Six Thousand Years of History [7]

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MOSES Statue by Michelangelo, in San Pietro in Vincoli,

Rome

SIX

THOUSAND YEARS OF HISTORY BY

EDGAR SANDERSON,

A. M.

AUTHOR “HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE” J. P. LAMBERTON, A. M. AUTHOR “HISTORIC CHARACTERS AND FAMOUS EVENTS,” “LITERATURE

OF ALL NATIONS,” ETC.

JOHN MCGOVERN AUTHOR “THE GOLDEN LEGACY,” “ THE TOILERS’ DIADEM,” CAN STATESMEN,” ETC.

OLIVER

H.

“

FAMOUS AMERI-

G. LEIGH

AND FAMOUS EVENTS,” “LITERACOLLABORATOR ON ” TURE OF ALL NATIONS ” AND “ LIBRARY OF AMERICAN LITERATURE AUTHOR OF “HISTORY OF THE UNION LEAGUE “

HISTORIC CHARACTERS

;

OF PHILADELPHIA,” ETC.

AND THE FOLLOWING EMINENT AMERICAN EDITORS AND WRITERS

*.

JOSEPH M. ROGERS, A. M.; LA URENCE E. GREENE; M. A. LANE; G. SENECA JONES, A. M.; FREDERICK LOGAN; WILLIAM MATTHEWS HANDY INTRODUCTION BY

MARSHALL

S.

SNOW,

A. M.

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY AND DEAN OF THE COLLEGE; AUTHOR “CITY GOVERNMENT,” “ POLITICAL STUDIES,” ETC., ETC.

TEN VOLUflES VOL. VII

o*

FAMOUS FOREIGN STATESMEN

Cx

**

E. R.

DuMONT, PUBLISHER

\\\ .

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CHICAGO

PHILADELPHIA

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i

1901

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Copyright, 1899 BY

EARL

R.

DuMONT

CONTENTS PAGE

Moses.

Date

Nation

unknown.

The Founding

the

of

Hebrew

-

i

Solon, B.C. 638-558* The beginning

of

Confucius, B.C. 550-478. The Sources

Zoroaster.

Date unknown.

Magi Themistocles, B.C.

Popular Government of

Wisdom

-

13

in Antiquity

24

Founds the Religion

the

of

-------------------

Greece

520-455.

Pericles, B.C. 495-429. Athens

The

Intellectual

Supremacy

The Great Roman Conservative Augustus Caesar, B.C. 63-14 A.D. The Founding of the Roman Empire Justinian, 485-565. The Confederation of the Roman Laws -

Mahomet, 570-632. The Rise of Mohammedanism Pope Gregory VII, 1020-1085. Maintains the Papal

-

Republic

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1585-1642.

Difficult”

-

-------

Gladstone, 1809-1898. England’s Greatest Reformer Count Cavour, 1810-1861. The Making of United Italy

Leo

XIII, 1810.

A Papal

Hung Chang,

1822.

-

of the

4-/ 0 /

94 113 128

149 160 174

186

207

284 309

326 -

344 369

-

387

-

German Empire China Peeps Over Her Great Wall

The Forging

Bismarck, 1815-1898. Li

Policy of Conciliation

82

251

-

The King’s Will shall be Law Peter the Great, 1672-1725. The Civilization of a Nation Lord Beaconsfield, 1804-1881. “To the Strong Nothing is Richelieu,

63

Su-

The Building of a Monarchy Machiavelli, 1469-1527. The End Justifies the Means Pope Leo X, 1475-1521. Beginning of the Reformation Charles V, 1500-1558. Rise of the Austro-Spanish Empire The Prince of Orange, 1533-1584. Beginning of the Dutch Louis XI, 1423-1483.

43

of

Cato, B.C. 234-149.

premacy

34

Gives Athens a Navy and Saves

-

402 425

ILLUSTRATIONS

Moses Solon

--------------------... ------XI-------------------------------------------

Pericles Pericles Addressing the Athenians Cato Beset by the Roman Women Augustus Caesar

A

Reading from the Koran

Louis

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Machiavelli Charles

-

V-

-

-

-

-

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PAGE i

16

62 68 82

96 13

160 176

208

William of Orange Cardinal Richelieu Peter the Great

256

Lord Beaconsfield William Ewart Gladstone Count Cavour

328

Leo XIII Prince Otto Von Bismarck Li

Hung Chang

-

-

-

-

-

288

312

344 368 392

408

424

:

WORLD’S FAMOUS FOREIGN STATESMEN MOSES DATE UNKNOWN

THE FOUNDING OF THE HEBREW NATION

We have two sources from which to draw material for We have, first, the Biblical account of the life of Moses. the exodus of the Israelites out of

Egypt and

their sojourn

in the Wilderness, and, second, the narrative of the

events given by Josephus.

same

The chief authority of Josephus

was the Bible itself, and, accordingly, his narrative agrees In his in the main with that given in the Pentateuch. account of the early

life

of Moses, however, Josephus fol-

lowed an extra-scriptural tradition, but apparently an old one, since it seems to throw light on an otherwise obscure passage in the Book of Numbers. The story given by Josephus of the youth of Moses, briefly told, is this Pharaoh had been warned by one of the sacred scribes of Egypt that a child was about to be born to the Hebrews, who, if reared, would bring the Egyptian dominion low,

and he therefore issued orders to the midwives to put to death every Hebrew male child, as is related in the first The story of the birth of Moses and chapter of Exodus. an ark committed to the waters of the Nile is, in the main, the same as that given in the Bible. Now Moses’ understanding, Josephus goes on to say, was

his preservation in

above his age, and his height when he was but three years old was wonderful, and as for his beauty, there was no one but did greatly marvel at '

You.

— 7

1

it. 1

So Thermuthis

—

this

was

FOREIGN STATESMEN

2

—adopted

him for her son. And on one occasion she took Moses to see her father and showed him to him, and said she thought to make the boy her heir and his successor. Then she put him into her father’s hands. And Pharaoh took the child and hugged him, and, to please his daughter, placed his diadem upon his head. But Moses threw it down to the ground and trod upon it with his feet. And the priests the

name

who

of Pharaoh’s daughter

witnessed the act were horrified, and they said:

this “Surely *

is

the

Hebrew

child of

whom we

have been

forewarned,” and they counseled Pharaoh to slay him.

But Thermuthis snatched the child away, and the King was loth to do him harm, for God himself protected Moses and inclined the King to spare his life. Now, when Moses had come to maturity it so happened that the Ethiopians made an inroad into Egypt, and plundered and carried off the goods of the Egyptians, who, in their rage, marched against them but being overcome in a great battle, some of them were slain and the rest ran ;

away

in

a shameful manner.

And

the Ethiopians fol-

lowed after them in hot pursuit, and ravaged the country far and wide, and proceeded as far as Memphis and the sea, not one of the cities being able to hold out against them. In this extremity the Egyptians had recourse to their oracles and when God had counseled them to call upon the Hebrew for aid, the King commanded his daughter to produce Moses, that he might be their General. So Moses, at the entreaty of Thermuthis, undertook the business. He assumed the command of the Egyptian army, and having come upon the enemy unawares, he defeated them in a great battle, nor did he slacken his vigor until he had driven them out of Egypt, and had forced them to retire into Saba, the royal city of Ethiopia. This city was well-nigh impregnable, being surrounded by the ;

MOSES

3

Nile and two other rivers, and being besides encompassed

by a strong wall. And while Moses was besieging the city and was unable to cake it, Tharbis, the daughter of the

King

of the Ethiopians, chanced to see

approached near the wall, and she

fell

him

as he

deeply in love with

She sent to him a faithful servant to propose marriage, and he accepted the offer on condition that she would procure the surrender of the city. The condition was agreed to, the city was delivered up, and Moses kept his word and married Tharbis. The legend here abridged from that given by Josephus would be of little interest did it not seem to throw light on the passage in Numbers xii:i, “And Miriam and Aaron spake against Moses because of the Ethiopian woman he had married for he had married an Ethiopian woman.” Moses was now obliged to flee from Egypt. According to the Scriptural account he had slain an Egyptian, whom he had come upon maltreating a Hebrew, one of his brethren. Josephus says that the cause of his flight was him.

;

his discovery that the Egyptians, envious of the great

reputation he had gained in the Ethiopian

War, and

fear-

up a revolution in Egypt, were plotting against his life.' But, whatever the cause, Moses fled beyond the Red Sea into the desert, to the city of Midian. Here he found favor with Raguel, the high known also as Jethro who gave Moses priest of Midian ing that he would

stir

—

—

one of his seven daughters, Zipporah, ii

in marriage.

(Ex.

:i6-2I.) It

was while Moses was tending

father-in-law at the foot of

Mount

the flocks of his

Sinai that the

appeared to him in a burning bush (Ex.

iii

:2),

Lord

and com-

missioned him to be the deliverer of his brethren out of their

bondage

to Egypt.

At the same

time, to

mark

the-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

4

beginning of a new era in the religious

life

of the Israelites,

new name by which henceforward they should know the God of their forefathers was revealed to Moses a name which eventually came to be regarded as too sacred for utterance.* And when Moses hesitated to undertake so difficult a task, the Lord associated with him his brother Aaron, who could speak well, and who might serve as his spokesman before the people. Moreover, Moses was a

—

given the power of working miracles with his rod, to prove before the people his divine commission.

We may pass over the story of Moses’ return to Egypt, Hebrews, his long contest with Pharaoh not the same Pharaoh from whom he had fled, but his successor to obtain from him permission for the Hebrews to> go a three-days’ journey his revealing himself to the elders of the

—

—

into the wilderness to hold a feast to their God, his final success, after the

divers plagues, because of the

we

will take

the

Red

noted

—the

The one.

Sea.

It

Egypt with obstinacy of her King, and

Lord had grievously

up the story

One

afflicted

after the miraculous passage of

thing, however, should be previously

institution of the Passover.

history of the Jewish Passover

is

a complicated

much controversy among held to commemorate an occur-

has been the subject of

the Jews themselves.

It is

rence which took place on the eve of the departure of the

Hebrews from Egypt, and which is related in the twelfth chapter of Exodus. The Lord had declared to Moses, when Pharaoh had remained stubborn under all of the many evils that had been brought upon his country, that he would inflict upon Egypt yet one other calamity, and

—

Note. This name, which is interpreted (Ex. iii. 14) I am that I AM, appears in our authorized version of the Bible as Jehovah. Latterly it has come to be written by Biblical scholars Yahweh. Its true pronunciation has been lost through disuse, since the Jewish rabbis, in reading the Scriptures, always substitute for it Adonai, Lord.

MOSES

5

would be softened and he would At midnight the Angel of Death let the Hebrews depart. should go through the land and should smite all the firstborn in the land, from the first-born of Pharaoh himself to the first-born of the maid-servant behind the mill and the first-born of beasts; but that the Hebrews should be left unscathed. They had only to set a mark upon their dwellings, and to perform certain rites in which they were instructed, and to stay within doors, and the angel would pass them over so that none of them should die. On the tenth day of the month every head of a family should choose a lamb without spot or blemish, a male of the first year, and should keep it until the fourteenth day of the month, when the whole assembly of the congregation that then Pharaoh’s heart

should

kill it in

the evening.

And with a branch

of hyssop

dipped in the blood of the lamb they should mark the tels

lin-

of the door of the house wherein the sacrifice should

They should

and not raw nor boiled, and they should eat it with bitter herbs and with unleavened bread and they should leave none of the flesh until morning, but all that was not eaten should be consumed with fire. The Israelites did as Moses had commanded, following these and sundry other directions which were given them and that night, as had been foretold would happen, the Lord smote all the first-born of the Egyptians, but passed over the houses of which the doors were marked with the blood of the paschal lamb. Then Pharaoh arose in the night and sent for Moses and Aaron, and bade them lead forth their brethren without delay, and to take their flocks with them, and to go and serve the Lord, as they had asked leave to do. This event happened in the spring of the year, in the month Nisan, and this be eaten.

eat the flesh roasted,

;

;

became henceforward the After their passage of

month of the Jewish the Red Sea the Israelites first

year.

jour-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

6

neyed into the desert of Arabia, and in the third month

from Egypt they came into the wilderness This had been from the first the objective point of Sinai. of Moses, and here he now set to work to organize his people to give them those peculiar civil, religious, and military institutions which were to distinguish them from all other nationalities for all time. He began by appointing judges for the people, selecting from among them able men, “such as feared God, men of truth, hating covetousness, ” and appointing them to be “rulers of thousands, rulers of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens.” (Ex. xviii:2i.) Hitherto he himself had been the sole after setting out

—

By

judge, as well as the leader of the host.

this simple

organization of justice he relieved himself of a great part of

its

though

labor,

supreme authority.

still

retaining in his

own hands

the

“All the hard causes they brought

unto Moses, but every small matter they judged themselves.”

And now was made by the people,

through the medium

of Moses, a solemn covenant with the Lord, which settled for

all

time the singularly religious character of the He-

For the Lord directed Moses to say unto the people, “Ye have seen what I did unto the Egyptians, and how I bear you on eagle’s wings and brought you unto brew polity.

'Now, therefore,

myself.

if

ye will obey

my

voice indeed

and keep my covenant, ye shall be a peculiar treasure to me above all people; for all the earth is mine. And ye

me

kingdom of priests and a holy nation.” And when Moses had laid these words before the people, they answered together and said, “All that the Lord hath shall

be unto

spoken

we

will do.”

Whether literally,

a

or

this

is

account of the covenant

is

understood

taken rather as the formal expression of a

traditional belief,

it

contains an undeniable truth.

It sets

— MOSES

7

forth in forcible language a characteristic of the

Hebrew nationality, a fundamental article of the Hebrew faith. That which distinguished the ancient Hebrew Nation from all other Nations was not so- much its monotheism as the attendant belief that

it

stood in a peculiar relation to the

from among the Nations as an object of the peculiar care of the Deity, and hence bound to him by a special tie. The creed of the Nation may be summed up in the simple formula, “ Jehovah is the God of Israel, and Israel is the people of Jehovah.” In a Nation which existed under this firm conviction, everything centered in religion. Laws, customs, ceremonials, even minute directions respecting the habiliments of the priests, were received directly from a divine source, through the medium of Moses, amid the awful thunderings and flames of Mount Sinai. Ten of these laws were of so fundamental an importance, and therefore so peculiarly sacred, that the tables on which they were written, and which were kept in the Ark of the Covenant, were believed to have been inscribed by the very finger of the Most High. Other Nations have similarly had fundamental laws, which were held in the Twelve Tables, for example, on peculiar veneration which were inscribed the laws of the Roman Decemvirs Deity.

It

was a chosen

people, separated

—

but in no other case has a divine source been claimed for these laws, or, in this of the

if

claimed, been given such prominence as

Hebrew Decalogue.

A year was spent by Moses at the foot of Mount in establishing his ordinances of religion

movable sanctuary, with

all its

—

Sinai

in building a

paraphernalia and utensils,

and in making ready the vestments of his priests. On the first day of the first month in the second year after the Israelites had left Egypt the tabernacle was erected, the ark, the mercy-seat, the altar, and all of the sacred em-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

8

blems were placed in position and were duly consecrated

by Moses, and Aaron and his sons were invested with their sacerdotal robes and were solemnly ordained for the servHenceforward ice for which they had been appointed. the tabernacle, and not Sinai, was to be the place whence the Lord made manifest his will, through his high priests, to the people.

Moses’ next care, after having provided for

civil

administration and for religious observances, was to effect a military organization

among

Assisted by

his people.

Aaron and by twelve men, chosen one from each twelve

tribes,

he took a census of

Over each

military service.

and

to each tribe

all

who were

of the

able to bear

tribe he appointed a captain,

he assigned the position

it

should occupy

with reference to the tabernacle, when they were in camp,

But from this military organization the Levites, the tribe to which he and Aaron belonged, were excepted. To them was assigned the care of the tabernacle, and their place in camp was in its immediate neighborhood, and on the march they formed its body-guard. The purpose for which Moses had tarried at Mount Sinai was now attained. He had organized his people and had transformed a lawless host into a Nation. He had given it a priesthood, a ritual, a body of laws and a military organization. The young Nation was now ready to be led into the land in which it had been ordained, and promised that it should establish itself. But the children of Israel proved unworthy of the prize, quailed before the difficulties and dangers in their way, and rebelled, with the consequence of condemnation to a long wandering in the and likewise

its

position in the line of march.

desert.

To

trace the course of this forty-years’

the Israelites

is

not easy, nor.

is it

wandering of

necessary here.

Two

MOSES

9

incidents of this long sojourn in the desert

may

be noted,

showing that the unlimited authority which Moses had assumed over the Israelites was not tamely submitted to in all quarters, but met with strong opposition from some of the more aspiring and influential of the people. The first is the rebellion, of Korah, narrated in the sixteenth chapter of the Book of Numbers. Korah was a Levite and a man of prominence in his tribe and he seems to have

as

;

voiced a wide-spread feeling of dissatisfaction against

Moses

own

for

what seemed gross favoritism

Two

brother, Aaron, high priest.

in appointing his

hundred and

fifty

“princes of the assembly, famous in the congregation,

men

Korah

of renown,” united with

How

against the pretensions of Aaron.

down

put

is

Numbers

told in

of the incidents referred to

is

open rebellion

in

the rebellion

was

The second

xvi:i6-38.

the test of the rods, by

which Aaron demonstrated his divine commission, and put down the last remaining vestige of opposition to his authority as high priest.

(Numbers

xvii :i-8.)

In the beginning of the fortieth year of their wander-

ing the Israelites came to

Mount Hor, and

here

Aaron

and Eleazar, his son, became high priest. The term of forty years of expiation had now nearly expired. Moses therefore now began a direct movement upon Canaan, and came to the River Arnon, which, rising in the mountains of Arabia, flows westward into the Dead Sea. South of the Arnon were the Moabites; north of it were the Amorites. It was necessary for the Israelites died,

to pass

through the country of the

the Jordan, and sion

so

to

Moses asked of

do,

promising

to

latter in

their

order to reach

King Sihon permis-

abstain

from

all

acts

of hostility; but Sihon, instead of granting this request, led

was

his

army

defeated

out in

a

to

oppose

great

the

battle.

Hebrews,

The

and

Israelites

FOREIGN STATESMEN

IO

now

entered and took possession of the whole country

of the Amorites, from the River the River Jabbok on the north

Arnon on

the south to

—a tributary of the Jordan.

upon them by King Og, whose dominions lay north of the Jabbok, and he, too, was defeated, and his land was added to the possessions of the Finally, a successful war upon the Midianites Israelites. left them in secure possession of an extensive country

Then followed an

attack

eastward of the Jordan, opposite Jericho.

work of Moses had now been accomplished, remained only for him to make arrangements pre-

The and

it

great

paratory to his departure from his people.

A second cen-

was taken by Moses, assisted by Eleazar, the high priest, and it was found that among them was not a man who had been numbered in the first census, taken at All had perished in the wilderness, save only Sinai. Caleb and Joshua. Moses now formally ordained Joshua as his successor. sus of the people

He also now built,

or selected, ten of the forty-eight

cities

which he had previously by law assigned to the Levites, and three of the ten were set apart as cities of refuge for persons who had involuntarily committed homicide.

And now came people.

a formal and impressive farewell to his

Gathering the congregation together at a point

Moab, near the Jordan, he delivered to them an address, in which he foretold many things which would happen to them and gave them fatherly advice as to their future conduct. He also gave them a more complete code of laws- that which now forms the Book of Deuteronomy. Finally, “Moses went up from the plains of Moab unto the mountain of Nebo, to the top of Pisgah, that is over against Jericho,” to view the land which he was not permitted to enter. And there, upon Pisgah, Moses died, or, as Josephus says, doubtless on the strength of some old in the plain of

—

MOSES “while he was

ii

embracing Eleazar and Joshua, a cloud stood over him on a sudden, and he disappeared in a certain ravine.” His age when he died was one hundred and twenty years. No spot was ever pointed tradition,

still

out as his resting place.

Attempts have been made by

critical

Scriptures to rationalize the stories of

dus

—

students of the

Moses and the Exoaway their mir-

to allegorize or otherwise to explain

aculous incidents. ful result

It

may be questioned whether any

can follow from such a proceeding.

ment we begin

use-

The mo-

to take freedom with tradition, whether in

we enter upon an uncertain path, we know not whither. We must either

sacred or profane history,

which may lead us

accept without question the narrative as

it

stands, or admit

an entire ignorance of the true story of Moses, unless we can find some light in the laws which he is credited with giving.

Historical criticism

may

question the accuracy of the

Mosaic laws. It may see in this code, as it does elsewhere, no more than a product of the slow development and gradual establishment of customs extending back in the history of the Nation to a time far beyond the reach of tradition. But does this necessarily destroy the historical character of Moses? Unquestionably such a supposition, if admitted, would destroy his character as a divinely commissioned lawtradition as to the origin of the

giver, but legislator.

it

might

still

leave

him

his character as a wise

Indeed, from the very nature of the case,

it is

not possible that a disconnected body of customs and practices,

often conflicting with one another, should become

embodied into a systematic code without the supervision of an organizer, able to bring out of a chaos of traditional This being conceded, we practices order and harmony. may discover in both the polity and the ceremonial of the

FOREIGN STATESMEN

12

Hebrews’ characteristics which bear plainly the impress of a single mind.

Tradition refers these characteristics to

Moses, and sound criticism cannot set aside the pretension,

even though

story of Moses, as

it it

may

question the accuracy of the

has come

down

to us, just as

it

does

up in the mist of prehistoric time. Some man of a strong and commanding personality must have appeared, at some time in the history of the forming Hebrew Nation, to mold its character, give form to its religion, and to organize its laws, and who can this priest and legislator have been if not Moses? that of every great figure which looms

SOLON B. C. 638-558

THE BEGINNING OF POPULAR GOVERNMENT Solon was an Athenian sage whose wise legislation at a critical period in the history of Athens laid the foundation of

its

greatness.

Unfortunately, while

we have

very

complete accounts of his work of reform, but few facts in

have come down to us. The birth of Solon may be placed about the year B. C. He belonged to one of the most aristocratic of the 638. Athenian families, though in moderate circumstances, his life

tracing his genealogy to Codrus, the last of the Kings of

and through Codrus to Neptune, the god of the His father is said to have diminished his substance sea. by prodigality, which compelled Solon in his earlier years to have recourse to trade. In this pursuit ha visited many parts of Greece and Asia, and doubtless profited by the opportunity to extend his knowledge of men and institutions. Solon early distinguished himself by his poetical compositions, or perhaps it would be more exact to say by Attica,

day the art of prose writing had not yet arisen, and every treatise, on whatever subject, was put into a metrical form. To judge from the his philosophical writings, for in his

few fragments which have come down ings dealt largely with matters of interest.

They were

rich in

to us, Solon’s writ-

common, every-day

shrewd observation and

in

and so widely did they extend Solon’s reputation for wisdom that he came to be reckoned one of sensible advice,

the Seven Sages of Greece.

•

FOREIGN STATESMEN

i4

The

was in connection with a long-standing contest between Athens and the

first

little

appearance of Solon in public

life

Megara over the possession of the island The Athenians had repeatedly met with

state of

of Salamis.

reverses in attempting to establish their claim to the island,

and

finally in despair

or in disgust they had decreed sen-

tence of death against any one

renewal of the contest. spiritless

should propose a

Fired with indignation at this

conduct of his countrymen, Solon rushed one day

into the market place, feigning,

madman

who

it is

said, the action of a

and mounting the stone from which the heralds were accustomed to make their proclamations, read to the bystanders a poem in which he upbraided the Athenians for their pusillanimity, and called upon them to make one more effort to recover the “lovely island.’ The stratagem had its desired effect. He was seconded by friends popular enthusiasm was aroused the death penalty was repealed a new expedition was decreed, and Solon was given its command. In a single campaign he drove the Megarans from the island; but a tedious war followed, until at last both parties united in a request to to evade the penalty,

,

;

;

;

the Lacedaemonians to appoint commissioners to settle the

Solon was one of those

matter in dispute between them.

chosen to plead the cause of Athens before this commis-

and so

—

he conduct the case citing the evidence of old burial customs on the island, inscriptions sion,

skillfully did

on tombstones, Athenians,

etc.

that the decision

who were given and

sion of the island. '

—

Solon

was

in favor of the

ever after retained posses-

on this occasion, to have which Ajax is represented as

is said,

forged the line in the Iliad in

ranging his ships by the side of the Athenians.

The

reputation which Solon acquired in this affair of

Salamis was soon after heightened and more widely diffused through Greece by the leading part

which he took

SOLON in the Sacred

War, waged

*5

in behalf of the

Temple of

Delphi, and which resulted in the destruction of Cirrha.

W

e find him, too, at this time actively

engaged in quieting internal disturbances in his own state. It was Solon who persuaded the powerful family of the Alcmaeonids, which in the popular estimation had become tainted with sacrilege through the act of Megacles, who had torn from the sanctuary of Minerva some of the followers of Cylon to stand trial and to submit to a sentence of perpetual banish-

—

—

ment.

We may picture

Solon at

—

time as by far the most

man in Athens a man who, by his had won the respect and confidence of all

prominent ship,

this

able leaderclasses,

and

who, moreover, though belonging to the nobility, had by his sympathetic, fatherly nature, endeared himself in a peculiar

way

to the

consider the great

common

work

people.

of his

he came to be entrusted with

though

life. it,

We

have now to

To understand how

we must

hastily, the political condition of

review, even

Athens

in the

time of Solon.

Athens was then governed by an oligarchy. All political power was in the hands of a few families of the “welldescended/’ as they styled themselves, who' chose from their

own number

the Archons, or Governors, and other

public officers, while the low-born

part either in

common

making or administering the

people had no

Like

laws.

all

other one-sided governments, this of Athens was oppresIt was conducted wholly in the interest of the govsive.

erning ingly

class.

Though

fragmentary,

it

the history of the times affords

is

exceed-

abundant evidence that

Athens had long been vexed by internal dissensions, the It result of the harsh government of the aristocracy. was, apparently, in the hope of quieting the popular discontent that some thirty years before the period

we

are

6

FOREIGN STATESMEN

1

considering Draco had been appointed to draw up a

now new

code of laws, which, however, seems not to have accomplished the desired result; and, indeed, the code of Draco" must have been practically a dead letter from the first,

for

it is

hardly conceivable that laws which provided

a death penalty for every offense can ever have been strictly

The attempt

administered.

of Cylon a few years later

to accomplish the overthrow of the nobility with the aid of

the

common

people,

and

to establish himself despot of

Athens, though the attempt miscarried, shows that there

between the lower and the upper classes, which, skillfully organized, might result in the over-

was a recognized

hostility

throw of the existing government. The warning seems not to have been heeded, however. On the contrary, the unscrupulous and short-sighted aristocracy had continued

mismanage affairs until the condition of the common people had become one of intolerable wretchedness. The poor had become reduced to a state of abject poverty. Many of them had borrowed money of the wealthy at exorbitant rates of interest, on the security of their persons or property. Every debtor unable to fulfill his contract was liable to be adjudged a slave of his creditor until he could find the means of paying his debt or of working it out, and not only himself, but also his minor sons and his unmarried daughters and sisters, whom the law gave him the power of selling. In this way a very great number of the poor had become reduced to bondage, and in some instances they had been sold out of Athens to foreign masters. Moreover, a large number of the small propto

erties

were heavily mortgaged.

All over Attica might be

—bearing

seen stone pillars testifying to these transactions

whom

each the

name

which

stood might at any time be sold.

A

it

crisis

of the creditor for

seems

finally to

the

little

have been reached

farm on in this

SOLON (Ideal)

2

SOLON

l

7

wretched state of affairs, though whether an actual uprising of the people against their oppressors occurred or only a threatened uprising,

became

we do

rate, it

dominant party that there must be

clear to the

reform or there must be revolution. decided for reform, and Solon, a

but immensely popular with

whom

At any

not know.

They very

man

sensibly

own class, was the man to

of their

all classes,

they turned instinctively to help them out of their

Solon was elected Archon B. C. 594, and was authority to make any changes which he might

difficulties.

given

deem

full

beneficial to the State.

There can be little doubt that Solon could now easily have overthrown the oligarchy with the aid of the people and have rendered himself the “tyrant” of Athens, as did his kinsman, Pisistratus, a few years later, and he was urged to do this by many of his friends. But he turned a deaf ear to

all

“may be a

fine country,

advice of this sort.

Dismissing, therefore,

ment, he devoted

all

all

but there

“Despotism,” he is

said,

no way out of

it.”

thought of personal aggrandize-

his energies to the difficult task im-

posed upon him.

He began by relieving the poorer class of debtors from their overwhelming burden. He canceled at once all these contracts in which the debtor had borrowed

on the security of

money

and forbade such abolished imprisonment or

his person or his land,

contracts for the future.

enslavement for debt.

and had the hateful

He

pillars

He

He

swept away

all

the mortgages,

removed, leaving the land free

and restored to their full rights as citizens all those debtors who were in actual slavery, and made provision for repurchasing and restoring to their homes all Athenians who had been sold into foreign

of

all

past claims.

These sweeping measures released the poorest from their difficulties; but many of their creditors

slavery. class

released

Vor. 7

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

i8

must have been their

own

left, in

obligations.

consequence, unable to discharge

To

give relief to these, Solon

debased the currency, thus practically scaling

The amount

indebtedness.

down

thus taken off from

all

their

debts

which had not been wholly extinguished was, according to Mr. Grote, about 27 per cent. These measures must have exasperated the feelings as well as diminished the fortunes of

many

persons, but they

gave to the large body of the lower order and to the small proprietors all which they could reasonably have hoped for, and we are told that after a short interval they became generally acceptable

to>

the public

mind and procured

for

Solon a great increase of popularity.

The purpose for which Solon had been appointed dictator was now accomplished. He had succeeded in healSo great was the general satisfaction in consequence, and so complete the confidence he had inspired, that he was now asked to undertake the still greater work of drawing up a new Constitution for the State and a complete code of laws. As a preliminary to this new work Solon had an assessment made of all the property in the State, to serve as a ing effectually the prevailing discontent.

basis for a

ward the

new

title

classification of the citizens.

Hencefor-

of the citizens to the offices and honors of

on the amount of their propThis was a distinguishing erty and not on their birth. feature of Solon’s Constitution, and it led eventually to important consequences, though probably at first the change was not great, since there must have been then but few wealthy citizens who were not also of the nobility. All the citizens were distributed into four classes, according to the amount of their annual income, and it is interesting to note as a characteristic of the times that the incomes were reckoned, not in money, but in measures of grain. Those the State

was

to be dependent

—

SOLON

*9

whose income amounted to 500 measures (medimni) or upward formed the first class those whose income ranged between 300 and 500 measures formed the second class; the third class was made up of those whose income was between 200 and 300 measures. All other citizens, includ;

ing, of course, the poorest,

who

could hardly be said to

have an income, were grouped into the fourth and doubtless the most numerous class.

The members

of the

first

three classes were required to

pay an income tax proportionate

amount of their property but the fourth class were exempt from taxation altogether. Members of the first class alone were eligible to the Archonship and other high offices of the State. Those of the second and third classes might fill inferior posts, and they were liable to military service, the former as horsemen and the latter as heavy-armed infantry. The fourth class were excluded from all public offices, and served in the army only as light-armed infantry, equipped They were permitted, howat the expense of the State. to the

;

ever, to vote in the public

Assembly, in which were elected

the Archons and other public officers, and they thus became

an important

political

element in the State.

every citizen the right of suffrage,

wealthy alone could be elected to

office,

In giving to

even though the

Solon introduced

an innovation of which very probably he did not foresee the consequence.

Eventually the property restriction was

of citizens alike,

were thrown open to all so that the humblest Athenian

became

politically the peer of the wealthiest.

removed, the public in the

end

offices

classes citizen

The public Assembly not only elected the Archons the number of which was nine, as under the old Constitution but it sat in judgment upon them at the close of their term of office. Every Archon was required at the end

—

of his year of office to render an account of his administra-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

20

and if the report was unsatisfactory he might be punished by being deprived of the dignities and privileges which by ancient usage were bestowed upon those who had filled this high office. The extension of the duties of the old public Assembly tion to the public Assembly,

led to the institution of a

Senate, or Council of

new

body.

Solon created a

Four Hundred, with the

special

object of preparing matters for the discussion of the public

Assembly, presiding over

and

effect its decrees

its

meetings, and carrying into

resolutions.

No

subject could be

brought before the people in the public Assembly which had not previously been acted upon by the Four Hundred.

The members of

this Council

public Assembly, servants,

and

were chosen annually by the

they, as well as all the other public

were accountable

at the close of their

term of

office to the people.

Already there existed as a part of the old Government of Athens a Senate, which consisted of those who had held the office of Archon. fit

to abolish.

giving

it

On

*

This institution Solon did not see

the contrary, he enlarged

its

powers,

a general supervision over the laws and institu-

and imposing upon it the special duty of To inspecting the lives and occupations of the citizens. distinguish this ancient from the newly created Senate, it was called henceforward the Senate of the Areopagus, a designation borrowed from the place (Mars’ Hill) in which its sittings were held. The laws of Solon were inscribed upon wooden rollers and triangular tablets, which were kept at first in the Acropolis and afterward in the Prytaneum, or Town Hall. They tions of the State,

related to almost every subject connected with the public

or the private

ment for

life

of the citizen.

They provided punish-

crimes, restricted the occupation of citizens, pre-

scribed rules for marriage and for burial, for the

common

SOLON

21

use of springs and wells, and for the mutual interest of

neighboring farmers in planting and hedging their adjoining lands. The most important of these laws were those

and

which have already been spoken of. Several of them had for their object the encouragement of trade and manufactures. Foreigners were induced to settle in Attica by the promise of protection and valuable privileges, provision being made for relating to debtor

creditor,

granting citizenship to those

who

should

settle

perma-

nently in Athens for the purpose of carrying on some industrial profession.

In order to prevent idleness, Solon

Areopagus to keep a watch on the citizens and to punish every one who had no course of regular labor to support him. If a father had not taught his son some art or profession, the son was relieved from all obligation to support him in his old age. In order to encourage the growth of industrial arts he forbade the directed the Senate of the

exportation of

all

products of the

soil

except olive

oil,

it

being his wish that trade with foreigners should be carried

on by exporting the produce of artisan labor instead of the produce of the land.

One of the most curious of Solon’s laws was that which declared a man dishonored and disfranchised who in a civil, sedition stood aloof and took no part with either side. The object of this celebrated law seems to have been to create a public spirit in the citizens, affairs of the State.

those of

modern

The

and a

lively interest in the

ancient governments, unlike

times, could not

summon

to their assist-

ance any regular police or military force, and unless the

came forward in civil commotions, any ambitious man, supported by a powerful party, might easily make

citizens

himself master of the State.

The wisdom

of Solon’s laws

is

proved by the fact that

they continued to be the basis of Athenian legislation and

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

22

down

His admission of the common people to a share in the government, even though only to the extent of having a vote in the public Assembly, is the more remarkable since it is the first instance in the world’s history of any attempt at popular government. Solon had no model from which to copy, since jurisprudence

in his

day

all

aristocratic. tion,

to the latest times.

governments were either monarchical or He can have been inspired only by a convic-

based upon his

own keen

observation of

human

na-

good sense of even the most humble member of a community in cases in which his own best interests are concerned. What has become in our own time the dominant political idea, that of a government “of the people, by the people, and for the people,” was thus foreshadowed, however dimly, in the legislation of this most remarkable of ancient lawgivers. Solon was well aware that there were many imperfections in his government. But these very imperfections add to his credit as a statesman. He had not attempted to accomplish impossibilities. His was no visionary scheme of government, temptingly philosophical, but quite ture, of the innate

impossible of realization.

good

On

the contrary, with sober,

he adapted his constitution and laws to the people as he found them and the conditions with which he had to deal. His legislation contained within it, however, the germs out of which developed in no long time the now most renowned institution of the ancient world

practical

sense,

the Athenian democracy, as

we

find

it

in

the

age of

Pericles.

Solon bound the government and people of Athens by a solemn oath to maintain unaltered his laws for a period of

But no sooner had his constitution gone into effect than he was besieged by those who came to inquire respecting the meaning of certain provisions or to suggest ten years.

SOLON

23

Foreseeing constant annoyance of this sort if he remained in Athens, he determined to go into voluntary

changes.

during which the Athenians were bound to maintain his laws inviolate. He first exile for the period of the ten years

visited

Egypt and afterward proceeded

to Cyprus,

where

he appears to have resided during the greater part of the time of his absence from Athens.

Soon after his return to Athens Solon had the mortification and pain of seeing his government overthrown by

own

kinsman, Pisistratus

He

had detected the ambitious purpose of this popular leader and had vainly attempted to dissuade him from it, and, moreover, had denounced him in verses addressed to the people. .When the usurpation of Pisistratus was finally accomplished, he still continued to denounce him, and upbraided “You might,” he said, the people with their cowardice. his

(B. C. 560).

“with ease have crushed the tyrant in the bud, but nothing

now remains

but to pluck him up by the roots.”

no one responded to

when tion,

his appeal.

He

refused to

fly,

But and

him upon what he relied for protecIt is creditable to age,” was his reply.

his friends asked

“On my

old

Pisistratus that he left his

aged

relative unmolested,

and

even asked his advice in the administration of the government.

Solon did not long survive the overthrow of the constitution. He died a year or two afterward at the advanced

His ashes are said to have been scattered, by his own direction, round the island of Salamis, which he had won for the Athenian people. age of eighty.

CONFUCIUS B. C. 550-478

THE SOURCES OF WISDOM IN ANTIQUITY If the merit of a teacher is to be

gauged by the num-

ber of his pupils, then must Confucius, the sage of China,

head the

list

of the world’s great philosophers.

human

Nearly

hang upon the lips of Confucius. Temples are erected to him, and universities are established, where learned professors expound his doctrines, while peasants in the common schools commit to memory and daily repeat his maxims. one-third of the

A

sage

who

has

race to-day

won

for himself so high a place in

the veneration of a people can,

And

been no ordinary personage. life

of Confucius

is,

we may be

yet the story of the

on the whole, a disappointing one.

We fail to discover in his biography, to us,

when

have

certain,

stripped of

its

as

it

has come

down

plainly fictitious details,

any

evidence of extraordinary mental vigor in the man, while the few writings which can with certainty be referred to

Confucius are almost painfully deficient in any of those

marks of greatness of for in them.

We

intellect

which we naturally look

shall be led to conclude that the secret

of the great popularity of Confucius

was

than in the character of his teaching.

and emphatically a Chinaman

less in the quality

He was

essentially

—an embodiment of one of

the strongest traits of the Chinese character, profound

and aversion to progress. Confucius was born in the year 550 B. C., and was therefore very nearly a contemporary of the Greek sage respect for the past

24

CONFUCIUS He was

Pythagoras.

was

in straitened

25

of noble lineage, though his father

circumstances, tracing his

genealogy

back over 500 years to the Kings of the dynasty of Shang. His family name was Kung, and the name Confucius, by

which he is best known to us, is a Latinized form of Kung Fu-tze, by which designation he came to be known finally

—

that

is,

Kung

Before giving some of which seem to be authentic, it will

the Philosopher.

the few facts in his life

be best to glance at the condition of China at that period in its history.

In the time of Confucius, China the

Kingdom of Chow

—had

ent extent of territory. the province of

less

—

or,

more

than one-sixth of

It consisted

was

in the State of

The population

The home

Through the northRiver Ho, or Yellow

Shantung.

of the country at that time has

been estimated at from 10,000,000 to 15,000,000.

was a feudal kingdom, dynasty

that of

Government real

Chow

—had been

since 1122 B. C., but

Chow its

con-

The reigning

in possession of the

its

authority had long

had become little more than nominal. power was in the hands of a nobility, which con-

been waning, until

The

quite closely resembling in

France during the Middle Ages.

—

now

Lu, eastward of Honan,

ern part of the kingdom ran the

stitution

is

Honan, together with some bordering por-

in the present province of

River.

pres-

its

only of what

tions of the present surrounding provinces.

of Confucius

properly,

it

sisted of several orders, closely resembling the marquises,

Europe in the feudal times. The system of the government required that these princes, on dukes, counts,

etc.,

of

the occasion of a fresh succession, should appear at the

court and receive their investiture from the King, and thereafter should visit the court at stated times.

were required to pay annually certain

and they might be

They

specified tributes,

called out with their levies at

any time

FOREIGN STATESMEN

26

to render military service.

Practically,

however, they

were so many petty independent sovereigns, each supreme in his own little state, and there were among them jealousies and rivalries, which kept the kingdom in a perpetual

The

state of internecine war.

chronicles of the period are

and rapine and atrocious crimes. Good government had ceased anywhere to exist in the kingdom, and in its place were disorganization, misrule, and misery for the mass of the people. Such was the condition of affairs in China at the time of the birth of Confucius. How to remedy the evil, how to bring order out of chaos, and to restore peace and happiness to his distracted country, was a question to which he early began to devote his serious thought. He turned to history to find an answer to the question, for already China had an historical literature, covering, or professing His study to cover, a period of over twenty centuries. of the good old times led him to see in the present a The remedy was to deplorable state of degeneracy. An implicit destroy the present and restore the past. faith in the wisdom of the men of former generations was filled

with

tales of violence

a distinctive feature, as has already been intimated, in the Confucian philosophy.

any peculiar wisdom

Confucius never laid claim to

He was not of a specumind. He claimed only to

in himself.

lative or imaginative turn of

have learned by diligent study the wisdom of the fathers,

and

He

his highest aspiration

was

to imitate their example.

always looked backward; never forward.

With

this

habit of mind, Confucius could have no conception of progress, for in his eyes

Confucius

tells

all

change meant deterioration.

us that he began, to devote his atten-

tion to learning at the age of fifteen, but that until

it

was not

he had passed his thirtieth year that he “stood firm”

in his convictions

on

all

of the subjects to the learning

CONFUCIUS

27

of which he had bent his mind.

In his twenty-second year he opened a school for the instruction of young men in the

good government, probably at first in a modest way, though he seems soon to have gained a high reputation, and to have secured many disciples, and also to

principles of

have attracted the attention of the leading

He

men

accepted from his disciples substantial

in his state.

aid;

but he

none who could give him even the smallest fee, and he would retain none who did not show earnestness and capacity. But Confucius aspired to be more than a teacher. rejected

Having made himself

wisdom of the ages, he longed for an opportunity to put his wisdom to the practical test of actual administration of affairs. It was not,

a master of the

however, until he had reached his fifty-second year

that he attained to this goal of his wishes, through an

appointment as chief magistrate of the city of Chung-too, in his

own

told, at

was

State of Lu.

once took place in the manners of the people.

called, in

finally

A marvelous reformation, we are

consequence, to a higher

appointed Minister of Crime, and,

office. if

his biographers, forthwith all crime ceased.

He

He was

we may trust At the same

time two of his disciples obtained influential positions in

Lu, and assisted him in the work of reform.

One

object

which he aimed was to restore the Prince to his legitimate authority, and this he accomplished by dismantling the fortified cities in which the great chiefs maintained themselves, like the barons of Europe. For two years Confucius continued at this work of reformation, and so remarkable a change for the better did he bring about that he became the idol of the people. Then came a check in the good work, before which even Confucius was helpless. The Prince of an adjoining state, observing the tide of prosperity that was rising over Lu, and fearing lest that

at

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

28

become supreme

kingdom, conceived a novel but effective expedient for undermining its power. He sent to the Prince of Lu a corps of beautiful women, skilled in music and dancing, and a troop of fine Thenceforward Confucius was neglected; the horses. state should

Prince of

Lu

in the

yielded supinely to the fascination of the

harem.

now

departed from

Lu

sorrow and disappointment, and set out on a wandering, which lasted thirteen years, through the various states of the kingdom, Confucius

hoping continually that the Prince of his error,

and would

in

Lu would

him; but no

recall

discover

recall ever

came.

In the course of his travels he seems to have tried to induce

some Prince to give him office; but though many offered him a home and support, he found no one who was willing to trust him with the management of his affairs. In this long and famous wandering Confucius was accompanied by his favorite disciples, and the many incidents which occurred and adventures which befell them, make interesting reading in the biographies of the sage.

Confucius returned to

Lu

The Prince who

in his sixty-ninth year.

was now

in the hands of the son of the him; but Confucius would not again take had neglected During the remainder of his days he devoted himoffice. state

self to literary ciples.

He

work and

the giving of lectures to his dis j

died in 478 B. C., at the age of seventy-two.

The grave

of Confucius stands in a large rectangular

enclosure, outside the city Kiuh-fow.

mound, which

is

dynasty:

title

large and lofty

approached through a long avenue of

cypress trees, has standing in front of

bearing the

A

given

“The most

to

it

a marble statue,

Confucius under the Sung

ancient Teacher; the All-accom-

plished, the All-informed

King.”

Confucius was a student, rather than a philosopher

CONFUCIUS a

man

learned in

all

29

the lore of the ancients; not an orig-

He

inal thinker in a metaphysical sense.

simply drew

sons from what he read or from what he observed.

les-

He

was, as he himself said, not a “maker,” but a “transmit-

Nor

ter.”

did he ever lay claim to divine inspiration.

Looking backward over the past, he found existing certain institutions and relations which must be conceived to have been divinely established. There were five relations in particular which might be considered as forming the basis of society, as it had been ordained by heaven. These relations were those of King and subject, husband and wife, father and son, elder brothers and younger, and the

On

mutual relation of friends. of the

first

mission. paired,

four, there

So long society was

the one side, in the case

was authority; on the other sub-

as these relations safe.

continued

unim-

But the authority should be

wisely exercised; the submission should be unquestion-

Between

ing.

friends, the

mutual promotion of virtue

These divinely ordained relations were, however, continually disturbed by the human passions. Hence came all the evils which afflicted should be the guiding principle.

society.

and

Restore the relation to their pristine perfectness,

all social

disorders would cease.

Let the King be a

true King, exercising his authority firmly let

the people be submissive, and similarly

relations be maintained, as

it

was

that they should be maintained, social disturbances.

More than

but

let all

wisely; the other

the design of heaven

and there would be no

this,

the natural relations

might always be maintained, provided the controlling member in each couple were guided by right principles. Let the model ruler appear and forthwith there would appear the model people. He himself could form the model. Confucius once said “If any ruler would submit to me for twelve months, I should accomplish some:

FOREIGN STATESMEN

$o

thing considerable, and in three years

my

realization of

ment

in

How

hopes.”

I

his first

should attain the

and only experi-

governing was frustrated by the seductions of

beauty, has already been related.

a

The scope of the studies of Confucius took, however, much wider range than the management of affairs of

state.

man

He descended into all the minutiae of the relations of to

man

even the most

in

trivial affairs

of daily

life.

He

gave minute instructions for the nurture and education of children; he impressed upon children the duty of filial obedience; he gave rules of etiquette and conduct for the intercourse of

all classes

of society.

No

important

whether in the family or in society at large, was overlooked or left by him without some rule for guidance. Underlying all these rules of social intercourse forming their basis was the “golden rule,” which has often action,

—

—

“What you do not like when done to yourBy a peculiarity of the Chinese self, do not do to others.” written language this Confucian rule may be expressed

been quoted,

by a single monogram. first

drawn

it,

Confucius himself

when asked by one

is

said to have

of his disciples whether

there was not one word which would serve as a rule of practice for

all

one’s

life.

The monogram

character which means “heart,” with which

a symbol which means “as.” “as heart,” which

may

It is

consists of a is

combined

therefore to be read

expanded into “as the heart dictates” a formula whereby Confucius doubtless intended to express his conviction that our impulses are always right, though passion may interfere with action.

—

It

easily be

has been said that Confucius gave the rule in a nega-

form only. But he himself understood it also in its positive and most comprehensive application, and on one occasion deplored that he had not been able always himtive

self to

follow

it.

:

Confucius The

3*

teachings of Confucius are

known

to us mainly

Very little which he himself wrote has been preserved. And, indeed, those writings which are accepted generally as having come from his pen throw little or no light upon his doctrines. through the writings of his

On

disciples.

the contrary, they are so entirely without any traces

of his reputed wisdom, that one cannot but regret that

we are obliged to credit him with their authorship. The Chun Tsu, or Spring and, Autumn Annals, is the only extensive

work which can be

attributed to Confucius.

Lu during

deals with the history of the State of

It

a time

when, says Mencius, “the world was fallen to decay, and right principles had fallen away,” when “perverse discourses and oppressive deeds were again

when

“ministers murdered their rulers

their fathers.”

One would suppose

ject such as this,

waxen

and and sons murdered rife,”

that in treating a sub-

Confucius would have found abundant

and would have pointed to the moral of so wretched a tale. But if one food

for

reflection

turns to the

work

thing of this pointed.

and comment,

in the expectation of finding in

sort,

he

The work

is

is

doomed

it

any-

to be grievously disap-

the baldest of

all

annals, consisting

simply of sententious statements that such or such a thing

no thread of narrative to connect the events, and not a word of comment. Here is a sample of this great work of Confucius, selected by

happened

at such or such time, with

Dr. Legge

—a work by which Confucius declared that he

would be known judged

to posterity

and by which he would be

“i. In the 15th year in spring the 2.

Duke went

A body of men from Tsoo invaded Sen.

3.

to Tse.

In the third

Duke had a meeting with the Marquise of Tse and others, when they made a covenant in Mow-Kew, and then went on to Kwang. 4. Kung-Sun Gaou led a force,

month

the

,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

3*

and with the great relieve Sen.

officers

In the summer, in the 5th mpnth, the

5.

And

sun was eclipsed.”

From

of other Princes endeavored to

on through page

so

after page.

book of annals we turn to the Confucian Analects which are records of the doings and sayings of the sage, written by one of his faithful disciples, and here, let us hope, we get a better idea of what manner of man he was. The following are a few of the reputed this dreary

sayings of Confucius:

“What small man

“A who is

the superior seeks

poor

is

seeks

is

in himself;

what the

in others.

man who

does not

and a

flatter,

rich

man

not proud, are passable characters; but they are

not equal to the poor

who

man

who

are yet cheerful, and the rich

yet love the rules of propriety.

undigested by thought,

“Learning,

thought, unassisted by learning,

“In style

all

that

is

required

is

is

is

labor

lost;

perilous.

that

it

convey the mean-

ing.

“The cautious seldom

err.”

Sententious sayings such as these form the bulk of the

Confucian philosophy.

dom

form that the wis-

memorized by the millions of his folThousands of the literati in China can repeat by

of the sage

lowers.

It is in this

is

heart every sentence of the classical books; while the less

highly educated people of the lower classes have scores of these Confucian else in the

way

maxims

in their memories,

and

little

of moral precept.

Confucius was a moralist only, and in no sense the founder of a religious creed.

Indeed, he purposely and

expressly kept aloof from the subject of religion.

“While

you cannot serve man,” he replied to one of his disciples who had questioned him on this subject, “how can you serve spirits?” And to the question, “What becomes of

CONFUCIUS man

33

from

after he has taken his departure

“While you do not know

his reply was,

know

about death ?”

life,

Confucius confined his thoughts and

There was, world to occupy man’s

those of his disciples to the affairs of this

he conceived, enough in thought, and

were

it

this

to-day

—an

unreligious

And

is

Confucian-

this

is

the

undecided state

Missionaries have told us that

of mind, agnosticism.

and are therefore

such

over the

rationalism, or, as

approved modern term expressive of the educated in China,

life.

folly to perplex one’s self

uncertainties of a future state.

ism

world?” what can you this

who

are

all

followers of Confucius,

atheists, ordinarily return in the

hour

of death to the belief and practices of Buddhism, and the

statement seems probable, for gloomy indeed in that hour

must appear the Historians

soulless

have

wisdom

credited

of Confucius.

Confucius

with

having

molded the national character of the Chinese. That he gave it the medium of its expression, would, perhaps, be a more exact statement of his influence in this direction. It is not easy to believe that any one man can ever have formed the character of a nation. China is stationary to-day, not because Confucius bound it to the past, but because of the essentially immobile character of

and Confucius of immobility, Voi,.

7—3

is

great in China because he

is

its

people,

the apostle

ZOROASTER DATE UNKNOWN

FOUNDS THE RELIGION OF THE MAGI

the

The name Zoroaster name of an ancient

is

a Greek form of Zarathustra,

sage, or prophet,

who

stands in

the traditions of Persia as the founder of the national

of the Parsees —now represented by the of India—and as the author of the sacred writings of the religion

religion

Persians.

Of the life of Zoroaster we know absolutely nothing. The accounts of him which have come down to us from Greek and Roman sources differ widely among themselves, both as to the time when he lived and the country of his birth, and very

little

reliance can be placed

on the

legends concerning him in the later Persian and Parsee

Herodotus, in his account of the religion of

literature.

the Persians,

name

makes no mention of Zoroaster, though the

occurs in a fragment of an earlier writer, Xanthus.

Plato speaks of him as the founder of the doctrine of the

him the son of Oromanes. Another early Greek writer says he was a Persian, the first Magian; another still, that he was a king of the Bactrians, and founder of the Magian knowledge of the stars. Pliny Magi, and

calls

speaks of Zoroaster, and gives us the interesting facts in

he laughed on the day of his birth, and that for thirty years he lived in the desert upon cheese. As to the time in which he lived, one Greek authority places him his life that

5,000 years before the Trojan

War;

a contemporary of Semiramis, while a later 34

makes him Greek writer

Ctesias

ZOROASTER dismisses this question with the sensible remark that

it

no longer possible to determine with certainty when he lived and legislated. is

Some modern was an

scholars have questioned whether Zoro-

and not rather a fictitious character, to whom tradition had found it convenient to refer work which was really done by a priesthood, and which probably extended over a long series of This view is not favored, however, by a close years. study of the relics which still exist of the old Persian aster

historical personality,

sacred writings.

The

marked by strong

doctrine set forth in these writings

which bear every appearance of having been impressed upon it by a single mind and at some definite period. The opinion of those most competent to judge now is that Zoroaster was a real person, that he lived some centuries before the founding of the Persian Empire by Cyrus, and that his home was is

characteristics

probably Bactria, in the eastern part of Iran. Iran was an ancient designation for that high plateau

which lies eastward from the valley of the Euphrates and Tigris, between Hindustan and the Caspian Sea, and which is now occupied by Persia, Afghanistan, and Baluchistan.

Northward of

it

are the steppes of Tartary;

eastward the plains of Turkestan. lofty plateau

of the

is

Aryan

This extensive and

usually held to have been the original seat

—the

race

home from which

race to which

—the

we belong

some remote epoch in the past, or probably at different times, were sent off migratory branches, southward into India, to become Hindoos, westward to become in Europe Celts, Germans, Italians, and Greeks. Within this area, it is altogether likely, originated the germs of that nature worship which at

developed, in India,

first

into the simple religion of the

Vedas, and later into the more philosophical religion of

FOREIGN STATESMEN

36

Brahma, and out of which

in

West sprang

the

mythologies of the several nations

Medes and Persians belonged

of

the

The

Europe.

Aryan race, and Aryan nature-wor-

to this

were, therefore, heirs to the original

But in the times of Zoroaster this religion must already have lost much of its primitive character, and must have advanced far in its development into a theological ship.

creed, as

it

did in India; but

course of development in

its

the two countries seems to have been It

may

somewhat different. say what was the precise form

not be possible to

of the Iranian religion, in the times immediately preced-

ing Zoroaster.

would be that

is

And, indeed,

to treat of

this

question

to exceed the scope of the present article.

designed here

is

All

to present the unquestionable fact

—

had material with which to work that he found a religion already existing, and that he was simply a reformer, or reconstructor, not an originator. Our knowledge of the religion of Zoroaster is derived partly from the accounts of it given by Herodotus and other Greek writers, but principally from the sacred writings themselves of the Persians or what is left of them namely, the Zend-Avesta, the sacred book of the that Zoroaster

—

—

Parsees.

From Herodotus we

learn that the ministers of the

national religion of Persia were the Magi,

there were priests,

religion.

two

classes:

who conducted The second had

The the

first

of

whom

consisted of inferior

ordinary

ceremonies

charge of the sacred

fire.

of

The

whole order was presided over by an arch-magus, or high priest. They had three kinds of temples; first, common oratories, in which the people performed their

was kept only in lamps; next, public temples with altars on which the sacred fire was kept continually burning, where the higher devotions,

and where the sacred

fire

ZOROASTER order of the

Magi

37

directed the public devotions and the

people assembled; and, lastly, the grand seat of the Arch-

magus, which was visited by the people at certain seasons, with peculiar solemnity, and to which it was deemed an indispensable duty for every one to repair once in his lifetime. From Diogenes Laertius we learn that no pictures or images of the gods were used in the worship of the Magi; that they practiced divination and prophecy, “pretending that the gods appeared to them;” that they were clothed in white robes; that they

made

use of the ground

and of a reed for their staff. From these and other accounts given us of the Magi by the Greek writers we may learn that their system of worship was of a complex character, closely resembling for their beds,

in

its

organization that of the later

Church.

The Greeks had

also

Roman

Catholic

some knowledge of the

But regarding this our best source of information is their sacred book itself the ZendAvesta, already referred to, which has now been in the hands of European scholars for a little over a century. A short notice of this book may precede our account of the doctrine which it inculcates, and which passes for that doctrine of the Magi.

—

of Zoroaster.

The Zend-Avesta

— or more properly the Avesta,

Zend, which means “translation,”

is

for

applied by the Par-

sees themselves to a translation of the ancient text into

modern Pahlavi tongue, and never to the original text itself is a work scarcely larger than the Iliad of Homer, or than the Pentateuch of the Hebrew Scriptures. their

—

It is

written in the old Persian language, and

specimen of that language

now

extant.

—

is

the only

mere fragthat was rescued

It is a

ment of a once extensive literature all from destruction on the overthrow of the Sasanian dynasty of Persia by the Mohammedans, in the seventh

FOREIGN STATESMEN

3S century.

The Parsees claim

that

their

Avesta in the

Sasanian period numbered twenty-one books, and that even then a large part of the original text had been lost.

This statement seems to be confirmed by accounts from Hermippus, in the Third Century B. C., other sources. affirmed that Zoroaster, the founder of the doctrine of

was the author of twenty books, each containing i oo, ocx) verses. According to the Arab historian, the Magi,

Tabari, these were written on 1,200 ox-hides.

Another

Masudi, makes the number of hides 12,000, and states that the book consisted of twenty-one parts,

Arab

writer,

each containing 200 leaves. In

The

its

present shape the Avesta consists of four parts.

two of these are liturgical, consisting of texts that are recited by the priests on solemn ceremonial occafirst

The

sions.

third

is

of a narrative character, giving the

history of creation, the story of

Age,

etc.

The

known

fourth,

Yima and

the Golden

as the “Little Avesta,”

designed for the use of the priests and the laity is

alike.

is

It

a book of private devotion, containing, besides some

short prayers, which are in daily use

among

the Parsees,

songs of praise addressed to the deities and angels of the Zoroastrian creed.

Of

these four sections of the Avesta the most inter-

esting are the

the Gathas, or

first

and

third.

“Hymns”

In the former are found

of Zoroaster, written in meter

an archaic language, which differs in many respects from that ordinarily used in the Avesta. These Gathas contain the discourses, exhortations, and revela-

and

in

tions of the Prophet.

of the work, and to

They

are certainly the oldest part

any part of it can rightly be attributed Zoroaster, they seem the most likely portion to be of

his authorship.

if

In the third

to be found the essential

—the narrative

section

—are

and characteristic features of the

ZOROASTER

39

Zoroastrian doctrine, under the form of a two-fold history

of the “good” and the “bad” creation.

Every good

world is offset by an opposite, which Light is offset by darkness; heat by cold; virtue This antithesis runs all through nature. It is

is evil.

in the

by vice. found in the outer world;

—

that

is,

in

man

in the inner

himself.

necessary antagonism Zoroaster.

found

world This principle of dualism and the foundation of the religion of it is

is

The theory

of this religion was that good and

—

have proceeded from different sources that they were the creation of two distinct and hostile powers, or

evil

To

good was given the name AhuraMazda (Ormuzd); the spirit of evil was Angro-Mainyush (Ahriman). While the former has not the power spirits.

the spirit of

to destroy or even to restrain the latter,

sense his superior. the initiative.

It is

he

is still in

Ahura-Mazda who always

takes

we

All through the story of creation

him creating good, which

one see

always watchful

his adversary,

of him, proceeds at once to neutralize by creating an opposite evil.

But the struggle does not end with continual, unceasing warfare, carried directly

between the opposing

respective creations. evil,

which we may

It is a

on, however, not

but between their

good and forever going on around us and

It is

see

spirits,

creation.

the conflict between

within us. In the center of this battle the object of the struggle.

is

man

himself; his soul

Man was

Ahura, who therefore has the right to

is

the creation of call

him

to

an

But Ahura created him free, so that he is accesMan, therefore, takes sible to the evil power of Ahriman. a part in the conflict by all his life and activity in the world. By a true confession of faith and by every good deed, and

account.

by continually keeping pure

his

body and

his

soul,

he

FOREIGN STATESMEN

4o

impairs the power of

Ahriman and

establishes a claim of

reward upon Ahura but by every evil deed and defilement he increases the evil and renders service to Ahriman. The conflict is not, however, an unending one. Ahura knows that in the end he must win, and Ahriman, that in the end he must be defeated, and must be buried forever, ;

powerless, in his

own

darkness.

The coming

—

of a millen-

nium a time when all evil will disappear from the earth, and when there will remain only what is good was looked forward to by Zoroaster. All through the Gathas runs

—

the pious hope that the end of the present world oft*.

He

is

not far

himself hopes along with his followers to live to

see the decisive turn of things, the

Then

dawn

of a

new and

bet-

come the final conflict which shall destroy forever the power of evil in the world. Then will Ahura sit in judgment upon mankind, and punish the wicked and assign to the good the deserved reward. Ahriman, and those who have been delivered over to him, ter age.

will

will be cast into the abyss, there to abide forever in dark-

upon earth will be endless summer and a perennial day—no more winter and no more night. And here the pious and faithful will lead a happy life unvexed by evil, because no longer in the power of Ahriman. Such in its essential features was the religion founded ness, while

by Zoroaster.

In process of time this purely spiritual

creed, too abstract to satisfy all the requirements of the

popular instinctive fondness for concrete forms, became partly overshadowed with a

more

materialistic cult.

In

the time of Herodotus the worship of Mithra, a deity popularly identified with the sun,

and unknown

had assumed an important place

in the

to Zoroaster,

system of the Magi.

Mithra, in this later creed, was regarded as the “intercessor,” standing between fore, in a position to

be

Ahura and Ahriman,

and, there-

eminently serviceable to man-

ZOROASTER kind.

Besides Mithra several other

4i

new

divinities appear

form of Zoroasterism, as Anahita, the Water, Tishtrya (Sirius), and others of the

in this popularized

Goddess

of

heavenly bodies.

The

religion of Zoroaster never extended

limits of Iran

and the neighboring valley of the Euphrates,

where the Persian established

Though

beyond the

there are reasons

eastern part of Iran,

we

as the religion of the

for

his

capital

placing

its

Babylon.

at

origin in the

become acquainted with it Medes. The Magi are distinctly first

declared by several of the Greek writers to have been a

Medes; and the fact that after the overthrow of the Medes by Cyrus and their incorporation into the Persian Empire, the Magi continued to fill the priestly tribe of the

offices, indicates that

ters of religion

the authority of the

was recognized even by

Medes

mat-

in

their conquerors.

All through the period of the rule of the Achsemenidae in

Persia

— the family of Cyrus— Zoroasterism, or the

gion of the Magi, continued to

be

the

state

reli-

religion.

