .32, p = .13.

Figure 2. Blacks‘ liking for White faces as a function of approach-avoidance instructions and social dominance orientation. *p < .05.

SDO predicted Black‘s increased pro-White attitudes when the induced orientations subverted the status hierarchy, via pushing away Whites who have enjoyed higher social status in the racial history of the United States. In addition, whereas the experimentally induced anti-White orientation carried over to the judgments made by low-SDO Blacks, highSDO Blacks if anything responded by expressing even stronger pro-White attitudes. Such

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paradoxical preference for Whites, though counterintuitive, resonates with recent demonstrations that low-status group members sometimes reveal positive attitudes toward high-status outgroups, especially on attitudinal measures that tap into implicit processes that individuals are not necessarily aware of (e.g., Rudman et al., 2002).

Ambivalence and Defense against Counter-Stereotypic Experiences According to system justification theory‘s notion about ideological dissonance (Jost, Pelham, Sheldon, and Sullivan, 2003), people hold on to pro-system attitudes in part because anti-system thoughts and behaviors are unpleasant or otherwise threatening. From this perspective, the paradoxical effects of the counter-stereotypic manipulations—Whites‘ defensive dissociation from Blacks and Blacks‘ defensive identification with Whites—may be related to the need to manage threat. Although this study did not directly assess threat, the observed paradoxical effects were found related to an index of conflict specifically ambivalence, which was assessed based on self-reported pleasantness and effortfulness of the arm task. Ambivalence predicted Whites‘ reduced liking for Blacks (r = -.51, p = .06) and Blacks‘ increased liking for Whites (r = .64, p < .001). Importantly, such relationships between ambivalence and the paradoxical, perhaps defensive effects occurred in the counterstereotypic condition but not in the stereotypic condition. Although future research is needed, findings suggest that the defense-like responses are related to ambivalence, perhaps its reduction.

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DISCUSSION Research on bodily feedback has shown that the effects of approach-avoidance arm actions can carry over to attitudes, and this action-to-attitude link has been applied as an intervention of prejudice reduction (Kawakami et al., 2007). On the other hand, research on system justification has demonstrated the disturbing degree to which people can maintain or even defend pro-system beliefs and attitudes. The current research shows that prejudice reduction through the action-to-attitude link cannot bypass (and can even strengthen) the influences of ideology. Counter-stereotypic experiences induced by bodily feedback did cause the predicted effects among low-SDOs, perhaps because the effects were consistent with the groups‘ ideological leanings. For high-SDOs, however, the manipulation elicited paradoxical consequences. High-SDO Whites reacted to the manipulation by lowering liking for Blacks, whereas high-SDO Blacks reacted to the manipulation by increasing liking for Whites. By expressing the opposite reactions from those predicted by the induced orientations, high-SDO Blacks and high-SDO Whites similarly bolstered their stereotypic, system-justifying views. We have been interpreting the findings as defensive processing of counter-stereotypic experiences. Accordingly, the self—including self-directed beliefs, standards and goals, concerns and threats, and also the ways in which the self relates to and positions within the word—is in part ideologically defined. Although people in general are not always aware of the influences of ideologies on the self, ideological selfways direct thoughts and conducts, towards or away form the positively sanctioned or the negatively sanctioned (Cheung and

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Hardin, 2010). One question concerns if there were counter-stereotypic experiences at all. For example, people may be able to defend against counter-stereotypic instances without ever experiencing any incongruent instances or threat, just as they can negate outright the validity of counter-stereotypic arguments, the typicality of counter-stereotypic exemplars, and potency of pro-Black interpersonal pressures (cf. Chaiken et al., 1996; Moreno and Bodenhausen, 1999). As such, it is possible that influences of the manipulated bodily feedback were rejected even before being processed. Future research may address this question, but it seems that ideological influences were recruited within the action-to-attitude sequence, after some initial processing of the imposed motor orientations. First, the effects of approach-avoidance arm movements require development. Whereas people can outright negate unwanted arguments and interpersonal pressures, the effects of approaching Blacks and avoiding Whites become meaningful only after some processing of the evaluative implications related to the paired stimuli. Second, the observed unintended consequences were as strong as estimated ambivalence, suggesting that the reversal of the counterstereotypic manipulation was functional to the reduction of ambivalence, threat, or conflicts between the imposed experiences and personally endorsed beliefs. Although defense against or repression of counter-stereotypic experiences requires perhaps a different combination of motivations and capabilities relative to defense against external counter-stereotypic pressures, people who are ideologically pro-system may well be more prepared to do so. After all, defense against ideologically deviant experiences is equally if not more important than defense against ideologically deviant influences, if people are to maintain their pro-system ideological outlook (Freud, 1930/2005; Fromm, 1941/1969).

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CONCLUSION The current research shows that ideologically based racial attitudes are robust against counter-stereotypic influences, including influences that are seemingly impenetrable. Indeed, people who endorsed pro-system ideologies did not merely sustain their racial attitudes in the face of the counter-stereotypic intervention, but amplified their stereotypic, system-justifying attitudes: High-SDO Whites expressed even stronger anti-Black attitudes in the face of proBlack experiences, and high-SDO Blacks expressed even stronger pro-White attitudes in the face of anti-White experiences. Both groups similarly transformed the counter-stereotypic experiences to the opposite, as if they had to be vigilant for being too pro-Black and too antiWhite. Hence, thoughts and feelings that potentially attenuate the ideologically defined Black-White relationships apparently can elicit repression-like adaptation, paradoxically leading to the pursuit of perennial racism.

AUTHOR‟S NOTE We wish to thank Bertram Gawronski, Margarita Krochik, Jojanneke van der Toorn for insightful comments; Alexandra Hanson for stylistic corrections; Chris Wilker for computer programming; and Dorca Casseus, Brendan Chometa, Beth Cohen, Adele Greenberg, Marcus John, Eddie Rahmey, and Ari Ziegler for assistance in data collection.

