Social Complexity in Southwest Iberia 800-300 B.C.: The Case of Tartessos 9780860545651, 9781407347226

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Social Complexity in Southwest Iberia 800-300 B.C. The Case of Tartessos

T. Judice Ganiito

BAR International Series 439

1988

B.A.R.

5, Centremead, Osney Mead, Oxford OX2 ODQ, England.

GENERAL EDITORS A.R. Han ds, B.Sc., M.A., D.Phil. D.R. Walker, M.A.

BAR -S439, 1988: 'Social Complexity in Southwest Iberia, 800-300 B.C.' © T. Judice Gamito, 1988

The author’s moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9780860545651 paperback ISBN 9781407347226 e-book DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9780860545651 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library This book is available at www.barpublishing.com

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List o f p lates List o f t ables List o f appendices List o f

f igures

List o f maps

PREFACE

1

1 .

4

I NTRODUCTION

1 .1.

The theoretical

1 .2.

S outhwest

1 .3.

The area and i ts

2 .

4

f ramework

I beria i n the

I ron Age - research history

environment

1 0

1 4

1 .3.1.

Geographical and t opographical

f eatures

1 6

1 .3.2.

Geology and mineral resources

1 9

1 .3.3.

Pedology,

2 1

vegetation and l and u se

THE R ISE OF TARTESSOS - ASPECTS OF EVOLUTION AND I NTERACTION ( C.800-500 B .C.)

2 .1.

The 2 .1.2.

l ocal The

L ate Bronze L ate

Bronze

Age evolution Age f eatures

2 5 and

Hallstatt

i nfluences

2 .2.

2 .3.

2 .2.1.

Oriental

2 .2.2.

The Greeks

3 4

i nfluences

3 8

2 .2.2.1.

The V-notched s hields

3 9

2 .2.2.2.

The bronze obeloi

4 1

2 .2.2.3.

The S outhwest

4 6

2 .2.2.4.

The e arly Greek f inds

I berian n ecropoleis and s cript

5 1

5 4

The Phoenicians The Phoenicians

2 .3.2. 2 .3.3.

2 .5.

3 4

The Mediterranean r ole

2 .3.1.

2 .4.

3 0

5 7

i n Phoenicia

P hoenician s ettlements

i n s outhern

I beria

6 0 6 6

The transporters

The Oriental

imports

a nd i nfluence

7 0

2 .4.1.

The bronze bowls

7 1

2 .4.2.

The bronze ewers

7 3

2 .4.3.

The E gyptian c ontainers a nd s carabs

8 0

2 .4.4.

The gold

8 3

j ewellery

The Celtic c omponent 2 .5.1.

The C elts

Herodotus, 2 .5.2.

i n

9 0

I beria,

s een by the C lassical authors:

Avienus and S trabo

9 5

The d istinctive l inguistic areas and the

epigraphic

evidence

1 00

2 .5.3.

The archaeological evidence

1 04

2 .5.4.

The S outhwest

I berian C eltic

imagery and toreutic

-

their possible

3 .

TARTESSOS

4 .

-

TARTESSOS'

symbolism

7 00

to

B .C.

PERIPHERAL AREAS

DEVELOPMENT

( 500

to

4 .1.

Social

4 .2.

Material

culture

4 .3.

Economic

activities

5 .

5 00

1 26

3 00

organisation

1 32

- THEIR CULTURAL AND

ECONOMIC

B .C.)

and

1 38

settlement

pattern

1 40 1 42

4 .3.1.

Territorial

4 .3.2.

Sampling

4 .3.3.

S ite

4 .3.4.

Economic

- THE CASE

STUDY OF

characterisation

and

STA. EULALIA

1 49

l imits

1 49

strategy

hierarchy

1 51

- a synchronic

perspective

activities

4 .3.4.1.

Agriculture,

4 .3.4.2.

Mining

4 .3.4.3.

Trade

1 63 pastoralism and hunting

exploitation and

SOCIAL ORGANISATION AND

1 56

1 66

craftmanship

DEVELOPMENT

1 63

IN

1 68

SOUTHWEST

IBERIA

-

CONCLUDING ASPECTS

5 .1.

THE MORTUARY

5 .2.

THE

SOCIAL AND

IDEOLOGICAL CONTEXT

1 76

5 .3.

THE

PROCESS

SOCIAL COMPLEXITY AND HIERARCHISATION

1 81

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PRACTICES

OF

1 70

1 85

Appendix 1

-

' Extremadura'

s labs

2 36

Appendix 2

-

Appendix 3

-

S W-Iberian i nscriptions

2 55

Appendix 4

-

B one r eport

2 65

Appendix 5

-

C ase s tudy area

2 71

1 4 C d ates

2 49

L ist o f p lates:

1 982

1 21

1 .

S egövia - e xcavation c ampaign

2 .

Area o f p robabilistic s urvey

1 54

3 .

B aldio -

1 66

e xcavation c ampaign 1 982

L ist o f t ables:

1 .

G reek pottery

5 1

2 .

M odern l atifundia

1 63

3 .

S lag analysis

1 67

L ist o f appendices:

1 .

' Extremadura'

s labs

2 36

1 4 2 .

C d ates

2 49

3 .

S W-Iberian i nscriptions

2 54

4 .

B one r eport

2 65

5 .

C ase s tudy area

2 68

List of maps: 1 . Geomorphological

f eatures

1 4

2 .

Administrative division o f

3 .

Relief

4 .

Mineral

5 .

Geological map

6 .

Bronze Age

7 .

Late Bronze Age/Early

8 .

Stroke

9 .

' Extremadura'

s outh

P ortugal

and

Spain

1 6 1 7

resources

2 0 2 1

c ist

cemeteries

and

settlement

s ites

2 7

I ron Age

s ettlement

s ites

2 8

burnished pottery and

3 0

' Alentejo"

inscriptions

s telae

3 9

1 0.

SW-Iberian

1 1.

The area

1 2.

Ataegina's

1 3.

Features

1 4.

Distribution map o f

1 5.

Toponyms

1 6.

Distribution areas

1 7.

Late

1 8.

Geological

1 9.

Land use

2 0.

The

2 1.

Transect A

1 52

2 2.

Transect

1 53

2 2.

Probabilistic

2 3.

I ron Age

2 4.

Site

relationships

2 5.

Late

Iron Age

o f

and bronze obeloi

4 1

Fernao Vaz

4 3

s telae

of

4 6

LBA/EIA

4 6 bronze ewers

and bowls

7 7 1 02

Iron Age

s tamped pottery

settlement

s ites

characteristics

and

f ield

o f

carrying

o f

in S outhwest

1 16 Iberia

Sta.Eulalia

1 49

c apacity

1 50

survey

1 52

B s ampling

settlement

1 41

1 54

- Sta.

settlement

Eulalia

1 58 1 58

s ites

in S outhwest

Iberia

1 60

List of

1 .

f igures:

Atalaia necropolis

: 33

2 .

The European type s pit

3 .

The bronze obeloi

42

4 .

The votive f igurines o f S agres

43

5 .

Fernao Vaz necropolis

43

5 '

( Alvaiacere,

P ortugal)

4 11

One o f t he t ombs

6 .

A detail o f Alcacer do S al krater

44

7 .

Portela

47

8 .

The two ewers

9 .

Bronze ewers 9 '

s tela f rom Carthage

73 7 7

Huelva ewer and bowl,

tomb 1 8

9" Huelva ewer and bowl,

tomb 1 7

1 0.

Gaio necklace

8 4

1 1.

Late Bronze Age/Early I ron Age gold c ollars

8 7

1 2.

Grandola bracelets

8 7

1 3.

Moura necklace

8 7

1 4.

Guimaraes bracelet,

1 5.

Praganca

1 6.

I berian l ions

1 7.

and 1 7'

1 8.

Alcacer do Sal swords

1 13

1 9.

Alcacer do Sal

1 13

2 0.

I berian f alcata

2 1.

Warrior s tatues,

s imilar to t he Evora one

lunulae

8 7 8 8 1 10

Menjibar

( Jaen)

c hariot

swords

1 10

1 13 ' Castro Culture'

1 19

2 2.

Stamped p ottery,

f ine wares

1 19

2 3.

Stamped p ottery,

f ine ware

1 19

2 4.

Stamped p ottery

1 20

2 5.

S tamped c oarse p ottery

1 20

2 6.

P ainted a nd

1 20

2 7.

Metal decoration

1 22

2 8.

Gold d ecoration

1 23

2 9.

Celtic d eities

1 26

3 0.

Ebora h oard masks,

3 1.

Goat votive f igurine

1 27

3 2.

Thymiaterion f rom S afarejo

1 28

3 3.

Bronze p lague

1 28

3 4.

F ine wares

1 45

3 5.

' Chafurdöes'

1 53

3 6.

Medieval watch t ower

1 53

3 7.

R ico s ettlement

1 55

3 8.

R ico iron mines

1 55

3 9.

S ite h ierarchy

1 56

4 0.

Roman mosaic

1 64

4 0a

s tamped p ottery

a nd

' Douro Culture'

f rom Azougada

s ite

( Torre de P alma)

f ibulae

1 27

( Detail)

4 1.

- 4 7.

Roman mosaics

P alma

1 64

4 8.

Animal bones

- c omparative h istograms

1 64

4 9.

Small bronzes

1 68

5 0.

R io T into necropolis

1 73

5 1.

Model o f

1 83

s ocial

o f T orre d e

c omplexity

PREFACE

The argument o f this book basically f ollows the general a ssumption that i n a g iven area men are f undamentally t he s ame, only the r ulers c hange, c losely f ollowed by t he constant variables o f human behaviour c onnected with e conomic development: among agrarian s ocieties, their c onstant s earch f or better l ands; among more developed ones, the displacement o f groups o f peoples h as f or primary a im the s earch f or precious metals. I t f urther a ttempts to bring i nto History the s outhwestern I berian peoples s till a t the edge o f History, and to s uggest a model t o explain their s ocial a nd economic organisation. The numerous examples brought i nto the argument l ed to the i ncluding o f an extensive bibliography, whose c riterion o f s election was even s o r estricted to the earliest r eferences and l atest points o f view, and t he s oundest c ontributions i n between. This volume i s basically the t ext o f my Ph. D. d issertat ion on s ocial c omplexity i n S outhwest I beria between the 8 th and the 3 rd centuries B .C. s ubmitted at the University o f Cambridge the 2 3rd May 1 986. This t ext c ould not exceed 8 0,000 words, a ccording to t he University o f C ambridge regulations on t he l ength o f Ph.D. d issertations. An enlarged version o f the t ext, which I would have preferred, would have meant a l onger delay i n i ts publication and deeper changes i n i ts s tructure. My dissertation was then wholy a ccepted by my f ormer examiners Drs. R obert Chapman and S ander van der Leeuw . Attention i s g iven here t o t heir recommendations f or publication, a s well a s those f rom Professors Jorge de Alarcao and Helena Rocha P ereira f rom the University o f Coimbra, where my s C ambridge degree was recognised unanimiously. T o them a ll I would l ike to express my gratitude. The data i s s till i ncomplete, and thus this work i s an attempt to g ive i t the best synthesised f orm within the g iven c ircumstances: pollen d iagrams are now s tarting t o be available, but only f or d istinctive areas; c omplete publication o f r ecent e xcavations, i ncluding my own, are s till i n preparation; more r adiocarbon dates are a lso available, processed by the e fficient L isbon Laboratory, but a l ot more i s s till needed, and much more work to be done.

1

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am deeply grateful t o my f ormer s upervisor Professor Anthony M . S nodgrass f or h is c onstant and enthusiastic s upport, deep and c ultivated c omments, my adviser Dr. J ohn Alexander, f or h is a lways k ind and f riendly s upport, Dr. I an Hodder, f or h is c onstant and f riendly a ccessibility, Professor Colin Renfrew f or l etting me read and quote part o f h is not yet published work; i n various ways to Professors Manuel Gomes Guerreiro, J oao Pereira Neto and Joao Manuel B airräo O leiro, Drs. Geoff B ailey, Francisco Alves, Colin S hell, E nrico Martin de C aceres. S pecial thanks go t o Dr. Margaret Deith, f or her k ind a nd f riendly s upport and c areful proof reading, even t he most boring p ieces, and Dr. P eter Rowley-Conwy f or the s tudy o f S egovia animal bones, a lso E ng. Helena C arvalho, f rom Laboratörio N acional de E ngenharia e Tecnologia I ndustrial, f or t he analysis o f S egövia and B aldio s lag s amples, E ng. Antönio Monge S oares, f rom Laboratörio Nacional de E ngenharia e Tecnologia I ndustrial, and Janet Ambers f rom t he British Museum Laboratory, f or the 1 4 C dates, E ng. Francisco L impo de Faria, from P irites Alentejan as, Eng. Joao Jüdice Guerreiro de Brito, f rom Minemaque, Mr. John Hunt, f rom R io T into Mines, E ng. Fernando de Andrade, l andowner o f Herdade de Fontalva, a nd José F alc o, l andowner o f Herdade de T orre de P alma, a lso t he D irector o f I nstituto Geogtfico C adastral, J esus F ernandez Jurado, D . Maria Antönia da S ilva, a s well a s my u sual f ield t eam, namely J oao P aulo Henriques and Maria Manuel C alado Branco, my c olleagues and f riends at the Department o f Archaeology, University o f Cambridge, f or their various a nd f riendly help and s upport: Val P inski, Tod Whitelaw, B ob Bewley, Corine Duhig, N ick Merriman, and t he s taff members Gwil Owen, Josie John, Wendy Willis and a ll a t Haddon and C lassic L ibraries.

I a lso express my gratitude to t he University o f Algarve and Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, without whose s upport this work would h ave been impossible.

2

To

José Morais

and

3

Josefina,

Arnaud Sofia

and

José Tomaz

1 .

I NTRODUCTION

1 .1.

THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The s tudy o f c omplex s ocial organisations has become o ne o f the main s ubjects i n r ecent archaeological r esearch. The approaches to t he genesis o f s ocial d ifferentiation a nd c omplexity, a s well a s t o archaeology i n general, f ollow e ssentially two main trends: the evolutionary/functionalist approach, and the s tucturalist/ideological one. While t he f irst c oncentrates i ts arguments on more f ormalistic a spects o f human behaviour, very much i nfluenced by the evolutionary theories o f b iology and anthropology, the s econd emphasises the s ocial s tructure and i deology which underlie a ny human act, i nfluenced by the s tructuralist/ marxist c oncepts o f s ocial organisation. This d ichotomy i s i n part only apparent. Proponents o f both perspectives realize that there a re a lways a spects o f human s ocieties which s eem t o be d ifficult t o grasp through the archaeological d ata a lone, or through analogy with present " primitive" s ocieties. Therefore, both attempt t o g ive their approach a broader s cope bringing i n new possible arguments. This i s t he c ase with B inford's middle range t heory ( Binford 1 982,1983) and Hodder's contextual approach ( Hodder 1 982, 1 982b). I n f act, the evolutionary/functionalist approach does not entirely explain human behaviour, and t he s tructuralist/ideological perspect ive r ecognises that human c oncepts are unpredictable and d ifficult to trace. B oth r ely on anthropological a nalogies or h istorical i nformation whenever p ossible. The evolutionary/functionalist trend i s s trongly influenced by American c ultural anthropology ( Fried 1 967; S ahlins 1 965, 1 974; S ervice 1 962; Harris 1 968), f rom which i t borrowed much o f i ts i nterpretative f ramework ( Renfrew 1 975, 1 982; H arris 1 977; P eebles and Kus 1 977; Cherry 1 978; Haas 1 982). This i nfluence i s particularly apparent i n archaeological s tudies o f s ettlement systems ( e.g. C larke 1 968; Johnson 1 973, 1 975; Hodder and Orton 1 976; Hodder 1 978; Renfrew and Level 1 979), and mortuary variability ( e.g.Brown 1 971; T ainter 1 977; O 'Shea 1 984). I n view o f t he d ifficulties i n explaining variability and s ocial change, a h ighly f ormalistic approach evolved, incorporating t he systemic approach o f cybernetics, which was mainly borrowed f rom b iology, geography and s tatistics.