After the overthrow of the Achaemenidse by Alexander

and the establishment of the Seleucidae in Persia, Greek influences became dominant at the Persian court, and the power of the Magi was weakened. Their religion continued, however, to be still that of the people, and this was its status also through the subsequent reign of the Parthian dynasty in Persia.

With

the rise of

the Sasanian

dynasty, in the Third Century, Zoroasterism again became the state religion of Persia, and under this dynasty to

have reached

its

highest development and

its

it

seems

most com-

plete organization.

the

The Sasanian dynasty was in its Arabs under Omar, the decisive

turn overthrown by battle being

fought

sometime between 640 and 642 A. D., and eventually Zoroasterism was supplanted even as a popular religion

FOREIGN STATESMEN

42

everywhere in Persia by the more aggressive religion of Mahomet. A few Persians emigrated to India some-

where about the year 720, taking with them their religion and such part of their sacred literature as had escaped the general wreck. Parsees,

whose

The descendants

of these refugees are the

principal settlement

religion of the Parsees

is said,

monotheistic, though they

still

is

at

Bombay.

The

however, to be practically adhere to the traditions of

their forefathers, exposing their

dead to be devoured by

vultures rather than to defile with their bodies either

and scrupulously attending to all the religious duties and ceremonies enjoined upon them by their earth or

fire,

great prophet.

THEMISTOCLES B. C. 520-455

GIVES

ATHENS A NAVY AND SAVES GREECE

This celebrated Athenian statesman and leader was born somewhere about the year B. C. 520, shortly after the

His father was an Athenian citizen of middling rank and circumstances, but his mother was In his youth Themisa woman of Thrace or of Caria. tocles is said to have shown a wayward and willful disposition, an inclination to reckless expenditure, a love of display and a fondness for admiration, which clearly foreshadowed, in the opinion of his biographers, those traits both of nobility and sordidness which distinguished him death of Pisistratus.

in his public life.

We first meet with Themistocles at the battle of MaraHe

thon, B. C. 490.

and

his political rival, Aristides,

were among the ten generals who commanded the Athenians on that occasion. Both rendered the cause of Greece an excellent service by exerting their influence with their associate generals to secure for Miltiades the sole command of the army and to leave him free to decide upon the time for giving battle.

On

this,

as on a similar occa-

sion ten years later, they sank their political rivalry,

worked together

and

unselfishly for the best interests of their

country.

in the affairs

Marathon decided a momentous crisis of Greece, and it was emphatically a victory

for Athens.

Single-handed, except for the one thousand

The

victory of

Plataeans

who had

joined her 43

army

at the last

moment,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

44

she had repelled the mighty host of Persia and had saved Greece.

She

felt

Naturally she was elated by her achievement. that

it

entitled her to a place of

among the Greek states.

the

rank

A glorious future seemed to open

before her, and to no one of her citizens did itself

first

it

present

with greater clearness than to Tfiemistocles.

determined that Athens should derive the

He

full benefit

of

her opportunity, and he threw himself with his whole soul into the

we

shall

work of guiding her counsels, not, however, as see in the end, from purely patriotic motives, for

he labored quite as country.

It

much

for himself as he did for his

has been said, and apparently with reason,

mind of this was Athens become the

that the vision which presented itself to the

ambitious and far-seeing leader first

State in Greece, and Themistocles the

first

man

in

Athens.

The government oughly democratic.

of

Athens

at this time

was thor-

All affairs of state were disposed of

in the public assembly,

which met

at stated short intervals.

were chosen, all laws were enacted and resolutions adopted by the votes of the people. Any citizen who chose to come forward and who could gain a hearing might advise his fellow-citizens from the “bema,” or tribunal, and his influence would depend upon the clearness and force with which he could present his argu-

Here

all officers

ments.

It

was

in this public

assembly that Themistocles

and others who aspired to influence the public policy wielded such power as they had, simply as advisers, and without any prestige derived from constituted authority. The great leaders of Athens, Themistocles and the rest, were private citizens, except when they might choose to be elected to office for some special purpose. The first great measure upon which Themistocles set

THEMISTOCLES

45

was the increase of the naval power of Athens. He well knew that, although the Persians had been defeated, they were preparing for another and more formidable descent upon Greece, and he had the sagacity to see that a large and well-equipped fleet would be the best protection against them. Fortunately for his policy, soon after the battle of Marathon an old feud between Athens and the island of Angina, which had been suspended durhis heart

ing the invasion of the Persians, broke out afresh. order to carry on successfully the war which followed,

In it

was necessary that Athens should increase her naval force. In this emergency Themistocles came forward in the public assembly with a proposition which, distasteful

must have been to a large number of the citihe had the persuasiveness to carry through, and

though zens,

it

which virtually

laid the

supremacy of Athens. plus of

money

foundation of the future naval

There was

at this time a large sur-

from the Laurium. These

in the public treasury, arising

produce of the valuable silver mines at mines, situated in the mountainous district

in the

southern

part of Attica, belonged to the State, but were farmed out

worked by individual operators, who paid a royalty the privilege. It had been recently proposed to dis-

to be

for

tribute this

sum

of

money among the

citizens,

but

Them-

view of the necessities of the Higinetan war and the possibility of a renewal of the war istocles

persuaded them,

with Persia, to public

good and

of 200 ships.

in

sacrifice their private

to appropriate this

It is

advantage to the

money

to the building

probable that the mass of the citizens

were influenced more by the immediate need of a fleet in the war with H^gina than by the prospective danger to be apprehended from Persia. says, “the

“And

thus,” as

Herodotus

zEginetan war saved Greece by compelling the

FOREIGN STATESMEN

46

Athenians

to

make

themselves a maritime

power.”

Themistocles succeeded about the same time in passing

a decree that twenty

new

ships should be built every year.

Themistocles was not permitted to carry these and other measures without opposition.

He was

continually

and systematically opposed by Aristides. These two eminent men formed a striking contrast with each other. Themistocles was brilliant, energetic, quick to grasp all the circumstances of a complicated situation, and fertile in resources for meeting every difficulty as

it

presented

itself.

The power of unassisted nature was never exemplified more strikingly than in him. No complication or embarrassment ever perplexed him, but the right expedient

seemed to occur to him

and without the necesHe judged quickly and

intuitively,

sity for the least premeditation.

unerringly, and his course of action often startled even his friends

by

its

boldness.

He was a born leader;

word character comin a

one of those men who by sheer force of pel others to follow them. But these transcendent abilities were marred by a total lack of principle. He was unscrupulous in the means he employed for accomplishing his ends, was notoriously corrupt in an age in which few public men were strictly honest, and he too often employed the great power which he wielded with no thought of the state, but solely for enriching himself. He ended a glorious life by years of deep disgrace a rich man, but an exile, a traitor and a pensioner of the Great King, scheming to undo the very work which had rendered his name

—

illustrious.

A very different man was Aristides. to

Themistocles in

ability,

Though

inferior

he was incomparably his

superior in honesty and integrity.

In the administration

of public affairs he acted with an eye single to the public

good, regardless of party

ties

and personal friendships.

THEMISTOCLES

47

His uprightness and justice were so universally recognized that he received the surname of the Just. As to the points on which the rivalry of these two great men turned, we have no information. Both men were doubtless equally desirous of promoting the interests of Athens, but they differed as to the means.

Aristides, with his

character, less sanguine than his rival,

more

stable

would naturally be

conservative; he doubtless had misgivings as to the out-

come

of the

new departure advocated by

Themistocles,

and perhaps also he distrusted the man as well as his measures. But whatever may have been the precise points on which they differed, so violent was the animosity with which they frequently opposed each other, that Aristides is reported to have said, “If the Athenians were wise they would throw us both into the Barathrum.” After three or four years of this bitter rivalry the two chiefs appealed

and Aristides was banished. The ostramay be well to explain here, was a peculiar Athen-

to the ostracism,

cism,

ian

it

institution

—a

means of which a

sort

citizen

who had

of

political

who was

safety-valve

—by

considered dangerous

any other reason become unpopular, might be exiled for a term of years, without any specific charge having been preferred against him. The ballots used were shells, whence the name “ostraThere is a story that cism,” from ostrakon a potsherd. when the voting between Themistocles and Aristides was in progress, the latter was approached by an unlettered countryman to whom he was not known, and was asked to write “Aristides” on the shell which was handed him, which he did. “And what,” he asked, as he handed back the shell, “has Aristides done, that you wish him banished?” “Nothing,” was the reply, “but I am tired of always hearing him called the Just.” to the State or

for

,

Themistocles was

now

left in

undisputed control in

FOREIGN STATESMEN

48

Athens.

No

particulars of his administration of affairs

have come down to us; but we

may be

policy of strengthening the naval

never lost sight

upon

Persia.

of,

power of Athens was

and that he kept

What

certain that his

his eye continually

he learned of the Persian

through his emissaries and from other sources,

affairs,

may

be

briefly stated.

The

disaster at

Marathon stimulated Darius

to

make

more strenuous effort to conquer the insolent Greeks. Three years were spent by Darius in busy prepIn arations throughout the whole of his vast empire. the fourth year occurred a revolt of the Egyptians, and before he could suppress this revolt Darius died. His son, a

still

Xerxes,

who

succeeded him, seems not to have inherited

Xerxes was surrounded by advisers who, from various motives, urged him to prosecute his father’s plans, and after two or three years of intermission the preparations for an expedition against Greece were resumed on a still more extensive scale. At the end of the year B. C. 481 the preparations of Xerxes were completed, and he assembled his mighty host at Sardis. Troops had been collected from all parts of the Persian Empire. Forty-six nations, it is said, were represented in his land force. As for their numbers, they were reckoned, not by thousands, but by tens of thousands. We are told by Herodotus, who doubtless had excellent means of information, and who never wilfully exaggerates, that Xerxes led across the Hellespont into Europe an army of over two and a half millions of fighting men, and that the camp-followers were equally numerous. The fleet of Xerxes was furnished by the Phoenicians and Ionians, and other maritime nations subject to Persia, and is said to have contained 1,207 triremes and his antipathy for the Greeks; but

3,000 smaller vessels.

THEMISTOCLES The news

49

of the assembling of this mighty

spread consternation throughout Greece.

army

Opinions were

divided as to what should be done in so great an emergency.

When

demand

“fire

Xerxes sent his heralds into Greece to and water” in token of submission, accord-

ing to the Persian custom, the greater number of the States, believing resistance hopeless, to the

were ready to yield

demand; but Athens and Sparta displayed a

different spirit.

On

the invitation

o.f

quite

these States a con-

gress of States assembled at Corinth, and here the most

strenuous efforts were jealousies of the

Greek

common enemy,

the

made

numerous petty unite them against

to heal the

States,

and

to

but without success.

In these nego-

was the leading spirit. The most was accomplished was the establishment of a firm

tiations Themistocles

that

alliance

between Athens and Sparta, with the addition of

Corinth and two or three other smaller States. leadership

The

was unanimously conferred upon Sparta, both

of the land and of the naval force, the latter provision

being due to the the naval

politic concession of Themistocles, for

command seemed

rightfully to belong to Athens,

inasmuch as nearly two-thirds of the ships in the combined fleet would be hers. Even the oracle of Delphi was affected by the prevailing depression. The Athenians and Spartans sent envoys to consult this famous oracle, and the response was as gloomy as could well be conceived. “Wretched men, why sit ye there? Quit your land and city and Fire and sword, in the train of the flee afar Get away Syrian chariot, shall overwhelm you. from the sanctuary with your souls steeped in sorrow.” The envoys were struck dumb by so terrific a response, and they durst not carry it back to Athens. But they .

were advised by an Vor.

7—4

influential

.

.

Delphian to provide them-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

5°

marks of the humblest supplication and in this guise to approach the oracle a second time. And now the response was a trifle more hopeful. Athene the protecting goddess of Athens could not, indeed, propitiate Zeus, but this* assurance was given: “When selves with the

—

—

everything else in the land of Cecrops shall be taken,

Zeus grants to Athene that the wooden wall alone shall remain unconquered. O divine Salamis, thou .

.

shalt destroy the children of

.

!

women,

either at the seed-

time or at the harvest.”

Those who believe that even the shrine of Delphi was not beyond the reach of influence, other than the divine inflatus of Apollo, have seen in this celebrated response the hand of Themistocles. Certain it is that he made an effective use of it. When the response was carried to Athens, a question arose as to the meaning of the “wooden wall.” Some thought that the reference was to the Acropolis that they were directed to fortify this almost

—

eminence

inaccessible

with

a

palisade.

—

The

greater

number took the view of Themistocles that the reference was to the ships of the fleet. To meet the objection that the response seemed to forbode disaster, Themistocles

pointed out that those destined to slaughter must be the

enemy and not Greeks, called

else Salamis

would have been

“wretched” rather than “divine.”

The

resolution

worse came to worst, the population of Athens should leave the city and seek the

was therefore taken

that, if

protection of the ships.

We

may

pass over the incidents of the march of the

Persians into Greece

—the two disastrous storms which,

providentially for the Greeks, destroyed

many

of the

Persian ships; the sea-fight at Artemisium, in which the

Greek

fleet

held

its

own

with the Persian, until obliged

to retire before superior numbers;

the famous defense

—

THEMISTOCLES

51

of Thermopylae by Leonidas and his his 300 Spartans

and come direct to the closing scene of the war at Salamis. The Greek fleet, numbering 366 ships, of which 200 belonged to Athens, finding

on the open

itself

unable to cope with

withdrew to the small island of Salamis, near Athens, on its way to Troezen. Thermopylae had been passed by the Persians, and they were marching, unopposed, upon Attica. At the urgent the Persian

fleet

sea,

request of Themistocles, the Spartan Admiral, Eurybiades,

consented to remain for a few days at Salamis, that the

might be used for transporting the Athenians to a place of safety. The greater number were taken to Troezen and JEgina, where they met with a warm reception; but many could be induced to proceed no farther ships

than Salamis.

When

the Persian reached Athens he found only the

buildings of a deserted city.

Persian

fleet

At about

arrived and took up

its

same time the station in the Bay of the

Phalerum.

Xerxes went down

and held a council of war as to the expediency of an immediate attack upon the Greeks. The Kings of Sidon and Tyre, together with the other assembled potentates, probably with a view One of flattering Xerxes, were for an immediate battle. to inspect his fleet,

voice alone broke the unanimity of the meeting.

Arte-

Queen of Harlicarnassus, in Caria, deprecated the policy of fighting in the narrow strait of Salamis, where the numerous force of Xerxes would be an incumbrance rather than a help. She urged that if the army were marched toward Peloponnesus, the Peloponnesian ships would withdraw from the Grecian fleet, in order to protect their own homes. But though she was listened to with misia,

arguments were overruled, and Xerxes issued orders for the attack to begin on the following morning. respect, her

FOREIGN STATESMEN

52

At

the same time the

army was commanded

to

march

toward Peloponnesus.

At

this critical juncture

Grecian

dissension reigned in the

In a council of war which had been sum-

fleet.

moned by Eurybiades, Themistocles urged

the assembled

and give battle to the Persians in the narrow strait, where the superior numbers of the But the PeloponPersians would be of less consequence. nesian commanders were strongly opposed to this plan, chiefs to remain at Salamis

their opinion being that the fleet should be taken to the

Isthmus of Corinth, and be used in support of the land force,

which was engaged

in

fortifying the isthmus.

After a stormy debate the council broke up, having reached a decision to withdraw from Salamis, though the lateness of the hour compelled

them

to remain until the following

morning.

was with gloomy forebodings that Themistocles The more he reflected on the retired from the council. decision of the council, the more he became convinced At a late hour of that a mistake was about to be made. It

the night he proceeded to the ship of Eurybiades, where,

urging with more freedom, and in greater detail than he had done in the council, the arguments against the removal of the fleet, he succeeded in persuading Eurybiades to con-

voke another assembly.

The commanders, angry

at the

reopening of a discussion which they had thought closed,

were in no mood to be reasonable. The case was desperate, and Themistocles no longer confined himself to argument. He reminded the assembly that 200 of the ships in the fleet belonged to Athens, and he virtually threatened, in case his advice

was not followed,

to desert the cause of

Greece altogether and to seek, with his countrymen,

homes

in

opponents.

some

distant land.

new

This menace silenced his

Eurybiades, half convinced before, hesitated

THEMISTOCLES

53

no longer; without taking a vote, he issued orders for the fleet to remain and to fight at Salamis. The next day saw the Greeks preparing, however reluctantly, for the coming engagement. But now messengers began coming in from Corinth, representing the distress and anxiety of those who were engaged in defending the isthmus, and urging the assistance of the

men who had

fleet.

objected to the second council

The very

now clamored

met and was characterized by the same turbulent dissensions as the former councils. Themistocles perceiving that the decision of the council would be against him, now had resort to one of those bold measures which he knew how to adopt in time of need. Among his slaves was an Asiatic Greek, a man of address and ability and perfectly acquainted with the Persian tongue. Themistocles secretly dispatched this man with a message to Xerxes, representing the dissensions which prevailed in the Greek fleet, and how easy it would be to surround and vanquish an armament both small and disunited. The slave was instructed particularly to impress upon Xerxes for a third.

It

that Themistocles

was

really at heart favorable to the Per-

sian cause; and, indeed, there

Themistocles was not

now

is

reason to suspect that

actuated wholly by a patriotic

motive, but had an eye to his

own

future standing with

the Persian, in case of the defeat of his countrymen.

However

this

may

be,

it

appears that Xerxes regarded the

message as a friendly one, and was confirmed

in his resolu-

tion to begin the attack without delay.

Meanwhile the debate among the Greeks continued. Themistocles had used every art to protract it and it was long after nightfall before the council broke up, with the

understanding that the debate should be resumed at daybreak.

Before the abandonment of Athens Themistocles had

FOREIGN STATESMEN

54

obtained the passage of a decree recalling citizens

who were

sions, that

Athenian

and naming particularly was from Aristides himself,

in banishment,

his old rival Aristides.

who joined

all

It

the Athenian fleet in the midst of these discus-

he

first

learned of the success of his stratagem.

Aristides announced that the whole Persian fleet

ing in upon the Greeks, and that

darkness that his

it

was

clos-

was only by favor of the

own vessel had been able to elude them,

and the news was soon after confirmed by a Tean ship which had deserted from the enemy. Thus did Themistocles, despite the most violent opposition, decide the place at which the Greek fleet should match its weakness with the strength of the Persian. The result of the engagement fully justified the wisdom of his choice. As he had anticipated, the numbers of the Persian ships, far from adding to their strength, proved a source of weakness.

Salamis have come

Few

down

particulars of the battle of

to us, but the

out prominently that almost from the

first

main

fact stands

determined onset

of the Greeks the Persians were thrown into confusion.

They

had they space in which to manoeuver, and the confusion was augmented by the mistrust with which the motley nations composing the Persian armament regarded one another. The number of ships destroyed and sunk is stated at forty on the side of the Greeks and 200 on that of the Persians. Notwithstanding this signal defeat and loss, the Persian fleet was still formidable in number, while their land The Greeks themforce had suffered hardly any loss. selves did not regard the battle as decisive, and they prepared to renew the combat. But they were saved from this necessity by the pusillanimity of Xerxes. The rage and vexation with which he had witnessed the destruction of his fleet for Xerxes had himself been an eye-witness of neither acted in concert, nor

—

THEMISTOCLES

55

the battle, seated on a lofty throne which he had caused to

be erected on

oiie

Mount

of the projecting declivities of

^Egalecs, opposite Salamis

—soon gave way

sion for his personal safety.

Nor were

to apprehen-

his fears lessened

by a second message which he received from the wily Themistocles to the effect that the Greeks had in mind to send their fleet to break down the bridge over the Hellespont, but that he, Themistocles, was restraining them.

Xerxes

no longer hesitated. He ordered the remnant of his fleet to return at once to Asia, and having left Mardonius with 300,000 self set

men

to complete the conquest of Greece,

out with

all

haste on his

The Greeks pursued

he him-

homeward march.

the Persian fleet as far as the island

of Andros, but without success.

They then turned

attention to the punishment of those islands which

sided with Persia and ;

their

had

now we catch a glimpse of the shady There is reason to on the recreant isl-

side of the character of Themistocles.

believe that instead of imposing fines

ands for the benefit of the public treasury, a large part of the

money he

collected

was

in the

form of bribes

to secure

and went no farther than his own pocket. All Greece now resounded with the praises of Themis-

his protection

The

was universally ascribed to his foresight and conduct and when the Grecian commanders met in the Temple of Neptune on the Isthmus of Corinth, to award the palm of individual merit, though no one was generous enough to resign the first place to another, the most were willing to award the second place to Themistocles. Still higher honors awaited him from Sparta, by no means prone to judge favorably of Athenian merit. He was invited thither, according to Plutarch, to be honored. The Spartans gave him a chaplet of olive leaves the same reward they had bestowed on their own admiral. They added a chariot, and to distintocles.

deliverance just effected ;

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

56

guish him above

all

other foreigners

who had

ever entered

Sparta, they sent an escort of 300 knights to

him on

his return as far as

accompany

Tegea.

In the year following the battle of Salamis, Mardonius

with his 300,000 Persians was defeated by the Spartans

under Pausanias in the decisive battle of Platsea, and Greece was at last and finally relieved from the incubus which had for so many years weighed upon her.

The Athenians now returned and began

to their desolated city,

on a greater

and to fortify it with a wall. Several of the States which dreaded the growing maritime power of Athens, and espeto rebuild

it

scale than before

H^gina, beheld her rising fortifications with dismay. They sought to inspire the Lacedaemonians with their own cially

and to induce them to arrest the work. But though Sparta was herself also distrustful of Athens, she could not well interfere by force to prevent a friendly city from exercising a right which belonged to every free State. Accordingly she assumed the hypocritical character of an adviser and counselor. She represented to Athens the danger which might arise in case of another Persian invasion from the existence in Greece of walled towns in which the enemy might fortify himself, and she urged Athens not merely herself to desist from building a wall, but to help to demolish those which already existed in other towns. The object of this proposal was too transparent to But Athens deceive so acute a statesman as Themistocles. was not yet in a position to incur the danger of openly fears

He, therefore, advised the Athenians to dismiss the Spartan envoys with the assurance that they would send ambassadors to Sparta to explain their views. He then caused himself to be elected one of these ambassarejecting

it.

dors, together with

and

at

once

set

two

others, of

whom one was Aristides,

out for Sparta, directing his colleagues to

THEMISTOCLES

57

On

linger behind as long as possible.

arriving at Sparta

the absence of his colleagues, at which he affected to be

greatly surprised, afforded

him an excuse

demanding an audience of the

for not at once

During the

authorities.

time thus gained the whole population of Athens, of both sexes and of

which,

when

all

ages,

worked night and day upon

the wall,

the loitering ambassadors finally arrived in

was already high enough to afford a tolerable defense. Meanwhile the suspicions of the Spartans had been more than once aroused by messages from the yEginetans respecting the progress of the walls. But Themistocles positively denied their statements, and urged the Sparta,

own

Spartans to send messengers of their learn the true condition of affairs

;

Athens to the same time he

at

to

privately sent instructions to Athens to retain the messengers, as hostages for himself

and

his colleagues.

There Themis-

was now no longer any motive for concealment. tocles threw off the mask and openly avowed the progress of the works, and declared that Athens henceforward would be her own mistress and would consult her own interests. As the works were too far advanced now to be easily taken Sparta was obliged to acquiesce, and the works were completed without further hindrance. Themistocles

now resumed

makIt was

his favorite project of

ing Athens the greatest maritime power in Greece.

necessary to this end that she should have a fine harbor, as well as ships.

The open roadstead

unsuited to this purpose.

of

Phalerum was

Already he had persuaded

his

countrymen to improve the natural basin of the Piraeus; but the works begun had been destroyed by the Persians. He now resumed this scheme and on a more magnificent scale. This partly artificial harbor was surrounded with a wall as large as that of the city itself and of a much greater height, and by two long walls

it

was connected with

FOREIGN STATESMEN

58 the city, which

was three miles

distant

from

it.

The design

in building the walls of the Piraeus of extra height

was

that

might be defended by the boys and old men. It seems, however, to have been found impracticable to carry out fully the magnificent project of Themisin time of siege they

tocles. feet,

The

walls rose only to the height of about sixty

or half of the intended height; but even thus they

formed a splendid monument to their projector. Themistocles becomes henceforward less prominent in Athenian politics, for he is no longer the sole director of affairs.

Aristides, his old rival, has recovered fully the

esteem and confidence of the Athenians, and renders eminent service, particularly as

commander of

the

fleet.

He

has abandoned his former hostility to Themistocles, and

two usually work together harmoniously. But in Cimon and Alcmseon, Themistocles has two violent and able opponents, though these, too, are working in their own way to build up and consolidate the great mr ritime power of Athens of which he had laid the foundation. The the

causes which contributed to the downfall of Themistocles

appear to have been various, and they have never been very

Foremost among them seems to have been the offence which he gave the Athenians by his ostenHe was continually boasting of his tation and vanity. services to the State; and the immense wealth which he took no pains to conceal, had notoriously been amassed by dishonest means by the barter of his services in cases where the interest of the State had been made quite suborFurthermore, the Spartans never fordinate to his own. gave him for the trick he had played upon them in the matter of the wall, and their influence at Athens was directed clearly ascertained.

—

steadily against him.

The

effect of the various influences

which were brought against him was to embitter factional

.

THEMISTOCLES strife in

Athens

to such

an extent that

59 it

was found neceswas ban-

sary to resort to the ostracism, and Themistocles ished for a term of years

(

B. C. 47 1

)

Themistocles retired to Argos, and here he had remained for four or five years, when the Lacedaemonians discovered evidence of a treasonable correspondence be-

tween him and Pausanias, and called upon the Athenians to prosecute their great statesman before a synod of the allies assembled at Sparta. To- escape arrest and trial, which in the present excited state of the public mind, consequent on the discovery of the treason of Pausanias,

would almost certainly have resulted in his condemnation and death, Themistocles fled from Argos to Corcyra. The Corcyreans, however willing, were unable to shelter him from the united power of Athens and Sparta, and he

The Moloscoast, were now

crossed over to the opposite shore of Epirus. sians,

the most powerful people of this

ruled over by a

King named Admetus, whom Themistocles

day of his power had thwarted in a suit before the Athenians, and had added insult to disappointment. Themistocles now took the desperate resolution of throwing Fortuhimself upon the mercy of his personal enemy. in the

King was absent when he arrived a suppliant at his gate, and the Oueen of Admetus, whose womanly compassion stifled all feeling of resentment, received him nately the

and instructed him how to act in order to disarm the resentment of her husband and to secure his protection. When the King returned he found Themistocles seated at his hearth holding the young Prince, whom the Queen had kindly,

placed in his hands.

among

all

nations.

The claims of hospitality are sacred The King was touched he raised the ;

suppliant with assurance of protection, which he fulfilled

when

the Athenian and Spartan commissioners followed

;

FOREIGN STATESMEN

6o

the fugitive to his mansion, by refusing to surrender his

King Admetus afterward furnished Themistocles with the means of effecting his escape to Persia. Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, was now upon the throne of Persia, and to him Themistocles hastened to

guest.

announce himself by a

letter, in

which he claimed a reward

for his past services in favoring the escape of Xerxes, and*

promised to effect much for the interest of Persia, if a year were given him for perfecting his plans. The King wel-

comed the arrival of his granted him the requested

illustrious guest

and readily

In the course of the

delay.

much

year Themistocles had learned so

of the Persian

language and customs as to be able to communicate personally with the King, and to acquire his confidence. No Greek, says Thucydides, had ever before attained such a

commanding

influence

and position

His ingenuity was now displayed

at the Persian court.

in laying out

schemes

for the subjugation of Greece to Persia, which were emi-

who rewarded him with a Persian wife and large presents, sending him down to Magnesia, near the Ionian coast. The revenues of the

nently captivating to the monarch,

round that town were assigned to him for bread those of the neighboring seaport of Mylus for articles of condiment, and those of Lampsacus for wine. This was the Persian way of assigning revenues. Though we have no means of determining the amount of the income thus received by Themistocles, it was doubtless princely. How long his residence at Magnesia lasted we do not know. It was here that he died of sickness, sometime between the years B. C. 460 and 447, at the age of sixty-five, without having accomplished any of those plans which he had district

concerted with the Persian King. It is

unnecessary to add to what has already been said

of the character of Themistocles.

Nor

are

comments

-.IV.

THEMISTOCLES

61

needed on the baseness of his conduct in the closing years The spectacle is one of the* most painful in the of his life.

showed some signs of remorse, and that he requested to have his

pages of history.

It is said

that near his end he

remains secretly conveyed to Attica.

tomb was pointed out within the erally believed to

ants continued in ileges in

In later years a

which was genHis descendbe that of Themistocles. the time of Plutarch to enjoy some privPiraeus,

Magnesia, but neither they nor his posterity at

Athens ever revived the

luster of his

name.

PERICLES B. C. 495-429

THE INTELLECTUAL SUPREMACY OF ATHENS The

public life of Pericles, the great statesman of

Athens, whose name

is

inseparably connected with the

most intellectual period in the history, not merely of his own, but of any country, began about the time when Themistocles was ostracised and Aristides was passing from the stage of Athenian politics. Pericles must have been then quite young, since he maintained a position of great influence and afterward of unrivaled control in Athens for the long period of nearly forty years.

In politics Pericles was the successor of Themistocles,

adopting his broad views and espousing the cause of the

democracy; but in character he more nearly resembled Through the whole of his long career his proAristides. bity in

He

money matters was never

entered upon public

life

assailed successfully.

with a mind stored with the

which the age afforded, and with the additional advantage of an eloquence such, we are told, as no one before had either heard or conceived. One drawback, best philosophy

as Plutarch tells us, rendered

him

at first timid in appear-

ing before the popular Assembly, and this was that his

countenance strongly resembled that of Pisistratus, which led him to dread being ostracised. Before taking up the story of Pericles, to

go back a

One

little

way

it

will be well

in the history of Athens.

of the defensive measures adopted by the Greeks

against the Persians, after the final withdrawal of the 62

lat-

PERICLES

63

from Greece in B. C. 479, was the formation of a league consisting of the Ionian Islands and some other maritime States, which came to be known as the “Confederacy of Delos,” from its being arranged that the allies belonging to it should meet periodically in the Temple of Apollo and Artemis on that island. Aristides, who at this time commanded the Athenian fleet, had been active in forming the League, and it was arranged that Athens, as the leading maritime power, should be recognized as its head. Each ter

State

w as assessed in a certain contribution either of money T

or ships, as proposed by the Athenians and accepted by the assembled delegates.

The common

treasury was at

Delos.

League Aristides was succeeded in the command of the Athenian fleet by Cimon, During the the son of Miltiades, the hero of Marathon.

Soon

after the formation of this

ensuing four or

five

years several successes against the

Persians, on the coast of Thrace

and of Asia, were obtained by the allied fleet under Cimon, the most notable being the defeat (B. C. 466) of a Persian fleet of 200 vessels near the mouth of the river Eurymedon, in Pamphilia, and on the same day a land victory over the Persian army which was drawn up on shore to protect the fleet. These successes of Cimon gained him great credit at Athens. He became the undisputed leader of the aristocratic party of Athens, and it was against him that Pericles found himself pitted upon his first entrance into public life. No two persons could have been more unlike than Though leaders of the they in character and disposition. Aristocrats, Cimon was in his intercourse with the people He was generous, the much more democratic of the two. affable, magnificent, and of exceedingly popular manners. He employed the vast wealth acquired in his expeditions He in adorning Athens and gratifying his fellow citizens.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

64

kept open house for such of his neighbors as were in want,

and when he appeared in public he was attended by welldressed slaves who were directed to exchange their garments for the threadbare clothing of needy citizens. But he was untaught in music or letters, and possessed the Spartan aversion to rhetoric and philosophy. Pericles, on the other hand, was inclined to be distant and reserved in his demeanor. He was indefatigable in his attention to public business, but he went little into society and made no special effort to render himself popular

with his fellow-

His delight was in the converse of intellectual persons of Anaxagoras, from whom he acquired a tinge of physical philosophy, that armed him against many of the popular superstitions of the day; of Zeno and the musician, Damon, and above all, later in life, the engaging and cultivated Aspasia. In the management of his household affairs, while not parsimonious, he was rigidly economical, the produce of his lands being all sold and his house being supplied by purchase in the market. Such were the two leaders who now found themselves citizens.

—

opposed to each other, one as the leader of the Aristocratic or Conservative,

and the other of the expanding and

aggressive Democratical party.

The founding

of the Athenian democracy has been

described in the article on Solon.

Clisthenes, after the

expulsion of the Pisistratids from Athens, some thirty years before the time

we

are

now

considering, had ren-

more democratic by removing the restriction which excluded the fourth and poorest class of the citizens from the archonship and other magistracies, and rendering every Athenian eligible Still, it is probable to any and every office in the State. that the advantage thus secured by the people was more dered the Athenian constitution

nominal than

real, for it

still

can bardly be supposed that so

— PERICLES long as the

offices

were

filled

by

65

election, .a

poor and obscure

citizen stood a chance of attaining to any position of impor-

But about this time another change was introduced whether by Pericles or not, is uncertain whereby the Archons were chosen by lot instead of by vote, though under restrictions such that no unworthy man could compete for the high honor successtance in the government.

—

—

fully.

From

and other indications it is evident that the Democratic sentiment in Athens was on the increase. The people were demanding and were obtaining a larger share in the government, and the exclusive power of the highborn and wealthy was on the wane. The splendid achievements of the fleet, which was looked upon as a creation of this

the people, fostered this sentiment. izen of

of his

The

Even

the poorest

cit-

Athens was stimulated by that increase in the power city, to which he had himself directly contributed.

old and unprogressive Aristocracy

was looked upon

by the great mass of the people as a relic of by-gone days a hindrance to the growth of the new Athens which they were creating. Pericles appeared as the champion of this aggressive popular party. The first public measure with which his name is connected was aimed and successfully

—

—

at the

very stronghold of the Aristocracy

The

—the Senate

attack upon this institution

was

accompanied with other important occurrences, which

it is

of the Areopagus.

necessary

The

now

to relate.

members of the Confederacy of Delos, disaffected by the growing power of Athens, revolted against her authority, and Cimon was The sent in B. C. 465 to restore the island to its duty. Thasians secretly applied to Sparta to make a diversion Island of Thasos, one of the

by invading Attica and though the Spartans ostensibly allied with Athens, they were base

in their favor

were

still

Voi,. 7

—5

;

FOREIGN STATESMEN

66

enough

to

comply with

this

Their intended

request.

treachery was, however, prevented by a terrible calamity.

In the year B. C. 464 their capital was laid in ruins by an earthquake, by which were killed 20,000 of the citizens, besides a large

engaged

body of

who were gymnastic exercises. The

their chosen youth,

in a building in their

earthquake was immediately followed by a revolt of the Helots, who, after having been repulsed in an attempt to

take Sparta, retired into Messenia,, and fortified themselves

upon Mount Ithome.

Unsuccessful in their attempts to take this stronghold, the Spartans called for aid upon

some of

among the rest upon the Athenians. The popular sentiment at Athens was the Spartans, and prevailed

it

was with great

their allies,

strongly against

difficulty that

upon the Athenians to send

Cimon

to their assistance

a body of 4,000 heavy-armed infantry, of which he himself took command. This little expedition, besides leading to other important consequences, was the immediate cause of the downfall of Cimon,

who had 1

already begun

to lose his popularity at Athens, for not having conducted

Thasos with his usual brilliancy. The Athenians failed to> take Ithome, as had been expected of them from their acknowledged superiority in attacking fortified places, and the Spartans, suspecting treachery, curtly informed them that they were no longer needed, and sent them home. The insult thus offered to Athens was charged directly Pericles took to Cimon, as the proposer of the expedition. advantage of the popular resentment against him and his party to bring forward the measure, already mentioned, the affair of

directed against the Senate of the Areopagus. This ancient

made up of ex-Archons and therefore entirely aristocratic, was a sort of Supreme Court in Athens. Bebody,

PERICLES sides its judicial functions,

it

67

exercised a general censor-

ship over the lives and occupations of the citizens.

It

was

charged that the Areopagus was, open to corrupt influences, whether rightly or wrongly. At any rate, it had

become hateful

and they determined to- clip its authority. Pericles led the attack upon it. The fight was bitter and stormy but it ended in a democratic victory. The Areopagus, stripped of all its judicial authorto the people,

;

except in certain trival cases, was

ity,

shadow of

its

left

with but a

former influence and power.

In the violence of party feeling resulting from this struggle, resort

condemned Pericles

was had

to

ostracism, and

Cimon was

to a ten years’ banishment.

had now

upon

fairly entered

tration of the affairs of Athens.

The

his long adminis-

effect of his acces-

power soon became apparent in the foreign relations of the city. He had succeeded to the political principles of Themistocles. He aimed to render Athens the leading power in Greece. Already the Confederacy of Delos had made her supreme upon the sea. Pericles now took measIn two ures to increase her influence also upon the land. ways this object might be attained first, by alliances with other states, and, second, by enlarging the territories of Athens by means of colonies. Both measures were adopted. Sparta was the only rival whom Athens had sion to

;

to fear.

In the state of feeling aroused

among

the Athen-

by the insult offered them by Sparta, Pericles easily persuaded them to renounce their alliance with that state and to join themselves to her bitterest enemies. Argos had taken advantage of the embarrassment caused Sparta by the revolt of the Helots to reassert actively her old claim to leadership in Peloponnesus, and with Argos an ians

was now formed by Athens, which was joined also by the Thessalians. Athens also contracted an alliance

alliance

watching the increasing power of their old rival with jealousy and fear. But though the yEginetans received some

some small states of Peloponnesus, the Spartans, hampered by their own difficulties, rendered them no assistance, and the Athenians were victorious. They captured the fleet of iEgina, and landing a large force on the island, laid siege to the capital. About this time (B. C. 458-457) the Athenians, chiefly through the advice of Pericles, began the construction of the “long walls,” which connected Athens with the ports of the Piraeus and Phalerum. This work was in continuation of the plan of fortification by which Themistocles had sought to render the maritime power of Athens wholly unassailable, and it was doubtless suggested at this time by the anticipation that Sparta, though temporarily weakened by her domestic troubles, would ultimately join the confederacy which was arrayed against Athens. The That building of these walls was a gigantic undertaking. which led to Phalerum was four miles in length, and that This poputo the Piraeus was four and a half miles long. lar measure was violently opposed by the aristocratic aid from Corinth and

party, but without success.

The next important event to be noted is the battle of Tanagra. The Spartans, now thoroughly alarmed by the obvious designs of Athens, seized upon a pretext to send

an armed force into Boeotia, which was employed in restoring the power of the Thebans, who had lost much of their influence through the attitude taken

sian war.

Some members

by Thebes

in the Per-

of the aristocratic party in

Athens took the occasion traitorously to send to the Spar-

ATHENIANS

THE 900

i

Copyright,

ADDRESSING

PERICLES

;

PERICLES tans a request to

69

march upon Athens and stop the work

upon the long walls. The Spartans listened to the proposal, and took up a position at Tanagra, on the border of Attica.

ered

it

The Athenians

consequence.

suspected treachery, and consid-

The battle of Tanagra was the The small army of the Athenians was led person. The battle was a hotly contested

high time to

act.

by Pericles in one, and the advantage rested

finally

with the Spartans

was not great enough to warrant them in invading Attica, but it allowed them to retire unmolested .their success

still,

into Peloponnesus.

Previously to the engagement at Tanagra the ostracised

Cimon presented

himself before the Athenian army,

and begged to be allowed to fight in the ranks, as a volunteer. His request was not granted; but the incident created so strong a sentiment in his favor, that soon after this his ostracism

was revoked, the decree

for this purpose

being proposed by Pericles himself.

Within two months after tjie battle of Tanagra the Athenians marched into Boeotia and reversed all of the arrangements of the Spartans, driving out the aristocrats from Thebes, and establishing there a democratic govern-

—

—

For a time a short time only the power of Athens was supreme from the gulf of Corinth to the northment.

ern border of Thessaly.

The

building of the long walls

was completed. The conquest of Angina was effected, and this island became a dependency of Athens. About this time occurred a cessation of hostilities with Persia. Ever since the battle of Salamis a war with Persia had been carried on by Athens, as the head of the Confederacy of Delos, for the most part of the time in a desultory manner, and not always with complete success. last

The

important incident of the war was the sending of an

expedition, consisting of

200

ships, to Cyprus,

which

FOREIGN STATESMEN

7o

Cimon, who died, either of disease or of a wound, during the progress of the siege of a town on the island. His successor in command gained a great victory over the Persian fleet and a pacification with Persia followed, which is sometimes called, though improperly, “the peace of Cimon.” proved

fatal to its leader,

;

In the course of the war with Persia great changes

were gradually effected in the constitution of the Confederacy of Delos, all of which strengthened the hands of Athens.

Many

of the smaller islands belonging

fi>

the

commuted their required contribution of ships into Even the custody of the funds of a payment of money. the league was transferred from the island of Delos to Athens a change which marked the complete subjugation league

—

of the confederates of Athens, and one important conse-

quence of which will be seen presently.

At

the time of

—

war with Persia three states only Chios, Lesbos, and Samos still retained their independence. The rest had become tributary to> Athens, forming practically parts of an Athenian Empire to the growth of which their own supineness had contributed. Though the purthe close of the

—

pose for which the league had been formed disappeared

with the conclusion of peace with Persia, the contributions

—

were still levied regularly were even increased in amount and these levies went into the treasury of Athens. Athens now stood at the height of her political supremacy. But the land portion of her Empire quickly crumbled into pieces. First came a revolution in Boeotia, which deprived her of her ascendency in that country.

—

Then followed

in quick succession a revolt in the island of

Euboea and another in Megara.

Pericles himself led an

army to quell the Euboean revolt; but he was quickly called home to repel a threatened invasion of Attica itself by the The Spartans, led by their youthful King, Plestonax.

PERICLES Spartans and their Eleusis,

and

is

it

allies

Pericles

now

On

was bribing the Spartan King and his

returned to Euboea, which he con-

quered and apportioned

among Athenian

was the only revolted

this

all

actually advanced as far as

said that their further advance

arrested only by Pericles adviser.

7i

sides hostility

colonists.

But

which was recovered. to Athens was displaying itself, of territory

which Sparta was the moving spirit. In this condition of affairs the Athenians were induced (in B. C. 445) to conclude with Sparta a truce of thirty years. of this treaty the Athenians abandoned

By

the terms

the acquisitions

all

which they had made in Peloponnesus, and left Megara to be included among the Spartan allies. The political Empire of Athens having become thus seriously impaired, Pericles

and systematically character.

to rear for

now

work purposely her an Empire of a different set to

He resolved to adorn Athens with magnificent

buildings and with other works of art, befitting her sta-

an imperial city, and calculated by their splendor to impose upon the imaginations of her subjects and allies, and to convey the impression of a greater power than really tion as

she possessed.

And

he not only accomplished

this design,

but aided by talent of extraordinary originality and

brilli-

ancy, he succeeded in an incredibly short time in enriching

Athens with buildings and sculptures which have been the models, as well as the admiration, of

all

the subsequent

ages.

The means by which was accomplished were such as ated

—

—

if

the truth

must be

can, in these days, hardly be

honorable.

told,

this great

work

nothing extenu-

approved as

strictly

Pericles simply embezzled the funds belong-

ing to the Confederacy of Delos, the treasury of which, as has before been stated,

was now

at Athens.

in this treasury a large surplus, since for

There was

some years ex-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

72

war purposes had almost entirely ceased, and the amount of the annual contributions was about 600 talents, or something like 700,000 dollars. It was with this money that Pericles now set to work to penditure for

strengthen and adorn the imperial

The

city.

proposal of Pericles to use this fund for a purpose

entirely

foreign

to

that

for

which

it

was designed,

met with violent opposition from the aristocratic party. Cimon, great leader of this party, was now dead. The party itself was decidedly in the minority. But it found a new and able leader in Thucydides not the historian, but a member of the same family who for a time succeeded in opposing a stout resistance to a design which he stigmatized as dishonest and calculated to disgrace Athens iii the eyes of Greece. In the violence of party feeling recourse was had to the usual expedient. Thucydides was ostracised, probably about two years after the

naturally

— —

conclusion of the thirty years’ truce with Sparta. Pericles

was now

left free to

carry out his design. Dur-

ing the fourteen years which elapsed until the breaking out of the long war with Sparta and her

power great work

allies, his

Athens was practically absolute. The first which he induced the people to undertake was the building of a third, or intermediate wall, running parallel with the at

first

feet.

wall to the Piraeus, and distant from

it

about 150

In time the inner sides of these two walls became

and booths; and this long, straight street, leading from the town to the port, became a favorite promenade of the Athenians. At the same time the town of the Piraeus itself was laid out with new streets, running at right angles with each other. Apparently this was something new in Greece, the towns generally, and Athens itself in particular, being built without any attempt at regularity, their streets being both crooked and narrow. lined with buildings

PERICLES

73

And, indeed, Athens, notwithstanding the magnificence of its public edifices, was even in its best days one of the most slovenly of cities. Its private dwellings had mostly but a single story, and were without windows looking toward the street; even the thoroughfares were narrow, and the streets were never lighted and there was no attempt at drainage.

But the buildings erected on the Acropolis were the real glory of the Periclean age. This was a nearly rectangular rocky eminence, rising with precipitous sides to a height of about 150 feet, with a flat summit of about 1,000 feet in length from east to west, and 500 feet broad from north to south.

It

was The Acropolis had

stood nearly at the center of the

enclosed by the walls of Themistocles.

city,

as

it

whole of Athens but in process of time buildings had sprung up around its base, and since the destruction of the city by the Persians no private buildings had been erected upon it. On its eastern slope was the theater of Dionysus, a work begun ten years before the invasion of Greece by Darius, and which occupied 160 It was built in the form of a semiyears in its completion. originally been the

circle,

;

the central part being hollowed out of the rock

was capable The of accommodating the whole population of Athens. first work of Pericles was a new and smaller theater, called itself, its

stone seats rising in terraces, and

it

the Odeon, built by the side of the older, and designed for musical

and

poetical

Panathenaic solemnity.

representations

at

the great

His next great work was the

splendid temple of Athene, or Minerva, called the Parthe-

non, with

all its

masterpieces and

Lastly were

reliefs.

erected the costly portals which formed the entrance to the

Acropolis, on the western side of the

hill,

through which

the solemn processions on festive days were conducted.

Progress was also

made

in restoring, or reconstructing,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

74

the Erechtheum, or ancient temple of Athene, which had

been burnt in the invasion of Xerxes. out of the Peloponnesian war seems to

But the breaking have prevented the

completion of this work, as well as of the great temple of

Demeter (Ceres),

at Eleusis, for the celebration of the

Eleusinian mysteries, which

work

also

was projected by

Pericles.

Equally memorable with the architecture was the sculpture which adorned the Acropolis. statues, all

by the hand of Phidias and

portions.

First there

was

There were three all

of colossal pro-

in the cella of the Parthenon a

Athene forty-seven feet high, all the exposed parts of which were of ivory, instead of marble, while the flowing robe and ornaments were of solid gold. There was a second, of bronze, called the Lemnian Athene, and a third, also in bronze, called Athene Promachos, which stood in the open air between the portal of the Acropolis and the Parthenon, and which was visible to navigators approaching Athens from sea. statue of

It is not, of course, to Pericles alone that the

glory of

While he conceived the project of their creation and found the funds necessary for carrying it out, he would have been

these splendid productions of art belongs.

powerless without the aid of the great artists

who

designed

and executed them, and who were themselves a product of that same period of expanding and stimulating democracy, which called forth a similar creative genius in oratory, dramatic poetry and philosophical speculation. Other measures which Pericles at this time adopted for increasing the power and prestige of Athens was the sending out of colonies to the Thracian Chersonese, to Naxos and other islands but these measures, important at the time, have little interest for us now, and may be dismissed ;

with a bare mention.

Nor was

the period

we

are

now

PERICLES

75

engaged upon entirely one of peace for Athens. The most important event in the external history of Athens at time was the defection of the island of Samos, an important member of the Confederacy of Delos, which this

had refused to submit

Athens in a quarrel with the Milesians, and to reduce which to' submission required the sending of two armaments, at different times, both commanded by Pericles. The successful conclusion of the

to the arbitration of

Samian war was the occasion of a

funeral oration by Pericles as a tribute to the Athenians

who had

perished in the war, and which

is

described as

one of the masterpieces of his oratory. We are approaching now the close of the career of this The causes which led to greatest of Athenian statesmen. the interruption of the thirty-years’ truce and the breaking

out of the Peloponnesian war need not be narrated in detail.

It will

be enough to say that Sparta,

who had

all

along been restive under the rising glory of Athens, availed

an occurrence which might be construed into an infraction of the terms of the truce by Athens an inter-

herself of

—

ference by Athens in an affair between Corinth and the island of Corcyra

—to

lodged with her against Athens, and a declaration of war.

which were to decide upon

listen to complaints finally

Before taking

this step,

however,

she sent a delegation to Athens, designed insidiously to

undermine the power of Pericles. Pericles was connected on his mother’s side with the family of the Alcmaeonids, who had long been under a ban in Greece, because of the sacrilege, committed nearly two centuries before this time by their ancestor Megacles, who had caused the adherents of Cylon to be slaughtered in the temple of Athene, on the Acropolis at Athens. tans

now demanded

deliver themselves

The Spar-

of the Athenians that they should

from

this “abomination.”

They can

FOREIGN STATESMEN

76

hardly have expected that Athens would consent to bamish her great statesman, but they

the

demand would

knew

that at any rate

afford opportunity for his enemies to

vent their spite against him and a pretext for holding him

up as the cause of the impending war. To this extent their scheme was successful, for Pericles, despite the great work which he had done and was doing for Athens, had many enemies, who now, emboldened by the backing of Sparta, came forward to make charges against him. They assailed him through his private connections, and even attacked his established reputation for probity on a flimsy charge of peculation. The relations of the beautiful and cultured Aspasia with Pericles are fully treated of in another place in these

The

volumes.*

philosopher Anaxagoras was another intimate of Pericles.

Both

of

dicted

dear

these

by the

comic

friends

poet

of

Pericles

Hermippus

on

were

in-

charge

a

dragged before the AthenAnaxagoras prudently fled ian judicial tribunal. from Athens and thus probably escaped a fate which later overtook the venerable Socrates. But Aspasia of

impiety,

and

were

appeared before the judges, and Pericles conducted her defence.

It is said that

on

this occasion the cold

and some-

what haughty statesman was seen for the first time to shed tears. His appeal to the judges was successful; Aspasia was acquitted. But another trial awaited him. A charge was brought against the artist Phidias of having embezzled some of the gold intended to adorn the statue of Athene, Pericles himself being implicated in the charge.

tunately the gold

was

so affixed to the statue that

it

Forcould

be removed and weighed, so that the truth of the charge

was

easily disproved.

But Phidias was not so fortunate

with respect to another charge

Famous Women

of the

—

World.

that of impiety, because

PERICLES

77

he had introduced among the figures which adorned the shield of Athene portraits of himself and Pericles. Phidias was thrown into prison, where he died before the day set for his trial. After some preliminary hostilities between the Thebans and Platseans, in which Athens became involved, the great war, which was to last for thirty years and was to end in the complete humiliation of Athens,

was

at

begun by the invasion of Attica by the Spartans and their allies, led by the Spartan King Archidalength

mus, 431.

fairly

in the early part of the

Upon

with the

summer

of the year B. C.

the approach of the Spartan army, which,

allies

included, consisted at the lowest estimate

men, the whole population of Attica took refuge, with all their movable effects, within the walls of the city. This was done on the instruction of Pericles, who had determined to act strictly on the defensive, so far as land operations were concerned. Archidamus advanced slowly, ravaging the country through which he passed, in the hope of provoking the Athenians to leave their stronghold and engage in battle, and finally he encamped within sight of the city. But no provocation could induce the Athenians to break away from the orders of Pericles. He, however, soothed their impatience of his defensive plan of campaign by sending a large fleet to Archidamus reravage the coast of Peloponnesus. mained in Attica no longer than until midsummer, when of 60,000

Pericles he returned home and disbanded his army. now issued forth at the head of a considerable army and took vengeance on the Megarans, ravaging their counThus ended the first try up to the very gates of the city.

campaign.

Toward

the winter Pericles delivered, from a lofty

platform erected for the purpose, a funeral oration of

FOREIGN STATESMEN

78

those

who had

This speech, or at all has been preserved by Thucy-

fallen in the war.

events the substance of

it,

may have heard it pronounced. It is a valuable monument of eloquence and patriotism, and dides,

who

possibly

from the sketch it contains of the growth of the Athenian Constitution, and because in it Pericles also gives an exposition of what had been his own policy. Plato states that this famous oration was written by Aspasia. is

particularly interesting

In the spring of the next year the Peloponnesians

under Archidamus, again invaded Attica. And now a new and more terrible enemy appeared within the very walls of the city. A few days after Archidamus entered Attica a pestilence, or epidemic sickness, suddenly broke out in Athens. It appears that this terrible disorder had been raging for some time around the shores of the Mediterranean, having been brought originally, it was thought, through Egypt from Ethiopia. The crowded and doubtless filthy state of Athens rendered the epidemic which is now believed from descriptions of its symptoms and effects to have been an eruptive typhoid

—

fever—particularly virulent. The progress of the disease was as rapid and destructive as its appearance had been sudden. No treatment or remedy appeared to produce any beneficial effect, and the physicians, while trying in vain their customary means, soon ended by catching the malady themselves and perishing. Every man attacked by the disease, we are told, at once lost courage, and lay down to die without the least attempt to seek for any preservatives. And though at first friends and relatives lent their aid to tend the sick with the usual family

sympathies, yet so terrible was the

tendants

who

that at length

number

of these at-

perished “like sheep” from such contact,

no man would expose

himself,

and the

sick

PERICLES

79

were left to perish unattended and helpless. The dead and the dying-, it has been said by Thucydides, who was an eye-witness, lay piled upon one another, not merely in the public roads, but even in the temples. The numerous bodies thus unburied were in such condition that the dogs which meddled with them died in consequence, and no vultures or other birds of prey would touch them. Those bodies which escaped entire neglect were burnt or buried without the customary mourning and with unseemly carelessness. In some cases the bearers of a body, passing a funeral pile on which another body was burning, would put their own there to be burnt also; or, perhaps if the pile was prepared for a body not yet arrived,

would deposit

own upon it, set fire to the From accounts such as these we

their

and then depart. may form some idea of the depth of the gloom and heartless desperation brought upon the city by this terrible pile

visitation.

The numbers

carried off

by the pestilence can hardly

than one-fourth of the population. Such, at least, was the ascertained percentage among the knights, while among the poor the victims must have been proportionately even more numerous.

have been

less

In spite of the ravages of the plague, the war was still prosecuted on the same plan as in the preceding year. expedition was fitted out by the Athenians, of which Pericles took command in person, to divert the attention

An

Archidamus by ravaging the coast of Peloponnesus. Upon returning from this expedition, Pericles found at Athens a state of so great despondency that he convoked of

a public assembly, for the purpose of vindicating his conBut duct and encouraging the citizens to persevere.

though he succeeded the war with vigor,

in persuading

many of the

them

citizens

still

to

prosecute

continued to

FOREIGN STATESMEN

So

harbor resentment against him.

His

political

enemies

took advantage of this feeling to bring against him a charge of peculation, with the object of incapacitating

him for holding his office of strategus, or general. He was brought before the judges on this charge and was sentenced to pay a heavy fine; but eventually a strong reaction took place in his favor. He was re-elected general and apparently regained all his former influence. But he was not long to enjoy this renewal of his popularity. His end was drawing near. Among the victims of the plague were not only many intimate and dear friends, but also several members of his own family, among whom were his sister, and his only two legitimate sons, Xanthippus and Paralus. The latter was an especial favorite with his father, and his loss was a severe blow to him. Pericles was now left without an heir.

By

Aspasia he had, however, an illegitimate son,

who

own name. The Athenians, touched by his famdesolation, now gave him permission to legitimize

bore his ily

though

doing they were obliged to set aside a law of his own proposal, which debarred of citizenship any one who was not an Athenian on both his father’s and his mother’s side. Pericles lived about one year after his reinstatement as General, and seems to have retained his influence so long as his health permitted him to engage in public affairs. But we hear nothing further of him. He fell a victim not of the epidemic, but of a lingering fever, which undermined his strength, as well as his capacity. It is related that during his last moments, when he was lying apparently unconscious, friends who were gathered round his bed were passing in review the acts of his life, and mentioned the nine trophies he had erected at differthis son,

ent times for so

in so

many

victories.

He

heard what they

6

PERICLES

8,

though they fancied he was past hearing, and interrupted them by remarking: “What you praise in my life belongs partly to good fortune, and is at best common to me with many other generals. But the peculiarity of which I am the most proud, you have not noticed. It is, that no Athenian has ever put on mourning on my said,

account.”

The

character of Pericles has been variously pre-

sented by different writers, both ancient and modern.

His long-continued ascendency

in

Athens and

his final

almost absolute control of her people sufficiently attest his political sagacity

That

and the persuasive power

of his elo-

measures were beneficial, to Athens may be questioned. That the general result of his long administration redounded to her glory, there is quence.

no need

to say.

Vol.

7

—

all

of his

,

,

,

CATO B. C. 234-149

THE GREAT ROMAN CONSERVATIVE Marcus Portius Cato, surnamed the Censor, from the severity with which he discharged the duties of that office, and known also as Prisons the Ancient and Major the Elder, to distinguish him from his great-grandson, who died at Utica, is one of the most strongly-marked characters in Roman history. A countryman and a Plebeian, brought up to habits of strict frugality and naturally of a severe conservative temperament, Cato prided himself in

when

was fast giving way to the allurements of Eastern luxury and vice, the simplicity and stern probity of the Italian of the olden times. His long life was spent in an ineffectual effort to stay the tide of innovation, and especially of political corruption which had set in unavoidably as soon as Rome maintaining, at a time

his country

began to enlarge the field of her activity and extend the range of her experience. Cato was born at Tusculum, B. C. 234. From his father he inherited a small farm in the Sabine country, and here the years of his youth were passed.

He

soon

left his

farm, however, to give his services to his country, in the

war with Hannibal. At the age of seventeen he joined the army of Fabius Maximus, while it was besieging Five years later he fought under the same com-

Capua.

mander

at the siege of

Tarentum.

It is said that after the

capture of this town he formed the acquaintance of the

Pythagorean Nearchus, by principles

whom

he was instructed in the

and mysteries of that system of philosophy.

COPYRIGHT,

1900

"MM

S.

J.

FERRIS.

PlNX

CATO BESET BY THE ROMAN WOMEN

CATO

§3

After the close of the war Cato returned to his Sabine farm. Of his life here during the next few years we are

One of who had

afforded some interesting glimpses.

bors was Manius Curius Dentatus,

his neigh-

frequently

triumphed over the Sabines and Samnites and had finally driven Pyrrhus out of Italy. This old Roman Com-

mander was now

humble cottage on a small farm, and Cato, who paid him frequent visits, was deeply impressed by his unostentatious life and his frugal management of his little estate. He made his illustrious neighbor his adviser and model. He reduced his own expenses, retrenched all superfluity, and devoted himself living in a

with ardor to the economical management of his

little

farm.

In the morning he went to the neighboring towns

to plead

and defend the causes of those who applied

for assistance.

Then he returned

to

him

to his fields, where,

with a plain cloak over his shoulders in winter and almost

summer, he worked with his servants till they had completed their tasks, after which all sat down to the table together, partaking of the same frugal fare and drinking the same wine. Another neighbor of Cato was L. Valerius Flaccus, naked

in

a powerful

came

member

of the Patrician order.

interested in the sturdy

Flaccus be-

young farmer and advo-

and recognizing his exceptional abilties, persuaded him to remove to Rome, promising him his influence and Accordingly, Cato left his Sabine farm, and patronage. cate,

Here he devoted himself to the practice of law, and, though without any advantages save his native talent and the generous aid of Flaccus, he quickly won for himself, by his conspicuous probity and high standard of morality, as well as by fluency and force as a speaker, a place of distinction in the took up his residence in the capital.

forum.

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

84

Cato’s forensic success introduced

In due course of time he gift of the State.

As

filled all

him

into public

life.

the high offices in the

Quaestor he accompanied Scipio

Africanus to Africa, and was present at the battle of Zama.

Five years

later, after

having

filled

the office of ZEdile, he

was elected Praetor, and the province of Sardinia fell to him by lot. His integrity and justice in the discharge of this office brought him into favorable contrast with those who had preceded him, and added to his rising reputation.

In B. C. 195, at the age of thirty-nine, Cato was elected Consul, his colleague in office being his friend, Valerius

His first act as Consul was eminently Catonian an opposition, though an ineffectual one, to the repeal of the Oppian Law. This law, enacted during the time of public distress consequent on the invasion of Italy by Hannibal, forbade any woman to have in her dress over a half-ounce of gold, or to wear a garment of different colors, or to ride in a carriage drawn by two horses in the city or in any town, or within a mile of it, except upon the occasion of Flaccus.

a public

sacrifice.

in restraint the quell ince.

into

After his unsuccessful attempt to keep

Roman

ladies,

Cato

set

out for Spain, to

an insurrection which had broken out in that provWith newly-raised troops, which he soon converted

an

efficient

army, he quickly reduced the Spanish

His success in this campaign secured for him the honor of a triumph on his return to Rome, though some of his acts, while in Spain, can hardly win the approval of a modern historian. Two years after he had laid aside the consular dignity he rendered distininsurgents to submission.

guished military service in Greece, as lieutenant of the

Consul Acilius, in the war with Antiochus, which resulted

from the control of the East and uniting her fortunes with those of Rome. in freeing Greece

CATO Cato

now

returned to

Rome

85

with a high reputation

and entered with all the energetic nature on the great work upon which

as a soldier, as well as a lawyer, zeal of his his

fame mainly

rests

—the self-imposed task of Rome had

ing the morals of his countrymen.

regulat-

now* fairly

entered upon her career as the despoiler of nations, and a love of luxuries and

all

the vices which attend rapacity and

avarice were breaking in upon her with irresistible force.

The enormous wealth which some of the Romans had acquired suddenly and without much labor, produced the same effects among them that wealth usually produces upon persons who unexpectedly become previous experience in the use of money. the pleasures which the

Romans now

rich,

without

Accordingly,

sought, and in which

they attempted to imitate their Greek neighbors, were of

The

and frugality of the ancient Roman mode of life were abandoned, and they gave themselves up to disgusting gluttony and debauchery. A slave who was a good cook now fetched a coarse and vulgar kind.

a higher price than any other

simplicity

slave.

Splendid residences

began to be erected, and luxuries of every description found their way into Rome, supplanting the simplicity of former times. Cato was among the first to perceive the danger of this change of tastes and habits and to denounce it. For several years he made it his special business to scrutinize the conduct and character of all candidates for public honors, and to oppose with all the strength of his powerful invective the advancement of those whom he deemed unworthy. He questioned the pretended battles of Minucius Thermus, and defeated his efforts to secure a triumph. He denounced the peculations of Acilius Glabio, the conqueror of Antiochus, and he declaimed against Fulvius Nobilior for meanly flattering his soldiers

FOREIGN STATESMEN

86

and for carrying about with him in his campaigns a “frivolous verse-writer,” such an Ennius. Cato was particularly inimical to the Scipios, because of their fondness for Greek manners, and the Greek way of living. It was through his influence, if not upon his direct accusation, that the great Scipio Africanus was summoned to appear before the Senate to answer the charge of having embezzled a part of the money which had been paid by King Antiochus. It so happened that the day on which he was called upon to do this was the anniversary of the battle of Zama. Scipio summoned the people to the Capitol, to offer thanks to Jupiter, and said that the day was ill-suited to litigation. The multitude joyfully accompanied him, and so significant was the demonstration that his accusers were deterred from continuing their attack. But though the charge was dropped, there is reason to think that it was generally believed to be well-founded. Scipio soon after left Rome and retired to his villa at Liturnum.

