Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808-1850 9780691196206

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Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro

1808-1850

MARY C. KARASCH

Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro 1808-1850 PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS

Copyright © 1987 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, NewJersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Guildford, Surrey All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data will be found on the last printed page of this book ISBN 0-691-07708-8 Publication of this book was made possible (in part) by a grant from the Publications Program of the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent Federal agency, and the Whitney Darrow Fund of Princeton University Press This book has been composed in Linotron BaskerviIle Clothbound editions of Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. Paperbacks, although satisfactory for personal collections, are not usually suitable for library rebinding Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, NewJersey

Princeton Legacy Library edition 2019 Paperback ISBN: 978-0-691-65557-4 Hardcover ISBN: 978-0-691-65699-1

TO MY PARENTS

Robert J. and Catherine E. Karasch IN GRATITUDE

Contents

Listoflllustrations ix Acknowledgments xiii

ListofTables χ Introduction xv

1. The Natio ns of Rio

3

"The Nations of Color." The African Nations. The African Origins of the Cariocan Nations. West Central Africa. East Africa. West Africa

2. The Crossroads:The Slave Market of Rio de J aneiro

29

The Marketing of New Slaves. The Valongo. The Marketing of Ladinos. The Auction House. Retail Stores, Advertisements, and Personal Contacts. The Interior Trade

3. Boundaries:A Slave's Guide to the City of Rio de Janeiro

55

Walls. The New People. The End of the Line. Institutional Barriers. The Armed Services. The Catholic Church. Monopolies 4. As Almas: Those Who Died

92

Deaths and Death Rates. Births and Baptisms. Comparative Rates 5. Under the Whip

111

Physical Abuse. Imprisonment. Prison Diseases. Living Conditions. Clothing. Public Health. Health Care. Working Conditions. Diet

6. "TheSorcerers' Weapons": Diseases 146 Infectious-Parasitic Diseases. The Digestive System. Diseases of the Respiratory System. Diseases of the Nervous System. Diseases of Early Infancy. Diseases Directly Related to Pregnancy and Childbirth. Diseases of the Genitourinary System. Accidents and Violence. Diseases of the Circulatory System. Rheumatic and Nutritional Diseases. Miscellaneous Diseases, Ill-Defined and Unknown Causes of Death. Summary

CONTENTS

7. Porters and Property: The Functions of Slaves in Rio de Janeiro 185 Gardeners and Hunters. Porters and Muleteers. Boatmen and Sailors. Factory Workers and Quarrymen. Lamplighters and Street Cleaners. Craftsmen and Artisans. Musicians and Artists. Peddlers and Servants. Supervisors and Property Owners

8. Samba and Song: Afro-Cariocan SlaveCulture 214 Languages and Literacy. Social Conduct. Dress. Art. African Cuisines. Musical Instruments. Songs. Dances. Theatrical Dances. The Entrudo. Funerals

9. "Belonging": Religious and Social Groups 254 "Children of the Christian God." "Zambi's Children": The African Religions. Images and Symbols. TheJudas Ritual, the Devil, and Evil Spirits. Spirits of the Dead. The Virgin Mary and Other Saints. Children of Allah and Olorun: Islam and Candomble. The Unknown Religions. Marriage and Family Groups. "Brothers and Sisters": Associations

10. Runaways and Rebels 302 Withdrawal. Quilombos. Return of Fugitives. Suicide. The Return to Africa. Violent Resistance. Nonviolent Resistance

11. T h e Letter o f Liberty 335 Legal Liberations. Individual Manumissions. The Freedpersons. The Manumission of Africans. Forms of Manumission. Ex-Slaves. Advantages of the Freed Status. Postscript Appendix A: African Sources for the Slave Trade to Rio de Janeiro, 1830-1852 371 Appendix B: Causes of Slave Sickness and Death at the SantaCasadaMisericordia, 1833-1849 384 Bibliography

391

Vlll

Index

409

Illustrations

202

Brazilian Blacks. From Johann Moritz Rugendas, Voyage Pittoresque dans Ie Bresil, par Maurice Rugendas, translated by Mr de Golbery (Paris, 1835). 5

Slave Shoemakers. From Debret.

Africans: Cabinda—Quiloa—Rebolo—Mina. From Rugendas. 11 Map of Africa: The Origins of the African Nations of Rio de Janeiro. 16

The Marketwomen of Rio de Janeiro. From Sir Henry Chamberlain, Vistas e Costumes da cidade e arredores do Rio de Janeiro . . . , translated by Rubens Borba de Moraes (Rio de Janeiro, 1943). 212

Arrival in Rio de Janeiro. From Rugendas. 30

Slave Women of Different Nations. From Debret.

The Slave Market of the Rua do Valongo. From Jean Baptiste Debret, Voyage Pittoresque et Historique au Bresil. . . , 3 vols. (Paris, 1834-1839). 37 Map of the City of Rio de Janeiro in 1831. 56

The Black "Venuses" of Rio de Janeiro. From Debret, 1954. 208

222

Brazilian Charms and Amulets. From Thomas Ewbank, Life in Brazil . . . (1856; reprint, Detroit, 1971). 225

An Employee of the Government with His Family and Slaves. From Debret. 67

Black Musicians and Their Instruments. From Debret, 1954. 235

A Brazilian Lady at Home. From Debret. 72

The Old African and His Instrument, the Oricongo. From Debret, 1954. 237

The Burial of a Black Child. From Debret. 93 A Chain Gang at a Tobacco Store. From Debret. 119 A Public Whipping of Slaves at a Pelourinho and Blacks in the Tronco. From Debret. 123 A Slave House. From Rugendas.

127

A Poor Family at Home. From Debret. 129 A Slave Woman Porter. FromJean Baptiste Debret, Viagem Pitoresca e Historica ao Brasil: Aquarelas e Desenhos que Nao Foram Reproduzidos na Ediqao de Firmin Didot—1834 (Paris, 1954). CourtesyofFundagao Raymundo Ottoni de Castro Maya, Rio de Janeiro. 189 The Cask Carriers and Black Men of Different Nations. From Debret. 190

The Jogo da Capoeira. From Rugendas. 246 The Funerals of a Mozambique Woman and the Son of a Black King. From Debret. 251 Collection for the Maintenance of the Church of Rosario. From Debret. 260 The Black Surgeon. From Debret. 265 TheJudas Ritual and Devil Images. From Debret. 276 The Marriage of Slaves of a Rich Household. From Debret. 288 The Iron Collar, the Punishment of Fugitive Slaves. From Debret. 303 Black Women of Rio deJaneiro. From Rugendas. 336

Tables

1.1. Comparative Percentages of African and Brazilian Slaves in the City of Rio de Janeiro, 18321849 8

3.5. Total Population of the City of Rio de Janeiro in 1838 65

1.2. Summary of African Sources for the Slave Trade to Rio deJaneiro, 1830-1852 12

3.7. Male Occupations in Rio de Janeiro, 18081834 69

3.6. Census of 1849 66

1.3. The Nationality of Slaves Buried by the Santa Casa da Miseric6rdia in 1833, 1838, and 1849 13

3.8. Female Occupations in Rio de Janeiro, 18081834 73

1.4. Customhouse Registries of National Origins, 1821-1822 14

3.9. Black and Pardo Brotherhoods of Rio de Janeiro, 1753-1852 84

1.5. The Nationality of Slaves in the City of Rio de Janeiro, 1832 15

4.1. Total Number of Deaths and Death Rates in the City of Rio de Janeiro, 1840-1851 94

1.6. The Percentage of Slaves from Each Region of Africa, 1795-1852 15

4.2. Age, Sex, and Nationality of Slaves Buried by the Santa Casa da Miseric6rdia in 1849 95

2.1. Age of Africans Imported into Rio deJaneiro, 1838-1852 32

4.3. Age at Death of Slaves Buried by the Santa Casa da Miseric6rdia, 1833-1849 96

2.2. The Percentage of Imported Africans by Age Group, 1830-1841 33

4.4. Comparative Age Structure of Male and Female Slaves Buried by the Santa Casa da Misericordia, 1833-1849 97

2.3. The Percentage of Imported Africans by Sex, 1830-1841 34

4.5. Life Span of Imported Africans, 1830-1860 98

2.4. Comparative Age Structure of Imported Africans (1838-1852) and the Slave Population of Sao Pauloin 1836 34

4.6. Age at Death in Rio de Janeiro, 1833-1849 101

2.5. Ethnic Origin of Slaves from Bahia Imported into Rio deJaneiro in 1835 52

4.7. Child Mortality at the Foundling Hospital, 1814-1851 102

2.6. Ethnic Origin of Slaves Dispatched to Minas Geraisin 1831-1832 53

4.8. Number of Baptisms and Birth Rates in the City of Rio de Janeiro, 1840-1851 105

3.1. Estimated Growth of the Slave Population of Rio de Janeiro, 1799-1872 61

4.9. Slave Baptisms in the Court of Rio de Janeiro, 1860-1869 106

3.2. Total Population of the City of Rio de Janeiro, 1799 62

4.10. Comparative Birth and Death Rates in the City of Rio de Janeiro, 1840-1851 109

3.3. Total Population of the City of Rio de Janeiro, 1821 62

5.1. Slaves Whipped in the Calabot^o in 1826 125

3.4. Police Census of 1834 by Nationality and Sex 63

5.2. Deaths of Slaves in the Calaboufo, 1859-1870 126

χ

TABLES

5.3. Slave Burials in the Cemetery of the Santa Casa da Misericordia, 1824-1851 133

10.2. Sex of Prisoners Jailed in the Calabougo, 1826-1837 306

6.1. Known Causes of Death by Percentages, 18331849 148 6.2. Ten Leading Causes of Slave Death at the Santa Casa da Misericordia, 1833-1849 149

10.3. Age and Sex of Fugitive Slaves, 1821-1830 306 10.4. Fugitives and Quilombolas in the State of Rio dejaneiro, 1826 309

6.3. Causes of Death of Slaves Buried by the Santa Casa da Miseric6rdia, 1695-1839 150

10.5. The Return of Freed Slaves to Africa, 18531855 324

6.4. Patients Treated at the Santa Casa da Misericordia for Tuberculosis, 1840-1842 150

10.6. Slave Violence in Brazil, 1808-1844 328

6.5. Patients Treated for Yellow Fever in Engenho Velho, February-May, 1850 158 7.1. Slaves from Piaui at the Imperial Gunpowder Factory in 1844 197 7.2. Slaves of the Ironworks of Ipanema Who Were Unable to Work in 1847 198

11.1. The Sex of Owners Who Manumitted Slaves, 1807-1831 343 11.2. The Civil Status of Owners Who Manumitted Slaves, 1807-1831 343 11.3. The Occupations of Men Who Manumitted Slaves, 1807-1831 344

8.1. Students in Rio dejaneiro in 1834 217

11.4. The Marital Status of Women Who Manumitted Slaves, 1807-1831 345

9.1. Cariocan Saints of the Nineteenth Century 269

11.5. The Manumission of Freedpersons by Sex, 1807-1831 346

9.2. Recorded Marriages in Rio dejaneiro, 18351852 289

11.6. The Average Prices of Freedpersons, 18071831 346

9.3. Recorded Marriages in the Parishes of Rio de Janeiro, 1840-1847 290 9.4. Intermarriage in the ParishofEngenho Velho, 1764-1828 292

11.7. The Manumission of Freedpersons by Nationality, 1807-1831 348 11.8. The Manumission of Freedpersons by Color, 1807-1831 349

9.5. African Marriages in Engenho Velho, 18001828 293

11.9. The Manumission of Freedpersons by Age, Sex, Nationality, and Color, 1807-1831 349

9.6. Marital Status of the Parents of Freed and Free Persons of Color Who Married in Engenho Velho, 1800-1828 297

11.10. The Nationality of African Freedpersons, 1807-1831 351

10.1. Ethnic Origins of Prisoners in the Calabougo, 1826-1837 305

11.11. The Forms of Manumission, 1807-1831 353 11.12. Lettersof Liberty, 1860-1869 368

Acknowledgments

As T H I S book has evolved over the years, many scholars and friends have assisted me at various stages in its production. At the dissertation stage, I would especially like to thank my director, Thomas E. Skidmore, the readers John L. Phelan and Peter H. Smith, and Jan M. Vansina, who helped me to decipher and locate the ethnic groups and place names listed in Appendix A. My initial research in Rio de Janeiro was facilitated by Robert E. Conrad, Rebecca Bergstresser, Robert White, and my sister, Jean Karasch Hall. Since then I have benefited from the assistance of the Africanists, Joseph C. Miller and Monica Schuler, and the African scholars, Tome N. Mbuia-Joao of Mozambique and Kazadi Wa Mukuna of the Smithsonian. I am deeply grateful to Maria Jose Santos for introducing me to Afro-Brazilian religions and arranging interviews with mediums in Rio de Janeiro, and to Yeda A. Pessoa de Castro for comparative materials from Salvador, Bahia. My interest in historical epidemiology was stimulated by coursework with Philip D. Curtin at the University of Wisconsin and facilitated by David L. Chandler, Donald B. Cooper, Myrtle Thierry Palmer, and Kenneth F. Kiple, who assisted me in the identification of diseases. On the subject of manumission, I am grateful to James P. Kiernan for a copy of his dissertation and to Emilia Viotti da Costa, Arnold Kessler, Herbert S. Klein, Franklin W. Knight, and Stuart B. Schwartz for commentary and critiques of my initial paper on manumission in Rio. Finally, I would like to thank the readers of the manuscript: George

Reid Andrews, Arthur C. Aufderheide, M.D., Robert E. Conrad, Joseph C. Miller, Colin A. Palmer, James D. Riley, and A.J.R. RussellWood. Due to the scattered nature of the documentation on slaves, I owe many individuals thanks for the addition of one or more sources on slaves: Roderick J. Barman, Rudolph W. Bauss, Mircea Buescu, Janet Crist, Alexander Marchant, Joseph C. Miller, Nancy P. Naro, Rollie E. Poppino, Vera Blinn Reber, Robert W. Slenes, Joseph E. Sweigart, J. Michael Turner, Katherine Vaughan, and the antiquarian book dealers of Rio de Janeiro. In particular I would like to express my gratitude to the directors and staffs of the many libraries and archives I consulted both here and in Brazil. Their assistance was essential to the location of new sources on slaves. In the United States, I would like to thank those who helped me at the Memorial Library of the University of Wisconsin; Oakland University Library, especially the Inter-Library Loan Department; the Mullen Memorial Library and the Oliveira Lima Library at the Catholic University of America; the University of Michigan Library in Ann Arbor; and the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. The illustrations in this text are from the Rare Books Room of the Library of Congress. In Rio de Janeiro and Petropolis, I could not have located manuscript sources and rare books without the help of the staffs of the Arquivo da Santa Casa da Misericordia, the Arquivo do Museu Imperial in Petropolis, the Arquivo Geral da Ci-

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

dade do Rio de Janeiro (formerly the Divisao do Patrimonio Historico e Artistico do Estado da Guanabara), the Arquivo Historieo do Itamarati, the Arquivo Nacional, the Biblioteca Estadual (Guanabara), the Biblioteca Nacional, the Instituto Historieo e Geografico Brasileiro, and the Real Gabinete Portuguez de Leitura. The financial support for this book came from the Organization of American States for the dissertation research in 1968-1969; the Ford Foundation for the preparation of the dissertation, 1970; the Oakland University Research Fund for additional research in 1972 and 1973 and photoduplication costs in 1985; the Fulbright Commission for a research and teaching grant at the University of Brasilia, 1977-1978; a Catholic University of America small grant for typing expenses; and the College of Arts and Sciences of Oakland University for typing and editorial assistance. I would especially like to thank my editorial assistants, Anne Lalas and Deborah A. Szobel. Typists and students who have worked

on the manuscript include Rita Edwards, Clara Fernandez, Valerie Karras, Judy I. Langdon, Lorri Parris, Claire E. Smith, Ray Smith, Patricia A. Tucker, and Margaret C. Wilson. My principal research assistant and translator of German travel accounts was Michael Burrows. Additional translations were done by Christine Elmen and Susan Piotrowski. Richard A. Mazzara checked many translations from Portuguese into English. The maps were drawn by Jamilah/Tina Humphrey. I am deeply grateful to all those whose encouragement over the years have helped me to put this complex study together, but I would especially like to thank my colleagues in the department of history at Oakland University, who have supported my research and writing since 1970.

Rochester, Michigan February 1985

XlV

Introduction

neiro fascinated nineteenth-century foreigners who stopped en route during their world voyages. As their ships anchored offshore in Guanabara Bay, they admired the red-tiled and whitewashed houses in the shadow of tropically forested mountains. One discordant note, however, was the visitors' view of a slave ship as it, too, entered the port area with its human cargo. Such a harbor scene foreshadowed what tourists of the nineteenth century would see on shore, but others, unprepared, were surprised at the nature of the population. From the time the visitors were rowed ashore until they settled in a private home or hotel, they were surrounded by black slaves with cicatrized faces, filed teeth, and African styles of dress. Especially during the heat of midday when whites deserted the streets, foreigners often felt that they had landed not in the capital of Brazil but in Africa. In the first half of the nineteenth century, the testimony of travelers reveals that Rio was unique not only for its natural beauty but also for its large African slave population. The two elements were inseparable from the atmosphere and the vitality of the city; yet, what historians and amateur antiquarians have chosen to remember about Rio is its lost beauty, now transformed into glass skyscrapers and automobileclogged highways. Except for one chapter by

Vivaldo Coaracy and passing references in other histories of Rio de Janeiro, historians of the city have largely ignored its African slaves.1 In fact, most urban histories of Rio create the impression that Rio was a Luso-Brazilian city of white faces and European culture; but it was not, as any careful reading of the travel literature reveals. One reason for such a disparity in the sources may be due to differences in attitudes. Cariocan slaveowners and their descendants chose to write about what interested them in the first half of the nineteenth century: the exciting flight of the Portuguese court to Rio in 1808; the Brazilian independence movement and Pedro I's declaration of independence from Portugal in 1822; the establishment of the First Empire under Dom Pedro I, who ruled from 1822 until his return to Portugal in 1831; the turbulent years of the Regency when Brazilians governed in the name of his son Pedro II; and the consolidation of power in the hands of the youthful emperor Pedro II in the 1840s, which was to lead to the political stability of the Second Empire to last until 1889.2 The dramatic events of Brazil's national formation attracted elite authors of the period and political historians thereafter, although on the whole, the early nineteenth century is one of the more neglected periods in Brazilian historiography.

1 Vivaldo Coaracy, Memonas da Cidade do Rio deJaneiro, 2nd ed., vol. 3, Colefdu Rio 4 Seculos (Rio de Janeiro, 1965): 349-386. For the histories of Rio deJaneiro consulted for

this book, see the secondary sources in the bibliography. 2 A summary in English of these events is in C. H. Haring, Empire in Brazil (New York, 1968).

T H E NATURAL beauty of the city of Rio de Ja-

INTRODUCTION

For these reasons, elite sources rarely have detailed information on slave life and culture. In fact, one can read column after column of newspapers from that period and not even know that slavery existed in the city, except when they contained debates about the abolition of the slave trade, or carried advertisements in which slaves were bought and sold, or reported on a sensational crime involving a slave. Even abolitionist newspapers of the 1840s seldom yield much useful and specific detail on slaves. The newspapers of the period generally accepted the institution of slavery and did not question it nor seek to reform it by detailing cases of slave treatment. Other elite sources, such as parliamentary debates, political tracts, correspondence, diaries, and so on, also rarely concerned themselves with slaves. Initially, I attempted to locate all such sources dealing with slaves in the city and quickly found that the search only yielded occasional tidbits of information. This is one reason why many Brazilian scholars who know the elite sources believe that little documentation on slavery survives in Brazil. Dr. Roderick J. Barman, who has read widely in the published and private writings of the Brazilian elite during the Empire, has encountered only scanty materials on slaves and slavery in Rio de Janeiro. The absence is to be explained in part, he believes, by "a tacit convention in elite circles that, unless the topic arose perforce, neither slavery as an institution nor slaves as a group were considered suitable for public or social discussion." 3 Whatever the cause, Brazilian printed materials of the type that have survived in the North American South have yet to be located by Dr. Barman or myself. In contrast, the foreigners who entered Rio in the nineteenth century did not regard slaves as an insignificant or unsuitable topic for publication. They were not part of a highly stratified slave society and did not share the same attitudes

about what not to discuss in print. Furthermore, many came with the express purpose of detailing "the horrors of Brazilian slavery" in order to sell their books to those with abolitionist sympathies in England, France, or North America. Still others accompanied scientific expeditions sent to investigate, classify, and describe the flora and fauna of tropical Brazil. They applied the same principles of scientific observation to the customs of Brazilian slaveowners and their African slaves, who were as interesting to them as Brazil's tropical birds. The scientific expeditions also employed skilled artists to capture in paintings, drawings, and published lithographs the customs and dress of the people of Brazil. The discovery and description of "exotic, tropical" Brazil in the early nineteenth century thus led foreigners to seek out slaves and information on slavery to the point that Brazilian slaveowners were "insulted" that they did not inquire about "good" society. Unlike Brazilian sources of the same period, the travel literature before 1850 is an exceptional and invaluable source for slavery in the city. No other slave society in the Americas had as many foreign visitors record their impressions of slavery there. The bibliography at the end of this study is a selected list of the principal travelers' writings used as sources for this book. It was initially compiled from the invaluable Bibliografia do Rio de Janeiro de viajantes e autores estrangeiros 1531-1900, by Paulo Berger, which was first published in Rio in 1964. Although the title suggests that it is limited to Rio, the reproductions of the title pages of various editions also serve as a guide to travelers who visited other parts of Brazil. Its usefulness for the study of Brazilian slavery, however, is limited to those port cities and regions that were most often visited by foreigners in the nineteenth century. 4 Although the travel literature is an essential

3 Personal communication of Dr. Roderick J. Barman, letter of 9 May 1984. His forthcoming book is Brazil: The Forging of a Nation, 1750-1850. 4 See also the bibliography by Robert E. Conrad, Brazil-

ian Slavery: An Annotated Research Bibliography (Boston, 1977); Henrique L. Alves, Bibliografia Afro-Brasileira: Estudos sobre ο Negro, 2nd ed. (Rio de Janeiro, 1979); and John D. Smith, Black Slavery in the Americas: An Interdisci-

XVl

INTRODUCTION

source, it also has its limitations and must be used with care. Each tourist who stopped in Rio brought greatly differing skills in observation, description, and analysis depending on his or her social background, education, occupation, and length of stay in the city. Few were able to avoid ethnocentric criticisms or color prejudices, while most were unable to penetrate the true meaning of what they described or painted. Those who were the best sources for this study were those who lived in the city for more than two years, such as the EnglishmanJohn Luccock or the Frenchman Jean Baptiste Debret; however, the occasional brief visitors who accurately reported on what they personally observed often provide additional missing evidence. Above all, the city of Rio has the richest extant pictorial record of slaves in nineteenth-century Latin America, since the foreigners also painted, drew, and even photographed the city's slaves. The most accurate artist of them all is the incomparable Jean Baptiste Debret, who, unlike most European artists of the period, painted recognizable portraits of Africans without stereotypical imagery, accurately recording the exact details of their African dress, musical instruments, and customs. While each of his drawings or paintings is an historical document in its own right, his detailed explanations of each picture include invaluable ethnographic and historical information. This book is deeply indebted to the richness of observation of this one Frenchman, who worked and painted in Rio for many years.5 Although the travel literature on Rio has been known to historians since the nineteenth century and both Brazilian and North American schol-

ars have used it for studies on slavery, Brazilians still believed as late as 1978 that they could not study Brazilian slavery because all the sources had been destroyed. In 1890 the abolitionist Rui Barbosa had issued the famous order to burn the papers, books, and documents regarding slavery in the Ministry of the Treasury in Rio. Although an official motive was to prevent former slaveowners from ever reestablishing legal control over their ex-slaves after the abolition of slavery in 1888, nonetheless, the fire destroyed priceless documentation on slavery, such as the tax records.6 A second, accidental fire in the 1960s burned the collection of manuscripts in the possession of the black brotherhood of Our Lady of the Rosary and St. Benedict.7 It is these fires that have led Cariocans (inhabitants of Rio) to believe that they cannot write the history of slavery for their own city or for Brazil as a whole. Furthermore, Cariocans tend to view Salvador, Bahia, rather than Rio, as the city in which African culture survived in Brazil, and so they have not looked for sources on slaves in their own city. I initiated the research on this book in part because I was a foreigner and did not share these Cariocan attitudes. My training as a graduate student in African history with Jan M. Vansina and Philip D. Curtin and other scholars at the University of Wisconsin had taught me how to write the history of a people believed to have no history of their own and how to locate and use travel accounts, oral traditions, and written sources of the elite in order to write non-elite history. However, when I first went to Rio as a graduate student in 1968,1did fear that I would not be able to locate any manuscripts because of

plinary Bibliography, 1865-1980, 2 vols. (Westport, Conn., 1982). 5 Jean Baptiste Debret, Voyage Pittoresque et Histonque au Bresil: Sejour d'un Artiste Franqais au Bresil, 3 vols. (1834; reprint, Rio de Janeiro, 1965); and the Portuguese translation, Viagem Pitoresca e Historica ao Brasil, trans, and ed. Sergio Milliet, 3 vols, in 2 tomos. (Sao Paulo, 1954). 6 On what was and was not burned in 1890-1891, see Robert W. Slenes, "O que Rui Barbosa nao Queimou; Novas Fontes para ο Estudo da Escravidao no Seculo XIX."