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REFERENCES Cacioppo, J. T., Priester, J. R., and Berntson, G. G. (1993). Rudimentary determinants of attitudes. II. Arm flexion and extension have differential effects on attitudes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65, 5–17. Chaiken, S., Giner-Sorolla, R., and Chen, S. (1996). Beyond accuracy: Defense and impression motives in heuristic and systematic information processing. In P. M. Gollwitzer and J. A. Bargh (Eds.), The psychology of action: Linking cognition and motivation to behavior (pp. 553-578). New York: Guilford. Cheung, R. M., and Hardin, C. D. (2010). Costs and benefits of political ideology: The case of economic self-stereotyping and stereotype threat. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 46, 729–734. Dovidio, J., and Gaertner, S. (1999). Reducing prejudice: Combating inter-group biases. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 8, 101–105. Freud, S. (2005). Civilization and its discontents. New York: Norton (Original work published 1930). Fromm, E. (1969). Escape from freedom. Canada: Holt (Original work published 1941). Hardin, C. D., Cheung, R. M., Magee, M. W., Noel, S., and Yoshimura, K. (in press). Interpersonal foundations of ideological thinking. In J. Hanson (Ed.), Ideology, Psychology, and Law. New York: Oxford University Press. Jackman, M. R. (1994). The velvet glove: Paternalism and conflict in gender, class, and race relations. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Jost, J. T., and Banaji, M. R. (1994). The role of stereotyping in system justification and the production of false consciousness. British Journal of Social Psychology, 22, 1–27. Jost, J. T., Banaji, M. R., and Nosek, B. A. (2004). A decade of system justification theory: Accumulated evidence of conscious and unconscious bolstering of the status quo. Political Psychology, 25, 881–920. Jost, J. T., Pelham, B. W., Sheldon, O., and Sullivan, B. N. (2003). Social inequality and the reduction of ideological dissonance on behalf of the system: Evidence of enhanced system justification among the disadvantaged. European Journal of Social Psychology, 33, 13–36. Kawakami, K., Dovidio, J. F., and Van Kamp, S. (2007). The impact of naive theories related to strategies to reduce biases and correction processes on the application of stereotypes. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 10, 141–158. Kawakami, K., Phills, C. E., Steele, J. R., and Dovidio, J. F. (2007). (Close) distance makes the heart grow fonder: Improving implicit racial attitudes and interracial interactions through approach behaviours. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92, 957– 971. Kunda, Z. (1990). The case for motivated reasoning. Psychological Bulletin, 108, 480–498. Major, B., Gramzow, R. H., McCoy, S. K., Levin, S., Schmader, T., and Sidanius, J. (2002). Perceiving personal discrimination: The role of group status and legitimizing ideology. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82, 269–282. Markman, A. B., and Brendl, C. M. (2005). Constraining theories of embodied cognition. Psychological Science, 16, 6–10.

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Moreno, K. N., and Bodenhausen, G. V. (1999). Resisting stereotype change: The role of motivation and attentional capacity in defending social beliefs. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 2, 5–16. Newport, F. (2008, November 7). Americans see Obama election as race relations milestone. Retrieved on 10/26/2009 from http://www.gallup.com/poll/111817/americans-seeobama-election-race-relations-milestone.aspx. Overbeck, J., Jost, J. T., Mosso, C., and Flizik, A. (2004). Resistant vs. acquiescent responses to group inferiority as a function of social dominance orientation in the USA and Italy. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 7, 35–54. Pratto, F., Sidanius, J., Stallworth, L. M., and Malle, B. F. (1994). Social dominance orientation: A personality variable relevant to social roles and intergroup relations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67, 741–763. Rudman, L. A., Feinberg, J., and Fairchild, K. (2002). Minority members‘ implicit attitudes: Automatic ingroup bias as a function of group status. Social Cognition, 20, 294–320.

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Chapter 12

EXISTENTIAL INTANGIBLE HERITAGE TOURISM AND THE INNATE TENDENCIES OF A SOCIAL IDENTITY Miguel Vidal González CIPFP Misericordia, Valencia, Spain

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ABSTRACT This short communication seeks to examine the relationship between existential intangible tourism and the innate tendencies of a social identity. Social identity includes innate tendencies but Globalization fosters a developing process where these innate identity tendencies are undervalued. As a result, these innate tendencies are better represented in some still alive traditions. This existential authenticity is predominant in developing countries, as developed ones follow a homogenization process due to globalization. Accordingly, there is an increasing existential intangible heritage tourism from developed countries to developing ones searching to enhance their innate identity tendencies. Therefore rises a cosmopolitan identity as a multidimensional identity. In this short communication Japanese Flamenco tourism is used to shed light on the theme in general.

Keywords: existential tourism, heritage, identity.

INTRODUCTION Social sciences have been based on a model regarding the human factor known as the Standard Social Science Model. According to this, most of the human mind is fundamentally a blank slate onto which education and environmental conditions record their conditioning elements. 

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Nevertheless, recently, a hypothesis about the human factor, characterized by the static character of man‘s cognitive capacity (Chomsky, 1957, Wilson, 1975, Cosmides and Tooby, 1995, Pinker, 2003), questions the scientific model on which the whole of the social sciences, have been based. In this sense, contrary to what the SSSM proposed, innate cognitive presupposes that the human mind contains complex combination mechanisms that are inherent and only evolve slowly throughout evolutionary time, measured in tens of thousands of years. Thus, in historical time, those substantial changes cannot occur, providing the human mind‘s fundamental tendencies with a permanent character. This is emphatically summarised in the expression ―that, genetically, humans are still Pleistocene hunter-gatherers‖ (van den Bergh and Stagl, 2003; 312). Further ahead, emotions are also innate tendencies (Goleman, 1996). This short communication seeks to propose a theoretical framework about the relationship between existential intangible heritage tourism and the innate tendencies of a social identity, in order to provide foundation for further research.

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DISCUSSION Globalization fosters an homogenization process. This homogenization process is more intense in developed countries. Generally speaking, development and progress is related to rationalism while un-development is linked to emotions. Therefore these innate ―emotional‖ identity tendencies are undervalued in developed countries and become less important in their social identities. In that sense social identities in developed countries do not contribute to emphasize those tendencies. But, as innate ones, some people feel the necessity to strengthen them. As a result, some people perceive that ―authentic‖ experiences should be reached outside the globalization process. In that sense there is a relationship between authenticity and intangible heritage in developing countries. Mayor Zaragoza denies the general perception of a relationship between intangible heritage and developing countries (Morán, 2010), but ―excusatio non petita accusatio manifesta‖. Some developed countries, as Japan, have some intangible heritage recognized by UNESCO. However, when intangible heritage places are in concern, we mostly understand that we face ―still alive‖ traditions in developing countries but ―protected‖ traditions in developed ones. In this sense, ―authentic‖ has a strong correlation with restrictedness, and uniqueness (Teo and Yeoh 1997). In the existential intangible heritage tourism, distance reinforces authenticity. Consequently, both distances, physical and psychological, reinforce authenticity. Developing countries provide both distances to tourists from developed ones. In another sense, it has been said that, the more authentic heritage will attract tourist from greater distances (McKercher 2001), but in fact the distance is a part of the authenticity, and distance will reinforce the authenticity in a double way; because distance reinforces exclusivity, and because distance provides the idea of the search for the survival of authenticity in a global and more homogeneous world. Those tourist search an ―existential authenticity‖ (Wang, 1999:351) which is more intense than an experience authenticity. This existential authenticity becomes so intense in some cases that become part of their identities.