To Cato

everything that bore upon

it

a Greek stamp

and was therefore un-Roman, became for that very reason, an object of peculiar detestation. It was not alone the Greek frivolity and immorality which he hated the fondness for showy dress, or the detestable Bacchanalian rites, which were discovered about this time secretly to have become widely prevalent in Rome but Greek culture and Greek philosophy also came in for a share of his

—

—

unsparing condemnation.

from

Rome of

He

procured the expulsion

the Greek Carneades, becaus,e of the enthus-

iasm for philosophical speculation, which his teaching had aroused among the Roman youth. And so little was he himself attracted by the charms of Greek literature that,

according to Cicero, he learned the Greek language only in his old age.

CATO

87

In B. C. 184, Cato was elected Censor, not, however, without strenuous opposition on the part of those who

had only too good reason certain to

He

mark

to dread the severity

which was

his administration of this important office.

himself in the bitter canvass which preceded the elec-

not hesitate to taunt his opponents with a fear All of the better-minded people rallied to of his justice. tion, did

his support

at his

own

and

his success

was triumphant.

Moreover,

desire, his old friend Valerius Flaccus

was

given him as a colleague.

The Censorship

of Cato proved to be

all

that

it

was

He

began by expelling from the Senate for various reasons, seven members, one of them, L.

expected to be.

Quintius Flamininus, a

man

of consular rank.

of Flamininus was a notable one, and bly the need in

Rome

at this time of a

had

slain

with his

own

case

illustrates forci-

man

in authority of

was notorious that this command of an army in Gaul,

the fearless integrity of Cato.

powerful patrician, while in

it

The

It

hand, in a drunken

prisoner, merely to gratify the

whim

of a

frolic,

a Gallic

wanton minion,

and yet no notice had been taken of the foul deed, until Cato put this mark of degradation upon its perpetrators. Another Senator, Manilius, was expelled for the more characteristically Catonian reason that he had saluted his wife at what the stern Censor deemed an improper time. Others of his measures as Censor were of a purely sumptuary character, relating to expenses of the table and to dress and ornament, particularly of the women. He and his colleague also thoroughly revised the corrupt system

of giving contracts.

On

the whole, the reforms of Cato

were unquestionably salutary, and so highly were his services appreciated by the people that they honored him with a statue

in the

Temple of Health, bearing an

inscription

FOREIGN STATESMEN

88

testifying to his faithful discharge of the duties of his office.

Cato’s warfare upon the rich and powerful brought

While he was continually prosecuting others or aiding in their prosecution, he was himHe was made to stand trial self the object of accusation. no less than fifty times, but in every case he was acquitted. The last accusation was brought against him in his eightysixth year. He complained feelingly in his speech on that occasion that he was obliged to plead his cause before men of an age different from that in which he had himself

him no end of

trouble.

lived.

The

Cato was as ambassador to Carthage, to arbitrate a dispute between the Carthaginians and King Massinissa. He was deeply impressed with the last public service of

prosperous condition in which he found Carthage, and he conceived a dread of her future rivalry with Rome.

Here

was a growing power which must be clipped, at all hazards. After his return to Rome he was wont to conclude every speech which he made, no matter what the subject, with the well-known

words, “Praeterea thaginem delendam esse ” “ Furthermore,

—

censeo I

think

Carthat

Carthage should be destroyed.”

Cato died

in the year following his

embassy to Car-

thage, at the age of eighty-five, according to the usual

accounts, or 90, according to the statement of Livy.

Livy has left us an estimate of the character of this remarkable man, which seems to be so just that it may be quoted entire “So great were the powers of this man’s mind, that he seemed able to attain to any situation he :

aimed

at.

No

one qualification for the management of

business, either public or private,

He was of

state.

was wanting

to him.

equally skilled in ordinary matters and in those

Some have been advanced

to the highest honors

CATO

89

knowledge of the law, others by their eloquence, some by military renown; but this man’s genius was so versatile, and so well adapted to all things, that in whatever he was engaged, it might be said that nature formed him for that alone. In war he was the most courageous, by

their

distinguishing himself highly in

many remarkable battles;

and when he arrived at the highest posts, was likewise the most consummate commander. Then, in peace, if information were wanted in a case of law, he was the wisest counselor; if a cause were to be pleaded, the most eloEnmities in abundance gave him quent advocate. plenty of employment nor was it easy to tell whether the nobility labored harder to keep him down, or he to oppress His temper, no doubt, was austere, his the nobility. language bitter and unboundedly free; but he was never ruled by passion; his integrity was inflexible, and he looked with contempt on popularity and riches.” Although frugal of the public revenues and severe in his condemnation of ill-gotten riches, Cato appears not to have been indifferent to wealth nor to have neglected the ordinary means of acquiring it. Indeed, if Plutarch speaks truly, some of the means resorted to by Cato to increase his resources would in these days be considered anything but honorable. Pie bought slaves, like hounds or foals, when they were young, in order to sell them when .

.

.

;

they were

grown up and had been

instructed in various

accomplishments which added to their money value. In transactions of this sort it would be gross injustice to judge Cato by the standard of a time in which slavery has

come

to be looked

community.

upon with abhorrence

But we cannot be so

in every civilized

when we come who had ceased

lenient

judge him for his treatment of slaves His advice as to the disposition to be to be serviceable. made of such and, presumably, his own practice shows to

—

—

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

9°

we

a heartlessness such as

human

He

associate with a brute rather

and the servant with old and worn-out implements, and his

than a sick

being.

advice to the farmer

Cato

is

is

—

to sell them.

usually presented to us as a type of the old

Sabine-Samnite character. reading

all

classes the old servant

that

is

Yet

hard to

it is

believe, after

related of him, that he truly represented

the Italian race, even in

its

primitive period.

One

is

more

was in a great measure the result of constant brooding on what he conceived to be the effeminacy of his own times that he out-Romaned even the old Roman. In his own family he appears to have been stern and unlovable in the extreme, utterly without affection as a husband, treating his wives he was twice married no better than his slaves, while pride alone led him to take some interest in his sons. Toward the end of his life he is said to have unbended a little to have been fond of indulging in a cheerful glass, and inviting some of his neighbors daily to sup with him. The conversation on these occasions turned, not upon rural affairs, as we might suppose would be the case, but upon inclined to think that his acerbity

—

—

—

the praises of the old It is impossible

Roman

heroes.

not to conceive a certain admiration

for the

dogged tenacity with which

Roman

Plebeian clung to the traditions of the past, and

this

refused to see anything good in the great

was going on around him, but

it is

hard headed old

movement which

the admiration which

when we The are out of sympathy with its controlling motive. movement needed to be guided, no doubt; to stop it was

we always

impossible.

accord to force of character, even

Had

Cato restricted his opposition to what

was bad, and encouraged what was good, he would have taken a far higher stand as a statesman than

now

to accord him.

What

it is

possible

he attempted to do was to stop

CATO all

progress

—

all

91

betterment of condition, social or

politi-

He

made, and he probably saw, no distinction between refinement and luxury, between tasteful elegance and that tawdry ostentation with which coarseness, cal.

become suddenly possessed of the means, loves to bedeck itself. His stern warfare upon vice deserves of us only the highest praise; but as for the rest, his one idea

—

was

—

countrymen deluded, as he thought back to a time which every clear-headed man, even in his own day, must have seen to be dead beyond resurrection. Cato was a voluminous writer, but, unfortunately, only a few of his works have come down to us, and these in a fragmentary shape. He left one hundred and fifty orations and a work on military discipline, both of which to bring his

were extant cine

—a

He

in Cicero’s time.

wrote a book on medi-

sort of family receipt book, containing

numerous

simple remedies, such as were in use in the household

The most interesting of his writings, however, are his work on Agriculture (De Re Rustica), and that on Antiquities (De Originibus ) of which latter only some The former of stray fragments have been preserved. in his day.

,

these works, in

its

present state,

is

merely the loose, uncon-

nected journal of a plain farmer, consisting of the sim-

and some receipts for making various kinds of bread and wine. Though divided into plest rules of agriculture,

chapters,

it is,

in its present form, entirely without orderly

arrangement, and gives the impression that

its

author

never took the trouble to reduce his precepts to any sort of method, but simply jotted

them down as they occurred

to him.

In the “Origins,” which he wrote in the vigor of his old age, completing

it

just before his death,

Cato

set

down

the results of his inquiries into the early history of the

various Italian States,

The work

dealt with the antiqui-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

92

and the language of the Roman people. It is said to have been undertaken with the avowed purpose of counteracting the influence of the Greek tastes introduced into Italy by the Scipios. Its first book, as we are informed by Cornelius Nepos, contained the exploits of the Kings of Rome. The second and third books treated of the origins of the different States of Italy. The fourth and fifth books comprehended the history of the first and second Punic wars, and the two remaining books treated of other

ties

Roman

down

when Servius Galba overthrew the Lusitanians. The work is said to have exhibited great industry and learning, and had it come down to us would have been of inestimable value to the modwars,

to the time

ern historian of the Latin race.

AUGUSTUS CESAR B. C. 63 — A. D. 14 THE FOUNDING OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE Augustus Caesar was known originally as Caius Octavius. He was a grandnephew of Julius Caesar, his mother, Atia, being the daughter of Julia, one of the two sisters of Julius. His father, of the same name, died when he was a mere child, and his mother soon after married L. Philippus, under whose care he remained until about his sixteenth year, when his great-uncle, who was without children and had selected him as his heir, took his education in hand. When Caesar celebrated his triumph for his victories in Africa, his nephew rode by his side, decorated with badges of military honor.. The next year the young Octavius accompanied his uncle into Spain, where he is said to have given indications of possessing an unusual aptitude for military affairs. On the close of the campaign he was sent to the camp at Apollonia, in Epirus, where Caesar

was

collecting

an army for

his projected expedi-

tion against the Parthians, there to continue his studies

under the instruction of the rhetorician Apollodorus. Octavius had been in the camp at Apollonia scarcely

more than four months when news of the assassination of his uncle called him forth, though then hardly more than eighteen years of age, to take a leading part in the

ring events of the times.

The news came

stir-

in a brief letter

from his mother. She could give no particulars; nothing was known of the extent of the conspiracy, but she urged him to repair to Rome at once. 93

FOREIGN STATESMEN

94

When

he showed

this letter to his friends,

many

of

them warmly dissuaded him from such a course. M. Agrippa and Q. Salvidienus advised him to throw himself on the protection of the legions among which he was. At the same time he was invited by some of their officers to put himself at their head, with the assurance that the soldiers

would march with

dered hero. his

alacrity to

avenge their mur-

In this conflict of advice he was thrown upon

own judgment, and

the decision he took shows that,

young as he was, he possessed a clear head. He determined to slip over quietly into Italy, without having committed himself to any course, and to study for himself the condition of affairs.

He

landed at an obscure town near Brundisium, and

remained a few days collecting information. Copies of the will by which Caesar made Octavius his heir and adopted son were sent him; and he now boldly here

he

assumed the name Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus, and presented himself to the garrison of Brundisium, which received him with acclamation. His next step was to send to the Senate and to Antony, who was then in authority at Rome, a formal claim for his inheritance; and this step he followed up by starting leisurely for the capital, taking care to disclaim any ulterior intentions. Hundreds of the veteran soldiers of Caesar flocked to meet him, and offering to avenge under his command the slaughter of their old General, but he prudently declined the offer, and continued on his way with only a few attendants. Upon arriving in Rome, Octavius was coolly, even Before he could contemptuously, received by Antony. legally claim to be Caesar’s heir the adoption must be formally sanctioned, and every obstacle to obtaining this recognition was thrown in his way. Caesar had made in

AUGUSTUS CAESAR

95

They had not been These Octavius, unable to get at his inheritance, paid with his own means and by borrowing money of friends. This act and other well-considered steps won for his will certain legacies to the people.

paid.

him great

popularity, particularly

who began

upon him as the only probable avenger since Antony had adopted* a conciliatory pol-

of Caesar,

among

the veterans,

to look

toward the “liberators,” but he continued to disclaim all intention of taking an active part in political affairs. These affairs were now in a most perplexingly mixed condition. Antony, as consul, was the legalized head of the State; the Senate was subservient to him, and he had in the city a force sufficient to repress disorder. But he needed to act with caution. Brutus and Cassius were still in Italy, though they kept aloof from public affairs. Deciicy

mus

Brutus, in defiance of a prohibition of the Senate,

had gone

and had collected a considLepidus, Antony’s colleague, was erable military force. in Spain. Sextus Pompeius had got possession of Sicily. Cicero, trimming, as usual, and seeking to make friends in all parties, was declaiming against Antony, for mismanagement and ambitious designs. And to add to the confusion, a conspiracy against the life of Antony was discovered, which was charged to Octavius, though he stoutly denied the charge and it is now generally disinto Cisalpine Gaul,

credited.

Nearly a year passed after the assassination of Caesar before matters assumed any definite shape. Antony had then broken with the Senate, by refusing to confine himMacedonia, which had been assigned to him as a province, and moving into Cisalpine Gaul, where he laid self to

Decimus Brutus, who had shut himself up in the town of Mutina. Octavius had now decided upon his course of action, and had raised a considerable force of

siege to

FOREIGN STATESMEN

96

Hirtius and Pansa, the consuls, were sent by

veterans.

Decimus Brutus, and Octavius joined his force to theirs. The combined forces attacked Antony, and were victorious; but both of the consuls were Antony fled into Transalpine slain in the engagement. Gaul, where he was joined by Lepidus. Octavius now determined upon a bold move. Marching to Rome at the head of his forces, he caused himself to be elected Consul by open intimidation of the Senate, and the liberties of the commonwealth were lost forever. He was now within one month of the close of the twentieth the Senate to relieve

year of his age. Invested with the authority of Consul, and in com-

mand

now marched

of a numerous army, Octavius

back

and found Lepidus and Antony, who had recrossed the Alps, in the neighborhood of Mutina. A friendly correspondence had been carried on between the chiefs of the two armies, before they were advanced very near to each other; and the result was an agreement that all their differences should be settled and Cisalpine Gaul,

into

arranged at a per-

their future course of action should be

sonal interview.

The

interview resulted in the formation of a Trium-

virate, or

High Commission

of Three, for the settlement

of the affairs of the commonwealth, during a period of

They

five years.

partitioned

among

western provinces of the Empire

—

themselves

that

is, ail

all

the

which were

not then in the actual possession of the republican leaders. It

was arranged

To

Octavius

fell

that

to Lepidus,

year.

rule the

two Gauls.

and Africa, while the the hearth of Roman freedom, was

Sicily, Sardinia,

peninsula of Italy,

exempt from

Antony should

this extraordinary control,

who was

but was entrusted

designated Consul for the ensuing

—

AUGUSTUS CAESAR

97

The compact formed was now cemented by one

of the

most bloody measures that

stain the pages of history a wholesale proscription of their personal enemies. For three days, we are told, the associates sat with a list of

the noblest citizens before them, and each in turn pricked off a

man whom

he wished to perish.

their wishes to clash, they resorted to

Among

the proscribed

of Antony, and

was

When

they found

mutual concessions.

enemy when Octavius would have saved him

Antony surrendered

Cicero, the particular

him

own

on his The whole number of the proscribed extended, we are told, to 300 Senators and 2,000 knights. At the same time the soldiers put forward claims for reward which could not be ignored. A list of eighteen cities was drawn up, among them some mother's

side,

to

his

uncle

Lucius Caesar.

of the finest in Italy, to be delivered to the soldiers with the country adjoining, by the dispossession

from

their

estates of the existing occupants.

The

self-appointed Triumvirs

now marched upon

the

and carried into effect their bloody decree. The work was entrusted to hired assassins, who rushed through the city in search of their victims and slaughtered them wherever they could be found. But the fiend of carnage, once let loose, was not content with authorized murder. Many who had not been proscribed perished, for the thirst for blood spread to all who had a grudge to settle. Many a private debt was wiped out by the death of the creditor. A second and third and even a fourth proscription followed before the work was done, city,

took possession of

it,

the latest victims being selected simply for their wealth,

which was

confiscated.

Scenes equally violent and unauthorized were enacted in the distribution of the lands.

to dispossession. Voi,. 7

—7

Murder was

Many who were

often added

not proscribed

fell

vic-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

98

tims to the covetousness of their neighbors, and the guilty

were never brought to an account. The full horrors of the proscription were never known. In the end thousands of the rich in Italy, who had escaped murder, had been reduced to beggary, and the rough soldiers who had overthrown the commonwealth were in possession of their estates.

While these scenes of murder and spoliation were taking place in Italy, Brutus and Cassius were collecting an army in Macedonia. As soon as affairs were somewhat settled in Italy, Antony and Octavius led an army to Macedonia, leaving Lepidus in charge at Rome, and defeated the two republican leaders in the battle of Philippi (B. C. 42). Brutus and Cassius both committed suicide!

Antony now, in an evil hour, undertook the management of the Asiatic provinces, while Octavius returned to Italy. They also relieved themselves of Lepidus, partly by persuasion and partly by threats, and sent him as propraetor to Africa.

Antony soon

fell

before the fascination of Cleopatra,

and, forgetful of his eastern provinces, he turned aside to

Alexandria; and there

we may

leave

him

for the present,

spending his days and nights in rioting with the Egyptian

Queen.

now the master of one-half of the Roman His first measure was to add new confiscations to those already made, for in this way only could

Octavius was world. in Italy

he satisfy the demands of his unpaid

soldiers.

Lucius

Antonius, brother of the Triumvir, was Consul for the following year.

Instigated by Fulvia, Antony’s wife,

Lucius set himself up as champion of the dispossessed landholders of Italy, and headed an insurrection against Octavius.

He was

finally

compelled to shut himself up

AUGUSTUS CESAR in the

town of Perusia.

99

After standing here a long

siege,

the horrors of which were aggregated by famine, he capitulated. its

The

life

of Lucius

was

spared, but the

people were delivered over to the soldiers.

town and There is

though of doubtful authority, that Octavius selected 300 of the Perusians, and sacrificed them to the shade of Julius, who had then been formally raised to the rank of a demi-god. Antony, who, during the occurrence of these events, had remained supinely inactive in Egypt, now became aroused to the danger of the growing power of Octavius, and having formed an alliance with Sextus and Domitius Pompey, was already threatening Italy, when better counsels prevailed on both sides, and the horrors of another civil war were averted by a new treaty between the two rivals. Fulvia was now dead, and the peace was ratified by Antony’s marriage with Octavia, the sister of his colleague in empire. This was in the year 40 B. C. Sextus Pompey now becomes an important character in the drama. Pompey’ s power was on the sea. While a

story,

Antony was

still

at

Rome, Pompey succeeded

ally in interrupting the grain supply of

so effectu-

Rome

that the

Triumvirs were compelled by the clamors of the people to make terms with him. He was admitted as a fourth partner in the Triumvirate, and was given as his province Sicily

and Sardinia.

Antony now

set

out from

Rome

to lead his legions

But he stopped at Athens, where he spent the winter with his newly wedded wife, Octavia, in a round of dissipation which must have shocked not a In the spring, howlittle the staid matron at his side. ever, he recovered himself and proceeded with his expeagainst the Parthians.

dition.

The peace with Pompey was not

of long continuance.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

ioo

was broken by his refusal to comply with all of its terms, and war between him and Octavius was renewed on the sea, in which the advantage lay with Pompey for nearly two years, when he was finally defeated by Agrippa (B. It

C. 36) in a naval battle of! the coast of Sicily.

Lepidus

had been drawn into alliance with Pompey; but he was magnanimously pardoned by Octavius, though removed from the Triumvirate, which had a short time before been renewed for a second term of five years.

With life

the defeat of Sextus begins a

of Octavius.

He was now

new

period in the

in his twenty-eighth year.

His power was established on a firm basis. One of his colleagues had been deposed; the other, self-banished in the East, was fast acquiring the tastes and habits of the despised Orientals. Italy lay submissive under his feet. Her spirit had been broken, the flower of her nobility destroyed by the terrible proscriptions. His soldiers had been satisfied. There was no longer need of harsh measures. From this time forward his whole conduct showed a sincere desire to win the esteem and love of the people, to blot from their recollection the horrors of the past. On returning to Rome from his victorious Sicilian expedition he was received with every honor which fear or flattery could suggest. The Senate and the citizens went out to meet him in festive procession; and on this occasion he delivered an address, in which he reviewed the whole course of his Triumvirate, excused the severe measures on the ground of necessity, and pledged himself that the civil war had reached its final termination.

He now though

firm,

turned his attention to establishing a mild,

government

leaving to the people as

in

Rome and

much

with his

own supreme

hand

disorder in the State.

all

control,

throughout

liberty as

Italy,

was compatible

and repressing with a firm

By

this evident

concern

AUGUSTUS CAESAR

IOI

for the public weal and by his affable

manners he soon secured a genuine popularity and came to be looked upon as a real benefactor of the State. At the same time he began a system of public improvement of the city, by building useful works and erecting splendid edifices. In this work he found an able assistant in Agrippa, while in his legislation and constitutional reforms Maecenas was his trusted adviser. Hostilities broke out with the Illyrians, Dalmatians,

and other barbarian tribes, and Octavius conducted in person campaigns against them in three successive summers, adding to his military reputation, but, what was of more importance to him, exercising his legions, for already the cloud of a greater war was looming up in the East.

Antony, after an unsuccessful campaign against the Parthians, had again fallen under the dominion of Cleopatra. Reports of the scandalous orgies celebrated at the

and filled the public mind with disgust and estranged it from the absent triumvir, though Antony still had vigilant friends to watch over his interests in Rome. To both Antony and Octavius it became clear that a conflict between them was unavoidable, and both stealthily prepared themselves for it. Antony tore himself away from Cleopatra and marched into Asia, on pretense of resuming the war against the Parthians, but really to effect an alliance with the King of Media, while Octavius, on his side, assembled a large force, pretending a design upon Britain. At the same time Octavius maintained the semblance of good will toward Antony, but sought to increase the public indignation Gradually he mblded pubagainst the Egyptian Queen. Alexandrian court reached

lic

Italy,

The climax camcT when Octahaving surreptitiously gotten possession o& Anto-

opinion to his purpose.

vius,

ny’s will, broke the seal and read the^ extents

pf

it

pub-^

FOREIGN STATESMEN

io2

and afterward before the popular assembly. The parts of the will which aroused especial indignation were Antony’s recognition of Cleopatra’s son, Cassarion, as the son of Julius, and his desire that after his death his body might be taken to Alexandria and be deposited by the side of that of Cleopatra. Every effort was made by Octavius to give to the approaching contest the appearance of being a war with Egypt, and to array on his side the national pride and jealousy of Rome. War with the Queen of Egypt was finally declared by Antony, whose preparations were already Octavius. completed, repaired to Athens with his fleet, with which was joined that of Cleopatra; and from Athens he issued a counter declaration of war, to which he added the insult of divorcing himself from Octavia. The contest between these two powerful rivals for the sole control of the Roman world was settled in a great naval battle off the promontory of Actium. The fleet of Octavius, commanded by Agrippa, won the victory. The ships of Antony and Cleopatra, such as did not, through their lightness, escape by flight, were almost utterly destroyed. Antony and Cleopatra fled to Egypt. The troops which Antony had assembled in Greece threw licly, first

to the Senate

ilown their arms, after the defection of their leader, or consented to employ them in the service of Octavius.

After spending some months in regulating his affairs

was at leisure to pursue his defeated Meanwhile Antony and Cleopatra in Egypt had

in Greece, Octavius rival.

made every

effort, first, to repair their disaster

and, after-

ward, separately, to make terms with Octavius.

With

Antony, Octavius refused to negotiate. Cleopatra’s offer to surrender Antony, he indignantly rejected; but at the same time he caused it artfully to be insinuated to her that her

own personal charms might be the means

of her secur-

AUGUSTUS C2ESAR

103

ing favor with him, and for a time Cleopatra indulged in a dream of a new conquest, which might yet make her the

Queen of

committed

He was

the

Roman

Antony,

world.

in his despair,

by opening

his veins with a dagger. taken to the apartment of Cleopatra, and died in suicide,

her arms.

Cleopatra herself, after having become con-

vinced in an interview with Octavius that he was impregnable to her seduction, followed the example of Antony.

The manner

was never known with certainty, as no marks were found upon her person; but it has always been supposed that she died from the poisonous bite of an asp* Octavius had permitted Cleopatra to bury Anthony with regal honors in the tombs of the Ptolemies, and she was now placed by his side. Her son Cassarion, whom she had sent for safety into Libya, was inveigled into the power of Octavius and was executed; but her children by Antony were permitted to live, though of her death

deprived, of course, of their sovereignty.

now made Egypt

Octavius

appointed a favorite it.

He

officer,

a

Roman

province, and

Cornelius Gallus, to govern

then set out on a tour of inspection through Pales-

and Asia Minor. The most notable incident of this tour was the effort made by two rival claimants to the throne of Parthia to have him act as arbitrator. He refused to interfere in their quarrel, but gave to Tiradates an asylum in Syria, and accepted as hostage the young daughter of Phraates, who was the actual occupant of the tine, Syria,

throne.

After

an

absence

of

nearly

two years Octavius

returned to Rome, and was accorded a triple triumph, one for his successes obtained over the Dalmatians, a second for the victory at Actium, while the third

commemorated

the final extinction of the rivalry between the East and the * Merivale,

“The Romans under

the Emperors,” vol. Ill, p. 324

FOREIGN STATESMEN

104

West

The

before the walls of Alexandria.

and most

spectacle of

The procession was headed by the captive children of the Queen and her Roman lover, while following them came an

the last day

was

the richest

attractive.

image of Cleopatra herself, reclining in rich attire upon a couch and with an asp attached to each arm. Then followed the usual games, in which for the first time the hippopotamus and the rhinoceros were seen in Rome. We have now to pass hastily over a space of two years, in which Octavius was engaged in consolidating his power, while at the same time winning his way to the hearts of the people by liberal expenditures for their aid or their amusement, by erecting new buildings, and particularly by the pious work of repairing the neglected temples of the gods.

One

of the

first acts

of Octavius, after

from the East, was the closing of the Temple of Janus, thus signifying in an impressive manner that peace now reigned throughout the whole extent of the his return

vast empire. It

has been said that Octavius at this time seriously con-

templated resigning his great power and restoring the re-

and that when he consulted his two trusted advisers, Agrippa and Maecenas, the former favored such a course, while the latter advised him against it. At any rate, he found it expedient to declare such an intention to the

public,

Senate.

Considering his actual power, as commander

of a

undisbanded army, there was but one way to

still

The Senators with one voice entreated their magnanimous patron to retain the powers they had entrusted to him for their benefit. The imperium, or chief military command, was thrust back upon meet such a proposal.

him, though he refused to accept

it

for a period of

more

than ten years, and thus the farce ended.

And now

arose an interesting and not unimportant

AUGUSTUS CzESAR

*°5

by what title he should be addressed. The title of King had been hateful to the Romans from the beginning of the republic, and was not to be thought of; that question,

was scarcely less odious. The title finally selected was Augustus, which was bestowed upon him by the Senate in January, B. C. 27, and thenceforward it is by the name Augustus that he appears in Roman history. Subsequently was added the complimentary desigof Dictator

nation, “Father of his Country.”

Having now sketched

the events, extending over four-

teen years, through which Octavius, or, as call

we must now

him, Augustus, attained to his position of Imperator,

or Emperor, of the treat of the

Roman

world,

it

will be convenient to

remainder of his long reign with

less atten-

Augustus visited at different times every part of his vast empire, sometimes for the purpose of conducting military operations, and always with a view to effecting a more perfect organization of the provinces. Soon after he assumed the title of Augustus, he visited Gaul and Spain, the latter of which countries he succeeded in bringing for the first time completely under Roman control. In B. C. 22 he made a On this occasecond tour through the eastern provinces. sion he was again appealed to by the rival claimants for the throne of Parthia, and as the price of the Roman suption to the exact order of occurrences.

port of Phraates,

who

then held a precarious possession

demanded and obtained the restoration of the standards which had been lost by Crassus, some

of the kingdom, he

thirty

years before

—a

successful

piece

of negotiation

which particularly gratified the Roman Senate and populace. During his three years’ absence upon this expediSoon tion, affairs at Rome were managed by Agrippa. after his return from the East he was called into Gaul by a formidable outbreak of some of the Alpine tribes;

FOREIGN STATESMEN

io6

made a secfrom Spain the Tem-

and, having suppressed this disturbance, he

ond

After his return

visit to Spain.

Janus was a second time closed. Augustus gradually formed, for the purpose of controlling the provinces and repressing hostilities along the border of the Empire, a thoroughly organized standing army, the size of which came finally to be fixed at twentyple of

The

complement of each of these legions was 6,100 foot and 726 horse, and this continued to be the five legions.

strength of the

full

Roman

He also inaugurated the works of

this

legion for a period of

400

years.

system of military roads, the

first

kind being constructed in Gaul, under the

supervision of Agrippa.

In organizing his imperial government, Augustus was careful to preserve the semblance of the old republican constitution.

His policy was

belief that they

still

retained

to cajole the people into the

some portion of

their liber-

and to keep himself as much as possible in the background. Consuls and Tribunes and Censors still continued to be elected, as in the time of the republic he himself during the early years of his power was usually one of the Consuls though the powers of all of these officers were successively conferred permanently upon him by the Senate. This body was permitted still to retain its old functions; its sanction was still held to be necessary to every act of administration, though its members could not but feel that their action was a mere formality. ties,

—

—

In reorganizing the internal administration of the State,

Augustus made a

special effort to bring

back the citizens

New and ceremonies. fanes and altars were erected in the city and elsewhere to the half-forgotten Latin divinities, and old religious

to their ancestral religious rites

were revived. He sought, too, to restore the sanctity of marriage, which had ceased to be regarded as

festivals

AUGUSTUS CAESAR much

else

than a

civil contract,

and

107

to encourage

mar-

riage by laws against celibacy.

The

greater became the power of Augustus, the

solicitous he

to stand

on a

Palatine Hill

was level

by

to appear

with the

his habits

citizens.

was moderate

in size

more and demeanor

His mansion on the and decoration, and

he showed his contempt for the voluptuous appliances of Patrician luxury by retaining the same bed-chamber both

and summer. Plis dress was that of a plain Senator, and he let it be known that his robe was woven by the hands of Li via herself and the maids of her apartment. He was seen to traverse the streets as a private citizen, with no more than the ordinary retinue of slaves and clients, addressing familiarly the acquaintances he met, taking them courteously by the hand or leaning on in winter

their shoulders, allowing himself to be

witness in their

suits,

summoned

and often attending

as a

in their houses

on occasions of domestic interest. At table his habits were sober and decorous, and his mode of living abstemious; he was generally the last to approach and the earliest to quit the board. His guests were few in number, and were chosen for the most part for their social

qualities.

Virgil

were as welcome to his hours of recreation as Pollio or Messala. His conversation turned on subjects of intellectual interest; he disdained the amusement which the vulgar rich derived from dwarfs, idiots, and monsters. Some ribald stories were current respecting his private habits, which the citizens gratified themselves with repeating, though attaching, perhaps, little credit to them. The guardian of manners and reviver of the ancient purity was affirmed to have courted, sometimes in the rudest and most open manner, the wives of the noblest Romans; not from unbridled

and Horace, the Plebeian

poets,

appetite, but in order, as his apologists averred, to extract

*

FOREIGN STATESMEN

208

from Such

paramours the political secrets of their consorts. stories, however, were too commonly reported of all

his

conspicuous characters to be deserving of a too easy credence.-

During the long reign of Augustus his legions were almost continually engaged somewhere in active warfare, particularly along the northern border of the Empire.

and

The

were finally reduced to complete subjection, and the bounds of the Empire were pushed on the side of these tribes to the Danube. The Alpine tribes and the Germans continued longer to give trouble, but these, too, were at last brought under submission, and the Roman authority was respected across the Rhine as far as the Weser and perhaps to the Elbe. Then came a terrible military reverse, which combined Pannonians,

Illyrians,

Dalmatians

with domestic troubles to sadden the closing years of the

Varus had been sent by take command of the newly acquired German

of Augustus.

life

Augustus province.

to

Quintilius

The Germans, under

their leader, Arminius,

rose in revolt against Varus, compelled

him

to retreat,

and

defeated him (A. D. 91) in the Black Forest, annihilating completely his three legions. Varus and several of his officers

took their

own

lives in despair.

were taken by Augustus

Prompt measures

by sending Tiberius into Gaul, to prevent the passage of the Germans across the Rhine. But after the immediate necessity for action had passed, the aged Emperor sank into a state of nervous despondency. For many months he allowed his hair and beard to go untrimmed, and was even known to dash his head against the walls of his chamber, exclaiming,

mournfully:

legions

to repair the disaster,

“Varus, Varus, give

me

back

my

!”

The conspiracy *Merivale,

of China against Augustus (A. D. 4)

“The Romans under

the Emperors.”

Augustus clsar remarkable for the

way

109

which the conspirator, after his plot had been revealed by an accomplice, was treated by Augustus. There was a time when Augustus would have wreaked terrible vengeance on a culprit of this sort; but his passions had now cooled, and he could reason that, though severity might punish, it could not prevent such crimes. He sent for Cinna, seated him by his side, and proceeded to read to him a long document he had prepared, in which he recited the favors he had bestowed upon Cinna, and set forth all of the details of the plot, as they had been made known to him, and in the end is

in

astonished his trembling listener by an assurance, not only of forgiveness, but of renewal of favor.

Shortly after-

ward he conferred upon Cinna the consulship, and found him ever afterward a grateful and sincere adherent.

One

of the greatest of the afflictions which clouded the

was the misconduct of his daughter and only child, Julia. Julia was the daughter of Scribonia, whom Augustus divorced to marry Livia. She was given in marriage, first to Marcellus, the son of Octavia whom Augustus early fixed upon as his heir and successor, and whose early death was a source of the then to Agrippa, and after the death keenest grief to him of Agrippa, to Tiberius, the elder of the two sons of Livia. History paints Julia as one of the most beautiful and brilliant of women, and at the same time one of the most For a long time Augustus closed his eyes to dissolute. declining years of Augustus

—

—

her misconduct, or limited his action to severe reprimand.

But the orgies of Julia became so notorious and so scandalous, that even a fond father could no longer overlook them.

Julia

was

sent into banishment, together with the

reputed partners of her licentiousness,

among whom were

some of the noblest youths of Rome. During the last twenty years of the long reign of

I

FOREIGN STATESMEN

IO

Augustus, he was

deprived

of the able

cooperation of Agrippa and Maecenas, the same time, and

The

for

whom

and

died at nearly

came more and more completely under

the control of Livia,

woman

who

counsel

who seems

to have been the only

he ever entertained a sincere regard.

toward its close becomes little more than a domestic drama, in which the central figures are a scheming woman, plotting to secure for her son the succession to the imperial toga, and a feeble old man, grown morose from ill-health, saddened through disappointment from the successive deaths of all whom he had chosen to succeed him, conscious of the plotting around story of his

life

him, detesting in his heart the

man

he has been induced to adopt, and

way

out of his dilemma.

—Tiberius—whom

still

As Augustus

hoping to felt his

find a

strength

seemed to him that a change of air might be beneficial. Accordingly, accompanied by Livia, he went to Campania. Here he died, at Nola, August 19, A. D. 1 4-—by a singular coincidence in the very month that was failing,

named

i*t

for

him—near

the close of the seventy-sixth year

of his age and in the forty-fifth year of his reign.

Augustus was

medium

in his stature

somewhat below the

height, according to Suetonius, but extremely

His hair was inclined to curl, and was of a yellowish-brown. His eyes were bright and lively, and the general expression of his countenance was remarkHis literary attainments, for an ably calm and mild. obvious reason, were not great, though he took great pleasure in the society of men of culture. His own style of writing was heavy and dull. His speeches on any public occasion were written and committed to memory; and not only this, but so fearful was he that he might drop some unguarded expression, that even when discussing any important subject with his wife he was accustomed well proportioned.

AUGUSTUS CESAR to write

down what he had

to say

and to read

hi it

to her.

He

seems to have been quite indifferent to the beauties of art. Instead of adorning his residence on the Palatine with statuary and painting, he decorated his halls with fossil bones,

—bones

gathered in Sardinia and elsewhere

—

which passed for those of giants thus testifying to a penchant toward science rather than art. It is probable that the patronage which he extended to Virgil and Horace, and to other deserving poets, is to be credited to Maecenas rather than to him, though, doubtless he heartily cooperated in this policy of his cultured and trusted minister.

Augustus territory and

left to his

successors an inheritance, both of

which remained substantially unaltered for a period of more than two centuries. Britain and Judaea were the only considerable additions ‘made to the Empire after the death of Augustus, and no territory was stripped from it permanently during these centuries. Though in the list of Roman Emperors Julius Caesar stands

first,

policy,

Augustus was the

real

founder of the Empire.

JUSTINIAN 485-565

THE CODIFICATION OF THE ROMAN LAWS. The Emperor

Justinian

was born

barian parentage near the site of the

of obscure bar-

modern town

of

His elevation was prepared by the fortunes of his uncle, Justin, who, having enlisted at an early age in the Imperial Guard at Constantinople, had risen to wealth and military distinction, had commanded the guard at the important crisis of the death of the Emperor Anastasius, and, taking advantage of an intrigue in the palace, had, at the age of sixty-eight years, seated himself on the vacant throne. Justin had neither the natural ability nor the education requisite in the position, to which he had raised himself; but he found a useful assistant in his nephew, Justinian, whom he had drawn from his Dacian home and had educated at Constantinople, as the heir of his private fortune, and at length of the Eastern Empire. After a short reign of nine years and four months before his death Justin, Sophia, in Bulgaria.

—

—

finding his health failing, solemnly in the presence of the patriarch and of the Senate placed the diadem

upon the

head of Justinian, who was then proclaimed in the circus, and saluted by the applause of the people as the lawful sovereign of the East. Justinian fifth

became Emperor

year of his age.

and seven months.

in

A. D. 527, in the forty-

His reign lasted thirty-eight years Its events are very fully related by

Procopius, the private secretary of Belisarius.

They

are presented in different lights, according as the his112

,

n3

JUSTINIAN

torian courted the favor of the sovereign or smarted

under the sting of disgrace. Procopius wrote a History and a book of Edifices, in which he celebrates the genius, magnificence, and piety of Justinian.

He

afterward

wrote a book of Anecdotes, wherein he sought to undo his former work, representing the Emperor as an odious and contemptible tyrant, and presenting his Empress, Theodora, as having been before her marriage the vilest of prostitutes.

venom

The Anecdotes

as to be quite

upon the authority

are so evidently steeped in

unworthy

of credence; yet

it

is

of this satire alone that rest the scan-

dalous tales respecting the Empress Theodora, which

have found a place

in history.

But while we may reasonably question the naked scenes in which Procopius has depicted the youthful Theodora, there is no doubt of her lowly origin that she was a daughter of the “bear-keeper” of the circus, and that she, together with her sisters, had appeared upon the theater in pantomime. Before her marriage with Justinian, however, she had withdrawn from the stage, and had returned, or seemed to have returned to a life of chastity, if ever she departed from it, earning her support by spinning wool in a small house, which

—

afterward she transformed into a magnificent temple. Though her beauty may have been that which first captivated Justinian, she possessed an understanding

and

a temper which secured for her an ascendency over him during the twenty-three years through which -she re-

mained his consort; in all these years the breath of scandal was never raised against the Empress, though as

much cannot be

said of her intimate friend, Antonina,

the wife of Belisarius, with in disposing of

Empire. Voi,. 7

—8

some

whom

she was often in league

of the weightiest affairs of the

FOREIGN STATESMEN

ri 4

But while Theodora

is

painted as a model wife, and

while she founded institutions of charity and religion,

she was very far from being either a model ruler or a

model woman. She was avaricious and was unscrupulous in her means of acquiring wealth; the most illustrious personages of the State often suffered the indig-

nity of her capricious arrogance;

and the reproach of

an indelible stain upon her memory. Her spies observed and reported every word or action injurious to their royal mistress, and whomsoever they charged were immured in her private prisons, beyond cruelty has

left

the reach of justice,

some

to perish, others to reappear

in the world, after the loss of limbs or of reason, the

monuments

vengeance of an Empress. In those times of schism in the Church the creed of the sovereign was of vital moment. Unfortunately for her credit with the Church, that of Theodora, though she was exemplary in her devotion, was tainted with

living

heresy; but

stance

is

it is

of the

quite possible that to this very circum-

to be attributed the religious tolerance of

Justinian.

Among the benevolent institutions founded

by Theo-

dora was a monastery, on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, endowed with a liberal maintenance for the support of 500

women, who had been

collected

from the

and brothels of Constantinople. In this holy retreat they were devoted to perpetual confinement and though some are said in their despair to have flung themselves headlong into the sea, it may be hoped that the greater number were grateful to the Empress for their enforced deliverance from sin. The health of Theodora was always delicate. By the streets

,

advice of her physicians she visited annually the Pythian

warm

baths.

On

these occasions she was attended by

JUSTINIAN

1

15

the Praetorian prefect, the great treasurer, several counts

and patricians, and a train of 4,000 attendants. The highways were repaired at her approach. And as she passed through Bithynia, she distributed liberal alms to the churches, monasteries, and hospitals that prayers might be offered for the restoration of her health. At length, in the twenty-fourth year of her marriage

and

the twenty-second of her reign she died of a cancer.

Her

was irreparable. She had been his trusted adviser, and had shared with him equally the cares and the honors of government. On more than one occasion of civil disturbance she had displayed a courage which shamed into resolute action her less spirited consort. He himself has left on record that his laws were to be attributed to the counsels of his most loss to Justinian

revered wife.

Empire bounded on the north by the Danube, on the east by the Euphrates, and embracing Armenia, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt. The Western Empire had already been broken up by the northern barbarians. Spain was possessed by the Visigoths, Gaul by the Franks, Italy by the Goths, and He left an Empire enlarged by Africa by the Vandals. the restoration of Africa and Italy; but this work of conquest, and the wars carried on with Chosroes, the King Justinian inherited an

of Persia, which, after various vicissitudes of fortune, left

the borders of the Empire in this quarter as he had

found them, were delegated to

his lieutenants.

Justin-

had neither a genius nor a taste for military His personal supervision was confined to operations. His constant care the internal affairs of his Empire.

ian himself

was to strengthen

its fortifications,

particularly against

Along the Euxine was

the frequent incursions of the northern hordes.

the

Danube from the River Save

to

n6

FOREIGN STATESMEN

extended a chain of four-score defensive works, and innumerable castles were built in Dacia, Epirus, Thessaly, and Macedonia. The wall at the isthmus of Corinth was repaired, as a protection of the cities of Peloponnesus.

To

protect Constantinople itself Anastasius

what was known as the “long wall/’ sixty miles in length, from the Propontis to the Euxine, and this, These are some of too, was strengthened by Justinian. his more important defensive works in the European portion of his Empire virtual confessions that the Empire no longer dared to rely wholly on the terror Similar works were coninspired by its soldiery. had

built

—

structed in Asia. tions

A

chain of

new

or repaired fortifica-

was gradually constructed, extending from the

Chalybian Mountains, in the northeast, along the line of the Euphrates, to the Persian gulf, while within the region thus bounded, in Mesopotamia and Armenia, the towns were diligently strengthened, and

all

positions

were occupied with forts, substone or brick, and strongly garri-

of military importance stantially built of

soned.

But Justinian did not designed for defense.

restrict his edifices to those

In Constantinople alone, and in

the adjacent suburbs, he erected twenty-five churches,

the most of which were decorated with marble and gold,

while numerous other

cities

of

—among Carthage —

the Empire

them, Trebizond, Antioch, Epheseus, ited in like manner by his generous liberality.

prof-

At

Jeru-

salem he erected to the Virgin a temple, for which

it

was necessary first to secure a site by raising a part of The a deep valley to the height of the mountain. temple was built of stone from a neighboring quarry, hewn into large blocks, and two of its pillars of red marble were esteemed the largest in the world.

JUSTINIAN The most Church

IX 7

splendid of the edifices of Justinian was the

of St. Sophia,

The

now

the principal

mosque

of

Con-

Church of St. Sophia, built by the founder of the Western Empire, was destroyed by fire, and a structure erected in its place met the same fate in a sedition which occurred in the fifth year of JusWithin forty days after its destruction tinian’s reign. the work of rebuilding the church on a grander scale and with greater magnificence was begun. Ten thousand workmen are said to have been employed upon it, and the Emperor himself, clad in a linen tunic, came daily to survey their rapid progress, and to stimulate them by In the building of his familiarity and by his rewards. this temple, and of other similar works, Justinian was fortunate in having the services of architects who seem to have brought to perfection the purely mechanical and stantinople.

original

mathematical part of the art of building.

dome

of this edifice, 115 feet in diameter,

slight a convexity as to be nearly

flat,

The

aerial

and with so

continues

still

to

be an architectural marvel. Twenty years after St. Sophia was built a portion of it was destroyed by an earthquake; but the building was restored in the thirtysixth year of his reign, and, with the substitution of the

crescent for the cross, left

it

remains externally as

it

was

by Justinian.

To

execute these public works, to meet the expenses

of his wars

and to

satisfy the conditions of disgraceful

treaties with Persia,

sums of economy an

Justinian required vast

money. Anastasius had amassed by rigid enormous treasure; but these riches were quickly dissipated by Justinian, and to meet his extraordinary expenses he was compelled to draw upon his people. Oppressive taxation paralyzed industry and spread from one end to the other of the Empire discontent, which

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

ii 8

frequently broke out into insurrection. of the people

—under the shadow

The

condition

of the splendid build-

means had erected, and behind the fortification which did not always protect

ings which their costly

appears,

if

we may

trust the accounts of Procopius, to

have been one of unalloyed wretchedness. In one instance only does Justinian seem to have given any thought to the industrial welfare of his people the first consideration of the wise modern ruler he introduced into his Empire from China the silk-worm and the manuThe measure was taken, however, not facture of silk. for the purpose of benefiting of his subjects by the introduction of a new industry, but because the importation of silks, which had become necessary to the rich, was seriously interfered with by the Persians. At the court of Justinian there were corruption and avarice in high places, at which both the Emperor and the Empress connived, if they did not sometimes profit by it. Not all of the wealth extorted from the people went into the The wars of Justinian, though glorious royal treasury. to his reign, having been conducted by his lieutenants, belong less to the story of his own life and actions than to general history, and can be disposed of briefly. Justinian began his reign with a war with Persia, which proved both costly and unprofitable, and at the end of five years was concluded by the purchase of an ignominiIn the seventh year of his reign he entered ous peace. upon a war with Gelimer, the Vandal King of Africa, who had dethroned and cast into prison his kinsman, Hilderic, in whose behalf Justinian now took up arms. The conduct of the war was entrusted to Belisarius, a Thracian by birth, who, having first served in the guard

—

—

had afterward shown great generalship in In three months after he had effected the Persian War. of Justinian,

n9

JUSTINIAN

a landing near Carthage, Belisarius was able to report to Justinian that he had achieved the conquest of Africa.

He

had defeated Gelimer

two battles, and was in possession of Carthage. The army of Gelimer had been utterly routed and dispersed, and he himself had fled into Numidia, whither he was followed by a lieutenant in

In the following year Gelimer surren-

of Belisarius.

upon the assurance of safety and honorable treatment given him by Belisarius in the name of the Emperor. The pledge was faithfully kept, and the exKing of Africa passed the remainder of his days the proprietor of an ample estate in Galatia. dered,

The brilliant success of Belisarius created in his own camp jealous enmity against him, and word was secretly sent to Justinian that the conquering General designed

to seat himself on the vacant throne of Africa; but the

promptness with which he responded to an order for his recall disconcerted his traducers and restored to him, to

outward appearances, the confidence of his sovereign. Belisarius was accorded a triumph for his victory, which imposing ceremony was now for the first time seen at

all

Constantinople.

In the next year Justinian determined upon war with Theodatus, the Gothic King of Italy. The occasion of the war was, as in the case with Africa, a quarrel

between two claimants again put in first

command

of the throne.

of the imperial army.

effected the conquest of Sicily

and

was Having

Belisarius

settled a revolt

two campaigns he drove the Goths entirely lower Italy, and ended by securing, through a

in Africa, in

out of

risky intrigue with the Gothic General, Vitiges, the sur-

render of their

last

stronghold, Ravenna.

Belisarius

had feigned to listen with favor to an invitation of Vitiges to assume himself the crown of Italy, Theodatus

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

120

having by pusillanimously keeping himself shut up capital, forfeited the respect of his soldiers.

may have

heard something of this intrigue.

in his

Justinian

At any

he recalled Belisarius before his conquest had been fairly secured, with the excuse that the remnant of the

rate,

War

might be entrusted to less able hands, and that he alone was capable of defending the East against the innumerable armies of Persia. Belisarius was now sent against the Persians. He saved the East, but he offended Theodora, and perhaps Gothic

the

Emperor

himself.

dered plausible a

and

The

ill-health of Justinian ren-

false report of his death;

and Belisarius

seem to have expressed themselves with incautious freedom on the subject of the succession. His colleague, Buzes, lost his rank and his liberty by Belisarius was recalled, this the command of Theodora. time also upon a pretext that he was needed elsewhere But no sooner had he returned, alone and in Italy. defenseless, than a hostile commission was sent to the East to seize his treasures and to criminate his actions, and his body-guard of 6,000 picked men was broken up and distributed among the chiefs of the army. He was coldly received by the Emperor and Empress, and treated with insolence by the servile courtiers. He withdrew to his deserted palace, where even his wife, the intriguing Antonina, received him disdainfully. He retired to his chamber, in an agony of grief and terror, there to await the death sentence which he confidently expected; but the missive which came finally was a pardon from Theodora, professedly granted on the intercession of Antonina, and a permission to retain part of his his colleague

The extravagant

treasures.

which he

is

transports of gratitude with

said to have received this act of grace, are

1

JUSTINIAN little

calculated to raise

likely

him

1

our estimation, and

in

2

very-

have been exaggerated.

Soon

after this Belisarius

was sent

which had again been overrun by the Goths. But the force given him was entirely insufficient for the undertaking reconquering

to Italy,

nor did he subsequently receive efficient support from the Emperor. After five checkered campaigns he was compelled to retire from Italy into Sicily, and having remained there for some months of

in inactivity,

Italy,

he was permitted,

after the death of

dora, to return ingloriously to Constantinople.

TheoBeli-

upon to repel an invading body of Bulgarians, who had reached almost to the suburbs of Constantinople. But though successful in averting the impending calamity and received on his

sarius

was subsequently

called

return to the city with the acclamations of the people,

he met in the palace but a cool reception. After having been formally thanked by the Emperor, he withdrew again to a life of privacy. life

Four years after this event a conspiracy against the Two of the persons of the Emperor was discovered.

belonged to the household of Belisarius. They declared under torture that they had acted by Belisarius was adjudged authority of their master. guilty by the council before whom he appeared to meet the charge, and though his life was graciously spared, his property was sequestered, and for several months he implicated

was guarded

as a prisoner in his

own

house.

At length

innocence was acknowledged, his freedom and his honors were restored; but he lived only eight months to his

enjoy this vindication of his loyalty. If is

much

space has been given here to Belisarius,

because his

Justinian.

name

is

it

indissolubly linked with that of

Although on more than one occasion he was

FOREIGN STATESMEN

122

in a position to raise successfully the standard of revolt,

and although there were times when the bitterness of his traducers seemed to leave no other way of safety open to him, he never permitted himself to be seduced or driven from the path of his duty as a subject. That his marked ability and his great achievements should have rendered him a source of disquietude to Justinian and Theodora, who might not unreasonably have misgivings lest they trusted too implicitly to his apparent

and devotion to their interests, is easy to understand, and perhaps history has judged them too harshly for their seeming ingratitude toward the man who had done so much to make their reign glorious. They seem never to have proceeded against him beyond the integrity

point necessary for assuring their

own

safety.

The

was deprived — eye-sight and was reduced to beg “Give a penny — a That he was

pathetic story that the great General his

to Belisarius” left in

is

of

fiction of later times.

the enjoyment of property amply sufficient for

his necessities as a private citizen appears

from the

all

fact,

though Justinian sequestered his estates after his death, enough treasure was left Antonina to enable her

that,

to found with

it

a monastery.

To go back now finally

brought to a successful

War,

war was termination by the eunuch

to the Italian

this

Narses, in the twenty-eighth year of Justinian’s reign.

The war had

through twenty years. It resulted in the complete overthrow of the power of the Goths; and Italy, with Ravenna as its capital, while Rome was reduced to the second rank, continued to be a part of the Eastern Empire, governed by exarchs appointed at lasted

Constantinople/until this Government was, in

its

turn,

overthrown by the Lombards. In Africa, after a series of disturbances which had been provoked by the severity

JUSTINIAN

123

imposed by Justinian upon his new subjects, and later by a war with the Moors, the power of the Emperor was firmly established. For above a century Carthage and the fruitful southern coast of the Mediter-

of taxation

ranean, continued to appertain to the Empire of the

During the greater part of his reign Justinian was engaged in war with the Persian Chosroes. Both of these monarchs became weary of the fruitless struggle in their old age, and settled upon a peace paid for as usual, by Justinian which left the boundary between them substantially as it was in the beginning of their East.

—

—

reigns.

Justinian lived but eight

He

Belisarius.

months

had reigned thirty-eight years and had

reached the age of eighty-three. is little

that

is

after the death of

In his character there

striking to be noted.

of a well-proportioned figure, of a

and a pleasing countenance.

He

He

is

described as

ruddy complexion, was easy of access,

patient of hearing, courteous and affable in his discourse.

That he was not cruel or vindictive is proved by many acts of clemency toward those who had plotted against his life or power. He was a hard worker, applying himself diligently to the acquisition of knowledge as well as the dispatch of business. Justinian was a man of many and varied attainments. If he suppressed the schools of Athens, it was because he had the discernment to perceive that philosophy had degenerated sadly since the days of Zeno and Plato and had become simply a vehicle His love of art of pedantic and pernicious subtleties. was exhibited in the many beautiful edifices which he erected in

all

parts of his Empire.

As a

theologian, he

attempted, though vainly, to reconcile the Christian sects.

tinian

But

won

it

was

as a lawyer

his chief success.

and legislator that JusHis great achievement,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

124

and that upon which review of the

Roman

his

fame mainly

monumental work we

account of

this

more than

to abridge

rests,

was

his

In giving some

jurisprudence.

shall

attempt

little

from the account given by Gibbon. When Justinian ascended the throne the Roman jurisprudence was in a condition such as to render its reformation an absolute necessity.

In the course of ten

and legal opinions had filled many thousand volumes, which no fortune could purchase and no capacity could digest. Books could not easily be found; and the judges, poor in the midst of riches, were reduced to the exercise of their illiterate discretion. As a youth Justinian had. made a special study of the laws, and upon ascending the centuries the infinite variety of laws

throne he determined upon a work of reformation. the

first

In

—a man age — and

year of his reign he directed Tribonian

of extraordinary learning, the

Bacon

of his

nine learned associates, to revise the ordinances of his predecessors, as they were contained, since the time of

Hermogenian, and Theodosian codes; to purge the errors and contradictions, to retrench whatever was obsolete or superfluous, and to select the wise and salutary laws best adapted to the practice of the tribunals and the use of his subjects. The work was accomplished in fourteen months. The new Code of Justinian, comprised in twelve books, was honored with his name and confirmed by the royal signaAuthentic copies were multiplied by the hands of ture. scribes, and were transmitted to the magistrates of the European and Asiatic, and afterward the African provinces; and the law of the Empire was proclaimed on solemn festivals at the doors of churches. This work done, a still more difficult task remained to extract the spirit of jurisprudence from the deciAdrian, in the Gregorian,

—

JUSTINIAN

125

and conjectures, the questions and disputes, of the Roman civilians. Seventeen lawyers, with Tribonian at their head, were appointed by the Emperor to exercise an absolute jurisdiction over the works of their predecessors. This task they performed in the remarkably short space of three years. Its results were embodied sions

in the Digest of Pandects.

From the

library of Tribonian

they chose forty of the most eminent civilians of former times; two thousand treatises were comprised in an

abridgment of

fifty

books; and

it

has been carefully

recorded that three millions of lines or sentences were

number of one As soon as the Emperor

reduced, in this abstract, to the moderate

hundred and fifty thousand. had approved their labors, he ratified by his legislative power the speculations of these private citizens. Their commentaries on the Twelve Tables, the laws of the people, and the decrees of the Senate succeeded to the authority of the original text, and this text was abandoned, as a useless, though venerable, relic of antiquity. The Code, the Pandects and the Institutes a work composed simultaneously with the Pandects were now

—

declared to be the legitimate system of

civil

—

jurispru-

dence, and they alone were admitted into the tribunals,

and they alone were taught in the academies of Rome, Constantinople, and Berytus. Justinian addressed to the Senate and provinces his eternal oracles; and his pride, under the mask of piety, ascribed the consummation of this great design to the support and inspiration of the Deity.

These several works were designedly mere compilations. Justinian sought only to condense into a convenient form the existing laws, and to preserve faithfully their spirit, and he purposely abstained from any attempt In the selection of ancient laws, he seems at originality.

,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

126

to have viewed his predecessors without jealousy and

with equal regard.

But the

the reign of Adrian.

The

series did

not ascend above

who

under the first Caesars are seldom permitted to speak, and only three names belong to the age of the Republic. The design was to select the useful and practical parts of the Roman law; and the writings of the old Republicans, however curious or excellent, were no longer suited to the new system of manners, religion, and government. Six years had not elapsed from the publication of the Code, before Justinian condemned the imperfect attempt by a new and more accurate edition of the same work, which he enriched with two hundred of his own laws, and with fifty decisions of the darkest and most intricate points of jurisprudence. Every year, or, according to civilians

Procopius, each day, was marked by

Many of

lived

some

legal innova-

were rescinded by himself, many have been obliterated by time; but the number of sixteen Edicts and 168 Novels has been admitted into the authentic body of the civil jurisprudence. The character of the Code and of the Pandects has tion.

his acts

already been indicated.

—

under four headings I, Persons; II, Things; Actions; IV, Private Wrongs, terminated by the prin-

classified III,

In the Institutes the laws are

ciples of

Criminal Law.

Justinian doubtless looked forward

beyond

his

own

time; but he can hardly have realized fully the ultimate

work he so diligently set himThrough his agency the spirit of the

value and influence of the self to

old

perform.

Roman

institutions

law has been transfused into the domestic The Civil Law, as set forth in of all Europe.

Code of Justinian, is still the basis of jurisprudence in most of the Continental countries of Europe, holding the place of the Common Law of England in that country the

and

its

colonies and in the United States,

MAHOMET 570-632

THE The

RISE OF

rocky, sandy, and generally desolate peninsula

of Arabia preserved all

MOHAMMEDANISM

its political

independence through

historical time, for the simple reason that

deemed worth the

cost of conquering.

it

was not

Yet out

of this

which had been despised and neglected successively by Assyria, by Persia, by Rome, and Greece, at a time when danger in this quarter seemed the most remote of possibilities, a band of conquerors, organized and inspired by an illiterate religious fanatic, issued forth, who in the short space of a single generation had overturned the monarchies of the East, and whose successors within less than a century ruled over an Empire land,

more extensive than that of Rome in her palmiest days. Before we take up the story of this fanatic prophet or impostor the founder of Mohammedanism, or Islam,

—

—

as the religion of

Mahomet

is

styled

by

his followers, a

few words should be said regarding the condition of

Arabia at the time of the prophet’s birth. Arabia was then, as now, occupied by independent tribes, acknowledging no national government, but each Some of tribe or family being ruled by its own chief. these tribes were wanderers of the desert; others were located in towns.

But even

in these cases there

was no

general, municipal government, but each family main-

independence, their peaceful association being simply a matter of mutual interest, and harmony being

tained

its

127

FOREIGN STATESMEN

128

preserved so long as no family interfered with the affairs of another.

In religion there was the same lack of

The worship was idolhad its own ancestral gods,

nationality as in government. atrous.

Each family or tribe

which were regarded as its special patrons, and to whom alone its devotions were paid. All, however, acknowledged the existence of a supreme, presiding Deity, Allah; but this being was never the object of worship, though it was by Allah, as a Deity common to all the tribes, that solemn oaths were sworn, and in his name treaties and covenants were sealed. The Arabian heathenism was a traditional form of worship concentrated in feasts at holy places. The most important of these holy places was at Mecca.. Here around a mysterious black stone, the greatest of the Arabian fetiches, had been built the Kaba; and here pilgrims from all the surrounding country were wont to assemble annually, in the days before the

full

moon

of

month Dhu, for a solemn religious festival. The town of Mecca had grown up around the sacred Kaba. In this town and in its immediate neighborhood were The great festival of the settled the tribe Koraish. Kaba presented strong attractions for the inhabitants of the

the western coast of Arabia, and grew into a great

fair,

which the Meccans sold to the Bedouins of the desert Feast and fair the goods they imported from Syria. gave the city a prosperity which it shared with Medina and other cities which, like Mecca, lay near the meeting that from the place of the two great roads to Yemen northwest along the Red Sea coast, and that from the northeast, along the line of mountains that traverse

at

—

central Arabia.

But the great fair of Mecca was not restricted to the Arabs. Arabia was a land of religious freedom, and

MAHOMET hither fled the persecuted of

all

creeds.

129

The

religion of

the Sabians, and Magians, of the Jews and Christians, were disseminated from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea.

The

fair,

if

goods to

month

was open to all who had or who wished to buy, and during the continuance it was thronged with mer-

not the

sell

of its

festival,

chants of every variety of religious creed.

Such was Mecca at the time of the birth of the future prophet. Mahomet, or Mohammed, as the name is sometimes written, belonged to the family of Hashem, one of the subdivisions of the tribe Koraish. In his early infancy he was deprived of both his father and his mother Abdallah and Amina and his uncles being

—

—

numerous,

his

orphan’s share in the division of the

inheritance was reduced to five camels and an Ethiopian

maid

Abu-Taleb, the most respectable of his uncles, became the guardian of his youth. At the age of twenty-five he entered the service of a rich widow, servant.

Kadi j ah, who soon rewarded his faithful service with the The marriage was happy gift of her hand in marriage. and was blest with children, one of whom was his daughter Fatima, whom he gave in marriage to his cousin Ali. Mahomet appears to have made two journeys into Syria once, when but thirteen years of age, to Bosra with the caravan of his uncle, and a second, to DamasExcept for these two cus, in the service of Kadijah. journeys, the sphere of his early experience was confined

—

to the limits of his

But even

own

city.

in this city there

and much to excite thought.

was much to be learned Mahomet was of a con-

In the superficial forms of worship and the entire lack of true religious feeling, which he

templative nature.

seemed to him that the religion of There the Arabs had become degenerate and effete. saw. on

all sides,

Vol-

7

—9

it

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

i3°

seemed to be need for a substitute for a lost religion; nor was Mahomet the only one nor the first to whom this thought had occurred. So many, indeed, were they who at this time were giving thought to the subject of revival of religion that they had been given a distinctive name haniffs, which seems to mean “penitents.” The haniffs did not constitute a regular sect and had, in fact, no fixed and organized views. They were not a close society, though they, no doubt, held intercourse with one another and an interchange of thought, and they seem to have been more numerous in Medina even than in Mecca. Upon one point, however, they were agreed; they rejected polytheism and acknowledged Allah; and their monotheism seems, too, to have been closely allied to a conviction of responsibility to the Deity and of a coming judgment. They believed, too, in the efficacy of fasting and penance; they were ascetics. That Mahomet began early to associate with this class of religionists, there can be no doubt. Fie found in them congenial companions; he became himself a haniff. He withdrew himself frequently to a cave in Mount Hira, and meditated there with prayer and ascetic exercise, and finally he was rewarded with visions. As to these visions of Mahomet, which became an essential feature of his mission as a prophet, whether they were real the effect of an ecstatic state of mind into which he was thrown by fasting and prayer, or more strictly by brooding on a single idea, or were fabrica-

—

tions,

it

may

not be possible to say.