4

Again, t his a pproach c ould not e ntirely explain t he t ransformations within s ocial s ystems, and i n an a ttempt t o r econcile the evolutionary/functionalist perspective with t hat o f the systemic approach, greater emphasis was put o n " prime-movers", s uch a s demographic pressure and warfare ( Carneiro 1 970; Webster 1 975; Webb 1 974; R athje 1 971,1972; J ohnson 1 973) trade and exchange ( Flannery 1 972; Friedman and R owlands 1 977; E ricson a nd E arle 1 977; Price 1 978; Hodder 1 978; Frankenstein a nd R owlands 1 978; Rowlands 1 980, 1 984; Y of f ee 1 979), c ollective works s uch a s i rrigation ( Adams 1 966) and the growth o f political power ( Harris 1 968,1977; C herry 1 978; Haas 1 982). Connected with these " prime-movers" we c an i nclude t he e cological approach, which i s l inked with s ubsistence and r isk-buffering s trategies ( Cohen 1 978, 1 982; Dyson-Hudson and Smith 1 978; Redman 1 978; S anders and Webster 1 978; Halstead a nd O 'Shea 1 982), and i nformation f low ( van der Leeuw 1 981) a s main variables i n s ocial s tratification. The s tructuralist/ideological trend has appeared most r ecently, and i s very much i nfluenced by the French S chool o f S tructural Anthropology, mainly t hrough the works o f Levi-Strauss ( 1963, 1 977). I t i s primarly a critique o f t he evolutionary/functionalist approach, c alling attention t o t he many gaps which evolutionary theory c ould not bridge or explain. I deological a spects, a s Rappaport ( 1971) s tresses, are a spects t hat ought t o be c onsidered i n the development o f l arge s cale and c omplex s ocieties, a s political and s ocial marks o f integration : f or example " sanctity h elps keep s ubsystems i n t heir p lace" ( Rappaport 1 971,36). L ikewise, a c hange i n the main i deological traits i s a s ign o f i nstability i n t his homeostatic mechanism. This i dea i s a lso expressed by Godelier ( 1978) who c onsiders i deology, and e specially r eligion, t o be a s c apable o f exercising c oercion a s a military f orce. I n my view, t hese are i ndeed crucial problems i nvolving t he s tudy o f c omplex s ocial organisation, f or which the archaeologist o nly Possesses t he archaeological evidence. N evertheless, h e or s he may s uggest a model which may s omehow explain what that - or t hose - particular s ociety or s ocieties - might h ave been, a s Renfrew s tresses:

" The hypothetico-deductive approach r ightly l ays s tress on t he passage f rom theory t o data, by means o f deduced hypothesis t esting." ( Renfrew 1 982,143)

The systemic approach, a lthough h ighly criticised t urning a s ocial group i nto a material system, and i gnoring i ts i deological s tructure, i s, however,

5

f or f or a

worthwhile a pproach, providing i t i s s upplemented by c ontextual i nformation. T hat i s t o s ay, i f i t c onsiders t he t ime a nd p lace o f t he s ocial g roup i n q uestion, a nd b rings i n a ll t he v ariables which m ight h ave i nfluenced, e ven d etermined, a nd d efined t hat c ommunity a s a c ommunity . R ecent works o n t he e volution o f s ocial c omplexity ( e.g. S egraves 1 982; A llen 1 982; R owlands 1 982, 1 984; v an d er L eeuw 1 981; R enfrew 1 981, 1 982) l ead u s t o c onclude t hat c omplex s ocial s ystems a re h ighly d ifferentiated s ociocultural a rrangements, where t he i nteraction o f i deas, e nergy a nd i nformation f low r each t heir h ighest l evel, a nd a re c ontrolled by a managerial e lite. T he s tate would b e t he l ast s tep i n t he s low e volutionary p rocess t owards s ocial c omplexity i n a g iven g roup. T hus, a s S egraves s tates:

" The properties o f s ociocultural s ystems r eside n ot i n i ndividuals o r t heir c haracteristics b ut i n r elations g enerated by i nteraction" ( Segraves 1 982, 2 89)

E ach s tep o f t his e volutionary s ocial process i s c haracterised by a s tabilised i nteraction o f d ifferent variables o f t he s ystem . T hese v ariables, h owever, d iffer a ccording t o e nvironmental c ircumstances, where p articular human p opulations a re l ocated, d epend u ltimately o n t heir c onsequent a daptation a nd i nherent c ultural f eatures. T his f unctional a pproach t o s ociety i s u seful, a s a lready mentioned, b ecause i t t reats s ocieties a s articulated wholes, c omposed o f m ore o r l ess measurable variables. N evertheless, t he i deological c oncepts, which c onstitute t he s ocial s tructure o f t he g roup, must a lso b e c onsidered, s ince i deology c annot b e s eparated f rom h uman organisation. O n t he o ther h and, t he m eaning a nd t he c oncepts which u nderlie h uman a cts a re v ery d ifficult t o g rasp t hrough a rchaeological d ata a lone. T he u se o f e thnohistoric i nformation w ill b e c rucial h ere, p artly f illing t he archaeological i nformation g aps a nd e nabling t he c hecking o f previous a ssumptions. The e arly s tate i s a h ighly h ierarchical a nd s tratified s ociopolitical o rganisation, r uled by a m anagerial e lite which i s h elped by a c oercive f orce, a nd which e njoys f ull a ccess t o u neven c ommodities a nd i nformation f low . T he s tate i s a lso c haracterised by a h igh d egree o f s ocial a nd e conomic h eterogeneity, o ccupying a r elatively l arge a nd d ifferentiated a rea, a nd presenting a g eneral c ultural i dentity.

6

I s hall approach S outhwest I berian s ocial complexity i n t he I ron Age a s a s ocial system, whose s ocial s tructure will be i nferred, c ompleted and t ested through documented e thnohistorical i nformation. A s ocial system i s not a s tatic entity, but a dynamic one, with moments o f s tability i n which the s tructure o f t he system enjoys a certain equilibrium, a lternating with moments o f i nstability and change. This change, e ither due t o i nternal a lteration within t he previous equilibrium o f the variables o f the system i s t o persist and evolve, or t o c ollapse, depending on whether t he change i s, or i s not, mastered by the c ontrolling mechanisms o f t he system. This dynamic a spect, l inked t o s ocial systems behaviour, i s not a new one. Recently i t h as b een developed by the Brussels S chool ( Allen 1 982; Segraves 1 982), but i t h ad a lready been s uggested by David C larke ( 1968)in h is approach t o systems models applied t o archaeology, and i n " Towards Analytical Archaeology" ( Clarke 1 979, 1 45-179) who a lso emphasised t he r ole o f ethnohistoric i nformation. On t he other h and, i t i s impossible t o s eparate s ocial c omplexity f rom e conomic development, f or, when s tudying primitive e conomy, one must bear i n mind that i t i s s ocially determined ( Polanyi 1 975; S ahlins 1 974; Harris 1 968,1977), and a ssociated with the perpetuation o f t he s ocial order ( Friedman and R owlands 1 977). This a spect has a lso b een c onsidered by Gamble ( 1981), who s tressed the importance o f the t ies o f dependence developed within a group, which are c onnected with s ubsistence and r eproduction. Only r arely does the evolution o f primitive s ocieties r each the l evel o f s tate organisation a s " pristine s tates" ( Fried 1 967; H arris 1 977). Nevertheless, Haas ( 1982) h as enlarged the c oncept o f autonomous evolution to s tate organisation, c onsidering a s ' pristine s tates', f orms which have u sually been c onsidered a s ' secondary s tates' ( Sanders and Webster's t erminology, 1 978). I think SW I berian evolution i s best i dentifiable with a " secondary s tate" based on the evidence o f many c ontacts between SW I beria and the Mediterranean or the Atlantic, during t he Bronze Age, i n which i t f ormed one o f the provinces within the Atlantic r egion ( Schubart 1 975; Briard 1 976; Coles and Harding 1 979; Rowlands 1 980). I n f act, i t does not r eally matter how the s tate appeared, only that i t a ctually o ccurred. The model presented by Renfrew, the " Early S tate Module" ( Renfrew 1 975), or that o f Friedman and Rowlands' " Asiatic s tate" are perhaps l ess c omplex. That i s

7

t o s ay, a ccording t o t hese s cholars t hey c over a r elatively small area o f c .1,500 km2 i n the " Early S tate Module", or 3 ,000 km2 i n t he " Asiatic S tate". T artessos may i ndeed h ave o ccupied a l arger and more d ifferentiated area, a s will b e discussed l ater on. I n SW I beria t he process o f s ocial c omplexity, i .e., t he move t owards a s tate s ociety, h ad a lready begun i n t he Neolithic ( Gillman 1 976, 1 981; Chapman 1 982), and c an b e detected i n t he archaeological evidence. This process s eems to have accelerated during t he Late B ronze Age/Early I ron Age transition, a s a c onsequence o f t he different variables acting i n t he area; n amely, demographic and e conomic development, warfare, i ntraregional and i nterregional trade networks, mining exploitation, n ewly arrived E uropean i nfluences and e xternal c ontacts with t he E ast Mediterranean. I t i s by 8 00/700 t o 6 00 B .C. t hat we c an a ssert t he evidence o f a powerful I berian k ingdom i n S outhwest I beria, Tartessos, which by t hen had probably r eached the l evel o f s tate organisation. The Tartessian c ontacts with the E ast Mediterranean, i n a h igh demand trade a ctivity and c ultural interaction, a s well a s t he r ise o f o ther c ompetitive polities, s eem t o h ave c ontributed, not t o t he r ise o f Tartessos, but to i ts c ollapse. F rom 5 00 B .C. onwards new polities s eem t o develop i n t he s urrounding a reas a s independent k ingdoms, probably originating i n t he i nterregional exchange areas o f f ormer T artessos.

The s outhwest I berian I ron Age h as a lways been c onsidered f rom t he point o f view o f the C lassical world, r ather than f rom the " barbarian" approach. Great emphasis h as been put on t he s o- c alled " Phoenician c olonies", t he Greek i nfluence, and l ater, the C arthaginian and Roman i nvolvement i n the area. L ittle or no attention has been given t o what was a ctually t aking p lace there. The approach which I i ntend t o t ake t o t his period and area will p erhaps bring a l arge c ontribution t o t he understanding o f t his period i n SW I beria i n particular, a nd t o the process o f s ocial c omplexity and s tate f ormation i n general. I s hall try t o trace, a long general l ines, the evolution o f s ocial and e conomic organisation i n SW I beria between 8 00 and 3 00 B .C.. This s tudy i s based on the archaeological evidence and on c lassical r eports, and r efers t o t he mortuary practices detected there. However b iased t he information t aken f rom burial remains might be ( this point was r ecently extensively discussed by J ohn O 'Shea, 1 984), i t provides a good b asis f or detecting group d ifferentiation and i nteraction, and r ank-grading.

8

The c haracterisation o f t he Late I ron Age and t he small I berian s tates, their s ocial organisation and economic a ctivities, will b e dealt with t hrough available archaeological evidence, the ancient authors' r eports, and my own f ieldwork. I t will be e xemplified through a c ase s tudy : the area o f S ta. E ulalia ( Portugal).

9

1 .2.

SOUTHWEST I BERIA I N THE I RON AGE - RESEARCH H ISTORY

I t i s generally a ccepted t hat t he f oremost c haracterist ic o f t he Bronze Age on t he Atlantic west c oast o f I beria i s the f act that i t presents a r emarkable unity within t he Atlantic region, and t herefore f orms one o f i ts s pecific provinces ( Briard 1 965, 1 976; Coles and Harding 1 979; Rowlands 1 980; Müller-Karpe 1 980). Nevertheless, within this province we c an s till d istinguish two d ifferent areas, the Northwest and t he S outhwest, f irst pointed out by S anta-Olalla ( 1941), s tressed by S avory ( 1949) and l ater l argely c onfirmed by S chubart ( 1971,1975). S anta-Olalla was t he f irst t o d istinguish these two different areas during the Bronze Age, mainly based on t he characteristics o f t heir material c ulture, f rom a typological s tandpoint: the Atlantic Bronze Age and the Mediterranean Bronze Age. I n this he was f ollowed by S avory ( 1949, and 1 968), who s uggested t hat t he Atlantic Bronze i ndustry h ad i ts c entre o f gravity i n t he northwestern areas o f the I berian P eninsula, s o r ich i n t in. Following a s imilar typological approach, he d istinguished two s ub-regions i n the western I berian c oastal areas. One comprises t he Northwest, and i s c haracterised by t he f requent contacts o f this area and C antabria ( N Spain) with the Loire and Gironde e stuaries during H allstatt B period, with the consequent imports o f pottery types. The s econd c overs t he s outhwestern areas where daggers and swords o f c arp's t ongue type a s well a s C assibile type f ibulae predominated, indicating trade c ontacts with t he Atlantic a nd the Mediterranean. Coles and Harding ( 1979) f ollow t his s ame s cheme a s f ar a s I beria i s c oncerned. They a lso d istinguish two d ifferent provinces i n the Atlantic r egion. O ne i s s ituated n orth o f the Tagus, more orientated t owards c lose exchange c ontacts with the northern Atlantic c oastal areas; the o ther, the S outhwest, i s more c onnected with the Mediterranean, presenting c lose c ontacts with S ardinia and the oriental areas o f t he Mediterranean. This a spect i s s tressed by the work o f d ifferent s cholars, s tudying t his s ame area ( Morel 1 966, 1 975; Moscati 1 978; B isi 1 971; P icard 1 982). This s tandpoint i s a lso e specially c onsidered by Coffyn ( 1972, 1 985), who emphasises the a ctive trading movement b etween I beria and t he Mediterranean by that t ime. He a lso s tresses the development western I beria a cquired during Late B ronze

1 0

Age ( Coffyn 1 985). O ther general works, Müller-Karpe ( 1980), f ollow the s ame d istinctive r egions .

s uch a s t hat o f i dea o f two

Briard ( 1965,1976) points t o the c lose i nternal l inks o f t he Atlantic B ronze Age r egion reflected i n the c ommon weaponry, mainly c onsisting o f s pearheads, l eaf s haped swords, winged a xes, and c omplete s ets o f e fficient bronze t ools, s uch a s c hisels, burins, s crapers, gouges. These t ools presented evidence f or very s pecific c arpentry work, possibly s hip building activity, which might have s upported t he prosperous trade developed between I reland and I beria. This trade a lso t ouched the British I sles and Armorica, r eaching i ts c limax with t he production o f c arp's tongue swords and f ine bronze and g old j ewellery ( Taylor 1 980). By t he end o f the L ate Bronze Age, this a ctivity s tarted t o s how s igns that gradual c hanges were t aking p lace. I n Armorica they might have been due t o the c onstant and demanding contacts with the Urnfield and Hallstatt A and B c ultures o f West and Central E urope. I n SW I beria, the trade a ctivity c entred on t he western Mediterranean and d irected towards Cyprus and the e astern Mediterranean c oastal areas s eems t o be well documented by the Huelva hoard and S t.a I dda f inds, and a lso by the trading boat which s ank at Cape Gelidonya ( Briard 1 976:134), l oaded with d ifferent bronze weapons a nd t ools. The recent attempt t o present a general synthesis f or t he Late Bronze Age i n western I beria g iven by Kalb ( 1980) s uffers f rom a t ime-lag i n i nformation o f 1 0 to 1 5 years. I n f act, among general approaches s he only mentions S anta-Olalla ( 1941) and S avory ( 1949). No r eference i s made to Briard ( 1965, 1 976), Coffyn ( 1972), Coles ( 1962, 1 979), Rowlands ( 1976, 1 980) f or example, a lthough s he c laims to bring f resh i deas into the development o f r esearch. She refers to S chubart's ( 1975) and Almagro Gorbea's ( 1977) works very briefly, criticising very negatively Gustavo Marques on h is chronology ( 1973) , without referring to the many contributions t hat work made to the s tudy o f this period. The s ame s ituation i s f ound i n r elation to Ferreira de Almeida's considerations o f the existence o f bronze hoards ( Ferreira de Almeida 1 974). Kalb's originality s eems t o r eside i n trying t o explain the bronze hoards f ound i n c lose v icinity t o the s ettlement s ites, a s household treasures, based on S chuchardt ( 1914). The trade a ctivity r ecently s uggested by Rowlands ( 1980) s eems t o be r elevant i n those a spects r elated t o the north Atlantic region, and a spects o f s ocial organisation which might have developed there. But h is arguments are not very c onsistent, a s f ar a s western I beria i s c oncerned. I n f act, a s he s tates, northern P ortugal and northwest Spain are