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Accordingly, there is an increasing existential intangible heritage tourism from developed countries to developing ones searching to enhance their ―emotional‖ innate identity tendencies. As a result, there is a ―role of existential intangible heritage tourism when building cosmopolitan identity‖ (Vidal, 2008). On the globalization framework raises an emergent ―project identity‖ (Castells 2000), an open process that understands that the global world provides opportunities by which one choose identity roots in different countries. The ―distant proximity‖ (Rosenau, 1996) of globalization provides social identities that are increasingly interdependent. As a result, in the global environment a person can have diverse identifications coming together from different countries to build an inclusive identity. Similarly, Beck (2004) notes the Second Modernity as a cosmopolitan one, with experiences worldwide becoming a structural component when building this form of personal identity. A person can have diverse identifications coming together from different countries to build an inclusive identity. In this sense, the liaison between identity and locality vanishes. As a result, intangible heritages can provide an identity source dissociated with local places, thus becoming existential tourism. This cosmopolitan personal identity shares diverse social identities coming from different countries. Further ahead, it can now be said with a degree of confidence that for those existential tourists those cosmopolitan identities are asymmetric, sharing some rational elements from social identities in developed countries and some emotional elements from social identities in developing countries. In this short communication Japanese Flamenco tourism is used to shed light on the theme in general. Flamenco became UNESCO intangible heritage in 2010. The wide impact of Spanish Flamenco in Japan, which has never been studied deeply enough, represents a study case about a technophile country searching for a lost soul in an ―authentic‖ intangible heritage from a distant country. With more than 300 flamenco schools and over 30,000 students each year, the flamenco population in Japan is the largest in the world (Otsuka, 2001), overtaking even Spain. Some of those people travel frequently to Spain to immerse in Flamenco. Those existential tourists search a deep integration in the tradition, involving a previous and posterior interaction. At the same time, some of them travel year after year to Spain. Flamenco provides them an outlet to express emotions that are inhibited in their country. As a result Flamenco becomes part of their identities. In that sense their cosmopolitan identity is a multidimensional identity. It is expected that the framework proposed in this research note will provide theoretical foundation for further research. As a note concerning ―research in progress‖, there is much scope for future studies.

REFERENCES Beck, U. (2004). Poder y Contra-Poder en la era global. Barcelona: Editorial Paidós. Castells, M. (2000). La era de la información. La sociedad red. Madrid : Alianza Editorial. Chomsky, Noam (1957), Syntactic Structures, The Hague, Mouton. Cosmides, L and Tooby, J (1995): Cognitive adaptations for social exchange. En: The Adapted Mind. Evolutionary Psychology and the Generation of Culture. New York. University Press.

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Goleman, D. (1996). Emotional Intelligence: Why it can matter more than IQ. New York: Bantam Books Psychology. Morán, C. (2010) El patrimonio es más que piedra. Madrid. El País. 30-11-2010. Otsuka, Y. (2001). Historia del Flamenco. (http://www.eunavi.com). Pinker, S (2003, a): The blank slate: the modern denial of human nature. London. Penguin Books. Van den Bergh, J y Stagl, S (2003): Coevolution of economic behaviour and institutions: towars a theory of institutional change. Journal of Evolutionary Economics, volum 13, number 3. August 2003. Vidal, M. (2008) Intangible heritage tourism and identity. Tourism Management 29(4):807810. Wang, N. (1999). Rethinking Authenticity in Tourism Experience. Annals of Tourism Research, 26, 349–370. Wilson, E.O (1975): Sociobiology. The new synthesis. Cambridge. Harvard University Press.

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INDEX # 20th century, 92, 101, 162

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A abstraction, 54, 77 abuse, 35, 36, 44, 70, 73, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 85, 86 access, 8, 53, 100, 131, 166, 187 accountability, 48, 58 accounting, 63 accreditation, 154 acculturation, 103, 105, 106 adaptation, 11, 12, 98, 200 adaptations, 205 adjustment, 44, 158 administrative support, 110, 150 administrators, 149 adolescents, 27, 30, 32, 43, 44, 45, 152, 155, 156, 157, 171, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 184, 185, 186, 189, 191 adulthood, 17, 30, 32, 41, 42, 156, 160, 161 adults, 22, 27, 35, 43, 45, 81, 147, 152, 155, 165, 171, 172, 179, 189 aesthetic, 47, 51, 55, 60, 61, 64, 66 aesthetics, 47 affective experience, 194 affirming, 134 African Americans, 136 age, 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 10, 15, 19, 21, 30, 32, 33, 44, 52, 65, 89, 95, 138, 146, 155 ageing population, 20 agencies, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, 57, 62 aggression, 70, 78 aggressiveness, 83 aging identity, 5 aging population, 3 aging process, 11

agriculture, 100, 101, 102, 106 AIDS, 142 allocated time, 14 ambivalence, 199, 200 American Educational Research Association, 159 American Psychiatric Association, 42 American Psychological Association, 171 amputation, 9 analytical framework, 5 anger, 15, 79, 83, 170 Anglo-democracies, vii anthropology, 61, 92, 146 anxiety, 8, 12, 15, 35, 77, 83, 167 apex, 53 appraisals, 190, 191, 192 architect, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67 architects, 47, 49, 50, 51, 53, 55, 56, 57, 60, 61, 64 Aristotle, 52, 53, 54, 57, 60, 66 arthritis, 6, 7 articulation, 78, 138 Asia, 91 assassination, 130 assault, 73, 102 assertiveness, 16 assessment, 6, 7, 8, 15, 17, 45, 190 assessment procedures, 17 assimilation, 93, 98, 106, 116 asthma, 7 athletes, 163, 165, 168, 169, 172, 173 attachment, 69, 72, 74, 77, 116, 123, 137, 185, 191 attachment theory, 74 Australian society, 73 authenticity, 48, 135, 203, 204 authority, 48 autonomy, 6, 7, 11, 15, 58, 60, 62, 64, 65, 106 aversion, 153 avoidance, 138, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200 awareness, 7, 16, 18, 71, 77, 78, 85, 170, 183, 189

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Index B

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banks, 92 base, 3, 25, 26, 35, 40, 41, 53, 54, 55, 56, 60, 61, 98, 99, 101, 115, 116, 145, 161, 175, 176 baths, 3 beginning teachers, 160 behaviors, 26, 27, 29, 31, 32, 33, 39, 41, 72, 164, 199 benefits, 38, 40, 55, 60, 131, 149, 170, 171, 201 bias, 35, 44, 50, 58, 170, 202 bilingualism, 161 biotic, 99 Blacks, 130, 135, 136, 137, 193, 194, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200 blame, 71 blood, 79 body image, 170 body shape, 9 bonding, 70, 80, 83 bonds, 77, 137, 195 border crossing, x, xv bounds, 12, 136 boxer, 166 Brazil, 142 breeding, 101, 103 Britain, 21 burnout, 154, 158 business processes, 120 businesses, 55 C campaigns, 62 cancer, 6 career development, 162 caregivers, 10, 16, 17 caregiving, 3, 10 Caribbean, 132 case studies, 109, 110, 111, 123, 160 categorization, 32, 48, 105, 164, 173 categorization theory, 164, 173 Catholic Church, 51 causality, 154 CBS, 173 Census, 130, 142, 143 cerebral palsy, 167 certification, 117, 120, 150, 157 chaos, 65, 85 character traits, 167 Chicago, 20, 23, 41, 57, 67, 88, 125, 141, 161, 191 childhood, 30, 185, 191, 192 children, 15, 69, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 136, 141, 147, 148, 157, 167, 172, 185, 190, 191, 192