Estudos Econdmicos 13, no. 1 (Jan.-Apr. 1983): 117-149. A witness to the first burning was the African Custodio, a customhouse worker, age 108, who wanted to see the "complete destruction" of the documents that attested to the "martyrdom" of his race. Ibid., p. 139. 7 The brotherhood's manuscripts were formerly at the Church of Nossa Senhora do Rosirio e Sao Benedito on Rua Uruguaiana. There is now a Museu do Negro (Museum of the Black) attached to the church, which has been under renovation since the fire.

INTRODUCTION

the 1890 fire. At this point, Robert E. Conrad's previous research on abolition and his personal advice were most reassuring, and my eventual location of some of the most important documents from the period of the abolition of the slave trade, 1830-1850, are due to his direction. The initial project for the book grew out of my master's thesis on the Angolan-Brazilian slave trade, a paper on slave mobility in Rio de Janeiro prepared for a seminar in comparative slavery directed by Philip D. Curtin and Thomas E. Skidmore, and ultimately my dissertation on slave life in Rio de Janeiro.8 The master's thesis had led me to question traditional Brazilian interpretations of the ethnic origins of Cariocan slaves, while work on the dissertation acquainted me with travel accounts, newspapers, and other scattered documentation in diverse sources. My dissatisfaction with the lack of manuscript sources for many of my generalizations on slave treatment, culture, and manumission, however, led me to undertake additional research in Rio. Two more summers in Rio in 1972 and 1973 finally led me to the types of manuscript sources I had looked for as a graduate student: the notarial registries with manumissions before 1830; police correspondence with the ministers of justice on the control of the slave population; the burial registries of the Santa Casa da Misericordia, petitions of slaves to the emperors about cruel treatment; and wills and court cases. The staffs at the archives of the Arquivo Nacional and the Santa Casa were indispensable in helping me to locate these sources. Although certain types of documents, such as slave petitions to the emperors, may not exist in other Brazilian cities, many notarial registries, already studied for Salvador and Parati, are yet to be fully researched in the rest of Brazil.9 Even plantation slaves ap-

pear in urban notarial registries because rural owners recorded transfers of property rights and manumissions in cities and towns such as Rio, Salvador, and Parati. The correspondence of the ministers of justice with police officials and governors throughout the empire is mandatory for scholars researching the theme of slave control and resistance, as well as many other aspects of slavery and social history. The chiefs of police of Rio in the early nineteenth century were responsible for an unusual diversity of urban affairs and reported on all aspects of urban life, often in great detail. Since they were required to report to the minister ofjustice, their correspondence records valuable information on slaves and urban life. One of the richest sources for this book were the burial records of slaves at the Santa Casa da Misericordia. Although they may be unique to Rio, I suspect that other Santa Casas in Brazil also kept death registries on the slaves they buried. A careful search of the brotherhood's archives in other cities may yield similar, although possibly not as complete, information on the causes of slave deaths (Appendix B). Only further research in other Brazilian port cities may clarify whether Rio's slaves had unusually high mortality rates for urban slaves in Brazil. One additional source developed in 19771978, when I returned to Brazil on a Fulbright to teach at the University of Brasilia. Since I had been able to locate only a few written descriptions of Afro-Cariocan religions in the nineteenth century, I then attempted to work back in time, while on vacations in Rio, by interviewing mediums and attending Umbanda and Candomble centers in an attempt to understand contemporary Afro-Brazilian religions. Unfortunately, I never made contact with anyone who

8 Mary C. Karasch, "The Brazilian Slavers and the Illegal Slave Trade, 1836-1851" (M.A. thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1967); and "Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 18081850" (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1972). 9 Stuart B. Schwartz, "The Manumission of Slaves in Colonial Brazil: Bahia, 1684-1745," Hispanic American

Historical Review 54, no. 4 (Nov. 1974): 603-635; Katia M. de Queiros Mattoso, Etre Esclave au Brisil XVI'-XIX' (Paris, 1979), pp. 201-227; and James P. Kiernan, "The Manumission of Slaves in Colonial Brazil: Paraty, 1789-1822" (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1976).

INTRODUCTION

could push the time period before 1910. I suspect that such people still live; I hope other researchers will be able to interview them before they die. Nonetheless the chapter on slave religion could not have been written without my gaining an understanding of what was practiced in Rio in the 1970s. While at the Umbanda centers in particular, I became fascinated with the Catholic saints' images used there for African spirits and deities. It was these images that then led me to try and establish their meaning to Cariocan Catholics and slaves in the nineteenth century. Before 1978 I had not noticed the descriptions of saints' images in the travel literature, but once I knew which ones to look for I realized that Jean Baptiste Debret, Thomas Ewbank, and F. Friedrich von Weech had left many fascinating descriptions of popular Catholic practices of the nineteenth century.10 Further explorations in the small towns near Rio or in the interior in which many similar beliefs and rituals still survive sharpened my understanding of what appeared in nineteenth-century sources. Chapter 9 thus abandons previous approaches to the study of slave religion as assimilation or syncretism to Roman Catholicism and stresses the active role of slaves in the evolution of their own African religions in the city. My extended treatment on slave culture could not have been written without the opportunity to live and do research in the interior of Brazil in 1977-1978. In Brasilia at that time, numerous exhibitions of Brazilian art and folklore were brought to the city. Cultural patterns and material culture that occur in the travel literature of Rio also yet survived in the small towns and villages of Goias and Minas Gerais. My observations in and near Brasilia thus facilitated my understanding of many customs or items of

material culture previously unnoticed in my sources. Teaching in Washington, D.C., at the Catholic University of America in 1981-1983 enabled me to complete my research on Brazilian popular Catholicism and to use the resources of Washington's libraries to locate the last rare medical histories and travel accounts. An unexpected bonus was the opportunity to attend numerous artistic and cultural events and visit museums with significant African art collections, such as the Museum of African Art. In particular, the National Gallery of Art's exhibition and catalogue on Kongo art,11 as well as interviews with African scholars in Washington, refined some of my interpretations of African influences on Cariocan slave culture. Thus, in reconstructing slave life and culture I have had to turn to many nontraditional historical sources: contemporary folklore and material culture, art history, religious traditions of the twentieth century, burial registries, nineteenthcentury medical theses, notarial registries, police correspondence, petitions by slaves to protest cruel treatment, and travel accounts. While it is true that significant fires have destroyed much irreplaceable documentation on slavery in Rio, yet enough survives in foreign travel accounts and Cariocan archives to reconstruct a little of what it was like to be a slave in Rio de Janeiro and to challenge many myths about the nature of Brazilian slavery. Myth one, as Robert E. Conrad maintains in Children of God's Fire, is generally described as the Freyre thesis of benevolent masters whose gentle treatment made their slaves' lot in Brazil less rigorous than in North America. As Conrad sums up, Freyre's theories were in part based on the "inventions of former defenders and apologists of Brazilian slavery."12 I would add that they

10 Debret, Viagem Pitoresca- Thomas Ewbank, Life in Brazil. . . (1856; reprint, Detroit, 1971); and F. Friedrich von Weech, Brastliens gegenwartiger Zustand und Colonialsystem. (Hamburg, 1828). 11 Robert F. Thompson and Joseph Cornet, The Four

Moments of the Sun: Kongo Art in Two Worlds (Washington, D.C., 1981). 12 Robert E. Conrad, Children of God's Fire: A Documentary History of Black Slavery in Brazil (Princeton, 1983), pp. xx-xxiii.

INTRODUCTION

were also derived from the opinions of many travelers who briefly visited Rio and reported on the well-dressed slaves of wealthy Cariocans. Foreigners whose contact was with elegant household servants could only conclude that Brazilian slaves were better treated than their own servants or urban workers in Europe or North America. Because Gilberto Freyre's works were among the few translated into English, his ideas on Brazilian slavery have informed an entire generation of North American scholars, including Frank Tannenbaum.13 They have also influenced popular myths about slavery held by whites in Brazil, if not by blacks, although Brazilian scholars now working on slavery are challenging his "myth" of the benevolent master.14 A second myth derived from Freyre that informs popular beliefs in Brazil is that Brazil was settled by culturally superior West African slaves. In part, Freyre based his conclusions about the West African origins of Brazilian slaves on the research, including the collection of oral traditions, conducted in Salvador in the early twentieth century by Raimundo Nina Rodrigues, Manuel Querino, Arthur Ramos, and others. The more recent studies of Donald Pierson, Pierre Verger, Katia M. Queiros Mattoso, and Stuart B. Schwartz continue to lead Brazilians to think of Salvador as the unique cradle of African culture in Brazil. On the other hand, many Brazilians assume that what happened in Salvador, Bahia, was typical of Brazil as a whole; but as Pierre Verger and others have carefully documented, Salvador was the exception because of its specialized connection through the tobacco trade with one section of the coast of

West Africa.15 Its slave origins were sharply distinct from those in the south of Brazil, as my ethnic samples in chapter 1 clarify. A third myth, often repeated to me by Cariocans, was that Rio, unlike Salvador, had lost its African traditions. On the contrary, I would argue, the city of Rio has also preserved many African customs and religions, but they have come primarily from West Central and East Africa. Furthermore, the city of Rio provides an equally important case study of nineteenth-century slave life, because Rio was the principal marketplace through which slaves, originating in West Central and East Africa, were distributed to the interior provinces of Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, and Sao Paulo, where the great coffee plantations were carved out of the tropical forests. In other words, the city of Rio was closely connected with the coffee boom of the nineteenth century, whereas Salvador was linked to the declining sugar economies of the Northeast, and by the 1840s it was actually selling off some of its slaves to Rio. In fact, more Africans were imported into Rio de Janeiro in the nineteenth century than to Salvador. Almost a million Africans passed through or near the port of Rio. While the majority did not remain in the city, enough were kept there to influence the national origins of Cariocan slaves and hence their culture. Another mistaken idea is that slaves labored only as field hands on plantations in Brazil. Consequently, there have been few studies on urban slavery. Most substantive works on Brazilian slavery are either general in nature on all aspects of plantation societies and master/slave relationships or quite specific to one state.16 The major-

13 Frank Tannenbaum Slave and Citizen: The Negro in 1 the Americas (New York, 1946). 14 Jacob Gorender, O Escravismo Colonial (Sao Paulo, 1978). 15 Raimundo Nina Rodrigues, Os Afncanos noBrasil, 3rd ed. (Sao Paulo, 1945); Manuel R. Querino, A Ra(a Africans. e os seus Costumes (Salvador, 1955); Arthur Ramos, The Negro in Brazil, trans. Richard Pattee (Washington, D.C., 1939 and 1951); Donald Pierson, Negroes inBrazil: A Study of Race Contact at Bahia (Chicago, 1942); PierreVer-

ger, Bahia and the West African Trade (1549-1851) (Ibadan, 1964); and Flux et reflux de la traite des nigres entre Ie golfe de Benin etBahia . . . (Paris, 1968); Mattoso, Etre Esclave\ and Schwartz, "Manumission," pp. 603-635. 16 For principal studies on Brazilian slavery, see the updated bibliography in Conrad, Children of God's Fire, as well as his Brazilian Slavery. An Annotated Research Bibliography. One author who takes urban slavery into account in his general discussion on Brazilian slavery is Jacob Gorender in O Escravismo Colonial, pp. 451-467.

INTRODUCTION

ity of scholars rightly concentrate on plantation slavery, because most slaves worked on plantations, but urban slavery has not yet been systematically studied. Even less of an emphasis has been placed on urban slave life and culture. Thus, it is most useful to study slave life and culture in Rio, simply because it has not been done before, except in a piecemeal fashion for Salvador. Another reason for choosing Rio is that so many historians have based their generalizations about the nature of Brazilian slavery on travelers who went only to Rio. The conclusions they reached about slavery and race relations in all of Brazil were actually developed from observing household slaves in Rio without real knowledge of the customs of the city or without taking into account diverse forms of slave employment and living conditions in the rest of Brazil. All too often the case of richly dressed slaves living in apparent luxury in the mansions of Rio was made to equal the standard of living of all slaves in the city or even of field hands on rural plantations. Thus, a detailed study of slave life in Rio is especially important in order to bring together the sources on Cariocan slavery. In fact, this study challenges the theories of Gilberto Freyre and others and attempts to explain how slave life in an urban environment could be as difficult as in a plantation area and may in fact have been more deadly due to the city's specific disease environment. As this study is localized to one city, it also concentrates on one time period. Although many conclusions regarding slaves may be true before or after this period, some are unique to the years 1808 to 1850. There are several reasons for selecting this particular time. First, these years permit an historian to follow transformations in slave culture from their colonial antecedents

into the nineteenth century. In most slavery studies, the lack of data does not allow an indepth examination of changes in slave life and culture. This city's variety of sources, some of which are colonial while others reflect "modern" changes after 1822, facilitate description of changes in cultural patterns. We can document, for example, the manner in which slave dress evolved from the colonial styles of the 1790s to the French fashions of the 1860s. Wherever possible, I have attempted to illustrate the process in which various aspects of slave life and culture evolved over time. Second, in the first half of the nineteenth century, slavery in Rio was at its height. Neither before 1808 nor after 1850 would slaves, especially African slaves, so dominate the life of the city. In simply numerical terms, this period saw the largest number of slaves, almost 80,000 in 1849, live and work in Rio. Not even after 1850 when the population of the city as a whole doubled and tripled in size did the number of slaves approach those counted in the census of 1849.17 Furthermore, no other city in the Americas even approached Rio's slave population in 1849. New Orleans, for example, had only 14,484 "bondsmen" in I860.18 Thus, the years 1808 to 1850 were the most important period in the history of slavery in Rio, and Rio had the largest urban slave population in the Americas. Furthermore, these dates delineate two important events that sharply set the character of the period. In 1808 the arrival of the Portuguese court in flight from Napoleon's armies transformed a quiet colonial outpost into the center of an empire. The harbor opened to the ships of the world, and the city prospered and grew in population. In order to pursue this new development, the Prince Regent DomJoao VI, Portuguese noblemen and merchants, and the Eu-

17 Census of 1849 (table 3.6). In 1870 there were only 50,092 slaves in the rural and urban parishes of the Municipio da Corte. Servigo Nacional de Recenseamento, Resumo Htstorico dos Inqueritos Censitdrios Realizados no Brasil, Docs. Censitarios, Serie B, no. 4 (Rio de Janeiro, 1951),

pp. 22-23. 1 8 I n l 860 the "number of Negroes" in New Orleans included 10,939 "free Negroes" and 14,484 "bondsmen." John W. Blassingame, Black New Orleans, 1860-1880 (Chicago, 1973), pp. 1-2, 9.

XXl

INTRODUCTION

ropeans attracted to the Court of Brazil all required labor. Their demand for slaves spurred the renewal of the slave trade. Whereas the decline of the gold mines in Minas Gerais had lowered the importation of slaves to perhaps an average of 10,000 slaves a year prior to 1808, the arrival of the royal court quickly pushed the average to above 20,000 with the sovereign himself sharing in the business (chapter 2). As a result, the date 1808 also marked the beginning of the significant nineteenth-century African trade to Rio de Janeiro, which brought so many West Central Africans to the city. Throughout the period and in spite of British abolition efforts, the slave trade supplied Rio with new Africans, whose comparatively low prices made it possible for even ex-slaves to purchase new Africans in the slave market. Consequently, slave ownership by both men and women was widespread in the city, and middleincome individuals, craftsmen, and even those accounted as poor could own slaves. But the slave trade did not last forever. Legally abolished in 1830, it was finally ended in 1850, and thus 1850 marks another significant watershed date in the history of slavery in the city. First, the continuous importation of slaves no longer renewed the African population, and the slave population began to change in ethnic make-up, especially as slaves from Salvador and other northeastern ports were shipped south to Rio. Second, slave prices rose rapidly in the 1850s and restricted ownership. Third, the increasing demand for labor on nearby coffee plantations drained slave labor from the city, and occupations formerly held by Africans were taken over by poor white immigrants. Finally, deadly epidemics of yellow fever and cholera ravaged Rio after 1850, and cholera, in particular, killed so many slaves that slaveowners sent the survivors to their rural estates to protect their investments. Instead of nat-

urally increasing, the city's slave population actually declined after 1850. Thus, the period 1808-1850, which was one of growth and expansion in the urban economy and in the international slave trade, pinpoints an extraordinary chapter in the history of urban slavery. Despite opinions to the contrary, a considerable—actually overwhelming—amount of information survives on the slaves of Rio. Although almost all tax records have been destroyed, enough other material exists to suggest the quality of slave life in this important period, when the African slaves predominated in the streets of Rio. Because of the wealth of travel literature, newspaper advertisements, and documentation that is peculiar to this period, the sources also require a concentration on the first half of the nineteenth century, before Europeans stopped writing travelogues or Brazilians became self-conscious about owning slaves. Only at the height of slavery in Rio and before crucial events changed its character could the wandering European and the slaveowner who accepted slavery as a part of the natural order record a little of what it was like to be a slave, but above all an African-born slave, in the city of Rio de Janeiro. As this study is centered on one city and time period, it also concentrates on only one social group within Rio: its almost 80,000 slaves. To the extent that a North American historian can piece together their story, this book attempts a slave-centered approach, similar to that of George P. Rawick, John W. Blassingame, Eugene D. Genovese, and other North American scholars who have reconstructed slave life and culture in the southern United States;19 or of Colin A. Palmer, Frederick P. Bowser, and George Reid Andrews, who have attempted the same for Latin America.20 But it goes beyond these studies, because it specifically deals with a

19 George P. Rawick, The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, vol. 1, From Sundown to Sunup: The Making of the Black Community (Westport, Conn., 1972); John W. Blassingame, The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the

Antebellum South, 2nd ed. (New York, 1979); and Eugene D. Genovese, RolltJordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York, 1972). 20 Colin A. Palmer, Slaves of the White God: Blacks vn Mex-

INTRODUCTION

slave population that was largely African by birth and, furthermore, that was primarily from West Central and East Africa. While Palmer and Bowser also deal with African slave populations in their studies of colonial Mexico and Peru, the nature of colonial sources usually dictates that few specifics remain on African culture in the colonial period. Even the noted Brazilian colonial historian, A.J.R. Russell-Wood, in his The

able for nineteenth-century Rio.21 Only one recent book details closely patterns described in nineteenth-century Rio, and that is "Alas, Alas, Kongo" by Monica Schuler in which she describes the retention of Central African cultural patterns, but in a predominantly rural setting in Jamaica.22 Was Rio unique? I suspect not, but at this point it is hazardous to generalize, before comparable nineteenth-century studies are conducted for major cities that also received significant numbers of Central and East Africans. In any case the goal of this study is not to make sweeping generalizations, because they abound in the field of Afro-Brazilian studies, but to locate and describe the realities of slave life and culture as slaves themselves experienced them. As Carl N. Degler and Robert E. Conrad have already suggested, 23 there may have been a harsher slavery in Brazil, or at least in Rio, but only future case studies, such as this, will be able to document this emerging hypothesis for all of Brazil. Without an understanding of the realities of slave treatment and living conditions, one cannot then fully appreciate the formation of AfroCariocan slave culture or even of contemporary customs in Rio. The hardships of slavery led

slaves to create cultural and religious forms to help them cope and survive as slaves. Two examples may clarify this process. In the nineteenth century, slaves commonly hid their anger and their complaints about their owners behind the facade of music and dance. In the 1970s during carnival in Rio the people still danced and sang to the lively beat of the samba rhythm, but the words they sang so joyfully often hid bitter comments about slavery in the past, the high cost of living in the present, or police repression. Even in the 1970s one could not interpret the meaning of the samba music without also understanding the difficult lives of the slum-dwellers of Rio. Second, the people of Rio fondly recall the old black slaves (the pretos velhos) of Rio as individuals who suffered greatly while enslaved, but who, through their suffering, were purified and reached a more elevated spiritual plane from which they now return to help all those who invoke them, and to work with them for the good of the community. When they descend and possess mediums, in contemporary belief, they cause the mediums to feel their pain and even to limp as if crippled while they are in trance. Contemporary religious beliefs, while reflecting the hardships of slavery, also suggest some of the ways in which slaves and their descendants explained that suffering within a spiritual context. Therefore, this book challenges stereotypes held both in North America and Brazil that the conditions of slavery so traumatized slaves that they became passive victims who totally absorbed the European culture of their masters. Rather, we intend to show how slaves became active participants in the evolution of their own rich AfroCariocan culture—a culture that has continued to attract and acculturate those of European an-

ico, 1570-1650 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); Frederick P. Bowser, The African Slave in Colonial Peru 1524-1650 (Stanford, 1974); and George R. Andrews, The Afro-Argentines of Buenos Aires, 1800-1900 (Madison, Wis., 1980). 21 A.J.R. Russell-Wood, The Black Man in Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil (New York, 1982).