1 1

s till today very r ich areas i n t in. B ut t he Late Bronze Age communities l iving t here d id not need t o exchange t in f or copper with the N Atlantic r egion " directly f rom Armorica and indirectly f rom C entral E urope" a s Rowlands s uggests ( 1980,42) unless Armorica h ad nothing e lse to g ive i n return, or c opper was t hen u sed a s a k ind o f monetary payment i n trade exchanges. The i nhabitants o f NW I beria had e asy a ccess to the c opper f rom s outhern Portugal ( Grandola, Aljustrel, and S .Domingos mining areas) and t he s outh-west Spain ( Tharsis and Rio T into). These r egions were e asily reached by the S ado and Mira r ivers o n the west Atlantic c oast, or the Guadiana and T into a nd O diela r ivers i n the s outh. On the other hand, t in was not missing i n s outh Portugal, a s i t i s s hown in t he geological s tudies on t he area ( Thadeu and B arros 1 972; Gon9alves 1 972) or i n s outhwest Spain ( Almagro Gorbea 1 977; P inedo Vara 1 963; a s well a s i n Allan 1 970; and Healy 1 978). The best c hararacterisation o f t he s outhwest L ate Bronze Age material c ultures was made by S chubart ( 1971, 1 975), emphasising their i ndividuality within the Late Bronze Age Atlantic c ontext. S chubart's work on t he Bronze Age c ultures i n s outhwest I beria i s an exhaustive c ollection o f a ll the available data f or t his period. He a lso c onsidered mining exploitation a s t he main e conomic t arget f or t he s ettlement s trategy o f those c ommunities i nhabiting the area. This a spect was recently dealt with again by Rothenberg and B lanco-Freijeiro ( 1981) f or the R io T into area. The work c arried o ut a t t he ancient Phoenician trading posts by S chubart and N iemeyer ( 1968,1982) f rom the middle 1 960's on-wards, a s well a s by Pellicer C atalan ( 1976, 1 977) and other Spanish s cholars, o ffers the most important c ontributions t o the u nderstanding o f the Phoenician s ettlement and i ntervention i n S outh I berian c oastal areas, a lthough their view o f an e xclusive and dominant Phoenician i nfluence i s now much put i n question. These a spects were again r ecently r eviewed and synthesised by N iemeyer ( 1984), who f or t he f irst t ime emphasises the h igh s ocial and economic development SW I beria had a lready a chieved, before t he f irst c ontacts with the Phoenicians. The r ole o f Greek c olonisation i n the western Mediterranean and i ts implications i n SW I beria were l argely discussed by S hefton ( 1982), and again c onsidered by K immig ( 1983). Jüdice Gamito ( 1984b, 1 986, 1 988) a lso c onsidered t his a spect f rom a n e thnohistoric point o f v iew . The specific problems r elated t o t he beginning o f the u se o f iron i n E urope, which r eached I beria through the Pyrenees and the Meseta, are s till best generally dealt with by S angmeister ( 1960), S chule ( 1969) and Raddatz ( 1969).

1 2

S ome research has been c arried out recently in the area o f s trongest Celtic i nfluence i n SW I beria ( Arnaud and Jtdice Gamito 1 974-77; Jtdice Gamito 1 979, 1 982, 1 984, 1 986; Tovar 1 982, 1 983, 1 987; S tary 1 982). The orientalising i nfluences and the attempt at a conclusive identification o f Tartessos , have l ong s ince become two o f the most passionate i ssues in the protohistory o f SW I beria, a s we can see from the works o f Maluquer de Motes ( 1968, 1 975, 1 981), Almagro Gorbea ( 1977, 1 986), Blazquez ( 1975, 1 979, 1 983), Pellicer Catalan ( 1976, 1 977, 1 980), Aubet ( 1978, 1 982). Some recent f inds in Huelva brought a renewed enthusiasm to the problem ( Fernandez Jurado 1 984; O lmos 1 973, 1 982), as well as the f ield survey carried out by Beiräo, unfortunately s till unpublished. The work recently c arried out by Gomes ( Beirao and Gomes 1 983, 1 985), presents itself too kin in following these s ame ideas of a dominant Phoenician influence without testing them to his actual data. He usually writes extensive discriptions o f aspects not exactly relevant f or the problem he i s approaching ( e.g. Beirao and Gomes 1 983), and f orgets to mention important bibliography to the s ubject and area he h is dealing with ( Beirao, Gomes et al. 1 985). The most controversial, however, was the adding o f a " orelheta" urn to the f urniture o f the Galeado necropolis, a vessel which does not actually belong to i t, a s the old photographies o f Professor Manuelo Heleno kept in the National Museum in Lisbon c learly show, changing i ts meaning completely ( Beirao and Gomes 1 983). So, a lthough giving evidence o f hard working qualities a better orientation would certainly improve the s cientific interest o f Gomes' work. The attempts to decipher the s cript of the I berian inscriptions from this s ame period have become a passionate f ield for both l inguists and archaeologists s ince the t ime they were f ound. Sound contributions were those o f Tovar s ince 1 951, de Hoz ( 1969, 1 976, 1 979), Untermann s ince 1 962, Albertos s ince 1 969, Coelho 1 976, 1 979), Siles ( 1979, 1 985), Jdice Gamito ( 1988), among s o many I berian and German s cholars.

1 3

1 .3.

THE AREA AND I TS ENVIRONMENT

A f ew comments s hould be made on the I berian P eninsula a s a whole, f or a lthough i t presents a remarkable general geographical unity, i t i s i n f act composed by differentiated s ub-regions. One really unique area, Portugal, l ed Lautens ach to s tress the distinctive geographical characteristics o f this region i n 1 932, and l ater S tanislawski reiterated a s imilar viewpoint i n h is s tudy The individuality o f Portugal, in 1 959. As a ll I berian geographers h ave emphasised, o ne o f the most s triking a spects o f I beria i s that i t i s s tructurally f ormed by a very h igh and huge c entral p lateau, t he Meseta ( e.g. Teran 1 952; Lautensach 1 954; Ribeiro 1 957, 1 967; Stanislawski 1 959; An ja Rivares 1 972). The Meseta, an extensively eroded Hercynian f ormation, presents a s light inclination towards the West, which has determined t he direction o f a ll i ts l arger r ivers: the D ouro, the T agus, the Guadalquivir and a lso the Guadiana, a lthough the c ourse o f this r iver turns s uddenly s outh by B adajoz. Map 1 i ndicates the geographical and geological f eatures o f I beria, which determine or r egulate other important geographical characteristics, s uch a s c limate and r ainfall. Spain presents a f ramework o f high massifs a ll over i ts territory, with n arrow c oastal p lains, e .g. the Cantäbricos, in the north, and the Pyrenees i n the e ast, which r each the coast in Cataluna. I n t he s outh, part o f the Betico massif f orms the Penibetico system, mainly the S ierra Nevada, which r ises abruptly f rom the c oast between Malaga and Almeria. I n the northwest, the Meseta r eaches the Atlantic more smoothly, f orming the Galicia c oastal mountains. Four important depressions must a lso be mentioned, each with i ts peculiar characteristics, a ffecting the areas where they are l ocated: the Ebro and the Guadalquivir valleys, the Douro and the Tagus depressions. The curtain o f the mountains, preventing the rains and the Atlantic or the Mediterranean i nfluences from reaching the i nland areas, p lay an important role upon the c limate in Spain, c ontributing greatly to i ts general continental c haracteristics, and the a lmost total desert ification o f part o f i nland Andalucia.

1 4

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DOU RO

1

GEOGRAFICAL

MAP

d

0

FEATURES

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Portugal, s tretched a long t he I berian Atlantic f açade, i s a c omparatively l ow c ountry, e specially the s outh, where t he l arge open peneplain o f Alentejo a llows the Atlantic i nfluences t o r each i ts most i nland areas. Among t hem, we s hould mention the warmer t emperatures in the winter, and a g enerally wetter c limate t hroughout the year. The l ow mountains o f the Algarve, part o f t he natural c ontinuation o f S ierra Morena, do not prevent t he Mediterranean vegetation, f auna, and general c limate, f rom penetrating and dominating t he entire s outh ( Ribeiro 1 967; S tanislawski 1 959; L autensach 1 954; S ilbert 1 978; Gaspar 1 979; Gomes Guerreiro 1 951).

1 5

1 .3.1.

GEOGRAPHICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL FEATURES

S outhwest I beria ( Map 2 ) comprises S outh Portugal a nd s outhwest Spain, being r oughly delimited i n the North by t he middle and l ower Tagus basin. I n the west and in p art o f t he South i t i s s urrounded by the Atlantic ocean, and a lso by t he Mediterranean, i n s outh S pain; i n t he east by t he inland areas o f the Spanish Meseta. I t i ncludes the P ortuguese provinces o f Alentejo up- and l owlands, t he Algarve, and p art o f E stremadura and R ibatejo. I n Spain, i t c overs part o f t he provinces o f Cäceres and B adajoz, i n the Spanish E xtremadura, and t he Huelva, S evilla, Gades and Cor-doba provinces, i n Andalucia. S outhwest I beria presents i ndeed a r emarkable g eographic al and topographical unity within the I berian P eninsula. I n f act i t i s i ts l owest part, a llowing the e asy penetration o f i ts dominant Atlantic and Mediterranean i nfluences, dS a lready mentioned. Most o f i ts relief, now c alled Meseta, was f ormed during the O ld Cambric and Hercynian periods, with i ts westernmost extension reaching the West c oast o f P ortugal. The r emaining parts, o f s econdary f ormation, h ighly f olded and f aulted, f orm part o f the Algarve and the E stremadura, i n P ortugal, and part o f Andalucia, i n Spain. The Tertiary l ands are c oncentrated i n t he detritic valleys o f the Tagus, S ado, Guadiana and Guadalquivir r ivers. I n the S outhwest, t he Meseta h igh p lateau e nds at the rocky Alentejo coast, which i s characterised by h igh s lopes o f 2 0m to 3 0m, or even more, above s ea l evel, o ffering relatively f ew s andy beaches and r are harbours. Neverthel ess, once this barrier i s vanquished, an open peneplain o ffers easy access t o the whole h interland, including t he Meseta. The Alentejo upland border with Spain has actually been one o f the easiest r outes f or any movement t o and f rom Spain, a s will be r eferred t o again. E ven then, there are s till s ome difficult passages t o overcome due t o the deeply entrenched tributary valleys, f ull o f water i n t he winter, dry i n the summer. The s outh, both i n P ortugal and Spain, experiences t he deepest Mediterranean and even North African i nfluences, e spe-cially the warm winds o f t he S ahara, b lowing h ard i n t he

1 6

MAP

2

ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISION OF SOUTHERN PORTUGAL AND SPAIN

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1 .3.3.

PEDOLOGY,

VEGETATION AND LAND-USE

The s oils f ound i n S outhwest I beria are determined by the previously mentioned f actors, f or, i n f act, they are t he c onse-quence o f the geomorphological c omponents ( Map 5 ) a nd the i nitial s hapes they t ook, to which t he action o f erosion, men and c limate were added. As S ilbert ( 1978, 9 0) emphasises, a great part o f t he i nland and mountain areas o f s chists present very poor s oils. Originally, t he mountains were c overed with the Mediterranean maquis, but due to the a ction o f both men and erosion, t hey h ave now become poor c ultivated s oils i n Portugal, and arid areas i n Spain. I n t he Alentejo peneplain most o f t he s oils are t hen podzols with poor agricultural c apacity, c overed with s parse c ork-oak groves, which a lso a llow t he c ultivation o f c ereals and the f eeding o f swine. I t i s i n this area, a s well a s i n the Spanish E xtremadura, that the s ettlement o f t he population f ollows a c oncentrated p attern, l iving mainly f rom agriculture, i n extensive l atifundia. Here wheat, b arley and l eguminous crops are c omplemented by l arge s cale herding o f swine, c attle, horse, and s heep and goats, in the most arid areas. The better s oils a llow a more i ntensive exploitation and s o open f ields are f ound i n l arge parts o f the S outhwest. These s oils c an then be o f Red Mediterranean type or even r ich c lay s oils, hard t o work without developed technology, a s i s the c ase o f the l arge areas around Beja, Alcäcer do S al, E stremoz and E lvas, i n P ortugal; or Badajoz, Cordoba, J aen, and Jerez, i n Spain, which very possibly only s tarted being exploited i n I ron Age and R oman t imes. I n the granite areas, the s oils c an s ometimes be very r ich, a s i s the c ase around Evora, and much l ess l abour consuming. These were the f irst s oils worked and preferred by the Neolithic c ommunities, a s i s the c ase o f a ll t he granite s oils c overing a vast area o f the Tagus and Guadiana basins, by C äceres, and again i n a l ong s trip o f l ands f rom Montemor a s f ar a s S ierra Morena, where the s chists o ccur again. The most productive s oils are certainly the a lluvial a nd meadow s oils, where i ntensive agriculture i s practised, i n parts o f t he T agus, Guadiana and S ado valleys, a s well a s i n t he Algarve c oastal l and, and Guadalquivir valley. These two

2 1

areas are intensively exploited with two or more crops a year or c overed with orchards and orange groves. I n the dryer, l imestone z ones o f t he Algarve, f igs and a lmonds predominate, a s well a s extensive v inyards. The marsh areas only a llow e ither c attle breading or t he p lantation o f p ines ( Pinus Maritima), a s i s the c ase o f t he T agus and S ado l ow b asins, t he Spanish c oast a t the Guadiana mouth ( which f orced t he R omans t o build the r oad f rom Gades t o P ax Julia [ Beja] f urther north, i n t he mountains ( Roldan Hervas 1 971) and a t t he Guadalquivir mouth.

s oils

S o both i n P ortugal and Spain the proportion o f arable i s high, but most o f t he s oils are o f poor quality.

I n the mountains, t he vegetation c over i s t he Mediterranean maquis, t he quercetalia i licis and the C istus-Ladaniferus predominating with the c ork-oak ( Quercus suber) and holmoak ( Quercus i lex), s ometimes mixed with the s tone p ine ( Pinus pinea) or even the maritime p ine ( Pinus maritima) i n the i nland areas. All over t he area, the different f ragrant smells o f the Mediterranean vegetation cover are s ensed, e specially i n the s pring, when myrtle ( Myrtus c ommunis), l avender ( Lavandula s toechas), r osemary ( Viburnum t inus) and the rose l aurel ( Rhododendrum), by t he narrow valleys, and a ll the other f lagrant erbs and bushes are b looming. To arrive in the Algarve or Andalucia i n the s pring, when a ll the natural vegetation and the orchards are b looming, c an r eally be an inebriating s ensation. Imported s pecies, s uch a s the eucalyptus and many c actus, brought i n modern t imes, witness l ater contacts with distant p arts o f the world. As Gilman and Thornes ( 1985) s tress, s ite-catchment analysis r isks the i nevitable disparity between modern evidence and the existent environment in the past. The vegetation degradation i s t erribly a ccentuated in s outheast Spain, and a lso c ritical i n the S outhwest due t o deforestation and extension o f c ultivation areas, a s well a s the grazing o f s heep and goat. This s ituation i s s lowly improving with the r eaf f orestation c ampaigns i n both c ountries. The bordering areas between Spain and Portugal were a lways difficult and poor ones, c ausing a s carce s ettlement o f population with r educed e conomic prospects. Only t he mineral r ich z ones a fforded s ome improvement i n t his s ituation. The a ccess t o and f rom both territories was naturally difficult, only e ased a long the r iver Minho, between north P ortugal and Galicia, and i n s ome parts o f Alentejo uplands and B eira Alta, i .e., between the T agus and the D ouro. I n the l ower Guadiana, the r iver c an be s ailed a s f ar a s the Pub odo Lobo, where a waterfall prevents f urther

2 2

1

GEOLOGICAL MAP

5

1 - ALLUVIAL

DEPOSITS

2 - GRANITE 3 - SCHIST 4 - SANDSTONE 5 - JURASSIC LIMES TONE

1 2

4 -

4

+

+

3

4

5

direct s ailing and t he l andscape i s hard and r ocky. E xactly upon the Pub odo Lobo, i n t his i nhospitable area, i s l ocated a l arge L ate Bronze Age/Early I ron Age s ettlement s ite, the Crespa oppidum, c ertainly t o c ontrol the only upriver pass, on t he l eft b ank. F rom t hen on f urther s ailing i s possible. These banks may h ave a lready c onstituted differentiated territories s ince prehistory, l ater emphasised i n Roman t imes with the boundary e stablished between t he B aetica and the Lusitania provinces ( Roldan Hervas 1 978). I n modern t imes, the f rontier i s a lso there, n ot only determined by h istorical and political f actors, but a lso because the economic movement i s peripheral i n both c ountries and the environment i s not attractive. A s ituation well synthesised by D aveau:

" La f rontiAre l uso-espagnole e st nettement e ile s Apare deux p ays qui ' se tournent ( Daveau 1 976, 1 64)

repulsive, l e dos'.