Christianity, 107 chronic illness, 23 cities, 100, 102 citizenship, xiv, 36, 41, 76, 88, 130, 139 City, 41, 141, 193 clarity, 6, 27, 115 class size, 150 classes, 146, 148, 176, 177 classification, 38, 135, 141, 155, 160, 191 classroom, 49, 149, 154, 157, 158, 162 classroom management, 149, 158 classroom teacher, 162 classroom teachers, 162 clients, 14, 17, 64, 117, 135 climate, 35, 51, 99 close relationships, 74 closure, 72 clothing, 10 cluster analysis, 115 coaches, 73 coding, 71, 76 cognition, 96, 164, 172, 201 cognitive abilities, 7 cognitive capacity, 204 cognitive development, 184 cognitive dimension, 179, 183 cognitive function, 9 cognitive map, 109, 110, 113, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 122, 123, 124 cognitive perspective, 189 cognitive process, 185, 190 cognitive representations, 113 coherence, 20, 64 collaboration, 17, 116, 121, 147, 149 college students, 44, 159, 168, 173 colleges, 176 colonization, 91, 99, 100, 102, 104, 105, 106 color, iv, xi, 36, 41, 49, 114, 131, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142, 167 commerce, 116, 117 commodity, 56, 103 common sense, 58 communication, vii, ix, 9, 32, 57, 81, 84, 95, 96, 106, 112, 120, 121, 123, 203, 204, 205 communication technologies, 57, 112, 121, 123 communities, 11, 29, 38, 62, 92, 93, 94, 95, 99, 100, 102, 103, 134, 135, 136, 137, 157 community, 7, 29, 34, 35, 37, 38, 47, 61, 92, 93, 99, 103, 113, 115, 116, 120, 124, 132 comorbidity, 7 compassion, 167 competition, xiii, xiv, 57, 58 competitiveness, 60, 63

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Index complexity, viii, 13, 29, 76, 93, 98, 105, 135 compliance, 8 complications, 6 composition, 52, 134 comprehension, 1, 93, 95, 96, 98, 104, 105 computation, 176 computer, 110, 196, 200 computer systems, 110 concept map, 111, 113, 114, 120, 121, 124 conception, 3, 51, 52, 57, 71, 77, 84, 164, 166, 176 conceptual model, 142 conceptualization, 33, 48, 51, 58, 60, 61, 62, 65, 121, 132, 161, 163, 164 Concise, 106 concordance, 27 conditioning, 203 conference, 126, 150 confessions, 79 configuration, 77, 85 conflict, 48, 49, 57, 58, 65, 82, 83, 172, 189, 191, 199, 201 conformity, 16, 48, 62 confrontation, 10, 65, 73 congruence, 151, 153, 155 conscientiousness, 184 consciousness, x, 18, 76, 92, 133, 141, 201 consensus, 149 consent, 196 conservation, 93 consolidation, 106 construction, 5, 11, 36, 41, 43, 48, 53, 55, 73, 77, 80, 86, 95, 104, 110, 111, 112, 120, 121, 123, 125, 133, 137, 189, 190, 191 constructivism, 62, 147 consulting, 154 consumers, 102 consumption, 103 containers, 117, 123 content analysis, 115, 173, 176 contradiction, 165 conversations, 17 cooking, 6, 12 cooperation, 73 correlation, 96, 154, 190, 204 cost, 57, 138 counseling, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 80, 82, 84, 86 covering, 168 creative process, 53 creativity, 57, 58, 60, 63, 65 crimes, 35, 41, 42, 43, 80 criminals, 136 critical analysis, 44, 129 critical period, 158

criticism, 8, 54, 61, 70, 74 cultural affiliation, 116 cultural differences, 98 cultural identities, 64 cultural influence, 101 cultural memory, 99 cultural practices, 137 cultural singularity, xiv cultural tradition, 92, 104 cultural values, 55, 136 cultural-historical psychology, 147 culture, 5, 14, 31, 34, 38, 45, 50, 52, 61, 62, 64, 66, 67, 73, 74, 77, 86, 89, 92, 94, 98, 100, 103, 142, 146, 151, 168 cure, 78 currency, 2, 106 current limit, 131 curricula, 49, 66 curriculum, 49, 150 customer relations, 110 cycles, 94 D daily living, 4, 7 data analysis, 73 data collection, 29, 114, 200 database, 162, 184 deconstruction, 88 defence, 62 deficit, 136 Delta, 162 democracy, x demography, 1, 2 demonstrations, 199 denial, 85, 206 Department of Education, 150, 161, 162 depression, 35, 163, 170 depth, 104 designers, 47 destruction, 55 detection, 113 determinism, 74, 166 developed countries, 203, 204, 205 developing countries, 40, 203, 204, 205 developmental milestones, 25, 33 developmental psychology, 43, 176 diabetes, 6 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 29 dichotomy, 35, 40, 50 diffusion, 31, 112 directors, 157

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disability, ix, xi, 1, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 163, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173 disclosure, 74, 79, 85, 134, 138 discontinuity, 8, 13, 16, 17, 111 discrimination, 34, 35, 37, 38, 42, 43, 63, 131, 135, 195, 201 diseases, 103 disgust, 71, 84 displacement, 72 disposition, 103 dissatisfaction, 155 dissociation, 194, 199 dissonance, 13, 199, 201 distress, 73, 158 distribution, 149 diversity, 41, 42, 48, 49, 55, 64, 65, 66, 75, 91, 92, 105, 137, 142 division of inequality, ix DOI, 160 domestic violence, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74, 85, 86, 88 dominance, 16, 74, 81, 124, 193, 197, 198, 202 drawing, 6, 115 dream, 186, 188, 189 drugs, 76 dualism, 49

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E echoing, 61 ecology, 96 e-commerce, 116 economic behaviour, 206 economic change, 4 economic cycle, 103 economic development, 100 ecosystem, 95 education, 51, 57, 61, 63, 116, 136, 142, 146, 149, 150, 152, 157, 158, 159, 161, 192, 203 educational background, 130 educational policy, 161 educators, 37, 51, 54, 148, 149, 150, 155, 157, 158, 161 egalitarianism, 103, 193, 195 egg, 82 elaboration, 177 elders, 2 election, 130, 202 elementary school, 191 elk, 101 emergency, 12 emotion, 78, 87, 88, 130 emotional experience, 73

emotional state, 77, 190 emotionality, 69, 70, 71, 77, 78, 82, 85 empathy, 104 empirical studies, 151, 153 employment, 63, 134, 149, 152, 155 employment opportunities, 149 empowerment, 37, 42, 129, 134, 139, 140, 141 energy, 6 enforcement, 106 engineering, 47, 55, 63 England, 38, 42, 56, 88, 142, 158, 161 enrollment, 150 environment, 1, 2, 5, 9, 12, 13, 16, 35, 38, 48, 52, 55, 61, 66, 95, 103, 109, 110, 123, 133, 146, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 159, 175, 205 environmental conditions, 203 environmentalism, 47, 49, 56, 61, 112 Environment-Behavior Relations (EBR), 54 epistemology, 50, 52, 53, 55, 57, 59, 60, 62, 64, 141 equality, 49, 73, 81, 85, 155 equilibrium, 5, 93 equity, xv, 159 erosion, 92 ethics, 47, 49, 55, 61, 66 ethnic culture, 99 ethnic diversity, 91 ethnic groups, 91, 92, 93, 104, 105 ethnic minority, 136 ethnicity, 36, 41, 92, 105, 130, 135, 138, 139, 141, 142, 147 ethnographic study, 112 Europe, xv, 23 everyday life, viii, xiii, xiv, 17, 22, 45, 71 evidence, 33, 38, 40, 44, 45, 49, 80, 98, 99, 110, 116, 121, 124, 136, 148, 167, 190, 201 evolution, 116 exclusion, 135 exercise, 74, 151, 152, 163, 171, 196 expertise, 47, 51, 60, 65, 117, 121, 123, 124, 148 exploitation, 51 exposure, 80 extraction, 94 F failure to thrive, 7 faith, 62 false belief, 166 families, 6, 11, 15, 38, 103, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140, 141, 142, 143, 166 family life, 70, 72, 73, 77, 84 family members, 6, 7, 13, 15, 16, 17, 138 family studies, 141