It rests,

however,

upon testimony which seems unquestionable that he was subject to fits, or stupors, which threw him for a time into a swoon, without loss of inner consciousness, it

is

quite possible that he

may

and

himself have believed

COPYRIGHT, 1900

w. Ge

tz,

Pi

nx

A READING FROM

THE KORAN

MAHOMET

*

3*

was actually relieved of its corporal incumbrance, and went forth into the spiritual world. There is so much chance for self deception, as well as for fraud, in phenomena of this sort, which are still not infrequent, that in his case we must suspend our judgment. But his visions came in his later years so frequently at moments opportune for serving his political or private purposes, that we cannot acquit him of that at these times his soul

the charge in

some

Mahomet had

instances, at least, of pure imposture.

already reached the fortieth year of his

age before he received

his first vision

and

his divine mis-

was forced upon him. It was in the month Ramadan. He was in the cave of Hira, engaged in his pious meditations, when the angel Gabriel came to him by night, as he slept, held before him an open volume bound in silk and gems, and compelled him, though he could not read, to recite a text which was written therein. The words which Gabriel thus taught him remained deeply graven upon his heart. They were the first of a long series of revelations, brought down from heaven by the angel Gabriel, and delivered in the same way. Mahomet himself could not write; but the words of the divine revelation, repeated by him, were recorded by his disciples on palm-leaves and shoulder bones of mutton, and the pages, without order or connection, were cast into a chest in the custody of one of his wives. Two years after his death, the sacred volume the Koran was collected and published by his friend and successor, Abubeker, and was subsequently revised by A volume thus composed and thus the Caliph Osman.

sion

—

—

edited must necessarily consist of disconnected passages.

Each

revelation had been adapted to

some

occasion, as policy or passion dictated; but

all

particular inconsist-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

i3 2

by a saving maxim that any passage abrogated or modified by any subsequent

encies are avoided of Scripture

is

passage.

The

first

converts

of

Mahomet were

his

wife,

and his devoted friend, who became his successor, Abubeker. By the persuasion of Abubeker ten of the most respectable citizens of Mecca were introduced to the private teachings of Mahomet. These fourteen disciples were Kadijah, his servant, Zaid, his cousin, Ali,

the sole fruits of the

The

first

creed taught by

three years of his mission.

Mahomet

in these first years

was a simple one.

“There is but one God, and Mahomet is the apostle of God/’ to which was added the truth of a resurrection, and a final judgment. Mahomet laid no claim to being the sole apostle of God, however. He allowed to his predecessors the same credit which he claimed for himself. He recognized a chain of inspiration from the fall of Adam to the promulgation of the Koran. In that period 313 apostles had been sent to recall their country from idolatry and vice, among whom were six of transcendent merit Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Christ, and Mahomet. Whoever hated or rejected one of these was to be numbered with the infidels. As the views of Mahomet expanded,

—

or as the exigencies of his situation became more press-

he enlarged upon this simple creed. He repressed sin or encouraged virtue by revealing the conditions of the future life. The unbelieving and the wicked were, at the final judgment, condemned, according to their guilt, to one of the seven hells, not, however, for eternity, but until they had become purified by terms of expiation, which varied in length from 900 to 7,000 In his picture of years. All would be finally saved. the joys of paradise it has been justly charged against ing,

MAHOMET Mahomet

that he sought to bind to

I

him

33

his followers

by the prospect of sensual delights. In the Paradise bf Mahomet were to be found all luxuries which might appeal to the ardent wishes of his rude and sensual followers from the desert groves of palms, with never fail-

—

ing springs of water, robes of dishes of gold, rich wines,

silk,

palaces of marble,

numerous attendants,

in a

which the poor in this life are accustomed And most seductive of all, seventyto envy the rich. two Houris, or black-eyed girls of resplendent beauty, and blooming with youth, would be created for the service of the meanest believer; a moment of pleasure would be prolonged to a thousand years, and his faculties would be increased a hundred fold to render him worthy of

word,

all

for

his felicity.

But

if

Mahomet

in alluring colors

pictured to the believer the future

he cannot be charged with having

won

them indulgence in this life. He wine; he put a ban upon incontinence

followers by granting

forbade the use of

—

in others,

while he granted himself a scandalous dis-

pensation from this salutary moral law.

The imposition

upon the followers of Islam of frequent prayers, with which no employment nor circumstance must be permitted to interfere, can hardly have been an allurement to his earliest converts.

Mahomet

images, and he taught that for the

performance of

all

forbade the use of

places are equally suited

this act of devotion.

But since

it

was desirable that the thoughts of the worshiper should be fixed at that moment upon something sacred, he was instructed while in prayer to turn his face toward a particular point in the horizon.

The

point

first

selected

by Mahomet as the kcbla of prayer was Jerusalem. But when later he found the Jews obstinately set against the new faith he offered them, he changed his preference

FOREIGN STATESMEN

*34

long established shrine of Arabia.

for the

—

Five times

morning, at noon, in the afternoon, at nightfall, and in the evening the true Moslem, wherever he may be, in whatever land or situation, desists from his daily

at

work or

—

his pleasure,

and turns

on a given

signal,

if

he

is

within a

toward Mecca. The old Arab fetich enclosed in the Kaba was chosen by Mahomet as the only visible object which might supply the want of an image of Allah. After three years had been passed in teaching in the city,

his face in a formal prayer

privacy of his the time had

own

come

phetic mission.

household,

Mahomet

for entering publicly

He

decided that

upon

his pro-

prepared a banquet, to which he

invited forty guests of the family of

Hashem.

“Friends

and kinsmen,’’ he said, “I offer you, and I alone can offer, the most precious of gifts, the treasures of this world and of the world to come. God has commanded me to call you to His service. Who among you will support my burden; who will be my companion and my And when no one answered, the silence of vizier?” astonishment was at length broken by Ali, then a youth “Oh, Prophet, I am in the fourteenth year of his age. Mahomet accepted his the man; I will be thy vizier.” offer with transport, and when Abu Taleb, the father of Ali,

advised his

design,

nephew

he replied,

to relinquish his impracticable

“Spare your remonstrances,

for

though they should place the sun on my right hand, the moon on my left, they should not divert me from my course.”

For ten years Mahomet labored in Mecca and its neighborhood in a vain effort to convert the tribe Koraish. Though his infant congregation was soon swelled by the addition of hundreds of new adherents, they were mostly among the poor and the slaves. The great men

MAHOMET

*35

from him or worked against him. But in the seventh year of his mission his cause was strengthened by the conversion of Hamza, an uncle, and Omar, one of those who had the most violently opposed His practice was to make public exhortations, him. particularly on the days of the great festival, denouncing idolatry, and calling the Arabs to repentance and to the worship of Allah. These continual assaults upon irreligion and superstition raised violent clamors against Even Aber Taleb openly opposed him and urged him. of the city turned

the people not to listen to the tempter, but to stand for their idols;

still

the tie of kinship

Arabs, and though

is

strong

among

the

Abu

Taleb detested the teaching of his nephew he protected his person against the assaults of the Koraish it was a matter of family honor. ;

At length

the outcry against

Mahomet, who was

openly charged with the guilt of deserting and denying

many of Some went

the national deities, became so violent that followers

sought

safety

in

flight.

his

to

Medina; some crossed the sea to Abyssina. But the prophet himself remained undaunted at his post. There was no way in which the Koraish could reach the criminal save through the authority of his family; and since that continued to shelter him, they determined on the extreme measure of renouncing all intercourse with the children of Hashem, and a decree to that effect was suspended in the Kaba. A truce restored, however, an appearance of concord, until the death of Abu Taleb

abandoned Mahomet to the power of his enemies, at the moment when he was deprived of his domestic comAt the same forts by the loss of his faithful Kadijah. time Abu Soptian, a zealous votary of the idols and a mortal enemy of the house of Hashem, succeeded to the headship of the Koraish and the doom of Mahomet was

1

FOREIGN STATESMEN

36

His death was resolved upon; and, to baffle the vengeance of the Iiashemites, it was agreed that a sword from every member of the tribe should be buried in his heart. Mahomet fled from the city in the night, accompanied by his faithful friend Abubeker, and took refuge Here they remained three days, while Ali, in a cave. who had stayed behind, secretly kept them informed of sealed.

the

movements

When

of the Koraish.

at length they

were told that the search for them had ended, the two fugitives

came out

of

their

place

of

concealment,

mounted their camels and took the road to Medina. The flight of the prophet from Mecca has fixed the Mo-

hammed

era of the Hegira.

It

occurred in the thir-

teenth year after the prophet received his divine com-

mission in the cave of Hira, and in the year A. D. 622.

The

Medina had already been contemplated and provided for. The faith of Islam had taken deeper flight to

root there than

in'

the prophet’s

own

city.

Carried

by the refugees from Mecca, it was afterward introduced by several of the noblest citizens of Medina, who were converted by Mahomet in a pilgrimage to the Kaba. On their return they diffused the belief of God and his prophet, and an alliance between him and the city was ratified by their deputies in two secret nocturnal interviews on a hill in the suburbs of Mecca. In the first was effected simply a union in faith and love. The second was an alliance of a political nature, and laid the Seventyfoundation of the Empire of the Saracens. three men and two women of Medina, in this secret conference with Mahomet and his disciples pledged themselves by an oath of fidelity, and promised in the name of their city that, should he be banished, they would receive him as a confederate, obey him as a leader, and defend him to the last extremity, like their wives and

thither

first

MAHOMET children.

x

The time had come now when

should be redeemed.

37

their pledge

In sixteen days after leaving

Mecca, Mahomet arrived at Koba, two miles distant from Medina. Five hundred citizens came out to meet him, and escorted him into the city with acclamations of loyalty and devotion. Mahomet was mounted upon a camel, an umbrella shaded his head, and a turban was unfurled before him

—the prototype

of the white stand-

ard of the Moslems.

Mahomet was

once

both temporal and spiritual ruler; and it was held impious to appeal from the decisions of a judge whose decrees were inspired by divine wisdom. One of his first acts was to build a small mosque, where he weekly preached and prayed to the assembly of his voluntary subjects. at

installed in the office of

Medina was then divided between two tribes, the Aus and the Khazraj, who were embittered against each other by an hereditary feud, which broke out upon the slightest provocation. Only the year before the arrival of

Mahomet

a bloody conflict had occurred between

them within the

walls of the

city.

This occurrence

seems to have had much to do with the reception of Mahomet, both parties recognizing the desirability of having an arbiter in whose wisdom and justice they could confide, to keep peace between them. There were besides in

Medina three

colonies of Jews.

Mahomet

was predisposed in favor of this people, whom he hoped to draw to his standard. But his attempts to convert the Jews of Medina failed completely, and from this time the race became the object of his peculiar aversion, which ere long fell with heavy weight on their Arab colonies.

Mahomet

spent his

solidating his power.

first

year at Medina in con-

Once placed

in

a position to com-

!

FOREIGN STATESMEN

38

mand, he changed his policy as a prophet. Hitherto he had used persuasion only; he determined now that what mild means had not been able to accomplish should be If the idolators would not repent effected by force. they should be compelled to repent; Islam should be spread by the sword.

He

began

his career of

such he regarded

it

—with

conquest

—

his holy war,

if

robbery, a profession not,

however, wholly dishonorable from the point of view of

an Arab.

From

all

sides the roving

Arabs were allured

to the standard of religion and plunder.

The

distribu-

was regulated by a divine law. Onefifth of it was reserved by the prophet for pious and charitable purposes. The remainder was shared by the soldiers who had obtained the victory or guarded the camp; and that no inducement might be lacking, the usual license of brutal soldiers was granted in the treatment of captives. His most famous enterprise of this kind was directed against his old enemy, Abu Sophian. This wealthy and tion of the spoil

powerful citizen of Mecca, with only thirty or forty

fol-

conducted a valuable caravan of a thousand camels. By good fortune he escaped the vigilance of Mahomet. But he learned that the holy robber would lay in wait for him on his return. He dispatched a messenger to Mecca, and his Koraishite brethren hastened The to his relief with the military force of the city. band of Mahomet was formed of 313 men, of whom a part were his followers, a part auxiliaries. He met the advancing enemy, 900 strong, in the vale of Beder, a favorite camping and watering place northward from Medina. The Moslems entrenched themselves; the lowers,

The faithful were hard pressed and were weakening, when the prophet suddenly mounted

Koraish attacked.

MAHOMET

i39

horse and cast a handful of sand into the air “Let their faces be covered with confusion.” Both armies heard the thunder of his voice, and their fancy beheld angelic warriors. The Koraish fled, leaving seventy his

:

dead on the

field

dispatched a

company

and

The

seventy captives. of

Moslems

victor

in pursuit of

Abu

Sophian,-who was attempting to reach Mecca by a circuitous route. He was overtaken and his caravan was plundered. Twenty thousand drams were set apart from the plunder for the use of the apostle. This affair of Beder was of particular importance, since

it

greatly strengthened the

power

Mahomet,

of

which henceforward was absolute at Medina. Mahomet was in a position now to break up the colonies of the Jews. His operations against these unfortunates, who were too weak to offer much resistance and who would not surrender their faith, may be disposed of here once for all, though they extended over a

He

weak colony of the Banu Kainoka, settled in Medina, demanding their acceptance of Islam. They refused, were series of years.

addressed himself

first

to the

besieged, and, after a short defense, surrendered at discre-

They were fortunate Mahomet spared intercessor.

tion.

himself

in

finding

their lives

Banu Nadir were

powerful

and contented

with their banishment from the

years later the

a

city.

expelled from

Two

Medina

same way, with the additional penalty of the conThere was still another colony fiscation of their lands. During the siege of of Jews in Medina, the Koraiza. in the

Medina, to be presently related, these unfortunates fell under the displeasure of Mahomet, for real or alleged correspondence with the enemy, and no sooner was the siege raised than he

vengeance.

Bound

in

wreaked upon them a terrible chains, they were brought one by

FOREIGN STATESMEN

140

one to the market place and were there executed. They numbered six or seven hundred, and to carry out the barbarous sentence was the work of a whole day. Some accounts say that they were buried alive. No more magnificent

martyrdom

is

known

in history, for these

could have saved their lives by embracing Islam.

men

Other

Jewish colonies in this region of Arabia, outside of

Medina, were successively attacked and all were driven beyond the border of Arabia into Syria. No Jew ever accepted the religion of Mahomet. In the year following the victory of Beder the

Koraish mustered the resolution to avenge their defeat and the loss of the caravan. Led by Abu Sophian, they

marched upon Medina. Mahomet led his little army out to oppose them and posted it skillfully on a declivity of Mount Ohud, six miles north of the city. The Koraish advanced in the form of a crescent, their right wing of cavalry led by Kaled, the fiercest and most successful of the Arabian warriors. The Moslems charged and broke the center of the idolaters; but no sooner had they gained this success than, tempted by the sight of booty, they disobeyed their general and broke their ranks. Kaled was quick to take advantage of their disorder and charged upon them in the flank and the rear. In the melee which followed Mahomet himself was wounded in the face with a javelin; two of his teeth were shattered with a stone, and for some time he lay But the Moslems finally for dead upon the ground. Seventy of rallied and remained masters of the field. their number had fallen, among them Hamza, the uncle His liver was cut out and carried to the of Mahomet. wife of

up

Abu

Sophian.

their design

After this fight the Koraish gave

upon Medina and turned homeward.

In the following year they returned to the attack,

MAHOMET again led by allies,

Abu

141

Sophian, with a force which, including

amounted

Mahomet

10,000 men.

to

decided

not to risk an engagement, but to stand a siege.

war

lasted but twenty days.

It

was brought

The

to a close

by the withdrawal of the confederates of the Koraish and partly by a violent storm of wind, rain, and hail which spread devastation and dismay through their camp. The Koraish, deserted by their allies, no longer hoped to subvert the throne of their invincible exile, and partly

again returned to Mecca.

was the turn of Mahomet now to assume the offensive. His successes had gathered about him a conIt

He

longed to return as a conqueror to the city from which he had been expelled. His expedition was given, however, the character of a pilgrimage to the ancient shrine. But the Koraish had no disposition to admit within their walls a pilgrim backed by a formidable army, and they prepared to oppose him. The result was a parley and a treaty, siderable military force.

whereby Mahomet obtained permission to enter the city in the following year, as a friend, and to remain there three days to accomplish the rites of the pilgrimage, but in return for this concession he waived his of apostle of

hung on the success.

rekindled

A

God.

cloud of shame and dejection

retreat of the

But the

when

faith

Moslem

and hopes

the

at

title

after this doubtful

of the pilgrims

stipulated time

were

they entered

Mecca, with swords sheathed, and seven times, in the footsteps of the prophet, marched around the Kaba. The Koraish had prudently retired from the city to the neighboring

hills.

After the customary

sacrifice,

Ma-

on the fourth day. This ostentatious act of devotion had a powerful effect upon the enemies as well as upon the followers of

homet evacuated the

city

FOREIGN STATESMEN

142

Mahomet. querors of

Both Kaled and Amrou, the future com Syria and Egypt, deserted the sinking cause

of idolatry to follow the fortunes of the prophet.

His

power was further increased by the submission of several of the Arab tribes. The truce with the Koraish had been made for ten years; but Mahomet easily found a pretext for charging them with its violation, and with an

army

of 10,000

men he marched

to the conquest of

The Koraish, unprepared and in dismay, admitted him to the city, with no attempt at resistance. Mecca.

Abu Sophian

presented the keys, observed that the son

had acquired a mighty Kingdom, and confessed, under the scimiter of Omar, that he was the apostle of God. Mahomet had no intention of wreaking vengeance upon the city of his birth. Twenty-eight of its people were slain by the sword of Kaled; and eleven men and six women were proscribed by the sentence of Mahomet. There his severity ended. The Koraish were prostrate at his feet. They earned their pardon by the profession of Islam; and after an exile of seven years the fugitive missionary was enthroned as prince and prophet The three hundred and sixty of his native country. The prophet again idols of the Kaba were destroyed. performed the duties of a pilgrim; and a perpetual law of Abdallah

was enacted that no unbeliever should dare to

set his

foot within the precincts of the holy city.

The fame and power of Mahomet now brought to him the allegiance of the greater number of the Arab They had only to renounce their idols and to tribes. accept Islam to be admitted on an equal footing with his old adherents to a participation in the spoils of a war of

which ventured upon resistance were speedily reduced by arms, and the creed which conquest.

The few

tribes

MAHOMET

i43

they would not accept willingly was imposed upon them by force. In vain they pleaded for a compromise, for

Ten ambassadors from the besieged city of Taif proceeded to Medina to make terms of submission. They asked that fornication, usury, and winedrinking should be permitted to their people. But Mahomet was inflexible, and they consented reluctantly to surrender the point when they were told that, indispensable as these three practices might seem, other Moslems had learned to give them up. There was more difficulty about the goddess of Taif, al-Lat. The ambassome

concession.

sadors begged that as a concession to the foolish multitude, they

found

might retain her

Mahomet

ively to

refused.

resolute,

for three years.

they came

When

down

they

success-

two years, one year, a month. Even this was Mahomet’s sole concession was that they

should not be obliged to destroy the goddess with their

own hands. The city surrendered. The emissaries of Mahomet entered and destroyed the idol, and thereafter the people of Taif

were worshipers

of Allah.

Within three years after his conquest of Mecca all Arabia, apart from the vassals of Greece and Persia, was His lieutenants on the shores at the feet of the prophet. of the Red Sea, the ocean, and Gulf of Persia were saluted by the acclamations of a faithful people; and the ambassadors who knelt before the throne of Medina were “as numerous as the dates that fall from the maturThe tribute which poured in upon ity of a palm tree.” the sovereign of Arabia from his grateful or submissive In the subjects was applied to the service of religion. tenth year of the Hegira he paid another visit to Mecca, which was like a very triumph. One hundred and fourteen thousand Moslems accompanied this, which was to be the

last

pilgrimage of the prophet.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

i44

The aims of Mahomet had already begun to widen. The conquest of Arabia no longer sufficed him, and he prepared to extend the holy war to the Greeks. Even before his truce with the Koraishites, he had sent envoys to

foreign

One

Islam.

headed

him a

demanding their adhesion to these envoys had been seized and be-

potentates, of

This outrage afforded

at Belka, in Palestine.

pretext, as soon as he felt himself strong enough,

for sending

an expedition into that country.

An army

was intrusted to the command

of 3,000 soldiers

and such was the

of Zaid,

discipline of the rising sect that the

under the former slave of the prophet. Jaafer was made second in command and Abdallah third. All three were killed in the battle of Muta. The day was saved, and victory or, at least, a safe retreat, was secured by the fierce and intrepid Kaled, who, for his valiant action on this hotly noblest

contested of

served

chiefs

field,

without reluctance

became known

thereafter as the

“Sword

God.” In the

summer

of Palestine,

following this unsuccessful invasion

the Nabatseans

Medina spread

a

rumor

who

that the

visited

the fair of

Emperor Heraclius was

collecting troops for the purpose of invading Arabia.

At the head

Mahomet

of

an army of 10,000 horse and 20,000 foot

set forth to

prevent the intended invasion.

After a distressing march, in which thirst and fatigue

winds of the desert, the Moslems finally reached Tabuk, midway between Medina and Damascus. Beyond that

were aggravated by the scorching and

point

Mahomet

pestilential

declined to prosecute the war, either

convinced of the peaceful intentions of the Emperor or

more probably daunted by

his martial preparation.

But

His lieutenant, Kaled, spread the terror of his name, and the prophet

this expedition

was not without

1

results.

MAHOMET

H5

received the submission of the tribes and cities bordering

on Arabia from the Euphrates to the head

of the

Red

Sea.

After the return of

Mahomet from

his

last

pil-

grimage to Mecca, he began preparations for a more formidable invasion of Palestine. He had now reached the age of sixty-three. During the last four years his health had gradually failed. He had been poisoned, he believed, out of revenge by a Jewish woman. His mortal illness, however, was a fever of fourteen days, which deprived him at intervals of the use of his reason.

The

scenes which took place about his death bed form a

theme with his Mussulman biographers. They expatiate upon his humility, the tranquil firmness with which he met his end, his expressed desire to right any wrong he might have done to anyone, the consolation offered to his weeping friends, on whom he bestowed the benediction of peace. Mahomet had never laid a claim to be exempted from the common lot of mortals, though he had asserted, as his especial prerogative, that the angel of death was not allowed to take his soul until he had obtained the express permission of the prophet. The permission was granted at the proper time; and favorite

Mahomet

breathed his

last,

with his head resting in

the lap of Ayesha,* the daughter of Abubeker, the best

beloved of his wives.

The death

of

Mahomet stopped

the preparation for

the expedition for the conquest of Syria, and city

with gloom and lamentation.

ers refused to believe

of their

own

senses.

him dead,

The

Many

who

testimony

Omar

scimiter and threatened to strike off infidel

the

of his follow-

in spite of the

fiery

filled

unsheathed his the head of the

should affirm that the prophet was no more.

*See Vol. “Famous

Women

of the

World.”

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

146

But the tumult was appeased by the more rational Abubeker. “Is it Mahomet,” he said to Omar and the multitude, “or the God of Mahomet whom you worapostle himself

was a

Mahomet liveth forever; but the mortal man like ourselves, and ac-

cording to his

own

prediction he has experienced the

The God

ship?

common

of

fate of mortality.”

He was

piously buried by

the hands of his nearest kinsmen in the same spot in

which he had expired, in Medina. Innumerable pilgrims of Mecca turn aside from their journey to bow, in involuntary devotion, before the simple tomb of the prophet. Tradition describes

manly beauty.

A

noble.

Mahomet

as unsurpassable

His physique was majestic,

in

his aspect

flowing beard, a piercing eye, a gracious

smile set off a countenance which reflected every sensation of the soul;

won

and to these physical advantages, which

him admiration in public or private even before he began to speak, was added an earnest eloquence, whose persuasiveness was irresistible. In his social relafor

he adhered scrupulously to the ceremonious politeness of his countrymen, was respectful in his attention to the rich and powerful, yet affable with the poorest citizen of Mecca. His judgment was clear, rapid, and decisive; tions

his imagination sublime.

While aspiring cared

power of royalty, Mahomet pomp and ceremonial. It is

to the

nothing for

recorded of him that

its

when

at the height of his authority

he adhered to the domestic habits of his earlier life kindled the fire, milked the ewes, and mended with his own hands his shoes and woolen garments. On solemn occasions he feasted his companions with rustic hospitality and abundance; but in his private life many weeks would elapse without the fire being kindled on the health of the prophet. The interdiction of wine was

MAHOMET

H7

confirmed by his own example; but the case was otherwise with that which regarded the conjugal relation.

The Koran permitted polygamy, but

the

number

of

wives which the faithful might cherish was limited to four.

Mahomet

released himself from this provision.

His wives numbered fifteen or seventeen; his amours were without restriction or limit. That Mahomet was not an impostor, nor even a fanatic, in the stricter sense, at least in the earlier part of

his

career,

but was simply a conscientious religious the judgment

now

rendered by historians, with scarcely a dissentient voice. It is impossible that enthusiast,

in the

is

beginning he should have foreseen the outcome of

his teaching.

Clearly his view

was limited

at first to

Mecca. He labored earnestly for what he believed to be their spiritual welfare; and that in time he should have come to believe himself intrusted with a divine mission is not merely conceivable, but upon no other assumption can we explain his earlier successes. his fellow citizens at

was the earnestness of his own conviction that secured to him his first fourteen converts among his most intimate associates. But his view widened as his success increased. His career as a judge and a ruler at Medina was in a manner forced upon him; and when once he had entered upon the path which led to power, when once his ambition had become aroused, his character as a prophet was subordinated to that of a politician. In this new character he lies open to the charge of gross hypocrisy, for it is hardly conceivable that he should himself have believed in pretended revelations which had no other purpose than to further his ambitious ends. Religion became subordinate to his thirst for power, and in the pursuit of this object he was guilty at times of the grossest deeds of cruelty and vindictiveness, which can It

148

FOREIGN STATESMEN

be excused by no plea of necessity and which have left an indelible stain upon his memory. The question has often been discussed whence Mahomet obtained the various ideas which he worked into his own peculiar system of religion. His monotheism he found already existing in Arabia, though over-

shadowed by

idolatry.

The

great

fair of

Mecca brought

and the philosophical enthusiast would naturally inform himself of the peculiarities of each. He adopted the patriarchal history of the Jews. His ideas regarding a resurrection and a final judgment may have come from a Christian source, while from the Sabians, the representatives of the old Chaldseans, he obtained his conception of seven Heavens and seven Hells. In two particulars, at least, his views display originality, in both instances apparently with an eye to their effect upon his adherents. The seventy Houris of Paradise were plainly invented as an allurement to the Arabs, and by limiting the duration of future punishment, he left assurance of final salvation to even the most sinful of his followers. annually to that city representatives of

all

creeds,

POPE GREGORY

VII

1020-1085

MAINTAINS THE PAPAL SUPREMACY Gregory VII, St. (originally named Hildebrand), born at Soana, a town of Tuscany, was the son of Benzo, of the illustrious family of the Aldobrandeschi, one of the most powerful in the duchy and possessing numerous towns and castles. This is the statement of Novaes; but some authorities make Hildebrand to have been the son of a carpenter in this same town of Soane. At an early age he entered a Benedictine abbey, where study made him one of the most learned monks of the time. His merits led to his appointment as sub-deacon in the Roman Church by Pope Leo IX, who was, like himself, a Benedictine. Victor II, another Benedictine, to honor one who had become a member of his order, sent Hildebrand as legate to France. Nicholas II showed his appreciation of the ability, eloquence and ecclesiastical learning of the monk of Soane by creating him cardinal-

Mary

Dominica, in 1059. Already the esteem in which Hildebrand was held for his learning archdeacon of

St.

in

and sanctity foreshadowed his elevation to the papal throne. In 1061 Alexander II appointed Cardinal Hildebrand vice-chancellor of the Roman Church; and, finally, upon the death of Alexander, the common voice of the people and clergy proclaimed him as Pope, and the cardinals united in confirming the choice.

Hilde-

brand was then sixty years of age. Gregory hastened to notify the German Emperor, 149

x

FOREIGN STATESMEN

5°

Henry IV,

of his election, the papal authority being at

that time subordinate to that of the

Emperor and

his

sanction being necessary to render valid the action of the

There is a dispute, however, among the biographers of Gregory as to the purport of his message to the Emperor, some maintaining that the notification was not obligatory, but was simply an act of courtesy. The point is of some interest, since Gregory soon became cardinals.

involved in a quarrel with the

Emperor over

this

very

matter of supremacy, which continued through the

whole time of ever this

may

his

occupancy

be,

Henry

But how-

of the papal See.

sent a bishop to be present at

Gregory’s consecration.

The newly-elected Pope was ordained

priest in the

and then consecrated in the He took the name Vatican, on the 29th of June, 1073. Gregory VII in memory of Gregory VI, who had been Basilica of the Lateran,

his preceptor.

Gregory entered upon

his duties as

Pope with the

determination to correct certain abuses which had crept into the Church, and, above

all,

to free the

Church

if

—

from the control of temporal power to establish its supremacy over the State. In March, 1074, a council was held at Rome which condemned the simony which had grown so prevalent in the Church, and reenacted the old laws of celibacy, which had become almost a dead letter, especially in Germany and the north of Italy. It was declared that no priest could take a wife; possible

upon such only as and that no married

that holy orders should be conferred

would profess perpetual

man

should

assist

at

celibacy,

visited every

The

clergy

The papal

legates

the priest’s mass.

resisted these decrees, but in vain.

country and, supported by the popular voice, compelled submission.

POPE GREGORY

VII

l

5l

In a second council, held during the Lent of 1075, it was decreed that whoever had received any grade or office of

holy orders in consideration of any present

could no longer exercise his ministry in the

and that

all

those

who

churches;

received from laymen the investi-

ture of the Church should be excommunicated, as well as the lay donors.

certain

German

The decree was aimed

directly at

bishops, Henry’s personal advisers,

who

were pointed out by name as habitually guilty of simony and incontinence. The Emperor was indignant at what he regarded as an insult to his authority; but his hands were tied at the moment by a revolt in Saxony, and, prudently dissembling his displeasure, he dismissed his advisers, at the same time sending a remonstrance to Gregory.

Meanwhile Gregory had trouble

in Italy.

During

the Christmas festivals of 1075 a revolt was organized by Quintius, son of the Prefect of Rome, who with his soldiers burst in

High Mass

upon Gregory,

at the altar of St.

he was celebrating Mary Major. The Pope as

was severely wounded, was stripped of his pontifical robes and was dragged to prison. But the people, faithful to their pontiff, rushed to arms and delivered him. The assassin Quintius was seized, was brought before the Pope and compelled to fall upon his knees and ask pardon for his odious crime. Gregory pardoned him and only imposed, as a penance, a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

Gregory next sent an embassy to Henry, in 1076, summoning him to appear before a council to be held in the second week of Lent, there to answer to the charge of simony, sacrilege, and oppression, with a Henry was threat of excommunication if he refused. furious;

he dismissed the Pope’s legates with

insult.

:

J

FOREIGN STATESMEN

53

Subsequently he sent a letter to the Pope in which, among other things, he said

“When

I

expected from you the treatment of a

father, I learned that

you were acting

You

greatest enemies.

have deprived

as

me

one of

my

of the respect

due me from your See, and by your evil arts you have endeavored to deprive me of my kingdom of Italy. You have not scrupled to lay hands upon my bishops and to

them with indignity. To repress such insolence, not by words but by acts, I have assembled all the

treat

my

kingdom, and I have followed their advice, which seemed to be just. I renounce you as Pope and as patrician of Rome, and command you to leave the nobles of

See.”

The

excommunication. This act produced a powerful effect upon the German Princes and people, many of whom had good cause to resent Henry’s tyranny, and one by one the bishops who had announced their withdrawal from Gregory’s obedience and who had been included in the reply to this letter was a sentence of

sentence of excommunication, signified their contrition

and made terms with the Pope.

At

a diet held at Tribur,

September, 1076, the Princes of the Empire notified Henry that they would withdraw their allegiance from

in

him

was removed within a year and a day, of a new Emperor began to be dis-

unless the ban

and the election cussed.

Before the election of Rudolph, Gregory had an-

nounced an intention to visit Germany. The Emperor Henry, on his part, promised to come into Italy. The Pope left Rome with an escort furnished by Matilda, the Countess of Tuscany, daughter of Boniface, Marquis of Tuscany, and proceeded to Vercelli. It was feared by some that Henry would appear at the head of an army,

POPE GREGORY

VII

*53

and Gregory deemed it prudent to retire into the fortress of Canossa, which belonged to the Countess Matilda, in order that he might be secure from violence. Henry had spent nearly two months at Spires in a profound and melancholy solitude. The weight of the excommunication lay heavy upon him; his supporters were falling from him. Weary of this state of uncertainty, he determined to win over the Pope and to attempt to reestablish himself at home by an apparent act of piety and a formal humiliation; for the decree of excommunication declared that it should be withdrawn if the Emperor appeared before the Pope within a year from the date of the decree. He set out for Italy, accompanied only by his wife and a few attendants, and, crossing the Alps in the severest of midwinter weather, arrived at Placentia.

At

town he was met by the Countess Matilda, accompanied by Hugo, bishop of Cluny. Matilda was desirous of restoring harmony between the Pope and Gregory seemed to desire that Henry the Emperor. should return to Augsburg, to be judged by the diet. “Henry does not The envoys of the Emperor replied fear to be judged; he knows that the Pope will protect innocence and justice; but the anniversary of the excommunication is at hand; and if the ban be not removed the Emperor, according to the laws of the land, will lose The Prince humbly requests the Holy his crown. Father to raise the interdict, and to restore him to the this

:

communion

of the Church.

ready to give every

him-

such place and at such time as the Pope

shall

and to commit himself the head of the Church.” order,

is

shall require; to present

satisfaction that the self at

Pope

He

entirely to the decision of

Having received permission

to advance, he

was not

FOREIGN STATESMEN

*54

long on the way. The fortress had triple inclosures. Henry was conducted into the second. His retinue

remained outside the fort. He had laid aside the inAll signia of royalty, and nothing announced his rank. day long Henry, bareheaded, clad in penitential garb, and fasting from morning till night, awaited the sentence of the sovereign pontiff. Thus he waited through a second and a third day. During the intervening time he had not ceased to negotiate. On the morning of the fourth day, Matilda interceded with the Pope in behalf of Henry, and the conditions of a treaty were settled.

The Prince promised to give satisfaction to the complaints made against him by his subjects, and he took an oath, in which his sureties joined. Then the pontiff gave him the benediction and the apostolic peace, and celebrated Mass.

No

historical incident ever

impressed

more profoundly the Western World than this humiliaIt marked the highest tion of the German Emperor. point reached by papal authority and presents a vivid picture of the awe inspired during the Middle Ages by the supernatural powers supposed to be wielded by the Church.

When Emperor

the Pope had finished Mass, he invited the to dinner, treated

him with much

attention,

and dismissed him in peace to his own people, who had remained outside the castle. The ban had been removed. But the humble submission of the

Emperor

did not secure for

him ah the

advantages he had expected of it. He was accused of weakness by many of his adherents. The disaffected leaders

among

his subjects

doubted his

sincerity;

or

perhaps they had advanced too far with their scheme for his deposition to retreat with safety. of Suabia,

was chosen

as their

Duke Rudolph,

Emperor, and they were

POPE GREGORY

VII

soon openly supported by the Pope, Henry’s persistent refusal to carry out tions of the treaty,

over his

own

and who

bishops.

*55

who all

resented

the condi-

upheld his authority In the breach thus opened even still

the pious Matilda no longer dared to speak of reconciliation.

Henry

resolved

upon a bold move.

He

held at

Brescia, in 1080, a council of bishops devoted to his

and there he caused Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna, an avowed enemy of Gregory, to be elected Pope; and he deposed Gregory, although he was recognized as the legitimate Pope by the whole Catholic world, with the exception of the bishops in revolt under the direction of Henry. On learning this, Gregory convoked at Rome a council in which he again excommunicated Henry, together with the anti-Pope, whom he would not absolve. interests;

Thus arose the schismatics known as the Henricians who were condemned by various councils. These sectaries maintained that the Emperor ought to exercise ,

the highest authority over the election of the pontiffs

and the bishops, and that no one could be recognized as legitimate pontiff or legitimate bishop unless he had been elected by the German Emperor; and that no account was to be taken of excommunication against a King. This schism ended in the reign of Charles II, about 1120. Gregory now received as fiefs of the Church Tuscany and Lombardy, presented to him by the Countess Matilda, and thus was laid the foundation of the temThe donation was conporal power of the papal See. firmed by her in 1102, under Pope Pascal

The

II.

met on Church

actions of this pious Catholic Princess have

with their just reward of praise from writers

A

FOREIGN STATESMEN

56

The enemies

of

important

historians

to

calumny.

As

Gregory have accused her of having been too intimate with Gregory VII, but the virtue of that Pope, and that of Matilda, have caused all history.

to

treat

her donation,

that its

accusation reality

as

a

was never

became a subject of discord. Matilda possessed Tuscany, Mantua, Parma, Reggio, Placentia, Ferrara, Modena, a part of Umbria, the Duchy of Spoleto, Verona, almost all now known as the “Patrimony of Saint Peter,” from Veterbo to Ovieto, with a part of the March of Ancona. When the Pope doubted; but the

title itself

Pascal II wished to take possession of those States,

Henry IV opposed him, on the ground

most of the fiefs given by the Countess were appendages of the imperial authority. These rival pretensions were a new spark of war between the papacy and the Empire. But at length it was necessary to yield to the Roman See a that

portion of the heritage of Matilda.

Rudolph of Suabia did not live long to contest the crown of Germany with Henry. Upon his death in 1080 Henry was left free to carry out his decree of deposition against Gregory. He entered Italy with an army for the purpose of seating his own Pope in the papal chair. In three successive summers he laid siege to Rome; but it was not until 1084 that he gained possession of the city, through an act of treachery of some of the Roman nobles, who opened to him the gate of the city. Gregory took refuge in the castle of St. Angelo, and Guibert was established on the papal throne under Clement III. Meanwhile, Robert Guiscard of Normandy, had espoused the cause of the persecuted Pope, and Henry, learning of his advance on Rome, withdrew from Italy. Released by Robert, Gregory again excommunicated both Henry and the false Pope;

the

title

of

POPE GREGORY

VII

i57

but feeling that his power in

Rome was weakened and

no longer

secure, he retired to Sal-

his residence there

erno.

Worn

out with

grief, fatigue,

and

infirmities,

he

died there on the 25th of

May, 1085, uttering these words: “We have loved justice and hated iniquity, and for this we die in exile.” He had governed as an intrepid defender of ecclesiastical liberty twelve years,

one month and four days. On account of the tribulations which pursued this holy pontiff, he has been ranked by the Church among its martyrs. His name was placed in the Roman Martyrology by Gregory XIII, on the 25th of May, 1584, and throughout the Roman Church his festival is observed on that day, the anniversary of his death. We may cite here some of the reflections which have been made by different writers upon the character and career of this remarkable man, one of the ablest of the

Roman

pontiffs.

“Even the enemies

of Gregory,” says Voigt, “are

obliged to confess that the ruling thought of the pontiff

—

—the

independence of the Church was indispensable for the propagation of religion and the reformation of society, and that to that end it was necessary to break

bound the Church to the State, to the great detriment of religion. It was necessary for the Church to be an entirety; a unit in itself and by itself, a divine institution, whose influence, salutary to all men, could be arrested by no Prince of the world. The letthe fetters which

Gregory are full of this thought; and in the conviction that he was called upon to realize this thought he ters of

labored with

“To

all

his might.

appreciate the service rendered to the Church

by Gregory, we must inquire into the circumstances in which Gregory found it, its connection with the State

FOREIGN STATESMEN

158

and

its

We

disorders.

must inquire

habits of the clerical body,

rudeness, of

its

degeneracy,

all discipline,

A

and

of

its its

its

into the merits

spirit, its

tendency,

forgetfulness of

all

and its

duty and

ignorance side by side with

must be formed, too, of the situation of Germany, and the character of Henry be fully comprehended. Then and not till then can we pride.

its

clear idea

To

judge Gregory.

attain the

ends he sought

—the

Church within, and its emancipation from external influence Gregory could not act otherwise than he did. His action was necessarily energetic. His faith and his conviction could not but be as they were, for the course of events had given them birth.” That the authority which Gregory asserted for the Church was necessary at this time to the prosperity and civilization of Europe is admitted even by those writers who dissent from the theological doctrines of the purification of the

—

Church. period

“From all the history of society among the Western

Voltaire says:

we

learn that

the na-

had few certain rules; that the States had few laws, and the Church sought to repair the want.” And de

tions

Maistre adds:

“Among

all

great work, St. Gregory

the pontiffs called to this

VII

rises majestically.

He

assumed the mission of instituting European sovHe wrote ereignty, then unchecked in its passions. these remarkable words: ‘We are mindful, with the Divine assistance, to furnish the Emperors, Kings, and other sovereigns those spiritual arms which they need to quell in their hearts the furious tempests of pride,’ as

if

T wish to teach them that a King is not a And who, but for Gregory, would have taught

to say,

tyrant.’

them?” In his contest with Henry, Gregory aimed to establish

no new

principle;

he sought no conquest.

He

POPE GREGORY

VII

J

59

simply asserted a prerogative which the Church had always claimed, that of exercising authority over sov-

and which the weakness of his predecessors had suffered to be gradually wrested from them. The question in issue between him and the Emperor was one of vital importance to the Church; it was a question of its life or death. Gregory won in the contest; for, though he was apparently defeated by the superior military strength of the Emperor, was driven from Rome and died in exile, he had dealt the pretension of the Emperors a blow from which it never recovered. The conereigns,

flict

continued for

under

five

fifty

successive

years after the death of Gregory, pontiffs,

until

in

the time of

Calixtus II the schism was healed by the complete sub-

mission of the imperial to the papal authority.

Roman Emperors looked

There-

Popes to sanction their election, while the election of the Popes was In his work left entirely in the hands of the cardinals. of internal reform he was equally successful. He found the patronage of the Church the mere spoil and merchandise of Princes. He brought it under the control of the supreme pontiff. He reformed impure and profane abuses and gave new life and new dignity to an institution which was losing respect and becoming a But, above all, he left to scandal in the eyes of the laity. his successors, as a priceless heritage, the healthful and stimulating example of his own blameless life and gigan-

after the

tic

character.

to the

LOUIS XI 1423-1483

THE BUILDING OF A MONARCHY Louis teen,

XI

first

appears in history, at the age of six-

as the leader of a rebellion against his father,

VII

The

was not, however, one of his own making. The Dukes of Alengon, Bourbon, and other nobles had projected one of their periodical uprisings against the monarchy, and they had pitched upon the Dauphin as a nominal leader, simply for the use of his name. The youth who thus lent himself to the designs of his father’s enemies was a boy of no ordinary character. The historian Michelet thus speaks of him “His leading trait was impatience. He longed to live and to act. He had quickness and intellect enough to make one tremble; no heart, neither friendship, nor sense of kindred, no touch of humanity, no conscience to restrain him. The only feature he had in common with his time was bigotry; which, however, far from holding him back, always came pat to put an end to his scruples. Strange to say, with all his driveling and petty scrupulosity of devotion, the instinct of novelty was quick within him, the desire to upstir and change everything. The restlessness of the modern spirit was already his, inspiring his fearful ardor to go on, to be ever going on, trampling all under his feet, walking, if need be, over the bones of his father.” Such was Louis in his boyhood, and such he remained through life. Charles

of France.

rebellion

:

.

.

.

160

LOUIS XI Louis

XI was born

161

at Paris in 1423, his father being,

mother a daughter of the Duke of Burgundy, a parentage which made him a cousin of his great political opponent Charles the Bold. When a mere lad he began to take part in State affairs, and at the early age of fourteen had been charged by his father to reduce to order the Marches of Brittany and as already stated, Charles VII, his

Poitou.

The

which he had now become involved was of short duration. The King, who was holding Easter at Poitiers when he heard the news, hastily collected an army and in one short campaign dispersed the rebellious nobles. Alengon and the rest, including the Dauphin, humbly sued for peace. Some of the principal offenders were stripped of their possessions; Louis was sent into Dauphiny to prevent him from making He was only to be kept quiet by being further trouble. secured a little Kingdom as an earnest of his future rebellion in

inheritance.

But even

remote province the restless Louis continued still to scheme and to intrigue, besides rendering himself obnoxious to the people by his oppression and tyranny. In all the political transactions of these times, great or small, we continually meet with the Dauphin’s name. All the King’s enemies seemed naturally to become the Dauphin’s friends; and he himself was in this

frequently suspected of conspiracy against his father,

but in no case were there sufficient proofs to warrant his

Thus passed sixteen years of his life. In May, 1456, however, a conspiracy formed by the Duke of Alenqon was discovered, in which the Dauphin was clearly implicated. Alengon was arrested; the Dauphin fled to Burgundy. Here he was received with kindness by the Duke, Philip the Good, who gave him arrest.

VOL.

7

— 11

FOREIGN STATESMEN

162

precedence everywhere and treated him almost as King. Philip placed himself, his subjects and his

means at the disposal of his nephew all except that which Louis most desired, an army to enable him to return to France and place his father in ward. Louis repaid this kindness by stirring up to revolt the discontented cities of Flanders, which were subject to Burgundy, and causing trouble between the Duke of Burgundy and his son, Count of Charolais, afterward

—

Charles the Bold.

In his place of retreat, Genappe, he

devoted his energies to two objects

— driving

his father

and undermining the house which entertained him. In this way he passed his time until 1461, in which year his father died and Louis became King of

to despair

France.

The of

condition of France at the time of the accession

Louis

XI

to the throne was deplorable, indeed.

things were in confusion. into a

number

The country was

split

All

up

of provinces, the Governors of which,

though appointed by the King, were practically independent. The people were wretchedly poor, and yet were subjected by their rulers to oppressive taxation. In striking contrast with the general poverty even of the nobles

was the condition

become possessed

of the Church,

which had

most fertile domains, and had innumerable richly endowed monasteries, abbeys and other like establishments. France was besides encompassed by foreign enemies, chief among whom were the English and Burgundians. Of the two, the former were the most feared, for the French still retained a lively recollection of Crecy, Poitiers and Agincourt. Louis XI was crowned at Rheims in 1461, by the

Duke

of nearly all the

Burgundy, amid a scene of great splendor. Burgundians and Frenchmen vied with each other in of

LOUIS XI

163

the magnificence of their costumes; the only humble

and devout person in the entire palace was the Kinghimself. From the day of his coronation Louis had three objects in view to crush the nobles, to humble the house of Burgundy and annex the province to France, and to keep out the English. The most imminent of the dangers which threatened the new reign was the doubtful friendship of Burgundy. From Calais, which at this time was English, the Duke of Burgundy could bring in ten days’ time an English army to Paris. To secure himself in this quarter, Louis bribed the Duke’s counsellors and took especial pains to keep the good will of his cousin the Count of

—

Charolais.

His next move was to deprive the powerful Duke of Bourbon of the government of Guienne. Here and in all the other provinces he changed the officials, removing those appointed by his father and appointing others who were subservient to his will. Next, to replenish his exhausted treasury, he began to lay hands upon the benefices of the clergy, having first secured the support of the Pope by agreeing to abolish the Pragmatic Sanction.

In his foreign enterprises he was successful on the

from which country he took the Province of Rousillon; but on the side of England he was less fortunate, having provoked the enmity of both England and Burgundy by interference in the War of the Roses. He continued his attack upon the clergy and nobles, side of Spain,

invading the most cherished of the baronial privileges, This last measure, crowning a long the right of Chase. series of grievances which the nobles had against him, resulted in their forming, in 1465, an alliance

themselves,

known

as the

League

of the Public

among Good.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

164

This League was joined by the Count of Charolais, who had completely taken the command of affairs in the

Burgundian

territories, his father, the old

too feeble to withstand him.

The Dukes

Duke, being of Brittany,

Nemours, John of Anjou and several other nobles, flocked in, and the King had scarcely any forces at his back with which to withstand them. He managed, however, to prevent coming to any decisive engagement, and finally, after a series of manoeuvers, shut himself up in Paris. The armies of the Leaguers closed in upon him; and after a siege of several weeks, Louis, finding his situation desperate, signed a treaty of peace

which gave complete satisfaction to the nobles. Louis was compelled to give up Normandy to the Duke of Brittany, the friend of Count of Charolais and England, to abolish the States-General and to put in their places the rebellious nobles, and was shut up in Paris. But six weeks later the King had started to recover Normandy, setting at naught the terms of the treaty. Liege he incited to rebellion, and thus he tied the hands of Charles.

In 1467 Charles became Duke of Burgundy on the death of his father. Among the first events of his reign

had been stirred up against Charles by Louis ever since he had become King, and had now revolted. While Charles the Bold was besieging Liege, Louis attempted to recover Normandy. To do this it was necessary for him to win over the Duke of Bourbon, and he concluded a treaty with

was the

That

revolt of Liege.

city

him, leaving the Liegeois to their

fate.

The

alliance

with Bourbon was dearly purchased, since by its terms Louis placed nearly one-half of France under the authority of

the Duke.

But

mandy, and to prevent

it

enabled him to recover Nor-

its falling

into the

hands of the

LOUIS XI

i6 5

He now

sought to withdraw Picardy from under the influence of Burgundy. Charles was furious. He at once formed an alliance with Edward IV of England, which he cemented by marrying Margaret of York, the King’s sister, and thus frustrated Louis’ plans. Soon after this alliance with the English had been formed the city of Liege again broke out in revolt, English.

stirred

no doubt, by Louis.

up,

Charles

promptly

marched to put down the rebellion. The Liegeois advanced to meet him and were defeated in a battle at Tongres.

Charles

now

entered Liege without further

opposition, executed the ringleaders of the rebellion,

removed the bishop, and took away the city’s privileges. In this affair of Liege, Charles had called to his assistance 500 English men-at-arms.

The presence

of these

The English were again in France, however small their number; and as soon as Louis received the news, he armed soldiers disturbed greatly Louis’ peace of mind.

the city of Paris.

This was a bold thing to do, consider-

ing the doubtful attitude of Paris toward the King in his late troubles,

but he conciliated the Parisians by reliev-

ing them from taxation and showing them other favors.

on the 15th of October, 1467, the blow which he had expected fell. Charles invaded Normandy and soon made himself masThis the King was unable ter of the greater part of it. to prevent, for had he moved from Paris, Charles would have thrown an English army into France. Louis tried to open negotiations with Charles, but failed; then he tried the Pope’s intervention. He had won over the Pontiff by abolishing the Pragmatic Sanction, and the Pope agreed to intercede in the quarrel. The Duke was with difficulty persuaded to receive the Papal legate, and Louis’ fears were well founded, for

when he

did receive

him the only

result

accomplished

1

FOREIGN STATESMEN

66

was that Charles consented to have a personal interview with Louis at Peronne. Louis, fearing treachery, declined to go to the place

he had received the most satisfactory assurances of his safe return. These having been given, to display his confidence in the Duke’s honor, he went attended with only a few followers. The two sovereigns of

meeting

until

met like old friends and entered the town arm in arm. But Louis’ confidence suffered a severe shock when he found a number of banished French nobles, deadly enemies of

his, in

the town.

To

secure his safety against

these he desired that he might be lodged in the castle.

A short time before going to Peronne Louis had sent emissaries into Flanders, which belonged to Charles the

Bold, to excite a rebellion there.

By an

unaccountable

oversight he had forgotten to countermand the orders

While he was in the castle of Peronne news was received by Charles of his treacherous dealIgnoring the safeings. Charles’ rage was terrible. conduct granted to Louis, he shut the castle gates upon him and left him in prison. Louis was not, however, without a resource in this dilemma. He found means to bribe the most influential counsellors of Charles, and these exerted themselves to allay the wrath of the Duke. After he had remained in confinement two days and nights, the Duke released him upon his signing a given them.

humiliating treaty. that

He promised to

had formerly been

in

renounce all claims dispute between Charles and

himself, to give his brother, the

Duke

of Orleans, nearly

and to accompany Charles to Liege and help put down the rebellion. So to Liege he went in

half of France,

company with Charles. The people of Liege, with

their usual impetuosity,

refusing to believe that Louis had turned against them,

LOUIS XI marched out

*67

meet the Burgundian army. They surprised it in a night attack, but were finally defeated in a great battle, and then the city was attacked by the Burgundians. Not the slightest resistance was offered, and Liege was soon at Charles’ mercy. And a terrible mercy it was; the entire population, it is said, was massacred in cold blood, and the city razed to the ground.

to

The

whole people

terrible feature of this destruction of a

is

that

it

was not a carnage committed

in

the fury of assault, but a long execution continued for

months.

Having

assisted in putting

down

a rebellion which

he had himself incited, Louis was at liberty to return to France, which he did, congratulating himself that he had lost nothing save honor, and that one who had made him a prisoner by

violating his

word,

had been stupid

enough to release him on the strength of a word. These events occurred in the year 1468. Charles having made peace with France, ing his own dominions, and as a

Emperor

Germany

now thought first

of enlarg-

step sought to get

crown him King; but in He proceeded, howthis effort he was unsuccessful. ever, to attack some of the Rhine provinces, and thus brought upon himself war with the Swiss. Meanwhile, in England, the house of York, with which Charles was allied, was temporarily overthrown by the house of Lancaster, which weakened him in that quarter. the

of

to

Louis took the opportunity of Charles’ embarrassment to assemble the notables of France. He laid before them Charles’ misdeeds, and they decided by acclamation that Louis was released from all oaths taken at Soon after this the Lancastrians were Peronne. defeated by the Yorkists, and their King, Henry VI,

was

assassinated.

The same blow seemed fraught with

1

FOREIGN STATESMEN

68

ruin to Louis, for

now

Charles could again count upon

England in his schemes. soon became apparent.

Duke

What

He

Charles’ purpose was,

entered into correspond-

and some other French nobles, renewed his alliance with England, and openly avowed a determination, not merely to humble, but to dismember France. But, fortunately for Louis, there was a division in the camp of the enemy, which prevented immediate action. Meanwhile the Duke of Orleans died, and a quarrel arose over Guienne, which had belonged to Orleans, and was now claimed both by Louis and Charles. Louis at once took forcible possession of Guienne; Charles thereupon broke the truce and made war upon the King, marching into, northern France, sacking towns and ravaging the country, until he reached Beauvais. There the despair of the citizens and the bravery of the women saved the town. Charles raised the siege and marched on Rouen, hoping to meet the Duke of Brittany; but that Prince had his hands full, for Louis had overrun his territories and reduced him Charles saw that the coalition had comto terms. He, too, made a fresh truce with Louis at pletely failed. ence with the

of Brittany

Senlis (1472).

From

this

mainly to the

time forward Charles turned his attention east,

and ceased to

interfere with the affairs

of France.

Louis, contrary to himself from

all his

all

expectations, had extricated

difficulties.

He had

reconquered

and had recovered all of the South. His brother was dead, and with him had expired intrigues innumerable and countless dangers to the monarchy. That the crisis was not fatal to the King was a proof of his vitality and the firmness of his position. In 1473 Louis entered into an alliance with the Swiss Brittany,

LOUIS XI

169

and the Rhenish provinces against Charles, the effect of which was to give the Duke abundant employment and to defer his meditated designs upon France. Two years later (1475) Charles concluded a treaty with Edward IV of England, in which he gave to the English all of France, keeping only for himself Nevers, Champagne and the towns on the Somme. As a result of this treaty Edward entered France through “the ever-open door of Calais” with a large army. Louis at once set his wits at work to relieve himself of the English by diplomacy rather than by war. He sought and obtained a personal The negotiations opened with interview with Edward. a proposal of marriage between the Dauphin and Edward’s daughter, and money judiciously used in bribing Edward’s ministers soon brought them to a satisfactory conclusion.

The Duke

of

Edward returned

to England.

Burgundy, who had joined the English

army, but was temporarily absent, flew into a violent rage

when he heard

the news of this treaty, and threat-

ened to declare war upon the English. Edward, on his part, proposed to Louis to recross the Channel and help him crush the Duke. The King took good care to decline the offer; his was an opposite game, and he concluded a nine years’ truce with the Duke, hoping that he would go on to embroil himself still more deeply with He, on his part, intended to the Swiss and the Empire. avail himself of the

opportunity afforded by this truce

to crush out in France the last remnant of resistance to

him on the

part of the great nobles; and in this enter-

prise he succeeded.

resumed his project of establishing a great Empire on the Rhine, which involved him in continual and unfortunate warfare with the Swiss, who then ranked as the best soldiers in

As Louis had

foreseen, Charles

FOREIGN STATESMEN

170

In 1476 he met with two defeats, one at Granson and a second, still more disastrous, at Morat. In

Europe.

the following year occurred the battle of

Nancy

which his army was almost annihilated and Charles was himself slain on the field. Louis at once decided to make the most that he could out of the disaster of his Burgundian rival, and the weakHe entered Picardy and Burness of his heir, Mary. gundy. To keep the English at home he gorged them with money, and at the same time offered as a friend to In each province he give them a share in the spoil. advanced a different right. To the Burgundians he presented himself as the feudal guardian of Mary, the daughter of Charles, anxious to preserve her possessions He also took possession of Franche Comte, to her. and even entered Flanders. Then Mary, hoping to obtain a protector against this dangerous neighbor, offered her hand and all her rich possessions to the young Maximilian of Austria, and married him within six months after her father’s death. The King had entered upon his Burgundian conHis ideas had become quests heartily and full of hope. With no powerful nobles left at home to give him vast. trouble, and his great rival dead, the thought of Charlemagne occurred to him, and he would have been glad to annex to France, not Burgundy and Flanders But he had now to alone, but a good slice of Germany. reckon not only with the Princes of the Rhine provinces, but also with Maximilian. tary ‘operations sary, since all

enough

would be

we now

To

to say that he

give the details of his mili-

tedious,

care for

in

is

met with

and

is

hardly neces-

their final result.

It is

successes, secured the

provinces of Franche Comte, Arras, Artois, Hainault,

and Cambrai; he

also

met with

reverses and

was com-

LOUIS XI

I

7I

abandon some of his conquests. His most disastrous battle was fought at Guinegate, where he was defeated by Maximilian in 1479. The war was languid after this; a truce followed in 1480, and a time of quiet pelled to

for France.

In this same year (1480), on tne death of the old King Rene, the two important provinces of Anjou and Provence fell to France, Margaret of Anjou, Rene’s

daughter and

having ceded them to Louis in return for help. Finally, in 1482, Louis concluded a treaty with the Flemings, which ended opposition to his occupancy of Burgundy. Louis was now at the height of his power; but heiress,

already his health was failing.

accomplished

:

He

Let us see what he had had strengthened the throne of

France by crushing the powerful nobles who had hitherto been a standing menace to the monarchy. He had added territory to France Burgundy and several other smaller provinces until he had given her very nearly the limits which she has at the present day. He had reorganized his army, profiting by his experience in the Burgundian wars, and had rendered it one of the most efficient military establishments in Europe. He had regulated the internal affairs of the country in such a way as to give additional strength to the central gov-

—

ernment, by placing in those

who were

—

command

of

all

the provinces

devoted to the interests of the crown.

In a word, he had created a

Kingdom

of disorganized and jarring elements,

out of a collection

and had raised

France to the position of the first among the nations of Europe. By a singular concurrence of circumstances, all the surrounding Kingdoms were now in the hands of youthful sovereigns, and the able and experienced Louis XI became the arbiter among them, Hungary,

— FOREIGN STATESMEN

172

Bohemia, and Castile courted his favor; Venice at his request broke loose from the house of Burgundy, and Genoa placed herself under his protection. All was going well with Louis, only he was dying. His health was failing, and he knew that his end was not far off. Yet he desired to live, partly because he feared death, dreading, it has been unkindly said, “the judgment below,” and partly for the more worthy reason that he desired to accomplish still more for France. “Let me live a short time longer,” said Louis XI to Comines, “and there shall be but one custom, one weight, one measure throughout the Kingdom. All the customs (laws) shall be set forth in French, in a fair book, which will cut short the tricks and plunderings of the lawyers, and abridge lawsuits. I will curb, as is fitting, these long robes of the Parliament will establish a powerful police in my Kingdom.” Comines adds that he had a strong desire to relieve his people, that he recognized the oppression under which they labored, and he “felt his soul burdened” thereby. In the last year of his life Louis resided at Plessis, in a castle which has been described as a veritable donjon-keep, “behind gates of iron and bastions of iron in short, in a prison so well guarded that none entered.” Here was the King confined, so meager and pallid that he durst not show himself, or, rather perhaps unable And to go out, for he had been stricken with paralysis. fearful tales were current among the people of the life led there by the invalid King, as that to reinvigorate his exhausted veins he drank the blood of infants. But despite the popular tales of his eccentricities and excesses, there is evidence that his faculties remained unclouded to the last; that the priests who attended him

...

.

.

.

LOUIS XI in his last

moments were unable

superstitious nature as to

*73

work upon his secure from him any concesso to

sions for their order against his better judgment.

He

remained a King to the end. The end came on the 24th of August, 1483. That Louis XI was a despot of the first order, it is not necessary to say. Yet his despotism was not unlightened nor wholly selfish. The hand which he laid upon the nobility was a heavy one; yet for the lower classes he had a fatherly solicitude, as is shown by his many wise ordinances. He worked intelligently and accomplished much for the general prosperity of the Kingdom. In his youth he had been an insatiable reader, and he continued throughout his life to be a patron of learning. He was particularly interested in the new art of printing, and it is said that on his accession to the throne he invited printers from Strasburg and set

up

a printing press at Sorbonne.

may be title

questioned whether Louis

XI

On

whom

it

has not a better

to be styled the “Great” than the

Louis XIV, to

the whole,

this distinction has

more pompous been accorded.

MACHIAVELLI 1469-1527

THE END JUSTIFIES THE MEANS Nicolo Machiavelli was born at Florence

He came

1469.

May

3,

of a distinguished patrician family,

which had been honored with the highest dignities of the republic. Of his early life and his education little is known. His writings reveal, however, a wide familiarity with the Latin and Italian classics but the Greek language he seems never to have mastered. ;

In 1498, four years after the expulsion of the Medici from Florence, Machiavelli became the secretary of the restored republic.