I n f act, most o f t he area s urrounding the l ower Guadiana c ourse i s a mountainous s chist f ormation with poor arable s oils, c overed with t he Mediterranean maquis and o ak f orests, s carcely p opulated, with t he exception o f the f ertile tributaries' narrow valleys, This s ituation l ed the e arly k ings o f P ortugal t o g ive wide wild areas t o the medieval religious f ighting orders to prevent f irst the Moorish i nfiltrations, a nd l ater s imilar Spanish movements, with t he f urther r esponsability f or s ettling the area. So, political c onditions determined, at different t imes o f their past, the i solation o f both s ides o f this natural f rontier. This was a lso the impression l eft on L ink, when he crossed the f rontier o f B adajoz towards E lvas, at the end o f the 1 8th c entury, but a t that point, a t i ts most p leasant:

" The portuguese f rontier f ortress o f E lvas i s but three s panish l eagues f rom B adajoz, f rom before the g ate o f which i t i s s een upon i ts h ill very d istinCtly. A small brook c alled t he Cayo ( Caia), which may be f orded i n dry weather, f orms the f rontier, which i s i n f ew p laces marked by n ature, but i s therefore marked by art."

and about the l andscape:

" On t his s ide, t he approach to Portugal appeared uncommonly p leasing. I nstead o f wide-extended open s heep-walks, and f ar-dispersed villages, the c ountry i s

2 3

adorned with detached houses here and there, which s eem t o i ndicate a s uperior s tate o f c ultivation. B efore we c ame t o E lvas we s aw t he f irst orange-garden, lying open a long t he r oad, t hough a great quantity o f this f ruit i s grown round B adajoz." ( Link 1 801, 1 30)

Further north, the middle T agus and Guadiana b asins present good or very good arable s oils, h ighly cultivated, a llowing l arge orchards, where t he water i s abundant, or extensive o live groves, i n t he dryer l ands. The s ame s ituation i s to be f ound i n t he Guadalquivir valley. The p lains on the l eft bank o f l ower Tagus, c onsisting mainly o f podzol s oils, have never been particularly attractive t o s ettlers, even t oday, with exception o f t he r iverine areas, where a s a r esult o f annual f loods, good s oils were f ormed. Here irrigation agriculture i s practised, a s well a s the breeding o f horses and bulls. P oor i n archaeological r emains, t his p lain only presents evidence o f s ettlement by Alpiar9a ( Marques 1 973; K alb and Höck 1 984) and i ts counterpart at S antarem, on t he r ight bank ( Bairrao O leiro 1 955; Alarcao 1 973). This brief s ummary o f t he g eographical and geological characteristics o f this vast and diversified area tries t o emphasise, not only i ts natural c apacities but a lso the action o f man and the u se h e made o f h is l andscape.

2 4

2 .

THE RISE OF TARTESSOS - ASPECTS OF EVOLUTION AND

INTERACTION

( C.800-500 B .C.)

3 .1.THE LOCAL LATE BRONZE AGE EVOLUTION

By the t urn o f the s econd h alf o f the s econd millennium B .C. the i nhabitants o f SW I beria were enjoying a c ertain e conomic and s ocial s tability reflected in the broad s pread o f small ' family-type' c emeteries s ituated i n c lose vicinity t o the best arable s oils or other e conomic resourc es. The total absence o f f ortified s ites i s another o f the main characteristics o f the t ime. I n f act, when we c onsider t he Bronze Age period and i ts evolution to the E arly I ron Age i n SW I beria, f urther evidence f or this having been a t ardy process without deep c hanges i n the main e conomic a ctivities c an be s uggested by the s low a lteration i n the mortuary practices, a s described below. I n the period between the Chalcolithic and about 1 500-1400 B .C., the s o-called ' Ferradeira horizon' ( Schubart 1 971, 1 975, 1 976) - a fter Ferradeira ( Faro, Portug al) cemetery f irst excavated by Lyster-Franco and Viana ( 1948) - presents the u sual i nhumation burial r itual: t he corpse s tretched out i n a c hamber built with small upright s labs, accompanied by s imple c arinated pottery, a s hort dagger, and the c ommon burial display o f l ate Beaker inhumations - the wristguard, t he V perforated bone buttons, and s imple bell-shaped vases, without any decoration ( Leisner and Leisner 1 956-1970; S avory 1 968; S chubart 1 971,1975,1976; Spindler 1 981; Harrison 1 980). Ranking was a lready emerging s ince f arming was i ntroduced a f ew millennia before, by 5 000 B .C., a s the archaeological evidence s eems t o s uggest ( Gilman 1 981; Chapman 1 982). From about 1 500 to c . 1 100 B .C. ( Schubart's chronology) the f irst s igns o f c hange c an be detected. Small ' familytype' cemeteries, c omposed o f a small number o f c ists, 3 to 5 or 6 , are f ound i n the entire area. Their s hape i s a lmost quadrangular, most f ollowing a cremation r itual, others i nhumations i n f oetal position, or even disposing the bones c arefully i nside the c ist, g iving the s kull a preeminent position e ither on a c arinated b owl or i nside a k ind o f box built o f smaller s labs. The burial goods c onsist o f bronze daggers or a xes and c arinated burnished vases with

2 5

a good metallic f inish. C ontemporary with this f eature, s ome much l arger necropoleis, c omposed o f a l arge number o f c ists - 5 0 or 6 0, or even more - a lso o ccur i n s ome areas, s uch a s the r ich a lluvial p lains or minig areas o f Portugal and Spain, s uggesting a s ubstantial demographic c oncentration i n those areas, which i s l ikely t o b e l inked to s pecific economic a ctivities. More profound c hanges c an be noticed i n Bronze Age Phase I I ( Schubart 1 971, 1 975) f rom about 1 100-800 B .C. when special emphasis i s g iven t o t he engraved s labs. I n this Phase the burial g oods b ecome more s ophisticated, e specially the pottery, i n which t he metallic a spects are a ccentuated while the f ine wares present the c haracteristic e ffects o f burnished p atterns, f ollowing geometric drawings on the c arinated f orms. These types a lso s how s igns o f c hange: new cylindrical f orms, with new decorative motives o f vertical e ffects, with a very g ood b lack burnished f inish, are added, a s exemplified by t he E rvidel type vases. I t i s i nteresting t o mention t hat t he s ame f orms are f ound i n t he s ilver vases o f Villena treasure ( Alicante, Spain), s o s uggesting the concern t he Late Bronze Age potters may h ave had, when trying t o r eproduce i n c lay the s ame external a spect o f t he s ilver vases. This period i s a lso c haracterised by the rapid development i n metal work, e specially bronze, gold and s ilver, presented by the weapons, t ools, and j ewellery, and i t witnesses t he great s kill t he smiths must have achieved, commanding, a s they did, d ifficult metallurgical techniques, s uch a s t in and s ilver p lating or i ncrustation. A l arge number o f gold and s ilver t orcs, bracelets and diadems were f ound e ither i n burials or i n hoards - s uch a s Pragan9a ( Lisbon) and Moura ( Beja) ( Heleno 1 935), S intra and E vora necklaces ( Cardozo 1 930; H eleno 1 935; Hawkes 1 970), Villena ( Alicante) burials and t reasure ( Soler Garcia 1 968; S chüle 1 976; P ingel 1 974). These heavy and beautifully c ast p ieces u sually h ave an i ncised decoration o f geometric pattern o f Hallstatt-B type, i n triangles and parallel s trokes, s ome a lready with t he addition o f small c ircles, a common decoration during t he transitional period f rom Late Bronze Age to E arly I ron Age, a lso present in the decoration o f the pottery. The evidence o f a ctual s ettlement i n the Middle Bronze Age/Late Bronze Age period i s very s canty, f or only a f ew s ites have yet been detected i n t his vast area: P ontes de Marchil ( Faro, P ortugal) ( Pinho Monteiro 1 980) and Pessegueiro and QuitAria ( Setübal, Portugal) ( Silva and S oares 1 981). This s ituation s uggests a relatively mobile e conomy, l inked with the exploitation o f restricted z ones, which, when exhausted, l ed t o f urther moves. I t could be related t o

2 6

agriculture c ropping.

a nd

p astoralist

a ctivities

or

t o

mineral

The ' family-type' c emeteries l ocated i n peripheral z ones o f relatively good or very good arable s oils a lso s uggest a f amily-based e conomy, f urther r eflected i n the grave goods and in the g enerally egalitarian s ituation, where the natural r esources s eem t o be s imilarly available t o a l arger number o f the c ommunity. At the s ame t ime, there s eems t o have been a major demographic development, i f we c onsider the areas o f d istribution o f these c emeteries ( Map 6 ). This s ituation might h ave been different i n exceptionally r ich areas, exactly where we f ind l arge necropoleis, which easily exceed i n number o f graves t he previously described pattern o f ' family-type' c emeteries. Their l ocation i s r elated t o the r ich a lluvial or mineral z ones, where t he e conomic c apacity exceeded the u sual f amily exploitation, thereby implying a c entral and h ierarchical organisation, which controlled t he whole area, i ts exploitation and division o f l abour. This previous e conomic equilibrium i n d ivision o f resources, and e conomic development, mainly based on agrarian exploitation, might h ave c ontributed to t he i solation o f t he smaller groups. This c ircumstance might have l ed t o i nstability, a ccording t o the model s uggested by Bradley ( 1978) i n h is s tudy o f the s o c alled ' Celtic f ields' i n Britain and E urope. This type o f well organised and a lready h ighly r anked agrarian c ommunities which were producing a h igh s urplus - which u sually l ed to major s ocial h ierarchisation H arris ( 1977) - c ould therefore c ontribute to deeper s ocial a nd e conomic s tresses within a wider area. This s eems to b e i n a ccordance with the growing emphasis put on warfare, i n SW I beria, namely the f amous warrior engraved s labs. These internal f actors, i n addition to s ome external ones, s uch a s the c ommercial c ontacts with other peoples i n a growing and demanding trade a ctivity, or the a ctual arrival o f new peoples were probably major c ontributions t o the great changes that were about to t ake p lace i n SW I beria. The probable arrival o f new peoples and i nfluences s eems t o t ake p lace then, e ither through the Meseta, o f Central European origin, a s S avory ( 1960), S chüle ( 1969) or S angmeister ( 1960) s uggest, or t hrough t he Mediterranean and s outhern Atlantic c oasts a s t he presence o f the Villena hoard ( Alicante, Spain), a s t hese r emarkably early i ron j ewels, or t he iron weapons o f Alcaria c emetery ( Monchique, Portugal) ( Schubart 1 975:1.v, 1 84, t omb 1 4) s uggest. These external i nfluences s eem t o b e f urther documented i n the archaeol ogical evidence i n t he V-notched s hields, the bronze obeloi and the SW I berian i nscriptions.

2 7

9

0

Bronze Age

cist cemetery

Bronze Age

settlement

s ite

MAP 6

MAP -

6

l.Almadeninha 2. Bensafrim 3.Chocalho 4.Serro de Bartolomeu Dias 5.Mexilhoeira Grande 6.Faz do Farelo 7.Donalda 8.Baralha 9.Monte Velho 10.Alcaria(Monchique) 11.Casinha da Moura 12.Ferrarias 13.Corte Cabreira 14.Arregata 15.Mirante da Mata 16.Caldas de Monchique 17. Pocilgais 18.Vagarosa 19.Bemparece 20.Estombar 21.Crastos 22 .Silves 23.Messines 24:S.Bartolomeu de Messines 25.Porches-o-Velho 26.Campina 27.Pontes do Marcil 28.Monte do Castelo 29.Bias 30.Torre dos Frades 31.Maudinheiro 32.Zambujeira 33.Alcaria do Po�inho 34.Corte do Guadiana 35.Serro da Eira da Estrada 36.Serro dos Valles 37.Serro dos Corveiros 38.0deleite 39.Curral da Pedra 40.Vale de Nossa Senhora 41.Atalaia(Mesquita) 42.Marchica Nova

85.Vale Formosa 43.Nora Velha 86.Almonaster 44.Alcaria 87.Cortelazor 45.Cola 88.Puerto-Moral 46.Atalaia 89.Aracena 47.0demira 90.Castanuelo 48.Panoias 91.Minas de Rio Tinto 49.Pessegueiro 92.Becerrero 50.Proven�a 93.Calanas 51.Sines 94.Mertola 52.Quiteria(?) 95.Fonte Santa 53.Lousal 96.Salir 54.Corte de Azinha 97.Corte Cabreira SS.Monte do Ulmo 98.Faro 56.6anta Vitoria 57.Monte do Outeiro 99.Evora 100.Provenca 58.Cata 59.Beja 60.Mos 61.Mombeja 62.Medarra 63.Hospital 64.Folha da Amendoeira 65.Odivelas 66.'Barrocal'(Evora) 67.Alvito 68.Cascalheira e Casinha 69.Duque 70.Reguengos de Monsaraz 71.Monte da Ribeira 72.Folha das Palmeiras 73.Queijeirinha 74.Altas Moras 75.Perel 76.Farrobo 77.Montinho 78.Trigaches 79.Vau de Baixo 80.Santajusta 81.Belmeque 82.Ficalho 83.Encinasola 84.Rosal de la Frontera

50

3 4I

40 20

1 5

6 1 .

1 7°

1 8

0

2 8 . 3 4 2 7

•

2 9

5 6.

P ub o30• d o l obo

2 5

0

4 5 4 3 4 2

•

44

5 46

4 9

4 7 0 48 5 3

04 6 5 2

.41 .

40

•39 .38 *

3 7

0 36

0

1 70 km

•

Late

Bronze Age/Early

Iron Age

settlement

A

Late

Bronze Age/Early

Iron Age

cave

site

MAP

7

0

Map 7 - LBA/EIA settlement sites : l.Medellin

29.Passo Alto

2.Segovia

30.Tharsis

3.Baldio.

31.Rio Tinto

4.Careira

32.Niebla

5.Vaiamonte

33.Huelva

6 .Alpiar

1 1

I t c

I c o

I

V I 1 1 1 4

I Z

I • • r d

h t o f o x i d e s

1 1

4 1 •

4 4

•

•

r • - r • • • — 4 — 4

I

I ' 0 I

1 4 4 1

I

G O

I

I ' V I 1 4

4 + i f x )

F ig.49 - Small bronzes from Azougada, C aucasian harness bronzes

included the Thraco-

c onical buttons a lso at C ancho Roano s anctuary ( Zalamea l a S erena, B adajoz) ( Maluquer de Motes 1 981, 2 93, f igs. 1 2 and 4 2). Celtic symbolism i s a lso s trongly r epresented i n the small bronzes o f b oth s ites. Again in harness bits, two double horse head representations, part o f a bronze thymiaterion, bronze obeloi, g eneral l ocal pottery and imported Attic wares, ivory engraved p laques ( these probably a north African c ommodity r eaching I beria), at C ancho Roano ( Maluquer de Motes 1 981). I n Azougada, the votive bronze c hariot, t he obeloi, t he oval p laque with the bull r epresentation and a t orc upon i t ( Jüdice Gamito 1 986, 1 987), t he small bronze r epresentation o f the ' smiting god', which was recently published by Gomes ( 1983) He c onsiders i t mainly a P hoenician deity, f ollowing the u sual I berian i nterpretation. Renfrew c onsiders the ' smiting god' a deity l argely worshipped i n the E astern Mediterranean, o f a western Asia origin and l argely d iffused among t he Greeks ( Renfrew 1 985, 3 03-310). This i ntense trade a ctivity i s c onfirmed by the s ame f inds in the 5 th/4th century necropoleis o f e .g. Alcäcer do S al, Carmona, Setefilla, Acebuchal. Craftmanship must h ave been h ighly developed a s the evidence o f s mithing a ctivity and bronze and i ron productions s uggests, a nd r eflected in the numerous artefacts manufactured. Among them the f alcatas s hould be specially emphasised, and ' Alcäcer do S al' swords, the La Tene and I berian penannanular f ibulae, the bronze buckles, a s already r eferred t o i n 2 .6. O ther s kilful c raftsmanship was developed: s uch a s by the potters, who again s hould h ave enjoyed an important s ocial r ole, a ccording t o the ethnographic parallels f rom r ecent t imes. Spinning, a ccording t o the s ettlement evidence might h ave been a f eminine, f amily based, a ctivity.