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Index family system, 75 family therapy, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 86 famine, 102 fantasy, 75, 76, 77 farmers, 39, 99, 100, 103, 105 fear, 69, 70, 83 federal government, 56 feelings, 8, 11, 13, 17, 18, 26, 32, 38, 71, 74, 77, 79, 121, 166, 185, 188, 200 female partner, 72, 83 femininity, 76, 83, 168 feminism, 40, 112, 141 fertility, 136 filters, 77, 94 financial, 37, 56, 78, 82 financial resources, 37 fine arts, 47 fishing, 101, 103 flexibility, 28, 32, 162 fluid, 25, 27, 32, 34, 72 fluid relations of identity construction, vii focus groups, 147 food, 11, 102, 106 football, 73 force, 62, 151, 194, 195 foreclosure, 31 foreign language, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 153, 154, 159, 161, 162 formal sector, 17 formation, vii, 25, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 44, 54, 70, 91, 92, 95, 96, 100, 104, 106, 146, 147, 171 foundations, 100, 201 fragility, 80 fragments, 99, 140 framing, 5, 74, 169 France, 52, 172, 190 free market economy, 51, 56 freedom, 6, 11, 50, 56, 57, 81, 92, 201 Freud, 71, 195, 200, 201 friendship, 148 funding, 14 G gait, 10 gay men, 38, 41, 42 gender differences, 31, 155, 191 gender identity, 26 general education, 146 geography, 91, 100 geometry, 51, 52 Georgia, 145, 150, 154, 155, 159

Germany, 162, 172 gerontology, 5, 22 gifted, 51 Glaser and Strauss, 15 globalization, 40, 203, 204, 205 God, 56 good behavior, 84 governance, 159 governments, 63 grass, 62 grassroots, 159 Great Britain, 21 Green movement, xv grounding, 61 group identification, 94, 100 group identity, 48, 95, 96, 130 group membership, 32, 164 growth, 3, 92, 101 guidance, 81, 147, 152, 154, 157, 158 guidance counselors, 157 guidelines, 14 guilty, 84 H habitat, 98, 101, 102, 106 habitats, 55, 102 hair, 10, 168 harassment, 35, 36 harmony, 60, 155 hate crime, 35, 42, 43 Hawaii, 126 healing, 85 health, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 14, 15, 17, 20, 35, 36, 42, 43, 44, 45, 51, 62, 63, 74, 80, 81, 136, 141, 163, 165, 168, 171 health care, 5, 9, 63 health care professionals, 9 health condition, 166 health problems, 35 hegemony, 82, 172 heredity, 151 heterosexuality, 27, 28, 31, 34, 39, 43, 71, 74, 88 heterosexuals, 38 high school, 155, 157, 158 higher education, 142, 150 highlands, 99 Hispanics, 130 history, 9, 36, 38, 39, 49, 51, 57, 65, 66, 71, 104, 132, 136, 139, 142, 198 HIV, 142 HIV/AIDS, 142 hobby, 39

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home care services, 1, 2, 13 homes, 2, 3, 11, 15 homosexuality, 28, 29, 37, 42, 45 hospitalization, 83 host, 14, 151 hostility, 37, 65, 133 House, 12, 56, 67, 107, 125, 126 housing, 12, 17, 22 human, 5, 20, 43, 48, 52, 53, 61, 74, 76, 80, 88, 95, 102, 103, 146, 147, 151, 169, 203, 204, 206 human activity, 95 human agency, 147 human condition, 74 human development, 146 human nature, 206 human sciences, 88 humanism, 49 hunter-gatherers, 204 hunting, 91, 94, 100, 101, 102, 103, 106 husband, 78, 83 husbandry, 91, 101, 103, 105 hybrid, 92, 99 hygiene, 8, 9 hypothesis, 35, 71, 80, 154, 204 hypothetico-deductive, 74

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I Iceland, 101 ideal, 28, 50, 58, 60, 76, 98, 151, 170, 172 idealism, 63 ideals, 51, 58, 77, 103, 154, 170 identification, 28, 29, 30, 34, 38, 48, 79, 91, 94, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 105, 106, 109, 110, 111, 114, 123, 124, 132, 171, 195, 199 identity politics, 130 identity-politics, viii ideology, 48, 62, 64, 75, 193, 194, 195, 199, 201 idiosyncratic, 48, 164 illusion, 85 image, 18, 48, 53, 55, 67, 76, 80, 93, 106, 116, 170, 172, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 190 imagery, 73 images, 53, 54, 57, 60, 64, 65, 97, 102, 114, 136, 168, 170, 189 imagination, 53, 54, 55, 57, 60, 66, 92, 135, 142 immersion, 47, 146, 154, 160 immigrants, 146 immigration, 135, 136 impairments, 172 incarceration, 136 income, 9, 149, 166

independence, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 11, 12, 13, 17 Independence, 3, 19, 21 independent living, 4 indigenous peoples, 92, 100, 106 individual character, 164 individual characteristics, 164 individual differences, 31, 193, 194, 195 individualism, 48, 60, 103 individuality, 58, 63 individualization, 92, 94 individuals, 3, 4, 6, 8, 12, 13, 15, 16, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 48, 58, 74, 92, 111, 112, 113, 129, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 139, 142, 147, 148, 149, 150, 153, 154, 155, 157, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 199 individuation, 111 induction, 150 industry, 48, 124 inequality, 131, 159, 201 inferiority, 202 information processing, 201 information technology, 110, 111, 114 informed consent, 196 infrastructure, 102, 120 ingest, 82 ingroup bias, 202 injuries, 83 injury, 35 inner world, 74, 175 insecurity, 185 institutional change, 206 institutions, 3, 51, 55, 57, 63, 111, 112, 135, 150, 206 instructional time, 150 integration, 69, 140, 172, 205 integrity, 94, 98, 123, 152 intelligence, 167 interaction effect, 197 interaction process, 105 interdependence, 6, 96, 137 interface, 94, 96, 101, 134, 135 interference, 11 intermediaries, 100 Internal Revenue Service, 135 interpersonal interactions, 15 interpersonal relations, 189 interpersonal relationships, 189 intervention, 74, 79, 84, 106, 194, 197, 199, 200 intimacy, 17, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 84, 85 irony, 55 isolation, 18, 27, 38, 41, 101 Israel, 171