22 Monica Schuler, "Alas, Alas, Kongo" (Baltimore, 1980). 23 Carl N. Degler, Neither Black nor White: Slavery and Race Relations in Brazil and the United States (New York, 1971), pp. 67-75; and Conrad, Children of God's Fire, pp. xvi-xxiii.

Black Man in Slavery and Freedom in Colonial Brazil, was unable to locate the types of sources avail-

INTRODUCTION

cestry, many of whom now worship the gods from Africa. Our study begins with a detailed examination of the diversity of origins of Rio's slaves. This complex introductory chapter, as well as Appendix A, includes the largest and most detailed ethnic samples from West Central Africa known for Brazil and refutes most Brazilian studies on the African origins of slaves sent to Brazil in the nineteenth century. Since Rio de Janeiro was the principal port of debarkation for the one million Africans who passed through or near the city between 1800 and 1850, it also helps to document the West Central African origins of those shipped to the plantation regions of Rio, Sao Paulo, and Minas Gerais in the nineteenth century. The "Central Africanness" of the city's slave population is thus fundamental to an understanding of the "sources" of Afro-Cariocan slave culture. The following chapter examines the marketing of these Africans in the Valongo, the principal slave market of Brazil. Based on manuscript sources and travelers' reports, chapter 2 clarifies the age and sex of imported Africans and documents the number of children and teenagers in the African trade to Rio. Since Africans were introduced to urban life after sale in the Valongo, chapter 3 on the city of Rio follows in order to introduce readers to the demographic, social, political, and economic structures of the city from a slave's viewpoint. Chapters 4-6 focus on those who did not survive but died at early ages and the causes of their exceptional mortality. Tables are based on unique burial records that recorded age at death by nationality and disease, and they document that those who died were teenagers and young adults, if African-born, or children and teenagers under nineteen, if Brazilian-born. The additional calculations of crude death and birth rates for slaves, as well as for free people for comparative purposes, provide one of the few such demographic studies for nineteenth-century Brazil. Among the statistics in this section is a

life-span sample that establishes how long 682 Africans survived in the city; only one-third lived more than sixteen years in Rio. Why so many died at such young ages is then documented through a study of slave treatment, punishments, living conditions, diet, and diseases. The single greatest killer of slaves was tuberculosis, and chapter 6 shows that the ten leading causes of slave deaths were diseases associated with low socioeconomic conditions, not exotic tropical diseases. These three chapters should challenge the Gilberto Freyre thesis of the "mildness" of the Brazilian slave system and make a major contribution toward an understanding of the high costs for Africans of enslavement in Brazil. While many, if not most, slave studies have focused on the mortality of the Atlantic passage, this is the first study to document statistically the high mortality of slaves in Brazil. Succeeding chapters then take up the story of those who survived the seasoning process and examine their adaptation to or resistance to slavery. Chapter 7 surveys their occupations and how they were used as skilled and manual workers of an urban economy in transportation, manufacturing, arts and crafts, sales and services, and management. The following two chapters document their lives apart from their owners when they pursued their own forms of music, songs, dances, funerals, religion, and family and associational life. A principal contribution here is the description and identification of the African origins of many types of material culture and religious ritual, as well as an analysis of the lack of marriage and family life for most slaves. The overall objective of chapters 8 and 9 is to document the process of cultural change over time and the manner in which slaves blended many cultural traditions into a new Afro-Cariocan culture that has continued to influence contemporary Brazilian culture. The final chapters examine the theme of resistance to slavery via individual acts of violence against their owners, thefts, crimes, and escapes.

INTRODUCTION

Based on police correspondence, chapter 10 surveys the various forms of resistance used by slaves to fight their owners and escape slavery. One of the more surprising findings was the large number of quilombos (settlements of fugitive slaves) that existed in or near the city. Chapter 11 ends the book with a study on manumission that questions Frank Tannenbaum's theories on the ease and frequency of manumission in Latin America. 24 A sample of manumission letters reveals that those who were freed tended to be black women because they purchased their freedom. In other words, manumission was seldom a free gift of a benevolent owner; it usually had to be earned with years of obedient service before a slave woman would be permitted to purchase her freedom or that of her child. The book concludes with a brief look at the status and living conditions of freedper24

Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen, pp. 61-65.

sons and the decline of slavery in Rio after 1850. On the whole, Slave Life should lead to a significant revision of North American views of Cariocan slavery and urban slave culture. To date most historians have tended to concentrate on plantation studies in Brazil or on the masters; this is the first Brazilian study to focus on the slaves themselves in an urban setting. Since most Brazilians still believe that such a history cannot be written, due to the myth that all the slavery manuscripts were destroyed at abolition, one of the most important contributions of this lengthy study is to demonstrate the immense variety of documentation that still survives on slaves. It is my hope that this book will serve as a guide to future research on slave life in Brazil in other regions and time periods, as Brazilians prepare to celebrate in 1988 the IOOth anniversary of the abolition of slavery.

Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro 1808-1850

1 The Nations of Rio

I N A N A L I E N city, African slaves sat by the doors of the shops and mansions, singing of their longing for family and homeland. Their "plaintive refrains" touched other foreigners, European travelers, who stopped to listen. On street corners or at work, the Africans reminisced about their past lives along the Zaire or Zambesi rivers. They played the musical instruments of Africa and honored the "old gods." Even after years as slaves in Rio, they dreamed of returning to Africa, like the carpenter who built his house to face the ocean and Africa. A few were able to buy passage back to Africa, but most had to console themselves with the belief that after death they would return home. As one German traveler observed, their favorite words were "my land and my nation."1 Not only Africans remembered their homelands. Slaves from the United States, Cuba, northern South America, Uruguay, and Argentina had also come to live in Rio, while Brazilian-

born slaves had journeyed from all over the Empire of Brazil via coastal sailing ship or overland caravan.2 In fact, some Brazilian-born slaves lived farther from their birthplaces in terms of days of travel than slaves born in Luanda, Angola. Immense distances and months of travel separated Brazilian-born slaves from their lands as surely as the South Atlantic kept Africans from theirs. To begin the study of slave life and culture in Rio de Janeiro we must take up the favorite words of the Africans and explore the origins of the city's slaves. On one level our concern is with the historical identity of the communities they had to leave behind in Africa; on another it is with the "new nations,"3 the new communities, and the new identities they evolved as slaves in the midst of diverse cultures. The "foreignness" of Cariocan slaves is what informed their entire experience. Cariocan slave society was inherently different because most slaves had been

1 John MacDouall, Narrative of a Voyage to Patagonia and TerradelFuego. . . (London, 1833), pp. 200-201; H. Furcy de Bremoy, Le Voyageur Poete, ou Souvenirs d'un Frangais dans un coin des deux mondes, 2 vols. (Paris, 1833), 2:1 ΙΟ­ Ι 11; A. D'Assier, LeBresil contemporam, pp. 26-28, as cited in Roger Bastide, Les Religions Afro-Brisiliennes . . . (Paris, 1960), p. 114; and C. Schlichthorst, O Rio de Janeiro como έ, 1824-1826, trans, and ed. Emmy Dodt and Gustavo Barroso (Rio de Janeiro, 1943), p. 140. Schlichthorst uses "my land and my nation" (mvnha terra e mmha ηαςάο). 2 References to slaves from other countries in the Western Hemisphere occur in advertisements and police records. 0 Diarto do Rio do Janeiro, 4 Oct. 1821, p. 31, announced that Maria, a half-cabra mulata, who spoke Spanish since she had come from Buenos Aires, had fled

with her year-old daughter. Slaves from Argentina and Uruguay were the most frequently mentioned individuals from the Americas, probably because of the active trade between Buenos Aires, Montevideo, and Rio. 3 In nineteenth-century Rio, ηαςάο (nation) was the pre ferred term for any group of Africans from a small tribe to a large kingdom. It referred not only to a small ethnic group or large state the Africans left behind but also to the new group they created in Rio. Unless otherwise noted, "nation" will be used only in its nineteenth-century Cariocan context. In no way is this usage meant to suggest that Cariocan slaves created independent nation-states or that these states correspond to modern African nationstates.

THE NATIONS OF RIO

In the nineteenth century, the major divisions of the slaves of Rio were based on birthplace: Af-

rica or Brazil (Census of 1849, table 3.6). Once slaveowners made the distinction between those born in Africa and those born in Brazil, they proceeded variously in the labeling of their "merchandise." They "sorted" Brazilian slaves by color but Africans by national origin, since from the owners' perspective all Africans were "black." A Brazilian slave might be Antonio crioulo (black) or Mariaparda (mulatto), while the Africans would be Antonio Angola or Maria Mozambique. 6 Amerindian slaves born in Brazil were classified by color or tribal origin, depending upon changing governmental policies toward Indian slavery. Although slaveowners recognized that Indians and Africans came from different nations, they generally ignored the regional origins of Brazilian slaves. In a few cases provincial origin took precedence, but for most Brazilian slaves their color was their "nation." In nineteenthcentury Rio, the major "Brazilian nations" of Rio were the crioulo (mould),1 pardo (parda), and cabra; crioulo and pardo slaves maintained identities and communities as separate from one another as from the African nations. Of the color terms for Brazilian slaves, the most common was crioulo, which generally applied to the black born in Brazil (though occasionally to Africans born in Portuguese colonies of Africa). Although negro (negra) and preto (preta) sometimes served for Brazilian blacks, the terms were more likely to be used for Africans;

4 Forconcepts of the slave as an "outsider," see Igor Kopytoff and Suzanne Miers, "African 'Slavery' as an Institution of Marginality," in Slavery in Africa: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives, ed. Suzanne Miers and Igor Kopytoff (Madison, Wis., 1977), pp. 14-18. 5 Common religious traditions of Central Africa: Willy de Craemer, Jan Vansina, and Renee C. Fox, "Religious Movements in Central Africa: A Theoretical Study,"Comparative Studies in Society and History 18, no. 4 (Oct. 1976): 458-475. 6 Of all the newspapers of the period, O Diario do Rio de Janeiro has the best selection of fugitive ads. O Correio Mercantil and O Jornal do Comfrcio also carried these ads, but they are not so complete as in the Diario. Many of the conclusions in this chapter are based on a careful reading of

the advertisements in the newspapers as well as other sources for the period. Only specific references to a particular ad will be cited. 7 The feminine form appears in parentheses. Owners called a male slave by the masculine form, such as Antonio pardo, and a female slave by the feminine form, such as Maria parda. On the social stratification of slaves by color, see chapter 3. The term "nations of color" is my own, and I have not seen ηαςάο used with crioulo, pardo, or cabra. However, Cariocans did apply "nation"to the Indians, such as "the Botocudo nation." In modern usage, cnoulo means any black person. In the nineteenth century, however, it could also refer to those born elsewhere in the Americas, as well as those born in the Portuguese African colonies.

forced to leave everything and everyone of meaning behind. For these outsiders, 4 there were no extended families to ease the burden of slavery nor familiar cultures to sustain links with past generations. Families, cultures, and com munities had to be forged anew in the city. The challenge for a slave in Rio was to create a meaningful life amid disparate individuals who shared few values, to create one group from the chaos of many. Slave society was also different because the majority of slaves came from West Central Africa. Without an understanding of these origins, little is comprehensible about the formation and evolution of slave life and culture in the city. For centuries people in Central Africa had dealt with ethnic diversity, developed common religious traditions, and shared cultural forms; these skills they transmitted to Brazil where they undoubtedly used similar techniques for dealing with cultural diversity. 5 The "Central Africanness" of the city's slave population is thus fundamental to the understanding of the entire process of cultural change in the city. For this reason we must begin the study of slave life and culture with a detailed examination of the lands and nations of origin.

"The Nations of Color"

THE NATIONS OF RIO

Brazilian blacks apparently preferred crioulo (ιcrioula), since it signified Brazilian birth, in which they took pride. Negro was less acceptable to them; it was almost synonymous with escravo (slave), and negro alone often implied African slave. Preto, however, seems to have been a some what more neutral term for black, especially in cases in which the nationality or civil status of a black person was unknown. Another variant of black was moleque. In newspaper advertisements masters used moleque for young black boys and men between the ages of six and thirty. Although youthfulness was a part of the meaning of moleque, the word was often employed derogatorily toward adult men. The diminutive form, molequinho, often designated a very young or small black male, while an older man or large boy was molecao or molecote. Although Creoles were also called moleques, the term was usually applied to African boys. On the other hand, the feminine form, moleca, was uncommon. Very young or small black girls were identified as negrinhas or crioulinhas, but for older girls the preferred term was rapariga, until they reached the age of fourteen or fifteen, when they became pretas or crioulas. It seems that black girls reached adolescence earlier than the moleques, and the differences in word usage may reflect different societal attitudes toward black teenagers. African crioulos generally originated in one of the Portuguese colonies of Africa, such as Cape Verde, Ilha do Principe, Sao Τοπιέ, Angola, or Mozambique. Therefore, a slave born in Luanda, the capital of Angola, was called a crioulo de Luanda. Similarly, crioulo de also occurred in reference to other provinces of Brazil; for instance, a black born in Bahia was a crioulo daBahia. An alternate term, indicating only Brazilian birth, was natural de; Antonio, natural de Minas, would have been Anthony, native of Minas Gerais. The name of a town, city, or province might also be used. In other words, crioulo de Luanda or natural de Minas indicated assimilated black slaves from the Portuguese empire or

Brazilian Blacks. From Johann Moritz Rugendas, Voyage Pittoresque dans Ie Bresil, par Maurice Rugendas,

translated by Mr de Golbery (Paris, 1835).

slaves born in Brazil. In each case, the slave was expected to speak Portuguese and share something of the culture of his or her owner. It is not clear from the sources if African and Brazilian crioulos formed common communities in Rio, or if crioulos from the various provinces of Brazil joined with the blacks born in Rio. There are some indications that Bahian and Paulista crioulos formed distinct communities in the city, and evidence that African Minas from Bahia did so, especially after 1835. 8 In any case, official docu8 Correspondence of 1837 between the police and the minister of justice reveals a preoccupation with Mina slaves and freedpersons from the province of Bahia who were living in Rio. In fact, Eusebio de Queiros in a letter of 23 February 1837 even recommended to the minister of justice that the solution for the "dangerous Minas" whose number was increasing in Rio was "to make them leave for their own country." Arquivo Nacional (hereafter AN), IJ6 174, Secretaria de Policia da Corte, Oficios com anexos (hereafter Policia).

THE NATIONS OF RIO

ments tended to group crioulos from various Brazilian provinces with those born in Rio, and possibly the same process occurred among slaves. The most common provincial origins of Brazilian slaves living in Rio were the provinces (now the states) of Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, and Sao Paulo; and in the Northeast Bahia and Pernambuco. Maranhao and Rio Grande do Sul were found more often after 1850, while the other provinces were only minimally represented in Rio before 1850. Similar provincial designations were attached to the second group of Brazilian slaves, the pardos (pardas ). Owners used the term pardo to define a mulatto, a person of African and European parentage, and the pardos themselves used it to distinguish themselves from the crioulos and other racially mixed groups in the city. The separate identity of pardos is obvious from their religious brotherhoods, militia regiments, and signatures on official documents. The 1834 census of Rio also clarifies occupational distinctions between free pardos and free blacks (table 3.7). The German traveler Meyen summed up the feelings of pardos when he reported that the pardos of Rio were a distinct group that took pride in being pardos. Furthermore, he warned that one properly addressed a mulatto as pardo, since mulato (mulata) was the less polite word, and masters often used it as an insult. He also claimed that the proud pardos of the city disdained blacks and felt themselves to be the equal of whites. In official documents scribes tended to record pardo, while in fugitive advertisements owners were less careful to offend pardos and freely used mulato, in particular mulatinho for very young or

small children. Also frequently attached to either pardo or mulato in the fugitive ads were the adjectives escuro (dark) and claro (light). In fact, there were many light pardos who could pass as whites. 9 The third major category of color in Rio was cabra, which is a more difficult term to interpret. It seems to have been a pejorative term for racially mixed slaves, and, unlike cnoulo and pardo, terms that connote pride in identity, there are no positive images attached to cabra. The French traveler Debret used bode (male goat) for male slaves of mixed black and mulatto ancestry, and cabra (female goat) for female slaves. In fact, most sources employed cabra for the racially mixed of both sexes, which must have been especially insulting to male slaves. In the context of official usage, cabra seems to have defined the least esteemed Brazilian slaves of the city, those of indeterminate ancestry and racial mixture. Thus, when a scribe recorded the identities of Brazilian slaves, he generally used three terms: crioulo, pardo, and cabra, in other words, black, mulatto, and other mixtures. The German planter Weech actually employed the term "cabre gente" for the "mixed races" or "colored people." 10 Because of such usage, the cabra category probably included the other racially mixed slaves, such as the cafuzos or caribocos, as well as the Indians of unmixed origins. In the interior of Brazil, cafuzo (cafuza) usually indicated a person of African-Indian ancestry. On the other hand, travelers, such as Weech, Meyen, and Debret called persons of mixed Indian-African ancestry cariboco or ariboco, although a modern definition of 'cariboca' is mestizo ." Both cafuzo and

9 On the usage of pardo and mulato, see F. Friedrich von Weech, Reise uber England und Portugal . . . , 3 vols. (Munich, 1831), 2:1; and F.J.F. Meyen, Reise und die Welt . . . (Berlin, 1834), p. 76. Diario, 13 Oct. 1821, p. 95, has an ad for two slaves called "mulato claro," one of whom was so white he could pass as a white man in terms of skin color and hair texture. 10 Weech, Reise, 2:1, for example, employs cabra for a person of mulatto-black ancestry and cabre gente for the

"mixed races, which are called colored people." See also Jean B. Debret, Voyage Pittoresque et Histonque auBresil: Sejour d'un Artiste Fran^ais au Bresil, 3 vols. (1834; reprint, Rio dejaneiro, 1965), 2:1. One fugitive ad also described a slave from Pernambuco as a dark "mestizo cabra." Diario, 13 Dec. 1821, p. 40. See also n. 2 above for a half-cabra mulata. 11 Joao E. Pohl, Viagem no interior do Brasil, empreendida nos anos de 1817 a 1821, trans. Teodoro Cabral (Rio de Ja-

THE NATIONS OF RIO

cariboco appear in the sources for Rio, and it is

probable that those of mixed Indian-European parentage were also enslaved in Rio. Were these the cariboco slaves, or did the term apply to both Indian-European and Indian-African mixtures? In any case, these groups were rare in Rio, and apparently most scribes simply listed them as cabras in official records. Although Indian slavery was illegal in Rio during the first half of the nineteenth century, the "first Brazilians" were also "made merchandise of," and foreign travelers and government bureaucrats recorded their presence in the city. 12 As early as 1819 and 1826, the travelers Leithold and Mansfeldt observed that Botocudo Indians were used as slaves in Rio, and as late as 1846 the chief of police complained to the minister of justice that Indians were being imported into the Court and held along with their owners' "true slaves." By this time the number of Indians in the city had grown so large that the city council ordered an accounting of all Indians who were "in service" in Rio, but the police were unable to halt the illegal enslavement of Indians in the Court. Of the Indian "nations" forced into service in Rio, travelers identify the Botocudo, who lived in the provinces of Rio de Janeiro and Espirito Santo; and police correspondence of 1845 confirms that Botocudo boys from Sao Matheus of the Province of Espirito Santo were being sent to Rio, where they were treated "as if they were slaves." One group of boys had actually been acneiro, 1951), p. 82, noted that cafuzos were rare in the city and that they regarded the black slaves with displeasure. On the cariboco or artboco, see Weech, Reise, 2:1; Meyen, Reise, pp. 75-76; Debret, Voyage, 2:1, and Pequeno Diciondrio Brasileiro da Lingua Portuguesa, Ilth ed., s.v. "cariboca." 12 On Indian slavery in Brazil, see Agostinho Marques Perdigao Malheiro, A Escravidao no Brasil: Ensaio HistoricoJuridieo-Soctal, 3 vols, in 2 tomos (1866; reprint, Sao Paulo, 1944), tomo 1: 187-335. According to Antonio Americano do Brasil, Siimula de historia de gouis, 2nd ed. (Goiania, 1961), p. 81, the "carta regia" of 5 September 1811 gave "the privilege of the slavery of the Indians" to those who settled along the Araguaia and Tocantins riv-

quired by a naval officer from their elders, who had exchanged them for "diverse objects." He had then shipped them to serve his wife in Rio. Other Indians were acquired by "right of conquest" in the frontier wars of the period. Planters or military officers who captured and kept prisoners of war sometimes took their captives with them when they moved to Rio. In such cases, the Indian slaves traveled from as far as the interior of Mato Grosso or Goias to serve in the city. One captain brought a group of the Quiniquinao of Mato Grosso to Rio and handed them over to the city council, which was to feed, dress, and baptize them, and admit them to the "service" of the city. Such Indians are representative of the war captives of the nineteenth century who were forced to enter public service as manual laborers, or to serve as recruits in the armed services. As drafted soldiers, public and private "servants," and illegal slaves, Indians from near Rio and the distant provinces formed a small but distinct group, who seem to have suffered some of the worst maltreatment because of their low status and tenuous legal position. Thus, the Brazilian nations, which were divided by color, included the original inhabitants of the land (the Botocudo and others), the racially mixed populations of all of Brazil (the cabras), the proud descendants of Africans and Europeans (th epardos), and the nationalistic blacks born in Brazil (the crioulos). Of diverse cultural and regional backgrounds, the Bahian pardo was quite different from the Maranhao crtoulo, who felt liters. Indians in urban Rio: Debret, Voyage, vol. 1, especially pis. 20, 22, 25; Weech, Reise, 2:1; Theodor von Leithold and L. von Rango, O Rio de Janeiro visto por dots prusstanos em 1819, trans, and ed.Joaquim de Sousa Leao Filho (Sao Paulo, 1966), p. 38; Julius Mansfeldt, Metne Reise nach Brasihen im Jahre 1826 (Magdeburg, 1828), pp. 100-101, 114; Thomas Ewbank, Life in Brazil . . . (1856; reprint, Detroit, 1971), p. 323; AN, IJ6 204, Policia; IJ6 207, Policia; Arquivo Geral da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, formerly the Patrimonio Historico e Artistico do Estado da Guanabara (hereafter PHAEG), 44-4-57, Indios Existentes no Municipio da Corte, 1845; and PHAEG, 39-377, Assistenciados Indios, 1831.