The Case s tudy o f S ta.Eulälia i s an attempt to exemplify what might have been t he main e conomic a ctivities o f an I ron Age c ommunity s ettled t here, and to c onsider the main variables which might have determined their past behaviour, reflected i n the s ettlement pattern and material culture. At the s ame t ime i t s uggests what might have been happening i n the peripheral areas o f Tartessos, during and a fter i ts most important period. These areas are exactly those that i n 5 00 B .C. onwards became i ndependent k ingdoms.

1 69

5 .

SOCIAL ORGANISATION AND D EVELOPMENT I N SOUTHWEST I BERIA -

CONCLUDING ASPECTS

5 .1.

THE MORTUARY PRACTICES

The i nformation t aken f rom t he way past s ocieties disposed o f their deceased h as been a main attraction f or antiquarians and archaeologists. The f ormer l ooking f or r ich and beautiful museum or c ollector p ieces, t he l atter trying to infer diffusionist c orrelations, in a traditionalist approach, or t o detect s ocial c omplexity and differentiation i n more s cientific and r ecent approaches. While the traditionalist approach i s s till h ighly popular among t he E uropean e stablished archaeological milieu, and r eflected i n I berian approaches ( e.g. Almagro Gorbea 1 978, 1 983), t he quantitative/ethnographic approaches are most evident i n t he Anglo-Saxon s chool, e specially a fter B inford ' s decisive s tudy on mortuary practices ( Binford 1 972). However, the impact o f f ormal analysis and t he r ole o f theoretical b asis was f irst f ormulated by Brown ( 1971) and S axe ( 1971). Good synthesis on t he d ifferent points o f view were g iven by Chapman and Randsborg ( 1981), and O 'Shea ( 1984). B inford's perspective was based on the a ssumption o f r egular i nterrelations between the i ndividual's s ocial s tatus i n l ife and i ts r eflection a t h is death.

" It i s proposed that there are two general components o f the s ocial s ituation t o be evaluated when attempting t o understand the types o f s ocial phenomena symbolized i n any g iven burial s ituation. The f irst i s what we may c all, with Goodenough ( 1965:7) t he s ocial persona o f the deceased. This i s a c omposite o f the s ocial . identities maintianed i n l ife and recognized a s appropriate f or c onsideration a t death. The s econd i s the c omposition and s ize o f the s ocial unit recognizing s tatus responsabilities t o the deceased." ( Binford 1 972, 2 25) and:

1 70

" We w ould e xpect d irect c orrelations b etween t he r elative r ank o f t he s ocial p osition h eld by t he d eceased a nd t he n umber o f p ersons h aving d uty-status r elationships v is-a-vis t he d eceased." ( Binford 1 982, 2 26)

B ut,

a s O 'Shea s tresses:

" However t here a re s till t ransformations i ntermediate b etween t he mortuary practices employed by a s ociety a nd t he evidence o f s uch p ractices which c omes t o be o bserved a rchaeologically." ( O'Shea 1 981, 3 9-40)

And h e l ists what we a ctually m iss: r ituals prior t o t he a ctual i nterment, t he r ange o f t ransformations o ccurred by the n on preservation o f c ertain e lements f irst present i n t he burial; a nd t he i nherent d ifficulties o f t he archaeologist t o explain t he e vidence which i s p resent. T o t hese I s hould a dd t he s ucessive p lundering most o f t he n ecropoleis h ave b een s ubmitted a nd t he a ctual i ncapacity o f s ome a rchaeologists t o deal w ith t he d ata t hey f ound. I n what I berian i s c oncerned these a spects h ave h ad t errible c onsequences a s i s t he c ase o f B onsor e xcavating l arge n umber o f n ecropoleis i n t he l ow Guadalquivir i n t he e arly 1 920s, a nd n eglecting p art o f t he burial f urniture f or b eing broken o r n ot i mpressive ( Blanco 1 956, 1 960); o r t he o ld g entlemen o f Archaeology e xchanging g ifts with t heir d istant c olleagues, a nd s o d istroying c omplete a ssemblages; o r t he s till u npublished work o f Vergilio C orreia o n A lcäcer d o S al n ecropolis or t he numerous Heleno's e xcavations; o r B eirao ' excavating' more t han 4 0 I ron Age n ecropoleis i n t he l ate 1 960s i n t he area o f Ourique, i n c ircumstances well k nown t o a ll the P ortuguese archaeological m ilieu, a nd n ow h ardly k nowing ' which i s what' and ' what i s w hich' i n most c ases, w ith e xception o f t he work c arried o ut w ith D ias a nd C oelho ( 1970) a nd more r ecently with Gomes ( Beirao a nd G omes 1 980); o r Almagro G orbea building u p t heories o n monumental f eatures o f f unerary monuments which were c ompletely destroyed, o nly t he f oundations i n s itu ( Almagro G orbea 1 978, 1 980, 1 983), j ust because h e c ollected a f ew monumental e ngraved s tones, h e r ebuilds t he whole m onument, a s i s t he c ase o f P ozo Moro, i n • exhibition a t Museu N acional de Arqueologia, i n Madrid, g iving i t t he s hape a nd l ength h e presumes i t h ad. However, out w ith Roiz and ( Ourique)

s ystematic s tudies o f s ome n ecropoleis are c arried s cientific p urposes a t L a J oya ( Huelva) ( Garrido O rta P ereira 1 978, 1 983) a nd a t F avela N ova ( Dias a nd C oelho), a nd a t C orral de Magente

1 71

( Valencia) ( Pla B allester 1 977), o n whose work much depends the possibility o f f urther s cientific work. Unfortunately, t he predominating r itual was c remation which makes impossible, or at l east d ifficult ( some bones c an s till be f ound), s tudies on s ex, age, nutrition and deseases. What c an be s aid when c onsidering the mortuary practices i n S outhwest I beria? D ue t o s uch biased data, no quantitative but only f ormal approaches are possible. Cremation s eems t o have been the general method o f disposing o f t he deceased. The r itual, however, varies a ccording to the d ifferent s ub-areas, i n a c lose chronology, f rom the 7 th t o 6 th c entury B .C. F our main types o f burials are f ound i n t his vast area:

Type a ) This r itual f ollows t he cremation urn type, possibly related t o t he urnfield tradition, and i s l ocated i n the Celtic inland area, a s f ar a s Huelva c oastal region. The a shes were kept i n an urn and t his, e ither put within a l arger c ontainer with the o fferings and belongings o f the deceased, or i n another vessel c lose t o the urn. This i s the c ase, f or example, o f Medellin ( Badajoz), Cancho Roano ( Zalamea l a S erena, B adajoz), E lvas and La J oya ( Huelva). No necropoleis were yet f ound r elated t o Vaiamonte and S egövia oppida. S ocial d ifferentiation i s mainly detected on t he quality and quantity o f the burial goods, b ut at L a J oya there s eems to have been an a ccentuated s ocial differentiation in t he r ich chariot burials, a ccompanied by l uxurious imported and l ocally made objects ( partly referred to i n 2 .5.). I ts excavators now think there might have been an a ctually tumulis at t omb 1 7, with s econdary urn interments w ithin and around i ts mound, and human s acrificies a s probable o fferings ( Garrido Roiz and Orta Pereira 1 983). These are apparently the only i nhumations presenting the r ight parietal i ntentionally broken. Here the t ombs are excavated in the s oil and the l uxurious o fferings and prestige i tems displayed around. The urn i nterments s eem t o be r elated to the main i nividual t ombs. They are c hronologically s ituated i n the 7 th/6th c entury B .C..

Type b ) These burials are s ituated i n the extreme s outhwestern p art o f I beria, f rom the Algarve coast to the Alentejo l owlands, i n the area o f Ourique, f amous f or their SW-Iberian inscriptions ( see 2 .3.).

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"ig.50

- Rio Tinto

necropolis

These necropoleis s pread over a r elatively restricted area. They are f ormed by monuments o f r ectangular s hape, built o f s tone s labs i n a s tep, pyramidal l ike disposition, and measuring about 2 mx2.5m ( Fig.50) • Apparently there i s no h ierarchical d ifferentiation between them. S ome o f this monuments posses a k ind o f marker, made o f s tone, that would have been s tanding by t he t omb, a s part o f i t ( Coelho 1 979). This marker presented a n engraved inscription i n the SWI berian or Tartessian s cript. No complete necropolis was yet excavated. However, t he R io T into I ron Age necropolis a ccording t o the, s o t o s ay, ' negative' evidence, l eft on the rocks ( Fig.5), s uggests t hat a s imilar necropolis might have been built there, a nd e xactly i n i ts middle, a l arger , ore imposing t omb might h ave b een. P ehaps a s imilar s ituation will be f ound i n t hese necropoleis ( The s cientific excavations now i n progress by D ias and Coelho, and will c ertainly answer s ome o f t hese questions). Some o f t he monumental t ombs o f J aen, Granada and Murcia ( 4.2.), exactly the turret ones mentioned by Almagro ( 1978, 1 980, 1 983), a lso present a r ectangular pyramidal basis made o f s tones, basically r ecording the SW-Iberian necropoleis, which t here acquired more monumental f eatures. I think, I must explain my criticism t owards Almagro Gorbea. I admit the existence o f monumental t ombs i n t he s outheast Spain. What I c annot a ccept are Almagro's reconstructions and c onsequent typology. The material f urniture accompanying these burials suggest, i n their e arliest f orms, a chronology c lose to the end o f the 8 th and beginning o f the 7 th century B .C.: the torcs with s anguisuga bronze beads ( Schüle 1 969) t he Pedubaste s carab ( Gamer-Wallert 1 975 1 89-193, 1 978; D ias 1 970, 1 81-182). All t he other objects date f rom the 6 th century B .C.: t he P sammetichos s carabs, the Greek amphora, the iron s pears and f alcatas ( Schüle 1 969), the z oomorphic c lay objects representing b irds and f elines, which recall the Greek i conography o f t he end o f t he Archaic Period ( Boardman 1 980; Otto 1 983) or C eltic cult objects i nfluenced by orientalising i conographic motifs, a s s een i n the recent exhibition ' L'Art C eltique de Gaul' ( Quonian 1 984). I n s ome, the typical penannular f ibulae are f ound, dating f rom the 5 th century B .C. ( Cuadrado 1 957, 1 963). Almost a ll are i ncinerations practised l ocally, i .e., i n s itu, and probably a s p art o f the mortuary practices. A k ind o f hole was dug a s f ar a s the bedrock, f orming a box ( a f eature perfectly c lear a t R io T into necropolis), in which a special s and f rom another p lace ( it appears to have been o f r ich s oil [ Dias 1 970, 1 82]) was thrown [ or would not i t be meant to be a c lean one?], and upon which the pyre would have been built). The c orpse would l ie there accompanied by s ome personal o fferings and l uxurious objects. The a shes would

1 73

eventually c ollapse i nto t he previously dug hole and s ome other o fferings would b e deposited around t he burial a nd within t he monument, which u sually s eems t o present two o r t hree s teps. The necropoleis s imply grew by t he j uxtaposition o f o ne monument against another, i n a n e xpansive movement. T he o ccurrence o f the i nscribed s lags i n only a f ew o f t hem ( generally two or t hree i nscriptions per necropolis), l eads u s think t hey might b e meant t o b e s ignalled a s s pecial i ndividuals: t he l iterate o nes? t he k ings or t he c hiefs? t he priests? t he heroes? The s cript i tself, a s d iscussed i n 2 .3.3., i s one o f i ts main problems, a nd App.3 g ives an i dea o f t he many monuments f ound i n t his area o f s outhern P ortugal, and s ome o thers i n t he S panish provinces o f E xtremadura a nd Andalucia.

Type c ) This type o f burial c omprises t he i nterments under a more or l ess l arge mound b uilt o n a previously excavated hole, where t he i ncineration urns or the c orpses are deposited. T hey a re, i n f act, l arge tumuli within necropoleis f ollowing two d ifferent r ituals, i nhumation a nd cremation, which however are n ot a ccompanied by d istinct f urnitures. S ome l ater t ombs f rom t he 3 rd c entury B .C. are built up u sing s culptural s tones f rom previously destroyed monuments a s f illing s tones ( Pla B allester 1 977). This type o f i nterment o ccurs a t most o f t he n ecropoleis o f the l ow Guadalquivir, e .g., L os Alcores, C armona, Acebuchal, B encarron, Alcaudete, excavated by B onsor ( 1899), and at Alcacer do S al, excavated by C orreia ( 1925) a nd P aixao ( 1982). The tumuli g ather i n a c ertain area, s ometimes f orming a r eal f ield o f t umuli. This s ame type o f i nterment s eems t o h ave been t he burial f ound a t Aböbada ( Almodovar) ( Dias and Coelho 1 971), where a s imilar urn i nterment was r eusing one o f t he most f amous SW-Iberian i nscription ( App.3, n .14). This t omb witnesses a d ifferent burial, o f a c ertainly l ater date, within t he area o f Type b ), a s i s a lso t he c ase o f Alcacer do S al necropolis, a lso not f ar f rom Type b ) area. The dug holes, i n which t he i nterments were f ound, c an be j ust c overed with t he mound, or dressed with s tones, o r . c overed with s labs or smaller s tones. They r eveal a ctive i nteraction with the Mediterranean area: ivory p laques, bronze ewer a nd bowl ( the C armona o nes, discussed i n 2 .4.), and S outhern France: t he s ilver f ibula and a bucle f rom Acebuchal, o f a type r eferred t o by T affanel, f rom L e Languedoc and Maillac ( 1960), a s well a s c ommon pottery f rom s outhwest I beria.

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This type o f burial 6 th/5th century B .C.

i s

c hronologically s ituated i n

t he

Type d ) The Phoenician necropoleis a lso f ollow the cremation r itual but within an hypogeum, i n a l ess s ophisticated burial, than the r ich burials f ound i n types a ) and c ). That i s t he c ase o f Trayamar, Almuf tecar and J ardin. S chubart ( 1982, 2 09) i s very c lear emphasising the differences between the Phoenician t ombs and those f rom the Huelva and Guadalquivir c emeteries. The t omb f urnitures a lso recall a c ompletely different atmosphere, predominating the Phoenician amphorae, a s i ncineration urns ( exceptionlly a labastrons) a ccompanied by the u sual Phoenician red s lip wares, ocasionally Greek pottery.

From this brief reached:

summary,

t hree main conclusions

c an

be

1 . Compared with t he e stimated numbers a s population s izes ( 4.3.3.) we r ealise that i ndeed very f ew i ndividuals had the r ight f or a proper interment. From these only a very restricted number, two or three, had the r ight f or exceptionally r ich burials, c onfirming that we are in f act dealing with a h igh s tratified s ociety. 2 . P arallel to s tratification t here was a lso r ank, f or c lose to t he main burial, or burials, o ther s econdary urn interments were a lso attached, emphasising they a lso belong, or had the r ight t o s tay c lose t o h is/her r elatives or ancestors. 3 . The u se o f c emeteries, a s emphasised by Chapman ( 1981) and Goldstein ( 1981), a lso s tresses the existence o f a ' corporate group' which c ontrols r estricted r esources, c onsolidated or l egitimated by means o f l ineal descent f rom the dead. I n this l ate period, l ong distance trade s eems to have been totally controlled by the different dominating e lites o f s outhern I beria: f irst mainly Tartessos i n th 7 th/6th century B .C., l ater the d ifferent I berian kingdoms f rom th 6 th/5th and 4 th centuries B .C.

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5 .2.