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Index issues, 4, 5, 6, 18, 25, 26, 29, 35, 40, 44, 69, 71, 72, 73, 81, 83, 86, 88, 92, 132, 135, 149, 150, 163, 171 Italy, 163, 175, 176, 202 iteration, 154 J Japan, 204, 205 Java, 117 job dissatisfaction, 155 job satisfaction, 152, 155, 158 journalism, 171 journalists, 169 justification, 53, 194, 195, 199, 201 K kill, 79 Kinsey, 27, 28, 30, 43 kinship, 46

life course, 1, 4, 14, 132 life cycle, 42 life experiences, 38 life narrative, vii life quality, 166 light, vii, 26, 39, 50, 51, 53, 61, 112, 123, 135, 157, 203, 205 linguistics, 159 livestock, 91, 101, 103, 105 living arrangements, 18 localization, 98 loci, 66 locus, 38, 77 loneliness, 18, 163 longevity, 20, 157 longitudinal study, 32, 42, 158, 191 love, 18, 26, 42, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 113, 116, 137, 201 loyalty, 137, 195 lying, 19 M

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L labeling, 27, 28, 32 lack of control, 150 landscape, 61, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 138 landscapes, 99, 101 language proficiency, 135 language skills, 148 languages, 120, 146, 148, 150, 154, 161, 192 later life, 1, 2, 5, 19 Latinos, 141, 142 laws, 51, 81 layering, 134 lead, 6, 8, 12, 16, 19, 39, 61, 63, 130, 131, 138, 155, 167, 168, 195 learners, 146 learning, 10, 16, 18, 49, 52, 67, 116, 146, 154, 161, 179, 194 learning outcomes, 179 learning process, 179 legend, 53 legislation, 62, 149 legs, 9 leisure, 14 leisure time, 14 lens, 38, 40, 93, 123, 159 LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender), 28 liberty, 11, 49 lichen, 99

magazines, 12, 76, 115, 168 magnitude, 147 majority, 31, 130, 137, 179 man, 57, 74, 78, 79, 80, 81, 84, 93, 130, 141, 204 management, 9, 15, 17, 20, 37, 39, 57, 63, 76, 94, 98, 99, 103, 113, 149, 158, 163, 168, 171, 172, 173 manipulation, 195, 196, 199, 200 mapping, 109, 110, 113, 123, 124 marginalization, 130, 131, 134, 135, 136, 137 market economy, 51, 56 marketplace, 50, 51, 56, 57, 60, 62, 64, 110 marriage, 35, 78, 80, 84, 142 Marx, 62 Maryland, 19 masculinity, 69, 70, 71, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88 mass, ix materials, 153 mathematics, 150 matrix, 83 matter, 28, 48, 52, 58, 63, 66, 206 meaning systems, 73 measurement, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 104 measurements, 30 media, 3, 71, 166, 168, 169, 170, 172, 173 median, 196, 197 mediation, 80 medical, 6, 9, 15 medical history, 9 medication, 12

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Index

medicine, 65 melt, 124 membership, 32, 48, 95, 131, 132, 164 memory, 51, 69, 72, 76, 77, 79, 86, 99 mental disorder, 35 mental health, 35, 36, 42, 43, 44, 80, 163, 166 mental representation, 113 mental retardation, 171 mentoring, 150 mentorship, 148 Mercury, 117 messages, 37 meta-analysis, 30, 35, 43 metaphor, 54 methodology, 27, 48, 57, 73, 124 metropolitan areas, 38 Mexico, 40, 141 Miami, 141 migration, 38, 39, 40, 42, 46, 130, 132, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142 military, 100, 105, 157 minorities, 25, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 40, 50, 105, 106, 136, 139 mission, 93 models, 3, 25, 30, 32, 35, 37, 50, 74, 94, 102, 105 moderates, 60 modern society, 87, 112 modernism, 49, 57 modernity, 57, 66, 70, 71, 72 modifications, 12 moral imperative, 55, 61 morality, 95, 104 moratorium, 31 morphology, 91 Moscow, 100, 104, 106, 107 mother tongue, 105 motivation, 17, 95, 114, 151, 158, 170, 201, 202 moving flows, vii Mozambique, 126 multiculturalism, 49, 62, 66 multidimensional, 31, 46, 101, 140, 203, 205 multimedia, 120, 121, 123 multiple sclerosis, 88 multiples, 71 muscles, 168 music, 51 My Own Private Idaho, xiv N naming, 19 narcissism, 76 narratives, 13, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 78, 80, 82, 85, 136

National Center for Education Statistics, 149, 158, 161 national character, 92 national origin, 135 National Research Council, 148, 161 nationality, 135 natural resources, 99 needy, 10 negative consequences, 35 negative experiences, 195 negotiating, 8, 18, 131, 132, 133, 134, 137, 139, 140 Netherlands, 22 networking, 112, 149 New England, 38, 42 New Hampshire primary, 130 New South Wales, 69, 78, 88 New Zealand, 1, 13, 19 next generation, 155 No Child Left Behind, 150, 161, 162 nomadic life style, 104 North America, 146, 148, 149, 154 nurses, 7 nurturance, 74 nutrient, 96 O Obama, 130, 202 Obama, Barack, 130 obesity, 163 objectification, 138 oceans, 99 OECD countries, 1, 2, 3 Oedipus complex, 74 OH, 158 old age, 2, 5, 6, 10, 15, 19 omission, 49 one dimension, 27 One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest, xiv online learning, 116 opportunities, 5, 39, 131, 135, 148, 149, 151, 153, 205 oppression, 36, 129, 131, 132, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 170 optimism, 194 organ, 31 organize, 81, 111, 141, 175 osteoporosis, 171 otherness, 70 overlap, 27, 104, 136 overweight, 163 ownership, 78

Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Index

Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

P pain, 6, 166 painters, 51, 53 paints, 150 paradigm shift, 110, 124 parallel, 92 paralysis, 9 parental support, 148 parents, 44, 80, 81, 137, 147, 151, 179, 185, 190 participants, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 28, 29, 37, 38, 133, 134, 137, 138, 154, 165, 166, 170, 175, 179, 193, 194, 196, 197, 198 pasture, 101 pathology, 5 peace, 73 pedagogy, 158, 161 perceived self-efficacy, 158 permit, 70 perpetrators, 69, 70, 81, 82, 86, 88 personal contact, 14 personal hygiene, 8, 9 personal identity, 11, 48, 164, 205 personal life, 78 personal qualities, 17 personal relations, 87, 164 personal relationship, 87, 164 personality, 83, 92, 93, 96, 97, 98, 100, 104, 105, 145, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 160, 189, 202 personality type, 151, 153 persons with disabilities, 166, 170 phenomenology, 50 phenotype, 135 phenotypes, 137 Philadelphia, 43, 125, 162 photographs, 168, 196, 197 physical abuse, 44, 83 physical activity, 163, 165, 171, 172, 173 physical attractiveness, 172 physical environment, 151 physical health, 35, 42 physicians, 65 physics, 113 playing, 80 pleasure, 80 pluralism, 161 police, 62 policy, 1, 2, 5, 14, 73, 76, 88, 106, 135, 143, 161 political affiliations, 137 politics, 38, 64, 71, 72, 86, 88, 130, 141, 142 population, 2, 13, 17, 38, 93, 99, 100, 101, 103, 106, 107, 130, 143, 166, 171, 205 population density, 100, 101