He

held this position for fourteen

During this time he not only attended to the voluminous correspondence of the state and drew up memorials, when occasion required, on important quesyears.

tions of the day, to be presented to the council, but he

employed on diplomatic missions. He was twice Ambassador to the Court of Rome, and In these missions and several thrice to that of France. others of inferior importance he acquitted himself with great dexterity; and his correspondence and dispatches form an instructive and interesting collection of state papers. They are interspersed with shrewd comments on men and things, which reveal him as a man of clear judgment and a keen observer. One of his missions, in 1502, was to the camp of Caesar Borgia, or the Duke of Valentinois as he was

was

now

also frequently

called,

who was

then in Romagna. x

74

The duty

of

MACHIAVELLI

*75

the envoy appears to have been to wait

upon the Duke and to keep an eye upon him. Borgia was then engaged in the intricate intrigue which ended with the capture of Sinigaglia; and Machiavelli was a witness of the signal triumph of his villainy, when he caught in one snare and crushed at one blow all of his most formidable rivals. The envoy has been accused of having prompted the crimes of the artful and merciless tyrant.

But

his cor-

respondence shows that his relations with Borgia time,

But

though ostensibly amicable, were this

at the

really hostile.

did not prevent his conceiving the highest

admiration for the genius of a

man who, when

ently about to be himself crushed, had

appar-

by a masterly

combination of audacity, cruelty, and fraud, turned defeat into victory.

With the eye

studied Borgia, less as a

man

of a politician he

than as a Prince.

The

hypocrisy and villainy which he might have detested in a private citizen assumed a different hue

by a

ruler for the establishment of

tion of a state.

when employed

power and the

crea-

Machiavelli contrasted Borgia with the

who were

and he could not Here was a man who, fail to recognize his superiority. trained to an unwarlike profession, had created an army out of the dregs of an unwarlike people, and who after having won sovereignty by destroying his enemies, won popularity by destroying his own tools. There was no enemies

pitted against him,

denying the genius of the man; as to the means employed, they were justified by the end, in the opinion That a ruler should have no con£>f Machiavelli. science,

no

scruples, but should hold himself free to use

any and every means that might further his designs, is the fundamental principle which underlies the famous or infamous system of politics subsequently developed and expounded by Machiavelli in his work entitled the

FOREIGN STATESMEN

176

which he took Caesar Borgia for his model. That at this time he had already begun to entertain such views, is shown by his letters to his friend Vettori, in which he expresses the opinion that the behavior of Borgia in the conquest of the provinces and cementing a new state out of fragmentary elements, and his way of dealing with false friends and doubtful allies, were worthy of all praise and of scrupulous imitation. Prince

in

,

Detestable as are the principles of Machiavelli, there is

no question that he labored

He longed to

of Italy.

earnestly for the welfare

see her released from the domin-

ation of foreign masters

—to

see both the French and

the Spaniards driven beyond her borders, and to see

new

dominated by an Italian Prince. He had little faith in republics. Their weakness in the existing chaotic condition of Italy was only too apparent. He perceived clearly, too, that one of the main sources of this weakness was the practice which was general among the states of employing mercenary troops the professional condottieri a practice which extinguished the valor and discipline of their own citizens and left their wealth an easy prey to foreign plunderers. One of the measures of Borgia which he commended most highly was his discontinuance of this vicious practice, and his employment of troops levied arise within a

state

—

among

—

own

his

Machiavelli

subjects.

may have looked upon

the successful

Borgia as the possible future savior of Italy.; but more Flornaturally he sought this honor for his own city ence. He returned from his embassy with a scheme through which alone the first step in this direction could be taken the reorganization of the Florentine militia. He determined if possible to give his state an army made

—

—

up

of her

own

citizens.

At

that time Piero Soderini

MACHIAVELLI

*

177

had been elected gonfalonier of Florence for life, and to him the plan was first submitted. Soderini entered into his views; but when they were laid before the council, obstacles arose. First came the financial embarrassment of the state, for its exchequer was depleted by its war with its rebellious subject state, Pisa. But more serious than this was the distrust of the citizens. Some of them feared to put Soderini in command of a standing army lest he should overturn the government and make himself despot of Florence as he probably would have done had he retained Machiavelli for his adviser. For three years Machiavelli and Soderini labored at this scheme before they finally succeeded in passing it through the council. A Bureau of the Militia was then established, of which Machiavelli became the secretary. The country districts of the Florentine state were divided into military departments, and levies of foot soldiers were made in order to form a standing militia of foot soldiers only, for Michiavelli had declared against both cavalry and artillery. A commander of the army had now to be selected. There were objections to selecting a citizen of Florence, or perhaps no competent citizen was available, and Machiavelli, true to his policy of expediency,

—

—

proposed for

Don Micheletto, The Don had worked

this responsible position

one of the cut-throats of Borgia. well for Caesar Borgia, was a good soldier, and, notorious villain though he was, was deemed a fit officer to discipline

and exercise the raw Florentine militia. Meanwhile important events had taken place in Italy. The Pope Alexander VI had died, and Julius II had ascended the vacant throne. Machiavelli was sent to Rome to attend the conclave. There he again met Caesar Borgia, now stripped of his power and a prisoner of the deadliest enemy of his house; and he seems tc> Voi*. 7

— 12

FOREIGN STATESMEN

178

have regarded his former hero with less of compassion than of contempt. In the following year he accompanied Julius, as envoy from his state, on his expedition into the province of Emilia, where the military Pope subdued in person the rebellious cities of the church. Toward the close of the year 1507 he was sent to Botzen in Germany on a mission to the Emperor Maximilian, who was meditating a journey into Italy in order to be crowned at Rome. The public life of Machiavelli was now drawing to a In 1508 was formed the League of Cambray, by close. which Julius II combined the powers of Europe against the Venetians.

Then followed

stirring events in the

which had the effect of raising the hopes of the Medicean party in Florence and of weakening the power of Soderini, and finally, in 1512, came the battle of Ravenna. This battle was decisive of the fate of Florence. Giovanni de’ Medici, afterward Pope Leo X, entered the city backed by a Spanish army, and restored to power north of

Italy,

the Medici.

Machiavelli even

now

did not despair of

retaining his office; but the Medici received coldly his

He

was regarded with suspicion, as the right-hand man of the deposed Soderini, and within three months after the return of the Medici, he was stripped of all his appointments and banished from Soon after this he fell under an unjust suspi* the city. overtures of service.

cion of having taken part in the conspiracy of Boscoli,

against the Medici, was thrown

into'

manner

tO'

of the times,

was put

prison, and, after the

the rack.

Upon

the

Papacy (March, 1513) he was released from confinement; and he then retired to a villa election of Giovanni to the

in the country, there to divide his time

and

dissipation.

between books

— MACHIAVELLI

179

Busily occupied as Machiavelli had been in his public

he had found time to devote to literary pursuits other than those immediately connected with his office, life,

and he now took up as serious work what had before been a pastime. Within a year after his retirement he had completed his Prince the work already referred to. This work was designed as a sequel to his Discourses upon Livy, which, though not published, must have been written while he was still in office. But it would seem to have come hard to a man whose life had been a stirring one, and whose spirit was restless, to fill the full measure of existence in the quiet society of books. His letters to his friend Vettori present us with a strange mixture of intellectual and sensual enjoyment. He talks of his literary work, and he tells with equal frankness, and perhaps with keener zest, of his dissipations; and the one theme is as entertaining to his friend as the

—

Indeed,

other.

much

of the

between the two friends literature.

should be is

And

falls

correspondence that passed

under the head

yet this coarseness of taste

of obscene

—which,

it

was not generated in his retirement, but the whole of his private correspondence

said,

exhibited in

did not blunt his intellectual vigor.

Many

of the letters

written at this time related to the affairs of Italy and

They were intended to be shown to the Medici at Rome, and they exhibit the same keenness of perception and the same philosophical breadth as is Europe.

found

in his earlier diplomatic papers.

From

the

first

moment

of his retirement Machiavelli

meditated the possibility of his return to power.

Upon

the completion of the Prince he decided to dedicate the

work

to one of the

Medicean Princes

hope that he might thereby ensure a

Upon

in the

avowed

recall to office.

the advice of his friend Vettori, he fixed upon

i

FOREIGN STATESMEN

So

Giuliano de’ Medici for the intended honor.

Giuliano

had been chosen by Pope Leo X as ruler of a duchy to be formed by the; union of Parma, Piacenza, Reggio, and Modena, and it seemed to Machiavelli that under his tutelage the new Duke might become the great unifier of Italy. But unfortunately Guiliano died. The work was finally dedicated to the young Lorenzo de’ Medici, who had been installed in Florence. This act of Machiavelli seems to have given more offense to his countrymen than even the pernicious teaching of the work itself. It seemed like political apostasy. It has the appearance, indeed, of servile fawning for a personal purpose. But it admits of a more favorable interpretation. Machiavelli certainly had the interest of his country at heart; his confidence in himself and his system was immense. The change of rulers in Florence was a fact which he could not alter; yet what he attempted under the old regime might still be effected under the new. The Medici were in no haste to accept his proffered services. He continued his literary work, and varied it by giving readings from his Discourses to a select audience in the Rucellai gardens. to be a

commentary on the

This work professed

early history of

Rome,

though the few passages of Livy which he selected were used merely as texts which served to introduce his peculiar views as to the strong and weak points of different forms of government. The real theme of his work was the existing condition of Italy, and one of the main truths which he sought to inculcate was that a state to be strong must depend for its defense on the arms of its

own

citizens.

Toward

the year 1519 he wrote,

of Leo, a Discourse

upon Reforming

upon the

invitation

the State of Florence ,

MACHIAVELLI

181

which he earnestly admonished Leo, both for his own sake and that of Florence, to give the city a free constiadvice which runs counter to the whole tenor tution of his Prince and which declares more distinctly than any other act of his life that he was at heart a true in

—

,

patriot.

Machiavelli never realized his fond hope of being

under the new government; but toward the close of his life he was selected by the Medici for two or three not very important missions. In the spring of 1526 he was employed by Pope Clement VII to inspect the fortifications of Florence, and later in the year was sent on a mission to Venice. In the following spring he was directed to repair to Lombardy, where he was to be associated with Clement’s viceroy in the Papal service. A new political career seemed to open before him; but before he could leave Florence he was taken ill, and on the 22nd of June, 1527, he died, from an overdose of opium, it is said, administered through called to a responsible position

mistake.

The prominent

place

of stirring political events

he advanced

his

nature, naturally sion

made by

filled

by Machiavelli,

and the boldness with which

peculiarly

cynical

made him many

his Prince

in time

views of

enemies.

upon the minds

human

The impres-

of his

contempo-

was generally unfavorable, and the adverse public estimate of his character was not helped by the excesses By the great of which he was guilty in his private life. raries

majority of the sober-minded

among

his

contemporaries

he seems to have been looked upon as a thoroughly bad man, all the more dangerous because of his splendid Yet even his enemies admit that he had good talents. Vardi says of him that “in his conversation he was pleasant, obliging to his intimates, and the friend qualities.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

182

of virtuous persons/’

heretical as in politics.

In religion Machiavelli was as He held the Church and the

clergy in supreme contempt; yet on his death bed he

consented to receive the

last

that he died with blasphemy

a calumny of his enemies.

medium

sacrament; and the story

on

his lips

is

undoubtedly

In person Machiavelli was

was black haired, with a rather small head, piercing eyes and a nose slightly aquiline. He was married at about the time when he became Secretary of Florence, and left several daughters. His domestic life is said to have been a happy one, in spite of

height,

of his irregularities.

was the author of numerous works besides those which have already been referred to. A few of them only are now of sufficient interest to require mention here. In a treatise on the Art of War, written in 1520, he set forth his views on military matters, digestMachiavelli

ing the theory already exemplified in his reform of the militia of Florence.

ment upon

He

urges in this work the employ-

of national troops,

and the necessity of relying

infantry in war, doubts the efficiency of fortifica-

and the value of artillery. The work is highly colored by his enthusiasm for ancient Rome, and from

tions

the

modern

military standpoint

it is

simply a curiosity.

His last great work was a History of Florence, written by command of the Pope, who, as the head of the house The of Medici, was at this time sovereign of that State. History does not appear to be the fruit of much industry But it is It is unquestionably inaccurate. or research. written in a pleasing style, is lively and picturesque, and the reader probably receives from it a more faithful impression of the national character and manners than from other more correct accounts. It is notable that though the writer wa§ enjoined to bring into especial

MACHIAVELLI

183

prominence the house of Medici, he treats the characters of Cosmo, Piero, and Lorenzo with a freedom and impartiality equally honorable to himself and his patron. Machiavelli wrote several poetical works, which are of interest now solely to the literati. He was also the author of three comedies, of which one only, the Mandrctgola,

contributed

to

This comedy of Machiavelli

reputation.

literary

his

one of the most celebrated works of his time. It has been universally admired by critics for its merit as a work of art, and as universally condemned for its immorality. It is presented as a picture of the old Florentine

is

life.

Its principal characters

are a plausible adventurer, a profligate parasite, a hypocritical confessor, as easily

duped husband and a wife

too easily brought to yield to shame. play

is

lively,

The

plot of the

both clumsy and improbable; but its scenes are its characters are well drawn, the satire is telling,

and the wit

both sprightly and of a sort to please the It has been auditors for whom the play was intended. is

maintained by the apologists of Machiavelli that the

Mandragola was written by him as a satire, with the commendable purpose of opening the eyes of his contempoBut after having been raries to their moral iniquities. admitted to the secrets of his private life and correspondence, one requires faith of no ordinary strength to see in this objectional piece anything but an exhibition of his own grossness pampering the depraved taste of his age.

The

great

work

alone has kept his

of Machiavelli,

memory

alive

however, that which

and which has served

synonym of all The character that is crooked in politics, is the Prince. of this astounding work has been tersely presented by to cover his

Macaulay

name with obloquy,

as a

paragraph:

“It

in a single

is

scarcely pos-

1

FOREIGN STATESMEN

84

sible for

any person, not well acquainted with the

his-

tory and literature of Italy, to read without horror and

amazement

this celebrated treatise of Machiavelli.

Such

a display of wickedness, naked yet not ashamed, such

seems rather to belong to a fiend than to the most depraved of men. Principles which the most hardened ruffian would scarcely cool, judicious, scientific atrocity,

most trusted accomplice, or avow, without the disguise of some palliating sophism, even to his own

hint to his

mind, are professed without the slightest circumlocution,

and assumed

as the fundamental

axioms of

all political

science.”

Atrocious as this work relieve Machiavelli of

some

is,

it

of the

may

be possible to

odium which

it

has

brought upon him, if we will consider the circumstances under which it was written. That Machiavelli was actuated through his whole public life by a pure and earnest zeal for the welfare of his country, does not admit of question. He was never engaged in any political intrigue; was never charged with any base political act; while his great measure of the reform of the militia was undoubtedly directed to the sole end of increasing the power of Florence. But his view extended beyond Florence. The whole of Italy was included within its compass. He longed to see Italy a great state under a single government, the peer instead of the prey of France and Spain. The problem which he set before himself was the method by which this end should be If it be granted that this was the noble purattained. pose of Machiavelli, it becomes possible to solve the enigma of the Prince. Italy was at that time in a state of

thorough disorganization, almost in a state of anarchy. The petty states into which it was divided rarely worked together against a foreign enemy, and were frequently

MACHIAVELLI at strife

with one another.

i85

was perpetrated on How might all this be

Villainy

and in high places. remedied? There was, in the opinion of Machiavelli, but one way. A strong hand must seize the helm, one who could combine the States, break up their autonomy and consolidate them into a single state Italy. It was a noble scheme, and the Prince, who was to do this work, would need to be a man of energy, a man who' never resorted to half measures, and who would not be deterred by obstacles. There would be opposition, there would be intrigue, and treachery, for Machiavelli understood his countrymen; but against these weapons like weapons must be employed. As Borgia had done in creating his small state, so must the new Prince do in unifying The work would be a work of blood; but the end Italy. was a laudable one. That some such scheme floated in the brain of Machiavelli, though not demonstrable, seems highly It affords a key to the atrociousness of the probable. Prince. But the time was not yet ripe. Italy had still to wait three centuries for its final unification; and when the time came, fortunately there was no longer necessity all

sides

—

for a Machiavellian policy.

POPE LEO

X.

1475-1521

BEGINNING OF THE REFORMATION.

Leo

X

(Giovanni de’ Medici), the youngest of three

sons of Lorenzo de’ Medici, called the Magnificent, was

born

at

He was

from the

first

destined for the service of the Church.

At the

Florence December

11, 1475.

age of thirteen he was created a cardinal by Innocent VIII, but with the understanding that he should not be publicly recognized as such for three years. Upon the expiration of that time he was formally admitted into the sacred college, in his seventeenth year, and took up his residence at

Rome.

Giovanni inherited his father’s love of literature and

and his education was shaped accordingly. Theology was made subordinate to the far more congenial study of the Latin classics, under the tuition of Politian and Bibbiena. Nor was his education alone worldly. His views on the subject of religion were tinged with the art,

Skepticism so prevalent

time that society.

among men

of culture at this

was considered a characteristic of good “One no longer passes for a man of cultivait

tion,” says Father Bandino, “unless

he puts forth heterodox opinions regarding the Christian faith.” And such opinions were held by the future Pontiff, though Luther probably did him a wrong when he declared that Leo denied the immortality of the soul; he was only in doubt

upon

this point.

.Within a few

months

after

he had taken up

his resi-

—

POPE LEO X

187

dence at Rome, his prospects were clouded by the nearly simultaneous death of his father and of the Pope, a double event which closed a period of peace in Italy, due to Lorenzo’s prudent policy, and led to domestic strife,

followed shortly by a French invasion, of which

one consequence was the expulsion of the Medici from Florence. Giovanni left Rome, and found refuge in Bologna. After an absence of two or three years, a part of which time was spent in travel, he returned to Rome. Alexander VI, the enemy of his. house, was now on the Papal throne, and to avoid arousing his jealousy Giovanni kept in prudent retirement and devoted himself to literary pursuits.

The

accession of Julius II to the Papal throne, in

was followed by a renewal of military operations in Italy. By the League of Cambray Julius combined the three powers France, Spain, and Germany against the Venetian States; and subsequently when Venice had offered a prolonged and successful resistance, Julius saw it to his interest to break up the 1503,

—

unnatural combination.

He made

a separate treaty

with the Venetians, and attempted with the aid of the Spaniards and of Swiss mercenaries to drive the French

The battle of Ravenna was fought, at which the French, commanded for Louis XII by Gaston out of

Italy.

de Foix, were victorious.

Cardinal Giovanni had been

appointed by Julius commander of the Swiss MercenHe was captured and aries, and took part in this battle.

was taken a prisoner to Milan. The French met with subsequent disasters, which compelled them to cross Cardinal Giovanni effected his escape, and the Alps. with a body of Spanish troops marched upon Florence and restored there the authority

of the Medici.

Shortly

after the occurrence of these events Julius died.

The

1

FOREIGN STATESMEN

88

College of Cardinals convened to elect his successor. Giovanni, though severely ill, hastened to Rome to de-

mand

his

place

among them and vacant

own

to promote his

What

he brought to bear upon his colleagues has never been known; but the fact remains that, though then but thirty-seven years of age, he received their unanimous suffrages and was elected the successor of Julius, March He chose the name Leo X. ii, 1513. The consecration of Leo was performed with a magnificence worthy of a Medici. He delayed the cerepretensions

mony tle

of

to the

until the

nth

Ravenna.

See.

influence

of April, the anniversary of the bat-

On

the day appointed for the cere-

mony, clothed in garments studded with diamonds and rubies, his head covered with a tiara glittering with precious stones, he came to the church of the Lateran, followed by an escort so numerous and brilliant that, according to an historian of the time, no King or Emperor had ever displayed so much magnificence in his

triumphal

procession.

The Roman

clergy,

the

magistracy, the nobility, the different orders of the

monks, black, gray, and white, the different trades, the chiefs of the soldiery, clothed in glittering armor,

formed an immense cortege. Young maidens and children, clothed in white, cast palms and flowers before the He himself was mounted on Pontiff along the route. an Arab courser, the same he had ridden at the battle of Ravenna. Around him were the members of the sacred college and his relations, among whom Julian, the head of the house of Medici, in full armor, was distinguished. After the celebration of the Pontifical mass, the

new

on the people, and retraced the road to the Vatican, where a sumptuous feast

Pope bestowed

his blessing

POPE LEO X

189

awaited him and his attendants, the cost of which was computed at more than a hundred thousand crowns.

Such was the imposing inauguration of a reign which was to become famous in history for unexampled splendor, refinement and intellectual luxury. The new Pope banished from the Vatican the coarseness which had disfigured the courts of his immediate predecessors; he gathered about him all the artists and authors of Italy, and his court soon became the most brilliant in Europe. But it was a court of splendid irreligion a school of materialism and philosophical Atheism, and the Pontiff himself was its presiding genius. Leo’s first thought was for the aggrandizement of his

—

He

family.

placed his brother Piero at the head of the

Government of Tuscany, reserving for his other brother, Julian, the crown of Naples, which he had determined to wrest from Spain on the first opportunity. He turned next to the

his attention

political

situation in

which

he found himself. The game which Leo had to play was a complicated one. Italy, broken up into numerous independent States,

which

it

was impossible

to

combine

for

common

was the coveted prize of both the King of France and the Emperor of Germany. Naples, held by Ferdinand of Spain, was claimed by Louis XII of France by right of inheritance; and Milan was also claimed by Louis on the same ground. Maximilian coveted Venice, and was ready to sweep down upon Italy on the first good opportunity. How to play these powers against one another, and not only to predefense,

serve intact the Papal States in the north of Italy, but, if

possible, to

add to

which confronted Leo.

their

number, was the problem

FOREIGN STATESMEN

190

move in this game of politics was made by Louis XII, who sent an army into Italy, under the command of La Tremouille, to recover Milan. The

first

Tremouille was badly defeated at Novara, by the Swiss mercenaries in the pay of Leo, and was driven back into France. Almost at the same time Anjou was invaded

by the English, Navarre by the Spaniards, Burgundy by a second army of Swiss and the provinces bordering on the Rhine by Maximilian. In this extremity Louis was compelled to throw himself on the clemency of Leo. He sent Ambassadors to Rome, to sue humbly, not merely for peace, but for pardon for one of the means which had been adopted by Louis in his contest with Leo’s predecessor had been the calling of a council of churchmen at Pisa, to serve as Louis now, through his a foil to that of the Lateran. Ambassadors, disowned the council of Pisa, declared his ;

made in that assembly of deliver them up to Leo, and,

detestation of the decisions

Schismatics, undertook to

an adherence to the council of the Lateran, and pledged himself in future not to give aid

in addition, signed

to the enemies of the

Holy

See.

Upon

these humiliat-

ing terms Leo granted peace to the French

King.

Later the offending fathers of Pisa appeared before Leo

and after having acknowledged their error, they were reprimanded and punished with degradation to the rank of simple priests. A moment of calm ensued, of which the Pontiff availed himself to continue the labors of the Lateran General Council, which had long been in session. Among the numerous decrees issued by this council from time to time, two only are of sufficient interest to ask, in their

turn, for pardon;

to require special notice here. establishing monti de

piete,

The

first

is

a decree

banks from which the poor

POPE LEO X

191

might obtain small loans of money at reasonable rates of interest, upon the deposit of articles of value. The decree was directed professedly against the usury practiced by the pawnbrokers; but inasmuch as one-half of the interest charged went into the treasury of the church, it may fairly be regarded as an indirect taxation of the poor.

It

may be

said in passing that the three

which now form the sign of the pawnbroker, are the arms of the Medici. The second of the decrees referred to was aimed at the freedom of the press. It provided that the works of authors should be submitted to censors, and that no book should be printed which had not first received the approbation of the Pope or his Vicars, under pain of excommunication. In the midst of these political and church affairs Leo was engaged in a congenial work of embellishing Rome with works of art and particularly in rebuilding the church of St. Peter’s. This work had been begun during the pontificate of his predecessor. It was one of the balls,

Pagan art of rejuvenation there. “The two

direct results of the introduction of the

Greece into Italy, and its factions then dividing the jealous and contentious world of art,” says Ranke, “united in urging Julius II to demolish the ancient basilica of St. Peter’s, though every part of it was hallowed, every portion crowded with

monuments

that had received the veneration of ages,

and to erect a temple, planned after those of antiquity, on its site. Michael Angelo desired a fitting receptacle for that monument to the Pope which he proposed to complete on a vast scale, and with that lofty grandeur which he has exhibited in his Moses. Yet more pressing was Bramante. It was his ambition to have space for the execution of that bold project, long before conceived, of raising high in

air,

on

colossal pillars, an exact

FOREIGN STATESMEN

192

copy

of the Pantheon, in

Many

tions.

cardinals

all

the majesty of

and

remonstrated,

seem that there was a general opposition

much

its

propor-

it

would

to the plan

;

so

of personal affection attaches itself to every old

church,

how much more

then to

this,

the chief sanctuary

Christendom! But Julius was not accustomed to regard contradiction; without further consideration he caused one-half of the old church to be demolished, and of

himself laid the foundation-stone of the

new

one.”

The

work was entrusted to Bramante, and was begun from his design. But it was pushed forward with such haste that after the death of Bramante it was found necessary to demolish a large part of his work on account of its weakness. Those who re-undertook this gigantic work, San Gallo Peruzzi and Raphael, preserved only the arches which supported the tower of the dome, and, destroying the rest, recommenced the edifice from a

new

design.

So much opposition had

arisen against

the prosecution of this expensive undertaking that the

assembled to chose a successor to Julian, bound themselves by a solemn oath that whosoever of cardinals

them should be chosen Pope should not continue the work on St. Peter’s. Had Leo kept this pledge he might have avoided much of the trouble in which he became involved, for a large part of the money which he raised by the obnoxious sale of indulgences was spent upon this edifice. In the summer of 1515 the French again invaded Italy in greater force than any with which they had before crossed the Alps, to reconquer Milan. in all the

Francis

I,

ardor of his chivalrous youth, was their leader.

To oppose them Leo had The two armies met

at

only his Swiss mercenaries.

Marignano.

On

the

first

day

the combat was maintained on both sides with equal

POPE LEO X

On

fury.

the next

*93

was renewed, and the Swiss, after prodigies of valor, were finally

it

having

performed defeated. This victory rendered Francis master of the Milanese.

The Duke

Sforza was obliged to yield

it

to

the conqueror, and obtained in exchange a residence in France. Italy was struck with terror; Genoa hastened

Pope sent an embassy to compliment the young King on his success. What was to be done?

to submit; the

Francis might easily

make

himself master of

all

Italy.

Contrary to the advice of his cardinals, Leo betook himself to Bologna, there to have a conference with the victorious King.

The conference

was a grand and gala tesies imaginable.

affair,

of the

two potentates

conducted with

all

the cour-

Francis came to the place of meet-

ing accompanied by an escort of 6,000 musqueteers and 1,200

men-at-arms.

The

Pontiff

had arrived before entry into Bologna

him and waited for him. On his he was received by twenty-four cardinals all clothed in their red capes; then he was conducted to the sound of music to the pontifical palace. Leo received the young conqueror with studious polite“That ness and overwhelmed him with compliments. which most captivated Francis,” says one of the chroniclers of this most courteous interview, “was the graceful manner in which his holiness performed the mass. The monarch could not cease from his admiration during the performance of the sacred

office,

and wished so much

himself to serve as train bearer, that they could scarcely

prevent him from so doing.”

What

else could

be expected ’than harmony and

—

mutual concession when two young men Francis was then aged twenty-one opened a conference in so agreeable a manner? They seem to have had no great diffiLeo consented to culty in coming to an agreement. Voi,. 7—13

—

J

FOREIGN STATESMEN

94

restore to Milan the duchies of

Parma and

Placentia,

which had recently been acquired for the holy See by Julius II, and in return he required that Francis should abandon his ally the Duke of Urbino, whose estates added to Florence would constitute a sovereignty extending from the Tuscan Sea to the gulf of Venice. Lastly he drew from the weak Monarch an agreement to abolish the Pragmatic Sanction* under the secret condition that the Pope would aid him in conquering the Kingdom of Naples, after the death of Ferdinand of Spain. Such were the conditions of the famous Concordat of Bologna. The securing of the abolition of the pragmatic sanction was a signal triumph for the diplomacy of Leo, and it cost nothing but a promise which, it is safe to say, the pontiff had no intention of ever keeping; for he had already determined on securing the crown of Naples for his own family. In France this concession of a privilege which had come to be considered among the dearest prerogatives of the clergy gave Francis no end of trouble; and it aroused, too, against the Pope a feeling of resentment which lost for him the sympathy and aid of the Gallican Church in the great struggle, which was already looming up, with Luther and Zwingli. Leo carried out his plan for seizing the duchy of Urbino, an act for which he has been most severely censured. This princely house had offered refuge and hospitality to his

But

it

own

family

when

driven into exile.

has been urged in his defense that the

Duke

of

*The Pragmatic

Sanction, enacted in the council held atBourges, in 1438, affirmed the liberties of the Gallican church, in close connection with allegiance rather to the King than to the Pope. It also

claimed for capitular bodies and monasteries the right of electing their heads, declared the worst of the taxes laid by the Pope on the Church illegal and restrained the right of appeal to Rome.

POPE LEO X

*95

Urbino had forfeited all claim upon his gratitude by deserting him at a critical moment. The enterprise proved a difficult one, for the Duke was secretly supported by the French and Leo was obliged, in effecting the conquest, to have recourse to artifice worthy of a Borgia. His success drew with it a long train of evils. A conspiracy is said to have been formed against his life. The treason was discovered. Cardinal Petrucci, one of the leading conspirators, was entrapped into his power and was assassinated, as he entered the Vatican. Others who were implicated, and who came to him to treat for the terms of their pardon, trusting to his promise of

immunity, were seized, thrown into prison, and there poisoned or in other manner desposed of. Not one of his victims

was spared.

It

was now that Leo, suspicious

of his cardinals, resorted to the extraordinary measure of

creating thirty-one

new

cardinals in a single day.

In 1519 the political situation was very materially affected by the appearance of a new actor upon the scene.

and

In that year Maximilian died and his grandson

heir,

throne.

Charles V, was elected to the vacant imperial

As

heir of Ferdinand the Catholic,

who

died in

had already become the King of Spain and Naples, while through his mother he had inherited Between Charles and Francis there the Netherlands. was certain to be war, and, inasmuch as there existed an old imperial claim to the possession of Milan, it was equally certain that the war would be brought into Italy. Between these two hostile powers Leo had now to make his choice. To understand why he did not long hesitate to break with Francis and to unite his fortunes with that of the Emperor, it will be necessary to take an account of certain occurrences, very annoying to the pontiff, which were at this time taking place in Germany. 1516, Charles

:

FOREIGN STATESMEN

196

the enormous expenses occasioned by his military operations and his general extravagance, Leo was obliged to tax to the jutmost his ingenuity in raising

To meet

money. One of the expedients to which he resorted was the imposition of tithes, on the pretext of a crusade But this extraordinary tax met with against the Turks. the most violent opposition. The nuncio sent to Spain to collect it was summarily driven from the country by Other Cardinal Ximenes, the Regent of the Kingdom. agents, sent through the different countries, returned empty handed. This scheme for collecting money having thus signally failed, Leo next resorted to an expedient which was calculated to be more popular, since it appealed

He

directly to the personal interest of every individual.

revived a practice instituted by the infamous Alexander

VI

—the

mit

sin.

sale of indulgences, or the permission to

The system was organized on

com-

a vast scale.

every province he appointed farmers general,

who

In kept

and sold indulgences for the living and the dead; and in order that no village nor hamlet should escape his rapacity, he sent legions of mendicant monks, who traversed town and country armed with bulls, to levy contributions on the inhabitants. The following is the tenor of one of these remarkable forms of absolution, delivered by Arcembold, one of the farmer generals in Saxony “As our the Lord Jesus Christ absolves you by the merits of His passion, I, by His authority and that of the blessed apostles, St. Peter and St. Paul, and that of our most holy father, absolve you from all ecclesiastical censures under which you may have fallen, from all sins, delinquencies, or excesses which you may have com-

their offices in churches or monasteries,

mitted, or shall

commit

hereafter,

how

great soever they

POPE LEO X may

be,

and

I

make you

197

a partaker in

the spiritual

all

merits acquired by the Church militant or

its

members.

you to the holy sacraments, to the unity of the faithful, to purity and innocence as an infant newly born, who comes to receive baptism, so that the gate of hell shall be shut against you and that of paradise opened to you on your death.” It was charged, though perhaps maliciously, against John Tetzel, another vender of indulgences, who operated also in Saxony, that he went so minutely into the cynical details of the sins of which he could remit the penalties that his circular might well be regarded as I

restore

obscene literature.

It is

not surprising that this scan-

dalous financial measure of the Pope stirred profoundly the feelings of the

more thoughtful.

A

universal cry of

Bold men cried out to the people, “Draw away from the dominion of the Popes, those shameless thieves who have made indignation was raised against the holy See.

the temple of Christ a cave of robbers.”

Among

the reformers

who

then arose, one became re-

markable from the boldness of his denunciations, the vigor of his mind, the profundity of his thoughts, and his obstinate perseverance in the strife. at the

He

placed himself

head of the religious movement, and widened the

schism which was about to dispute the Empire of the This reformer was Martin world with the Papacy. Luther.

This indefatigable enemy of the Pope was born at Eisleben, in Saxony,

November

10, 1483.

His

father,

a slate-cutter by trade, belonged to a family of free peasants.

much make of

In his boyhood Martin displayed so

avidity for learning that his father resolved to

him a lawyer. Having studied, first in a Franciscan school at Magdeburg, and afterward at Eisenach, Luther

FOREIGN STATESMEN

198

took a bachelor's degree at Erfurt, at the age of nineteen. At Erfurt the preaching of the town’s pastor, Weisemann, and in particular his frequent exhortations to study the Scriptures, made a profound impression upon him. A dangerous illness, the death of a dear friend, and other circumstances, wrought so powerfully upon him in his pious mood, that he resolved to give up all his worldly prospects and to become a monk, and in .

June, 1505, he entered an Augustinian Monastery. From this monastery Luther was sent to Wittenberg, to study theology.

Here

his talents caused

him

to

be chosen a professor.

In 1510 Luther was deputed to look after the affairs “I was a witness,” of his order at the court of Julius II. he says in one of his works, “of so many scandalous acts, that on the day of

my

my

departure

I

resolved to labor

overthrow of the Papacy, and the reform of abuses which had been introduced into religion by avaricious priests or depraved pontiffs.” Such was the temper of the man who, from the pulpit during

of

life

for the

Wittenberg,

now

raised

Tetzel and his indulgences.

a

stentorian

He

voice

against

wrote anxiously to the

Princes and Bishops to refuse the pardon-sellers a pas-

sage through their lands, and

finally

unable to repress

longer his indignation, he wrote out ninety-five proposi-

denouncing indulgences, and nailed the paper to the door of the Castle Church. This was done on the eve of All-Saints day, October 31, 1517, and this day stands marked in history as the birthday of the tions, or theses

Reformation. Leo,

informed of these outrageous proceedings,

summoned Luther

to appear before

him

at

Rome; but

Saxony took him under his protection, and the matter was finally so adjusted that Luther was the elector of

POPE LEO X cited

to

l

99

appear for interrogation before the Pope’s

The Pope was

legate at Augsburg.

with extreme caution, for

obliged to proceed

was clear that the people of Germany were in entire sympathy with Luther; his legate was told to be conciliatory. But in spite of this instruction, the proceedings at Augsburg were conit

ducted in so harsh a manner, that Luther, conceiving himself to be in danger, left the town by stealth and returned to

Wittenberg.

Here he found the

elector,

an imperious letter from the cardinal legate at Augsburg. Luther offered to leave Saxony and retire into France, but the elector insisted upon his remaining in Germany. A new correspondence was opened with the Pope, the result of which was an arrangement that Luther should discuss the charges against him privately with another representative of the Pope. The new legate seems at this interview to have given up Tetzel and the indulgences, and to have agreed with much of Luther’s theology; but he insisted that he had not been respectful to the Pope. The result of the interview was that Luther consented to write an apologetic and explanatory letter to the Pope; and it was further agreed that Luther should discontinue preaching or writing on controverted matters, so long as he himself was not attacked. But a disturbing element arose to break this pact of harmony. Ulrich Zwingli, a curate of Zurich, emboldened by the example of Luther, preached in Switzerland in great anxiety over the receipt of

on monastic vows, the

saints, the ecclesiastical hierachy,

the pontifical despotism, the sacraments, and especially that of penance. this

To meet and

counteract the effects of

alarming and new defection, the Pope promulgated

a decree of council, in which was reaffirmed the principal of Papal supremacy,

and

in particular the

power

of the

FOREIGN STATESMEN

200

Pope

to remit the guilt

Thus was At about the same time

and penalty

the debated point again raised.

of sins.

John Eck, in Germany, published thirteen theses against Luther, and challenged a friend and colleague of Luther, to a public disputation.

Luther, considering that the

terms of his compact with the Pope had been violated, now began again to let loose the thunder of his voice.

He no

longer confined himself to the narrow question of indulgences. He overhauled the entire history of the

Church; brought to light all its irregularities; denied its authority over conscience, and ended by denouncing the

Pope It

from

as anti-Christ.

was

chair at

his

when Luther was fulminating Wittenberg these new and alarming

just at the time

and was winning the applause of all Germany, that Charles V was elected Emperor. What were Charles' private views on the subject of this heated controversy, is a question of small importance. His attitude toward Luther would be determined entirely by political considerations. This circumstance was probably chief among those which determined Leo to seek an doctrines,

him rather than with Francis. With Charles with him, he might hope to quell the spirit of insubordination which had risen in Germany; but should he elect Francis, Charles could then employ Luther against him, as a most effective weapon, and Germany would be lost to the Church. In addition to this weighty reason there was another by no means inconLeo was desirous of recovering Parma and siderable. alliance

with

which he had been forced to yield to Francis. Charles readily consented to their restoration and further agreed that Milan should be left in the hands of Placentia,

an Italian Prince.

Having made

this secret

arrangement with the

Em-

— POPE LEO X peror,

Leo now

sent to

into his hands.

201

him a request

to deliver Luther

Charles replied that in the existing

Germany, such a course was impracticable, but that he would convene a diet at Worms, at which Luther should be put on trial. The diet was opened by Charles in January, 1521 but Luther was not called before it until the following April. Luther came to the diet under a safe-conduct granted by the Emstate of feeling in

;

peror, fully expecting a condemnation.

the judgment

upon a

entering

he found his collected writings spread Being asked by the Pope’s nuncio, who

hall,

table.

whether he would recant the doctrines set forth in them, he requested time for consideraWhen he appeared before tion, which was granted him. the diet on the following day, he had divided his writings into three classes, which he said must be considered Those which he had written about faith and separately. morals he could not retract, because even his enemies found in these nothing to condemn; those in which he had condemned the Papacy and Popish doings, he would not retract; those in which he had attacked private persons with perhaps more vehemence than was right though he could not retract these, he was ready to Further listen to any one who pointed out errors. interrogation followed; but before any action could be taken, the Emperor broke up the session of the diet. On the following day he sent for Luther and held with him a private interview, after which he permitted him So to return under his safe-conduct to Wittenberg. presided at the

*

Upon

the

trial

trial,

before the diet at

Worms came

to naught.

Luther, protected by the elector of Saxony, in concealment in the castle of Wartzburg, for some time dis-

appeared from the world’s view. The Emperor, though he had extended a protecting

FOREIGN STATESMEN

202

and was perhaps by no means desirous of seeing him fall into the power of the Pope, still found it politic for the purpose of stifling the complaints which the clergy on all sides were making against him, to issue a decree, in which he defined his position. He declared that he held Martin Luther as a heretic, and commanded him to be regarded as such by all his subjects, under the He prohibited the printing, most severe penalties. transcribing, or reading of any of his books or the abridgments published in various languages; and finally he formally prohibited the printing of any book on religious subjects, without its having been first sub-

hand

to Luther,

mitted to the censor of the Pope.

In this

way

Charles

Although Luther himself had escaped, the Pope had temporarily a victory by his set himself right

with Leo.

outlawry.

Meanwhile, the combined forces of the Pope and the Emperor were successful in Italy. Milan was taken

from Francis. Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, a cousin of the Pope, was himself on the field and entered the city with the conquering army. It was generally believed

Leo intended to confer upon this relative the duchy. Parma and Placentia were recovered, the French were compelled to withdraw, and Leo now saw executed the first part of the political scheme which he had in mind in

that

forming

The

his alliance

star of

with the Emperor.

Leo seemed

to be in the ascendant.

cloud which had gathered in

The

Germany had been swept

away; the disturber of the peace of the Church there, though not punished, was yet an outlaw and had hidden himself from sight. There was a prospect that the erring brethren in

bosom

Germany would

return penitent to the

of their mother, the Church.

Leo, engrossed with his

political

It is

doubtful

schemes, realized

if

how

POPE LEO X

203

mighty was the revolt which had been raised against him and which he was to bequeath to his successors. The news of the victory of Milan came to add to his elation. The message was brought to him in the evening, to his villa of Malliana. Abandoning himself to the engrossing thoughts which naturally arose from the happy termination of so important an enterprise, he imprudently paced

and fro until a late hour at night, before an open window, through which came a malarial air from the marshes. The next day he returned to Rome, somewhat exhausted, but still in high spirits. The rejoicings there celebrated were not yet concluded, when he was taken ill and retired to his chamber. His illness had to

continued for a week without exciting hension,

when suddenly

his

serious appre-

symptoms became alarming,

and so swiftly did the end approach that he expired withThere were out having received the sacrament. suspicions of poison, but the circumstances have not been thought fully to have justified them. Leo died December 1, 1521, at the age of forty-four years, after having occupied the holy See eight years, eight months, and twenty days. Leo X has been the subject of unstinted praise and of unmeasured censure, according to the point of view from which his life and character have been regarded. It is

not necessary here to attempt to strike a balance

between

his

good and

his

bad

qualities.

Of

his failings,

considered from a worldly point of view, his reckless

extravagance was the most unfortunate.

quence

in leading

him

Its conse-

to resort to the obnoxious sale of

indulgences to replenish his treasury, has already been presented.

At home

it

cost

him the

love of his people.

The Roman populace could not forgive him for having spent so much money, and yet leaving so great debts.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

204

They pursued

body to the grave with insults and “ Thou hast crept in like a fox,” they ex-

reproaches.

his

claimed, “like a lion hast thou ruled us, and like a dog

thou hast died.”

After times, however, have designated a

century and a great epoch by his name.

Men

have questioned his title to this honor; and, indeed, it must not be forgotten that, while he was a generous patron of art and letters and deserving of all praise for recognizing and fostering merit wherever found, the real luster of the

—

“Age

of

Leo” was shed upon

by the great masters Michael Angelo, Raphael, Ariosto whose transcendent genius required no patron and would have wrought the same had no Leo ever existed. As has been well remarked by Ranke, Leo X was peculiarly favored by circumstances. His character had been formed in the midst of those elements that fashioned the world of his day, and he had liberality of mind and susceptibility of feeling that fitted him for the furtherance of its progress and the enjoyment of its If he found pleasure in the efforts of those advantages. who were but imitators of the Latin, still more would It was in the works of his contemporaries delight him. his presence that the first tragedy was performed, and it

—

(despite

the

objections liable to be found in a play imi-

tating Plautus) the

first

comedy

in the Italian language; there

that

was not

first

seen by him.

friends of his youth.

also that

is,

was produced

indeed, scarcely one

Ariosto was

Machiavelli composed

among

the

more than

one of his works expressly for him. His halls, galleries, and chapels were filled by Raphael, with the rich ideal of human beauty, and with the purest expression of life in its

most varied forms.

music, a

more

scientific

He was

a passionate lover of

practice of which

was then

POPE LEO X

205

becoming diffused throughout Italy. The sounds of music were daily heard floating through the palace, Leo himself

may

humming

the airs that were performed.

This

be considered a sort of intellectual sensuality, but it is at least the only one which does not degrade the man. Leo X was full of kindness and ready sympathies. Rarely did he refuse a request, and when comall

pelled to

do

so,

evinced his reluctance by the gentlest

He was

expressions.

hunting and

fond of rural sports, and par-

His favorite haunt in summer was his villa of Malliana, whither he was accompanied by the improvisatori and other men of light and agreeable talents capable of making every hour pass pleasantly. Toward winter he returned with his company to Rome, which was now in great prosperity, the number of its inhabitants having increased fully onethird within a few years. Here the mechanic found employment, the artist honor, and safety was assured to all. Never had the court been more animated, more graceful, more intellectual. In matters of festivities, whether spiritual or temporal, no cost was spared, nor was any expenditure found too lavish when the question was of amusements, theaters, presents, or marks of favor. But, as has been intimated already, this splendid court was characterized by a lack of religious sentiment and ticularly of

conviction quite out of its

fishing.

harmony with the character

of

presiding spirit as the head of the Christian Church.

Philosophers disputed here as to whether the reasonable soul were really immaterial and immortal, but one single spirit

only and

common

to mankind, or whether

it

were

absolutely mortal; and Leo, far from discountenancing these discussions, took a part

and a

lively interest in

them.

A knowledge of these practices of Leo, and of his hetero-

2o6

FOREIGN STATESMEN

—

dox opinions on the subject of Christianity was no secret about the matter could not fail

—

for there

add to the horror created in the minds of the sincerely pious by his claim to the power to remit the penalties of sin, and seemed to justify the name of anti-Christ, with which he was branded by the great German reformer. to

CHARLES V 1500-1558

RISE OF

THE AUSTRO-SPANISH EMPIRE

who became King

Charles of Austria,

Emperor

of

Germany under

the

title of

born at Ghent, on February 24, 1500. the

Archduke

and

of

Mary

of Spain anc*

Charles V, was

His father was

son of the Emperor Maximilian

Philip,

Burgundy, who, as the heiress of Charles the Bold, became Queen of Flanders; his mother was Joanna, second daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, to whose united sway all Spain was subject. By the early death of Mary her son Philip had become sovereign of of

the Netherlands while

still

became upon the death

of her only brother

est sister

a child.

Joanna, his wife,

and her eldthe heiress of both Castile and Aragon, and of

many important possessions attached to them, including the Kingdom of Naples and the “New World,” then recently discovered. The prospects of the the

young Prince Charles were,

therefore, of the

most

bril-

liant character.

But the boy who was destined was

less fortunate in his parents.

commonly known

as Philip the

frivolous, possessed of

who had never been

to this vast inheritance

His

father,

who was

Handsome, was vain and

no capacity

for affairs; his mother,

distinguished for the strength of her

understanding, was reduced by poor health, after the birth of a second son, Ferdinand, to a condition of mental imbecility.

In 1504 occurred the death of Isabella. 207

Irritated

by

FOREIGN STATESMEN

208

the conduct of her son-in-law, she had appointed Fer-

dinand Regent of Castile until her grandson, Charles, had attained to the age of twenty, when the Government

was to devolve upon him. Philip entered into a contest with Ferdinand for the Regency, and succeeded in obtaining the position; but he lived only three months to enjoy the honor of being in effect the King of Castile.

By

the death of his father, Charles, at the age of six,

The unhappy became sovereign of the Netherlands. condition of his mother deprived him of all parental care, but the maternal place was supplied, as well as might be, by his aunt Margaret of Austria, and by Margaret of York, the widow of Charles the Bold. Soon after his father’s death, Maximilian, who had assumed the Regency of the Netherlands, placed the young sovereign under the charge of two tutors, William de Croy, Lord of Chievres, and Adrian of Utrecht. The former was charged with his military training, and he aimed, not merely to make of his pupil an accomplished knight, but also to imbue him with that historical knowledge and statecraft which would be essential to him in his future career.

To

Adrian,

who was

a great theologian, was

entrusted Charles’ literary training.

But the

selection

seems not to have been particularly fortunate. At any rate, Charles never acquired a sufficient knowledge of Latin to be able to write or to speak in that language of diplomacy, the Latin then holding the position of French at the present day. Yet, it is said, curiously enough, on good authority, that Charles in the course of his life became the master of fourteen languages. In 1516, at the solicitation of the Netherlander, Maximilian relinquished the Regency, and Charles, at the age of sixteen, was invested with the

full

rights of

CHARLES V

209

This event was followed by one of still greater importance, the death of Ferdinand of Aragon. sovereignty.

Since the death of Philip, Ferdinand had governed

and her young son, of Ferdinand was opened, it

Castile in behalf of his daughter

When

Charles.

the will

was found that he had conferred Cardinal Ximenes, the Archbishop

this

Regency upon

and one Ximenes at once

of Toledo,

of the ablest statesmen of his day.

entered upon the duties of his office; but presently arrived Adrian of Utrecht, in

who produced

a document

which the young Prince had conferred upon him the

Regency of Castile, in the event of Ferdinand’s death. This seemed to bring Ximenes into direct conflict with his

sovereign;

appeared

in

still

he maintained that until Charles

person to assume the Government he was

Kingdom. The result was a compromise a joint Regency though in effect the dominant character of Ximenes made him the sole ruler of Castile for a period of two years. No sooner did the news of the death of Ferdinand the legal Regent of the

—

—

reach Brussels; than Charles, notwithstanding that his

mother Spain.

still

lived,

looked upon himself as the King of

After consulting both the Pope and the

peror, he openly

assumed the

offended the Spaniards,

title.

who

Em-

This action greatly

maintained that in the

existing state of things, the proper arrangement to be

made could be determined only by the

Cortes.

Cardinal

Ximenes was thus placed in an embarrassing position, for though he concurred in the general opinion he saw the advisability of yielding to Charles, who was the virtual sovereign.

Accordingly, in spite of violent opposition

which met at Madrid to dishe ordered Charles to be pro-

in a council of the nobility

cuss the question at issue, Voi,. 7

— 14

FOREIGN STATESMEN

210

claimed King in Madrid and through

Ximenes had now a

difficult

the provinces.

part to play.

hated him; but he acted with so

energy

all

The

nobility

much prudence and

powerful as they were, they could do nothing against him. Yet their insolence was repressed and that,

his authority

maintained only by a demonstration of

military force.

Kingdom

He called upon

the various towns of the

to raise troops, offering special inducements

to enlistment; and though

some

of the cities refused to

respond to his demand, he ultimately carried into effect his scheme of providing a strong national militia subject solely to his orders. in

Spain made obvious to Charles the

own

presence in that country; and the

These troubles necessity of his

come and take

cardinal himself strongly urged

him

possession of the Government.

But, greatly to the cha-

grin of Ximenes, one of the

first

to

acts of Charles

upon

reaching Spain was to give the cardinal permission to

from the cares of government to his diocese, and Ximenes felt to instal in his place Adrian of Utrecht. his removal keenly, for he was conscious that only his strong measures had secured the Kingdom for his sovereign. He was now eighty years old, and he did not long survive this cold, if not unjust, treatment. Charles retire

learning of the cardinal’s failing health, sent letter.

but

It

may have

him a kindly

soothed the feelings of Ximenes,

could not delay his end. The Cortes were now assembled, it

first

that of Ara-

gon, then that of Castile. There was much delay and hesitancy in both of these bodies over recognizing Charles as King; but both yielded in the end, though in Castile he was allowed the sovereignty only conjointly

with his mother. plies

Then followed

—600,000 ducats,

the granting of sup-

in the case of Castile, to

be paid

in

CHARLES V

211

—and

Charles was fairly

three yearly installments

established sovereign over the undivided

Kingdom

of

Spain.

Now

followed troubles.

The people were

pleased

manner nor the conduct of their new was generally regarded as a young man

neither with the

sovereign.

He

who, after inflicting innumerable evils upon Spain, might fall into the same deplorable condition as his mother. But what was particularly offensive to the Spaniards, was that the Flemings whom Charles had brought with him monopolized the offices, and treated the nobility with insolence. Against Chievres the hostilities were especially bitter. Chievres was an able man, and an admirable minister; but he was possessed of the vice of avarice. He was charged with selling offices and he was believed to be amassing enormous And to this heinous offence he added that of wealth. of feeble capacity,

giving the chief offices of the State to foreigners.

While the public discontent in Spain was at its height, word came that Charles had been elected Emperor of Germany. On the death of Maximilian (in 1519) he had become a candidate for the vacant throne, but he had a powerful rival in Francis I of France. The electors were the seven chief Princes of Germany, and to gain their favor both candidates made strenuous efforts. The choice finally fell upon Charles, though not until the crown had first been offered to, and declined by, the elector of Saxony.

The

chief objection

to Charles seems to have been the great extent of his

dominions, and a fear his

power

man

lest

he might be tempted to use

for the subversion of the liberties of the Ger-

was wisely concluded by the electors that in the existing state of European affairs a strong hand was needed, that a weak Emperor would Princes.

But

it

FOREIGN STATESMEN

212

bring contempt upon himself and might involve Ger-

many in The

ruin.

Spaniards were by no means delighted to see

King elected Emperor. It was seen at once that Spain would be reduced to the condition of a mere province, and would cease to be the object of Charles’ sole care. Strong efforts were made to prevent him from leaving the country. The Cortes showed a disposition to refuse to grant him the supply of money for their

which he called to defray the expenses of his journey into Germany. At Valladolid a popular tumult was raised, and Charles in consequence adjourned the Cortes to meet at Santiago. Some of the deputies refused to attend, and when the needed money was finally granted it was under a protest from the absent representatives. Charles

now

perial crown.

set out for

On

his

way

Germany

to receive the im-

to Flanders he turned aside

to pay a visit to

Henry VIII

most anxious to

conciliate.

of England,

He then

whom

he was

journeyed by way

where he was crowned Thence he proceeded to with the usual ceremonies. Worms, and presided over the imperial diet, which met in that city on the 28th of January, 1521. By leaving Spain without having first satisfied the just complaints of the people and without having made a satisfactory arrangement for the Government of his of Flanders to Aix-la-Chapelle,

Kingdom during

his absence, Charles, in his eagerness

upon his head the imperial crown, nearly lost by He had the most valuable part of his inheritance.

to place far

left in

command

in

tutor in the classics,

incapable of lence;

Spain Adrian of Utrecht, his old a worthy man, no doubt, but quite

managing a Kingdom

and turbulence soon began.

in

a time of turbu-

When

the doings of

CHARLES V

213

the Cortes at Santiago and the departure of Charles

from Spain became known, a wild paroxysm of rage ran through the whole country. The deputies to the Cortes on returning to their constituents, were received with abuse and execration, as the betrayers of their country, and in many places their houses were mobbed and their lives were placed in danger. In Segovia the attack was carried a step farther, a deputy was actually hanged on the gallows between two thieves. What was Adrian to do? He was a man little disposed to adopt strong measures; yet it seemed to him that to let this outrage pass unpunished, would be a virtual confession of the impotence of the Government, and would draw on it additional insult. One of his

recommended caution, pointing out Spaniards really had some grounds for being

that the

advisers

bad humor, and that they should be managed. But Adrian decided upon using force, and sent Ronquillo, one of the royal judges, with a considerable body of troops, to reduce Segovia to submission. The result was as might have been anticipated. The country was aroused. Other towns sent troops to the assistance of Segovia, Toledo, one of the most troublesome to Charles of all the Spanish cities, sent 1,800 men, and the number soon increased to 40,000. Ronquillo was in great danger, and a larger force was sent to his support, under Don Antonio Fonseca, whom Charles had made comFonseca found it mander-in-chief of the Spanish army. in a

desirable to get possession of a large quantity of artillery

and military

stores,

which were deposited

town of take them he

in the

Medina del Campo. In his attempt to was opposed by the inhabitants of the town. In the fight which ensued the town was set on fire by his order,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

214

and a large part of it was destroyed; still the resistance was so stubborn that Fonseca was obliged to retire defeated.

This occurrence aroused through Castile the greatest indignation. At Valladolid the house of Fonseca was attacked and burned to the ground.

That unlucky commander, after his repulse at Medina, had proceeded to Tordesillas, in order to get possession of the Queen; but he was foiled in this enterprise also; the gate of the city was shut in his face by the plucky Alcalde. Soon after Fonseca was removed from his command. Both he and Ronquillo, deeming Spain no longer a safe place of residence, fled to Portugal, and thence to Brussels. The popular uprising quickly assumed the character of an organized rebellion.

A

leader appeared in

Don

John de

Padilla,

a patriotic and energetic citizen of

Toledo.

The

step taken

which might

first

fairly

was the

calling of a Cortes

claim to represent the Nation.

This

Cortes met at Avila on the 29th of July, 1520. It was made up mostly of deputies from the cities and towns,

some representatives of the nobility and clergy. It was desired by the leaders of the uprising to give to their proceedings as great a show of legalAccordingly, Padilla was sent to Tordeity as possible. but contained

also'

Queen. This object he effected without difficulty, and he seems to have succeeded in making poor Joanna understand who he was and what he wanted. At any rate she commissioned him Captain- General, and instructed him to take steps to sillas

to hold an interview with the

secure the tranquillity of the

now removed

its

sittings to Tordesillas,

to use the Queen’s

while

they

Kingdom.

seemed

name likely

The Cortes

and attempted

For a The Queen

for their purposes.

to

succeed.

seemed to understand what was wanted, and assented

CHARLES V

2I 5

verbally to various propositions submitted to her; but

she could not be coaxed into signing papers.

The name,

Cortes, foiled in this attempt to use the Queen’s

now drew up

a long

list

of grievances, to be sub-

mitted to Charles, and they also drew up a constitution limiting the

almost to

power

of the sovereign, reducing

Had

nullity.

this constitution ever

sented to Charles and been insisted upon,

it

it,

in fact,

been pre-

would

cer-

have plunged the country into a civil war. But it soon became evident that the higher clergy and the nobility were opposed to the extreme measures adopted tainly

in the Cortes.

At

first

unidades,

the success of the popular party

as they

were

called

— had

—the Com-

been astonishing,

and had been obtained without a struggle. Adrian, without money and without troops, was powerless. He could only write to the Emperor and describe his deplorable condition. City after city took part in the movement, Valladolid, the seat of the Government, with the rest. The Government was virtually dissolved; and though Adrian himself was well treated, some of his councillors were arrested and imprisoned. Spain was practically without a government; a reign of anarchy began, with Valencia, in parthe usual calamities and excesses. ticular, suffered from the lawless rule of the multitude. The Viceroy was driven from the city and all the nobles and gentry, with their wives and children were comA Government of the people was pelled to follow him. set up; a large military force was organized, and several other towns were induced to follow the example of Valencia.

And now

set in

became alarmed ment, and

a reaction.

at the

The higher

classes

obvious tendency of the move-

rallied to the

support pf the Government

2

FOREIGN STATESMEN

l6

The

first

decided

success

of

the royal, party,

thus

strengthened, was the recapture of the Tordesillas and

But the struggle continued

the Queen.

for a while,

until Padilla, the leader of the forces of the des,

was captured

Comunida-

at Villelar, through the defection of his

troops,

who

Padilla

was summarily

refused to fight longer for a lost cause. tried for treason, together with

another leader, Bravo, and both were executed. The victorious party of the King followed up its successes with prudent and commendable moderation.

No

disposition

revolted

cities.

was

was shown to wreak vengeance upon the

The

severity of the reestablished authori-

two executions, which, indeed, were warranted by the law of Nations, for Padilla and his associates had undoubtedly been guilty of high treason. Upon none of the cities was any punishment inflicted. Even Toledo, the most offending among them, was left with all its rights and privileges unimpaired. The rebellion had destroyed itself by its own violence. All parties seemed disposed to accept it as a lesson of the danger to be apprehended from a violent disruption of the established order of things, and its ultimate effect was no doubt greatly to strengthen the royal authority, which at one time it seemed likely to

ties

satisfied

with

these

overthrow. Charles returned to Spain in

1

522,

and

his first pro-

ceeding was to put the finishing touches to the

ment

of the great rebellion.

He

settle-

issued a proclamation,

which he granted full pardon to all the common people who had been engaged in it; but from the general ‘amnesty 200 of the more prominent actors, whom he declared to have been guilty of treason, were excepted and condemned to death. The greater number of these, however, saved themselves by flight, and others by in

CHARLES V

217

money

or influence bought their pardon and even a restitution of their property.

His next measure was to effect a constitutional change of the utmost importance both to himself and his people. Hitherto it had been the practice of the Cortes to state its grievances before it took up the consideration of the question of supply.

Charles

summoned

a Cortes to meet at Valladolid, and this question of the order of business was made the leading one. Charles insisted that the question of supply should be disposed of before the presentation of grievances. There is no need to point

out the importance of the change. Charles expected to be engaged in foreign wars, in which his Spanish sub-

would have little or no interest, and he had no mind to be hampered at home by being obliged to purchase the money that might be doled out to him by continual concessions. The Cortes, weakened by the breach made between the commonalty and the nobility by the jects

no position to resist this demand, and yielded when it became apparent that Charles would attempt to carry his point by force if it could not be gained otherwise. insurrection, found itself in

From

this

to gain the

most

time forward Charles sought in every way

good

of his time

He

spent

them, residing at various

cities

will of his

among

Spanish subjects.

in succession, that his presence

He

might become

familiar

and his manners either naturally or gradually became conformaHis marriage with a Prinble to those of his subjects. cess of Portugal, in 1526, was also agreeable to his people. The Spanish had little sympathy with his foreign enterprises, but the glory and power obtained by the Emperor was reflected in a measure upon them, and to to

all

his people.

spoke Spanish

some extent reconciled them

to

fluently,

its cost.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

2i8

money with which to carry on his vast foreign enterprises, and resorted to Charles was always in need of

every practicable means for drawing

from the Spanish people. The Cortes was never convened except for this purpose, and since he held the whip-hand over it, he could always extort from it something. It is not easy to form a correct estimate of the revenue which Charles derived from Spain. We know, however, that it was derived from four sources; (i) the royal domains, (2) it

one-third of the tithes, (3) a tax termed the alacava, and (4) a supply, or service, granted every three years by the Cortes

various

rived from the

means

amount

first

Kingdom.

about of

four

money

How much

he

de-

three of these sources, there are no

ascertaining; from

of

received

the

of

the

million

Cortes

ducats

he probably

annually.

The

extracted from Spain in the whole

course of his reign was something enormous, and the

was expended outside the Kingdom. Indeed for a period of eighty years, under Charles and his successors, the wealth of Spain was exhausted in the prosecution of wars in which she had little or no interest. After the stream ceased to pour in from America, she became practically bankrupt. With the close of the greater part of

it

Cortes held at Valladolid the constitutional history of

Spain under Charles ceases.

Thenceforward the theater

of his action lay outside of that country.

We

come now

to the story of the life-long contest

There between Charles V and Francis I of France. were several circumstances which rendered a war beIn the first tween these two monarchs unavoidable. place, Charles, as sovereign of the Netherlands, was naturally an object of distrust and apprehension to a

King

of France.

The Netherlands had formed only

a

CHARLES V

219

portion of the possessions bequeathed to his heirs

Duke

by-

Burgundy, the larger portion having been seized by Louis XI and annexed Charles, the descendant and heir of the to France. Duke, was in a position to contest with Francis the claim In Italy there was still to this extensive province. another subject of dispute. Louis XII, in conjunction with Ferdinand of Aragon, had captured Naples, and, expelling its native rulers, had made a division of the But Ferspoil obtained by an unprovoked aggression. dinand, by craft and force, had at last succeeded in securing the sole possession of Naples, and this Kingdom formed a part of the inheritance of Charles. The success of Ferdinand in outwitting Louis had deeply mortified the French pride, and any attempt to regain what had been so ignominiously lost was likely to prove Charles the Bold, the last

of

popular with the Nation.

was destined to be the theater of the inevitable war. It began with a contest over Milan. Since the year 1447, the succession to the duchy of Milan had been a matter of dispute between the Sforzas and the Kings of France, on the grounds of certain provisions in an old marriage contract, and in 1499 Louis XII had Italy

succeeded in gaining possession of the

city.