THE SOCIAL AND I DEOLOGICAL CONTEXT

One o f t he most difficult a spects an archaeologist may attempt t o grasp when c onsidering p ast s ocieties, i s t heir s ocial and i deological c ontexts. T he s tructural/idealistic approach has c ontributed most f or t he progress achieved i n this s ubject, while the f unctionalist/evolutionalist approach maintains i ts s cepticism and s tates that the mind and i deology o f past s ocieties c annot be detected by the point o f the archaeologists' s hovel ( Binford's l ecture, C ambridge 1 984). P ast s ocieties religiousity has t hus been l argely neglected i n the f unctionalist approach a lthough i t p layed the most r elevant role i n their daily l ife and s ocial a cts a s Durkheim ( 1914) s o l ong ago emphasised. This a spect i s again l argely reconsidered by modern anthropology. The s tructuralist approach i n anthropology has i n f act brought s ound c ontributions t o the understanding o f past behaviours, e specially a fter the work o f Levi-Strauss ( 1963, 1 977). I t i s b ased o n the a ssumption that the human mind works, to a c ertain degree, with t he s ame principles o f order, at any g iven t ime o f humankind, f or behind e ach human act l ies the mental s tructure which dictated i t ( Hodder 1 982). The mental s tructure i s r eflected i n t he human behaviour, e ither producing an artefact, or a type o f decoration, or a religious a ct, or c ontained i n the narrative o f a myth. Thus,

" The basic a ssumption i s that t he human mind c ategorizes and divides; c reates c ontrasts and oppositions; that i t reverses, displaces, and distinguishes between i nside and outside, culture and n ature, male and f emale; f urthermore, t hat the mind u ses a l imited repertoire o f c ontrastive c ategories l ike t hese t o think about virtually a ll reality" ( Leone 1 982, 7 42)

Behind t he f unction o f an object there i s a lso i ts s ignificance, and t hrough i t prehistoric thought can be perceived. The s tudy o f more r ecent s ocieties c an count on a wide range o f d ifferent documentation, and ethnographic reports, s o that they will enable t he archaeologist t o u se a

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wide r ange o f a nalogies t o explain those variables not r eachable by archaeological d ata a lone ( Gould 1 979; Hodder 1 984, 1 985). T hence t he i nterest e thnographic or ethnohistoric approaches c an bring, or those r eports about a g iven s ociety. I n this s ense t he C lassical authors' r eports present a s ound b asis and c omplement t he archaeological r ecord, exactly providing t he s ort o f i nformation we would be unable t o obtain today. The v alidity o f t heir s tatements was a problem r ecently evaluated by Gabba ( 1983). F or the ancient authors' reports, a lthough being able to c ontain s omewhat b iased information, are t he o nly available ethnographic evidence, c omparable with s imilar modern r eports. They provide a basis f or t he e stablishment or t esting o f models about i deology and s ocio-economic organisation o f the s ocial groups they ment ion, a s I s aid e lsewhere:

" ..better progress c an be made than by merely imposing our own v iews about the s ocieties o f the period and area under s tudy onto the archaeological data. D istorted a s t he ancient authors' views were, they were c ertainly c loser t o their contemporaries, than we are." ( Jüdice Gamito 1 984b, 9 6)

Where the I berian peninsula i s c oncerned, i t i s only through them that we know about the customs and s ocial behaviour o f the peoples i nhabiting t his area. One a spect i s emphasised: the c ontrast b etween t he north and the s outh. Emphasis i s put o n the g entleness o f both Turdetanians and Celtic peoples i n t he s outhwest ( Strabo op.cit, 1 5). While the s outh presented i tself a s most c ivilised and much more i n accordance with the Roman models, the north was inhabited by wild uncivilised p eoples i n whose numerous t owns no urban order was known ( Strabo, Geog., 3 , 4 , 1 3). Their religious beliefs were a lso s trange, a ccording to Roman s tandards. The Celtiberians worshipped a nameless god, to whom they s acrificed at n ight by f ull moon, dancing and s inging i n chorus, i n f ront o f t heir houses ( Strabo, op.cit., 1 6). The women were a s courageous a s men, and they did not hesitate t o k ill their c hildren and themselves to avoid being t aken prisoners; i n this t hey behave l ike the Celts, the Thracians. and t he S cythians ( Strabo, op.cit, 1 7). Some r emanent traces o f matriarchal organisation s till existed i n the dowries brought to the h ousehold by the wife, that would be inherited by the d aughters, " thus a s trange, a lthough not s avage custom o f the C antabrians" ( Strabo, op.cit, 1 8). Other examples are g iven by D iodorus

1 77

( V,

3 3,

7 -33,

and

3 -34) who s peaks about t he C elts i n I beria. F irst t hey kept their own i dentity, but s oon mixed w ith the I berians f orming the Celtiberians. B oth peoples were e xcellent s oldiers. Men u sually wore r ough c loaks, and women l ong dresses, a s we c an s ee represented i n the f igurative I berian painted p ottery. The warriors c arried l ight s hields l ike those o f the Gauls, but mostly t he c ircular wicker s hields a s l arge a s an a spis, which s eem t o be i n a ccordance with t he many representations o f t he s hields u sed by t he I berians, both i n the e ngraved s labs o f " Extremadura" type ( discussed in 2 .2.5.2.) a nd i n the warrior s tatues o f t he Cultura C astreja ( Castro Culture o f northern Portugal and Galicia). D iodorus describes i n detail their weapons and ways o f f ighting, which c an c omplement t he archaeological data. Their s inging o n battle f ields, t heir valour and s peed i n b attle o f b oth Celtiberians and Lusitanians when f ighting, s eem t o have been d istinctive f orms o f behaviour t hey s hared with t he Gauls. To emphasise, their hospitality t owards s trangers, which s eems t o c arry s ome religious beliefs, a s i f a g od h ad chosen to manifest them h is l ove:

" Strangers, f or i nstance, who c ome among them t hey o ne and a ll entreat t o s top a t t heir homes and t hey are r ivals one o f another i n t heir hospitality, and any among t hem who are a ttended by s trangers are s poken o f with approval and r egarded a s b eloved o f the gods." ( Diodorus, V , 3 4, 1 -5)

This again r ecalls t he Celtic b elief in a visiting god, named S ucellos among the G auls, t he s triking god who might c all a t a ny t ime t aking t he f orm o f wandering people ( Ross 1 974; Brekilien 1 981), and whose c ult was l ater a ssimilated to that o f S aint Michael, with t he s ame a ttributes. At S . Miguel da Mota, we witness t his s ame a ssimilation. T he previous pagan cult o f the E ndovellicus was a lso in Christian t imes c hanged t o that o f S aint Michael, a s mentioned i n 2 .2.5.4. The archaeological evidence a lso s uggests a deep religious and animistic people, worshipping gods representing the underworld, the a fter-life, t he p owers o f nature. S trange a spects o f behaviour are a lso mentioned, u se o f urine t o bathe the body ( Diodorus, op.cit., S trabo, op.cit., 1 6).

a s t he 3 -34;

P liny i s very s traightforward i n h is reports, and g ives great detail on the d istribution o f peoples and territories, a s well a s the r elative d istances b etween the main towns, which have been o f great help i n l ocating a ctual ancient towns ( Pliny Nat.Hist, I V, XXI), and t he s patial distribution o f s ettlements

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The importance o f k inship among the Celtic and other I berian peoples i s a lso s tressed ( Strabo Geog., I II, 3 , 5 ), partly explaining t he I berians' warfare, c haracter and devotio. T his was a lso emphasied by their s ense o f compromise: when t hey broke a treaty or a lliance i t certainly was because the o ther part i nvolved i n the treaty did not f ulfil the rules agreed. Therefore t hey no l onger f elt dependent o n their p artnership, a n a spect s eldom understood by t heir opponents. For a ll these r easons, I think that we c an u se the C lassical s ources i n t he s ame way a s the anthropological approach u ses the e thnographic r eports, which equally derive, f or the most part, f rom outsiders. The l ong argument developed i n this book, based on a ll available evidence brought t ogether, both i n the f orm o f archaeological evidence and written documents l ead to the c onclusion t hat we are r eally dealing with a deeply Celtic or Celticised s ociety. Which c ould then be the s tructure lying behind this s ocial group and s ubgroups ? Which c ategories f ormed their c osmogony a nd c osmology ? I think we c an s uggest t hree main dominated their mental s tructure: l ife/death,

day/night,

oppositions

which

earth/water

Nothing, not even t hese c ontrasts and oppositions were everlasting. A c onstant r otative movement animated their universe. Gods a nd animals, and s ome humans - the heroes and the priestesses - p enetrated both s ides o f this and the other world. The s upreme God was at t he s ame t ime the l ord o f both worlds: heaven and t he underworld. Animals, e specially those most worshipped l ike the wild boar, the s tag, the s erpent, t he bull, t he c at, the dog and s ome b irds - the duck and the swan - c ould c ome f rom and go i nto this and the other world. This i s c ertainly a lso the c ase o f the heroes and t he priestesses who c ould e asily s tep i nto and f rom both worlds. These animals and e lements are l argely exemplified in the religious a nd decorative motifs i n SW I beria, a s discussed i n the previous chapters. This rotative movement o f the C eltic universe, a lso detected not only i n t he s outhwest but a lso i n a ll the west o f the I berian P eninsula i s b est synthetised i n the " commal eaves" and the triskels motifs, a lways within a c ircle, and s o common i n decorating t heir artistic and religious monuments and artefacts. They c ertainly reflect and

1 79

s ummarise t heir c oncept o f

l ife,

r eligion a nd c osmos:

GODS WORLD

LIFE

MAN/WOMAN

DAY

EARTH

ANIMALS

DEATH

HERO/PRIESTESS

NIGHT

WATER

ANIMALS

UNDERWORLD GODS

This e ternal movement i s f urther r eflected i n t he Celtic f ondness f or t he a symetric s ymetry, i f we c an s ay s o, o f spirals, swastikas, l abyrinths, and o ther g eometric motifs, or on the whirligigs or " motifs en t ourbillon" u sually c ontained within c ircles, c ertainly s uggesting t he c onstant mutation o f t he Celtic mind and universe.

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5 .3.

THE PROCESS O F SOCIAL COMPLEXITY AND H IERARCHISATION

I deology h as been l argely neglected in the archaeologists' e xplanation o f s ocial c omplexity, despite being a determinant f actor i n s tate f ormation. I t explains and brings meaning t o t he l ocation o f many s ites, e specially s anctuaries, and t he u se o f r itual vessels. The analyses c arried out i n t he previous pages tried t o bring i n i deology, a s an important a spect to be considered i n understanding c omplex s ocieties. Religion, a n i ntegrant part o f i deology, c an be considered both d estroyer or opponent o f the e stablished power or t he c reator and maintainer o f s tability. Both a spects are reflected i n the I berian r eligion, a s l asting f eatures. This b ook i s an attempt to t ake i nto account the role played by i deology which explains most o f t he I berians' behaviour a nd material c ulture, and their l ong r esistence to the new coming power o f Rome. The archaeological evidence d iscussed i n the previous chapters s uggests that, i n f act, there was a l ong s low process o f s ocial h ierarchisation and s tratification, which s tarted before t he Bronze Age. D ifferent variables have c ontributed to t his move: the demographic development and consequent pressure, t he internal c ompetition and the s timulating external i nteraction. These c ircumstances were s tressed i n 2 .2.1. They might have l ed t o f urther s truggles, h igher warfare a nd new a djustments. The emphasis put on warfare i s c learly detected i n the burials and i n t he s udden appearance o f huge f ortified h ill-forts ( 2.2.1.1). I t was s uggested t hat t he dominating group would therefore s ucceed in a chieving the s ubordination o f t he defeated groups and the quick acquisition o f g oods and l abour. The s ocial s tratification s eemed a lso t o have increased, and the ruling e lite c ertainly became more powerful . , i ntroducing new prestige i tems, and adopting new religious r ites, reflected i n the mortuary practices and burial goods a s discussed i n 2 .2.3., 2 .2.5. and 5 .1. A deep Celticised s ociety apparently emerged, influencing every a spect o f l ife: religious beliefs, s ocial behaviour and organisation o f space, f orms o f art and decorative motifs.

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New decorative s tyles on t he p ottery and new weapons s uggest that two i ntrusive c ultural movements t ook p lace. The f irst was t hrough the i nland areas, bringing with i t most o f the E uropean decorative patterns i n j ewellery and pottery ( the i ncised and l ater the s tamped motifs), new bronzes ( ewers and bowls, t hymiateria a nd p aterae) and prestige objects ( chariots, imported wares a nd f abrics), perhaps a lso religious c ults and c oncepts ( the c ults o f Ataegina a nd E ndovellicus) ( 2.2.3. a nd 2 .2.5.). T hese f eatures might well have become t he d istinctive trace o f t he ' new ' ruling e lite. The archaeological evidence a lso s uggests t hat t he access t o t he r ich mineral areas o f the hinterland was primarily under the t otal c ontrol o f T artessos, whose main s ettlement was probably l ocated a t H uelva. E xchange n etworks between the i nland, poor peripheral areas and the c oastal ones must have been well e stablished by 8 00-700 B .C., and t he wealth o f T artessos r eached the C lassical world. Long distance traders ( Eastern Greeks, P hoenicians and c ertainly others) would demand i ts port t o l oad their s hips with t he precious metals: s ilver and g old, probably t in, a s Herodotus f irst r eports. As exchange products t hey would have brought exotic, attractive i tems, which s tarted to be c opied by t he s kilful I berian craftsmen: t he Orientalising j ewellery, t he ivory p laques, f ine Phoenician r ed s lip wares, and l uxurious Greek vases. The f abrics c annot be detected i n t he archaeological evidence e ither i n burials or in s ettlements, but they c ertainly were among t hose c ommodities reaching t he West ( 2.2.4.). This a ctivity c ontributed greatly t o the quick development o f T artessos' peripheral areas, and the i nterregional trade networks reached o ther distant i nland and coastal c entres, t he evidence o f which has been l eft a long the trading r outes o f t he hinterland a nd s ea ports: Medellin, Aliseda, Azougada, Castulo, S ines, Alcäcer do S al, Torres Vedras, S anta O lala, and perhaps f urther north a s t he Attic cups a t Castelo da F aia ( Table 1 ) s uggests ( 2.2.5.). This t ime o f c hange i s a lso r eflected in the burial r ituals, cremation predominating a ll over the area. The interments, however, presented distinctive r ites ( 2.2.4. a nd 5 .1), according to the different s ub-areas. An accentuated s tratification dominates t he s ocial organisation o f Tartessos, which, I t hink, with t he development presented here, c eased t o be a misty and mythic c oncept and become a s ound and a ctive reality. Whether " Tartessos" was t he name g iven t o this s ocial system by the Greeks, and not exactly how i t was named by i ts members, i s o f no importance in i ts real c ontext. By 5 00 B .C.

deep changes

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i n the s ocial organisation

o f

the system s eem t o h ave t aken p lace, and Tartessos c eases t o be t he main c entre. S everal small I berian kingdoms emerge a s i ndependent a nd more or l ess s trong polities, and the Tartessians s tarted b eing named a s Turdetanians. K inship s eems t o have been t he basis o f a ll the s ocial groups in I beria, determining their f euds and a lliances, which the great Numantian and Lusitanian wars well reflect. This prevailing t ribal organisation s till emerges a fter the collapse o f R ome ( Vigil 1 963, 1 971) ( 5.2). The primarily s ocial organisation which evolved through Bronze Age and emerged a s a s tate i n archaic Tartessos might well be graphically r epresented i n A ( Fig.51), c lose t o Renfrew's S tate module, i n which t he e thnic element s eems t o have mainly been t he autochthonous population, into which Celtic e lements were absorbed. But T artessos has s oon achieved a more c omplex s ocial organisation, covering a l arger area and a more c onsolidated control over the e conomic r esources ( 4.). This new s ocial arrangement might well be represented in B , c loser to Friedman and Rowlands' " Asiatic S tate" ( 1977). — With t he impact o f t he h igh demand trade a ctivity and cultural i nteraction with E astern Mediterranean peoples, mainly Greeks ( 2.2.1. and 2 .2.5.) and Phoenicians ( 2.2.4. and 2 .2.5.), T artessos might have f irst tried t o c ope by intensifying i ts t echniques o f mining exploitation, and s oon a fter through the i ncreasing o f i ts s ocial c ontacts and treaties with i ts peripheral areas ( 4.), s o enlarging i ts domain and e xploitation area, which c an be represented i n C . However, the main wealth o f T artessos was the extraction o f t he s ilver contained i n the enriched l ayers o f the mineral " gossans", o ccurring i n the Pyrite B elt, which a lthough important, were probably s oon exhausted, bringing with them the f all and c ollapse o f Tartessos, a s the previous model s uggests. I t reached a. momentum which i ts ruling elite c ould not master, and the whole system c ollapsed. A renewed equilibrium was t hen a chieved, a new s ocial organisation f ollowed, emerging f rom Tartessos' f ormer peripheral expansion ( 4.1.) and the different I berian kingdoms become k nown and organised a s independent s tates with their own c ultural f eatures ( 4.2. and 4 .3), exploiting the main natural r esources l ocated i n their territories, the example o f which was dealt with i n 4 .4. Their s ocial complexity a nd a ctual area might have been s imilar t o the f irst two s tages o f T artessos: A and B . Their

f urther

development was brutally i nterrupted by

1 83

the Cartaginian invasion of the southern areas of the Peninsula, and later the Punic wars. By the 2nd century B.C. Rome started to impose its rule, as an immediate consequence of the Punic wars, in a long process which only ended with the defeat of the last revolt of the Iberian peoples under Sertorius. This work, certainly incipient in many of its general lines, tried to stress aspects of general archaeological research, largely neglected or totally absent in the Iberian archaeological milieu. It rejects the excessive diffusionist ideas there predominating, as useless in explaining the actual process of social complexity. It considers functiona­ lism excessively formalistic to explain past societies and structuralism perhaps too idealistic. In a perhaps pragmatic way, it tries to use both approaches, in what positive advances they may bring to make sense of the whole data. It makes use of the different variables which can be traced in the available archaeological data, in order to explain the whole process which might have taken place in Southwest Iberia between 800 and 300 B.C.