THE NATIONS OF RIO

tie in common with the cabra of Minas Gerais or the Botocudo from Espirito Santo. Color and regional origin divided the Brazilians from each other, and the city of Rio may have been more foreign to the new slave from rural Pernambuco than to the African crioulo from urban Luanda. The Pernambucan would have to adapt to urban life, learn a new regional dialect, and change to a regional culture as strange to the rural northeasterner as to a rural Angolan. The mere fact of Brazilian birth did not mean that an individual would escape the trauma of adaptation to the life of a slave in an alien city. Only the small minority born in urban Rio would avoid this initial period of cultural and physical adjustment.

The African Nations The Brazilian nations of color were not in the majority, however. As early as 1832, table 1.1 suggests that as little as 9.8 percent of a sample of slaves were Brazilian by birth. Almost threefourths (73.3 percent) of the sample were African. Since many Africans were brought into Rio in the drive to import slaves before the end of the slave trade, this sample may accurately reflect the proportion of Africans to Brazilians in the early 1830s. On the other hand, the Santa Casa sample for 1833 reveals that at least half of those buried in the cemetery of the Santa Casa were African, but because of the large propor-

tion of unknown nationalities in the sample, it is difficult to establish the precise proportion of Africans. Nonetheless, it is striking that in 1833, 1838, and 1849 the doctors consistently identified about one-fourth of those buried at the Santa Casa as Brazilian. Finally, there is one census for the city of Rio that recorded the ethnic origin of the city's slaves. The Census of 1849 reveals that the Africans then comprised 66.4 percent of the city's slave population, while the Santa Casa sample for 1849 recorded nearly the same percentage (63.5). In fact, the percentage of Africans within the total slave population must have been even larger, since many slaveowners hid Africans, illegally imported after 1830, from the census takers. 13 Depending on the period, therefore, the percentage of Africans in the slave population of the 1830s and 1840s ranged between two-thirds and threefourths of the slave population. To establish the specific identities of this African slave majority is indeed a difficult task because of Rio's extraordinary ethnic diversity. Unlike Salvador, Bahia, which tended to receive a more restricted sample of ethnic groups from West Africa, Rio had no such bias toward that region, but drew its slaves from West Central and East Africa. In order to organize this complex 13

Difficulties in census slave figures: chapter 3, nn. 18-

22.

TABLE 1.1 Comparative Percentages of African and Brazilian Slaves in the CityofRiodeJaneiro, 1832-1849 Santa Casa da Misericordia Nationalities African Brazilian Unknown

TaxRecords 1832

1833

1838

1849

Census of 1849

73.3 9.8 16.9

50.0 25.2 24.8

50.8 26.7 22.5

63.5 26.3 10.2

66.4 33.6 —

SOURCES : Tables 1.5, 1.3, 3.6

THE NATIONS OF RIO

discussion, we need to explain the following: general terms that identified Africans in Rio; ethnic names recorded by foreign travelers in the nineteenth century; and names of the na tions that survive in a contemporary Afro-Brazilian religion. After a clarification of these three categories, we can proceed to a fourth, i.e., the known populations imported into the city. One reason that so much information on African origins survives in the Rio archives derives from the slaveowners' methods of identifying their slaves. Instead of attaching their own family surname to a slave's Christian name, they preferred the formula of Christian name plus African "nation." In some cases, however, a nickname, occupation, or prominent physical characteristic replaced the nationality. When newspapers advertised slaves, they also added descriptions of ethnic scarifications, brand marks, hairstyles, and physical deformations, such as filed teeth. Thus, the combination of an African surname plus further physical descriptions labeled an individual as African. When owners did not know a slave's nationality, they employed several terms to indicate African birth, one of the most common of which was a slave's Christian name plus de ηαςάο, such as Antonio de ηαςάο Angola (Anthony of the Angolan nation). When the slave was of unknown name or nation, the phrase was negro (negra) de ηαςάο, or alternately, urn Africano (an African). Negro de ηαςάο should not be confused, however, with escravode ηαςάο or escravo nacional. In official correspondence that included slaves owned by the government or the royal family, the appro priate term was escravo de ηαςάο or national slave, and such an individual could be of African or Brazilian nationality. 14 Other methods of calling attention to African nationality reveal a slave's degree of assimilation.

Negro novo (new black) defined the person who was a recent import, while buqal applied to both the new African and the one who had not learned Portuguese or Brazilian customs after many years as a slave.15 In contrast, if an African spoke Portuguese and behaved as an assimilated African, then the proper term was ladino (ladina). Although a Christian name plus ladino was usually sufficient to identify the assimilated African, sometimes the description also included the slave's former nationality, such as ladino de ηαςάο Angola (ladino of the Angolan nation). The above terms were also often further qualified to reveal an African's degree of assimilation from partially to fully ladino. When half-assimilated, an African was known as meio (half) ΙηιςαΙ, meio ladino, or meio novo. Additional terms that designate African na tionality were those for freedpersons. A freedman born in Africa was known as Africano forrο (Africana forra) or Africano liberto (Africana Iiberta). Such an individual had once been en slaved and had been legally manumitted (see chapter 11). A second group, distinct from the freedpersons, were the Africanos livres, hereafter free Africans, who had been captured while on a slaveship, freed by a Court of Mixed Commission, and entrusted to a prominent slaveowner for a period of service in Brazil. In a few cases, however, Africano Iivre referred not to these individuals but to the free African immigrant who had voluntarily migrated to Rio. In 1831 nine Angolans arrived in Rio with passports that declared that they were free Africans. Their arrival touched off a series of correspondence on what the police perceived as the problem of free blacks who worked in Rio as street peddlers. In fact, the number of free African immigrants was so large that the government wanted to restrict their future voluntary migration from Africa

14 Escravos de ηαςάο: AN, Cod. 572, Armario 4, Livro 8, Papeis da Casa Imperial, 1808-1868. 15 When Miguel Monjolo disappeared, his master suspected that he had been kidnapped because he appeared

to be a bu(al. After ten years in his owner's house, he still could not (or would not?) speak Portuguese. Diario, 25 Oct. 1821, p. 176.

THE NATIONS OF RIO

and to coerce their emigration back to Africa. 16 In contrast to these general terms that point to an entire continent, foreign travelers provide more specific clues to the identification of the Africans of Rio. In some cases they recorded the actual names of ethnic groups, such as the Libolo of Angola, but generally they only repeated the names used in Rio for African nations or ports in Africa that were given to them by their Cariocan informants. They are useful, however, because they pinpoint the existence of some specific ethnic groups in Rio and identify how Cariocans perceived African ethnic groups before 1850. 17 Although the foreigners who recorded African origins in Rio were often misleading, some were fairly accurate. Carl Seidler reported that most of Rio's slaves came from Cabinda, Congo, Benguela, and Mogambique, while Armitage was more complete. To these four he added the Angolas, Caganges (Kasanje), Quilimanes, Inhambanes, and a note that in the Cabinda group he was including the "various tribes" of Congos as far as Angola. Schlichthorst, however, omitted Cabinda, Benguela, Quilimane, and Inhambane from his list of Congo, Angola, Cachange (Kasanje), Mozambique, and Mombaga. Even more comprehensive lists appear in a French and a German account. According to the French traveler Dabadie, the major nations of Rio were the Minas, Cabinda, Congo, Angola, Moange, Benguella, Mozambique, Mucena (Sena), Quilimane, and Inhambane. Of particular interest is

the importance he gives to the East African nations, including the Rios de Sena region of Mozambique. In addition to these groups, but excluding the Moange, Mucena, and Inhambane, the German Weech listed the Anjicos, Monjolas, Gabaos, Capundas, Rebolas, Mombassas, and Cajenges. Finally, the historian Melo Morais Filho recorded a tradition from the city of Rio in which seven nations attended the coronation of an African king and queen. Although he did not include the Cabindas, he reported the seven nations as the Minas, Congos, Cassanges, Cabundas, Rebolos, Benguelas, and Mogambiques. Since these names were so common in the nineteenth century, it is hardly surprising to discover them preserved within Umbanda, a modern Afro-Brazilian religion. In grouping the orixds, or spiritual entities, in the seventh or African line, Umbandistas divide the spirits into seven groups, each with its own chief: People of the Coast, Congo, Angola, Benguela, Mogambique, Loanda, and Guine. 18 In other words, the names of nineteenth-century nations have now become the names of phalanxes of spirits. These diverse authors suggest that there were at least seven major nations in nineteenth-century Rio, as well as several minor ones. The most important were the Mina, Cabinda, Congo, Angola (or Loanda), Cassange (or Angola), 19 Benguela, and Mogambique. The less numerous ones, often incorporated within the principal na-

16 On the freed or emancipated Africans, see Robert E. Conrad, "Neither Slave nor Free: The Emancipados of Brazil, 1818-1868," HAHR 53, no. 1 (Feb. 1973): 50-70. Africanos livres who fled from their "masters" were also advertised in the newspapers. For example, "Fled on the fourteenth of the month, the Afrieano livre Oracio, age 8 to 9 . . . ," Diario, 17 Jan. 1840, p. 4. On the free African immigrants, see AN, IJl 181, Ministerio dajustiga, Registro de Avisos (herafter Justiga, Avisos), fol. 73; and AN, IJ6 165, Policia, 1831-1832. 17 The order of each traveler's list has been rearranged so that the terms move from West to Central to East Africa. Carl Seidler, Dez Anos no Brasil, trans, and ed. Bertoldo Klinger (Sao Paulo, 1941), p. 238; John Armitage, The History of Brazil . . . , 2 vols. (London, 1836), 1:367; Schlichthorst, O Rio, p. 138; F. Dabadie, A travers IAme-

nque du Sud, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1859), p. 40; Weech, Reise, 2:89, 92; and Melo Morais Filho, Festas e Tradigdes Populares do Brasil, rev. and ed. Luis da Camara Cascudo (1895; reprint, Rio de Janeiro, 1967), p. 397. A lengthy list of Africans appears in Mello Barreto Filho and Hermeto Lima, Historia da Policia do Rio deJaneiro . . . (Rio de Janeiro, 1942), p. 178. There is no source for the list or date, but the inclusion of many West Africans suggests that the authors used a post-1850 sample. 18 The chiefs of the seven phalanxes are Pai (Father) Cabinda, King Congo, Pai Jose d'Angola, Pai Benguela, Pai Jeronimo, Pai Francisco, and Pai Guine (Zum Guine). Laudemir Pessoa, Ritual de Terreiro Umbandista (Rio deJaneiro, n.d.), pp. 29-30. 19 My reason for choosing Cassange rather than Loanda is that the KiMbundu-speaking peoples in and

THE NATIONS OF RIO

tions, were the Gabao, Anjico, Monjola, Moange, Rebola (Libolo), Cajenge (Jinga?), Cabunda (Mbundu), Quilimane, Inhambane, Mucena, and Μοη^ςΕ. Clearly, these imprecise terms generally denote ports of export or vast geographical regions, but at least they direct attention to West Central Africa and East Africa as the probable homelands of most of Rio's Africans. Even without this usefulness, however, the list is important, because it reveals how African slaves and their descendants defined and grouped themselves as nations within Rio.

The African Origins of the Cariocan Nations In the documentation on slaves in Rio, the seven nations frequently appear as slave surnames. What is uncommon, however, are documents that record specific ethnic groups soon after importation into the city. Although limited in number, such sources exist, and they pinpoint the historical origins of thousands of slaves. The tables that follow and appendix A have been compiled from these documents. The first important sample of ethnic groups is the Africanos livres records held at the Arquivo Nacional together with the papers of captured slave ships preserved at the historical archives of Itamarati in Rio (appendix A). When the British and Brazilian governments were engaged in the suppression of the slave trade to Brazil, they established a Court of Mixed Commission in Rio. When slaves were captured aboard slave ships, they were brought before the court. If they had been imported unlawfully into Brazil, the court judged them to be "free Africans." After so-

called emancipation, the problem, in the court's view, was what to do with sick, exhausted Africans who could not survive another voyage back to Africa where they might be reenslaved. The court's solution was to release them to the influential slaveowners of Rio, who were to educate, train, and care for them for up to fourteen years, in compensation for which they were to serve their "benefactors" without payment. Since the British and Brazilian governments had to account for each of 11,008 free Africans for more than fourteen years, they used each one's ethnic identity for record-keeping. 20

near Luanda were usually grouped with Angola, when Cassange appeared on the same ethnic list, to distinguish Lunda-Tchokwe-speaking populations from the Mbundu. On the other hand, Angola could refer to the LundaTchokwe populations on lists in which only the two terms Luanda and Angola appeared. Finally, Angola alone would include Luanda and Cassange, and indicate all peoples under Portuguese control and those to the east

along the major trade routes to Cassange and the Cuanza River. 20 A summary of what happened to the Afncanos livres appears in Conrad, "Neither Slave nor Free," pp. 50-70. For the total number of emancipados as 11,008, see Brazil, Ministerio da Justi?a, Relatorio do Ministerio da Justiga (Rio de Janeiro, 1869), p. 134. See appendix A for all sources used on the Afncanos livres.

Africans: Cabinda—Quiloa—Rebolo—Mina. From Rugendas.

THE NATIONS OF RIO

The ships' papers held at Itamarati did not always have the same detailed ethnic listings, but they are critically important, because they establish where some of the ships traded on the coast of Africa.21 While many of the papers are incomplete or damaged, there is often enough information to determine the general region in which a particular ship traded. Knowing the port of origin is most important for ethnic groups that have the same name in two or more regions. Appendix A is the result of the compilation of the known ethnic groups collected from the free Africans' records, and it is obviously the most comprehensive of all the tables. Table 1.2 summarizes appendix A. The second major collection of ethnic groups derives from the death certificates of the slaves buried by the Santa Casa da Misericordia in 1833, 1838, and 1849 (table 1.3). Upon a slave's death, an owner, who wanted an inexpensive

burial in a church cemetery, sent the body to the Santa Casa. Before burial, however, a doctor had to identify the slave by nationality and certify the cause of death. The handwritten notes for each slave have been preserved at the archive of the Santa Casa, and the tables are the result of the tabulation of the 3,147 individuals who died in 1833, 1838, and 1849. They reveal shifts in ethnicity between 1833 and 1849, clarify the relative proportions between Brazilian and African slaves buried at the Santa Casa, and serve as a useful comparative list to others that exist for Rio. An earlier sample of ethnic origin for 18211822 also exists. Recorded by Maria Graham, it reported on the ethnic origins of slaves as registered in the customhouse upon arrival in Rio (table 1.4). Ten years later a police record of taxes paid on 621 slaves in 1832 reveals similar patterns of ethnicity (table 1.5). Finally, table

21 The ships' papers may be found at the Arquivo Hist0rico of Itamarati, III, Cocoes Especiais, 33, Comissoes Mistas (Trafico de Negros) (hereafter Itamarati, III, Trafico), Lata 2, Mago 2, Kmbarcagao Assuceira (Aceiceira on its passport), 1838-1841; Lata 4, Mago 3, Emb. Brilhante, 1831-1838; Lata 7, Mago 2, Emb. Cezar, 1837-1838; Lata 8, Mago 6, Emb. Conlinente, 1833-1834; Lata 10, Mago 1,

Emb. Deligente, 1838-1839; Lata 12, Mago 1, Emb. Duqueza de Braganfa, 1834; Lata 14, Mago 3, Emb. Especulador, 1836-1839; Lata 16, Mago 4, Emb. Ganges, 18301839; Lata 19, Mago 2, Emb. Leal, 1838-1839; Lata 25, Mago 1, Emb. Orion, 1834-1835; Lata 25, Mago 2, Paquete de Benguela, 1840-1841; and Lata 28, Mago 1, Emb. Rioda Prata, 1830-1835.

TABLE 1.2 Summary of African Sources for the Slave Trade to Rio dejaneiro, 1830-1852

Regions of Africa

Number

West Africa West Central Africa Congo North Angola Northern Angola Southern Angola Angolaa West Central Africaa East Africa Unknown

62 3?20 1,300 1,855 768 1,069 18 65 722 37

Sum Total SOURCE: Appendix A

4,041 a

Unidentified

%°f Angola

41.4 57.6 1.0

100.0

% of West Central Africa

40.4 57.6 23.85 33.2 0.56 2.0

100.0

% of Sum Total 1.5 79.7 32.2 45.9 19.0 26.45 0.45 1.6 17.9 0.9 100.0

THE NATIONS OF RIO

TABLE 1.3 The Nationality of Slaves Buried by the Santa Casa da Misericordia in 1833, 1838, and 1849 Nationalities

1833

1838

1849

Total

AFRICANS

479

530

726

1,735

34

23

53

110

West Africa

Cabo Verde, Camarao" Calabar Mina Nago Ussa West Central Africa Congo North

Cabinda Congo M oujolla. Munjolo Angola Northern Angola

Ambaca, Cambambe Angola Cabunda Cacaje ό Angola, Encoches Cassange Muxicongo Bangala, Bangela Rebollo Luanda Camundongo Qi^amane Songo Southern Angola

Benguela Gangella

—

2 6 14 1

—

—

4 47 1 1

278

377

530

1,185

90

156

281

527

45 37 8

55 81 20

119 137 25

219 255 53

178

215

238

631

91

126

Ul

328

—

10 24

—

42 4

2 72 2

—

—

65 3

2 20 85 2 1

2 179 9

Moange, Muange Mofumbe Bugumbe, Genga, Mofundeb Gongo

Mo^angue, Ca^ange (Cassange?) Muiambe East Africa

Inhambane, Munhenbane Loure^o Marques Macua Mougao Mozambique Quelimane Sena Africans Unidentified

Canja, Bucambique Ca^anxa, Camugo Climane Maimben, Nogo

2 16

1 3

2 2 1

2 68 1 2 52 1 2 4 6

87

89

127

303

82 5

88 1

123 4

293 10

10

6

11

27

4 1

2 2

7 1

13 4

1 3

1 1

1 —

3 4

—

—

23

—

29 1 1 14 1

—

—

1 2

— —

19

_

1 19 —

1833

1838

1849

Total

1

—

—

-

1 1

2 1

103

81

108

292

9 26 1

8

9

- -

—

—

—

2 67 3 1

86 11 2

26 26 1 2 215 19 3

3

2

5

10

1

—

—

—

1 2 —

—

62 5 —

—

2

2

—

—

2

2 2 4 2

61

47

30

138

BRAZILIANS

242

279

301

822

Color Known

122

194

218

534

1

2 190

24

4 168 1 21

8 454 1 69

Unknown African Origin

West Central Africa Uncertain

Nationalities

Cabra Crioulo Crioulo da Bahia Pardo Pardo da Bahia, do Rio Color Unknown

Natural da Corte Natural de Mereti, de Minas Pernambuco Innocents (babies, children) Newborns Unknown Nationality

Sum Total

96 —

—

24

—

—

2

2

120

85

83

288

—

—

1

1

—

2

—

—

—

1

2 1

96 24 238 959

67 16 235 1,044

58 23 117 1,144

221 63 590 3,147

SOURCE: Archive of the Santa Casa da Misericordia, Livros dos Obitos, Lata 1, 1833, for all months butJuly and October, which

were missing; Lata 3, 1838, for all months but August, September, November, and December, which were missing; and Lata 10, 1849, which has all twelve months * Henceforth, one slave per place name, when there are two different names b Bugumbe is from 1833, Genga is from 1838, and Mofunde is from 1849

THE NATIONS OF RIO

TABLE 1.4 Customhouse Registries of National Origins, 1821 —1822 1821

Regions of Africa

Number Imported

West Central Africa°

1822

%of Sum Total

Number Imported

%of Sum Total

Total Number

%of Sum Total

15201

71.77

18,430

73.92

33,631

72.93

Congo North: Cabinda

3,106

14.67

7,578

30.39

10,684

23.17

Angola

12,095

57.11

10,852

43.52

22,947

49.76

220 7,452 2,788 1,635

1.04 35.18 13 16 7.72

—

—

6,437 1,542 2,873

25.82 6.18 11.52

220 13,889 4,330 4,508

0.48 30.12 9 39 9.78

East Africa

5,627

26.57

6,504

26.09

12,131

26.31

Muzambique Quilumana Unlocated: Ambuehe d Sum Total

2,543 b 3,084

12.01 14.56

3,249 3,255

13.03 13.06

5,792 6,339

12.56°

Ambuiz [Ambriz] Angola Luanda Benguela

352

1.66

21,180 e

100.00

—

—

24,934

100.01

13.75

352

0.76

46,114

100.00

SOURCE : "Custom-house entries at Rio for the years 1821 and 1822,"as reprinted in Maria Graham,Journalof a Voyage to Brazil. . . (London, 1824), pp. 228-229 * The place names in the original were Cabinda, Ambuiz, Angola, Luanda, Benguela, Muzambique, Quilumana, and Ambuehe. The original tables were arranged by month. The arrangement of this table is my own. b This is close to the 2,941 slaves exported from Mozambique to Rio in 1821, and the difference may be due to mortality in transit. See table 5 in Edward A. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1974), p. 213. c T h e 1821 percentages for Mozambique and Quelimane are close to those from British consular reports for 1824-1825 reprinted in Joseph C. Miller, "Legal Portuguese Slaving from Angola: Some Preliminary Indications of Volume and Direction, 1760—1830," Revue fran(aise d'histoire d'outre-mer 62 (1975): 155. He gives the following breakdown for each region as Luanda (27 percent), Cabinda, Zaire (18 percent), Benguela (14 percent), Quelimane (14 percent), Ambriz (13 percent), and Mozambique (12 percent). d Is this a form of Buea in Cameroon? ° In the original, the total is 21,199, which seems to be due to a printing error in the total for January. Instead of the total of 2,914 in the original for January, we have used 2,874, the sum of the Mozambique, Ambuehe, Cabinda, Luanda, and Benguela slaves imported in January.