The Duke

had been taken into France by Louis, and had been kept in imprisonment until his death. His son had, however,

succeeded

in

regaining

duchy, which he held until 1515, ceeded to the throne of France.

possession

of

the

when Francis I sucThe young monarch,

eager to regain the duchy lost by his predecessor, crossed the Alps, and by a victory gained at Marignano,

was completely

successful.

To

secure his conquest,

Francis entered into an alliance with the Pope, and also

FOREIGN STATESMEN

220

with Henry VIII, and in 1516 he concluded a treaty with

young King

Charles, the

of Spain

and

of the Nether-

lands.

But no sooner had Charles become Emperor, than new political combinations began forming. The Pope, Leo X, decided to court the friendship of Charles and to In 1516 he effected an alliance cut loose from Francis. between himself, the Emperor, and Henry VIII, the purpose of which was to deprive Francis of Milan, and The Spanish and Papal also to attack France itself. troops invaded the Milanese, and with little difficulty defeated the French and compelled them to withdraw from Italy. Two years later this alliance was strengthened by the defection from France of the powerful Duke of Bourbon. The Duke had a grievance—a quarrel with Francis over family matters which led him to open a traitorous Bourbon undertook to correspondence with Charles. support Charles with all his dependants as soon as he

—

make

should

was discovered; the Duke saved

plot

and

The

his meditated invasion of France. his life

by

flight,

reward of his defection, as well as in recognition ability, he was put in command of the allied forces

as a

of his

in Italy.

The force

and

Imperialists,

sent

by

besieged

having

Francis

into

Marseilles.

defeated a French

first

Italy,

But

at

weeks, having failed to capture the the

siege and

returned into

Italy.

invaded the city,

end

France of

six

they raised

Francis,

at

the

head of a powerful army, followed them. He was bent upon recapturing Milan, but instead of marching directly upon that

city,

he

laid

siege to Pavia.

The time wasted here gave Bourbon and who commanded the Imperialists, a chance

Pescara, to

con-

CHARLES V centrate their forces.

They advanced

221

to raise the siege,

and on the 24th of February, 1525, was fought the battle of Pavia. The two armies were about equal in number. The French were defeated and fled in disorder, and Francis, fighting stubbornly with a few devoted companions, was taken prisoner. And now came the question of the ransom of the captive monarch. Charles was not the man to lose so splendid an opportunity for reaping a political advan-

The

tage.

price

demanded

for the liberty of Francis

Burgundy. To surrender to Charles that extensive territory would be to reduce France to a third-rate power, and Francis would not entertain the proposition for a moment. He was induced to believe that in a personal interview he might secure from Charles better terms, and he consented to be taken to Spain, where he was placed in close confinement. Charles for a long time refused him a personal interview, though he wrote him very polite letters. Meanwhile, Louisa of Savoy, the mother of Francis, who acted as Regent, corresponded with Charles and made every effort to obtain more favorable terms. Francis was seized with a severe illness; his life was said to be in dam

was the province

of

Charles visited him in his prison, but he refused

ger.

to talk about serious matters

and urged

his prisoner

guest to think of nothing but the restoration of his

The

health.

sister

of Francis, the Duchess of Alencon,

upon her but became a most active

received permission to visit Spain and attend

She not only did

brother.

mediator for

so,

his liberation.

Francis had been kept in confinement for nearly a

year before he brought himself finally to yield to the

demands tion.

and he did so with a mental reservasigned a treaty with Charles by which he

of Charles,

He

FOREIGN STATESMEN

222

bound himself unequivocally to surrender Burgundy, or he should find himself unable to carry out this stipulation, and, as a guarantee of his good faith, to deliver up as hostages his two sons, the Dauphin to return to prison

if

and the Duke of Orleans.

Upon

these terms Francis was released.

Charles

would seem from the extraordinary precautions he took to bind him with oaths, to have had little faith that he would keep his promise, and Francis had certainly no intention of so doing.

The

defeat and capture of Francis filled

Europe with

a dread of the power of Charles, and led to a cal

Henry VIII entered

combination.

common

politi-

into immediate

negotiations with the Regent of France. close alliance for

new

In Italy a

defence against the

Emperor

was formed by the Pope, Clement VII, the Duke of Milan, and the Venetians, and a league was soon formed between these Italian States and England and France. The French Assembly, when the treaty made with Charles was laid before it, declared that the King had no right to alienate any portion of the National territory, and about the same time the Pope released Francis from the oaths he had taken in Madrid. And now an astounding event took place in Italy. The forces under the Duke of Bourbon were in a very Irritated by the long arrears of pay disorganized state. due them, they were on the point of mutiny. Bourbon, unable to meet their just demands, conceived the idea of appeasing them with plunder. pillage

was no

less a place

appearance of the

Duke

The

place selected for

than the city of Rome.

The

with his army before the city

was thrown into the utmost consternation. Still, some effort was made to repel the assailants, and Bourbon was himself killed in

was unlooked

for,

and the

city

CHARLES V

223

The command then

attempting to scale the walls.

devolved upon the Prince of Orange. Resistance was soon overcome, and the soldiery rushed into the doomed city.

The Pope had

barely time to gain a safe retreat in

the Castle of St. Angelo.

The

scenes which followed seem to have surpassed

anything which had ever taken place on a similar occasion. The Germans, who composed the largest portion

Bourbon’s army, and called themselves Lutherans, manifested their reforming zeal by subjecting sacred things and sacred persons to every kind of contumely. Cardinals and all ranks of the clergy were treated with peculiar ignominy, and the churches were pitilessly plundered. The Spaniards and Italians, if they did not of

take part in the insults offered to the Catholic religion, did nothing to prevent them, but were busily occupied in gratifying their avarice and their brutal passions.

The Pope, no prospect

shut up in the Castle of St. Angelo, saw

and was soon reduced to the greatest extremity from want of supplies. In this condition the only course left was to enter negotiations with the Prince of Orange, now leader of the Imperial army. The Pope consented to remain a prisoner in the Castle of St. Angelo until the conditions, including the payment of a large sum of money, to which he had Thus, within two agreed, should be complied with. years, Charles had held as prisoner the King of France, one of the most powerful of the monarchs of Europe, and the Pope, whom all Christendom acknowledged as its

of foreign aid,

spiritual ruler.

When

the

Emperor heard

Pope’s captivity he affected extreme

Rome

grief,

of the

declared that

had been attacked contrary to his orders, and directed public prayers to be made throughout Spain for the recovery of the Pope’s liberty.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

224

The capture the Pope gave

of

Rome and

the indignities suffered by

the Kings of England and France a

ground

war against the Emperor. Italy, as on former occasions, was the chief theater of hostilities, and Francis now turned his arms plausible

for a declaration of

Lautrec, at the head of 35,000 men, was sent to attack Naples. For a time he met with little against the South.

or no resistance, for the Neapolitans detested the Span-

yoke as much as they had done that of France when she ruled over them. The whole Kingdom, with the exception of Naples and Gaeta, fell into the hands of the French, and it seemed almost certain that the two cities would soon be compelled to surrender. But Lautrec was not properly supported by his sovereign. Either from inability or negligence Francis paid no attention to his solicitations for supplies and troops. Moreover, just at this time Francis had the imprudence to quarrel with Admiral Doria, the commander of the Genoese fleet, who as an ally had hitherto cooperated with his land ish

forces,

peror.

but

who now

transferred his services to the

Em-

Disease and anxiety of mind so preyed upon

Lautrec that he soon after died. to be little fitted to cope with the

His successor proved difficulties in which he

was involved. Disease had thinned the ranks of his army; active operations were out of the question; he attempted retreat, but was met by the Imperialists under the Prince of Orange, and was compelled to make a disgraceful capitulation. Nor had Francis elsewhere met with any success to offset this disaster. He became heartily sick of a war which was everywhere adverse to him. Fortunately for Francis his desire for peace was shared by the Emperor, whose resources were just now in a deplorable condition.

The terms

of peace finally

agreed upon at Cambray (1529) were that Francis

CHARLES V should pay two million crowns

who were

sons,

for

all

his pretensions in Italy,

ransom

his

of

that he should relin-

;

and should

satisfy the

Burgundy. As to the matter of the surrender of Burgundy, Charles still asserted his claim, but consented to waive it on condition that Francis marry his sister Eleanor, the Queen dowager of Portugal, and that their son, if they had one, should inherit Burheirs of the

Duke

the

held by Charles as hostages for the

still

execution of the treaty of Madrid quish

225

of

gundy.

Although and

his

until

his

coronation

entered into

was not

after

at

As

soon

of

Bologna.

It

was

Italy

had

power, he

Emperor Pope or his

title of

by the

was established and took up his residence

as

Italy in

in

Charles

Imperial

speaking entitled to the

Charles proceeded to at

Aix-la-Chapelle,

he had been crowned

representative.

by the German Princes

possession of the

full

strictly

election

this

peace

city

that

the

Cardinal

Cinque-Port placed upon his head the iron crown of

Lombardy, and Pope Clement VII that of Emperor of the Romans. Charles now visited Germany, where the troubled condition of affairs demanded his presence. The rapid progress made by Luther, and the daily increasing number of his adherents of all ranks, seemed to threaten the country with the calamity of a civil war, in which it would be necessary for the Emperor to take a decided It was the great object stand on one side or the other. of his policy to prevent matters from coming to this In this he succeeded. But his temporizing extremity. measures both

displeased

the

Catholics

and

were

so

unsatisfactory to the Protestants that at last they entered into

a

league for their mutual protection, known from

the place at which Voi,. 7

— 15

it

was concluded, as the League

of

FOREIGN STATESMEN

226 Smalkald.

To

relieve himself of the necessity of a con-

stant attention to the affairs of

Germany, Charles preupon the electors to chose his brother Ferdinand King of the Romans, and as such Ferdinand was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle. Against this act the League of Smalkald vigorously protested. They went vailed

extreme of appealing for aid in their quarrel with the Emperor to the Kings of France and England. It looked as though Charles was about to have trouble with to the

his Protestant subjects,

when

a great danger which sud-

denly loomed up in the East had the effect of allaying the animosities of both Catholics and Lutherans and

uniting

them

for a time in the defence of their

common

Christianity.

The Sultan Solyman had assembled an immense army, with the design first to attack Hungary and then Germany. Three years before this time Solyman had conquered a part of Hungary and had slain its King in the battle of Mohacz. The expedition which he now prepared was far more formidable, and might well He inspire Europe with the gravest apprehensions. had collected an army of 300,000 men, it was said. To act against this able and powerful enemy Charles and his brother assembled troops from every quarter, and the army which they succeeded in collecting, although numerically far inferior to that of the Turks, was still very large, consisting of nearly 100,000 disciplined sol-

and a vast number of irregular troops. With this army Charles set out to meet the invading host, while all Europe awaited the outcome of the campaign with breathless interest. Charles had never before comdiers

him the elements of a soldier, and he proved himself a match for his able and experienced antagonist. He so managed his cam-

manded an army, but he had

in

CHARLES V

227

paign as to come to no general

movements

engagement, and

Solyman as to afford him no opportunity of gaining even the most trifling advantage. Solyman finally deemed it prudent to

yet so to control the

retreat,

He

of

not without having suffered considerable

returned

breathed

Constantinople,

to

and

loss.

Europe again

freely.

Three years

after

this

brilliant

campaign against

undertook (in 1535) another military expedition, which added to his laurels. The corsair Barbarossa, born in the most obscure position, had, by his daring courage and his naval skill, raised himself to the rank of a powerful Prince. Algiers was the first seat of his power, but by treachery and force he had succeeded in obtaining possession of the far more important State of Tunis. Issuing from this stronghold with his fleets, he committed innumerable depredations upon the coast of Spain and Italy. Every year numerous prisoners were captured and transported to Barbary, where they were kept in the most cruel bondage. Charles, finding his affairs in Europe in such a state as to permit his temporary absence, determined, in the interest, not only of his own subjects, but of all Christendom, to break up this nest of dreaded pirates. Espousing, for the sake of a pretext, the cause of Muley Hassan, the King whom Barbarossa had expelled from Tunis, Charles crossed the Mediterranean with a fleet of 300 sail, including galleys furnished by the the

Turks,

King

Charles

and Pope Clement VII, and a force of 35,000 foot and 3,000 horse. Having captured, after hard fighting, the fort which protected the harbor of Tunis, and getting possession of the pirate fleet, he next defeated Barbarossa in battle, and drove him into the

of Portugal

desert.

Then,

entering Tunis,

he released the

FOREIGN STATESMEN

228

Christian captives, and seated

Muley became,

throne.

and, to

make

Muley Hassan on the

of course, the vassal of Charles,

his allegiance sure, Charles stipulated that

the fort should be garrisoned by 2,000 imperial troops.

was further stipulated with the vassal King that every year he should send the Emperor six Moorish horses and twelve hawks, as a mark of his dependence. All Europe applauded the commendable enterprise of the Emperor. Even Francis I had the grace, during the absence of Charles, to abstain from any act of hostility against him. The capture of Tunis added immensely to his fame, and the slaves whom he had liberated sang his praises throughout Christendom. Soon after his return from Tunis, Charles again became involved in war with Francis. Milan was again the cause of their disagreement. The Duke of Milan had died without issue, and Francis took the occasion It

Having failed, in his negotiations with Charles, to make some arrangement whereby the duchy might be bestowed upon his second to revive his claim to the duchy.

Duke

he determined to attempt to recover it by force. He began by picking a quarrel with his uncle, the Duke of Savoy, and attacking and conquering his dominions, that he might hold Piedmont securely when he should enter Italy. The Duke of Savoy appealed to Charles for aid. War between the two great monarchs was now unavoidable. The signal success of the Emperor at Tunis had inspired him with a high opinion of his good fortune and his ability as a general, and he anticipated, in the impending war with Francis, a still more speedy and complete triumph. He was at the head of a fine army of 50,000 foot, 5,000 horse, many light troops, and an abundant supply of artillery. In imagination he had already son, the

of Orleans,

CHARLES V marched upon

Paris,

and imposed

229 his

own terms upon

his unfortunate rival.

With

this

splendid army, Charles entered France

from Italy on the 25th of July, 1536, exactly one year from the date of his landing in Africa. His confidence, and the boastful arrogance with which, in a harangue to his troops, he lauded himself, and laid claim to the peculiar favor of Heaven, is said to have disgusted even some of his own officers. He was doomed to a complete and ignominious failure. He had expected to win a great battle, and then to march triumphantly to Paris. But he found before him, in Montmorency, who commanded the army of Francis, an able antagonist, who fought him with new tactics which he was not prepared to encounter. Montmorency declined an engagement, but, retreating before him, laid waste the country. Charles, finding aside,

and

it

impossible to force a battle, turned

laid siege

to Marseilles.

It

soon became

apparent that to reduce this place would take more time than he could afford to spare, nor did Mont-

morency attempt to raise the siege. Charles now left Marseilles and advanced to Avignon, where Montmorency had established himself in a fortified camp. But no inducement could prevail upon the constable to hazard a battle, and Charles became convinced, at last,

that nothing but a retreat from the

country could save his army.

from France of similar

is

desolated

This retreat of Charles

described as one of the most pitiable

movements recorded

in history.

Its

course

was strewn with the dead and dying, while multitudes of sick, who could neither walk nor ride, were of necessity left behind.

Many

of the chief officers

of

the

army had died during this miserable campaign, and more than one-half of the army had perished. As

imperial

FOREIGN STATESMEN

230

soon as its remnants had reached Italy, Charles left it, and hastened to Barcelona, to concert measures for repairing his disasters.

The war was ried

on

in

still

continued for a time, though car-

a languishing manner, for Francis showed

Pope used his good offices to restore peace between the two rivals. A truce for ten years was concluded at Nice, of which the chief condition was that Charles should retain Milan, while to Francis was given the larger portion of no

disposition to enter Italy, until, finally, the

Savoy.

The terms

of the truce having

been arranged, the two sovereigns had a personal interview, and, soon after, they and their respective courts met and celebrated the happy event by a season of becoming festivities. The two monarchs, who had so long done their utmost to injure each other, seemed now, not merely to have dropped their enmity, but to have replaced it with cordial friendship. The project of a personal alliance was discussed between them, though nothing came of it, and the scheme was probably never seriously entertained by Charles. Yet, so eager was Francis to deserve the favor of his

new

friend, that,

soon after the conclusion of the truce of Nice, he did one of the meanest things of which a monarch could be guilty. Ghent, the chief city of Flanders, impatient at the severe taxation and arbitrary measures of Charles, formed a design of throwing off its allegiance to him. The attempt was hopeless without foreign aid. The citizens of Ghent sent an embassy to Francis with an offer to place themselves under his dominion if he would protect them against the Emperor. Francis not merely declined the offer, but he disclosed to Charles the intentions of his rebellious subjects. He did more.

CHARLES V He

231

offered Charles the privilege of passing through

France on

his

way from Spain

to put

down

the rebellion.

Charles accepted the offer of Francis, though apparently not without distrust, which proved, however, to

have been ill-grounded.

Upon

entering France he was

received with the greatest honors by the two

sons

and the constable Montmorency. He journeyed toward Paris, and before reaching that city he was met by his royal host, who treated him with the highest demonstrations of respect. The two monarchs entered Paris together, and Charles was everywhere received with the same honors which were paid to the King himself. The Emperor remained some time in France, and during his visit there was a succession of fetes, princes and courtiers doing their best to make him Then he continued on his way pass his time agreeably. to Ghent, and punished the conspirators. The capture of Tunis had not put an end to piracy. Hassan-Aga, who had served under Barbarossa, had established himself in Algiers, and had made his name Charles as terrible to the Christians as had Barbarossa. determined to destroy this new den of pirates, but his expedition against Algiers proved a disastrous failure. Contrary to the advice of Admiral Doria, he sailed for of Francis

Algiers at a late season of the year.

After his troops

had landed, a violent storm arose, which caused the greatest suffering and despondency in his own camp, while, at the same time, it raised the hopes of the enemy.

The Moors attacked the camp with the greatest fury. They were at last repulsed, but not until they had slain many men and created general consternation. But worse had been the effect of the storm at sea. Fifteen ships of war and 140 transports were wrecked, with a After this great loss both of men and military stores.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

232

no other course was open to the Emperor but to accept defeat and to return to Spain. The peace established by the truce of Nice was not of long duration. Francis had not yet given up the hope of obtaining Milan. But Charles, in spite of his disaster

professed friendship,

refused to

make with him any

acceptable arrangement respecting

Francis,

it.

decid-

ing that the enmity of the Emperor was preferable to his friendship, entered into

an

the Sultan and the Venetians.

way

their

him with envoys on

alliance against

Two

of

to Venice were assassinated

his

by order

Viceroy of Milan, and when Charles refused satisfaction for the outrage, Francis declared

of the

to

give

war against

him.

Francis put five armies into the

field

;

but nowhere

campaign were any great successes won on either side. In the second year Charles formed an alliance with Henry VIII, the avowed object of which was in the first

the

partition

France.

of

Charles claimed

and Henry was to have the rest. arrangement, Henry VIII attacked in 1544, and captured Boulogne. laid siege to St. Dizier, which he capturing.

in

the north, he gained a troops

In pursuance of this the north of France, Charles, on his side, at

length succeeded

But, while fortune was against Francis

in

imperial

Burgundy,

in

brilliant

Provence,

success

over

the

them back into three years, and neither driving

The war had lasted party had won any substantial advantage. The conThe only obstacle ditions favored a new treaty of peace. in the way was the alliance with Henry VIII, but Charles made no scruple of leaving his late ally in the The chief articles in the treaty now concluded lurch. between Charles and Francis were that the Duke of Italy.

Orleans should marry the daughter or the niece of the

CHARLES V Emperor,

2 33

in the first case acquiring the Netherlands

as an independent sovereignty,

and

ing Milan on the same terms.

second receivCharles agreed to relinin the

quish his claims upon Burgundy, and Francis did the

same in regard to Naples. Thus ended the last war between Charles V and Francis I. Charles seemed, upon the whole, to have gained the advantage. He had secured to himself the whole of Italy. But his ambition in the beginning had been to dismember France and destroy her power, and in this aim he had failed.

This peace with Francis, and a truce subsequently concluded with Solyman, left Charles free to grapple with his of

last

and most

the Reformation.

difficult labor,

The

religious

the suppression

question

always

Emperor.

But during the first five and twenty years of his reign it had been only at short and broken intervals, left him by his foreign military enterprises, that he had been able to take it in hand. Scarcely had he been able to enter on some deliberate method of dealing with it, when one or

lay very near to the heart of the

another of his enemies or suspicious friends crossed his path and called his attention elsewhere.

when he had

the

leisure

to

And now,

concentrate the

entire

strength of the Empire to the disposal of this question,

he discovered that the Reformation had become too strong to be arrested even by his imperial will. Great as had been the progress of the Reformation, from the Diet of Worms, before which Luther had been cited, in 1521, to that of Augsburg, at which was presented the celebrated “confession,” in 1530, it had been

from the Diet of Augsburg to the period at which we have now arrived. At Augsburg the Elector of Saxony and Philip of Hesse were the only considerfar greater

FOREIGN STATESMEN

2 34

able Princes

who supported

Wiirtemberg,

time

By this Dukedom of

the Reformation.

Brandenburg,

the

Saxony, and the Palatinate of the Rhine had declared for

Northern Germany was almost entirely Protestant, while in Southern Germany the imperial cities, and even, it.

to

some

extent, the nobility of the Austrian hereditary

were in favor of it, and Bohemia was strongly inclined in the same direction. Thus had the new movement profited by the distraction of the Emperor, who wished to arrest it. Now, clearly, was the time for Charles to make, if ever, a strenuous and comprehensive effort. Still, it was in his nature not to have recourse to extreme measures until all means of compromise had been exhausted. AccordStates,

ingly, in 1546, at Ratisbon, a great religious conference

had been held by some of the most moderate theologians on both sides. They had differed, however, upon some fundamental tenets, and no common platform had been secured. Toward the end of 1545 another of the methods all along proposed for the settlement of the religious difficulty, general conference, was about to be tried. Both the Protestants and Catholics had favored this plan, but the former had insisted that the Pope should take no part in or in any way interfere in such general council, and that it should be held within the borders of the Empire. Accordingly, when the Pope

composed almost entirely of Italians and Spaniards, and in which the Catholic interest would be absolutely predominant, called a General Council to be held at Trent,

the

The

German

Protestants refused to send representatives.

calling of this council, therefore, widened, instead

of closing, the breach

between the two religious

parties.

Such was the situation when Charles summoned a diet to meet at Ratisbon, to concert measures for secur-

CHARLES V in g religious concord.

As

2 35

the Protestants had

become

thoroughly convinced of the Emperor’s hostility toward them, they alleged various reasons for not appearing at the

diet.

In this assembly the Emperor declared that

“the Protestants continued to display so

much

arro-

gance that he had come to the decided conviction that measures of kindness would be of little avail, and that, much against his inclination, he would be compelled It had to have recourse to more vigorous measures.” long been suspected that this was the intention of the Emperor, but he now for the first time avowed it. The Protestants, as a last

him a memorial,

means

of preserving peace, sent

recapitulating their objections to the

Council of Trent, and again demanding a free general council, to be held in

Germany.

This petition Charles

treated with contempt.

War was now inevitable. The

Both

sides prepared for

it.

Protestants, anxious to secure a foreign alliance

which might hamper the Emperor, applied to both Francis I and Henry II. Francis was now suffering from the malady which within a few months terminated his life, and was neither able nor inclined to embark Nor was Henry more disposed to in a new contest. take an active part in the impending war. The Protestants were therefore compelled to rely upon their own resources, which, however, were considerable. They assembled an army of 80,000 men, well armed and equipped, which was placed under the command of the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse. Charles had at his disposal less than 10,000 troops. But thanks to the incapacity of the Protestant generals, who might easily have overwhelmed him in the beginning, he received reinforcements from Italy and other sources, and ere long was at the head of an army of

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

236

Charles did his utmost to avoid a battle, 30,000 men. hoping to exhaust the resources of his adversaries until

the causes of division should lead to their disruption.

This event happened, and in a way Protestants

—

expected by the through the defection of Prince Maurice little

of Saxony.

man of marked ability and Though sincerely attached

Prince Maurice was a of

unbounded ambition.

to the Protestant faith, the object nearest to his heart

own advancement.

He had

was

his

the

Smalkald League, or to take part with the con-

federates in their present

movement.

refused to join in

Still,

the Protest-

ants seem to have fancied that his neutrality could be relied

upon, and the Elector went so far as to confide

the care of his estates to Maurice during his

own

absence.

Maurice betrayed the confidence placed in him. To the amazement and indignation of the Protestants, he took up the cause of the Emperor. In conjunction with Ferdinand, he attacked the electoral territories and conquered the larger part of them. These estates were, in fact, the price the Emperor had offered him for his This occurrence broke up the league. The treachery. Elector marched to the relief of his own territories; others, on various pretexts, withdrew to their own States, and the great army was dissolved. This was what Charles had wished and expected.

The

greater

hastened to

number of make terms

the Protestant princes separately with the

as best they could, renouncing

all

now

Emperor

connection with the

league, and soliciting no conditions in favor of religious liberty.

The Elector

Landgrave

of

Hesse

of

still

Saxony, however, and the remained in the field, though

with an inconsiderable force.

But the very completeness

of Charles’

success

CHARLES V

2 37

become the master of a united Germany, and, therefore, all-powerful worked against him by arousing the fears of foreign potentates. The Pope withdrew from him the troops sent from Italy, on the shallow pretext that Charles no longer needed them, while his old enemy, Francis, though now at the point of death, invited Solyman to invade Hungary, and urged the Venetians to remain no longer neutral. Meanwhile, Charles’ position in Germany became less favorable. The Elector of Saxony succeeded not only the prospect that he would soon

—

in

recovering his

own

estates,

but in conquering those

But he committed the blunder of dividing his forces, and Charles, having entered Saxony, though with a smaller army, found him at Muhlberg, on the Elbe, and easily defeated him in a battle fought April The Elector’s army was routed with terrible 24, 1547. slaughter, and he himself was taken prisoner. When of Maurice.

brought into the presence of Charles, he expressed the hope of receiving princely treatment. Charles replied that he would “treat him according to his merits.” The Elector was brought to trial and condemned to death, but this sentence was commuted to imprisonment for life, upon the condition that he would surrender Wittenberg, which was still held by his wife, and would relinquish his hereditary territories, in exchange for the Duchy of Gotha. His estates and his electoral hat were bestowed upon his enemy, Prince Maurice. Such was the treatment which Charles deemed merited by a Prince to whom he was mainly indebted for the imperial crown.

The Landgrave of Hesse was Urged by Prince Maurice, who was by other Emperor.

still

in

the

field.

his son-in-law,

and

he was induced to submit to the The terms imposed upon him were severe.

friends,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

238

They included the surrender tories,

and terrimoney, the

of his person

with the payment of a large

sum

of

demolition of his fortresses, and, what was more galling to a

man

and

in public.

begging of pardon on his knees Prince Maurice had been given by the

of spirit, the

Emperor to understand

that

when these terms

of submis-

sion had been complied with the Landgrave should be set at liberty.

But instead he was

told that

he must

remain in confinement during the Emperor’s pleasure. The most urgent solicitations of Maurice and other friends of the Landgrave failed to move Charles from this determination, which afterward he had abundant cause to regret.

At a

which met at Augsburg, and which was completely under the thumb of the Emperor, a measure was adopted which, it was hoped, would restore religious concord to Germany. Two Catholic divines and one Protestant were appointed to draw up a confession of faith, which, since it was designed to be of only temporary application, until the decision of the Council of Trent should be rendered, was known as the Interim. Something was conceded on both sides. But, like every other compromise measure, the Interim pleased nobody, and was especially distasteful to the diet

Protestants.

To

enforce

it,

however, the Emperor

was determined, though every day made more apparent the difficulty of the task. Many Princes who had heartily cooperated with him in the recent war declared their determination not to receive the Interim.

The

Augsburg, Ulm, Strasburg, Magdeburg, and many other towns implored the Emperor not to impose upon them a measure offensive to their consciences and hostile to all rights they had hitherto enjoyed. But Charles was

great imperial cities strenuously opposed

it.

CHARLES V

2 39

and compelled, by force, in all of these cities, and, indeed, throughout all Germany, at least a show

inflexible,

of acceptance of the hateful confession.

We

come now

sodes in the

life

to one of the most interesting epi-

of Charles, the sequel to the story of

Prince Maurice of Saxony.

The

treachery of Maurice

had rendered him an object of detestation among the Protestants, by whom he was justly charged with their overthrow in their contest with the Emperor. This he might have borne with equanimity, for he had succeeded in making himself the most powerful of the German Princes, had not the Emperor, for whom he had sacrificed his good name, put upon him a fresh indignity by making him a tool for the capture and imprisonment of his own father-in-law. The Emperor had played him false, and he conceived a project by which he might punish Charles for his treachery, and at the same time win back his own good name and establish a power, which was rightfully his, as the greatest of German Princes. Maurice was a profound dissembler, as well as a cool and sagacious statesman, and he worked his scheme cautiously until the time came for action.

Not

the slightest suspicion of his intended defection

was entertained by the Emperor, and when Magdeburg stubbornly refused to accept the Interim, Charles selected

Maurice to command the force sent to besiege the city. This was the opportunity for which he had waited. During the progress of the siege, which was purposely prolonged, he perfected his plans, and when at last he negotiated the terms of capitulation, he took into his confidence Count Mansfeldt, who had held the chief command in the city, and Count Heidic, an officer who had been proscribed by Charles. With these two persons, Maurice arranged the manner in which he was to

FOREIGN STATESMEN

240

about his projected enterprise. One important measure was a secret alliance formed with Henry II, who had succeeded Francis I as King of France. When all was ready he issued, in March, 1552, a proclamation, in which he declared his reasons for taking set

up arms against Charles, among them being the detention of the Landgrave in prison. At about the same time Henry II issued a declaration, calling upon the Germans to assert their liberties, and promising to assist them to the utmost of his power. The Protestant Princes rallied to the standard of Maurice, and he was quickly at the head of a new and powerful league against the Emperor. All this time Charles was at Innspruch, whither he had gone to keep an eye upon the council which was then sitting at Trent.

As soon

storm broke, he wrote to

as the unanticipated

his brother,

Ferdinand, to

look after the rebellion, and, since he was practically

without an army, a compromise seemed the only available way of quelling it. Ferdinand held an interview with Maurice, which came to nothing except an arrange-

ment

to

hold a

26th of May.

second interview, at

Passau,

on the

Sixteen days would elapse before that

and Maurice was not the man to remain idle during this time. He conceived and nearly executed a move, which for brilliancy has hardly a parallel in history. Marching with his army southward, with the greatest possible rapidity, he made his way, with but little opposition, through the passes of the Alps, and, But entering the Tyrol, hastened toward Innspruck. for an unfortunate delay, occasioned by a mutiny among his mercenaries, he would have surprised and easily have captured the Emperor. As it was, Charles received word of his approach late in the evening, just date,

CHARLES V in

time to

make good

his escape.

241

He was

suffering

with the gout so that he required to be borne upon a litter. In addition to the darkness, a violent rain was falling,

but

it

was better to endure every

become a prisoner courtiers

evil

than to

The Emperor and his melancholy way until they

of Maurice.

pursued their

reached Villach, a place so nearly inaccessible as to furnish the fugitives a secure retreat.

When

Maurice and Ferdinand met, on the 26th of May, both were anxious for the restoration of peace, and, with very little difficulty, the preliminary terms were agreed upon. These were that the Landgrave should be set at liberty; that no attempt should be made to enforce the Interim, and that both Catholics and Protestants should enjoy without molestation the rights and liberties which they then possessed. To these terms, slightly modified, Charles finally gave a reluctant consent, and the treaty of Paussau was then duly ratified.

The

great service thus rendered to the Protestants

by Maurice removed the opprobrium occasioned by conduct

in 1546.

Even

his

his retention of the territories

of the Elector ceased to be a cause of obloquy, for,

though the Elector was an object of sympathy, it was recognized that Maurice was an abler defender of the religious liberty of Germany. The last acts of the life of Maurice were fitted to maintain his political and military reputation. He was engaged with Ferdinand in He was subsequently a campaign against the Turks. commissioned by the Emperor to chastise an offending They met at Sieversubject, Albert of Brandenburg. hausen, in the Duchy of Luxemburg, with armies nearly equal. The victory was won by Maurice, but not until he had received a mortal wound. Maurice was but thirty-one years of age at the time of his death. Voi,. 7

— 16

In

FOREIGN STATESMEN

242

*

spite

of

humiliation to which he had subjected

the

Charles, he seems never to have quite lost the Emperor’s

esteem and admiration.

When

the news of his death

reached Brussels the courtiers exhibited marks of joy, but the only remark made by the Emperor was, “Absalom,

my

son.”

Henry

II,

pursuance of his arrangement with

in

Prince Maurice, had entered Loraine, and

become evident

that his object

was

less to

had soon

it

make

German Protestants than own dominions. Among

a diver-

new

sion in favor of the

to add

territory

the towns

to

his

which he had captured and garrisoned was Metz. As soon as the treaty of Paussau had been concluded, Charles made every preparation to wrest from Henry his recent conquests.

Protestants as well as Catholics

were incensed at the French monarch’s conquest of German States, and Charles had no difficulty in raising an army of 60,000 men, among whom were many who had lately served under Maurice. With this splendid army he crossed the Rhine and laid siege to Metz. Charles had expected to recapture the town easily. But its defense had been intrusted to the Duke of Guise; its fortifications had been made impregnable to assault; weeks passed, and no successes had been gained by the besiegers. Convoys of provisions were intercepted by the activity of the French, and scarcity began to prevail in the imperial camp. Besides, it was late in the year, and the camp was reduced to a miserable condition by the severity of the weather. Men, ill-fed and exposed to unaccustomed hardship, became a prey to disease, which spread rapidly, and with fatal results. Charles was forced to raise the siege of Metz and to retreat. The pitiable condition to which the army had been reduced *

was shown by the

state in

which the camp was

left.

—

CHARLES V It

was

filled,

2 43

according to the statements of eye-wit-

nesses, with dead,

wounded and

sight presented to Guise

and

visited the imperial quarters

sick soldiers,

his

was

pity of even the stoniest hearted.

and the

when they to move the

officers fitted

Guise ordered the

dead to be buried, and the living to be tended with the utmost care. But the severity of the season had produced so terrible effects upon many that, though their lives

were saved,

Along the

it

was

at the cost of their legs or arms.

were sights equally pitiable men who had lain down to die by the side of a tree or hedge, and whose situation, says Rabutin, would have excited

line of retreat

the

pity

of

wild

beasts

— even

the

fiercest.

Charles had undertaken the siege contrary to the advice

Duke

Alva and his other generals, but he very ungenerously charged his disastrous failure, not to his own misjudgment, but to fortune. “Now I perceive,” he said, “that Fortune resembles other females, and chooses to confer favors upon young men, while she turns her back on those who are advanced in years.” In the following year (1553) the Emperor met with some successes, which in a measure compensated for of the

of

his disaster before

Metz.

But these

military achieve-

ments were of minor importance in comparison with an event which occurred in this year in England, and which opened before Charles the most brilliant prospect of

dynastic aggrandizement.

Edward VI placed

1553,

the death of

the crown of England

upon the head

of Charles’ niece, the Princess

In

Mary.

Charles, always

looking forward to the future, more thoughtful of his posterity even than of himself, could not

many advantages which would

to see the

follow from a marriage of

and heir, Philip, with the Queen of England. immediate advantage would be a separation of Eng-

his son Its

fail

FOREIGN STATESMEN

2 44

land from her alliance with France; in the future it would render England a portion of the heritage of the

House

The

was at once broached by Charles to Mary, both through his ambassador to England, and in a personal letter to the Queen herself. The only serious objection to the match seemed to be the respective ages of the parties. Mary was in her thirty-eighth year, while Philip was younger by ten years. Still, he was a widower, and had a son eight years old, so that he could no longer be regarded as of Austria.

subject

a youth. Philip

was wholly

Mary was eager that remained to

The

tract.

indifferent to this marriage,

Under such do was to draw up

for

circumstances,

it.

all

the marriage con-

preliminaries having been settled,

went to England to claim

and

his bride,

Philip

and the marriage

took place in July, 1554. We have now reached the end of the reign of Charles V. No event in modern history excited more attention,

or has given rise to a greater variety of conjectures,

than the abdication of this Emperor.

Among

the rea-

sons which have been supposed to have induced him

most probable are his increasing infirmities, a natural desire for rest, and the certainty that unless he could find release from the cares and labors imposed upon him by his responsible position, he would presently become a complete wreck, physicIt rests upon good authorally and perhaps mentally. ity that Charles had long had an uneasy feeling that his mind was giving away, and that he was destined to to take this step, the

the lamentable fate of his mother. stances, with Philip, in

Under such circum-

whose capacity

for affairs

the utmost confidence, in the prime of is

not

difficult to

comprehend.

life,

he had

his course

CHARLES V The ceremony

2 45

of the abdication of Charles

V

took place in the City of Brussels on the 25th of October, 1 555. It was at once an extraordinary and an imposing The greatest monarch in Europe had invited spectacle. his subjects to witness his renunciation of that sovereign

authority which he had so long exercised, and every-

thing was done to impart solemnity to an act so important and so significant.

The

great Hall of the States

was prepared for the performance of the ceremony. An immense platform, on which was placed the chair of state, was reserved for the Emperor, his court, and the chief nobility. In the hall below the platform a number of benches had been placed, which were occupied by the Deputies of the States, according to their rank. As soon as all had taken their seats, the Emperor entered the hall, leaning upon the Prince of Orange, and followed by Philip, the Queen of Hungary, a great number of nobles, and many Knights of the Golden Fleece.

After the President of the Council of Flanders had m

read the formal deed by which Charles surrendered, in favor of his

lands,

the

son Philip, his authority over the Nether-

Emperor

himself arose and addressed the

He

took the occasion to pass in review all the acts and measures of his reign, and to show in what manner he had discharged the trust confided to him. He called his people to witness that he had never conassembly.

sulted his

own

ease,

nor spared his

own

welfare of his subjects had required

labor,

him

when

to

the

endure

and to abjure pleasure. He concluded his speech by urging the people to love and serve Philip as they had loved and served him, to preserve their laws, be submissive to justice, and especially to maintain invioThen, turning to his son, he late the Catholic faith.

fatigue

FOREIGN STATESMEN

246

urged him, with many tears, and most tender words, to love his subjects, to govern them well, and especially to adhere steadfastly to the faith of the true Church.

During this last address the Emperor’s emotion became contagious, and all present burst into tears, one authority expressly informing us that even the Knights of the Golden Fleece forgot their dignity, and joined in the general lamentation.

After this affect-

ing scene, Philip said a few words, but, pleading his

speak in the French or Flemish language

inability to

with fluency, called on the Bishop of Arras to

known

his sentiments

and

intentions.

A

make

few months

crown of Spain, but a considerable time elapsed before he completed his abdication by relinquishing the imperial

afterward, in January, 1556, Charles resigned the

throne.

We

naturally feel

some

history and habits of a

curiosity as to the private

man who

has stood so promi-

nently before the world as Charles V.

mate

However

legiti-

may be, there is comparatively little Few men have ever been more devoted

this curiosity

to gratify

it.

than he to public business, and few Princes have cared

about the ordinary pleasures of a life of royalty. His time was too fully occupied to leave him leisure for the amusements by which idle men relieve the tedium of existence. Nor were his passions so strong as to less

deliver

him

sway of unlawful Hunting was the chief amusement in

over, like Francis

indulgences.

I,

to the

which Charles indulged. When within doors, the pranks and witticisms of a dwarf, named Peiro, formed the chief source of his relaxation. He was fond of painting and music, but he seems to have little taste for literature. Charles was naturally tactiturn, and was cold in his demeanor toward ordinary persons, though in the com-

CHARLES V pany

of his familiar friends he

2 47

became easy and

sociable.

he was always courteous in the audiences which he granted ambassadors, and, like all taciturn men, was a good listener. Still,

The

personal appearance of Charles

we\\

is

known

from the many prints reproduced from his portraits by Titian and other painters. Here is a pen portrait of him, as he appeared in 1525 to a Venetian ambassador: “The Emperor was of middling stature, neither tall nor short; of fair complexion, pale, rather than ruddy. His body was well formed, his legs were handsome, and His nose was a little aquiline, his eyes his arms good. keen; his aspect was grave, but without any indications of cruelty or severity.

were

his chin

The only

faults

with his person

and lower jaw, which were larger and

longer than suited the general appearance.' Charles had one unconquerable failing for a

order.

good It

dinner.

He was

a

been

set before him, with the

upon

one, and an eel pot-pie

— a weakness

gourmand

has been said of him that,

“if

1

of the first

two

plates

had

Province of Burgundy

upon the

and he had been told to choose between them, he would have instantly seized the pot-pie, though he might have regretted his hasty choice as soon as his appetite had been for the moment sated.” In vain his physicians and friends warned him against his overindulgence in both eating and drinking; in vain his gout and the general breakdown of his health sounded the same warning notes.

He

continued to the

other,

last to stuff

himself with

the most highly seasoned and indigestible of foods, and

was ever on the alert for some new dish or dainty. “Ever since he had left Flanders as his permanent residence,” says the ambassador already cited, “he had become accustomed, as soon as he awoke in the mom-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

248

partake of a dish of potted capon, prepared

in g, to

with milk, sugar, and spices, and after doing so he went to sleep again. He dined at midday on a great variety

which were generally the richest and most unwholesome which could be selected. An eel pasty was his special favorite. To fish the Emperor was particularly partial; but this taste was by no means exclusive, and game, pork, and mutton figured prominently of dishes,

at

A

his table.

peculiar species of

partridge,

sausages

such as his mother was accustomed to make for her own use, were among the Emperor’s dearly-prized

As was

dainties.”

severingly ties

to be expected, the appetite so per-

pampered palled

to excite

its

relish.

and required novelone occasion, when he

at last,

On

complained to his major domo that the dishes set before him were insipid and tasteless, that perplexed official replied that he did not know how he could please his majesty, unless he made him a pot-pie of watches. Charles was just then particularly interested in watches, and he is said to have relished the wit of his servant, if he had not enjoyed his dinner. After his abdication, Charles retired to the monastery of St. Yuste, situated in the Spanish Province of Estremadura. That Charles had for some time meditated taking the step he had just taken and ending his

days in this holy retreat,

is

evidenced by the fact that

a residence attached to the monastery had already been built especially for his occupation.

Although not yet

was now hastily prepared reception, and here he took up his abode, with

quite complete, this building for his

only a single attendant, referred to as his major

A

Don

Louis Quixada, already

domo.

great deal of misinformation respecting Charles’

monastic

life

has become popularly current through the

CHARLES V

249

statements of Robertson and other historians,

who had

not access to documents which have become available to later writers.

The notion was long

prevalent that

Charles, in the monastery of Yuste, lost

all

interest

and devoted his time entirely to religious contemplation or petty amusements. The documents referred to have established beyond a doubt that such was not the case; that his withdrawal from active life in no degree diminished the interest which he felt in state affairs. He was kept regularly informed of the events which were taking place in the grand theater of European politics, and of the governmental measures which were proposed or adopted by his son, and while he refrained, from a motive of delicacy, from offering Philip his advice, he gave it freely when it was sought, which was very frequently. Nor did he mortify the flesh by anything of the nature of aceticism. His dinners were as elaborate at Yuste as ever they had been in the outer world,

in Brussels or Barcelona.

The

building erected

for

his

use,

though

small,

was commodious. It consisted of two stories, each containing four rooms of uniform size. Those facing the south were set apart for the Emperor. They were situated on the upper story, which communicated with the church, and from which a window gave a view of the high altar. The four rooms occupied by the Emperor were furnished, if not with regal magnificence, still ele-

The

hangings of fine cloth, richly embroidered tapestries, and chairs elaborately carved and expressly constructed for the ease of tender joints, proved that the Emperor’s seclusion was not intended to be that of an anchorite. gantly.

And

softest carpets, canopies of velvet,

the walls of these rooms were adorned with eight

most exquisite paintings of Charles had the highest admiration. of the

Titian,

But

in

for

whom

one thing

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

25 ° this elegant

monastic retreat was singularly lacking

Emperor contained no more than

the library of the thirty-one volumes.

Charles adopted the daily routine of the place in

which he had taken up

his abode.

He

fasted immediately after getting up,

rose early, break

-

and then spent then engaged in

some time with his confessor. He some kind of occupation, usually of a mechanical

char-

In this he was assisted by Torriano, an Italian,

acter.

who had

obtained

a considerable reputation

engineer and a clock and watch maker.

as

an

Charles had

a great taste for, and acquired considerable practical skill

in,

two are

those arts in which Torriano excelled.

The

have amused themselves in constructing puppets representing soldiers performing their evolutions, and girls dancing, and even wooden birds which could fly. The Emperor’s afternoon hours were spent in conversation, attending divine service, and hearing said to

the scriptures or

The time

religious

book

read.

spent by Charles in this retreat was less

than two years.

He was

seized with his fatal illness,

on the 30th of August, 1558. On September he was sufficiently in the posses-

an attack of the 9th of

some other

fever,

sion of his faculties to

make

a codicil to his

will,

but

from that time he began to fail visibly. On the 19th of September the right of supreme unction was administered to the dying- Emperor, and, in accordance with his own direction, in the elaborate form employed in His death occurred on the case of a spiritual person. the morning of the 21st of September, 1558. The body of Charles was deposited temporarily in It now rests in the Escurial, where the monastery.

mausoleum to the members of the royal

Philip II erected, in 1574, a splendid receive the remains of family.

all

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE 1533-1584

BEGINNING OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC

A

part of the patrimony of Philip II of Spain, on

which he entered upon the abdication of his father, Charles V, in 1555, was the sovereignty of the Netherlands. The country embraced under this designation was divided into seventeen provinces, of which Holland and Flanders, a part of the modern Belgium, were the most important. At that time it contained, probably, about 3,000,000 inhabitants. This small corner of Europe, where originally had been wild morasses, vast belts of woodland, and tracts of sand, and much of which was below the level of the sea at high tide, had become in the course of Centuries of cultivation and improvement, under the hands of an But agriindustrious people, a veritable garden spot. culture was no longer the chief industry of the Netherlanders. Commerce and the industrial arts had both enriched them and extended their name to all parts of the civilized world. Flemish skill in the fine arts and in mechanics was unrivaled. The Netherland tapestries and linens were prized over all Europe, and the Flemish shawls and silks rivaled those of India. Trade and the industrial arts combined had built up numerous large cities. Ghent had been able to accommodate on one occasion 60,000 strangers with their

Antwerp was the great commercial outranking Venice and second 25 *

15,000 horses;

capital of the world,

in population only to

FOREIGN STATESMEN

252 Paris,

and Brussels,

at the

time of the abdication, num-

bered 100,000 inhabitants.

Each of these cities had its charter, given it by the lord in whose dominion it had sprung up, which protected

As

in the exercise of certain rights

it

and

privileges.

had grown populous and prosperous they had sought and obtained a voice in the general governthe

cities

Their representatives, together with the nobles,

ment.

constituted the Parliamentary Congress of the Nation,

known

To

as the States-General.

diminish the power of

body and to curtail the privileges of the chartered towns had been one of the constant aims of Charles V, and in a number of instances he had been only too successful. Ghent, for example, had been punished for its meditated revolt by the annulment of all its charters and this

privileges, the confiscation of all its public property,

while

officers

its

were

all

henceforward appointed by

the Sovereign.

The

Protestant religion had early obtained a firm

footing in the Netherlands; by far the greater

number

of

the people were followers of Luther and Calvin, and yet

nowhere Charles

else

V

was heresy so persecuted.

issued at

Worms

In

1521

a decree against Luther,

branding him as a “devil,” and declaring that all his disciples should be punished with death and forfeiture of all

This decree was at once carried into

their goods.

effect in the Netherlands.

A

terrible persecution fol-

lowed, the Papal inquisition being introduced into the

country to

Thousands of men and women the stake for no other offense than read-

assist

were burned

at

it.

ing the Scriptures, or discussing concerning

faith,

the

sacrament or the Papal authority. In 1553 Mary of Hungary, who was the Emperor’s sister and Regent of the Provinces, wrote to her brother that in her opinion

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE

253

whether repentant or not, should be persecuted with severity that error should be at once extinguished, care only being taken that the provinces were not entirely depopulated. Two years later an imperial all

heretics,

issued at

edict,

Brussels,

men

death, repentant

condemned

all

heretics

to be executed, repentant

to

women

to be buried alive; non-repentant heretics to be burned.

Such was the law which, at the time of Philip’s accession to the sovereignty, had been in operation in the Netherlands for twenty years.

It is believed that

50,000 victims had been executed under a fresh tyrant,

more

bigoted,

more

not fewer than it.

And now

devilish than his

took up and continued this hopeless conflict with heresy. The result was a revolt, which after more than eighty years of warfare, the most inhuman in history, ended finally in the independence of the United Netherfather,

The

lands.

great leader of this revolt was the Prince of

Orange. William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, was of a very high and ancient lineage. The Nassau family first appears in history in the middle of the Eleventh Century.

The elder branch ascended the imperial throne in Germany in the person of Adolph of Nassau, while the younger and more It early

divided into two great branches.

illustrious

of

branch retained the modest but

Nassau-Dillenburg,

Netherlands, where

it

little

transplanted

sovereignty

itself

to

the

obtained large power and posses-

sions.

Henry sions

and

of Nassau, title in

who

inherited the family posses-

Luxembourg, Brabant, Flanders, and

Holland, had been the confidential friend of the peror Charles V, and

it

Em-

was, indeed, mainly through the

success of his negotiations that Charles received the

imperial crown.

This Henry of Nassau espoused the

FOREIGN STATESMEN

254

Orange, and his son Rene succeeded Philibert in the little principality of Orange, and Rene of Orange thus it passed to the Nassau family. was slain in battle, and having no legitimate children, he sister of Philibert of

and

William of Nassau, who thus at the age of eleven became William IX of William had four younger brothers, Louis, Orange. Adolphus, Henry, and John of Nassau. Having completed his education at Brussels, William became a page in the household of Charles V, and the left his title

estates to his cousin,

Emperor, recognizing his ability, frequently made him a confidant, and selected him for the highest duties. Before he reached the age of twenty-one, in the absence of the Duke of Savoy, he was appointed General-in-Chief In the ceremony of of the army on the French frontier. the abdication of Charles he took a prominent part. The Emperor entered the hall on that occasion leaning

upon the shoulder of the Upon the conclusion

Prince. of

the treaty of

Cateau-Cam-

and Henry II of France (1559), the Prince of Orange was sent as one of four hostages to the French court. It was while he was residing here that he earned the nick-name of William the Silent. One day while hunting with Henry in the forest of Vincennes, the Prince and the King found themselves separated from the rest of the party. Henry’s mind was full of a great scheme he had just concerted with Philip for extirpating heresy by a general massacre of the Protestants both of France and the Netherlands. Not doubting that the Prince of Orange was in the scheme, he introduced it as a subject of conversation and gave details of the plan. The Prince was horror-struck; yet he controlled his countenance and had the prudence to keep silent. But he formed a resolute purpose to defeat bresis

between Philip

II




leave the country,

where he had ceased to be useful, and to withdraw to Germany. Before doing so he held a last interview with Egmont, at which he sought in vain to open the Count’s Philip had eyes to the danger which encompassed him. resolved on sending to the Netherlands the Duke of

*

”

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE

263

Parma as Regent, and Alva would bring with him an army of 10,000 men; it Alva, to replace the Duchess of

was easy to see through the King’s design. The Prince of Orange left Antwerp on the nth of April (1567) and went to his family seat at Dillenburg; nor did he leave a moment too soon. Philip had already given orders to arrest him as soon as possible, and not let his trial last

more than twenty-four

hours.

The Duke of Alva arrived at Brussels toward the This experienced and close of the summer of 1567. successful Spanish General, who won for himself by the severity of his administration of the Netherlands eternal

infamy, was

now

in his sixtieth year.

The

historian

Motley, from whose pages this short story of the Prince of

Orange has been compiled, has painted

in a

few forcible words:

“He

his character

did not combine a great

variety of vices, but those he had were colossal, and he

possessed no virtues.

His professed eulogists admitted his enormous avarice, while the world has agreed that such an amount of stealth and ferocity, of patient vindictiveness, and universal blood-thirstiness, were never found in a savage beast of the forest, and but rarely in a

One

human

.

The

.

breast.

of the first acts of

Egmont.

.

arrest

arrest

Horn and

manner

peculiarly

Alva was to

was made

in a

infamous, both of these nobles having been invited to a dinner given by the Duke’s son, and at which the father

was likewise a

and being seized directly after the entertainment. Both were, of course, foredoomed to death, and the trials which followed, on trumped-up charges of treason, before judges who were all tools of Alva, only

guest,

made more conspicuous

the villainy of the

murders. Alva’s next

move was

to establish a special tribunal,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

264

which soon acquired the

historical

Council/' for the

trial of

recent troubles.

It

name

“Blood

crimes committed during the

was on the 20th

the Blood Council held

of the

September that after which Alva

of

its first sitting,

worked seven hours daily at its deadly board. We will pass hurriedly by its horrible proceedings. They do not

make

pleasant reading.

Suffice

it

to say that “the whole

country became a charnel-house, the death

bell tolled

every hour in every village, and that there was not a family out of mourning, the spirit of the Nation seemed

broken."

We

come now to the outbreak—to the beginning of a war of which no man then living was to see the end. Early in the summer of 1568 the Prince of Orange published a declaration of the causes which had led him to make war upon Philip, and set at work to raise an army in

Germany.

In the following spring he entered the

Netherlands with the plan of attacking his enemy at His first campaign was a sad failure. The three points.

two attempts were signally unsuccessful. A third, directed by Louis of Nassau, fared somewhat better. Louis won a signal victory over the lieutenant of Alva near Dam. But lacking the means to keep his troops paid, he was unable to follow up his success and went into a fortified camp near Groningen. Alva now took the field in person. But before he

first

out from Brussels he took the precaution of executing both Horn and Egmont. With an army of 15,000 set

men he marched

to Groningen, where he gained a

decisive victory over the ill-paid, undisciplined

Louis.

In

fact,

army

of

the fight was virtually a massacre, only

seven of the Spaniards being

killed, it is said,

while of

men 5,000, or nearly half, were slaughtered. And now recommenced the work of persecution

Louis'

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE

265

(

and blood-shed, more hotly than ever; but

let

us pass

this over.

The Prince now

issued a formal declaration of war

against Alva, in which he declared his purpose to restore

had enjoyed before

to the Netherlands the freedom they

the Burgundian rule.

He

promised them to drive the Spaniards forever from the country a noble purpose, but to accomplish it he needed money. A lack of means was one of the great difficulties with which the Prince of Orange struggled from first to last. Already to raise his first army he had sold all his jewels, plate, and furniture of royal magnificence. Late in September he crossed the Meuse and entered Brabant. But he was unable to bring Alva to an engagement, and as no city opened its gates to receive the deliverers, that which Alva had hoped came to pass; the Prince’s army began to melt away. He disbanded his men, having first given pledges for the payment of arrears due, and with 1,200 followers, and attended by his two brothers, Louis and Henry, set out to join the army of Conde in France.

—

Alva again had a free hand, and he used it to impose new and unheard-of taxes upon the people in the grossrights.

Remon-

strances and resistance followed, naturally,

and thus

est

defiance

of

their

constitutional

were afforded abundant opportunities for confiscation of Finally the matter was settled by the consent property. of the provinces to pay 2,000,000 florins for a release from these taxes for two years. Meanwhile Alva, aware that he had made a host of enemies, and fearing, too, that his credit with Philip was on the wane, wrote to his Sovereign begging to be recalled. “I should esteem it a great favor/’ he wrote, and he added, “At present and for the future your Majesty

will

be more

strictly

obeyed than any of your

FOREIGN STATESMEN

2 66

violence .”

and

has been accomplished without Philip began to consider whether it would not

predecessors,

all this

be well to recall him. Even the Cardinal Granvelle had urged upon the King the necessity of sending a general

pardon to the Netherlanders. Therefore in the year 1570 an amnesty was announced, but one which contained so many exceptions that no individual could escape

if it

pleased the

Government

to take his

life.

In this same year (1570) a terrible inundation added to the calamities of the unhappy Netherlanders. From Flanders to Friesland the whole coast was swept by the sea.

The

great dyke between

Amsterdam and Meyden

was broken in twelve places. In Friesland the land far and wide was changed into an angry sea. The destruction of human life, and of animals and property was incalculable.

Before setting out for France Orange had issued

commissions to various sea-faring men, authorizing them to cruise against the Spanish trading ships. These men became the terrible “Beggars of the Sea.” The chief of these Beggars was De la Marck, a friend of Egmont, who had sworn not to cut his hair nor shave his beard until the Count’s murder had been avenged. De la Marck made a descent upon the coast of Holland with a fleet of twenty-four vessels, and captured without

mouth of the Meuse, though his whole force amounted to only 250 men. By this easy conquest, made in the name of the Prince of Orange, was laid the foundation of the Dutch opposition the town of

Brill,

near the

Alva sent a force to recapture Brill; but the defenders cut the dykes and flooded the country, renThus the dering approach to the walls impossible. town remained in the hands of the friends of Orange. Republic.

Flushing, at the

mouth

of the Scheldt,

now

declared

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE

267

Orange, drove out the Spanish garrison, repulsed Alva’s attempt to retake the town, and opened communication with Brill. Soon afterward the Prince for

-appointed a trusty officer as Lieutenant-Governor over

the Island of Walcheren, on which Flushing

A

is

situated.

band of French infantry accompanied this officer, who was soon reenforced by numbers of volunteers from England. There was subsequently frightful warfare upon this island, but it was held for the small

Republic.

Nearly Zealand

lowed

now

city

Utrecht;

the important towns of

all

Holland and

Then

raised the Prince’s standard.

after

city

in

Gelderland,

Overyssel,

the important towns of Friesland

all

without a struggle, some after a short siege.

fol-

and

—some

None

of

these places were, however, permitted to keep their free-

dom

Indeed all did not succeed in retaining it, though many did, and Harlem, Leyden, and Alkmaar, are names to be perpetually honored. The freed cities chose new magistrates, who took an oath of fidelity to Orange as the King’s stadtholder, and engaged to resist Alva, the Inquisition and the illegal without a struggle.

taxes to the

While the Protestant was the prevailthese towns, it was expressly stipulated

last.

ing religion in

by Orange that the Catholics should be allowed

full

liberty of worship.

The Prince was now engaged

in raising

money and

troops in Germany, but he directed even the minutest

His brother Louis suddenly surprised and captured the important town of Mons, the Capital of Hainault, being aided by a conspiracy formed within the town. Alva at once ordered the investment of the town, and sent 4,000 troops to accomplish it.

affairs in the

Netherlands.

This was in the spring of 1572.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

268

Alva had already been superseded, repeated request, and on the ioth of June

Duke

his

at

own

his successor,

Medina Coeli, with forty vessels and 2,000 Spanish troops, knowing nothing of the altered state of His fleet was dispersed affairs, arrived off Blankenberg. and he himself came near being captured, but finally succeeded in reaching Brussels. Less fortunate was a fleet from Portugal which soon after arrived. The vessels were ladened with money, spices, and other rich merchandise, and all save three or four were made prizes; the

of

the largest booty yet seized.

One thousand

Spanish

were taken and 500,000 crowns in money, and it was believed that this money would maintain the war for two years. Orange had assembled in Germany an army of 15,000 foot, to which was added 3,000 Netherlanders, and with this force he entered the Provinces. Having soldiers

first

taken,, after a

he advanced to just crossed the

month

siege, the city of

raise the siege of

Mons.

River Meuse, in August,

Roermond, He had but

when

there

occurred a terrible event, which at the same time

Europe and crushed

—the

massacre of St. Bartholomew. Hitherto he had looked to France for aid. Coligny had promised it in the name of the King. But now Coligny was slain, the boy King of France, Charles IX, was governed by his mother, Catherine de Medici, and all her sympathy and aid would appalled

all

his

hopes

J

be

foi;

the Catholic cause of Spain.

Orange atWhile before

Still

tempted to relieve his brother in Mons. this place he came near being taken prisoner assault

made upon

this disaster

his

he drew

in sore straits for

camp by the

off his forces

in a night

Spaniards.

and soon

money, he disbanded

after,

his

After

being

army and

/

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE retired

to

remained

Holland,

faithful to

Louis was

now

the

obliged to negotiate for

with his soldiers and

accompany him.

province

which

still

him.

He was

der of Mons.

only

269

surren-

permitted to retire from the place of the

all

The

the

townsmen who chose

to

protection of the lives and the

property of the townspeople was stipulated, but no

sooner had the possession of the city been gained, than

and outrage. With the fall of Mons the revolution throughout the Southern Provinces was at an end. The war in the Northern Provinces was still prosecuted with vigor, and frightful atrocity by the Spaniards, The Island of Walled by the son of the Duke of Alva. cheren was recovered by them, after the brilliant and hazardous feat of a march of ten miles across the “drowned land,” over which at low tide the waters stood from four to six feet deep. A delay in the passage until it

was turned over to massacre,

pillage,

the return of the tide would have involved the destruction of the entire army.

As a sample

of the

method

of the warfare

now

rag-

ing in the Netherlands, take this instance of the fate of the

little city

of Naarden,

The town had

of the

Zuyder Zee.

capitulated with the assurance that the

and property “After a sumptuous lives

on the coast

of the inhabitants feast,

would be

prepared by the

citizens,

safe.

had

been partaken of by the Spaniards, the population was assembled by the ringing of a bell in the Gast Huis Church, and immediately

fired

time the building was set on

upon, while at the same fire.

The

horrors, the

chopping with axes, which went on in the streets, are A hundred who escaped and fled were indescribable. overtaken, hung up by the feet over the snow-covered

FOREIGN STATESMEN

270

ground, and

left

to perish.

The

principal burgomaster

was tortured by exposing the soles of his feet to a slow fire. He agreed to pay a large ransom, but hardly had he furnished it than he was hanged in his own doorway.” By this method of warfare the whole country was cowed, except Holland and Zealand.

Amsterdam was

the only town in Holland which

still

Between Amsterdam and the German ocean lies Harlem. Alva resolved upon the capture of this town, and sent Don Frederic de Toledo, his son, to invest it with 30,000 men. The garrison of Harlem consisted of but 4,000 men, and the fortifications were not strong; but the women and children joined in the defense, and for seven months Harlem sustained a siege, the most memorable in history. In vain did Orange exert himself to throw reinforcements into the town; it was compelled to surrender (July 12, I 57 3 ), and then followed the usual massacre. Two thousand three hundred citizens were murdered in cold blood. It had cost the Spaniards to take the town the lives of 12,000 of their best fighting men, not to speak They were less fortunate in their of the cost in money. attempts to take Alkmar, farther north on the same peninsula which separated the Zuyder Zee from the German ocean. The authorities of the town had determined with the consent of Orange, to open the dykes held out against Alva.

'

and flood the country, and Don Frederic, having discovered their intentions to drown him out, raised the siege

and drew

off his

army.

All this time the Prince of

Orange was putting

every effort in behalf of his country.