215

portfolio, 110 positive attitudes, 195, 199 positive feedback, 165 positivism, 62, 74 poverty, 56, 142 practical knowledge, 51, 52 pragmatism, 63, 146 precipitation, 99 predators, 103 pregnancy, 136 prejudice, 35, 163, 169, 173, 194, 195, 199, 201 preparation, 11, 157 preservation, 92, 95 president, 130 prestige, 62 prevention, 42 primacy, 135 principles, 171, 194 problem solving, 147 problem-solving, 55 professionalism, 47, 49, 51, 56, 58, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 160 professionalization, 51 professionals, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 15, 37, 51, 58, 60, 62, 63, 67, 109, 110, 113, 114, 117, 121, 123, 124, 135 profit, 60, 131 programming, 120, 200 programming languages, 120 project, 49, 56, 86, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117, 120, 121, 124, 179, 205 proliferation, 71 proposition, 184 protection, 83, 94 prototype, 48 prototypes, 48 psychological development, 175 psychological distress, 158 psychological processes, 46, 187 psychological self, 88 psychological states, 149, 170 psychologist, 145, 146, 147 psychology, 42, 43, 44, 54, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 91, 95, 132, 147, 164, 171, 175, 176, 194, 201 psychosis, 79 psychosocial development, 30 psychotherapy, 71, 191 PTSD, 35 public domain, 50 public interest, 62 public sector, 62 public service, 47 public television, 166 Puerto Rico, 134

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216

Index

punishment, 82 purity, 101 Q qualitative research, 85 quality control, 116, 117 quality of life, 38, 41, 165, 166, 171, 172 quantitative research, 88 Quartz, 150, 161 queer theory, 36, 38, 40, 41 query, 130 questioning, 29, 31, 32, 44, 74 questionnaire, 176, 177, 179, 180

Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

R race, 36, 41, 73, 95, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 138, 139, 141, 142, 193, 201, 202 racial minorities, 36 racism, 38, 131, 140, 200 rape, 83 rationality, 53 reactions, 29, 167, 173, 199 reading, 2, 80, 82, 150, 185 reality, 8, 18, 33, 41, 73, 78, 83, 85, 94, 96, 98 reasoning, 14, 201 reception, 178 recognition, 3, 4, 44, 49, 115, 116, 117, 120, 121 reconciliation, 84, 85 reconstruction, 56 recovery, 71, 72, 78, 85 recovery process, 71 reform, 23, 65 Reform, 106, 107 refugee status, ix regression, 196, 198 regulations, 63 regulatory requirements, 55, 62 rehabilitation, 171 rejection, 32, 105, 137 relational dimension, 6, 183 relatives, 80, 81, 178, 179 relevance, 44, 52, 167 reliability, 48 religion, 56, 105 religious beliefs, 76 religious feast, 104 religious identities, ix renaissance, 44 René Descartes, 56 repair, 80 reparation, 11

repression, 200 repulsion, 195 reputation, 191 requirements, 51, 54, 55, 63, 102, 103, 196 researchers, 4, 7, 13, 27, 29, 37, 38, 39, 92, 96, 99, 110, 113, 137, 146, 148, 164, 165, 167, 169, 170 resentment, 48, 62, 84 reserves, 100, 102, 106 resettlement, 100, 106 resilience, 134 resistance, 8, 28, 29, 66, 83, 101, 106, 112, 117, 138, 140, 173 resolution, 58 resources, 10, 37, 93, 94, 99, 103, 147, 150, 165 respiratory problems, 6 response, 9, 12, 18, 28, 29, 30, 50, 134, 159, 184, 191 restrictions, 50, 93 retardation, 171 retirement, 1, 2, 5, 149 rewards, 18, 62, 131, 153 rhetoric, 62 rhythm, 14 rights, 34, 130, 141 risk, 4, 6, 16, 35, 43, 103, 136 romantic relationship, 32 romanticism, 49 root, 101 roots, 36, 62, 98, 101, 145, 163, 166, 205 routes, 102 routines, 4, 14 rugby, 172 rules, 1, 4, 16, 71 rural areas, 37, 38 rural population, 99 Russia, 91, 100, 103, 106, 107 S sadism, 79 safety, 11, 63, 130 scarcity, 31 schema, 48, 58, 64, 113 scholarship, 44, 129, 131, 136 school, 36, 44, 52, 62, 134, 146, 148, 149, 150, 155, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 176, 179, 191, 205 school enrollment, 150 science, 36, 37, 44, 49, 56, 86, 91, 149, 150 scientific knowledge, 94 sclerosis, 88 scope, 112, 121, 124, 161, 205 scripts, 16 sculptors, 51

Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

Index second language, 145, 146, 154, 160, 161 secondary schools, 159, 176 secondary students, 150, 157 secondary teachers, 158 security, 11, 12, 123, 185 sedentary behavior, 163 self esteem, 9, 191 self representation, 181 self-awareness, 78 self-concept, 34, 35, 123, 163, 164, 165, 170, 176, 189, 191 self-conception, 123, 164 self-consciousness, 92 self-definition, 62, 111, 138 self-discovery, 37, 72, 78, 84 self-efficacy, 158 self-employed, 63 self-esteem, 74, 164, 165, 170 self-evaluations, 165 self-identity, 110, 112 self-image, 175, 176, 178, 181, 182, 183, 190 self-knowledge, 183, 189 self-perceptions, 190, 192 self-portrait, 191 self-presentation, 16, 112, 113 self-reflection, 93 self-regulation, 60, 62, 65 self-understanding, 85, 109, 110, 141, 191 semiotics, 50 sensations, 53 sense perception, 53, 54, 60 senses, 54 separateness, 84 service provider, 16 services, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 11, 13, 51, 56, 60, 63, 76, 114, 115, 131 settlements, 100, 102, 105 sex, 26, 28, 36, 40, 41, 42, 45, 70, 71, 73, 76, 81, 86, 88, 131, 141 sex role, 26 sexism, 131, 135 sexology, 44 sexual abuse, 35 sexual assaults, 73 sexual behavior, 26, 27, 28, 30, 39, 40, 41 sexual contact, 27 sexual desire, 42, 70, 75 sexual experiences, 26, 39 sexual feelings, 32, 74 sexual health, 141 sexual identity, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 134, 137, 140 sexual minority community, 29, 35

217

sexual orientation, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 133 sexual violence, 73 sexuality, 25, 26, 27, 33, 36, 37, 40, 42, 45, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 86, 130, 132, 134, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142 shamanism, 103 shame, 35, 44, 71 shape, 1, 4, 9, 15, 72, 73, 80, 103, 120, 131, 148, 164, 166 shortage, 48, 148, 149, 150, 155, 157, 160, 161, 162 showing, 2, 168 Siberia, 91, 92, 93, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107 signals, 166 signs, 9, 10 silk, 102 simulation, 58 skin, 135, 139, 140, 141 social acceptance, 190 social activities, 11, 153 social anxiety, 167 social behavior, 45, 164 social categorization, 48, 163, 164 social category, 1, 2, 3 social change, 1, 4, 42, 58 social class, 135, 151 social cognition, 164, 172 social comparison, 164 social consequences, 34 social construct, 5, 33, 41, 43, 44, 62, 89, 147 social constructivism, 62 social context, 15, 32, 33, 39, 73, 133, 135, 138, 140, 146, 164 social contract, 60, 62 social environment, xiii, 2, 9, 16, 35, 48, 133, 155 social exchange, 7, 205 social exclusion, 135 social group, 48, 164, 173 social identity, 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 17, 19, 25, 26, 27, 33, 34, 35, 40, 41, 42, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 55, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 91, 92, 93, 130, 141, 161, 163, 164, 165, 168, 169, 173, 203, 204 social identity theory, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 55, 58, 61, 62, 64, 65, 67, 164 social influence, 165, 170 social influences, 165, 170 social interactions, 33, 34, 35, 167 social interests, 155 social justice, 62, 65, 139, 140 social life, 36 social movements, 112 social network, 9, 11, 41, 95

Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved.