1.6, a composite of appendix A and the tables above, as well as the previously published tables of Herbert S. Klein and Philip D. Curtin, clarifies the changing proportions of slaves imported into Rio between 1795 and 1852 (see also chapter 2). The following conclusions on the ethnic origin of the African slaves of Rio are based on these tables.

West Central Africa The first and most obvious conclusion is that the majority of Rio's slaves were imported from West Central Africa. Before 1811, as table 1.6 re-

veals, as many as 96.2 percent of the sample had come from that area. Never so dominant afterwards, however, slaves from West Central Africa did not fall below 66 percent. In no period did West Africa come close even to a quarter of the trade to Rio, since fewer than 2 percent were imported directly from West Africa. The higher percentage (6 to 7 percent) of West Africans living in Rio reflects the trade in slaves between Bahia and Rio, especially after 1835. Finally, the growing importance of East Africa in the nineteenth-century trade is reflected in the percentage of East Africans in the city (between 16.8 and 26.4 percent depending on the period). It

THE NATIONS OF RIO

TABLE 1.5 The Nationality of Slaves in the City of Rio dejaneiro, 1832 Number

Number

AFRICANS

455

West Africa

30

Northern Angola

99

1 6 23

Ambaca Angola Cabunda, Camunda Cassange Rebollo Camundongo Quigama Songo

3 39

Cabo Verde Calabar Mina West Central Africa

303

Congo North

120

Cabinda Congo Munjolla

57 52 11

Angola

Number

176

Southern Angola

Benguela Ganguella Uncertain: Moanje, Mohanje

3 26 21 1 4 2

East Africa

77 74 3

BRAZILIANS

Cabra Crioulo Pardo

Unknown African Origin

61

5 48 8

7 UNKNOWN

120

Inhambane Macua, Mecena Mogambique Quelimane

Number

7 2 98 13 2

NATIONALITY

105

Sum Total

621

SOURCE: Arquivo Nacional, Cod. 388, Policia, Imposto de Escravos, 1831-1833

TABLE 1.6 The Percentage of Slaves from Each Region of Africa, 1795-1852 Slave Ship Samples Regions of Africa West Africa

(1) 1795-1811

City of Rio Samples

(2)

(3)

(4)

(5)

(6)

1817-1843

1821-1822

1825-1830

1830-1852

1832

(7) 1833-1849

1.2

0.8

—

1.5

6.59

West Central Africa

96.2

71.1

72 93

73.1

79.7

66.59

68.3

Congo North Angola Unknown, Uncertain East Africa Unknown

0.6 95.6 — 2.3 0.4

25.4 45.7

23.17 49.76

28.1 45.0

32.2 45.9 1.6 17.9 0.9

26.37 38.68 1.54 26.37 0.44

30.4 36.37 1.56 16.83 8.53

—

—

—

—

24.5 3.7

26.31 0.76

26.86 —

6.34

Sources: (1) Table 4 in Herbert S. Klein, "The Trade in African Slaves to Rio dejaneiro, 1795-1811: Estimates of Mortality and Patterns of Voyages," Journal of African History 10, no. 4 (1969): 540; (2) Table 69, Philip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison, Wis., 1969), p. 240; (3) Table 1.4; (4) Table 4.2, "Number of Slaves Shipped to Rio dejaneiro, 1825-1830," Herbert S. Klein, The Middle Passage: Comparative Studies in the Atlantic Slave Trade (Princeton, 1978), p. 77; (5) Table 1.2; (6) Table 1.5; and (7) Table 1.3.

was in West Central Africa, followed by East Africa, that most Africans in Rio found their homelands. In the nineteenth century the area of West Central Africa was usually divided into three major regions: Congo North (Cabinda), Angola, and Benguela. The meaning of these terms varied widely, however, and slave-trade usage was not consistent with actual ethnic identity or even

Cariocan national names. Clarification will be made, insofar as possible, of nineteenth-century African or slave-trade usage and of the major ethnic groups and their stereotypes in Rio. Minor ethnic groups not covered in the text are located in appendix A. The first major region known as Congo North in the nineteenth century defined the area from Cape Lopez to and including the mouth of the

THE NATIONS OF RIO

Timbuktu s~2\

Lake Chad

. Q!)

kl

Eimina

Calabar

1

Uvanbo

Ambo (Ovambo)

Southwestern Angola

1

Quibanda, Vanda, Fevanda, Quivanda, Quiovanda Southern Angola Total

Civanda (Quibanda)

West of Bailundu

6

Capello and Ivens, 1:317 Estermann, Ethnography, ρ 51 McCulloch, p. 2, map, p. 50

3. Angolan Unidentified Cocangange Cugangue Comonguera Curibindo Carora Chamaco Mama, Camama, Umama Comanga, Muximanga, Umanga Coquenda Atundevele Cuxiundo Caveta Angolan Unidentified Total

14

13

1,069 Anha 20 Anha Anha Anha j Anha Anha Anha 21 •?

Southwestern Angola? Anha Anha

1. Northern Angola Total 2. Southern Angola Total 3. Angola Unidentified Total Angola Sum Total C. West Central Africa Unidentified22 Muana Anga Cuange, Moange, Miange, Muange Cababo, Calbobo Quibombo

2

1 1 1 1 1 1 3 5 1 1 1 1 18 768 1,069 18 1,855

Anha? Angola?

1 1 27

Bom ba?

2 1

?

Vansina, Kingdoms, map, p. 166 Redinha, p. 13; McCulloch, p. 2, map, p. 50 McCulloch, p. 2, map, p. 50 Capello and Ivens, map, vol. 1 Redinha, p. 14 Redinha, map, p. 13

APPENDIX A

Name for National Origin Captured Slave Ships'

Modern Name 2

Location in Africa ?

Ucariste Coca Cucoetá Mugicuala, Cucuale Uculema Cunda Udandiba Tuengue Cogangote Congogo 23 Clogunga Gagungue Uiango Uiva Mulanbim Urango Querigô Malliava Mizi Inhambo Canhiacuto Inhoe Uanima Conosse Muchipure Chiquidua Mugisseca Mossuma Yarra Unidentified Total

References

1 1 1

Congo region

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 65

II. West Central Africa A. Congo North B. Angola C. Unidentified Sum Total III. EAST

Number on the Ships

1,300 1,855 65 3,220

AFRICA2*

Umbiza

Bisa 25

Micharo

Mazaro?

Machibeta, Muchibeta, Chipeta, Michipeta

Cipeta (Cewa)

Chuatana Dandepane

p

Muchidundo

?

Matibane?

West of Lake Nyasa (Malawi) Near the mouth of the Zambesi River One of the branches of the Chewa (Cewa) in the lower Zambesi area Near Quelimane? North of Mozambique Island •>

380

1

Alpers, p. 231, map, p. 9

1

Bryan, map

7

Tew, pp. 30-31; Alpers, map, p. 9

2 1

?

1

?

Alpers, map, p. 154

AFRICAN SOURCES

Name for National Origin Captured Slave Ships1

Modern Name2

Magange, Mogange, Monhanga, Manange, Monange

Mang'anja (Maganja) Anyanja (Nyanja)

Inhambane, Inhambaro

Inhambane

Muchau, Mojau

Yao

Oarancungo Muchilessa Tolome, Molomo

Licungo

Macua

Makua (Macua)

Imano, Umano, Manu

Chiefdom of the Maravi (Malawi) Mozambique26

Mozambique, Mozambique

Cumoroje Quelimane, Quilimane, Quillimane Macena, Mucena, Mucenca, Senna Cutemba, Timba

Location in Africa Variants of the word meaning "lake people" or people from north of the Zambesi, who live around Lake Nyasa (Malawi) Major port between Sofala and Louren^o Marques South and east of Lake Nyasa (Malawi) Quelimane district

•>

j

Lomwe (Lomue)

Hinterland of Mozambique Island Hinterland of Mozambique Island Malawi Mozambique Island and general term for slaves from the former Portuguese colony ?

Number on the Ships 105

Alpers, map, p. 1

3

Alpers, map, p. 9

1 1 2

Cabral, p. 31 j

129 3

Alpers, map, p. 9 ?

Alpers, map, p. 9

1 265

Alpers, map, p. 9

Tembe?

Delagoa Bay area

2

Cutumbuca

Tumbuka (Tumbuca)

West of Lake Nyasa (Malawi)

1

Muxera Ozamba, Ozimba, Ozinba East Africa Total

? East of Tete

Alpers, map, p. 9

84

Sena

Azimba?

Tew, p. 30; Alpers, map, p. 9

4

Port north of the Zambesi River Lower Zambesi River

Quelimane

References

103

1 4 722

Tew, p. 31; Alpers, map, p. 13 Gray and Birmingham, map, p. 268 Tew, p. 51; Alpers, map, p. 9

? Tew, map

IV. UNKNOWN ETHNIC GROUPS 27

Total V. SUM TOTAL

37 4,041

SOURCES: Arquivo Nacional, IJ6 471, Oficios, Relators e Processos sobre Africanos Livres, 1834-1864; IJ6 467, Cartas

de Liberta^ao, 1834-1844; and Cod. 400, Policia, Obitos de Africanos, 1834-1840 (Angelica and Amizaie Felis); Cod. 184, vol. 4, Registro das Cartas de Emancipa^ao dos Africanos . . . (Assei(eira); Cod. 184, vol. 3, Registro das Cartas de Alforria . . . (Brilhante); Cod. 184, vol. 3 (Escuna Camilla ); Cod. 184, vol. 3 (Carolina); IJ6 471 ( Patacho Cezar); IJ6 471 (Patacho Continente); Cod 184, vol. 3 (Destemida); Cod. 184, vol. 3 (Diligente); IJ6 471 (Duqueza de Braganza); Cod. 184, vol. 4 (Especulador); Cod. 184, vol. 3 (Escuna Feliz); Cod. 184, vol. 4 (Ganges); IJ4 468, Oficios do Chefe de Polieia e Casa de Corre^ao sobre Africanos, 1834-1864 ( Golfinho ); IJ6 468 ( Itabapoama ); Cod. 184, vol. 4 ( Leal ); IJ6 468 ( Manguinho ); IJ6 468 (Marambaia); IJ6 471 ( Novo Destino); Cod. 184, vol. 3 (Orion); Cod. 184, vol. 4 (Paquete de Benguela); IJ6 468 (Quissama); IJ6 471 (Rio da Praia); Cod. 398, Policia, Africanos remettidos a corre^ao, 1834-1835 (Santo Antonio); IJ6 468 (Urania); IJ6 471 (Africans freed by various justices

APPENDIX A

NOTES TO APPENDIX A (cont.) of the peace, ships unknown; Africans sent from the city of Niteroi in 1848), and IJ6 524, Africanos Livres com Cartas de Emancipa9ao, 1845-1864 (unknown patacho). A second list, including most of these ships, was located by Robert Conrad

in Great Britain in FO 84/1244, PRO. The

tables appear in his "Neither Slave nor Free: The Emanapados of Brazil, 1818-1868," Hispanic American Historical Review 53, no. 1 (Feb. 1973): 54-55. There are, however, discrepancies between his tables and appendix A. First, they do not agree on the number freed from each ship because the British recorded the total number freed by the Court of Mixed Commission in Rio, and the registries of letters of emancipation listed only those who actually received their letters and were entrusted to in fluential Brazilians. In many cases the registries omit those who died in the interim. Second, not all the registries could be located, or in other cases parts of the registries were missing. Third, the Emilia was not included in appendix A, although it appears on Conrad's table and a registry exists for it, because of the early date of 1821. It was excluded in order to confine the sample of ethnic groups to the period of the illegal trade, 1830-1852. Edward A. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1975); E. Bouet-WiUaumez, Commerce et Traite des Notrs . . . (Pans, 1848); M. A. Bryan, The Bantu Languages of Africa (London, 1959); Richard F. Burton, Two Trips to Gorilla Land. . . , 2 vols. (1876; reprint, New York, 1967); Antonio A. Pereira Cabral, Ragasy Usos e Costumes dos lndigenas da Provincia de Mozambique (Loure^o Marques, 1925); H. Capello and R. Ivens, De Benguella ds Terras de Idcca . . . , 2 vols. (Lisbon, 1881); Gladwyn M. Childs, Umbundu Kinship and Character (London, 1949); Henrique de Paiva Couceiro, Relatorio de Viagem entre Bailundo e as terras do Mucusso (Lisbon, 1892); Philip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison, Wis., 1969); Jean B. Douville, Atlas du Voyage au Congo . . . (Paris, [1832?]); Paul B. Du Chaillu, Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa . . . (New York, 1868); Carlos Estermann, The Ethnography of Southwestern Angola, ed. Gordon D. Gibson, vol. 1 (New York, 1976); idem, Etnografia do Sudoeste de Angola y 3 vols. (Lisbon, 1956-1957); Helio Felgas, As Populagdes Nativas do Norte de Angola (Lisbon, 1965;) Richard Gray and David Birmingham, Pre-Colonial African Trade . . . (London, 1970); M. Marcel Guillemot, Notice sur Ie Congo Frangais (Paris, 1901); Merran McCulloch, The Ovimbundu of Angola (London, 1952), Phyllis M. Martin, The External Trade of the Loango Coast 1576-1870 (Oxford, 1972); Luis Cabral de Moncada, A Campanha do Bailundo em 1902 (Lisbon, 1903); Joachim John Monteiro, Angola and the River Congo, 2 vols. (1875; reprint, London, 1968); K. David Patterson, The Northern Gabon Coast to 1875 (London, 1975); W.G L. Randies, UAncien royaume du Congo . . . (Paris, 1968); Jose Redinha, Distribuigao Etnica da Provincia de Angola (Luanda, 1969); G. Sautter, De L'Atlantique au fleuve Congo . . . , 2 vols. (Paris, 1966); Alexandre de Serpa Pinto, How I CrossedAfnca . . . , trans. Alfred Elwes, 2 vols. (1881; reprint, New York, 1971); G. Tams, Visit to the Portuguese Possessions . . . , trans. H. Evans Lloyd, 2 vols. (London, 1845); Mary Tew, Peoples of the Lake Nyasa Region (London, 1950); Alvin W. Urquhart, Patterns of Settlement. . . in South-western Angola (Washington, D.C., 1963); Jan Vansina, personal communications, 1968-1969; idem, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison, Wis., 1966); idem, The Tio Kingdom . . . (London, 1973); and Abbe Andre Raponda Walker, Notes d'Histoire du Gabon (Montpellier, 1960). 1

Column one records the original names for the national or ethnic origins of the captured slaves as listed in the registries

of the freed Africans. 2

Where known, column two has the contemporary version of the ethnic group or place name, but older forms are included

when they were not located on modern maps. The name in parenthesis is an alternate spelling. 3

In the period 1817-1843 the term Congo North usually indicated the region from Cape Lopez to and including the mouth

of the Zaire River. Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, pp. 240-241. This table uses Congo North in that sense, but it also includes slaves who came from as far north as the Rio Mum and the Gabon estuary, north of Cape Lopez. 4

Congo refers to the former French colony of Congo; Zaire is the modern name for the former Belgium colony; and Kongo,

BaKongo are used for the KiKongo-speaking populations of northern Angola. The Zaire River was called both the Congo and the Zaire in the nineteenth century. 5

Although many ethnic groups are known as Bembe, the Mbembe north of Stanley Pool are most likely in this case, be-

cause they came on the slave ship Leal along with many Teke. 6

Bonga is located near where the Sanga River joins the Zaire, but the Babongo were commonly sold on the Loango coast.

The same or different groups? See Martin, External Trade, ρ 153; and Vansina, Tio, ρ 254. 7

Macamba, a Mbundu group? The Camba have been identified as a Kongo group because almost 30 percent of the ship's

cargo were listed as Congo; however, the ship also carried Mbundu groups. See Martin, External Trade, p. 42. 8 The Enenga are "riverine peoples, living along the lower Ogowe in the general area of modern Lambarene." Does Unanga refer to them or to Lake Onangue? or to some other group in Gabon? See Patterson, Northern Gabon Coast, p. 3. 9

As used here, Angola refers to slaves exported from the modern country of Angola, but it also includes ethnic groups from

other surrounding countries. l0

According to Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 241, Angola proper in the period 1817-1843 was the region from Ambriz

AFRICAN SOURCES

southward to BengueJa. In this table, Northern Angola does not correspond to this definition, since this section includes ethnic groups from Zaire and the BaKongo to the north of Ambriz, and it does not extend as far south as the port of Benguela. The reasons for our division of Angola into two groups is due to slave-trade patterns after 1830. The Lunda-Chokwe, Mbundu, and BaKongo were frequently exported from the coast at ports from the Cuanza River north to the Zaire River, but the Ovimbundu, Ganguela, and southwestern groups were exported from Novo Redondo south through Mo9amedes. Slavers from Rio tended to trade in either northern or southern Angola, and thus this division into northern and southern Angola reflects the ethnic make-up of the cargoes and the division in Rio into the two nations of Angola and Benguela. 11 In 1842 Tams, Visit 2:163, described the capital of Ambriz as Quibanza. Although banza is a common word for market, j Ubanza may refer to the Ambriz capital because seven other slaves from the same ship came from Ambriz. 12 Bouet-Williaumez, Commerce, map, wrote Cucungo for the river that seems to be the Kwango. Is this an earlier spelling or name for the Kwango? 13 When this individual died, the death certificate recorded the nationality as Conjouco. 14 Or possibly Quiembe. Monteiro, Angola, 2:7, described a large town called Quiembe between Luanda and Ambriz. l s Most ethnic groups from southern Angola were usually called Benguelas in Rio, because they were exported through or near the port of Benguela. 16 Or possibly the Quimdumbo, an Ovimbundu group. 17 Possibly the Cassamba, a group in the Duque de Braga^a area, but more likely the Sambu because the two ships that carried these people also had many Ovimbundu. 18 In the nineteenth century a port south of Novo Redondo was called Quissanga. Does Cuvsanga refer to Quissanga rather than to Sanga? 19 Unlikely to be the Suku in northern Angola, because the ship was the Especulador which had traded at Anha and drew i its cargo from southern Angola. 20 The following groups whose location is given as Anha came from the Especulador. 21 The two ships were the Especulador and the Escuna Feliz· The one Muximanga came on the Especulador; the other four were from the Escuna Feliz j which had slaves from Congo North and northern and southern Angola. 22 These individuals were imported on ships that had traded in West Central Africa in more than one region. 23 When this individual died, his nationality was recorded as Congo. 24 The following individuals are from ships that traded at ports in the modern country of Mozambique. 25 Although the Bisa live to the west of Lake Nyasa, they traded at Mozambique Island. See Alpers, Ivory, p. 231. 26 Mozambique was the general term used in Rio for slaves from the east coast of Africa. Thus, Mozambique may refer to East African slaves in general or to those exported from Mozambique Island. 27 This total of thirty-seven includes twenty-nine persons listed as Moss e , which is a Portuguese form of abbreviation. It may stand for almost any place name or ethnic group that begins with "Moss."

Appendix B Causes of Slave Sickness and Death at the Santa Casa da Misericordia, 1833-1849 Sicknesses

Deaths

1847 Causes

Male

Female

1849 Total

Male

Female

1838 Total

Male

Female

1833 Total

Male

Female

Total

I. Infectious-Parasitic Diseases

Tuberculosis (all forms) Dysentery Smallpox Tetanus Malaria: Pernicious fever Intermittent fever Opilaiao, Hypoemia intertropical Worms Typhoid, paratyphoid Encephalitis Meningo-encephalitis Erysipelas Bobas, bubatic ulcers (yaws) Meningitis Whooping cough Syphilis Typhus Measles Elephantiasis dos Arabes (filariasis) Scarlet fever Hydrophobia (rabies) II. Digestive System Diarrhea Gastroenteritis Gastroenteritis plus Gastro-

461

317

778

224

99

323

135

96

231

101

72

173

221 36 68 31

184 16 25 8

405 52 93 39

87 41 31 16

60 10 7 3

147 51 38 19

40 25 36 8

35 11 17 2

75 36 53 10

54 15

36 13

90 28

21 4

12 8

33 12

12 9

3 4

15 13

9 6

5 10

11 7

8 12

19 19

2

9 2

4 3

8 4 3 3

6 2 1 1

14 6 4 4

5 4

2 1

7 5

1

5

1

6

10 15 11

3 10 8

13 25 19

1

1 2 2 2 2

—

—

6 — —

2

—

10

16

2 1

2 1

—

9 —

—

—

—

1 2 1 —

1

1 —

1 1 —

—

1 1 — —

1 1

1

—

—

—

12

5

17

14 16

5 2

3 3

8 5

4 5

8 8

4 2

5 3

9 5

1

2

—

—

—

1

1

—

—

—

1 1

1 2 1 3

—

3 —

—

—

1

3 3 1

2 —

1

—

—

—

I

—

—

5 3 2 —

1

—

2

232

163

395

165

54

219

116

52

168

60

30

91'

53 60 14 11

15 48 28 1

68 108 42 12

53 26

6 15

59 41

30 22

9 12

39 34

15 5

2 6

17 11

17

7

24

4

4

8

5

3

8

384

C A U S E S OF S I C K N E S S A N D D E A T H

Sicknesses

Deaths

1847 Causes Hepatitis Liver Enteritis Enterocolitis Peritonitis Mesenterico, Mesenteritis Icterícia (jaundice) Hemorrhoidal attack Intestinal, misc. Stomach, misc. Gastro-intestinal inflammations III. Respiratory System Pneumonias: Pneumonia Peri-pneumonia Pleuro-perim a Pleuro-pneumonia Pleurisy Hemoptese (hemoptysis) Asthma Bronchitis Hydrothorax Pulmonary disorders Lungs Coughs IV. Nervous System & Neuropsychiatric Symptoms Apoplexy and possible stroke symptoms: Apoplexy, apoplectic attacks Fulminating apoplexy Cerebral apoplexy Stupor Torpor of the nerves Hemiplegia Cerebral hemorrhage Spasm (age 80)

Male 62 3 10 3 9 3

Female 45 1 8 6 5 4

1 — —

3

Total

Male

107 4 18 9 14 7

29 5 8

2

1 —

—

—

—

Total

Male

9 2 4

38 7 12

19 10 7

9 4

1 1

10 5

2 2

1 1

3 3

—

3 1

—

1

—

1838

1849 Female

—

—

4

—

1 2

1 6

Total

Male

6 5 5

25 15 12

11 7 2

2 1

2 2

4 3

2

2

4

1 4

1 3 20

1 2 16

Female

1833

—

Female

—

2 —

—

4 5 2

15 13* 4

1 1

1 3

1

1

—

1 11 1

Total

—

1 4

2 15 1

6

4

10

94

68

162

67

20

87

64

20

8?