184

A

B

C Fig.51 - Model of social complexity

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I racq,

3 8,

1 -22

Wright,

H . T., 1 977, T owards the explanation f or the origin o f t h s tate, E xplanation o f prehistoric c hange, J .Hill ed., Albuquerque, 2 15-230

Wright,

H . T. and G .A . J ohnson, 1 975, Population, exchange and early s tate f ormation i n s outhwestern I ran, American Anthropology, 7 7, 2 67-289

Yengoyan,

A . A., 1 985, D igging f or symbols: everyday material l ife, P .P.S., 5 1,

Y of f ee,

N ., 1 979, c ivilization,

The decline and American Antiquity,

2 35

the archaeology o f 3 29-334

r ise o f 4 4, 5 -35

Mesoptamian

APPENDIX

1

' EXTREMADURA'

SLABS

2 37

-

SOME EXAMPLES

' EXTREMADURA'

SLABS

1 - F igueiras 2 - Ervidel 3 - Bensafrim 4 - Aldeia 5 -

del

e i

Rei "

e i

6 - Lora

del

7 - Cuatro

R io

C asas

8 - Zujar 9 -

e i

10-

Ategua

1 1-

Belalcazar

1 2-

de Bonaval

13- Granja

de Cespedes

14-

Tres Arroyos

15-

Fuente

de Cantos

16-

Cabeza

del

Buey

1 7- Magacela 18-

Robledilho

19-

Brazas

20-

Solana

2 1-

Ibahernando

22-

Valenc a de Alcantara

de

23

de

T rujillo

Cabanas

i i

i i

2425-

T orrejon del

26-

Z arza

2 7-

Sta.

28-

Torrejon del

Rubio

d e Montachez Ana

de

T rujillo Rubio

2930- Meimao 3 1-

S .Martinho

3 2-

"

33-

"

3 4-

B aracal

35-

Longroiva

3 6-

Valpalmas

i t

2 38

1

2

3

2 39

5 4

7 6

2 40

9

1

1 0

2 41

1 3

1 2

•

1 5 1 4

2 42

1 7

1 6

1 8

2 43

20

2 1

23

2 2

2 44

2 4

25

2 7

2 45

29 28

•

3 1

2 46

32 3 3

35

3 4

2 47

36

2 48

APPENDIX 2

1 4

C DATES

2 49

APPENDIX - 2

ABSOLUTE CHRONOLOGY -

1 4

C

( Late B ronze a ge a nd I ron Age)

PORTUGAL Atalaia

( Ourique) ( Beja)

KN-201

2 800+

5 0 BP

C astelo do G iraldo ( Evora)

BM-936

2 685+

6 5 BP

S egovia

BM-2159 BM-2160 BM-2287

2 280+ 4 5 BP 2 410+ 5 0 BP 2 140+ 1 30 BP

C SIC-202 C SIC-203 C SIC-204 C SIC-205 C SIC-206 C SIC-207

2 830+ 2 820+ 2 800+ 2 810+ 2 820+ 2 820+

KN8 H -1037

2 470+ 1 20 BP 2 400+ 5 0 BP

( Elvas)

ANDALUCIA H uelva

( hoard)

C armona

( Sevilla)

7 0 7 0 7 0 7 0 7 0 7 0

BP BP BP BP BP BP

R io T into

( Huelva)

BM-85

2 400+ 1 50 BP

L a D ehesa

( Huelva)

N PL-70

1 810+

9 5 BP

T IW T IW

2 150+ 2 065+

8 5 BP 8 5 BP

Toscanos

H -2276 KN KN

2 620+ 1 40 BP 2 580+ 1 20 B P 2 270+ 1 20 BP

J ardin

G rN-6830 G rN-6831

2 415+ 2 500+

HAR177

2 740+ 1 10 BP

C astanuelo

C erro J uan

( Huelva)

( Murcia)

250

3 0 BP 3 5 BP

E l C igarralejo

( Murcia)

GrN-5108 H -2275

2 180+ 2 160+

3 5 BP 4 6 BP

I AB-52 I AB-53

2 320+ 2 360+

6 0 BP 6 0 BP

C SIC-84 C SIC-84B C SIC-85 C SIC-35 C SIC-36 C SIC-49 C SIC-50 C SIC-51 C SIC-52 C SIC-86 C SIC-87 G rN-6170

2 280+ 2 290+ 2 280+ 2 440+ 2 550+ 2 450+ 2 380+ 2 480+ 2 490+ 2 500+ 2 490+ 2 420+

L os Romeros ( Ciudad R eal)

C SIC-77

3 290+ 1 20 BP

C ueva de l a Mora ( Soria)

CSIC-67

2 640+

S oto de Medinilla

M-994

2 175+ 2 00 BP

EXTREMADURA C ancho Roano

( Badajoz)

M edellin ( Badajoz) ( settlement) ( necropolis)

1 10 1 10 1 10 1 10 1 10 1 10 1 10 1 10 1 10 1 10 1 10 3 5

BP BP BP BP BP BP BP BP BP BP BP BP

M ESETA

The

1 20 BP

g iven dates a re those available f or t he L ate B ronze Age

a nd I ron Age for the study area. S egövia,

s till unpublished,

W ith the exception o f those

of

a ll t he o thers have b een r eferred to

i n different s cientific periodicals. I

am

not

g iving a ny c alibrated dates because none o f t he.

c urves has been a ccepted, a l arge,

i f not total

o f G . W.Pearson et a l.,

and the new c urve,

c onsensus,

which s eems t o enjoy

h as not y et b een p ublished

f rom B elfast Laboratory).

Graph A g ives an i dea o f t heir r elative chronology BP.

251

( that

F 1 i

) 11 h-

.

Nr.r-r —o r v. m e-oinu n e e 0 .

D r- • • c o c o i n I n i n . 3 - c • , r . , c o c O c O I 1.0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 U 0 0 0 0 U U

- e a nm ,r,

c ,

C. 4 LA ••

r -c oc o

1 ,. .c .Ln e m ,r q e m e m e er-em e •

. . o

. .

f 9 N r 4 c m r s i r s i r 4 o 4 c 0 • D L A 4 2 . N tt Il l IN ' N e 41-40, r 4 1 0D w a D o u o u o u 11 1

r . N

11 , -4 1 1 1 1

M CO N ZIZ Z Z 11 1 1 /1 A ‘ . .u lg il ul u ltn u l ul ul,n u ltr ,- - 1 , < , , Z ZI — 0 _ Z I Z VI V Itntn ,n 0 Z E Z. g_ Z Z O O LD 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Z Z I O M O O Y Y MI-2 1 — Z OO M M U U 0 0 0 000 M MCO M

0 0

J

.E.

0 Z

1 5

Z

. . . ,

0 L

ow

0 0

0 0

0

0

E

2

0

C 0

0 0 J

cce , , =

0 -. 3

0 ,

0

0

. .

1 -

c c C C C cc cc c c c 00.) € 1 ) .02 _ 0 0 ___ ____ . . .„ . . .„ .. 55 56 5 g ,521 . 7. ,2 9 „ „ „; ;;0 6 , . ........... .u,, „ . . , . _ , _ , . . 0 0 0-0 _, - 0 mm mmommmmoomcc 1 5zZw000000c ceo*000_ tööööö öö o' 2öö r 3 3331 '. T. Tg ". 2 0 .

C

O

M

M

'

r >

O' ‘

V

0

C

0

0

0

0

0

0

C '

0

c r iu_ I zZEZZEZZzzzruu ww0 . -o -0 i ) - 00_ Jc E -uvmmxmix (AcAt50‹

252

T he dates for S egövia oppidum:

S ituation a nd c ontext: T he w ere

f irst t wo bone s amples s ent t o t he B ritish M useum

c arefully c hosen f rom t he l ower l evels o f S quare A l,

L ab. c lose

t o t he i nner f ace o f the north defensive wall o f t he main s ettlement a rea, b earing

which a lso o ffered t he d eepest s tratigraphic s ection,

i n

m ind t he i nterest i n obtaining a p recise d ating

t he b eginning o f t he o ccupation o f t his s ite. i n the excavation campaign o f T he

n ext

t ions,

s ample was meant t o c onfirm the expected d ate

i n t he e xcavation c ampaign o f

t he c harcoal s ample

1 982.

l ast t wo s amples were c ollected i n the excavation

o f

1 972,

i n t he s ame a rea a s t he f irst t wo

f rom t he upper l ayers, t ions

o f

b een collected f rom the western area c lose t o i ts f ounda-

T he p aign

T hey w ere c ollected

1 972.

t he c onstruction o f t he l arge m ain b uilding, h aving

f or

o f t he s ite,

u se

o f

n amely t he

I berian

t he s ite.

p eriod.

H owever,

( Elvas)

BM 2 288 BM 2 289

253

t hey

but b ear witness t o a n

T hese l ast t wo s amples

f ollowing r esults:

S egovia

b ut

w ith the a im o f determining l ater o ccupa-

p roved t o h ave c ome f rom d isturbed l ayers, i ncreased

s amples,

c am-

1 220+110 8 90+ 6 0

g ave

t he

NOTE 1 4 The C presented i n t his report, a s published in my PhD dissertation were not c alibrated. The explanation f or t his deliberate omission was t hen j ustified by the f act that the new curve s uggested by S tuiver, M ., G . W.Pearson and T .Braziunas, Radiocarbon, 2 8, 9 80-1021, was t hen not yet published. The problem i s that this c alibration c urve i s s pecially meant f or a ccurate dating, which i s not exactly the f act occurring with those e arlier 1 4C dates, where t he s tandard deviation was extremely h igh. A c omparison between new, highly accurate dates and t hose o ld dates will become then distorted. I n this s ense, no c alibrated d ates will be g iven again in t his work. A f ew more dates are now available f or Portugal: F aro recent excavations i n 1 987 provided s ome new dates f or the I ron Age, which were processed at the Lisbon Laboratory. The s amples were c ollected at area E a, l evel 1 0, i n the z one o f ancient F aro, Judiciäria building, providing the f irst I ron Age dates f or the Algarve area:

F aro

( ancient town,

Judiciäria building):

I CEN - 1 55

2 530 2; 130 BP

I CEN - 1 56

2 230± 4 0 BP

I CEN - 1 57

2 640± 5 0 BP

2 54

APPENDIX

3

SW-IBERIAN INSCRIPTIONS

-

255

SOME EXAMPLES

•4 7

46 2 3

9 .24

#

d tk 1V 1 82 1 2 2v

44

26 • 27

4 3r i, 4 2( 14

**14 17 7 -13 3 3

3 1 3 2#

3 0

83

0

' SW-Iberian'

4 1# 3 7 34

3 5

1 00 km

i nscription

B ronze o belos

M ore t han t wo

' SW-Iberian'

i nscriptions

M ore t han t wo b ronze o beloi

M AP

2 56

.

. 4 5 . 40

SW-Iberian

i nscriptions

1 - 5 - B ensafrim 6 - P ortelas

de

7 - Comoros d a

S ilves P ortela

8 - Loule 9 - Ameixial 1 G-

Vale

dos Vermelhos

1 1- Mestras 1 2- Alcoutim 1 3-

T avilhao

1 4- Abobada 1 5-

C astro Verde

1 6-

Ourique

1 7-

Cerro dos Enforcados

1 8- Mealha 19-21-

P ego

2 2-

Nobres

2 3-

Bastos

2 4-

Ourique

2 5-

C aceres

2 57

2

3

9

9

30 c m

2 58

30c m

5

6

?

0

3 : ; ) c r . %

30 cm

7

0

30 cm

2 59 0

30 cm

g

1 0

o o

30, ,

30cm

1 1

o

1 2

o

30c m

2 60

3 0cm

1 3

1 4

0

30 cm

1 6 1 5*

o

30c m

2 61 0

30c m

1 7

0

1 8

30c m

0

30c m

20

1 9

0

0

30 cm

2 62

30 cm

2 2 2 1

0

30 cm

30 cm

0

2 4 2 3

•

0 0

2 63

30 cm

APPENDIX

4

BONE REPORT

BY

DR.

PETER AOWLEY-CONWV

2 64

Animal bones

f rom S egövia oppidum

( eastern Portugal)-

preliminary report

P eter Rowley-Conwy C lare Hall C ambridge CB3 9 AL E ngland

Quantification The a nimal bones f rom S egövia are l isted in table 1 . The t otal o f 6 84 l arge mammals i s a c ount o f identified f ragments, modified i n two ways to make the individual s pecies numerically more c omparable t o e ach other. F irstly, p ig metapodials a re halved and l ateral metapodials and phalanges i gnored, t o bring this s pecies i nto l ine with the artiodactyls. S econdly, e ach i ndividual t ooth i s c ounted, regardless o f wether i t i s a s ingle f ind or r emains in a j aw with other teeth. D ifferential f ragmentation o f the mandibles and maxillae i n the d ifferent s pecies will therefore not a ffect the proportions l isted i n t able 1 . All the b ones were a ssociated with the rectangular l arge building l ocated i n the upper p latform o f the h illfort ( see this work p late 1 , page 1 21). They are thus not f rom a g eneralised rubbish deposit, but c ome f rom a l imited area o f the interior. Various a spects o f the a ssemblage are unexpected f rom a S outh I berian I ron Age c ontext; this will be d iscussed i n t he f olowing.

The c omposition o f

t he a ssemblage

The most s triking way i n which t he Segovia a ssemblage i s unusual i s i n t he h igh f requency o f r ed deer. this i s t he most f requent a nimal r epresented in the a ssemblage, f orming 2 8% o f the modified t otal ( table 1 ). Few a ssemblages o f c omparable d ate are known f rom s outhern I beria. The excavations at Roman age Munigua, c . 5 0km NE S eville, produced various s amples, with r ed deer mounting t o 1 4.3% o f the a ssemblage i n which i t was most c ommon ( Boessneck and von den Driesch 1 980, t ab.1). Even t his f requency i s unusual: a t Cerro Macareno, occupied f rom the Orientalizing t o t he Roman periods, red deer bones amounted t o only 2 7 o f t he t otal o f 1 334 identified bones ( Amberger 1 985, t ab. 1 ).

2 65

Bronze Age animal bone a ssemblages f rom s outhern I beria are considerably more c ommon, but r ed deer i s c onsistently an i nsignificant c omponent ( summerised by Milz 1 986, f ig.4). The s ame i s t rue o f the major Copper Age a ssemblages f rom Z ambujal ( von den Driesch and B oessneck 1 976) and Valencina de l a Concepcion ( Hain 1 982). A h igh proportion o f hunted a nimals i s t hus very unexpected a t S egovia, being more u sually a ssociated w ith t he i nitial s pread o f f arming i nto an area with a s ite i n a region where agriculture had a lready been practiced f or s everal millennia.