By

forth

the spirit he

them from being It was not quite overwhelmd by successive disasters. only battles and sieges that he had to direct, but all the

infused into the people he prevented

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE

271

Government devolved upon him. Pardifficult was the work of raising money and All his own means had been exhausted. He

cares of the ticularly

troops.

was

correspondence with the principal courts of Europe, that of Spain among the number. He negotiin daily

ated with Charles of France, and had

ing an alliance with that monarch.

still

It

hopes of form-

was

in the

month

October of this year that the Prince publicly joined the Reformed Church at Dort. In the following month Alva took his departure from the Netherlands. He boasted that he had caused 18,600 of

persons to be executed.

had caused to perish by

The number

of those

battle, starvation,

whom

he

and massacre

He

had gained the hatred of all men, and he even feared to travel through France, lest he should be shot in his carriage. He had become deeply involved in debt while in the Netherlands, and he This wholesale left without paying one of his creditors. murderer and thief aftenvard fell into disgrace with Philip, who employed him as a General in the war with could not be reckoned.

He

Portugal.

died of a lingering disease in 1582.

In October, 1573, the army of Requesens, the new Governor of the Provinces, laid siege to the town of

Leyden.

This was one of the most beautiful

cities of

—on one

the Netherlands, situated on the Rhine forks through which

it

enters the

of the

German ocean

—

in

the midst of broad and smiling pastures, gardens, and orchards, at a distance of sea.

A

force of 8,000

some

men

fifteen miles

from the

invested the city, while

within the walls there were only five companies of the

burgher guard, and a small body of free-booters. The town was, however, well defended by its commandant, John Van der Does, and the siege continued all through the winter.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

272

In order to relieve Leyden Louis of Nassau raised in Germany a small army with which he crossed the Rhine

March, in a heavy snow storm, and advanced toward Nimeguen, between the River Rhine and the Meuse. Here he was met by Avila, the Spanish commander, and a fierce battle ensued, which ended in a defeat of Louis’ army. Louis and his brother Henry were both slain. The army was entirely annihilated, those who were not slain in battle being drowned in the marshes or burned in the farm houses to which they fled. This defeat and the death of his two brothers was a terrible blow to the Prince of Orange. Still, he hastened to encourage the citizens of Leyden, while he continued to make efforts for their relief. His own forces, encamped at Delft and Rotterdam, were insufficient for offensive operations, and seeing no hope of adding to their number, he determined to execute a plan which he had long meditated as a last resort, namely, to break the dykes and let the ocean in upon the enemy. The damage would be enormous, for the whole country would be devastated; but since the destruction of Louis’ army there was no land force to beat back the foe. The sea once admitted, his fleet, which had already proved in

its

superiority over that of the Spaniards, could sail

up

to the very walls of Leyden.

On

the 2 1 st of August the

Leyden they had ful-

citizens

addressed a letter to Orange, saying that

of

promise to hold out three months; that their malt cake would only last four days more, and after that filled their

they must starve.

The Prince was then

lying

ill

at

Rotterdam, of a fever induced by overwork and anxiety. Still he dictated a reply from his sick bed, telling them that the dykes were all pierced and the water was rising.

To

get the ocean from the outer dyke to the walls

;

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE of

Leyden was the work

273

more than a week. There be pierced. As the water flowed of

were several dykes to through the breaches and flooded the land beyond, the fleet followed, the new-made sea being deep enough to float it. As the fleet neared the town the difficulties increased, for the waters were shallower and it was necessary to follow the canals. But a tempest came opportunely to pile up the waters and the fleet rode forward. Then a fierce midnight battle took place among the flooded orchards and farm houses, where the enemy’s vessels were soon sunk and their crews drowned. Next, there were two forts to be taken, both well supplied with soldiers and cannon. But from one of them the Spaniards, seized with a panic, fled, and many were drowned as they fled. In the other there were signs of a determination to resist, and Boisot, the Admiral of the fleet, wrote a despondent letter to Orange, for it seemed impossible either to pass the guns of the fort or to carry it by storm. Night descended, pitch dark, a night of terrible anxiety for the Admiral and of despair for the starving people of Leyden. In the darkness lights were seen flitting across the waste of waters.

Day

What

did they portend

?

broke, and Boisot prepared to assault the fort, but

a deathlike stillness prevailed.

For

a time

he believed that

Leyden had been taken in the night. But presently a boy was seen waving his cap from the top of the fort. The Spaniards had fled in the darkness, and Leyden was saved.

Spain had spent enormous sums of money her finances were crippled, and she

with her rebellious subjects.

in the

was willing

war

to treat

Peace negotiations were

opened at Breda in March, 1575; but Philip would make no concessions satisfactory to Orange and the States-GenCtral,

and nothing came of the negotiations. Voi,. 7

— 18

FOREIGN STATESMEN

*74

summer of 1575 a union was established between Holland and Zealand. In the articles of union drawn up, In the

it

was declared

that the Prince of Orange, as sovereign,

should have absolute power in

all

matters concerning the

defense of the country, which he was to govern in the

name

He was

of the King.

to protect the exercise of the

Reformed religion, and to suppress the exercise of the Romish religion, without, however, permitting that search should be made into any person’s belief. The Prince insisted that the words “religion at variance with the Gospel,” should be used instead of the words “Romish religion.”

This being granted, he formally accepted the

government on

this basis.

war went on and on the whole the Spaniards were the more successful. The nobles and deputies of Holland seeing no prospect of satisfactory terms of peace with Philip, voted “that it was their duty to abandon the Still

the

;

King, as a tyrant subjects,

and that

tector.”

who sought it

to oppress

and destroy

his

behooved them to seek another pro-

The sovereignty

sively to Elizabeth of

of Plolland

was

offered succes-

England, and to Charles

France, only to be declined by each. sublime, but desperate idea

filled

It

was now

IX

that a

the Prince’s head,

to call out the vessels of every kind,

and

to*

of

viz.,

take on board

the whole population of Holland together with

all

their

movable property, to burn the windmills, pierce the dykes, open the sluices in every direction, and restore the country forever to the ocean

tant land.

and seek new homes

The unexpected

death

of

in

some

dis-

Requesens, the

King’s Governor, prevented the execution of this project. After the death of the Governor the affairs of the Netherlands were for a time left by Philip in the hands of the

Council of State.

Orange thought the opportunity favor-

able for opening a correspondence with the leading

men

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE

2 75

throughout the Provinces, for thus far only two of the seventeen, namely, Holland and Zealand, had ventured

upon resistance

to the King’s arbitrary measures.

What

was the convocation of the States-General, which, by a strong and united protest, might yet, he conceived, move the King from his obstinate position. the Prince desired

An

event

Orange

—a

frightful event

—which

in this effort to arouse the

The Spanish

now

occurred, aided

Southern States from

whose pay was in long arrears, mutinied, imprisoned their officers and started on a lawless round of pillage and murder through Many towns and cities were sacked the Lower Provinces. by these marauders, Catholics and Protestants being alike the sufferers, and horrible atrocities were committed. Among these unfortunate towns was Antwerp. Three their apathy.

thousand

soldiers,

Spanish soldiers

succeeded

entrance into the town (Nov.

4,

in

effecting

an

1576), set fire to the

houses and began a fiendish work of murder and pillage.

During a whole day this “Spanish Fury,” as it has been called, went on despite the utmost efforts of the authorities, backed by the burghers, to check it. The next day Antwerp presented a ghastly sight indeed. The magnificent marble Townhouse was a ruin of blackened walls; the most splendid part of the city had been consumed; and dead bodies lay everywhere. Six millions of property had been destroyed, besides the immense amount of movable treasure which had been carried off by the marauders.

Already a convention had assembled at Ghent, in which were representatives from fourteen of the Provinces. A

now drawn

which became the basis of the celebrated “Union of Brussels,” formed in the following January (1577). The object of this important

plan of union was

agreement

up,

—which was signed by

all

the leading

men

in

FOREIGN STATESMEN

276 all

the provinces

sion of the

religion

and

—was

to compass the immediate expul-

Spaniards, the maintenance of the Catholic at the

same time the suspension of

all edicts

against heresy, the support of the King’s authority and the defense of the constitution of the Fatherland.

In the formation of this “Union” as well as in the treaty previously signed at Ghent, the Prince of Orange

had taken a leading part. He knew well that no one appointed by the King as Regent would observe either treaty.

Don John

of Austria, the natural son of Charles

V, had just been appointed to that office. It was morally certain that the new Regent would attempt to cajole the States-General with fair promises which he had no intention of keeping, and Orange advised, therefore, that an attempt should be made to seize Don John and hold him as a hostage to be used for exhorting from Philip the concessions which the States-General demanded. He was therefore greatly irritated

when

in February, the States-

General, after a long negotiation with

Don John

before

he was permitted to enter the Provinces, signed, without consulting Orange, the “Perpetual Edict,” a document

name, and which, with a show of promising much, really guaranteed nothing. The affairs of the Netherlands during the ensuing

drawn up

in Philip’s

seven years are so multifarious and confused,

new

actors appearing

upon the

impracticable to attempt

to>

scene, that

it

SO’

many

would be

follow them in detail here.

Throughout this time the States-General continued to sit and were nominally in authority, but often in conflict with the Regent, first with Don John and later with the Duke Orange was really the controlling spirit. of Parma. “This is the pilot who guides the bark,” wrote Don John “He (Orange) can alone save or destroy it,” to Philip.

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE Don John

277

was, therefore, exceedingly desirous of concil-

As soon as he had fairly entered upon his office as Governor he made many overtures to him. “I am negotiating with him/’ Don John wrote to Philip. iating the Prince.

“Things have reached such a pass that

make a

’tis

necessary to

virtue of necessity.”

But the most splendid

offers

which

Don John

could

make, in the name of Philip, failed to move the Prince in the slightest from his devotion to the welfare of his

He

had now the opportunity to gain all the world has to offer riches, power, pomp, luxury, rewards for himself and his family, in exchange for poverty, unnumbered anxieties, outlawry, continual risk of assassination, if only he would consent to betray the hearts who had trusted him; but never for an instant did he hesiIn replying to the overtate as to the choice to make. tures of Don John, Orange thanked his Highness with grave irony for inviting him to a tranquil life, but he added that the promises he had made to the poor Netherlanders were of more importance to him. Don John entered Brussels on the first of May, and was not long in becoming involved in trouble with the country.

States-General, all

—

who charged him

the terms of the “Perpetual Edict.”

retired to

Namur, the

ously got possession invited to Brussels,

of

justly with not fulfilling

the

all

of.

The Prince

The

soon

after

which town he treacher-

and he became

Netherlands.

advice in

citadel of

He

of

Orange was now

virtually the

States-General

Governor

sought his

matters and deferred to his judgment.

And

even wdien, toward the close of the year, the young Archduke Matthias, of Austria, who had been invited to the

Netherlands by some of the Catholic nobles who were jealous of Orange, had received from the States-General

FOREIGN STATESMEN

278

an appointment as Governor-General of the Provinces, the Prince, who was made his Lieutenant, still held the real power, the Archduke being simply a figure head. But where was Don John all this time? He was at Namur, half frenzied with rage, but not idle. Determined to reestablish by force the King’s authority in the provinces, he had been gathering an army together which, by the end of the year, amounted to 20,000 men. The States on their side had mustered an army of nearly the same number of troops, but not so well officered or disciplined. The two armies met at Gemblours, nine miles from Namur, on the last day of January (1578), and the Netherlander were utterly routed. In an hour and a half the affair was over; they were exterminated, while hardly a Spaniard was wounded. The result of this victory was that a dozen or more towns of the Lower Provinces fell into the hands of Don But it also roused the States-General to a more John. strenuous

effort.

Orange full power was collected, and

upon act in the emergency; a new army August another engagement took

All parties united in conferring to in

between Herenthals and Lier. After eight hours of hard fighting Philip’s troops were obliged to retire from the field. Don John fell back upon Namur. Here, not long after, he died of fever, having been watched over in his last illness by his nephew, Alexander of Parma, whom he appointed his place,

in

the

plain

successor.

To

give the complete story of the Netherlands in the

which intervened between these events and the death of the Prince of Orange, it would be necessary to speak of the aid furnished by Queen Elizabeth, of England; of the Duke of Alengon, who succeeded

six years

Matthias as Governor-General;

*

of negotiations with

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE

279

France, as well as of continued negotiations with Philip;

where the populace rose on the Catholics and smote their images and pictures; of the siege and capture of Maestricht by Parma’s soldiers, followed, as usual, by terrible barbarities; and, sadder still, of tumults in Ghent,

of treason

among some

of the Prince’s trusted follow-

But already we have studied details sufficient to give us an idea of the Prince’s method and of his untiring energy and of the terrible character of the warfare. ers.

One important

result of the struggle must,

be passed over.

Toward

Walloon Provinces, in

the

ascendency,

in

the close of the year 1578 the

which the Catholic religion was

namely,

Douay, and Orchies, made in

the following January

together. solidate

This

more

rebellion.

In

however, not

Artois,

Hainault,

Lille,

their peace with Philip,

and

formed a separate league

move induced

the Prince to seek to con-

firmly the Provinces which were

December 1578 he

still

in

laid before the States

Holland and Zealand the project of a new union with Gelderland, Ghent, Friesland, Utrecht, Overyssel, and

of

This treaty was published the 29th of January, 1579, from the Town House of Utrecht, and it is forever memorable as the foundation of the Netherland Groningen.

Republic.

In the following

first

the articles of the

The Prince

union were duly signed. chosen the

May

of

Stadtholder, which office he continued

to hold during the short remainder of his

Don John

Orange was

of Austria

had attempted

the Prince of Orange; the

Duke

of

life.

in vain to bribe

Parma determined,

unhappily not in vain, that he should be assassinated.

and such had always been the counsel of Cardinal Granvelle. Accordingly, the famous Ban was drawn up by Philip and Granvelle, and published in the Netherlands, June, 1580,

Such was the advice he gave to

Philip,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

28 o

a document which will ever remain a lasting to the infamy of both.

It

accused the

monument Prince of many

crimes, of rebellion, of introducing liberty of conscience, of a

new conspiracy

called the

ing the treaty of Ghent,

was declared a in

was

gold

traitor,

offered

Utrecht Union, of violat-

For these good reasons he and a reward of 25,000 crowns etc.

to

whosoever

would deliver the

said Prince to his Majesty ‘‘dead of alive;” and, as a fur-

was added: “If he (the assassin) have committed any crime, however heinous, we promise to pardon him, and if he be not already noble, we will ennoble him for his valor.” Orange answered this Ban by the defiance of his “Apology,” one of the most impressive documents in history, which was sent to most of the crowned heads of Europe. In this paper he went minutely over all of the unwarrantable and infamous acts which Philip had committed against the Netherlands and against humanity, while, as to the allegiance which he owed to the ther inducement, the clause

King

of Spain, he adverted to the fact that the

had occupied

illustrious positions

ereigns in the Netherlands

Nassaus

and had ruled

when

as sov-

Philip’s family, the

Hapsburgs, were only obscure squires in Switzerland. A most important step was now taken by the ProvOn the 26th of July, inces after their long hesitation. 1581, the United Netherlands assembled at The Hague, solemnly declared their independence and renounced their allegiance to Philip forever.

The least,

first

attempt on the Prince’s

—the

life

first,

at

to be nearly successful, for he had several times

narrowly escaped

March

18, 1582.

He

—

danger was made on Sunday, was shot with a pistol in his house,

this

midst of guests, by a vulgar-looking youth,

who

had approached him on the pretense of offering a

peti-

in the

:

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE

281

The Prince was struck under the right ear, the ball coming out under the left jaw and carrying away two teeth. The assassin was instantly cut down by the rapiers of the bystanders. The young man proved to tion.

be a servant of one Gasper Anastro, a Spanish merchant

Antwerp, who succeeded in making though his secretary, who was proved accomplice, was seized, tried, and Prince’s wound was a dangerous one, of

good

his escape,

to have been an

executed.

The

and

was

his life

for several days despaired of.

On

Tuesday, the 10th of July, 1584, occurred the ever memorable assassination of the Prince of Orange

The

was at Delft, in the Prince’s own house. He had risen from the table where he had dined with the members of his family and a single guest, and was mounting the stairs leading to his private apartment, when a man emerged from the shadow of an archway and discharged a pistol full at his heart. Three balls entered his body, one passing quite through and hitting the opposite wall. The Prince exclaimed “O my God, have mercy on my soul; have mercy on this poor people.” These were the last words he by Balthazar Gerard.

scene

uttered.

The murderer escaped through

a side door; but

was

pursued and captured. He proved to be a man whom the Prince had often befriended, and who had gone under the assumed name of Francois Guion. He had professed to be the son of a as a Reformer,

man who had

suffered death

and he had made himself notable by

pretense of great piety.

It

came out upon

his

investiga-

he was the son of a Catholic father who was living; that he had harbored his design upon the

tion, that still

for seven years, and, furthermore, that the

Prince’s

life

Duke

Parma was aware

of

of the attempt

he was about

FOREIGN STATESMEN

282

make.

to

The poor wretch was put

to

the most

excruciating torture, and was finally executed with great barbarity,

four

days

after

the

performance

of

his

villainous act.

William of Orange was four times married. By his first wife, Anne of Egmont, he had one son, Philip, and one daughter, Mary; by his second wife, Anne of Saxony, he had one son, the celebrated Maurice of Nassau, and two daughters; by his third wife, Charlotte of Bourbon, he had six daughters; and by his fourth Louisa de Coligny, he had one son, Frederic Henry, afterward Stadtholder of the Republic which his noble father had founded. wife,

The Prince had

just entered

upon

his fifty-second

His health was excellent, his constitution unimpaired, and he had every prospect of a long and useful life. Had he lived, there year at the time of his assassination.

was every reason to hope

for a union of the

whole country with the exception of the Walloon Provinces. But in the year following his death Ghent and Antwerp fell before the scientific efforts of Parma, and their fall helped to complete the separation of the Netherlands. The great principle for which Orange had fought was toleration in religion. He had always insisted that the Catholics as well as the Protestants should be suffered to exercise their worship unmolested, and he lived long

enough

to see this principle fully established in the freed

Provinces.

William the his detractors.

Silent, like all other great

He

men, has had

has been charged with being of a

timid temperament, with being ambitious. charge, no

man who

As to

the

can face and expostulate with a howling mob as the Prince of Orange did at Antwerp, ©r who can traverse crowded thoroughfares without an first

THE PRINCE OF ORANGE escort,

knowing

that a price has been set

283

upon

his head,

merits to be called timid; and as to the second charge,

the sort of ambition which renders a sacrifice a princely fortune,

man

willing to

almost to beggar himself,

him power, and pomp,

to free his country from tyranny, which impels

to

spurn with contempt offers of

to

refuse to accept the sovereignty of a country and to rest

content with the plain is

title of

“Father William’'

—

this

the sort of ambition which the world delights to honor.

RICHELIEU 1585-1642

THE KING'S WILL SHALL BE LAW France has given to history four characters, who may be regarded as typical of the classes to which they severally belonged. Napoleon Bonaparte stands as the greatest of military geniuses of modern, perhaps, of all times. Robespierre typifies the vengeance of a people ground to the dust by long and intolerable oppression; Louis XIV was the most courtly, yet most absolute of tyrants, and the Cardinal Richelieu, who for a quarter of a Century ruled France, was the most able, the most unscrupulous, the most successful of ministers. These four characters stand in close relation one to another. Without a Richelieu, to consolidate the royal authority in France and to destroy all opposition to it, there could have been no Louis XIV. Without the “Grand Monarque,” who declared himself the State, there would have been no call for a Robespierre, and without the horrors of the French Revolution a Napoleon could hardly have arisen. The story of Richelieu is therefore one of a peculiar interest.

Armand Jean du

was born in His family was Paris on the 5th of September, 1585. noble, but not wealthy. His father was distinguished in arms and held several important posts at the court of

Henry IV

Plessis, of Richelieu,

of France; his mother, the daughter of an

was a woman endowed with strong Five years after natural sense and was well educated. ancient house,

284

O;

RICHELIEU the birth of of

whom

Armand

285

his father died, leaving three sons,

he was the youngest, and two daughters,

who

were married early to nobles of the French court. In those days the Church and the Camp were the usual resources of the younger branches of noble houses, and as the bishopric of Lu a speech of Lord Palmerston,

first really

made in

made his Commons. It was

the 24th of June, 1850, Mr. Gladstone

great speech in the

in the course

of a debate on a resolution introduced by Mr. Roebuck declaring that the general foreign policy of the Govern-

ment was calculated to maintain the honor and dignity of the country. Lord Palmerston, then Foreign Secretary, had been charged with dealing harshly with the little State of Greece, in the matter of a preposterous claim for damages made upon Greece by a British subject, whose house had been destroyed by a mob at Athens. Hence the resolution. Lord Palmerston’s speech in his defense was regarded as his greatest effort of

it

was

that

it

down to

behooved England

to

make

respected abroad, to protect her subjects at

and

in the course of

it

he appealed

to

The gist

that time.

all

herself

hazards;

every prejudice which

could possibly affect the mind of the ordinary Briton.

The Ministry won Mr. Gladstone,

the victory with forty-six votes. in replying to this speech, laid

down

the broad principle that the policy of a state should be

based upon cost.

He

justice,

not self-interest, no matter at what

contended that a state as well as an individual,

GLADSTONE

353

should be guided by the dictates of Christianity; should practice self-restraint

and moderation

in dealing with the

weak, and should pause before putting a harsh measure into force. This speech made the first full revelation of

Mr. Gladstone’s character as a statesman;

it

revealed

him

as the apostle of principle in political as well as in private

and such Mr. Gladstone continued to the end. He endeavored at all times to reconcile politics with religion. On the very day on which this great debate occurred, Sir Robert Peel, who had taken a part in the debate, met with a fatal accident, being thrown from his horse. The death of Sir Robert Peel deprived Mr. Gladstone of one of his most valued friends, his political leader. The two had worked together, their influence being mutual. From this time forward, Mr. Gladstone was left alone to shape life,

the course of his political career.

The winter

was spent by Mr. Gladstone with his family in Naples. One of the results was a letter addressed to a friend, Lord Aberdeen, in which he revealed and denounced the cruelties practiced by the Neapolitan Government upon political prisoners. He had taken the pains himself to investigate the matter; had obtained admission to the prisons. This letter, which was followed by a second, created a profound sensation throughout Europe, and called forth many answers. Mr. Gladstone did not present the subject as one with which England or any other Nation was called upon to deal; but simply as a case of political barbarity, of which the civilized world ought to know. In these letters Mr. Gladstone revealed himself more distinctly than ever before as the champion of 1850

of humanity.

In this year (1850) occurred the famous debate over The Pope, Pius IX, had the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. issued a Bull directing the Catholic Archbishops and BishVoi,.

7—23

FOREIGN STATESMEN

354

ops of England to designate themselves from the city or district

had

Down to

over which they presided.

ipotamus,

what

or

that time they

Mesopotamia, or of Mel-

called themselves Bishops of

“in partibus infidelium.”

not,

tremendous popular excitement throughout England lowed, resulting in

ernment found

many cases

itself

mob

in

compelled to

A fol-

The Govdo something. Lord violence.

John Russell, then Prime Minister, introduced into Parliament a bill forbidding the use of these titles forbidding, for example, Archbishop Wiseman to call himself Archbishop of Westminster, instead of Bishop of Melipotamus.

—

In the House of

Commons

bers, irrespective of creed

needless to say

nearly

all

the intellectual

mem-

—Gladstone among them,

—arrayed themselves against the

bill;

it is

yet

was passed by an overwhelming majority. This debate is notable from the fact that Mr. Gladstone, who on this occasion marshaled the opposing in spite of every effort

forces,

now

it

appears for the

first

may

time in the role of a great

though the bill was passed, it was never enforced, and that twenty years later Mr. Gladstone had the pleasure of quietly Parliamentary leader.

repealing

It

be added

that,

it.

In 1851 the Russell Ministry was succeeded by a Min-

formed by Lord Stanley, in which Mr. Disraeli became Chancellor of the Exchequer. This was the first appearance in the Cabinet of this nearly life-long opponent of Mr. Gladstone afterward Lord Beaconsfield. Soon istry

—

after the formation of the dissolved.

The

new

Ministry, Parliament

Mr. Gladstone was again

was

elected for Oxford.

results of the general election did not materially affect

Lord Stanley, now become Lord with Mr. Disraeli again as Chan-

the balance of parties, and

Derby, returned to cellor of the

office

Exchequer.

In 1852 began the long Parliamentary duel between

:

GLADSTONE

355

Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli, which ended only when Mr. Disraeli left the House of Commons in 1876, and entered the

House

of Lords.

In every important debate

they were pitted against each other.

Mr. Disraeli spoke Mr. Gladstone spoke

If

he was followed by Mr. Gladstone;

if

he was answered by Mr. Disraeli.

Respecting this combat

of giants, Mr. Justin

“I heard nearly

McCarthy all

says

the great speeches

made by both

men in that duel, which lasted for so many years. My own observation and judgment gave the superiority to the

Mr. Gladstone all through; but I quite admit that Disraeli stood up well against his great opponent, and that it was not always easy to award the prize of victory. The two men’s voices were curiously unlike. Disraeli had a deep, low, powerful voice, heard everywhere throughout the house, but having little variety or music in it. Gladstone’s voice was tuned to a higher key, was penetrating, resonant, liquid and full of an exquisite modulation and music, which gave new shades of meaning to every emphasized word. The ways of the men were in almost every respect Gladstone was always eager for concuriously unlike. He loved to talk to anybody about anything. versation. Disraeli, even among his most intimate friends, was given to frequent fits of absolute and apparently gloomy silence. Not less different were the characters and temperaments of the two men. Gladstone changed his political

opinions

many

times during his long Parlia-

But he changed his opinion only in deference to the force of a growing conviction, and to the recognition of facts and conditions which he could no mentary

career.

longer conscientiously dispute.

knew what Mr.

ever

Disraeli’s real opinions

were upon any

whether he had any

real opinions at

political question, or all.”

Nobody probably

FOREIGN STATESMEN

35 6

The

encounter in this grand duel was over Mr.

first

Mr. Gladstone completely demolished the budget. This was near the close of the year 1852. Lord Derby resigned and a coalition Government was formed, with Lord Aberdeen as Prime Minister and Mr. Gladstone as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Now came the Crimean War (March 27, 1854), of interest here only because Mr. Gladstone as Chancellor of the Exchequer had the duty of providing for the ways and means; and because during the war there were Cabinet changes which led to his being for a short time in the Ministry of Lord Palmerston. This acceptance of office under a Whig leader has been noted as a “distinct advance to Liberalism first and to Radicalism afterward.” Disraeli’s financial budget.

We which years

shall

now

,

pass over a period of fourteen years,

will bring us to the year 1868.

In these fourteen

many events had happened which

in a

more complete

account of the career of Mr. Gladstone would need to be treated of ;

but they are of minor importance by the side

of events which

came

however

—Mr.

time to

feel that the

after.

One

thing should be noted,

toward the United Mr. Gladstone States at the time of our Civil War. unluckily committed himself to a sort of declaration in favor of the South. Speaking at a public meeting at Newcastle-on-Tyne, in October, 1862, he gave it as his conviction that Jefferson Davis “had made an army, had made a navy, and, more than that, had made a Nation.” The Unionists in America had only too -good reason at that Gladstone’s

attitude

sympathies of the higher classes in

England were, with some notable individual exceptions, against them, and Mr. Gladstone was ranked among those who would gladly see our Union broken up. And yet there are reasons for believing that this was not true. He himself five years later used these words “l must confess :

GLADSTONE that I

was wrong;

that I took too

357

much upon myself

in

expressing such an opinion.

Yet the motive was not bad. My sympathies were then where they had long been, and where they are now with the whole American peo-

—

—

ple.”

We are at the year

1868.

Mr. Gladstone has advanced

very far politically from his position in 1854. Then he was a Tory, yet with liberal views. Later he became a

Whig, and served in the Cabinet under Lord Russell and with Lord Palmerston. Now he has become a Radical, bent upon reform. It should be said that Palmerston had recently died; that Earl Russell, at the close of 1867, deter-

mined

from

having pointed to Mr. Gladstone as the future Liberal Prime Minister, and that, by a singular coincidence, Lord Derby, owing to his failing health, had also retired, and that Mr. Disraeli had to retire finally

politics,

become Prime Minister.

On

March (1868) Mr. Gladstone intn> House of Commons a resolution condemn-

the 30th of

duced into the

ing the existence of the Irish State Church.

It

was a

Church established and endowed by the State; but its teachings were rejected by five-sixths of the Irish people. Already a resolution had been introduced declaring it a “scandalous and monstrous anomaly.” But as soon as Mr. Gladstone had pronounced himself strongly in favor of the resolution it was withdrawn, for the purpose of giving him a chance of taking the initiative in the move against the Church. The Gladstone resolution was passed by a large majority, and Mr. Disraeli announced that the GovThe ernment would dissolve and appeal to the country. general election came on, and the Liberals returned to power. Mr. Disraeli resigned his office and Mr. GladHe made it known that stone formed a new Cabinet. according to his opinion the three great

evils of Ireland

FOREIGN STATESMEN

35 8

were the State Church, the land-tenure system, and the system of national education; and he set to work with a view to this career of reform. The Church was the first to be attacked. The Government carried its proposal. The Irish Church ceased to exist as a State-supported establishment and passed into the condition of a free Episcopal Church.

Mr. Gladstone next introduced a Land Tenure Bill, which, though not without a struggle, he carried. The bill extended to the whole of Ireland what was known as the “Ulster System,” which entitled the tenant to some share and property in the improvements which he himself had made in his farm, whereas under the “rack-rent” system, which prevailed generally over Ireland, the more the tenant improved his land the more rent he must pay. The bill did not accomplish all that was expected of it, and it has been again and again amended and expanded. In fact, the subject of land tenure in Ireland has not even yet been

But Mr. Gladstone’s bill of 1870 established a principle which has become accepted, and it

finally disposed of.

new era for Ireland. Mr. Gladstone now established

thus opened a

for

Down

system of national education.

England a great

to this time the edu-

England had been totally neglected by the State. England was in this respect far behind the most of the German States and the United The principle now established in England was States. that the State ought to provide for and enforce a popular elementary education. In 1871 a measure was carried by Mr. Gladstone to substitute the ballot for open voting in cation of the lower classes in

the elections for the

House

of

Commons.

same time he abolished the custom of in the

selling

At about

the

commissions

army.

The

third item of reform in Ireland

on the programme

GLADSTONE

359

of Mr. Gladstone concerned the national education, that is, the University system, for there was no other national

education in Ireland than that afforded by the colleges. It

would not be easy

details of the

object

was

in a short space to explain all the

system with which he had to

to effect such a combination

deal.

among

His

the exist-

ing colleges as would give to the Protestants and the Catholics equal facilities

and

privileges.

It

must

say

suffice to

which he attempted to put through Parliament was a compromise measure, which pleased nobody, and that he was defeated on the question of its final passage, though only by three votes. The inevitable followed. Mr. Gladstone resigned office. But Mr. Disraeli refused to undertake to form a new Ministry, and Gladstone was prevailed upon again to take the office of Prime Minister, though under the circumstances his usefulness was practically at an end. He enabled, however, Mr. Fawcett to carry a measure for the abolition of religious tests in the that the

bill

University of Dublin.

Parliament was summoned for February as

it

5,

1874, but,

proved, only for the purpose of a dissolution.

Mr.

Gladstone had determined to appeal to the country, in the

hope of obtaining a popular approval of his general policy. In the political campaign which followed, Mr. Gladstone exerted himself with

with

tireless

energy

all

to

the ardor of a

young man and

arouse the country to his support,

addressing meetings in halls and in the open tide

had turned, and no

was

defeated.

Commons had

air;

effort of his could check

The Conservatives

in the

but the it.

new House

a clear majority of fifty-six.

He of

Mr. Glad-

example of Mr. Disraeli in 1868, resigned the Premiership, and Mr. Disraeli became the head of the new Ministry. Mr. Gladstone now surprised the Liberal party and stone, following the

FOREIGN STATESMEN

3 6°

grieved

many

in a letter to

of his personal friends by clearly intimating

Lord Granville

his purpose to resign the lead-

ership of his party, pleading his advanced

age—though

he

was now but sixty-five and no one yet had thought of him as old and the need of rest. This purpose was declared still more distinctly in a second letter to Granville in January, 1875, and another reason was added, that he meant

—

for a short time to be engaged on a “special matter” which

occupied him much.

There was no help for it. The Liberals cast about for a new leader, and their choice fell on Lord Hartington. During the session Mr. Gladstone took no active part in the proceedings of the House, though he spoke occasionally.

The “special matter” turned out to be chiefly an attack on “The Vatican Decrees in their Bearing on Civil Allegiance” in the form of a pamphlet which had an immense

and caused a very angry controversy. One of its effects was to chill for a time the long and warm friendship between Mr. Gladstone and Cardinal Manning a friendship which had begun at Oxford. In his youth Mr. Gladstone had himself had a strong desire to enter the Church, but had been dissuaded from this career by his Yet he always maintained his interest in theofather. logical matters, and found it a relief to turn to them from This particular pamphlet has now no special politics. interest for us except as it illustrates this penchant of Mr. circulation

—

Gladstone.

But Mr. Gladstone had by no means dropped politics “for good and all.” He had, in fact, overestimated his own strength of will in the matter. So long as there was nothing in particular to be done in the political arena, he could devote himself heart and soul to his literary recreation, could smile at the flashy foreign policy of Mr. Disraeli, and go on with his theological polemics. But some-

—

GLADSTONE

361

thing happened in 1876 which was of particular interest

Mr. Disraeli affected

the Bulgarian massacres.

to dis-

believe the story of these atrocities, or to believe, at rate, that their

any

enormity had been greatly exaggerated,

notwithstanding the confirmation of an able correspondent of the “Daily News,”

who had

investigated on the

The work of the Bashi-Bazouks had been simply fiendish. Whole villages were found whose streets, otherspot.

wise deserted, w*ere covered with the bodies of slaughtered

women and

children.

All England boiled with indigna-

Mr. Gladstone boiled, and, like another Achilles, he came forth from his tent and took his place at the front, the practical though not the nominal leader of the Liberal tion.

party.

Mr. Gladstone issued a manifesto in the shape of a pamphlet on “Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East,” in which he declared that the only way to secure any lasting good for the Christian population of Turkey was to turn the Turkish officials out “bag and baggage.” This was practically what was now done for Bulgaria, the result having been brought about largely through the exertions of Mr. Gladstone in the British House of Commons. Bulgaria was erected into a practically independent province under the nominal suzerainty of Turkey, and it is now a well ordered and prosperous State. In this year, 1876, Mr. Disraeli was raised to the peerage, under the title of Beaconsfield, and entered the House of Lords.

The Conservative party had now had

its

day.

A

gen-

The Liberals came back to Parliament with a majority of more than 120. Lord Granville, the Liberal leader in the House

eral election resulted in its

of Peers, and that party in

overwhelming

defeat.

Lord Hartington, the nominal leader of the House of Commons, were successively

FOREIGN STATESMEN

362

Queen and asked to form a Ministry. Both declined, declaring that Mr. Gladstone alone would be acceptable to the Liberal party. Accordingly, Mr. Gladstone was tendered the office, and became Prime Minister sent for by the

for a second time.

Mr. Gladstone was no sooner settled in office than he began to turn his thoughts to new and great measures of reform. Many events had directed his attention to the condition of Ireland. The state of the Irish tenant farmer appeared to him to call for immediate remedy. The Land Tenure Bill of 1870 had done something; but this measure had been only an experiment, and he determined now to improve upon it. He began with the introduction of a designed only as a temporary measure pending anbill which secured to any evicted Irish ticipated legislation tenant compensation for any improvements effected in his farm by his own industry and his own skill. The bill was

—

—

defeated in the

House

of Lords.

The

effect in Ireland,

where Mr. Gladstone’s course was watched with hopeful It seemed to indicate that howinterest, was disastrous. ever friendly he might be toward Ireland, he was powerless to act.

The

Irish question is quite too large a subject to be

any length. It must suffice to give in a short paragraph the bare headings of events which occurred about this time. Agrarian outrage in Ireland led to coercive legislation, and coercion increased the disturbances. The Home Rule movement* took a fresh start under the leadership of Charles Stewart Parnell. In the House of Commons Parnell and his followers attempted to force attention to the grievances of Ireland by systematic obstruction of legislation. This brought Parnell into conflict with Gladstone. A bill was passed, on the recommendation of the Secretary for Ireland, giving the treated here at

—a

GLADSTONE authorities in Dublin Castle

363

power to

arrest persons “rea-

Mr. Parnell

sonably suspected of dangerous purposes.”

and nearly all the leaders of the Irish National movement were arrested and imprisoned, but Mr. Gladstone found it advisable after a while to release Parnell and the most of his friends. Then came the murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Thomas Burke in the Phoenix Park outrages which for a time were charged against the Irish Nationalists, though undoubtedly unjustly, and occasioned in England intensely bitter feeling against the Irish. In attempting things impossible at this time, Mr. Gladstone,

with the best of intentions, offended the

Irish,

many

of his

offended the English landholders, offended

own

partisans,

and accomplished nothing.

Meanwhile, in

consequence of the foreign policy of his predecessors in office,

he had trouble in Egypt, where he supported the

—

Khedive against the insurgent chief Arabi Pasha course which led to the bombardment of Alexandria, which was generally disapproved of in England; and trouble in South Africa, where he made what was considered an ignominious peace with the Boers. Before these accumulated difficulties, his administration

fell.

He

was succeeded as Premier by Lord Salisbury, whose government was not long, however. In November, 1885, Parliament was dissolved. The result of the election which followed gave the Tories only a doubtful majority, dependent on the support of the Irish members. Lord Salisbury very soon resigned, and Mr. Gladstone,

who now

represented Midlothian, in Scotland, became Prime Minister for the third time.

We come long

now

to the

—

political career

Ireland. this step

crowning act

his effort to

The announcement

—

at first in

Mr. Gladstone’s give Home Rule to in

was about to take the form of a rumor, which later had that he

FOREIGN STATESMEN

3 64

the sanction of his

own

—came

silence

to the people of

England, and even to his intimate friends, as a thunderclap from a clear sky. Mr. Gladstone’s enemies charged

him with

all sorts

Some

ment.

of motives, in the heat of political, excite-

of his friends believed that he was commit-

ting a political blunder.

The

question for us

Mr. Gladstone himself think?

No

forward

:

What

did

who has carefully moment doubt that

one

studied his political career, can for a his motive for bringing

is

this

measure was a

sin-

upon a careful study of all the circumthat Home Rule, in some form, offered the best

cere belief, founded stances,

solution of the vexing Irish question, the only lasting solu-

and having made up his mind upon this point, he had the heroism to act upon his convictions, no matter at what Mr. Gladstone was charged during his cost or sacrifice. lifetime with a frequent change of his political opinions, tion ;

a thing unintelligible to the average politician.

Really

Mr. Gladstone’s course from first to last was entirely consistent; he changed his views upon, particular questions, but never his principles.

He started

as a Tory, because as

such he was educated; Toryism was the politics of his father.

He

became

judgment matured, beHe be just toward all men.

liberal as his

was in his nature to became a Whig, because he saw, as his experience widened, that there was need of reform to ensure progress, and Toryism meant an unreasoning clinging to the traditions He became a Liberal, because the average of the past. Whig refused to go to the extent which he deemed right in the matter of reform, and he ended in a position away cause

it

ahead of the majority of even the Liberal party.

Mr. Gladstone’s proposition was to give to Ireland a Parliament at Dublin, and to deprive her of her representation in the British Parliament.

We

need not follow the

struggle which ensued, both in and out of Parliament.

It

GLADSTONE

3^5

became divided, one branch of it forming a “Unionist” party, under the lead of Air. Chamberlain, who, together with several others, had resigned from Air. Gladstone's cabinet; and that, although Air. Gladstone now had the Irish vote with him, a coalition was formed against him, which was strong enough to defeat his bill. He now dissolved the Parliament (in June), appealed to the country, and, despite his most strenuous efforts, was defeated in the election. As a consequence he resigned from office, and a new ministry was formed by Lord Salisbury. With the opening of the new Parliament, Air. Gladstone, now seventy-six years old, entered upon an extraordinary course of physical and intellectual effort, with voice and pen, in Parliament and on the platform, on behalf of the cause, defeated but not abandoned, of self-government for Ireland. In 1892 the tide had again turned, and Mr. Gladstone, at the age of eighty-three, became, for the fourth time, Prime Minister of England. He now introduced a second Irish Home Rule Bill, considerably modified from the first. After a long and arduous struggle the bill was carried through the Llouse of Commons, but was defeated in the House of Lords by is

enough

to say that the Liberal party

a majority of more than ten to one.

Air.

Gladstone

might well be content with this approval of his policy; for nothing better could have been expected in the House of Lords, which is instinctively opposed to every reform. Air.

Gladstone

Commons on

made

his last speech in the

the 1st of Alarch, 1894.

It

House

was not

of

in the

nature of a farewell address, and few persons in the

House knew that he had decided upon resigning his The question under discussion, though not an office. important one, involved a conflict between the Repre-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

3 66

sentative

Chamber and the Hereditary Chamber.

It

seems peculiarly fitting that Mr. Gladstone’s last utterances in the House, through which he had carried so many reform measures, should have borne upon still another great and inevitable change which should remove from legislation the obstructive interference of the

House of Lords. Four years still remain of Mr. Gladstone’s life. Unfortunately., we are obliged to pass them quickly. His time had Come for rest for rest as understood always

—

by Mr. Gladstone, that is, a change of work. He retired to his estate at Hawarden, and here he turned his attention once again to his favorite subject theology. He wrote letters, essays, and even books upon theological subjects, nor in the meantime did much escape him in politics or even in light literature. He allowed the outside world to know, although in becoming guarded fashion, his opinion on this and that measure which was under discussion in Parliament. And that outer world, far from forgetting him, seemed to become more and more interested in him and his ways

—

as the years of his retirement passed.

We refer

not par-

numerous pilgrimages made to> Hawaradmirers, and which became so frequent that

ticularly to the

den by his they had to be placed under regulation, but to that larger world which heard of him only through the newspaper press. Whatever item of news came from Gladstone or related to Gladstone was sure of interested readers. People were interested in his habits his early walks to church before breakfast, his afternoon walks about his premises, his delight in chess and in whist, and particularly were .they interested in his wood-chopping, for no

—

surer sign could be given of his remarkable physical vigor.

Somebody

at

some time

referred to

him

as ‘'‘The

GLADSTONE

367

Grand Old Man.” The phrase struck the public as a happy one. It clung- to him as a title, a distinction which must have been peculiarly gratifying to him, since it came from no sovereign, but from the people, whom he loved so much. It may not be too late to say that Queen Victoria had offered him a peerage, which he had in the most courteous manner declined very sensibly, we all

—

say. It is

the unhappy experience of the biographer that,

no matter how long he may make his story, it always comes to the same sad ending. We shall not dwell unnecessarily on the last days of Mr. Gladstone. For many years Mr. Gladstone had found Cannes, on the Riviera, a favorite spot in which to seek repose during the winter

months.

Thither he went to spend the winter of 1898.

was known that Mr. Gladstone’s health was not good. Soon reports that were alarming began to spread about him. He suffered severely from facial neuralgia. The reports which came were conflicting; yet it was certain that his condition was serious. In March he returned to England. He seemed better for his trip, and that this was the case was reported by his family. Having spent a short time with his son in London, he went to his home at Hawarden. The public fixed its attention upon this place, and read with interest the reports the bulletins which came almost daily; and soon, in spite of the hopeful tenor of them all, it became only too evident that Mr. Gladstone was dying. Slowly but surely he grew more and more feeble. The pain was in a great measure checked. But that the end was fast approaching, none could doubt. It came on Ascension Day, the 19th of May, 1898. Mr. Gladstone passed away peaceIt

—

—

fully at

about

5 o’clock in the afternoon.

All the

bers of his family were gathered at his bedside.

mem-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

3 68

Mr. Gladstone’s remains were deposited, May 28th, A space was left at their side in Westminster Abbey. for those of her who was his devoted companion for nearly sixty years.

We have already quoted from Mr. Justin

McCarthy’s “Life of Gladstone.” No apology will be needed for closing this short story with another extract from the

same work:“I do not know whether English Parliamentary history records greater doings of any man. In different paths of political work, other

Probably

great as he.

The

tary debate.

men may have been

Fox was

his equal in

as

Parliamen-

was probably as great an But not Fox, nor Chatham,

elder Pitt

orator as Mr. Gladstone.

nor William Pitt had anything

Mr. Gladstone’s capacity for constructive legislature, and the resources of information possessed by Fox, or Chatham, or Pitt were poor indeed when compared with that store-house of knowledge which supplied Mr. Gladstone’s intellectual capacity. Mr. Gladstone was possessed through his life with an eager desire to- do> the right thing at all times. No human interest was indifferent to him, and the smallest

wrong

like

as well as the greatest aroused his

most impassioned sympathies, and made him resolve that wrong should be righted. The name conferred upon him by nobody knows whom, will be- borne by him to all time, and so long as the history of Queen Victoria’s reign remains in the

he will

still

memory

be ‘The Grand Old Man.’

”

of civilization

COUNT CAVOUR 1810-1861

THE MAKING OF UNITED ITALY Camillo Benso

whom

owes

di

Cavour, the great statesman to

present status as one of the Great Powers of Europe, was born at Turin on August 10, 1810, Italy

its

Count Cavour belonged

to

one

of the oldest families of

the Italian nobility, tracing his genealogy back to an

ancestor

who came

into Italy

among

the followers of

His father, the Marquis Michele Cavour, intended his son for the army. Accord-

Frederick Barbarossa. di

ingly, at ten years of age, Camillo

tary academy.

was sent to the

Here he distinguished himself so

greatly,

especially for his proficiency in mathematics, that

academy

mili-

when

he was a sub-lieutenant of engineers, although by the rules of the service it was not before twenty years of age that an officer's commishe

left

the

at sixteen,

sion could be obtained.

Cavour’s military career was destined, however, to be of short duration.

After having served in various gar-

he was sent to Genoa, where, in consequence of some imprudent expressions, in a time of political excitement, he got into disgrace, which he soon found could risons,

only end by resigning his commission.

His resignation

once accepted, and he entered upon the life of a civilian at the age of twenty, with no career before him and without credit or distinction. The next fifteen years of Cavour’s life were spent in farming and in business operations. We are told that

was

at

Vol. 7

— 24

369

FOREIGN STATESMEN

37 °

when he began

his agricultural apprenticeship,

devoting

energies to scientific farming.

on one of the family estates, it was as much as he could do to distinguish a cabbage from a turnip. But his progress was rapid, and in 1833 he undertook the management of a large estate, much neglected, which his father had bought a few years previously, and here he was soon all his

But Cavour was instinctively attracted toward every subject which tended to> satisfy his insatiable activity. The agricultural, manufacturing and financial enterprises, some of a private nature, others of a public interest, in which he engaged during these years, are too many to enumerate. At one time he was superintending the clearing of a forest; at another he was undertaking to supply the Pasha of Egypt with 800 merino sheep, which afterward he did not know where to get (though he soon found the means of doing so), then making canals, introducing the cultivation of beet-root, and projecting a manufactory of sugar; but in all this confining himself to agriculture;

M.

Naville,

factures.

eralism, to

“for,” as

he wrote to

“our government has no liking for manu-

It fancies that

which

In our country,

it

if

manufactories are allied to

lib-

entertains an invincible repugnance.

one would

live in peace,

one must

at-

But after working in every which he was limited by the

tend to agriculture alone.” direction in this

field,

to

Government, Cavour was not long before he passed the boundary line which separated it from manufacture. He established packet-boats on the Lago Maggiore; and in Turin, steam-mills for grinding corn, and a manufactory for chemical products. He formed a railway company, and founded the Bank of Turin. Cavour was a thorough man of business; but with him business was

COUNT CAVOUR

37 1

always a secondary matter, an outlet for the superabun-

dance of his

activity, or

a necessary consequence of his

long as he was not enwas his chief occupation and career.

taste for agriculture, which, so

gaged

in politics,

by multifarious business enterprises, Cavour unknowingly trained his faculties for use in that larger field of action to which he was destined to be called; and this explains how, when he entered upon the government of his country, there was not one department of the state which he was not prepared to fill and perfectly fitted to administer. But all this time Cavour, though excluded from any active participation in the affairs of the Government, was very far from being indifferent to the political movements and agitations which were disturbing the peace of Italy and the whole of Europe. In politics he was liberal, but not radical. The following extract from one In

way,

this

of his letters defines his position as early as 1833, a position which became strengthened as his experience

widened, and which furnishes the key to his whole cal career.

politi-

“I have long wavered in the midst of these

opposite movements.

Reason

is

inclined toward

moder-

make our laggards move forward drove me toward the movement party. At

ation; an irresistible desire to

numerous violent agitations and oscillahave ended by fixing myself, like the pendulum

length, after tions, I

of a clock, in the juste-milieu.

Accordingly,

I

inform you

am

an honest member of the juste-milieu (exact middle), eager for social progress and working at it with all my strength, but determined not to purchase it at that I

What and social subversion.” Cavour wished to see was reform, not revolution. He wished to see Italy emancipated from tyranny; he forethe cost of political

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

37 2

saw that a violent crisis was at hand; but he wished to see this crisis brought about with as much prudence as the state of things would permit.

We

are approaching the period of Cavour’s appear-

ance in public

life,

and

it is

desirable to understand the

which confronted him. The condition of Italy time was as deplorable as can well be imagined.

situation at this

Its people,

more

especially the lower classes, exasperated

by long misrule and stimulated by the example of France, were in a state of chronic insurrection, and were kept in submission only by the show of brute force. Nowhere was there any attempt at liberal government, unless, perhaps, in Piedmont, no thought on the part

—

of the rulers to conciliate the hostility of their subjects

by concession

any

but everywhere was enforced against the restless population a tyrannical policy of reof

sort,

Tyranny was met by conspiracy. The Carbonari Society and other revolutionary associations, which included among the legitimate means of contendpression.

ing with oppression organized assassination, extended their ramifications political situation

throughout still

more

Italy.

galling to

And

to render the

all classes,

the in-

power in was Austria, the “foreigner,” as was the

telligent as well as the ignorant, the controlling

nearly

all

Italy

term contemptuously applied to her. In the north, Lombardy and Venice were directly subject to the Emperor, and, strongly garrisoned by Austrian troops, were a standing menace to the rest of Italy. Tuscany was gov1

House of Austria; the King of Naples, though a Bourbon prince, was backed by the same power, and the Austrian influence was equally dominant in Modena, Parma and other Italian duchies. The papal States were governed by Leo XII, who had erned by a

Duke

of the

adopted a coercive policy as grinding as that of any of

COUNT CAVOUR the Austrian princes.

The most

373

tolerant of the Italian

governments at this time was that of Piedmont (Sardinia), whose King, Charles Albert, though an absolute ruler, was still a man of liberal views and disposed to consult the wishes of his people.

To

see Italy freed from her foreign masters, and

more than this, to see the separate States of which she was composed united under a single Government, had become the earnest desire of every Italian patriot, to whatever class he belonged. The question on which the views of the patriots differed, and differed widely, was

means by which the great end should be accomplished and the sort of government which should be established. The great majority favored a republic; they would emulate France; they would upset entirely the existing state of things, and would oust from their places all princes and their belongings. The great leader of the republican party was Mazzini. It was the aim the

merely to make a republic of Italy, but to overthrow tyrants throughout Europe; to establish in Europe, if not one grand republic, at least a confedof Mazzini, not

eracy of republics.

A

beautiful scheme, well calculated

to captivate the impulsive and unreflecting multitude.

But Mazzini’s followers were by no means all of this class. Among them were found many men of sober judgment as well as of earnest patriotism. Between these radicals and the conservatives, who dreaded all change, were men of every shade of opinion. It was this question which Cavour had in mind when he announced him-

—

member of the juste-milieu the exact middle. Toward the end of 1847, Cavour established a newspaper, called the “Risorgimento.” At that time the reself a

under which the Piedmontese press labored theory, undergone no change. Still, the Sardin-

strictions

had, in

s

FOREIGN STATESMEN

374 ian

Government had arrived

when

the strict enforcement of

one of those periods the law becomes so manat

improper as to appear almost

ifestly

illegal.

Cavour’

aim in the establishment of this paper was to instruct and enlighten a public hitherto kept in ignorance, but desirous to learn, anxious to understand, and who were in earnest. He discussed the principles which form chief

the basis of political liberty, pointed out

how

that liberty

most obvious conCavour’s articles soon came to have a wide and were read with avidity, and they no

should be applied, and what was sequence. circulation

its

doubt contributed largely to shape the political sentiment of Piedmont, and secured for him a reputation for moderation and earnestness. Toward the end of this year (1847), the agitation in Italy was extreme, Pius IX, who had been elected Pope in the year preceding, had pardoned all political offenders in the Papal States, and had granted these States a constitution.

by which

enced

Charles Albert,

King

of Sardinia, influ-

and warned became every

by events of the urgency day more and more apparent, in the following February granted, without solicitation, though in obedience to

the

example,

this

obvious wish of his subjects, a constitution

The important duty

drawing up the electoral law was confided to a special commission, of which Cavour was called upon to form a part.

to Sardinia.

All that result

is

was

known

of their labor

in exact

series of articles

it,

the result; but as the

is

conformity with the suggestions of a

on the

electoral question

appeared in the “Risorgimento,” attribute

of

we may be

in great part at least,

tO'

which had allowed to

Cavour, who* was

Taken as a whole, his views may be summed up under two principal heads: he is the author of those articles.

COUNT CAVOUR

375

against universal suffrage, and in favor of a multiplicity

and he considers the publicity of the sittings of Parliament and the liberty of the press as essentials of any real system of representation. Cavour failed to obtain a seat in the first Parliament chosen under this Constitution; but he was elected a member of the second, and he continued to be a member of this body until he passed from it to the Cabinet. of electoral colleges;

In February, 1848, occurred the Revolution in Paris which resulted in the abdication of Louis Philippe. The

shock of this political uprising reached Italy, and gave a temporary ascendency to the Mazzinists. Sicily declared her independence from the Bourbons, and called the Duke of Genoa to the throne. In Naples, the mod-

Government yielded to a more radical administration. The Austrians were expelled from Milan and the Governor of Venice capitulated. With these last mentioned events we are now more particularly conerate liberal

cerned.

The enthusiasm which

prevailed in Northern Italy

impelled Charles Albert to declare war against Austria.

On

the 8th of April he pushed his troops beyond the

Mincio, while Piacenza, Parma, Modena, and the

bardo- Venetian

Kingdom voted

by universal suffrage. detzky, though he lost a

Lom-

union to Sardinia But the Austrian general, Ratheir

and was forced to witness the capitulation of Peschiera in May, had not given up the game. The Pope had sent troops, which were established at Vicenza, to support the Sardinians. These Radetzky compelled to surrender in June. He then attacked Charles Albert's army, which was investing Mantua, and having gained over it a complete victory, made his entry into Milan. Charles Albert had to These retire beyond the Ticino and beg for an armistice. battle at Goito,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

37 6

successes of the Austrians were followed

other parts of Italy.

Still,

by successes

in

Charles Albert, restrained by

the temporary supremacy of the Radical party in Sardinia,

which found support

in the

sympathy extended to

Lombard refugees who flocked into Turin, make peace with Austria. In March, 1849,

the

did not

again

took the field. On the 24th Radetzky gained a complete victory over him at Novara, and he was compelled to abdicate the throne of Sardinia on the field in favor of

Emmanuel. by his death

his son, Victor

months

This event, followed a few

he had retired, produced a profound sensation throughout Italy, and Charles Albert came to be looked upon as a martyr later

at Oporto, whither

to the cause of Italian independence.

The

first

act of the

young

king, Victor

Emmanuel,

was to take an oath of fidelity to the Constitution, and honestly to enter upon the path which was to make his reign illustrious, notwithstanding that the influence of

Austria was brought to bear to induce him to overthrow the Constitution, and that

the same course.

The

many

of his advisers counseled

position in which the

new king

found himself was a difficult one. The country was in a state of anarchy, excitement and general prostration. The war had been disastrous, and the Nation had now to be redeemed from the conditions of an humiliating peace. Massimo d’Azeglio', one of the ablest of the champions of Italy, was placed at the head of the Cabinet, and at once entered upon a contest with the radical party, which had gained a temporary preponderance in the Parliament and sought to prolong the war. D’Azeglio found an able supporter in Cavour, both as leader of the moderate party in the Chamber and as editor of the “Risorgimento,” which throughout the war had

COUNT CAVOUR given the King

its

cordial support,

377

and now came to the

assistance of the Cabinet.

In March,

1850,

'

d’Azeglio,

at

the instigation of

Cavour, laid his hands upon certain privileges of the

and proposed the suppression of the ecclesiastiA contest was thus opened with the cal tribunals. Church, which, though it continued with bitterness for a number of years, may be disposed of here with bare statement that it ended in the complete overthrow of the Church party, and in the establishment of one of the great principles for which Cavour fought, namely, an entire exclusion of the Church from the Government, or, in the phrase of Cavour, “a free Church in a free clergy,

State.”

In the following August a vacancy occurred

in the

cabinet, and, at the request of d’Azeglio the vacant office

—that of Minister Agriculture, of Commerce and of the Navy—was offered to Cavour, who accepted of

it.

Cavour had now an opportunity to give the State the benefit of his business experience.

He

set to

work

at once,

and with energy, to reform

the financial system of the State, to revise the and, equally important, to plant the

germ

of

tariff,

an Italian

In a few months the conflict with the Church led to his resignation, and he took the occasion to pay navy.

a flying

visit to

England

—

his

second

visit to that

coun-

whose governmental system and policy he early became imbued with the highest admiration. In October, 1852, Cavour was sent for by the King, upon the advice of d’Azeglio, who had decided upon retiring, and was charged with the formation of a new Ministry. The Church question was still uppermost. The Ministry formed by Cavour was compelled soon to resign; but try, for

FOREIGN STATESMEN

37 $

an attempt to form another, more acceptable to the Church party, failed. Cavour was called back by the King, who gave him full power to break with Rome and form an administration, which was immediately done. Cavour became Minister of Finance, and President of the Council. From this time, with the exception of the short period after the peace of Villafranca, Cavour continued to fill the office of Prime Minister until the

moment

of his death.

Cavour adopted a policy of gaining the support of

of

all

moderation with a view the parties in the State,

or at least of lessening the violence of opposition.

After

a few months he took advantage of a resignation in his cabinet to admit into

it,

to the dismay of his colleagues,

Ratazzi, the leader of the Radical party; and the

wisdom

move was justified by its beneficial effects. The first years of his administration were devoted

of this

al-

most exclusively to internal reforms, to the revision of the laws, and to the material, moral, and political development of the country. General Lamarmora undertook the reform of the army fortifications were restored and gradually put into a state of defense. A line of packets was established between Genoa and America, railroads were extended, the tunnel through Mont Cenis was projected, and treaties of commerce with several nations were concluded. Independently of treaties of commerce, intimate relations were formed with England, and amicable relations with France.

In the case of Austria, the “foreign-

was one peace. He had

er,” the policy

of expectation

than of

still

—

of truce, rather

for a time the

Church party

but the general approbation of his measures so strengthened him with the people that a new election gave him in the Parliament a complete mato contend with;

jority, firmly

united to him, and directed by their con-

COUNT CAVOUR stituents to support

379

him; and henceforward he became

the master of the situation, the dictator of the policy of

the State.

This brings us to the Crimean war, to the second and period in the career of Count Cavour.

most

brilliant

From

the outset of the preparations for this war Cavour

was strongly in favor of a treaty which had been urged upon Sardinia by England, and he pursuaded the King of its advisability; but his colleagues in the Cabinet were strongly opposed to it. The King and his Prime Minister carried

the day, however, in the Cabinet discus-

and about the middle of December, 1854, Cavour, as Prime Minister, signed a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, between Piedmont on the one side, and England and France on the other, the principal clause of which was that a Piedmontese army should be immesions,

diately sent to the Crimea.

The

met with violent opposition

in the

ratification of this treaty

Chamber

of Deputies;

but here also, as in the Cabinet, Cavour carried the day.

For

Cavour was, undoubtedly, solely responsible. It is the first act which gives the full measure of his political genius. Apparently Piedmont had not the slightest interest in the war; but Cavour looked beyond the present. His object was to introduce Piedmont into the arena of European politics, to secure for this alliance

her, as the representative of Italy, recognition

among

the powers of Europe, and in this he succeeded.

Pied-

mont sent to the Crimea an army of 20,000 men under the command, not of Victor Emmanuel, who had hoped to lead it and was disappointed that this was not deemed

— —but

Lamarmora. A victory gained by this army near the close of the war wiped out the disgrace of Novara, and gave the greatest satisfac-

advisable,

of

General

tion to the Piedmontese.

FOREIGN STATESMEN

3 8°

But

far

won

more important than

this victory

was the

by Cavour, as a delegate to the Peace Congress, which met in that city on the termination of the war. Austria was opposed to the admission of the Piedmontese delegate. It was undignified, she said, that the great powers should allow a mischievous victory

little

in Paris

State of only four million of souls to take part in

That Piedmont, at the eleventh hour, should with great difficulty have sent a few wretched battalions into the Crimea was no reason why she should be allowed to treat on terms of equality with empires whose armies amounted to hundreds of thousands. As for Italy, she had no concern in the matter, besides which she was very sufficiently represented by the Cabinet of Vienna. But England, France still more, and especially Russia, whose least wish was to please Austria, stood firm, and Cavour set off for Paris. During the first sittings of the Congress, as long as the general conditions of the peace were under discussion, Cavour kept very modestly in the background, showing as much good taste as good policy. He left it to the great Powers to regulate the stipulations which, at the cost of such great sacrifices, they had acquired the right to claim on the one side, or to object to on the their

deliberations.

other.

Called upon, however, in accordance with usage,

to express his opinion, he gave

out laying stress upon

and

it.

it

He

in

few words, and with-

spoke with moderation

and with so great a knowledge of the subject as at once to excite the astonishment of men who, by profession, were bound to be astonished by nothing. It was soon evident that Cavour was a man with whom they would have to reckon. He, on his side, was observing, in the conflict of opinions and inprecision,

— .

COUNT CAVOUR

381

hidden springs that he might one day bring

terests, the

into play.

The conference was drawing

and not a word had been said of Italy. Cavour had refrained from introducing the subject, hoping that someone else might speak of her, knowing that an allusion to her wrongs would carry more weight if made by someone who was not an Italian. He restrained his impatience and waited; and not in vain. In one of the last sittings the President of the Congress, who was charged with the duty of sugto a close,

gesting subjects for deliberation, suddenly directed the attention of the plenipotentiaries to the State of Italy, a State, as he said, threatening the peace of

Europe, be-

cause of the frequent outbreak of rebellion, the inevi-

and oppressive systems of govsuggested that the Congress should ad-

table result of unpopular

ernment.

He

dress a note to the Sovereigns of Italy, counseling

to adopt a

more

them

liberal policy in their respective States

Count Buol, the Austrian Deputy,

once protested formally against the introduction of a subject with which the Congress was not competent to deal, and after a brief No action was discussion, the matter was dropped. taken. But Cavour had gained all he had hoped for. In at

spite of the opposition of Austria, the

had been inscribed

at full length

name

of Italy

on the public records

of Europe.

The

first

of a project

step had been taken toward the execution

which Cavour had

all

along had

in

view

the expulsion of the Austrians from Italy, and her uni-

and regeneration under the sovereignty of Victor Emmanuel. In order to carry out this grand design, the alliance of one or more of the great powers would be necessary. His preference was for England; but fication

FOREIGN STATESMEN

382

England had found

Congress to court the friendship of Austria, and Cavour learned to his great disappointment, upon visiting London after the close of the Congress, that his own conduct in that body had given offense to the English Government. He was compelled, therefore, to turn to France for an ally, as his second choice; and from this time forward he let slip no opportunity of cultivating the it

to her interest in the Peace

friendship of Napoleon.