44

20

64

46 2

23 2

69 4

23 3

6 1

29 4

15 10 1 1 8

5 5

20 16b 1 1 10

6 8

1 4

1 12

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

14 3

9 6

23 9

10 3

7 3 3 3 12 1

1 11 5 1 10

8 14 8 4 22 1

2 3 3 1 15 2 2

—

— —

—

121

—

—

41 —

66

187

—

—

—

—

57

16 —

2

—

1

3 2 1 1 —

6 — —

—

13 5 2 4 4 1 21 2 2

—

—

4 1

—

— —

2

1 1 2 4

—

1 14 5 4

4 2 1 3 18 5 4

—

— —

—

—

—

—

10 2 1 —

1 2 10 4

—

—

—

—

—

— —

3

13

1 —

3 1

—

—

3 4 4

1 5 14 8

—

70

14

84

19

12

31

20

8

28

18

1

19

10

6

16

8

3

11

14 2 1

2 2 1

16 4 2

1 —

1

—

—

—

—

1 2 1

3

—

—

—

—

1

—

1

—

385

1

—

1

— —

—

— —

— —

—

1

2 1

—

—

—

—

—

—

APPENDIX A

Sicknesses

Deaths

1847 Causes Epilepsy Convulsions Paralysis Mielitis Compression of the medula Cerebral disorders: Cerebral congestion Cerebral fever Other Mental illness' Mental alienation Vehement monomania Crazy (maluco, doido) Maniac Hysteria V. Early Infancy and Congenital Malformations At or after birth. Premature Born dead Apoplexy after birth Nervous colic Newborn: Cause unknown (first 30 days) Asphyxia of the newborn Tetanus/Tetany Symptoms: Convulsions, seizures, spasms Mai de 7 dias Teething Tetanus of the newborn Other: Umbilical cord (gangrene, hernia) Hydrocephalus Asphyxiation Tetano pulmonar

Male 5 25 —

4

Female

1849 Total

2 21 3

7 46 3 4

—

—

Male

Female

1838 Total

Male

6

2 1

1 3 1

3 4 1

—

2

1

3

—

—

—

2

2

—

2

1

5 —

—

—

—

—

—

5

—

2

2

27 2 5

10 2 4

37 4 9

14 6 3

—

10

4

14

1

—

Female

1833

—

5

19 6 5

5 2

2

Total

—

Male

Female

—

—

—

3 1

3

35

1

1

28

63

—

—

—

—

—

_ _

—

—

2 1

—

6

—

—

—

—

—

—

13

19

15

34

1

1 1

—

— _

1

— —

—

—

—

1 2d

3c 2

—

—

—

—

—

1

_

—

—

—

—

—

8

6

1

1 2

1

7

51d

1 —

14

27

50"

—

8

—

22

—

6 3 —

4

--

1

1

—

2

17

9 —

—

19

25

2

—

6 —

44

9

9 6 1

1

5

—

—

1

—

—

—

— —

— _

—

—

—

1

386

1 1

—

—

_

9

5 6 3

—

3 3 1

—

3 3 4

—

15 —

—

20

8 9 7

I

1

1

6

17d

—

8 3 5

—

— — — —

—

1

_

10 1

—

1 2 1

—

27

—

—

3 4

1 1

—

Total

—

—

1 1 — —

18 4 5

1 1 —

—

C A U S E S OF S I C K N E S S A N D D E A T H

Deaths

Sicknesses 1849

1847 Causes Unknown, uncertain VI. Violent and Accidental Death Suicide, Possible Suicide: Suicide Drowning Hanging/ Strangulation Violent Deaths: Wounds Blows Burns Suffocation Accidental Deaths: Falls Snakebite Hit on the head Run over by a cart Fractures VII. Circulatory System Heart (misc.) Hydropericarditis Aneurysm Pericarditis Endocarditis Nervous carditis Rheumatic fever VIII. Rheumatic and Nutritional Diseases and Diseases of the Endocrine Gland Rheumatic: Rheumatism Arthritis Nutritional: Scurvy Rickets Lymphatitis IX. Pregnancy, Childbirth, and the Puerperal State Childbirth Metritis, Peritonitis Puerperal fever

Male —

Female

Total

—

—

Male

Female Total

Male

3

1

1

2

2

22

14

I

9 5

4 1

39

18

5

23

20

14 9

1 3

15 12

10 1

1 3

11 4

8 5

4

—

4

—

1

4

3

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

4 33 15 6 8 2 —

2

13 1 2 3 3 4

5 3 —

1 —

—

1

3

—

3 1

—

1 1 1

1

1 1 1

— — —

46 16 8 11 5 4 2

18 8 3 4 3

8

9

1 1

4 1

2 1

2

5 1

1 —

1

—

11 —

5 1

7 5 2 — —

25 13 5 4 3

—

—

—

1 1 —

1

—

—

— —

1

7 5 1 1

—

1

—

2 1 1 —

—

—

9 6 2 1 —

1

4

18

1

5 1

1

2

1

6 1

—

1

—

7 1 1 1

—

1

—

3 1

—

Total

1

—

1 1 2

—

Female

—

—

—

3 1

—

—

J

—

1

1

4

—

Male

1

7

—

Female Total

2

32

—

1833

1838

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

1 1

4 1 —

—

5 2 —

—

1 1

1

—

1

1 1

—

4

13

4

6

10

11

—

11

1

3 1

1

2

3

1

—

1

1 2

6 3

7

9 1

—

8 1 5 1

387

4

3 —

—

11 5 2 1

—

9 1

— —

6 3 1 —

APPENDIX A

Sicknesses

Deaths

1847 Causes

Male

Female

Puerperal convulsions Abortion Uterus (misc.) X. Genitourinary System Cystitis Cancro (venereal) Venereal ulcers Calculos (kidney stones) Miscellaneous XI. Known Causes ( Miscellaneous j Nose and throat (miscellaneous) Angina Skin: Sarna Herpetic affection Malignant pustule Leprosy Cancer and other tumors: Cancer of the uterus Other cancers Tumors Blood and bloodmaking organs Senility (old age) XII. Ill-Defined Causes of Death Fluid Accumulation: Dropsy Anasarca Ascites Fevers Inflammations Gangrene Marasmus Cachexia Hernia Ulcers Lesions Abscess Eating dirt

1849 Total

Male

2 2 1 7 3 1 —

4 1 1 —

3

// —

1 —

1 1

;

1 5

1 10

I 2

1 1 — 1

2 1 1 2

1 1

1 1 2

—

4

—

26 25 13 —

2 5 —

51 — 12 13 11 — 3 5 —

4 4

5 —

—

88

—

26

1 —

2 2 —

15

—

2

11 4 2 — 4 1

—

139 —

38 38 24 — 5 10

—

4 6

—

2

—

—

—

—

Total

Male

Female

—

—

—

—

1

1 1

5

Female

1838

—

—

1833 Total

Male

Female

—

1 1

3

— —

2 2

3

—

3

—

1

—

—

1 1

— —

1 1

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

1

—

1

—

3 —

— 1

10

5

1 2

2

1

1

1

1

1

3

8

6

5

—

2

2

—

2

—

1

1

—

1

1

1 2

1 — 1

1

—

—

1

—

—

—

Total

—

1 1 3

1

—

—

—

1

1 1

—

1

—

—

— —

1 1

1

—

—

1

—

1

1

—

—

2

1 2

66

17

83

58

21

79

56

37

93

18 3 9 10 5 1

6 5

24 8 9 13 5 1

22 5 1 16 2 — 3 2

5 3 1 6 1 1 — —

27 8 2 22 3 1 3 2

20 6

9 2 3 12 2 1 2 1

29 8 3 28 3 3 2 1

1

1

2

—-

—

3 — — —

1

— —

1

1

1 1

— —

388

—

1 2 2 1 1

—

16 1 2 — —

—

—

—

C A U S E S OF S I C K N E S S A N D D E A T H

Sicknesses

Deaths

1847 Causes Vomit Purulent infection Caries (tooth decay) Aphtas (afta) Illegible, uncertain (one case each)

Male 5 4

Female

14

2 —

15

Male

Female

1833

1838 Total

Male

Female

Total

Male 1

8 4 2

—

—

—

Total

3

—

XIII. Unknown Cause

1849

29

Female

Total 1

—

14

2

16

6

3

9

10

5

151

66

217

220

125

345

273

136

410°

231 168

101 60

72 30

173 91*

15

Summary I. InfectiousParasitic Diseases II. Digestive System III. Respiratory System IV. Nervous System & Neuropsychiatry Symptoms V. Early Infancy VI. Violent & Accidental Death VII. Circulatory System VIII. Rheumatic & Nutritional Diseases IX. Pregnancy & Childbirth X. Genitourinary System XI. Known Causes (Miscellaneous) XII. Ill-Defined Causes of Death XIII. Unknown Cause Sum Total

461 232

317 163

778 395

224 165

99 54

323 219

135 116

96 52

94

68

162

67

20

87

64

20

85"

44

20

64

121 35

66 28

187 63

70 27

14 22

84 50°

19 19

12 25

31 44

20 20

8 27

28 51"

32

7

39

18

5

23

20

2

22

14

4

18

33

13

46

18

7

25

7

2

9

4

1

5

5

3

8

9

4

13

4

6

10

11

11

11

8

8

11

11

—

6

6

7

4

11

2

3

—

1

1

11

15

26

7

88

51

139

14

15

29

—

1,133

761

1,894

—

—

11

—

2

3

3

10

5

1

6

5

3

8

66

17

83

58

21

79

56

37

93

151

66

217

220

125

345

273

136

410e

608

345

959 a,d,e

824

—

319

1,144°

670

—

373

1,044

b

SOURCES: Roberto J. Haddock Lobo, Discurso . . . seguido de Reflexoes acerca da mortalidade da cidade do Rto de Janeiro em todo o anno de 1847 (Rio de Janeiro, 1848), facing p. 22; and Archive of the Santa Casa da Miseric6rdia, Obitos, Lata 1, 1832-1834; Lata 3, 1837-1838; Lata 10, 1849 * Includes one of unknown sex who died of liver disease in 1833 b Includes one of unknown sex who died of peri-pneumonia in 1838 c Includes one of unknown sex who was born premature in 1849 d Includes two of unknown sex who were born dead and two of unknown sex who died of unknown causes within the first thirty days of birth in 1833 * Includes one of unknown sex who died of unknown causes in 1833

389

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Index

abandonment: of blind, 355; of children, 101-102, 107, 132-33, 350n; of dying, 132; in prisons, 115, 120-21; of sick and old, 355. See also Foundling Home abolition: and abolitionists, 111, 367; of slavery, xvii, xxv, 65, 91, 326, 337, 368; of slave trade, xxii,

106-108 abortions, 106-107, 176 advertisements, 42,44,49; for auction, 48; for fugitives, 130, 175, 177; for sale of slaves, 46, 50; for skilled slaves, 199- 200. See also newspapers Africa, 3-4, 8-28; return to 239, 256, 26In, 306, 319-25, 366. See also East Africa; West Africa; West Central Africa Africa, ethnic groups and place names of, 3, 8-11, 242, 247, 24950, 252, 325; Accra, 27; Ada, 27; Ambaca, 19-20, 218; Ambriz, 19, 201, 244, 321; Angicos, 17-18; Angoche, 22; Anha, 20; Anjicos, 10-11, I7n, 18; Ashantee (Ashanti), 27, 233; Badagry, 322; Benin, 26-27, 322; Biafra, 26-27; Bihe, 21; Bisa, 23; Bobangi, 18; Boma, 17; Bornou (Bornu), 26; Bundaspeakers, 243-44; Cabundas, ΙΟ­ Ι 1, 19, 249; Caganges, 10; Cachange, 10; Cajenges, 10-11; Cala bar, 25-27; callava, 26; Camarao (Cameroon), 21, 27; Camoanga, 20; Cape Lopez, 15-17, 18; Cape Verde, 5, 27; Capundas, 10; Cazoange, 20; Cuanza (Kuanza) River, lln, 19-20; Dahomey (Benin), 26-27, 265, 323, 330-31; Efik, 27; Elmina, 25-26; Fulani,

26,215; Gabao (Gabon), 10-11, 16-18, 21, 27; Gambia, 27n; Ganguela (Ganguella), 21; Gege, 27, 248n, 268, 284; Ghana, 27; Gold Coast, 25-26; Guinci, 10, 120, 312; Guinea, 25-26; Handa, 237, 245; Hausa, 26, 215, 262, 284, 325; Holo, 236; Humbi, 237, 245; Ibibio, 27; Ibo, 22-24, 27; Ilorin, 219, 284; Inhambane, 10-11, 22, 24, 25;Jinga, 11; Kasanje, 19, 216; Kazembe, 23, 25; Kenya, 22-23, 25; Kilwa, 21n, 22, 23n; Kisama, 19-20; Lake Nyasa (Lake Malawi), 23-25; lake peoples, 23-25; LiboIos (Rebolos), 10-11, 20, 188n, 293, 351; loanda, 40; Loango, 17, 323; Lourengo Marques, 21-22, 24; Luanda, 3, 5, 10, 1In, 17, 19, 20, 206n, 242, 323; Luangwa River, 21n; Luchaze, 21; Luimbe, 21; Luluwa, 236; Lunda, 20, 215; Lunda-Tchokwe, lln, 20-21; Macua, 22, 24; Madagascar, 22, 25; Mahij (Mahi), 26; Makua, 23, 25; Malagasy Republic, 22, 25; Malawi, 21-22; Malemba, 17; Males, 26, 219n; Mandinga, 27; Maqua, 23; Matinika, 323; Mayumba, 17; Mbailundu, 20; Mbala, 236; Mbunda, 21; Mbundu, 11, 19-21; Mbwela, 21; Mecena (Mucena), 24; Mina (Costa da), 25-26, 36, 323, 325n; Moange, 10-11, 20; Mogume, 50n; Mojau, 23; Molembo (Malemba), 17; Monjolas (Monjolos), 10-11, 17, 18, 227, 293, 317; Monjorros, 17n, 18; Mombaga (Mombasa, Mombassas), 10-11, 21-23; Moncongues, 17n; Monsol, 17n;

Mosambique, 242; Mossoudas (Mossunde, Mussundi), 17; Mucangu£, 240; Mucena, 10-11; Muchau, 23; Muchicongo, 18, 248; Mugao, 23; Muinge (Muingi), 20; Mujau, 22; Muni River, 16; Nag6, 26, 219; ηέ]ο (nagd), 26; Ngangela, 20-21; Ngindo, 23n; Nguni, 24n, 25; Nigeria, 25-27, 265,282, 323; Nsundi, 17; Nupe, 27; Ovimbundu, 21; Pernambuco, 323; Porto da Lenha (Linha), 17; Povo grande and Puerto Rico, 323; Quelimane, 22-25; Quilimanes, 10-11, 23; Quiloa, 11 (illus.); Quilumana, 242; Rebolas (Rebolos, Libolos), 10,11 (illus.), 19,209n, 249; Rios de Sena, 10, 24; Sao Jorge da Mina (Elmina), 25; Sena, 22, 24-25; Soboru, 342n; Sonde, 236; South Africa, 22; Southeast ern Africa, 2In; Stanley Pool (Malebo Pool), 17; Tanzania, 2123; Tapa, 27; Teke, 17; Timbuctoo (Timbuktu), 26; Tio, 17, 18; Togo, 27; Tumbuka, 23; Ubangi River, 17; Upper Volta, 27n; Ussa, 26, Y5o, 23-25; Zaire, 21, 266; Zaire River, 16-18; Zambesi River, 21n, 22, 24-25; Zambia, 21, 22; Zanzibar, 22; Zimbabwe, 22. See also Angola; Angolans; Benguela; Benguelas; Cabinda; Cambindas, Cassange, Congo; Congo North; Congos; Kongo; Minas; Mogambique; Mozambique; Yoruba African: cultural patterns, 347; culture in Salvador, xx; languages, 214-15; origins, xx, 3-4, 8-28; owners of businesses, 212; patterns of economic behavior, 347;

INDEX

African (cont.) rulers, 74, 217; students, 217; traditions, xx, women, 347 Africanos livres (free Africans), 9, IOn, 96-97; all-day labor of, 199; defined, 337; emancipation of, 337; enslavement of, 361; in House of Correction, 121-22; at ironworks, 197; numbers of, 11, 337; public works by, 122, 198-99; records on, 11; return to Africa of, 323; sample life span of, 96-97; as street cleaners, 132, 199; terms and period of service of, 11 Africans: from Bahia, 52n; ethnic names of, 10; freed by touching Brazilian soil, 337; as free immigrants, 9, 201, 217, 321; health conditions of, 35; illegal trade in, 52; names of spirits of, 10; new, 35-36, 40, 42, 47-49, 67; preferences of, 323; statistics on origins of, 8, 94; terms for, 9; training of, 324, 343; words of, 3, 234. See also Africanos livres·, freedpersons; immigrants age, advanced, xvii n, 75, 103, 104n, 164, 228, 237 (illus.) ages: of Africans at death, 97, 99; of children in Valongo, 38; of new Africans, 31-34, 40-41; of Sao Paulo slaves, 34; of slaves, 48 agriculture: commercial expansion of, 88; laborers in, 186-87; subsistence, 89,312-13 aguardente, 90, 143-44, 333; and murdered masters, 332n; making of, 195, 196n. See also cacha(a\ sugar aid, mutual, 253, 298-300. See also alms alcohol: distilleries of, 195; use and abuse of, 143, 172, 178, 240, 300, 333, 363-64. See also aguardente; cachaQa almas and as. See souls; spirits

alms: and black musicians, 238; boxes for, 230, 279; collection of, 86, 254; for the dead, 132, 252-53, 259; dishes for, 274-75; giving, 259; for the Holy Spirit, 275; for purchase of freedom, 300 amenorrhea, 165. See also malnutrition

amulets, 224, 225 (illus.), 226, 230, 249, 263, 264, 271, 280, 281n, 286; seahorse, 265 (illus.). See also rue;surgeons anasarca, 181-82. See also malnutrition ancestors: beliefs about, 319; specters of, 267-68 anemia, 164, 169, 174; causes of, 181; intestinal, 171n; iron deficiency, 181; sickle cell, 107, 15657, 170, 172, 179, 181 aneurysms, 178; of aorta, 168 angels, beliefs about, 261, 273, 27778 angina, 183 "angioleucite," 164 Angola, 5, 10, lln, 15, 17-19,27, 31; banishment to, 117n; church in, 261n-262n; foods of, 39; marimbas of, 233; nation of, 242; percentage of slaves imported from, 21; in slave trade usage, 19; students from, 217; return of Africans to, 323 Angolans: age marks of, 19; brotherhood of, 85; and Benguelas, 1921; gourds and calabashes of, 228; less rebellious attitude of, 19; letter signed by, 216n; music of, 238n; physical condition of, 19 animals, 207; dead, 131; draft, 192; fodder for, 188; hunted, 187; husbandry of, 89-90, 187, 192; processing and slaughter of, 134, 187; rented, 213; sacrifice of, 286; as sanitary problem, 134 animals as sources of food, 127 (illus.), 131, 134, 139-44, 165, 170, 181-82, 187-88, 196, 207, 231-32, 286, 307, 313. See also birds; fish; insects; meats; pork Antonio, as name at baptism, 255 Antonio, Santo: convent of, 57; hill of, 57, 131; da Morariados Homens pretos (fraternal org.), 86n; dos Pobres (church), 57, 83, 282; Third Order of (hospital), 136. See also saints apoplexy, 173n, 174 Appeal, High Courts of, 339-41, 36In. See also petitions apprenticeship, 67, 199-200, 218 Arabic, 26, 90, 215, 219, 225, 284-

85, 322. See also Minas; Muslims Araujo, Jose Thomas Nabuco d', 46 Argentina, 3 armbands, 226 army, 85, 135; private, 186; recruitment into, 79-80; slaves in (1860s), 338n. See also military service Arsenal do Exercito (military arsenal), 121n; and its workers, 55-56, 256n, 331, 355 art, xix, xvi-xvii, 204-205, 226-30. See also sculptures arthritis, 178 Aruanda (mythical land), 28In ascites, 181-82. See also stomach disorders ashes of the dead, 253 Ash Wednesday, 249. See also carnival asphyxia, 175 assassins, 75, 329. See also murders assimilation of slaves, xix, 5, 9, 105, 215, 253. See also ladinos associations, 298-300. See also brotherhoods asthma, 172 asylum, mental, 175 attitudes: of African, 73n; of blacks, 240n, 256, 329; of buyers of slaves, 49; of Cariocans, xvii, 38; of elite about merchants, 70n; of freedman, 80, 338; of Minas, 330; of new slaves, 35, 40-41, 44; of owners, xvi, 140n, 302, 325-26, 337; of Portuguese, 112; of slaves, xvii n, 256, 302; of whites about black saints, 86. See beliefs auctions: and auctioneer, 48; for fundraising, 229, 259, 275; houses for, 44, 47-49; of slaves, 35-36, 4649 A Aurora Fluminense (newspaper), 38, 340 autos (religious dramas), 247-48 Azores, settlers from, 60, 65, 70, 191, 195,291,294

babies, 175, 221, 223, 296, 336 (illus.); sitters for, 209 Bahia, 6, 76, 322-23; blockade of, 80, 338; ceramics from, 227-28; culinary traditions of, 232; immigrants from, 285; savings groups