218 social norms, 170 social order, 191 social perception, 164 social phenomena, 95 social policy, 76, 88, 135 social psychology, 42, 132, 164 social relations, 4, 6, 33, 39, 176, 177, 179 social relationships, 4, 6, 33, 176 social resources, 147 social responsibility, 58, 60, 63, 64 social role theory, 95 social roles, 95, 202 social sciences, xii, 41, 145, 204 social situations, 166 social standing, 47 social status, 3, 4, 9, 62, 198 social stress, 44 social structure, 5, 71, 88, 92, 129, 133 social support, 38, 163, 166 social support network, 38 social workers, 7, 18, 62 socialization, 31, 43 society, 3, 16, 18, 31, 33, 34, 35, 37, 46, 47, 48, 52, 55, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 71, 73, 74, 76, 84, 87, 92, 95, 101, 112, 130, 131, 132, 134, 135, 136, 137, 146, 159, 161, 163, 164, 166, 167 socioeconomic status, 137 sociology, 36, 40, 41, 45, 70, 71, 72, 87, 95, 146 software, 110, 117, 124, 176 solidarity, 137 solution, 47, 49, 98, 193 South Africa, 173 Spain, 203, 205 special education, 149, 158 specialists, 109, 110, 121, 124, 148 speech, 130 spending, 61, 81 St. Petersburg, 107 stability, 4, 6, 11, 13, 101, 123, 145, 155, 161 stabilization, 99 staff members, 150 staffing, 158, 161 stakeholders, 112 starvation, 102 state, 4, 5, 6, 11, 18, 32, 65, 85, 95, 96, 100, 106, 135, 136, 150 states, 26, 35, 53, 57, 71, 77, 123, 131, 149, 161, 170, 184, 185, 190 stereotypes, 15, 25, 26, 35, 48, 94, 164, 166, 167, 169, 172, 194, 195, 201 stereotyping, 32, 41, 163, 201 stigma, 35, 37, 163, 165, 167, 171 stigmatized, 34, 131, 133, 135, 136, 137

Index stimulus, 194 storage, 101 stratification, 95 stress, 35, 44, 78, 81, 141 stressors, 44 stroke, 6, 19, 22 structuralism, 50 structure, 4, 9, 14, 15, 48, 54, 71, 78, 88, 92, 93, 101, 105, 111, 113, 129, 133, 164, 172, 176, 191, 197 structuring, 5, 73, 74, 132 student enrollment, 149, 150 style, 15, 72, 78, 92, 104, 105, 106 subjective experience, 5 subjectivity, 71, 72, 85, 86, 87 substance abuse, 36, 44 succession, 54 suicide, 36, 44 Sun, 116 supervisor, 135 supervisors, 120 surface area, 102 surplus, 149 surveillance, 6 survival, 92, 137, 204 sustainability, 47, 49 Sweden, 20, 23 symbolism, 75 sympathy, 85, 166 symptoms, 6, 7 synthesis, 31, 94, 206 system analysis, 95 T Taiwan, 47 target, 141, 196 teacher preparation, 157 teachers, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 176, 179 team members, 117, 121 technical assistance, 120 technical support, 121 technician, 50, 55, 58, 61, 63 techniques, 37, 71, 103, 113 technologies, 57, 109, 110, 112, 113, 116, 117, 120, 121, 123, 124, 166 technology, 47, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 166 teenage girls, 27 teens, 30, 41 telephone, 12, 112 tension, 57, 63, 78, 81, 196 tensions, 14, 38, 51, 60 territorial, 92, 99, 100, 103, 104, 106

Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

219

Index

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territory, 61, 95, 100, 101, 105, 175 testing, 190 therapeutic encounter, 76 therapist, 79 therapy, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 79, 85, 86, 142 think critically, 139 thoughts, 26, 52, 155, 170, 184, 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 199, 200 threats, 17, 133, 199 time frame, 13, 32 Title V, 161 tourism, 203, 204, 205, 206 tracks, 17 trade, 100, 106 traditions, 49, 72, 92, 99, 100, 101, 104, 105, 106, 203, 204 training, 70, 72, 74, 116, 117, 121 traits, 48, 111, 164, 167, 179 trajectory, 56 transactions, 146 transference, 76 transformation, 99, 104, 106, 109, 110, 114, 124 transformations, 93 transport, 03 trauma, 77 treatment, 87, 103 trial, 196 tundra, 101 turnover, 160 twist, 73 U UK, 86, 125, 173 UNESCO, 204, 205 United, 12, 41, 43, 44, 45, 126, 130, 134, 135, 141, 142, 146, 148, 158, 159, 166, 193, 195, 198 United Kingdom, 12 United States, 41, 43, 44, 45, 126, 130, 134, 135, 141, 142, 146, 148, 158, 159, 166, 193, 195, 198 universities, 62 urban, 25, 36, 37, 38, 39, 136, 147, 154, 160, 161 urban areas, 38 urban schools, 160 USA, 25, 73, 125, 129, 145, 159, 163, 168, 193, 202 USSR, 98, 99 V vacancies, 149, 150 vacuum, 17, 134 Valencia, 203 validation, 138

valorization, 71 variables, 113, 114, 121, 123, 139, 184 variations, 96 vector, 93 vein, 111, 112, 117, 123 velvet, 201 victimization, 25, 26, 30, 34, 35, 40, 41, 43, 44 victims, 35, 44, 136, 169 violence, 35, 41, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 78, 79, 80, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 191 vision, 9, 47, 55, 60, 92, 93, 125 visions, 47 vocabulary, 53, 187 vocational identity, 154, 156 vocational interests, 72, 148, 151, 153, 154, 156, 157 volatility, 74 vote, 130 voting, 130 vulnerability, 158 Vygotsky, 33, 46, 147, 162 W Wales, 69, 78, 88 walking, 12, 167 Washington, 42, 56, 159, 160, 161, 162, 171 waste, 79 weakness, 130 wealth, 57, 62, 93, 94 wear, 104, 168 web, 115, 116, 117, 120, 121 welfare, 19, 74, 136 Western Europe, 23 White House, 56 Wisconsin, 25 withdrawal, 76 work environment, 145, 155, 160 workers, 7, 14, 15, 16, 17, 62 workforce, 3, 159 working conditions, 149 working women, 130 workplace, 135, 148, 153, 154, 155, 157 World War I, 57, 148 worldwide, 205 Y Yale University, 67 yield, 71, 117 young adults, 27, 45, 171 young people, 175, 177, 185 young women, 42, 73

Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Copyright © 2011. Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated. All rights reserved. Social Identity, edited by Michael Wearing, Nova Science Publishers, Incorporated, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,