The r ed deer The relatively small s ize o f t he a ssemblage means that only small numbers o f bones are measurable. Some interesting a spects do however emerge f rom a s tudy o f the r ed deer measurements. The widths o f 7 d istal t ibias c ould be measured. These are plotted i n f ig.l. The smallest i s an unfused distal ephiphysis which has probably not attained i ts f ull s ize; t he others are f used. The widths o f red deer d istal t ibias f rom s everal other s ites are p lotted i n f ig.l. These i nclude the l arge C opper Age s ample f rom Z ambujal, north o f L isbon ( von den Driesch and Boessneck 1 976); t hose f rom the mesolithic s hell middens on the S ado r iver i n s outhwestern P ortugal ( Rowley-Conwy i n press); and bones f rom a s eries o f s ites i n s outhern Spain, c omprising t he Bronze Age s ites o f Azuer and l os P alacios ( von den Driesch and B oessneck 1 980a), Fuente Alamo ( von den Driesch, Boessneck, Kokabi and S chäffer 1 985), and Monachil and Perullena ( Lauk 1 976), t he Copper Age s ite o f Valencina de l a Concepcion ( Hain 1 982) and the Roman s ite o f Manigua ( Boessneck and von den Driesch 1 980). The s ize o f r ed deer i n prehistoric I beria i s a c omplex problem ( von den Driesch and B oessneck 1 976, 8 8-91; Roewley-Conwy i n press). The S egovia specimens i n f ig.1 appear more s imilar i n s ize t o those f rom Z ambujal a nd the s outhern Spanish s ites than those f rom the s outhern Portuguese middens. The . 6 f used s pecimens f rom S egovia f orm a r emarkably t ight d istribution. This i s s hown i n t able 2 : t he c oefficient o f variation f or S egovia s pecimens i s 2 .6, c ompared with 7 .3 f or t h S ado middens and 5 .7 f or Z ambujal. This c ould be due t o s ample s ize; h owever, variation i n

2 66

a stragalus d istal w idth i s a lso r elatively restricted ( table 2 ). I t i s improbable that the S egovia red deer population s hould h ave a more r estricted s ize r ange than the others; i f t he phenomenon i s not due to s ample s ize, i t i s more l ikely t hat a r estricted part o f the population i s r epresented i n t he S egovia a ssemblage. Red deer males are i n general l arger than f emales, a lthough no c lear g ap between the s exes i s visible ( Legge a nd Rowley-Conwy i n press; s ee a lso t he d ivision s uggested by von den Driesch and Broessneck ( 1976, t ab.38) f or the Z ambujal t ibias i n f ig.1). Predominance o f a s ingle s ex i n the Segovia a ssemblage c ould thus r esult i n t he observed l imited variation i n s ize. I f animals o f a s ingle s ex predominate a t S egovia, t hey are on t he basis o f the t ibias probably male, a s none o f the s outhern I berian populations p lotted in f ig.1 are l arge e nough i n s ize f or the S egovia specimens to derive predominantly f rom f emales. I n t he a stragali. however, t he Segovia mean i s t he s ame a s that f rom t he Z ambujal, and does not f all t owards the t op end o f t he r ange a s i s the c ase f or the distal t ibias ( table 2 ). The evidence f rom these two e lements i s t hus not s traightforward; but f or a t a ny r ate the d istal t ibia i t i s arguable that the S egovia s pecimens derive mainly or entirely f rom males.

The c attle Few bones were measurable. The most c ommon was t he f irst phalanx, providing 9 examples - not a l arge s ample when i t i s remembered t hat e ach animal has 8 o f these bones. F ig.2 c ompares the S egovia examples with Copper Age s pecimens f rom Z ambujal ( von den Driesch and Boessneck 1 976, f ig. 3 ), and w ith i st millennium bc examples f rom Cerro Macareno ( Amberger 1 985, t ab.5) and Roman age examples f rom Munigua ( Boessneck and von den Driesch 1 980, t ab.8). The three c omparative a ssemblages a ll s eem broadly s imilar i n s ize; I berian c attle f rom the Bronze Age are, however, markedly smaller than those f rom e ither the Copper Age or the i st millennium bc ( von den Driesch and B oessneck 1 980b, f ig. 6 ). Male c attle are on average l arger than f emales; t his o ften permits a d istinction to be made between s exes. The Z ambujal phalanges do not d ivide i nto 2 c lear groups, but t he l arger examples are r egarded a s males and t he smaller a s f emales ( von den D riesch and Broessneck 1 976, f ig.3).

2 67

The Segovia phalanges c oncentrate i n the middle and upper part o f the s catters f rom the c omparative s ites ( fig.2). This t herefore r aises the possibility that males may be more f requently r epresented among the phalanges. As with r ed deer, however, t he s ituation i s r ather unclear. The widths ( Bd) o f 3 d istal t ibias f rom S egovia c ould be measured; t he results were 6 2.5, 5 4.0 and 5 6.6 mm. I ndividual measurements are not g iven f or Z ambujal, but the 2 smaller S egovia s pecimens f all i n t he l ower end within the range o f 5 2.5 - 6 9.5 ( n=86) quoted by von den Driesch and Boessneck ( 1976, t ab.12). The i st millennium bc s ites have produced only 8 measurable s pacimens between t hem, t he r ange being 5 4 - 6 6 mm ( Amberger 1 985, t ab. 5 ; B oessneck and von den Driesch 1 980, t ab.8). As with t he red deer, t herefore, the s ituation i s not s traightforward, a s s uggested, but among t he i st phalanges a t l east i t i s l ikely that males predominate.

The pigs As with many and l oose teeth those o f the other c ould therefore be

archaeological a ssemblages, o f p igs were r elatively more species. F ewer postcranial t aken.

j aw f ragments c ommon than measurements

Greatest l ength o f 2 a stragali f rom S egovia are 5 0.1 and 3 8.1. The s maller f alls between 2 s pecimens f rom Roman age Munigua ( Boessneck and von den Driesch 1 980, t ab. 1 2), and i s i n t eh Z ambujal domestic r ange ( Von den Driesch and Boessneck 1 976, f ig.12). The l arger f alls outside the Z ambujal domestic r ange, l ying among the l argest o f the s pecimens r egarded a s wild ( ibid.). Proximal breadth ( Bp) o f 3 r adii f rom S egovia are 2 9.1, 2 7.0 a nd 2 5.6 mm, a ll o f which f all within the Z ambujal domestic r ange ( ibid., f ig.10). Both wild and domestic p igs are t hus present a t Segovia; what l ittle 'evidence i s available s uggests that domestic p igs may have been more c ommon.

Conclusions The S egovia a ssemblage i s unusual in that ( a) r ed deer are much more c ommon t han would be expected f rom a s ite o f this date and l ocation, and ( b) the possibility ( based on small s amples o f measurements) t hat t he red deer and c attle bones may c ontain d isproportionately many males. I t

s eems

unlikely that t he

2 68

I ron Age

e conomy

o f

t he

Segovia region a s a whole s hould have i nvolved a s much hunting a s the proportion o f r ed deer s uggests. I t i s a lso d ifficult to s ee how the e xploitation o f e ither c attle and r ed deer c ould produce an overall predominance o f bones f rom males. I t s eems more l ikely that the S egovia a ssemblage derives f rom an unrepresentative part o f the overall r egional e conomy, i .e. t hat i t r eflects only t he c onsumption patterns o f the i nhabitants o f t he h illfort, or i ndeed that o f t he only those i ndividuals a ssociated with the l arge r ectangular s tructure within i t. The S egovia a ssemblage might thus derive f rom the f ood c onsumed by an e lite, n ot by the general population. The l arger s amples o f b ones c ould go s ome way t owards s upporting or refuting t he s uggestion o f male predominance among the c attle and r ed deer, while a ssemblages f rom e lsewhere in the h illfort and f rom c ontemporary neighbouring s ettlements c ould demonstrate how l ocalised was the s ituation d iscussed here.

B ibliography: STIH

S tudien über f rühe T ierknochen von der I berischen Halbinseln, I nstitut f ür P alaeoanatomie, Domestikationsforschung und Geschichte der T iermedezin der Universität München, eds. A .von den Driesch and J .Boessneck

vom

Amberger

G ., 1 985, Macareno/Sevilla,

T ierknochenfunde STIH 9 , 7 6-105

B oessneck,

J . and A .von den Driesch, 1 980, dem r ömischen Munigua ( Mulva), STIH 7 , 1 60-185

Driesch,

A . von den and J .Boessneck, 1 976, Castro do Z ambujal, STIH 5 , 4 -157

C erro

Knochenfunde aus S ierra Morena,

D ie Fauna vom

Driesch,

A . von den and J .Boessneck, 1 980a, D ie Motillas von Azuer und Los P alacios ( Prov.Ciudad Real), Untersuchung der T ierknochen.STIH 7 , 8 4-121

Driesch,

A . von den and J .Boessneck, 1 980b, Tierknochen aus S acaojos bei L a B aneza ( Prov.Leon), STIH 7 , 1 221 59

Driesch,

A . von den, J .Boessneck, M .Kokabi and J .Schäffer, 1 985, T ierknochenfunde aus der Bronzezeitlichenöensiedlung Fuente Alamo, Prov. Almeria, STIH 9 ,

2 69

1 -75 Hain F . H.,

Lauk,

Legge,

Milz,

1 982, Kupferzeitliche T ierknochen aus Valencina de l a C oncepcion/Sevilla, STIH 8 , 1 -178

H .D., 1 976, T ierknochenfunde aus bronzezeitlichen S iedlungen bei Monachil und Purullena ( Prov.Granada), S TIH 6 , 1 -110 A .J. and P .Rowley-conwy , i n press, S tar C arr Revisited: a Re-analysis o f the l arge Mammals H .,

1 986, D ie T ierknochenfunde aus drei argarzeitliche S iedlungen i n der Provinz Granada ( Spanien), STIH 1 0, 1 -133

Rowley-Corwy, P ., i n press, Animal bones f rom the mesolithic s hell middens i n the S ado valley, Portugal ( to appear i n:The S ado Valley Mesolithic Project by J . Morais Arnaud, L isbon, Monograf l as do Museu N acional de Arqueologia e E tnologia

2 70

A n ima l

F ragmen ts

P ercent

R ed d eer , C ervus e l aphus

1 94

2 8

P ig , S us s cro fa

1 69

2 5

C ow , B os t aurus

1 51

2 2

S heep , O v is a r ies

3 5

G oa t , C apra h i rcus

1 0

S heep o rg oa t , C apr inae

14

H orse , E c iuus c aba l lus

1 0

? Roe d eer , c f . C apreo lus c apreo lus T ota l l a rge f ood m amma ls

1 6 84

R abb it , O rycto lagus c un ic u lu s

3 7

H are , L epus s p .

1 4

B ird , A yes

8

D og , C an is f am l iar is

2

?Wo lf , C an is c f . l upus

1

O vera l l t o ta l

2 3

7 46

T ab le 1 .T he a n ima l b ones f r om S egov ia .

2 71

1

( a ) w idth o f d is ta l t i b ia ( Bd ) S egov ia

S ado

Z ambu ja l

m iddens 6

1 5

2 5

m ean

4 6 .8

4 1 .2

4 5 .6

s tandard d ev iat ion

± 1 .2

± 3 .0

± 2 .6

2 . 6

7 . 3

5 . 7

c oeff ic ient o f v ar ia t ion

( b ) a straga lus d i sta l b readth n

1

2 6

5 4

m ean

3 1 .9

2 9 .5

3 1 .9

s tandard d ev iat ion

± 1 .3

± 2 .2

± 1 .9

4 . 1

7 . 5

6 .0

c oeff ic ient o f v ar ia t ion

T ab le 2 . M etr ica l a t tr ibutes o f t he r ed d eer t i b ias a nd a straga l i f r om S egov ia , c ompared w ith t hose f r om Z ambu ja l ( v on d en D r iesch a nd B oessneck 1 976 , t ab . 3 8 ) a nd t he S ado m iddens ( Row ley-Conwy i n p ress , a ppend ix 4 A ) .

2 72

1 2 F i g . 1 . B readth ( Bd ) o f d i sta l t i b ia o f r ed d eer ( C ervus e l aohus ) f r om S egov ia , c ompared t o t hose f r om o ther s outhern I b er ian s i tes . u nfused e p iphys is f r om S egov ia i s i n d ica ted .

T he

P a le s had ing i n d ica tes a n

u ncer ta in m easurement . Z ambu ja l m ea suremen ts a n d p ropo s e d s e xua l d i v is ion f r om v on d e n D r ies ch a n d B o e s sne c k ( 1976 , t a b . 3 8 ) ;S ad o m idd ens f r om R ow ley-C onwy (i np re s s ) ; t h eo t her S .S pan ish s i te s c ompr is e A zuer a n d L o s P a la c io s ( Bronz e A g e ) , f r om v on d e n D r ie s ch a n d B o e s sne c k ( 1980a t a b . 1 8 ) ;

F uen te A l amo ( Bronz eA g e ) , f r om v on d e n D r ie s ch , B o e s sne c k , K o kab i a n d

S c ha f f er ( 1985 t a b . 3 5 ) ; M ona ch i l a n d P uru l lena ( Bronz e A g e ) , f r om L a uk , ( 1976 t a b . 3 6 ) , V a lenc ina d e l aC onc epc ion ( Coppe r A g e ) , f r om H a in ( 1982 t a b . 3 1) ; a n d M un igua ( Roman p e r io d ) , f r om B o e s sne c k a n dv on d e n D r ie s ch ( 1980 t a b . 1 0 ) .

F i g . 2 .

D imens ions o f i s t p ha langes o f c att le ( B os t aurus ) f r om

S egov ia , c ompared t o t hose f r om Z ambu ja l ( t op ) , i g nor ing t hose i d en t if ied a s a urochs a nd t hose f r om e ar ler e xcavat ions a nd s ur face f i nds , a nd C erro M acareno a nd M un igua ( b ottom ) . Z ambu ja l ( C opper A g e ) f r om v on d e n D r ie s ch a n d B o e s sne c k ( 1976 f i g . 3 ) ; C e rro M a c areno ( 1s t m i l lenn ium b c ) f r om A mberg er ( 1985 t a b . 5 ) M un igua ( Roman p e r io d ) f r om B o e s sne c k a n dv on d e n D r ies ch ( 1980 t a b . 8 ) .

2 73

3 83 6-

P rox ima l B read th ( Bp , mm )

XX XX XX X • x x x x X x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x xx X x X x x xxx x x x xxi s xx x x a x

X

3 432-

X 302 8262 4-

XX X XX X x

XX

X X xX x

X.

X

B

x x x x I X x x x x x xx x . -x x x X Y xx X XX x xxx x X x x x xx x X X x xxxxx x xx x x x xx x XU xxx x X x xX xXX X XX x X x x XX x

M I

x

2 2 48

5 0

5 2

5 4

5 6

58

6 0

6 2

6 4

6 6

G rea tes t L eng th ( GLpe , mm ) • S egov ia

x Z ambu ja l

P rox ima l B read th ( Bp , mm )

3 8 36

•x x

3 4

X XX

32

X x

x

I N

I

•

X

XX X 30 X 28 X 26

W I

X

X X

X X

X

XX x

x

• X

•x•

X

X

x

.

X

2422 48

5 0

5 2

5 4

5 6

58

6 0

6.2

6.4

6.6

G rea tes t L eng th ( GLpe , mm ) •S egov ia

xC e r ro Maca reno

2 74

x M un igua

2

1 3 . 1

u n fused e p iphys is

1

••

0

S egov ia •

•

•

35

36

37

38

39

40

4 1

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

5 1

35

36

37

38

39

40

4 1

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

5 1

5

4

3

2

1

0

2

35

36

37

I I 38

39

40

4 1

42

43

44

45

1 46

47

S ado m iddens

48

49

50

5 1

o ther S . S pan ish s i tes 35

36

37

38

39

40

4 1

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

5 1

d i s ta l w id th ( Bd , mm )

2 75

APPENDIX

5

CASE STUDY AREA

SCALE

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MAP OF PORTUGAL

1 .

VAIAMONTE I VEIROSI

2 .

CAREIRA

3 .

RUIVO

4 .

SEGOVIA

5 .

ALMURO

6 .

VITÖRIA

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1 0.

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•

2 78

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2 80

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2 82

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2 84

2 85

2 86

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2 87

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SETS FRÄGUAS ) ‘3 u

2 89

2 90

2 91

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2 93

2 94

2 95