INDEX

in, 359; slaves and trade from, 51; women of, 143 BaKongo. See Kongo Balthasar (St. and Wise Man), 19, 86, 247n, 249, 272, 282-83 bands. See musicians banishment, 116-17 banners, 252, 275 baptism, 104-10, 255-57; in Africa, 105-106, 224, 255, 261n, 262n, 293; in Candelaria, 255, 320; colo nial law requiring, 255; and manumission, 349; of Muslims, 28485; owner insistence on, 82; as purification ritual, 255-56, 267; rates of, 105-106, 367; as sacrament, 258-59; in Santa Rita, 104 Baquaqua, Mahommah G., 42n, 51η, 194,216η, 302-303,316 Barbosa, Rui, xvii barracoons, 36 barrels, 119 (illus.), 129 (illus.), 210, 228, 303 (illus.); and cooperage, 196 barro (pottery), 227, 228, 279. See also ceramics baskets, 72 (illus.), 206, 227, 245, 303 (illus.), 307, 313, 336 (illus.) Bastos, Geraldo Leite (priest), 87 bathing, 59, 267, 286 beaches, 59-60; of Santa Luzia, 134, 196 beads, 234; in hair, 224; jewelry of, 224-25; necklaces of, 211, 224, 226, 257, 274 bedding, 129 beggars, 70, 166, 177, 207, 228, 236, 259,312,360,363-64 behavior patterns of slaves, 302; apathy, 332; broken in spirit, 202n; depression, 175; disobedience, 331; impassiveness, 193; insubordination, 332, 360n; lassitude, 171, 174n, 181; laziness, 332; lethargy, 174; melancholy, 175; no will to live, 175; rebelliousness, 331 beliefs, 266; in afterlife, 261; of Catholics, 260-61; in Central African religions, 272-73; in Islam, 284-85; in return of spirit to Africa, 318-19. Seealso attitudes bells, 232n, 233n, 238, 253,275 Benedict, St., 230, 268, 272, 282-83;

amulet of, 225; in cucumbi, 248; song about, 240 Benguela, 10, 15, 19, 20; merchants of, 54n; and origins of berimbau, 236; Pai (spirit) of, IOn; return to, 323; slaves from, 20 Benguelas, 10, 17, 20, 234, 242, 249, 351 beriberi, 165-66, 175-77, 180-82. See also nutritional diseases bexigas, 152-53. See also smallpox birds, 207; doves, 225, 272, 275; hunted, 187; pigeons, 275; traded, 313 births: attendants at, 264; control of number of, 106-107; deaths at or after, 153-54, 175; deaths giving, 156, 176; rates of, 104-109. See also baptism; child mortality; miscarriages bishops: of Bahia, 255, 290, 29In; lack of black, 87 black. See color terms black (illegal) market, 90 blacks for hire (negros de ganho), 74, 186, 206, 226; as barbers, 203, 320; as capoeinstas, 245; as craftsmen, 196, 199, 227; flights of, 308; license requests of, 367-68; prostitutes as, 207; records on, 211; savings societies of, 359; as vendors, 206; whippings of, 320n. See also rented slaves bladder disorders, 181 blessings. See prayers blindness, 161-63, 178; protection against, 57; and St. Lucy, 283; among slaves, 36, 182, 192n, 207; and syphilis, 168 blood: abnormalities in, 156, 171, 173; of Christ, 261; of masters, 332; on statues ritual, 286-87 bobas. See yaws body ornamentation. See cicatrizations boubas. See yaws bowleggedness. See rickets bozale and bugal slaves, 9,215 brain disorders, 155, 174 branding, 44, 224 "breaking-in" of slaves. See treatment of slaves breast-feeding, 107. See also wet nurses

bronchitis, 172-73 brothels, 300. See also prostitution brotherhoods (irmandades), 82-86, 298, 300, 359; admission to, 85; Angolan, 280; to bury the dead, 259; conflicts among, 83, 85; confrarias, 82, 85; in congados, 247; decision making in, 260; as divided by color and national origin, 83-86; freedpersons in, 86, 364; leadership in, 258; mesas of, 83, 260; pardo, 82-86, 271; social stratification in, 82; white, 82-83 brotherhoods, black, xvii, 85, 27172, 280-81, 283, 358, 359; discrimination against, 82-83; duties of, 86; fund raising of, 83, 259; governance of, 260; membership in, 82-83, 85-86; poverty of, 8283; as savings association, 300; in white churches, 82-83 brucellosis, 169 bubas. See yaws bugal. See bozale and bugal slaves Buenos Aires, 3n, 51 bulbas. See yaws bumba (African word), 240-41 burials: at cemetery of new slaves, 38-39; in churches, 131; costs of, 253; customs of, 230; of freedpersons, 362n; of living slaves forbidden, 133; locations and methods of, 92, 133, 253; restrictions on, 134; at Santa Casa, 133; by slaves, 203; of suicides, 319; of valued slaves, 259. See also deaths; funerals businesses, owners of, 71, 88-89, 212-13, 342n, 344, 366 businesses and types of companies: auction houses, 44,47-49; Caldeira, Godinho and Company, 46; chandler's store, 229n; clothing store, 201; commission houses and agents of, 44-45,46, 47n, 5152; consignment houses, 44, 46; cooperages, 196; Costa and Ottani, 48; in fish and seafood, 14142; Frederico Guilherme, Taniere and Company, 46; Heaton and Rensburg, 205; Holting and Herrn distillery, 196n; in horse rentals, 192n; Narcizo and Silva, 46; Pinto Guimaraes and Com-

INDEX

businesses & types of co.'s (cont.) pany, 46; in pork, 134, 196; retail stores, 44, 49; stables, 213; tanner ies, 134; taverns, 71, 300, 311, 313n, 330; taxi services, 191-92; Tully and Company, 321; whaling and oil warehouses, 134, 188; wholesale dealers, 49. See also factories; slave market

Cabinda, 10, 11 (illus.), 16-17, 280n; nation of, 242; officials of, 321; Pat (spirit) of, IOn; port of, 17; villages of returned Africans in, 323. See also Cambindas; Congo North caboclos: in cucumbi, 248, 268; as spirits, 278, 281 cacha^a, 143, 333, 364; making of, 194-95. See also aguardente cachexia, 181 Caju, Ponta do, 36, 60, 134 calabashes, 228; in musical instruments, 233, 234-35, 242, 244n Calabougo (slave prison), 56, 115, 116n, 117-18, 120-21, 122, 12425, 303n, 304-306, 308n, 354n; slaves sent to, 308-309, 314, 316, 319,332 Calabougo in Forte de Santiago, 121n calculos, 177 calhambolas. See quilombos Calunga (ocean deity), 59, 239-41, 247,248η, 266n,319 Camara, Eusebio de Queiros Coutinho Matoso da. See Queir0s Coutinho Matoso da Camara Cambindas, 240, 273n, 275, 277, 279-80, 282. See also Cabinda cancer, 183; and cure of, 278 cancro (chancroid), 168, 177 candombe, 228n, 285, 286n; drums in, 243 Candomble, xviii, 240n, 243, 262n, 265-66, 273, 278, 281, 284-87, 290n; and cowrie shells, 263; defined, 286n; before 1850, 285-87; growth of after 1835, 265-66; initiates of, 226n; onxds of, 273n; ritual objects in, 286. See also onxds canes, walking, 226, 230, 251 (illus.), 252-53

cannibalism, 39 Cano, Rua do [Assembleia] (slave market), 35,47 capital accumulation by slaves, 90, 225-26 capitao do mato. See slave patrols capoeira, 243, 245-46, 300n; confranas of, 298-99; as dance and martial art, 245; freedmen in, 363, 367; origins of, 245 capoeiristas, 124, 245, 298-99, 361n; and 1828 revolt, 329n; as hired killers, 329; whippings of, 122 Carmelites, slaves of, 199, 200n Carmo, Nossa Senhora do (church), 57, 83, 86, 133n; cemetery of, 203; hospital of, 136 carnival, xxiii, 200, 230, 250; customs of, 249; dance of, 245; parades of, 232, 247. See also samba carpenters, 3, 196, 200, 229 Cassange, 10, lln, 19-20,249 Castro, AntonioJosi de, 116, 117 cataracts (eye disease), 163 Catholic Church, 255-61; roles of men of color and slaves in, 82-88. See also brotherhoods; churches Catholicism, popular, xix, 257-60 Catholic slaves, 259-60; from Portuguese colonies, 261; restrictions on, 258 Caxias, Duque de, 327 caxumba. See mumps cemeteries, 131, 134, 203, 228n, 241; burials restricted to, 134; at Cajii, 60, 134; of Carmo church, 203; Guardian of, 92; of new slaves, 38-39; offerings at, 274n, 279. See also burials; Santa Casa da Misericordia (do Rio) censuses, 60-66; of 1799, 60; of 1821, 61-62; of 1834, 6,63, 68n, 69n, 77-78; of 1838, 64; of 1849, xxi n, 64, 65; of 1870, 65, 368; difficulty of taking, 63n, 64n. See also population; slaves Central African religions, 255n, 266-72 ceramics, 129 (illus.), 206, 227-28, 276, 279; in religious rituals, 227, 228n, 275, 286 Chagas'disease, 174 chain gangs. See gales', galleys

chancroid. See cancro chapels, 57; and saints' images, 83, 259. See also churches and convents charitable activities. See alms charms, 271-72; and African religions, 268; collective, 268, 271; confiscated, 263, 271; made by feiticeiros, 263; types of, 224n, 225n, 249, 263. See also amulets chicken pox, 161-62 chiefs: of maltas, 299; of quilombos, 124,312 child: of God, 255-56; for sale, 48; at Valongo, 37 (illus.) Childbirth, Our Lady of. See Mary child mortality, 99-103, 110; causes of, 139, 154, 156-57, 160- 62, 16465, 168-70, 175-76, 181. Seealso deaths; diseases children: adoption of, 297-98, 350; care of, 296-297; conversion of, 262; donations of, 49; health of in Valongo, 36; lack of care of, 110; love of as African value, 107; malnutrition of, 138, 139; manumission of, 346-350, 354n; by master, 209, 297-98, 348; nudity of, 130; number of per slave woman, 106; nutrition of, 139; in the slave market, 31-34, 37-38, 40-42; in the slave trade, 23n, 31, 32 children, freed, 257, 344, 346, 34750, 354n. See also manumission Chinese workers, 187 cholera, xxii, 169, 367 choro. See musical instruments; musicians Christ, Jesus, 268, 273n; beliefs about, 261, 273; images of, 204, 225, 272-74 Christianity: beliefs in, 260n; concepts of in Afro-Brazilian religions, 272n,273n Christianization. See religious activities churches, 57; Africans outside, 260; burials in, 133n; catacombs of, 134; choirs in, 238; cleaning and decoration of, 204, 249; with nonwhite priests, 86-87; racial mixture in, 82, 258 churches, black, 260, 272; building

INDEX

of, 83; burials in, 260; new slaves in, 257; reasons for, 259; and St. Joaquim,280 churches and convents, 57, 87; Ajuda, 57; Anna, Santa, 57-58, 83, 85, 275; Bento, Sao, 57, 60, 131; Bom Jesus, 57, 133n, 280; Bonsucesso, Nossa Senhora do, 57; Candelaria, Nossa Senhora da, 57, 83n, 85,255; Concei?ao, chapel of, 133n; Conceigao, Nossa Senhora da, 57, 86; Cruz dos Militares, Santa, 57; Domingos, Sao, 57, 83, 85-86, 133n, 134, 249, 252; Efigenia, Santa, and Santo Elesbao, 57, 83, 85, 133n; Francis, Saint, 57; Francisco, Sao, de Paula, 57, 133n, 136; Gloria, 57; Hospicio, 57, 83, 86, 280-81, 285n; Jorge, Sao, 133n; Jos£, Sao, 57, 85n; Lapa, 57, 133n, 199, 275; Luzia, Santa, 57, 299; Mae dos Homens, 57; Parto, Nossa Senhora do, 57, 252; Patrocinio, Nossa Senhora do, 83n; Pedro, Sao, 57; Rita, Santa, 57, 275, 283; Sacramento, Santissimo, 57; Sacramento da Se, 133n; Sebastiao, Sao, 57; ScS Velha, 57, 83, 85-86, 252, 280; Teresa, Santa, 57. See also Antonio, Santo; Carmo; Gon?alo Garcia; Lampadosa; Rosario cicatrizations, ethnic, 17, 18, 22, 25, 190 (illus.), 222, 224 ciganos (gypsies), 50n, 51, 54, 311 circumcision, 247-48, 285 cloth: cotton, 194, 195n; imported, 195; striped, 221-23 clothing, 210; of carriage drivers, 209; of chita, 240; colors of, 203, 221-23, 286; of dead, 252; of females, 221-23; lack of, 35,40-41, 130-31, 132-33; of males, 221, 223; manufacture of, 194-95, 201; of new Africans, 35, 38,40; of slaves for sale, 48; store, 201; of street venders, 206, 223 clothing, types of, 190 (illus.), 201, 209n, 220-24, 226-27, 244n, 249, 252, 257. See also shoes coffee, 142-44, 165, 182; boom, xx, 65; carriers of, 191, 210, 239, 299, 359; monoculture, 60; planta-

tions, 51, 186; processing of, 194; trees, 186 coffles. See slave trade of interior colds, 172-73 colic, nervous, 174 colors: ranking by, 74; ritual, 277n, 286 color terms, 3n, 4-7,9, 31, 67n, 74, 207, 275n. See also crioulos; pardos coma, 174 combs, 201, 224, 230, 336 (illus.) communal activities, 254 compromissos (charters of brotherhoods), 83, 249 concubinage, 205, 288, 290n, 291, 294, 363 confrarias. See brotherhoods congadas and congados. See theatrical dances Congo, 10, 17; and batuco, 244; bow lute of, 237; identity of, 18; king of, 19, 249; marimbas of, 233; Republic of (country), 21; in slave trade usage, 18; spirits of, 247, 279n. See also Balthasar; Kongo Congo North, 15-18, 21, 27. See also Cabinda Congos, 10, 85, 247, 249, 283n; reputation in Rio of, 18-19; suicide among, 318 conjurers, 225, 286. See also feiticeiros\ healers; religious leaders Conrad, Robert E., xviii, xix, xxiii conscription, 64n, 78, 80; forced, 81n, 338; and manumission, 33738 consensual unions, 287n, 290, 292, 294, 296. See also marriages conspiracies of slaves, 326-27 conversion of Africans, 105, 256, 262,292 convulsions, 153-54, 160n, 178, 181; and calcium deprivation, 180; in children, 170, 174, 175; and worms, 170. See also spasms cooking, 46, 205-206, 209, 218, 225, 230-31; on ships, 194; utensils for, 206, 228 copper, objects of, 200, 224-25, 228 coqueluche. See whooping cough corcunda epidemic, 161 coronation of king and queen, 10, 58, 247, 249

Corpus Christi (holy day), 86. See also days, holy Correction, House of. See gaUs\ prisons; punishments O Correio Mercantil (newspaper), 40, 152 costumes, 229 coughs, 160-61, 172 Court of Mixed Commission, 11 Courts of Appeal. See Appeal; petitions cowpox. See smallpox craftsmen, 46, 196, 199-201,205207, 227-28, 230, 309; and apprenticed slaves, 218; manumission by, 343-44; return to Africa of, 321 crias, 31, 35, 48; adoption of, 350; manumission of, 342. See also children crimes, 193n, 327-31. See also murders; theft criminals, 312; difficulty of conviction of, 116-17; sentences of, 198, 316, 328n, 330, 332n. See also gales', prisons crioulos, 4-5; from Africa, 218, 261; brotherhoods of, 85; modern usage of, 4n cripples, 137n, 177, 180 cross, 211, 224-26, 252, 256, 273-74; on mortuary cloth, 251 (illus.). See also Christ crossroads, concepts of, 29n, 274 croup. See diphtheria Cruz, Oswaldo, 158 Cruz, Santa (estate), 307-308 Cuba, 3 cucumbis, 247-48, 268. See also theatrical dances cuisines. See cooking; foods culture: Afro-Cariocan, 214-53; Central African, xxiii; diversity of, 4; evolution of slave, xxi, xxiii, 214; Luso-Brazilian, 214 cupping, 264, 265 (illus.) curandeiro. See feittceiros; healers; religious leaders cures, 264-65, 268n, 274-75, 281-82. See also healers; herb cures curfew laws, 366, 367n currency, 43 cursing. See insults

INDEX

customhouse (alfandega), 35-36, 58; arrival at, 30 (illus.); auction at, 47; duties at, 31, 35; ethnic origins recorded at, 12; records of, 38; workers at, xvii n, 189, 299 cystitis, 177 dances, 204, 232-33, 238, 240-49, 258, 265, 271, 280-81, 285-86. See also capoeira; samba dancing: arrests for, 233, 300; and drums, 233; forced, 41; at funer als, 250; for money, 204, 242; police failure to stop, 243; as remedy, 40 Darwin, Charles, 315 days: Friday, 274; holy, 86, 138n, 229, 249, 258, 259n; Holy Saturday, 275-77; off, 137; saints', 258; Sunday, 138n, 258, 259n, 308 dead, the (os mortos), 92, 109-10, 27879; corpses of, 317, 320; to honor, 250, 253; prayers for, 259; transport of, 203. See also burials death penalty, 117, 325n, 328, 32930 deaths, 12, 18, 22, 92, 126, 367; by age and sex, 93-97, 99, 101η, 102103, 110; causes of, 111, 113, 146, 156, 168, 173n, 175-76, 183, 189n, 267; by civil status, 96-97, 104, 108-109, 362-63; life after, 261, 278, 279n; locations of, 125, 197; by origins, 18, 93-104, 10910. See also child mortality Debret, Jean Baptiste, xvii, xix dehydration, 126n dementia, 192. See also mental illness deputies, men of color as, 77n devils, 255-56, 264, 277-78; expulsion of, 264, 282; in hell, 261; images of, 272, 275, 276 (illus.), 27778. See also evil diabetes, 178 O Dtario do Rro deJaneiro (newspaper), 46-47, 114, 199 diarrhea, 139, 169-71, 176, 181-82 diet, 138-45, 178-79; changes in, 143-45; and disease, 178; of household slaves, 142n; mineral deficiencies in, 154, 178-79, 18082; of poor household, 144; of plantation slaves, 140n; in Va-

longo, 39-40. See also nutritional diseases digestive system, diseases of, 134-35, 160n, 168-72 diphtheria, 161, 162 Direita, Rua (Primeiro de Margo), 35, 36, 47, 58 dirt eating, 171, 180, 181, 317. See also nutritional diseases discrimination, 68, 77, 83; against image of St. Benedict, 283; protest against, 216n diseases, 147, 183; of Angola, 151; at Calabougo, 121; of circulatory system, 177-78; cure of, 264, 27475, 282; of digestive system, 16872; of early infancy, 175-76; of females, 164-65, 176; of genitourinary system, 176-77; infectiousparasitic, 148-68; of nervous system, 173-75; of pregnancy and childbirth, 176; of prisons, 118, 125-26; of respiratory system, 172-73; rheumatic and nutritional, 178-83; of skin, 281; of slave trade, 151-53, 160-61; at Valongo, 39. See also deaths; fevers diverticulitis, 169 divination, 247, 263, 280, 281n, 360. See also feiticeiros doctors: in Africa, 268n; black, 203, 264; at Santa Casa, 135. See also feiticeiros·, healers; hospitals; surgeons dogs, 187, 199; beliefs about, 28182; catchers of, 198-99 donas da casa. See women as slaveowners donations of slaves, 49-50, 186; for military service, 80; as nurses and servants, 203; for public works, 118n; of sick and old, 49-50, 359 dowry, 186 draft. See conscription dreams, 3, 271 dress, 206, 209, 221, 222 (illus.), 223, 226, 250, 295. See also clothing drinking. See alcohol dropsy. See edema drownings, 319-20 drums, 41, 189, 204, 230, 232-33, 238, 241n, 243-44, 245, 246 (il-

lus.); and drummers, 239, 252-53. See also musical instruments "Duffy group negative," 156 dysentery, 118, 125, 147-48, 151, 154, 162, 169, 176 earth, beliefs about, 261, 273 EastAfrica, xx, 8, 14, 21, 22-25, 351 Easter obligation, 258n economy of Rio: expansion of, 88; functions of slaves in, 88-91, 18586; growth of, xxii; instability of, 63; as reason for manumission, 350; sectors of, 185 edema, 165-66, 170, 176, 177, 178, 181, 182

education. See schools elephantiasis, 162, 165-66, 176, 359. See also filariasis; leprosy elites. See social structure of Rio emancipation. See manumission embroidery, 218 emperors, 275, 327, 338, 339, 341. See also Pedro I; Pedro II Empires, First and Second, xv encephalitis, 174-75 English-speaking black, 80n enteritis, 169, 171. See also digestive system; diseases enterocolitis, 169 entrudo, 249-50. See also carnival epilepsy, 174-75 erysipelas, 164-66 escape, 307-308, 318-20, 324-25. See also fugitives ethnicity, 224, 254n, 325; changes in, xxii; at the customhouse, 12; diversity of, 27-28; of fugitives, 304-306; of manumitted, 351; in Salvador, 8; at Santa Casa, 12-13; sources on, 11-14 etica, 148. See also tuberculosis etiquette, 219-21 evil, 262-64, 267-68, 275, 277. See also devils Ewbank, Thomas, xix, 259n, 286 exanthemas, 160n ex-votos, 229 eye diseases. See ophthalmia factories, 131, 134, 194-97 families, 67 (illus.), 68, 186, 205, 297-98

INDEX

families, slave, 287-88, 294-98, 365 farms (chacaras). See agriculture Farroupilha revolt, 80, 338 fashions. See clothing fazendeiros. See plantations fears: of Africans, 39, 92; of owners, 313, 327; of slaves, 50 feathers: and blood on statues, 28687; on headgear, 223-24, 227 feiticeiros, 74, 169n, 203, 247-49, 256, 262-64, 268, 285 fertility: and gonorrhea, 168; low, 106-107; symbols of, 280n fevers, 153-61, 170; ataxic, 160; cerebral, 174; dengue, 157n; eruptive, 169; of Gabon, 18; remittent, 154-55, 157, 159-60; rheumatic, 178; of Rio, 128, 131; scarlet, 16061, 178; tertian, 155, 172; in Valongo, 39. See also diseases; malaria; typhoid fever; typhus; yaws; yellow fever figas. See amulets filariasis, 125, 131-32, 136, 162, 16566, 176 fires: bonfires, 229; and burning of documents (1890-91), xvii fireworks, 205, 229, 252, 258, 275 fish, 131, 140-44, 170, 188, 207, 232; illegal business in, 141-42 fishermen, 188, 193, 205, 231n, 280n, 309n, 313 flowers, 186, 201, 205, 206, 224, 226 foods: of Angola and Rio, 230-32; better for domestics, 210; as cause of sickness, 171; and death, 175n; for new slaves, 39-40, 180n; ritual, 247, 286; sharing of, 254; slaves buy own, 320n foods, prepared, 39, 87, 134, 137n, 138n, 140-44, 165, 183, 196, 206207, 227-28,231-32, 247 foodstuffs: classification of, 138n; imported, 144; improper handling of, 134-35, 138; prices and purchase of, 140-41; sales of, 207; slaves in production of, 186-88 foodstuffs, agricultural, 40-41, 138n, 140-44, 163, 165, 171, 17982, 186, 227, 231-32, 307. Seealso coffee; manioc; sugar force-feeding, 318 foreigners: attitudes of, xv-xvi; in

Engenho Velho, 289-90; in quilombos, 312; and violence, 329-30. See also immigrants forests: burials in, 253, 317; hazards of, 309-310; refuges in, 306-307 forts, 55-56, 282n; prisons in, 11920 fortune: to bring, 271; and misfortune complex, 266, 272n, 273; telling, 263 Foundling Home (Casa dos Expostos), 101-102, 133, 297, 350. See also abandonment; child mortality fountains, public, 58-59 free Africans. See Africanos livres free blacks: lack of mobility of, 213; occupations of, 200, 204, 207, 228, 256; political role of, 76 freedmen: African, 205; arrest of, 310n; in brotherhoods, 299, 326; demand for, 200; number of (1849), 76; occupations of, 54, 7980, 191, 201-202, 211,315, 33738, 365; political rights and roles of, 75-76, 365 freedom: advantages to, 365-66; of children at baptism, 349; methods of obtaining, 302-304, 335-36, 339-40, 347, 358n freedom, purchase of, 257, 300, 322-23, 335, 343, 346-47, 356-60. See also manumission; prices freedpersons, 9, 71, 362-69; characteristics of, 345-52; churches of, 259, 362, 366; illegal activity of, 300, 310n, 311n, 365-67; insecure life of, 340, 362-65, 367; marriages of, 291-92; mobility of, 366; number of, 345n, 350n, 35In, 362; occupations of, 203, 206-207, 212-13; in quilombos, 312, 314; return to Africa of, 322-23; rights of, 365-66; slave ownership and manumission by, 211, 342; slaves pass as, 310. See also manumission; occupations freed women: of Angola, 293; lawsuits by, 340; mobility of, 367; number of, 345; occupations of, 207, 209, 21 In, 363; as slaveowners, 211 French, 54n, 60-61, 205, 215, 333. See also immigrants

Freyre thesis, xix-xxi fruits, 40, 127 (illus.), 140, 141, 14344, 179, 186,207, 275; to fight mal de loanda, 180; sale of, 204, 207 fruits, types of, 140n, 142-44, 179, 181,231,307 fugitives, free African, 10, 137n, 138n fugitives, slave, 198, 304, 314; attempts at recovery of, 205, 307309, 311, 315-16, 319; characteristics of, 215,216n, 299, 304-307, 333; criminal activity of, 300, 307, 314; hard life of, 307-308, 319-20; hideouts of, 128, 306-307, 310, 313-14; punishments of, 118n, 121, 124, 304n, 309, 319. See also quilombos

Fulah (sculptor), 204, 228, 274 funerals, 203, 250, 251 (illus.), 25253, 259-60. See also burials furniture, 72 (illus.), 196, 200, 227, 230,241 G6PD deficiency, 156 gale, la, 163-64. See also sarnas galis (chain gangs), 117-18, 119 (illus.), 120, 132, 198,312 galleys, 193, 328-30 gambling, 300, 359-60 Gameleira (estate), 307 Gangas, 262n, 273n, 278. See also Yoruba gangrene, 121 gangs, 329, 363. See also violence Garcia1Jose Mauricio Nunes (17671830), mulatto composer, 204 gardens and gardeners, 60, 186-87, 196, 198, 205 gastritis, 177n gastroenteritis, 169, 171-72 Genovese, Eugene D., xxii, 11In, 113 geophagia. See dirt eating Ginga, 248. See also queens glaucoma, 163. See also ophthalmia God (Deus): African names for, 273; beliefs in, 259n, 261, 267, 273 godparenthood, 256-57, 315, 349, 350n,357 gods, African, xix, 229, 277n, 282. See also orixds; statues goiter, 178

INDEX

gold: objects of, 201, 211, 221, 222n, 224-25; sale of, 45-47; workers of, 200n,201,205 Gongalo Garcia, Sao (St. and church), 57-58, 83, 85, 133n, 268, 272, 280-82 gonorrhea, 168. See also venereal diseases good, concepts of, 254, 266-67, 277 gourds, 228, 233, 234, 236. Seealso musical instruments graveyards. See cemeteries "grippe," 161-62. See also respiratory diseases Guanabara: Bay, xv, 35, 55, 193-94; state of, 63n Guillobel, Joaquim Candido, 114 gypsies. See ciganos\ trade

hairstyles, 115n, 190 (illus.), 202203,221-22,224,257 Haitian Revolution, 324, 326-27 hammocks, 128, 129 (illus.), 189n, 191-92, 203, 251, 252-53 hand clapping, 41, 233, 239, 242, 244, 245n, 252-53 hanging, 115, 117, 275, 276 (illus.), 277, 318, 319. See also punish ments; suicides Hansen's disease. See leprosy headaches, 174 healers, 40, 175, 203, 263-64, 265, 286. See also cures; feiticeiros health care, 40, 109, 135-36. See also medical care heart disease, 161, 176-78, 181-82 heaven and hell, 261, 277-78 hematuria, 177 hemiplegia, 174 hemoptysis, 172 hemorrhages, 124, 176 hemorrhoids, 264 Henriques (black regiment), 80, 344, 36 In hepatitis, 169, 172, 181 herb cures, 203, 206, 264, 267, 286. See also cures hernias, 177 hills: Castelo, 56-57, 60, 121, 128, 136, 140, 198, 310; Conceiiao, 37, 56-57, 120; Corcovado, 60, 186, 197, 307, 313-14; Gloria, 197; Livramento, 37; Santa Teresa, 307,

311, 313-14; Santo Antonio, 57, 131 Holy Spirit, 257, 272, 275, 283 Holy Week rituals, 258, 274-77 homesickness. See nostalgia homosexuality, 295 horn amulets, 263, 264, 265 (illus.), 286. See also amulets hospitals, 131, 135-36, 165-66,203, 217. See also medical care households, 64; discipline in, 11315; labor specialization in, 208-10 household servants, xxi, 46, 59-60, 67n, 105, 205-206, 208-10, 223, 320, 332, 347 housing, 38, 59-60, 126-29, 200, 204, 366 hydrocele, 176, 181 hydrophobia, 153 "hymephegia," 174 hypoemia intertropical. See ορίΐαςάο Igua?u, 308,314-15 illegitimacy. See legitimacy illnesses: on arrival, 35; believed causes of, 264; causes of, 38-39, 147, 267; feigned, 332; of freedpersons, 363; occupational, 172, 188. See also cures; diseases images, 272-84; touching of, 258. See also paintings; saints' images; sculptures immigrants, 60, 64, 367-68; African, 9-10, 61; Brazilian, 367; Euro pean, 60-61, 108, 158-59, 367; female and male, 6In, 62n; occupations of, 70, 77-78; and slave women, 294 imprisonment. See prisons Indians: attacks by, 313; characteristics of, 7, 152, 173, 218n, 312; occupations of, 7, 81, 193, 227-28, 315; as slaves, 4, 7, 31 industry. See factories infanticide, 100η, 107 infant mortality. See child mortality influenza, 160-62, 172-73 inheritance, 186, 298, 348n, 366 insects: as foods, 140; as jewelry, 201; and scabies, 163-64; types of, 131, 132n, 140, 143, 155, 159-60, 166, 169n, 170 insults, against and by slaves, 220, 330, 332-33

insurance society, 359 insurrections. See revolts interpreters, 219, 247, 256, 321 iron: objects of, 201, 233, 286-87; sculptures in, 201, 230, 248, 286; workers in, 85, 200-201, 343n. See also mineral deficiencies irons (for confinement or torture), 7In, 115, 124,200-201,303 (illus.), 316-18, 332n, 333. See also punishments; torture Islam. See Muslims islands (ilhas): das Cobras, 55, 120, 136, 327; do Governador, 100101, 138n, 314; do Principe, 5, 27, 21^; dos Frades, 136, 166 jaundice, 157. Seealso hepatitis Jesus Christ. See Christ jewelry, 201, 207; as symbol, 211, 221, 225-26; types of, 190 (illus.), 201,211,221-22,224-26 Jinga, 248. See also queens Joao, Sao: de Meriti, 315; fortress of, 36 Joao VI, Dom (King of Portugal), xxi, 35,68, 191,217,229, 239, 242, 288, 339 O Jornal do Comircio (newspaper), 36 Judas ritual, 275,276 (illus.), 277. See also hanging Kalunga. See Calunga kidnapping of slaves, 50, 54, 311, 315, 361 kidney disease, 176, 177, 178n, 181 kings, 226n; in Africa, 10η, 74, 247, 248n, 249, 260 (illus.), 282; coro nation of, 247, 249. See also rulers kinship ritual, 257, 297 Kongo, 18, 21, 228n, 248n, 267n, 273, 277n; art of, xix, 274n; beliefs and customs of, 220, 230, 255, 265, 273, 274n, 281n; kingdom of, 19, 237, 247n, 248n. See also Congo; kings Korans, 219, 225, 284-85. See also Arabic; Muslims kwashiorkor, 178, 181. See also nutritional diseases labor: demand for, xxi-xxii; new sources of, 367; specialization of, 137, 185,208-10

INDEX

lactose intolerance, 179 ladies of the house ( donas da casa). See women as slaveowners ladinos (assimilated Africans), 9, 31, 49; marketing of, 44-50. See also slave market lameness, 131, 170 Lampadosa, Nossa Senhora da (church), 57-58, 83, 86-87, 133n, 134, 204, 229, 247n, 249, 252-53, 280-82

languages: African, IOn, lln, 19-21, 214-15, 233, 239, 241, 249; AfroCariocan, 216; European, 219. See also Arabic; interpreters La Plata, slaves from, 219 laryngeal disorders, 148, 195 lashes. See whippings Last Judgment, 278 latrines, 132, 135 laundry, 46, 59, 209-10, 21 In, 218, 228n, 240, 299,319-20 laws: of abolition and liberation, 36, 336-41; on baptism, 255; on death penalty, 117; restricting slaves, 7576, 128,226η, 243, 333, 366, 367n; on rights of slaves, 117, 357-58 laxatives, 164 Lazarus, St., 92n, 281-82 Lazarus, Hospital of, 165-66, 282 leeches, 202n, 264 legitimacy: of children, 296; and marriages, 292; of slaves, 287-88 leisure time, 137-38, 227 Lent, customs before, 249-50. See also carnival leprosy, 136, 162-63, 165-67,282. See also elephantiasis; Lazarus, St. letters of liberty, 335-36. See also manumission libambos. See galis liberty. See freedom; manumission licenses, 44-45, 202, 203n, 206, 315 life expectancy, 96-97, 103n, 104n, 108, 110 Lingongo. See Benedict liquor. See alcohol literacy, 20, 216-19, 285, 366n liver diseases, 103, 155, 172, 178, 181,362η lottery, 83, 259, 263, 359-60 love potions, 206, 262-63. See also feiticeiros

lung diseases, 157,160,172. See also respiratory diseases Machado de Assis,Joaquim Maria, 205, 291 maculo. See dysentery malaria, 107, 125, 131, 147, 153-57, 169-70,172, 176,178 male slaves, 362; characteristics of, 31-34, 176-77, 347; market preference for, 31-34, 97, 99; occupations of, 185-213 malnutrition, 36, 107, 138, 157, 165, 169, 171n, 176, 177n, 178, 181, 317. See also diet; nutritional diseases maltas. See capoeira malungos (slave ship companions), 39,44, 146, 298 mametos. See circumcision mandingos (mandingueiros), 248n, 262. See also feiticeiros manioc, 138n, 140-42,144, 165, 179-82, 194-95, 228, 231, 250, 318 Manti, 247, 248n. See also Kongo manufacturing. See factories; occupations manumission, lln, 303-304, 326, 369; denied or forbidden, 346, 357n; despite owner, 336, 339; examples of, 70, 73, 187-88, 257, 335n, 336, 338-39, 342n, 343-45, 348, 350-52, 355-56; forms of, 352-62; groups aid in, 86, 300, 358; numbers granted, 361, 36768; reasons for, 79-80, 296, 33641, 344n, 346-47, 352-62; Rio data compared to other cities, 336n, 342η, 345η, 348n, 349n, 35In, 352n, 353n, 356n; slaves refuse, 363-65. See also freedom, pur chase of Maranhao (state), 6, 3In, 39n, 45 marasmo (marasmus), 181 markets, 58, 188, 207. Seealso slave market; Valongo marketwomen, 58, 90, 142-43, 206n, 207 marriages, 290; African, 287, 290, 294; Christian, 287; of foreigners, 291-92; among free population, 73, 288-89, 291-94, 365-66; interracial, 291-92, 294; statistics on, 293-94. See also dowry; polygyny

marriages of slaves: examples of, 288, 290-92, 295n, 296; opposition to, 287, 290-91; royal order on, 288; statistics on, 288-89 Mary, Virgin, 261, 268-69, 280; images of, 259, 273n; prayers and songs to, 239, 248; shrines to, 280; titles of, xvii, 83n, 85, 225, 240n, 261,272,280, 359 masks, 229-30, 250 Mass, 249, 253, 257-58, 261 master of ceremonies, 242, 252-53, 285 masters. See slaveowners mats, 42, 127-29 (illus.), 206, 227, 252-53 meals, 39n, 40,45, 137n, 138n, 140n, 142, 144-45, 308. Seealso foods; foodstuffs measles, 160, 162-63 meats, 39-40, 134, 140-41, 144, 179n, 196, 207. See also pork medical care, 40, 203, 214n, 263-65, 268n, 285-86. See also cures; healers; health care; hospitals; nkisi mediums, xviii-xix, xxiii, 214n, 240, 264n, 266n, 267, 271, 272n, 28687 meningitis, 174-75 menopause, 103 menstrual disorders, 107, 176 mental illness, 40, 173n, 174-75 mercenaries, 61, 78, 329 miasmas. See fevers; malaria; swamps midwifery. See wet nurses military service, 344; deserters from, 310, 312, 314, 338; by freedmen, 337-38; by slaves, 78-81. Seealso army; navy militias, 78-79 milk, 138-39, 143-44, 179, 187, 228 Minas, 10, 11 (illus.), 85, 219, 225, 233, 249, 283n, 286, 351; hard life of, 5n, 106-107, 219, 265, 284, 305, 318, 326n; languages of, 215, 219, 332; occupations of, 90, 203, 263, 286, 359; origins of, 5, 22, 25-26, 322-24; women, 107, 206, 211,319-20,329 Minas Gerais (state), xx, 6, 51 mineral deficiencies, 154, 178-81. See also nutritional diseases miscarriages, 107, 156, 175

INDEX

Misericordia, Santa Casa da. See Santa Casa da Miseric0rdia mobilit y, physical, 81, 325, 366n. See also social mobility mocambas. See household servants Mogambique, 10, 22-23, 25, 85, 225, 249, 252-53, 283n, 287, 293. See also Mozambique Montevideo, 51, 80, 338 moon, images of, 280n, 285 Moors. See Muslims mortality. See child mortality; deaths mourning customs, 203. See also funerals Mozambique, 5, 10, 21-25, 215n, 217, 231n, 233, 275, 313. Seealso Mogambique mucamas. See household servants mulattoes. See pardos mules, 51-53, 187, 192, 194 mumps, 161-62 Municipio Neutro, 63n, 336, 349, 368 murders: examples of, 115-16, 122n, 327-29, 332; reasons for, 328-39 music: African, 238, 254, 271; European, 238, 241, 243; work, 189, 233. See also songs musical instruments, 239; occasions for playing of, 238, 242, 252, 280; percussion, 189, 226, 230, 232-36, 235 (illus.), 238, 240n, 241, 24244, 246, 249, 286; stringed, 202, 204, 212 (illus.), 230, 233-38, 235 (illus.), 237 (illus.), 246; wind, 202, 204, 230, 238, 260 (illus.). See also drums musicians, 202, 204-205, 234, 235 (illus.), 238, 242, 249-50, 259, 275, 282

Muslims, 26-27, 86n, 248, 261-62, 284-85, 322. See also Arabic; Minas myocarditis, 175 narcotics, 151n, 188, 226n, 263, 318, 332-33 National Guard, 79, 365 nationalism, Brazilian, 68, 77n navy, 122, 136, 194; slaves in, 80-81 nervous system, diseases of, 147, 168, 173-75, 178, 182 New Orleans, xxi

newspapers, xvi, 4n, 185n. See also advertisements nganga. See Gangas; healers Niteroi, 59, 188, 194, 308, 314, 327n nkisi (minkisi), 268n, 279, 28In. See also spirits; statues; wood North Americans, 3, 61, 148n, 173, 332-33 nose ailments, 183 nostalgia for Africa, 40-41, 175, 318, 320-21 nudity. See clothing, lack of nuns, 72, 87 nutritional diseases, 40, 140, 162, 164-66, 171, 175-83. See also diet; vitamin deficiency Nzambi. See God; zambi Nzinga Nbandi, Ana, 248n. See also queens obi. See medical care obscenities. See insults

occupations: artistic, xvi-xvii, 204205, 226-30, 275; bureaucratic, xviin, 189, 200,210-11,218, 223, 299; categories of, 137, 185, 200, 205; construction, 198, 200, 204205; farming, 46, 48-49, 89-90, 183, 186-87, 192, 195; food-related, 131, 134, 141n, 187-88, 193-96, 205, 209, 309n, 313; manufacturing, 85, 131, 134, 194-96, 200-201, 205, 209, 223, 229n, 343; maritime, 58-59, 188-89, 192-94, 200, 205, 210, 279, 299, 346n; medical, 40, 48, 67, 135, 194, 202-203, 205, 218, 264; sales, 42, 49, 51, 54, 58, 77, 142-43, 194, 196, 200-201, 205-207, 213, 300, 344, 366n; service, 131, 176, 187, 195, 196n, 198-99, 201-203, 205, 208-10,213,216,218, 221,223, 238, 263, 320, 363; by status, 48, 68-70, 77-78; transportation, 5153, 188-94, 196, 200, 203, 205, 209-10, 213, 218, 223, 227, 363; unskilled, 46, 48-49, 172, 188, 190 (illus.), 197-98, 200n, 203, 205, 228. See also blacks for hire; craftsmen; rented slaves; women as slaves (many specific occupations listed separately) ocean, 241, 391n. See also Calunga

onchocerciasis, 163. See also blindness opera house, 204 ophthalmia, 36, 162-63. Seealso blindness; diseases οριίαςάο, 170-71, 176, 182. Seealso nutritional diseases orchards, 60 orchestras, 204-205, 238. See also musicians orixds\ defined, 10, 29n, 265, 266n, 268, 271n, 273-74, 277-78, 280, 281n, 282n, 285-87; major, 57, 59, 85, 92, 242, 247n, 267n, 275, 28082, 284. See also Candomble; Yoruba osteomalacia, 180 overseers, 41-42, 113, 185, 193, 199, 200, 208, 210-11, 307, 319; attacks on, 279, 327-29 owners. See slaveowners

Pat, IOn. See also spirits

paint ings, 204-205, 226, 228-30. See also art palace, royal, 60 Palmares, 312 palmat&ria, 41, 114-15, 116n, 202 (illus.), 320. See also punishments; torture Palmer, Colin A., xxii, xxiii, 11 In, 113 palm trees, 141, 143, 207, 225, 229, 231 pancreatitis, 169 pangrease, 39n. Seealso sales of slaves Para, 51 parades, 232, 250. See also processions Paraguayan War, 79-81, 337 Paraiba Valley, 60, 65 paralysis, 121, 162, 182 parasites, 36, 169 Parau', 308, 314, 360n pardons, 315, 328-30, 333n, 339. See also manumission pardos (mulattoes), 4, 6, 70-71, 74; in military services, 79-81; occupations of, 77-78, 217; religious brotherhoods of, 57, 83n, 84-86, 280; social mobility of, 67-68

INDEX

parish data. See censuses; Rio de Janeiro (city), districts of parotide. See mumps passports, 52n, 321-23 patients. See medical care patrols. See slave patrols patron-client relationship, 75, 211 peddlers, 49, 51, 54, 205-207. See also venders pedestre. See slave patrols Pedro I, Dom (Emperor of Brazil), xv, 57, 68, 191, 242, 326, 339n Pedro II, Dom (EmperorofBrazil), xv, 57, 209n peito, molestia de. See tuberculosis pellagra, 164-66, 176, 177n, 178, 180n, 182. See also nutritional diseases peritonitis, 177n Pernambuco, 6, 76, 227, 323 pertussis. See whooping cough petitions, xviii, 307-308, 339, 340, 343η, 355,361η 0 Philantropo(newspaper), 102 photographs, 130, 229 phthisica. See tuberculosis pian, le. See yaws pillories, 58, 122, 123 (illus.). Seealso punishments pipes (smoking), 58, 226, 230. See also tobacco plantations, 51, 186-88; owners of, 186, 344; and slavery, xx-xxi, 112, 327, 367-38; specific, 131, 197; types of, xx, 187, 197, 338, 368 planters, 45, 52, 112 pleurisy, 172-73, 177n pneumonia, 156, 161, 172-74, 176, 183, 195 poison, 262-63, 277n, 283, 332; death by, 317-18, 328; makers of, 188,318 police, 63n, 64n, 116, 249, 277. See also slave patrols poliomyelitis, 161-62, 169 political system, 75-77, 82, 89 polygyny, 285, 287, 290n, 294-95, 297 poor, the, 70, 128, 129 (illus.), 330 population, 60-61; free, 108-109; slave, xxi n, xxii, 60-66, 93, 106107, 184n, 367-68. See also cen suses; slaves

pork, 131, 134, 140-44, 165, 169n, 170, 179, 180n, 182, 196,285 porters, 50, 58, 177, 188-92, 223, 226, 246, 299; types of, 59, 78-79, 132, 174, 191, 196, 198, 206, 228, 233; work music of, 189, 233, 23839, 246. See also transportation ports, 51-53, 143, 194 Portuguese: court, xv, xxi, 60; language, 215-16, 218, 220; people, 60, 65, 68, 70, 320, 328n pottery. See ceramics Praia Grande. See Niter