On

returning to Turin, Cavour entered upon the

work of strengthening his own position, while at the same time he made preparations for the war which he meant, sooner or later, to force upon Austria. A marked change took place in his policy. Without ceasing to be and to be supported by the majority, his policy became more exclusively Italian; it emanated more specially from himself, and it was more imperiously imposed upon Parliament who obeyed him His ulterior puras a master rather than as a leader. pose was divined, if not openly avowed, and the disposition to give him a free hand became more marked every day. Faith in Cavour spread far and wide. His power became practically autocratic. In Italy at that time there was but one policy it may almost be said, but one religion namely, the will of Cavour. And this will was directed steadily to a single purpose. To isolate Austria was the one end of Cavour’s policy as Foreign Minister. He made every effort to win back England to his side he endeavored to conciliate Prussia he succeeded in gaining over Russia; and, without any concealment, he befriended the Moldavians, the Wallachians, and the Hungarians all who were enemies of his enemy. At home, as Minister of Finance, he was lavish of public money. The army, the navy, great public works, were liberal

and

constitutional,

—

—

;

;

—

COUNT CAVOUR

383

increased to an extent quite disproportioned to the

resources and real wants of Piedmont. million

was voted

Million after

for the construction of vessels, for the

increase of artillery, for additions to the army, for forti-

through Mont Cenis. Everybody understood the purpose of these extraordinary outlays; and at last everybody came to wish for the inevitable war, some from enthusiasm and others as a release from intolerable suspense. Ever since the Congress at Paris Cavour had felt that in a war with Austria he could rely upon the Emperor Napoleon. But in the winter of 1857-8 his plans were seriously imperiled by the attempt of Orsini on the Emperor’s life. It was only by passing a bill which defined the crime of political assassination that he regained the Emperor’s confidence. In the following July he visited the Emperor Napoleon at Plombieres, having fications, for the tunnel

traveled thither incognito' from Genoa, and concluded

with him a secret treaty.

The

provisions of this treaty,

so far as they can be divined from the events which fol-

lowed, included the creation of a northern Italy,

extending from the Alps

including the Duchies of

to'

Kingdom

the Adriatic, and

Parma and Modena;

a return, the annexation of Nice and Savoy

A

of

war to be forced upon Austria was,

to'

and, as

France.

of course, a pre-

liminary to the execution of this treaty.

Cavour returned to Turin to continue and forward with tion.

While

push

energy the work of preparathe midst of this work he received a visit

all

in

to

his great

from Garibaldi, who proffered his services. The events of 1848 had brought Garibaldi back to Italy, where he increased his reputation for personal bravery, and also displayed a degree of military capacity for a long time questioned by professional soldiers. At the siege of

FOREIGN STATESMEN

3 84

Rome

he had deserved to become the hero of Italy. Garibaldi, in the coming conflict, would be certain to

him the majority of the Republicans of Italy; hence Cavour now gladly accepted his offer of service, and agreed to aid him in the enrollment and equipment at Genoa of a thousand volunteers. Yet so strongly opposed was the War Minister to this employment of a Republican and a guerilla, that Cavour had no< little difficulty in carrying out his engagement with Garibaldi. As to the claims which Garibaldi and his Republicans might set up on the conclusion of peace, Cavour counted on being able to dispose of them satisfactorily. The Cabinet of Vienna, harassed by repeated memorials on the subject of its tyranny in Lombardy, complained to Europe that Piedmont was a standing menace carry with

to Italian peace, and in the latter part of April, 1859,

demanding the disarmament of Sardinia. The hour to strike had now come. On the 8th of May Napoleon declared war against Austria amid the plaudits of Paris, and the enthusiasm of the army. The French at once entered Italy by the Mont Cenis pass, and by sea, landing at Genoa. The Emperor himself took the command-in-chief, and Vicsent an ultimatum to Turin

tor

Emmanuel

affairs of

placed himself under his orders.

The

Montebello and Palestro secured for the French

the passage of the Po.

On

the 4th of June the French

and Sardinians defeated the Austrians at Magenta; and again on the 24th at Solferino. A few days later Napoleon met the Austrian Emperor, Francis Joseph, at Villafranca, and without consulting his allies arranged with him the preliminary terms of peace. Bitter indeed was the disappointment of Cavour and the Piedmontese at this unexpected cessation of hostilities. Napoleon had failed to keep his promise, since the

COUNT CAVOUR

3 85

Venice still in the hands of Austria. Still, much had been gained, and more was to be added. Tuscany, Modena, Parma, and Romagna declared their determination to join the Kingdom. In March, i860, the annexation of Central Italy to Sardinia was effected, and approved by the French Emperor. In the South also the cause of Italy had been successful. Garibaldi, with his famous “Thousand,” had set out from Genoa directly upon the declaration of war by Napoleon, and landing in Sicily, had proclaimed himpeace of Villafranca

self dictator in

the

left

name

of

Victor

Emmanuel.

A

few days had sufficed for the conquest of Sicily. Thence he had crossed over to the continent, and having defeated the King of Naples, had entered the city

on the 7th

of

September.

Here he was joined by

soon became apparent that under the sway of Republican enthusiasm he designed to march upon Rome. Under these circumstances Cavour, with the sanction of Napoleon, resolved upon sending his General Cialdini occupied troops into the Papal States. Mazzini, and

it

Urbino and Perugia, then joining Garibaldi he assisted him to gain a victory over the Bourbon troops on the Volturno. Soon after this Victor Emmanuel appeared in person upon the scene, and Garibaldi, having surrendered his dictatorship, returned to Caprera.

Eighteen months

from the and Venice,

after Villafranca delegates

whole of Italy, with the exception of Rome were assembled at Turin, and took the oath

of allegi-

ance to Victor Emmanuel, as their legitimate King. It was no doubt a glorious day for Cavour when, taking his seat in Parliament,

he could

at length

contemplate

work he had accomplished. The sight of so many strange faces must have carried him back to the day when, obscure and unpopular, he for the first time, on the

Voi,. 7

— 25

— :

FOREIGN STATESMEN

3§6

the eve of Novara, raised his voice in the Piedmontese

Assembly; and as the thought of what had been accomplished in the last twelve years passed through his mind, he must have been full of confidence for the future. He was still in the prime of life but fifty-one years of age and he might reasonably hope to have a large share in shaping the future of Italy.

—

But it was not to be. On the 29th of May, 1861, four months after the scene just referred to, the great statesman went to his home from a long and stormy session of Parliament, weary in body and depressed in spirit, and during the night was taken suddenly and violently ill. An intermittent fever followed, which terminated fatally on the morning of the 6th of June. The last words of Cavour, addressed to Father Giacomo, who had come to administer the supreme unction, were “Frate, frate, libera chiesa in libero stato”

(Brother,

Church in a free State). In 1866 Venice was ceded to Italy by Austria,

brother, a free

as

one of the conditions of the peace made with PrusWhen in 1870 sia after the battle of Koniggratz. the victory of Sedan had overthrown the French Emperor, the protectorate established over Rome by Napoleon was held to have come to an end, and Victor Emmanuel took possession of the Papal States. On the 20th of September he entered Rome, which now became his Capital. The life work of Count Cavour was thus finally consummated.

LEO

XIII

1810

A PAPAL POLICY OF CONCILIATION

r

Vincenzo Gioacchino Pecci, who succeeded Pius IX in the Papacy as Leo XIII, was born March 2, 1810, His father at Carpineto, in the States of the Church. was Count Ludovico Pecci; his mother, Anna Prosperi, was a descendant of the celebrated Cola di Rienzi, “the At the age of eight years last of the Roman Tribunes/ he was sent, together with his elder brother, Giuseppe, ’

to the Jesuit College at Viterbo.

the schools of the

Roman

At

fourteen he entered

College, which had been

restored to the rule of the Jesuits.

The young dent.

Pecci was a remarkably precocious stu-

He wrote

of twelve,

and

Latin, both prose and verse, at the age

later

turned with avidity and success to

the study of the sciences. try he

became

In mathematics and chemis-

particularly proficient, taking in both the

highest honors.

Almost from the

himself as one to

whom

the

first

management

Pecci showed of

men came

by nature; and though he kept on writing poems, both in Latin and Italian, the unconscious bent of his mind was toward an active part on the great stage of the world.

On December

was received into the once put by Gregory XVI into

23, 1837, Pecci

priesthood, and was at

active service, being appointed Apostolic Delegate at

Benvenuto.

In this position, though

showed remarkable aptitude 387

still

young, he

for the administration of

FOREIGN STATESMEN

3 88 affairs.

cess,

He

set himself at

work

at once,

and with suc-

to suppress brigandage, which at that time at

and as still in Sicily, was winked at by the authorities and covertly fostered by some of the nobles and great landlords, who made Benvenuto, as elsewhere

their profit out of

it.

in Italy,

After a service of four years at

Benvenuto Pecci was recalled to Rome by the Pope, and was sent to Spoleto this being a promotion and

—

—

thence shortly after to Perugia.

Soon

second promotion Pecci was appointed (1843) Nuncio to Brussels, having first been made, to qualify him for the post, Archbishop of after this

Damietta-—an office purely nominal. At the court of King Leopold he remained three years, and was then appointed Bishop of Perugia, at the earnest solicitation of the people of that place, whose esteem he had won during his short ministration among them. On his way homeward from Brussels Pecci visited London, where he was graciously received by Queen Victoria, particularly because of the high recommendation of Leopold. From London he passed on to Paris, and was there received with equal cordiality by Louis Philippe.

He

arrived in

Rome

just in time to hear of the death of

Pope Gregory, and to learn that Cardinal Mastai Ferretti was raised to the Papal chair, under the his patron.

title

of Pius IX.

At Perugia Pecci however, the

title

—and

upon him

labored,

first

—

as a Bishop

with,

of Archbishop, previously bestowed

afterward as Cardinal, for

thirty-two years, with indomitable energy and

more than skill in

the

promotion of every good work which concerned religion, education, and the general welfare of the people. He established colleges, schools, hospitals, and all manner of charitable institutions, and withal, having a soul

—

LEO for art

and

XIII

artistic decoration,

389

he contrived to add new

beauties to one of the most picturesque of the Italian cities.

In 1877 Cardinal Pecci was raised by Pope Pius to the dignified and important office of Cardinal Camerlingo (Chamberlain) of the Roman Church. In that capacity after the Pope’s death (February 7, 1878) he

had charge

of

all

the arrangements for the solemn

obsequies of the Pontiff, received the Catholic ambassa-

and made the preparations

Conclave which was to choose a successor to Pius IX. The Conclave met February 18, 1878. On the 20th Cardinal Pecci received a majority of the sixty-one votes cast, and his election was then made unanimous. He was duly proclaimed Pope in St. Peters, and on March 3d he was crowned in the Sistine Chapel under the title of Leo XIII. dors,

The new Pope

lost

no time

important duties of his

office.

the day after he was crowned lishing the

Roman

for the

upon the more the 4th of March

in entering

On

—he published a

bull estab-

Catholic hierarchy in Scotland.

This

was simply carrying out the policy of his predecessor. Pius IX had already reestablished the Catholic Church in England. The act had aroused at the time a frenzy of popular passion in that country.

An

ment had been passed declaring the

hierarchical titles

act of Parlia-

and districts to be illegal. But the agitation had very soon subsided. The act of Parliament had been quietly repealed; and now in England the Catholic Church stood on a firm basis. A similar, but less violent, outcry was now heard in Glasgow; the Pope’s letter was publicly burned. But here, as in England, the Protestant animosity soon gave way to a more liberal state of mind. The Pope’s letter was well taken from English

cities

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

39 °

most

calculated to quiet the fears of the

distrustful.

It

spoke of the devotion which many of the Highland clans had displayed toward the Church of Rome in days of persecution, and it paid a special tribute of praise to England for the toleration which she

members

of that church.

now accorded

to the

Thus the Pope began

his

reign in a spirit of the most genuine conciliation.

Advances were at once made to Germany, Russia, and Switzerland in the same temper. In all of these countries there had been in the reign of Pius a quarrel with the Vatican because of the manner in which the Pope considered the rights of the Catholics to have been invaded by the Government. The new Pope appealed to these States to reconsider calmly and dispassionately their

He

mode

of dealing with their Catholic population.

“Come,

let

them

most friendly spirit: us reason together,” and in the end he suc-

virtually said to

ceeded in gaining

all,

in the

or nearly

The most troublesome and tional involvements

known

in

he desired.

difficult of

was on the

Germany as been bequeathed to Leo by his struggle

all,

these interna-

Germany. The the Kultur-Kampf had predecessor, and he at

side of

once took the initiative step for bringing it to a close. The Kultur-Kampf, or, in plain English, the EducationFight, had been inaugurated by Prince Bismarck, who believed, or affected to believe, that the Catholics were the most dangerous enemies of the new German Empire, and that, in fact, the Pope had really been the prime mover in the war between France and Germany. The question in issue was whether the Catholic priesthood should owe an allegiance wholly alien to Germany, or should be brought under the supervision of the State.

was the question raised respecting educaand he had a institutions, Bismarck determined

Particularly tional

LEO

XIII

39 1

strong backing of

German sentiment

priest or professor

who had

authorities should teach in

war began with a

—that no Catholic

not the sanction of the State

any German

institution.

The

series of proscriptions against the

In June, 1872, an act of Parliament in Prussia put the Society of Jesuits and every one of its members Jesuits.

under the ban of the law. The order and all its affiliations were excluded from the territory of the Empire. But the war did not end here. In April, 1873, an act was promulgated which abolished the old laws giving to the Catholic Church in Prussia a right to self-government,

and investing the State with the supreme control over the internal

management

of every ecclesiastical institu-

tion which professed to accept the spiritual guidance of

The debates

the Vatican.

in the Prussian

Parliament

over this and subsequent proposed enactments soon attracted the attention of the whole civilized world.

The

Catholic party in the Parliament had an able cham-

pion in Dr. Windthorst, whose tion of

legions at his

by

won

the admira-

But Bismarck had the German back, and opposition could amount to no

Bismarck

more than

abilities

himself.

The and were made

earnest protest.

their cause,

Catholic clergy stood martyrs.

The Arch-

bishops of Posen and Cologne, the Bishop of Treves, the Bishop of Paderborn, were thrown into prison for

contumacy; and not only these prominent officials of the Church, but also a long list of cures, vicars, and other priests accepted imprisonment rather than be false to Where was this movement to end? their principles. So began at length to ask some even among the most determined opponents of the Catholic Church; while as to the Catholics themselves, persecution, as has ever

been the

case,

Of course

only rendered them the more obstinate.

there could be but one

outcome to a strug-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

39 2

gle of this kind in the Nineteenth Century; but

it

was

none the less a matter which required skillful handling, and Leo XIII proved himself equal to the task. It is impossible in this short article to give with any detail the negotiations carried on between Berlin and the Vatican, extending over a period of ten years, which ended in a

—

in a

We

can

satisfactory adjustment of the matter in dispute victory,

we may

say at once, for the Pontiff.

note only the method and policy pursued by Leo.

He

opened the negotiations with a letter to the Emperor William, in which he expressed his great regret that the happy and friendly relations which up to late years existed between the Holy See and the Sovereign of Prussia should be interrupted. “We appeal,” he went on to say, “to your Majesty’s magnanimity in the hope of obtaining a restoration of peace and repose of conscience for a great number of your subjects and the Catholic subjects of your Majesty will never fail to show themselves, as the faith which they profess ordains that they should do, with the most conscientious devotion, respectful and faithful toward your Majesty.” Nothing could be more conciliating than this letter.

—

Observe, too

1

,

that the Pontiff presents the matter as

one of conscience, and

disavows any intention

distinctly

Church to interfere in any way with the affairs of Government. No doubt Bismarck would have much preferred to receive a thunderous protest from the Vatican one which would have enabled him to present the issue as a conflict between Protestantism and Catholicism. But nothing of the sort; all that Leo demands is that the of the

—

Catholics shall be affairs as

seems to them

the State, basing his

best,

manage

church without interference from

left at liberty

to

demand on

their

the broad principle of

Painting by Franz Lenbach

LEO

XIII

393

and from this position he never receded throughout the whole of the long controversy. He was quite willing that the names of young men called to the priesthood by the bishops should be communicated to the Government, before the canonical institution took place. But he made it a condition that the exiled ecclesiastics should be allowed to return under religious tolerance;

full

amnesty.

He

also

demanded

that the

Government

should undertake to have the laws of 1873 revised, in some manner which should reconcile them to the prin-

Church, and should give back to the Church the direction of the religious education in its schools. ciples of the

All this he eventually obtained,

though

little

and not completely until after the accession II and the retirement of Bismarck.

of

by

little,

William

All this time the Pope’s personal relations both with

Emperor and Bismarck were cordially friendly. Bismarck named the Pope as his choice for arbiter in a dispute between Germany and Spain over one of the Caroline Islands; the Crown Prince Frederick, and after him his son William, then become Emperor, each paid the Pope a visit in the Vatican all this before diplomatic intercourse between Germany and the Vatican had the

—

been restored. All recognized the sincerity and the upright motives of the Pontiff. Indeed, the change of opinion which had been effected in Germany, as elsewhere, by the liberality of the views to which he had given expression in his various encyclical

uted largely toward his

letters, contrib-

triumph in the KulturKampf. There had no doubt been in the beginning a sincere conviction in Germany that the Church was dangerous; but Leo’s course had gone far to show that within the Church, as well as out of it, there was a forfinal

FOREIGN STATESMEN

394

ward movement

in the line of toleration in religion,

and that henceforward the Church was disposed to ask no more than she herself would grant. In France,

also,

after the

downfall of Napoleon,

trouble for the Church arose, very similar to that in

Germany. friendly to

The Catholics, as a body, were openly unthe new Republic. A large number of them,

especially of the higher ranks, persisted in identifying

monarchy with religion. They maintained that without monarchy there could be no protection or security for the Catholic faith in France. They determined, therefore, to

hold aloof from the Republic, to abstain from

using their votes on either

side.

In this attitude the

Republicans saw danger of intrigue and conspiracy, and it is not surprising, therefore, that severe restrictive laws

were enacted against the Catholics. These measures were not taken, however, until after the fall of Marshal MacMahon, in January, 1879, and the election of M. Grevy to the Presidency of the Republic. One of the enactments then made proscribed the Jesuits; another obliged all religious congregations of men and women to obtain, within three months, the authority of the State for their existence, or else to come under the same proscription as that assigned to the Jesuits.

The

sensation

through France was something unparalleled. Parties divided on this question of religion, and one result was the resignation of M. Freycinet, the President of the Council, who deprecated the severity of the measures. M. Jules Ferry succeeded him in the Cabinet, and the decrees against the religious orders were then created

all

carried out in

full

force.

In this state of affairs Leo

addressed a letter to the President of the Republic,

—a

M.

which was intended quite as much as an appeal to the world as to M. Grevy, who really had very

Grevy

letter

LEO little

power

in the matter.

XIII In

395 this

letter

the

Pope

reminds the President that the Holy See has never hesitated to support the French Government in its schemes for the welfare and advancement of France; he points out that the religious orders which had been expelled were invaluable in the hospitals and charitable institu-

on the field the faith and even tions,

especially in ers

of battle

itself,

and

in the spread of

French influence abroad, and the East that the removal of Catholic teachof the ;

from the schools deprived fathers of

families of the

privilege of exercising a choice in the matter of educat-

ing their children, and was therefore an invasion of personal rights, and

this, too, in

the face of the fact that

thereby 32,000,000 of Catholics were deprived of religious education. These are some of the considerations

urged upon the President.

M. Grevy,

in his letter of reply,

admits the justice of

the Pope’s appeal against the anti-religious feeling in

France, but attributes

its

origin to the hostile attitude

of a part of the clergy toward the Republic

from

its

foundation to the present day, and points out that the

remedy rests with the Pope rather than with himself. For the time the matter rested there. Although the President expressed the hope of a peaceful termination of these disputes, there was for the present nothing further to be done.

The French

question was, indeed, a perplexing one

There could be no doubt as to the hostility of the more powerful of the French Catholics to the Republic. Should he side with them, or should he brave their criticism? There can be little doubt that he had made up his mind what to do; but he bided his time, and when the time came, when passion on both for the Pope.

sides

had become

sufficiently allayed,

he

settled the

FOREIGN STATESMEN

39 6

French dispute by acknowledging the Republic. The time chosen for taking this step was peculiarly opportune. It was the time when the indignation excited in France by the Panama scandals seemed to threaten the very existence of the Republic, so that the Pope may fairly be credited with having come to the assistance

Government in a moment of peril. The acknowledgment came, however, in the form of a general and liberal principle applicable to all cases, first announced to the world generally in a speech made in November, 1890, by Cardinal Lavigerie, in Algiers. The vital portion of the speech was this: “When the the

of

will of

a people

is

clearly affirmed,

when

the form of a

government has nothing in it in contradiction to the principles which can alone keep life in nations, Christian and civilized, when in order to rescue it from the abyss which threatens it, adhesion without concealed thought is necessary for that form of government .

.

.

.

the

moment

has

come to

sacrifice all that

conscience and honor permit and ordain that ea,ch of

us .

shall .

.

sacrifice .

pillars of

It

an

for

the

welfare

of

would be madness to hope edifice

his

country.

to sustain the

without entering into the edifice

were it only to prevent those who destroy everything from accomplishing their insane work/’ Henceforward it was understood that Leo had ranged himself on the side of the Republic, not necessarily because that form of government was his preference, but because it was the established form, and the Nor was this welfare of society demanded its support. acknowledgment designed to affect in any way the personal preferences of any of the Catholic clergy or laity in France. They were not asked to renounce their faith in monarchy, if such they had; they were simply itself,

-

LEO

XIII

397

counseled to array themselves heartily on the side of the power that was.

In view of the intense interest excited in France

and elsewhere by his attitude, Leo consented to submit to what no Pope before him had ever submitted to be interviewed. He consented to give an audience

—

to

a representative of the Petit Journal of

Among

France.

other things which he then said for publication

was this: “My desire and prosperous, that possible.

My

is

that France should be

divisions should cease as far as

conviction

is

that

all

French

should reunite on constitutional grounds. course, can keep

up

happy

Each

his personal preference, but

citizens

one, of

when

it

comes to political action, there is only the government which France has given to herself. The Republic is a form of government just as legitimate as any other.” These are the words of a man who is able to rise above petty strife and party intrigue and to take a commanding view of things, a view as extensive as humanity itself. Such a man Leo showed himself to be in many ways. In December, 1878, he issued an encyclical letter concerning modern errors Socialism, Communism, and Nihilism. Naturally and necessarily the Pope ascribed all the evils of these modern errors to the fact that so much of modern society has “cast away the supernatural

—

truths of faith as being contrary to reason.”

After dis-

posing of this fundamental cause, as he conceived

it

to

he came down to the more specific causes in the misuse of wealth, of extravagant luxury, of selfish millionbe,

aires, of capitalists

who

care nothing but for the accumu-

money. In this first encyclical of the Pope there was nothing to which any member of any nonCatholic religious denomination could object, except the Pope’s assumption that the Church of Rome is the lation of

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

39 s

and

For the rest, this letter proclaimed doctrines and precepts with which educated and reasonable men all over the world are likely He insisted upon the necessity of all who are to agree. in authority, and all who are rich doing everything in their power to mitigate the suffering of the poor, to see that the laborer shall have his hire, and to lighten the load Thus, as will be seen, while Leo of the heavy laden. condemned without qualification the avowed principles of the Communists and Nihilists, he maintained that there were two sides to the question. He insisted that the remedy against socialism was not to be found ‘fin the strong hand of civil power or in military force.” We must “lighten the load of the heavy laden,” and reestablish the principles of morality and religion. The appeal is that of the head of the Roman Church; but it is also the pronouncement of a statesman and a philanthropist, and of one who has made the social questions of the day a study, and whose heart went out in sympathy with the suffering of his fellow men. Leo was deeply interested, as is every philanthropic man, in all the questions that concern the wage-earner. His natural sympathy for the poor and down trodden did not blind him, however, to the fact that there are two sides to the labor question; but he was also convinced that a great moral and religious influence must be brought to bear if the question was to have a satisfactory soluinspired teacher of morals

tion.

As

of religion.

to labor unions, while he certainly did not dis-

approve of them, except in the case of secret

societies,

he

continually warned those delegates from such associations

who

upon him, against the danger of expecting too much. In one notable instance Pope Leo was called upon to give his opinion as to the claims and course of action adopted by an American association of working men called

LEO

XIII

399

the Knights of Labor.

Notwithstanding that the association had the strong indorsement of Cardinal Gibbons, it failed to secure the unqualified approval of the Pope.

Still

he was by no means opposed to the movement for the organization of labor within legitimate limits. nized that Capital had

its

He

recog-

rights as well as Labor.

Leo’s action in condemning the

Land League

of Ire-

and socially, gave great offense to the Irish Catholics, and it was loudly asserted that he had been influenced by the Catholics of England, who belonged mostly to the wealthy class, and had no symBut the pathy with the struggling Irish peasantry. land, both morally

charge

is

doubtless unjust.

The

impartial observer can

condemned the League not because he disapproved of its purpose, not because it was offensive to England, but because its methods led to crime. No one see that he

National—no calm observer among the ever did doubt— Pope Leo had the warmest sym-

can doubt ists

Irish

that

pathy for oppressed and struggling Ireland, and that

was

it

really his affection for Ireland that inspired the con-

demnation of the Land League. We of America have reason for a special interest in Pope Leo XIII. Although the Catholic Church has from the first had a firm foothold in the United States, and has

grown and expanded with

the growth of the country,

it

was brought into close and direct relationship with Rome by the establishment of an Apostolic delegation in America. Monsignor Satolli was the first head of the delegation, which was created in the early is

only recently that

it

part of 1893.

Happily the dread of the ever growing power of the Catholic Church in this country a dread which has from time to time been an element in our national politics has

—

practically ceased to exist

And

—

to

no

single Pontiff

is

FOREIGN STATESMEN

400

the removal of this dread so largely due as to

Leo XIII.

We

have heard proclaimed from the Vatican, marvelous though it seems, the broad principle of religious tolera-

We

have seen Leo in his dealings both with Germany and France disavowing most unequivocally any design of the Church to interfere with the affairs of declaring that while the Church secular government must be independent in order that it may do its work for tion.

—

owes its best support in every country to the recognized government thereof. And the work of this great Church, whose empire embraces the entire earth, what is it? Primarily it is to impart relihumanity unimpeded,

gious instruction.

it still

We may not all

dogmas; but we can has also taken upon

let

that pass.

itself

entirely approve of its

The

Catholic Church

the oversight over morality,

and a care for the general welfare of humanity, and we all know how thoroughly, with its vast organization and In the prosits abundant wealth, this great work is done. ecution of this work Pope Leo XIII was especially and earnestly zealous; he was above all things else, a great philanthropist.

A

few words may be said about the habits and per-

The

sonality of Leo, called, to strike

us

is

first

singularity,

if

so

it

that, like his predecessor,

may

be

Pius IX,

he persisted in regarding himself a prisoner in the Vatican,

never going beyond

—how

its

garden walls.

We

all

know

Napoleon at Sedan Victor Emmanuel swooped down upon Rome, took it from the Pope, and made it the capital of Italy. Pius IX never forgave Victor Emmanuel, nor did Leo XIII. Neither would establish diplomatic relations with the King of Italy. How long is this farce to be kept up ? we may well

the story

inquire.

No

after the fall of

rational person

now

power of the Popes has departed

doubts that the temporal forever.

:

LEO The eminent

XIII

401

Mr. Marion Crawford, has given to the world in the Century Magazine an interesting account of the Pope, from which are taken the follownovelist,

ing items relating to his personal appearance

“Leo XIII was born and bred

in the keen air of the

Volscian Hills, a southern Italian, but of the mountains,

and there

He

is still

something about him of the

people.

hill

has the long, lean, straight, broad-shouldered frame

of the true mountaineer, the marvelously bright eye, the eagle features, the well-knit growth of strength, traceable

His voice, neither deep nor full, is wonderfully clear and ringing. His enunciation is exceedingly clear, both in Latin and Italian, and also in French, a language in which he expresses himself with ease and clearness. His bearing is erect at all times, and on days when he is well his step is quick as he moves about his private apartments.” Add to this sketch a face of almost marble whiteness, and we have a fair picture of Leo XIII. even in extreme old age.

.

.

.

.

.

Voio

7

— 26

.

.

.

.

BISMARCK 1815-1898

THE FORGING OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE Otto Edward Leopold von Bismarck was born at Schonhausen, in the old Mark of Brandenburg the core of

modem

family

—on

April

1,

The Bismarck

1815.

both old and distinguished.

was ennobled as the middle of the Fourteenth Century, and has

is

as early

Prussia-

—

It

always held a foremost rank among the fighting noblesse of Brandenburg. Several of the Bismarcks fought in the Thirty Years’ War, some on the side of the Emperor, some

on the side of the Swedes. reckon

among his ancestors

Moreover, Bismarck could

Field Marshal

Von Derflinger,

von Zieten, and Lieutenant Katte, whose savage execution by Frederick William I formed such a tragic incident in the life of the conqueror of the Swedes, General

Frederick the Great.

But Bismarck’s forefathers were not distinguished alone for their fighting qualities.

Most of

his paternal

“had been mighty His great grandhunters and drinkers before the Lord.” father, in particular who fell in one of the battles of the Seven Years’ War had in one year slain as many as 154 red-deer, and his toasts were usually accompanied by trumpet blasts and carbine volleys across the table from a ancestors, says one of his biographers,

— —

The Chancellor was supposed to “So be the very image of this stormful dragoon-major. much so, indeed, that when gazing upon his portrait, it was like looking at my own face in the glass.” section of his troopers.

402

BISMARCK

403

The mother of Bismarck, Louise Wilhelmina Menken, was the only commoner who had ever married into- the But if she did not bring the Bismarcks blood, she brought them what was better brains; for the future Chancellor is said to have inherited much of his intellectual capacity from his mother. So far, then, as parentage is concerned, young Otto von Bismarck had a capital start in life. At the tender age of six he was placed in a boarding school at Berlin, conducted on the Pestalozzi system; and from this, at the age of twelve, he passed to the Grey Friars Gymnasium, or Board School. From this institution he passed, in his family.

—

seventeenth year, to the University of Gottingen.

Bismarck’s university

life

was of the

sort

which

finds

more favor with students than with professors. Reading, carousing, dueling were its essential features. In his first semester he was twice fined, once for heaving a bottle out at the window, once for smoking on the street, and he was at least twice sentenced to the “career,” or University He stayed at Gottingen three semesters from May, jail. and then left to continue his 1832, to November, 1833 studies at Berlin; and it is on record that at the time of leaving he was under a sentence of four days for having

—

—

taken part in a duel.

Having completed his course of study at Berlin, Bismarck passed the very rigid examination which enabled him to enter the civil service of the State. He began his bureaucratic

life as official

reporter to one of the Berlin

He was

then given a higher position at Aixla-Chapelle, and from there after a while was transferred tribunals.

to the

Crown

Office at Potsdam.

While here he entered

the Jager, or Sharpshooter, Battalion of the Guards, to

perform his required one year’s term of military

At

the

same time he attended

lectures

service.

on agriculture and

FOREIGN STATESMEN

4 o4

kindred subjects, having determined to quit the service

and

civil

down to the life of a country squire. years we find him leading a free life in

to settle

In the next eight the country

— farming,

hunting,

soldiering,

carousing,

studying, and occasionally rubbing off the rust of country life

with excursions into the great world.

excursions he visited England. father, in 1845,

had

fallen to

On

On one of these the death of his

he settled at his native Schonhausen, which

him

in the division of the family property.

In July, 1847, Bismarck was married to Johanna, daughter of Heinrich von Puttkamer. The union proved

an eminently happy one. “You know little what this woman has done for me,” he once said to Signor Crispi,

when

talking of his wife.

Bismarck made his first appearance in national politics as a substitute deputy to the so-called United Diet, which Frederick William IV, yielding reluctantly to the spirit of the times, summoned to Berlin in February, 1847. This Diet, made up of delegates from the eight Provincial Diets, was called ostensibly to deliberate on the subject of a Constitution; but really it was no more than a sop thrown to a The King swore roundly that no discontented people. “sheet of paper should ever intervene between the Lord God in Heaven and his subjects.’'' Herr Bismarck, now in his thirty-second year, could respond to this declaration

with a hearty Amen.

Prussia, he argued in the Assembly,

had done excellently well under her regime of divine right, and well enough should be let alone. The Diet sat for Bismarck was heartily three months and was dismissed. glad that the King had refused to listen to its advice. A good beginning this for the future counselor of William I. We must hurry over the events of these preliminary years. The Paris Revolution of 1848, was echoed in Berlin.

A bloody encounter occurred in the streets

there

:

BISMARCK

4°5

between the royal troops and the citizens. Bismarck hurried from Schonhausen to Potsdam, where the King’s troops were stationed, and his voice with the military was for an advance on the capital. The King vacillated. The Prince, his brother, afterward Emperor William I, fled to England. The outcome of it all was that the King called a second Union Diet. The Diet paved the way for a Constituent Assembly. This ended by being dispersed with bayonets.

Then

the

King

himself, sick of the quarreling

and anarchy, granted Prussia on his own authority a Constitution modeled on that of Belgium. At the same time he summoned a Parliament, consisting of two chambers, the

first

of

its

kind in Prussia, to ratify the

new

charter..

Bismarck was a member of this Parliament, having sought and obtained a seat in it in compliance with the express wish of the King. The spirit with which he entered into its debates may be gathered from a single extract from one of his speeches, as reported “He hoped that this was the last time the achievements of the Prussian sword would be given away with generous hand in order to appease the insatiable demand of a phantom which, under the name of the spirit of the time or public opinion, stupefied with its deafening clamor the reason of princes and people till each grew afraid of the other’s shadow, and forgot that beneath the lion’s skin of the specter there was only a very innocuous animal.” This was Bismarck’s way of looking at “public opinion” in 1850.

Throughout Germany there had long existed a

desire

to see the various States united into a single Nation.

The

present seemed a favorable opportunity initial step in this direction.

eral States

for

taking an

Delegates chosen in the sev-

by universal suffrage met

at Frankfort, April,

1848, to discuss this question of national unity.

In the

:

FOREIGN STATESMEN

40 6

course of a year’s deliberation and wrangling they elaborated what they were pleased to call a National Constitution,

but which Bismarck contemptuously characterized

as a “transcript of the

parchment

Continental blotting paper.”

The

of

Magna

Charta on

figure-head of this

new

was to be styled Emperor. The posithe King of Prussia, who emphatically

national government tion

was offered

to

declined to accept

it,

for one reason, with others, that the

movement was purely a popular one and was not countenanced by any of the Sovereigns of the States. Both Frederick and Bismarck were earnest for national unity; but to neither was

it

acceptable in this shape.

Bismarck’s objection, as

it

was declared

Here

is

in the Prussian

Parliament

“The Frankfort Constitution,” he said, “bore upon its brow the broad impress of popular sovereignty, and invited the King to hold his free crown as a mere fief from the people, which simply meant the extinction of his power.” Bismarck, in 1849, would have had the Emperor of Germany invested with the power exercised, as a “divine right,” by the King of Prussia. Such views naturally endeared him to the King. It is interesting to note here that the Constitution which he finally accepted for United Germany is essentially that which he spurned in 1849.

The present Kaiser

—a mere

officer

of

Germany

is

simply an executive

figure-head, powerless to initiate measures

and without the power to veto an act of the Reichstag. Bismarck was wiser in 1870 by twenty years, than when which is not at all to his the Frankfort Convention met

—

discredit.

Frederick William

now entered into a treaty with Han-

over and Saxony with a view of forming a federation of the

German

from Austria. But this move met the disapproval of Bismarck.

States apart

toward unification also

BISMARCK He

407

indicated plainly his opinion that the consolidation

should be effected by the sword, not by treaty.

“We

all

desire,” he said, “to behold the Prussian eagle spread its

protecting and controlling pinions from the

Donnersberg; but free

new

Diet of Ratisbon.”

wrote, about this time, eral State at

at

we wish

any

any

price,

And

to see

it,

Memel

to the

not fettered by a

in the diary of a friend

he

“Our watchword must not be Fedbut integrity of the Prussian crown

price.”

The Three-king

alliance resulted in another National

Parliament, held at Erfurt, in the spring of 1850.

marck went to this convention Another Constitution sia.

Bis-

as a representative of Prusfor

united

Germany was

elaborated, this time with the sanction of the Sovereigns.

But

this Constitution, like that of Frankfort,

was unac-

ceptable to Prussia.

“Gentlemen,” said Bismarck to the assembled dele-

you do not make more concessions to the Prussian, the old Prussian spirit, call it what you please, than you hitherto have done in this Constitution, then I do not Nor was it realized. believe in its realization.” But perhaps the result would have been different had not Prussia and Austria just at this time come within an ace of going to war over a quarrel which had broken out between them in Hesse-Cassel. The crisis was averted by The Treaty of the intervention of the Czar Nicholas. Olmutz was signed by the two Powers. By the terms of this convention Prussia bound herself to abandon her schemes of national unity, and to accept the restoration of the old German Bund, under the leadership of Ausgates, “if

tria.

This treaty was loudly denounced by the Liberals in the Prussian

Bismarck,

Chamber; but

who

declared that,

was warmly supported by “If Prussia had gone to war

it

:

FOREIGN STATESMEN

408

Union idea she would only have resembled the Englishman who fought a victorious combat with a sentinel in order to be able to hang himself in the sentrybox.” He was opposed to Unionism on the lines laid for her

down

.

.

.

and Erfurt. In other words, the union of Germany, when it came, must be simply an expansion But even at this time, wrote his friend Herr of Prussia. Wagener, editor of the Kreuz-Zeitung, Bismarck “cherished schemes which could only gradually come to be exeat Frankfort

cuted.”

From May,

1851, to January, 1859, Bismarck was

Prussia’s representative in the newly-resuscitated Diet,

which met

at Frankfort.

He

went

to the Diet rather dis-

posed to be the friend of Austria; but her domineering tude, her continual intrigues with

smaller

the

him

against the interests of Prussia, convinced flict in

arms between the two countries was

atti-

States

that a con-

inevitable,

and

that thus only could be established a lasting peace in Ger-

For this reason he exerted himself in the Diet, and successfully, to keep Prussia and the other German States from uniting their fortunes with Austria against Russia in the Crimean War ( 1854) and after the close of the war he strongly counseled his Government to court the friendship of Napoleon. Already he was scheming for the neutrality, if not the alliance, of Russia and France when the inevitable war with Austria should come. many.

;

One with

of Bismarck’s fellow students at Gottingen

whom

he formed a very close friendship

—one

—was

an

American, John Lothrop Motley. The following extract from a letter written by Mr. Motley, who had returned to

Europe

to

pursue his historical studies and renewed

acquaintance with his old friend Bismarck, gives us a very interesting picture of the home-life of the future unifier

of

Germany at this time

PRINCE OTTO VON BISMARCK Painting by Franz

Von Lenbach

BISMARCK “The Bismarcks

are as kind as ever.

houses where every one does what one

409 It is

one of those

likes.

The show

apartments where they receive formal company are on the

Their living rooms, however, are a salon and dining-room at the back, opening upon the garfront of the house.

den.

Here there are young and

children and dogs

all at

old,

grandparents and

once; eating, drinking, smoking,

piano playing and pistol firing (in the garden),

all

going

on at the same time. It is one of those establishments where every earthly thing that can be eaten or drunk is offered you; porter, soda water, small beer, champagne, burgundy or claret are about all the time, and everybody is smoking the best Havana cigars every minute.” In one of these years Bismarck made a flying trip to Paris, where he first made the personal acquaintance of Napoleon, as well as of Queen Victoria, at a grand ball He seems to given in her Majesty’s honor at Versailles. have been impressed favorably by the Emperor and was pleased to note that “in comparison with other foreigners we Prussians were treated with great consideration.” In 1858 Frederick William broke down mentally and his brother, Prince William of Prussia, became Regent.

The

Prince, not altogether pleased with Bismarck’s hostile

toward Austria, removed him from the Diet and sent him as Ambassador to St. Petersburg “put him in ice,” as was Bismarck’s own comment on the change. Bismarck remained at St. Petersburg about three years. He at once became a favorite here with everybody from the Czar down, as a known opponent of Austria and of the anti-Russian Liberalism of Prussia. Moreover, he flattered the Russians by learning a little of their language, while he won their admiration no less by his skill as a rifle-shot than “by his doughtiness as a diner-out and a capacity to drink all his boon companions under the table.” attitude

—

FOREIGN STATESMEN

410

During

this

honorable banishment of Bismarck from

Germany occurred the Franco- Austrian War in Italy (in The time had come, in the opinion the summer of 1859) .

of Bismarck, to vindicate for Prussia her proper position

of authority in Germany. fore,

to learn

from

Great was his disgust, there-

Berlin, directly after the battle of

Magenta, that the authorities there, contrary to his advice, were preparing, not to impede Austria, but to give her the support of a strong military force; in other words, to invade France, and anger the very man he was counting on in his proposed war upon Austria. Luckily, from his point of view, Austria and Prussia could not agree as to which should exercise the supreme military command, and in the meantime Napoleon hurried matters, won the battle of Solferino, and, with his eye upon Prussia, arranged terms with Francis Joseph at Villafranca. The whole affair was over so quickly that nothing serious for Bismarck’s plans happened; but for a few weeks he was on Many thought at the time that Bispins and needles. marck had an understanding with Napoleon. This may have been. But of one thing we may be certain Bismarck would never have bought the alliance of Napoleon against Austria at the price of the left bank of the Rhine, as Count Cavour bought it by the surrender of Savoy ;

and Nice. In January, 1861, the demented King of Prussia died and his brother ascended the throne, as William I. Bis-

marck had been one of the Prince’s chief advisers, and many expected tc see the Russian Ambassador now called to the Cabinet. tation; but the

He

was, indeed, called

King could not

home

for consul-

him a him, how-

yet decide to give

Events soon decided the matter for ever. William wished to increase his army to double it, in fact. The Chamber objected. A conflict ensued beportfolio.

—

”

BISMARCK

4 11

tween the Crown and the Chamber, ending in the dissolution of the latter, and at the same time the dismissal of Bismarck was again sent for; but he was not the Cabinet. yet ready to undertake the task of “ Parliament-Tamer.' He pleaded poor health; and, moreover, he hinted that before taking on the Ministerial harness he would like to

know more

about the

“man

he was transferred from

St.

of destiny.”

Accordingly,

Petersburg to Paris.

This

was in the spring of 1862. Bismarck did not long enjoy the beauties of France, with

its

health-giving idleness at Bordeaux,

Biarritz,

About the middle of September he received a telegram calling him back posthaste to Berlin. The Chamber had again rejected the King’s demands, and his Majesty had replied by appointBayonne and other holiday

resorts.

ing Bismarck to the Presidency of the Cabinet.

“When

arrived in Berlin on September 19, 1862,” said Bismarck, relating these events thirty years later, I

“summoned by

Majesty from Paris, his abdication lay already signed on his writing table. I refused to take office. The document was ready to be handed to the Crown Prince. He asked me whether I was prepared to govern against the majority of the national representaI answered ‘Yes/ and the tion even without a budget. his

was destroyed.” A fortnight later, the King showed signs of weakening.

letter of abdication

Bismarck

tells us,

“The Queen had pointed pointed to the Prussian

and and

in the

end “the

to the lessons of history.

I

sword which he wore,” sword had carried the day

officer’s

officer’s

had won back my King.” And now was inaugurated the policy of “Blood and Iron,” or in other words, a government which, sustained by bayonets, dared to override the Constitution. True, I

the excited Liberals in the

Chamber

declared that Prus-

FOREIGN STATESMEN

412

would never draw the sword against any but a foreign enemy. But the thing was not so certain, and luckily it was never put to the test. Bismarck took the machinery of the Government into his own hands; he collected the revenues and appropriated them as he saw fit. Why not? Here was a state of things for which the Constitution had not provided by a mere oversight, for surely it had never been intended that one of the three coordinate branches of the Government should be able to stop the working of the Governmental machine. So reasoned the Prime Minister. When the Chamber became too noisy, it was dissolved and replaced by another. The rumpus extended beyond the walls of the Chamber. The press added to the clamor; the press was muzzled. Bismarck became quickly the best-hated man in Germany. And right in the midst of these occurrences happened a The affair was menacing to revolt in Russian Poland. Prussia, and Bismarck promptly arranged with the Czar to help him in putting down the revolt. Directly a howl was heard in the West in England and even in France. Lord John Russell protested in behalf of indignant England, and demanded a copy of the convention with the Czar. Bismarck virtually told Sir John to mind his own business, and, in fact, the British Minister had no ground on which to stand, for the revolting Poles had never been accorded belligerent rights, and were simply rebels. Napoleon was brought around by means of a commercial treaty which favored France, effected in spite of the sians

—

—

intrigues of Austria.

Austria began to to Prussia several

grow

ugly.

After having proposed

schemes of reform, which Bismarck

would not accept, she called, in the summer of 1863, a grand meeting of the German Sovereigns at Frankfort, for the purpose

of

discussing her schemes.

Prussia

)

BISMARCK

4*3

declined to accept the invitation to the Congress, and in

consequence received notice, in

effect, that

she must with-

draw from the German Confederacy. The conflict which Bismarck knew must come, and which he had yearned for so long, seemed on the point of breaking out, when there happened an occurrence which not only prevented it, but, more surprising still, caused a temporary alliance between Prussia and Austria.

The Schleswig-Holstein

question

is

altogether too

large and too complicated to be treated of here.

we need

know

Fortu-

two Duchies, the population of which was German, had been placed by the “London Treaty” under the protection of the Danish Crown, and that in 1863 the Danish Parliament passed a law incorporating one of them, Schleswig, with the Kingdom of Denmark. Prussia and Austria were both parties to the London Treaty; and now, despite the fact nately, all that

that the

German Diet

to

is

that these

refused to sanction an interference

Bismarck persuaded Austria to join with Prussia in a war upon Denmark. The Prussian Chamber refused to grant the necessary supplies. But for that he cared nothing, exclaiming in the Chamber, “Fleeter e si nequeo super os, Acheronta movebo.” (If I cannot bend the gods, I will rouse the lower world. in behalf of Schleswig,

The Austro-Prussian War with Denmark occurred in the spring of 1864.

mark.

It

ended

in the defeat of

Den-

Schleswig, Holstein, and Lauenburg (another

German Duchy, under the protectorate of Crown), were taken away from Denmark. arose the question,

What

the Danish

And now

should be done with them ?

The

Prussians and Austrians began at once to squabble over the matter.

agreement Schleswig

(August, 1865) an vested the sovereignty of

Finally, they reached

which

virtually

in Prussia,

and of Holstein

in Austria; while

FOREIGN STATESMEN

4H

King William bought out

Austria’s claim

upon Lauensame time he

burg for half a million of dollars. At the rewarded his “blood and iron” Minister with the

title

of

Count.

Bismarck was flict

still

ruling without a Budget, his con-

with the Chamber had risen to a

fiercer pitch

than

and public feeling ran so high against him that a young man, Ferdinand Cohen, or Blind, constituting himself the exponent of this feeling, attempted to shoot the Minister President as he was passing down the Linden. The Chamber clamored for the independence of the ever,

Duchies;

it

refused to vote supplies for the creation of a

pronounced null and void the agreement by which The the King had become possessed of Lauenburg. fleet; it

Chamber was again est

dissolved.

It

was a time of the

confusion and excitement; but in the midst of

great-

all

these

storms and dangers, Bismarck stood unflinchingly firm to his purpose, bending everyone to his

own

inflexible

will.

The convention between Austria and

Prussia relating

and Holstein had hardly been signed when Within six both parties began to violate its terms. months, so great had the friction between the two powers become, that both began to arm with more or less secrecy Among other for the war which was now inevitable. military preparations now made by Bismarck was the forming of a secret treaty with Italy. Venice was to be to Schleswig

the price of Italy’s assistance

should break out.

when

the

war with Austria

Louis Napoleon, perceiving the drift

of affairs, entered into secret negotiations with both Prus-

and Austria, in the hope of getting, in whatever way the war might end, a good slice of Prussia’s possessions on the left bank of the Rhine. At the same time he posed sia

as a peacemaker, proposing a Peace Congress, which,

BISMARCK

415

however, though favored by Prussia, was rejected by Austria.

was now ready for springing the mine upon which Bismarck had been at work for years. The only question remaining was where and when the match should be applied. The Austrians soon settled this point by makAll

move

which Bismarck declared to- be in violation of the agreement and of the joint rights of Prussia. A body of Prussians at once entered Holstein (early in June, 1866), and drove out the Austrians. A few days Before later the armies of both Powers were in motion. the close of the month the Prussians had won brilliant victories in Hanover and Saxony; General von Moltke had astonished Europe with his splendid strategy; the Prussian army had won admiration for its perfect organization and discipline; and the needle gun seemed to have made a revolution in warfare. On the 3rd of July was fought the greatest of modern battles, near Koniggratz, in Bohemia greatest in point of numbers (about 430,000 men) and greatest in its political results. Austria was overwhelmingly defeated, and Prussia became at once the leading State in Germany. King William and Bismarck were both with the army at Koniggratz, or Sadowa, as this field was called by the Austrians. On the day after the battle the King received a telegram from Napoleon announcing that the Emperor of Austria had already ceded to him Venice, as in trust for Italy, and offering his services as a mediator to prevent further bloodshed. An armistice was arranged a few days later, and on July 26 preliminary terms of peace were signed at Nikolsburg, which became the basis of the Treaty of Prague, signed August 23, 1866. By the terms of this treaty Austria withdrew from the German Coning a

in Holstein

—

federacy.

Venetia was ceded to

Italy.

The

territories

FOREIGN STATESMEN

416

of Prussia were increased by the annexation of SchleswigHolstein, Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, and the Free

Austria paid to Prussia a war indem-

City of Frankfort.

and the South German States, which had fought with Austria, were mulcted in proportionate sums. These States were assured of political independence, it being the hope and expectation of Bismarck that eventually they would ally themselves with nity of

forty million thalers,

Prussia.

Such were the general results of the German War, of which the closing scene was formed by the triumphal entry (September 20) of King William and his victorious troops into Berlin. In this pageant Bismarck rode, with Moltke and Roon, in front of the King, and was frantically cheered by the people who had but a short time before loaded him with the bitterest abuse. They were beginning to understand the purpose of this man of “blood and iron.”

The Chamber now hastened

to pass

a

bill

of indem-

on all the Budgetless and other irregular acts of the Government during the “conflict time.” Furthernity

more, if

it

need

thalers

granted a credit of

be,

fifty million thalers to

what had now been won.

A million and a half

were voted for distribution among the chief actors

in the war.

allotted to

The

largest share, 400,000 thalers,

Bismarck with a part of ;

chased the fine estate of Varzin, that his

defend,

was

money he purwas now to become

this

“Pomeranian Tusculum.” In February, 1867, a Convention consisting of dele-

gates elected by universal suffrage in

—twenty-two

Main

all

of the States

—

number met at Berlin to form the Constitution for a new Confederacy of these States. Their work was completed in less than two months. Each State, under the new Constitution, was

north of the

in

BISMARCK accorded

home

rule in its

own

417

affairs.

National affairs

two branches, a Council, representing the allied Sovereigns, and a ReichBismarck, under the title stag, representing the people. of Bundeskanzler, or Federal Chancellor, became the sole responsible Minister. The King of Prussia, as ex officio President of the Cabinet of the Council, became the execuwere entrusted to a

legislature consisting of

tive chief.

Germany had now at

upon her career of

remained only to bring into the the proper time the outstanding Southern

national existence.

Confederacy

fairly entered

It

more dignified title to the President of the Cabinet. This was Bismarck’s work during the next four years. The chief obstacle which he encountered was the French Emperor. Napoleon had set his heart upon extending France to the Rhine. To do this he must get possession, by bargain or otherwise, of certain territories which belonged to Prussia. The first slice which he sought to obtain was Mayence, which he demanded of Bismarck directly after the Treaty of Prague, as the price of his neutrality during the war and his good offices in the peace negotiations. The demand was virtually an ultimatum. But Bismarck refused to listen to it; he declared that he would accept the alternative and fight if need be, and the demand was withdrawn. Later came an attempt by Napoleon to get Luxembourg, which, though German, owed a certain allegiance to Holland. Here again Napoleon had to measure wits with Bismarck, and was worsted. It was the way in which Napoleon was defeated by Bismarck in all his attempts States

and

to give finally a

to carry out his pet project, which led to his determination to try as a last resort the fortunes of war.

His own

had become precarious. Some great success of foreign policy was needed to prop his waning

position in France

FOREIGN STATESMEN

4i8

He

prestige.

had

failed with

Bismarck; he must try

Moltke.

A

which under ordinary circumstances have been adjusted an invitation extended

trivial matter,

could easily

—

to one of the Hohenzotlerns

to'

ascend the vacant throne

—

was not accepted afforded a pretext, and Napoleon declared war upon Prussia (July 19, 1870). The result, so far as he was concerned, was the crushing defeat at Sedan on the 1st of September, and the overthrow of his Empire. On the following day Napoleon was the prisoner of King William, and it was Bismarck to whom he had surrendered. “In a small, one- windowed room,” said Bismarck, “with a deal table and two rushof Spain, and which

bottomed

chairs,

we

sat alone for about

an hour, a great

contrast to our last meeting at the Tuileries in 1867.

conversation was a

wanting, as

difficult thing,

Our

I did,

to

avoid touching on topics which could not but painfully affect the

man whom

God’s almighty hand had cast

down.” Four months and a half later a very different scene was enacted at Versailles. The German army was then besieging Paris. A deputation from the Reichstag had besought his Majesty, King William, “to consecrate the

work of unification by accepting The Southern States had at last

the Imperial crown.” applied for admission

into the Confederation of the North,

and by

German

unity had become complete.

Bismarck,

be

had

said,

all

their action, it

should

along been careful not to appear to bring

any pressure upon these States, believing that they would in the end enter the national fold of their own free will. There was some question as to the title to> be employed; but “Deutscher Kaiser” was finally agreed upon, and as such William I was solemnly proclaimed in the Hall of Mirrors of Versailles on January 18, 1871, the anniver^

;

BISMARCK sary of the day on which Frederick, the

had crowned himself

419 first

King

of

Konigsberg, in 1701. All the negotiations with the French through their

Prussia,

at

ambassadors sent successively to the conquering Germans first M. Jules Favre and afterward M. Gambetta and Thiers, and with the peace commissioners were con-

—

—

ducted, of course,

by Bismarck.

The preliminary terms

of peace were signed at Versailles on the 26th of Feb-

The

ruary.

conditions were the cession to

Germany

of

Alsace, including Strasburg, a part of Lorraine with Metz,

and a war indemnity of

five milliard francs ($1,000,000,-

The preliminary

was duly

by the French Assembly at Bordeaux on the 8th of March. A few days later Bismarck had returned to Berlin as Imperial German Chancellor, with a bigger and quicker record of achievement than had been made by any man of his Eight years before William had summoned him time. from Paris to Berlin to make him a Minister. He had returned the compliment by summoning the King from Berlin to Paris to make him an Emperor. The great constructive work of Bismarck had now been accomplished. The independent German States had been forged, with Prussia as a core, into a compact Henceforward for nearly twenty years BisEmpire. marck appeared in a new role. His war days were over 000).

.

he became, to use his

own

treaty

ratified

expression, a Friedensfanatiker,

His mission, as he understood it, was to preserve the peace of Europe. To- this end all his influence, all the powers of his judgment were directed. Germany had demonstrated her military strength, but in a purely defensive war; she had no lust for conquest, for, though she had taken from France Alsace and Lorraine, The she had only taken that which was hers by right. Nations of Europe understood this, and therefore the rise a “fanatic for peace.”

FOREIGN STATESMEN

420

mighty German Empire was no source of alarm. The new Kaiser William was neither a Charles V nor a Napoleon I, and the peaceful intenin their midst of this

tions of the great Chancellor of the

Empire came

also

to be universally recognized.

The most

difficult task

which Bismarck had now

to

perform was to soothe the wounded sensibilities of France; and he found it necessary at times to exercise the greatest forbearance. Yet he steadily adhered to his purpose of facilitating in every way to the French the performance of their peace conditions. “It is not our aim/’ he said, in the Reichstag, “to injure our neighbor

more than

is

absolutely necessary to assure for us the

execution of the Treaty of Peace, but, on the contrary,

and enable him as far as we can do without detriment to our own interests, to recover from the disaster to help

that has befallen his country.” icy, for

In pursuance of this pol-

example, he agreed to accept financial security

—

payment of the second milliard a concession which had the effect of reducing the army of occupation left in France to only 50,000 men; and this was followed (December, 1871) by the restoration of regular diplomatic relations between the two countries. It is impossible in a sketch of this character to go into for the

the details of a policy extending over so

many

years.

A

few points only can be selected by way of illustrating the work done. In the autumn of 1872 Bismarck had the satisfaction of seeing the accomplishment of one of his most cherished schemes a meeting of the three Emper-

—

ors, together

with their Chancellors, at Berlin.

and Russia had consented

Austria

mutual hostility more recent breach between Prusto forgive their

of 1854, while the still sia and Austria had been effectually closed up.

ing was the work of Bismarck.

The meetThe “Three Emperor

BISMARCK

421

League' was hailed throughout Europe, not as a menace, but as a sign of peace. Later came the Triple Alliance ’

between Germany, Austria, and Italy, also the work of Bismarck, and also in the interest of peace. In the course of these twenty years events occurred which strained the

European Powers. The Eastern Question, with Bulgaria at its core, was ever looming up. Austria became estranged from Russia; and Russia at the Berlin Congress, called to settle questions raised by the Peace of San Stefano, felt herself badly treated, and for Bismarck’s a time became estranged from Germany. skillful hand was always at work to bring about reconrelations of the several

ciliation in

ment a

such cases as quickly as possible, never

He seemed

quarrel.

to

to*

fer-

have a peculiar genius for

As a single instance, when in 1879 the relations between Germany and Russia had become so strained this

—

work.

not,

between the two countries seemed inevitable eral

— —when

however, through any fault of his

that

war sev-

Russian Grand Dukes were spending their summer

in Paris in ostentatious

intimacy with French statesmen,

and the heart of the Kaiser was nearly broken at the thought of a war with his nephew, Bismarck slipped down to Vienna, talked the matter over with Count Andrassy, and the result was a quiet little arrangement that if Russia should attack either one of the two Empires, then the other should assist in repelling the aggressor with military force.

It \vas

all its

a purely defensive alliance in the

and care was taken that a knowledge of RusIt had the desired effect. it should reach Russia. sia paused; and in good time friendly relations with Germany were restored. But while Bismarck was eminently successful in his foreign policy, he was not in all respects lucky in his management of internal affairs. The Kultur-Kampf, which interest of peace;

FOREIGN STATESMEN

422

was

war with Rome,

mentioned elsewhere in this volume* and is only alluded to here as one contest into which Bismarck entered without his usual discretion, and in which he was fairly beaten. The conflict quickly virtually a

is

assumed the nature of a religious persecution, and it could only, of course, have one ending yet he persisted in prolonging the struggle, yielding little by little, for ten years. We now come to the year 1890, and the month of March. The young Kaiser William II had not then been two years upon the throne. His grandfather, William I, had died in March, 1888, and his father, Frederick III, had reigned but three months. So far as the public had been able to judge, the relations between the new Kaiser and the “Iron Chancellor” had been most cordial, and it caused therefore no little surprise when the old and faithful Minister, the constructor of the Empire, in this month of March left an Berlin and went into' retirement at Friedrichsruh estate, by the way, given to Bismarck by the old Kaiser at the same time that he conferred upon him the title of It was genPrince, directly after the Peace of Paris. erally supposed, however, that he had resigned of his own volition; but the ex-Chaneellor had not been many days ;

—

in retirement

when he used

the

erence to his retirement from

came out

word office,

dismissal with ref-

and

later the fact

that the Chancellor had, indeed, been compelled

to resign.

soon became apparent that he deeply resented his dismissal. He made m> secret of the fact. He, the trusted It

repository of

all

the State secrets of his time, began to

reveal to his visitors, even the newspaper reporters, things

which ought not to be told the relations of

See

Germany

Leo XIII.

—which tended

to foreign powers.

to disturb

Within two

— BISMARCK months

after

ized his

new

Bismarck

42 3

left Berlin, his

Majesty author-

Chancellor, General Caprivi, to address a

Germany abroad, requesting them to discount the damaging effect of the Prince’s revelations and running criticisms. The quarrel became more and more bitter; it became scandalous painfully scandalous, for however much the friends and circular to all the representatives

of

admirers of Bismarck might, in their utter ignorance of the true state of the case, be disposed to criticise the

young Kaiser, as ungrateful to one to whom alone he owed his position, no one could approve of the conduct of the old Chancellor nor hold him blameaction of the

less.

was therefore with gratification that, in of 1893, when Bismarck was severely ill, It

the

autumn

the public

learned that the Kaiser had graciously extended to

him

an invitation to take up his winter quarters in one of his own castles. The offer was declined, though courteously. The Kaiser, however, soon after, of his own magnani-

mous

impulse,

made a second attempt

happily with success.

He

at reconciliation,

dispatched one of his personal

aides-de-camps, Lieutenant-Colonel von Moltke, a nephew of the great General, to congratulate the Prince on his

recovery from an attack of influenza, and to present to

him a bottle of fine old Hock. The ex-Chancellor accepted the gift, and said that he would come to Berlin to thank the Emperor in person on the occasion of his Majesty’s approaching birthday, which he did. “All Germany was more or less intoxicated with that single flask of rare old Rhenish which the Emperor had sent to Friedrichsruh.” e skip four years now and come to the end. In the early summer of 1898 the public attention was directed toward Friedrichsruh by the intelligence that the veteran ex-Chancellor was in a critical state of health. He was

W

FOREIGN STATESMEN

424

now

in his eighty- fourth year,

and though naturally of a

strong constitution, he could not be expected to hold out for

many

when

years against the grim destroyer.

And

yet

announcement went forth from Friedrichsruh that his death had occurred, on the night of the 30th of July, the public were scarcely expecting it, for the bulletins of the few days previous had all been encouraging. He had been, in fact, but a week in bed, and two days before the end came he was able to be wheeled to the the

family dinner, to celebrate the

fifty-first

anniversary of

marriage to the devoted wife and Princess who, four years before, had preceded him to the tomb. The event came, therefore, as a shock upon Europe, as well as upon his

There was probably no one who did not that one of the greatest men of the Century had

this country. feel

passed away.

LI

HUNG CHANG

—

LI

HUNG CHANG 1822

CHINA PEEPS OVER HER GREAT WALL

Hung

Chang, the Chinaman who had gained a wider celebrity than any other native of the Flowery Kingdom, with the exception of Confucius, was born in 1822 at Hofei, in the province of Anhui, where his family had resided, we are told, “for countless generations.’ Their lot in life had not been remarkable, and the father of Li was not distinguished either for wealth or commanding intellect. He had, however, gone through the regular curriculum of Chinese education and was ranked Li

,

among the Literati. Of Li’s early life,

little

has been recorded, beyond the

an early age he had acquired facility in writing with beauty and exactness the complex characters of fact that at

his

—an

country

accomplishment which

in

China

is

a

While still young he took his bachelor’s degree, competed successfully for the higher literary honors, both in the provincial capital and at Pekin, and finally rounded off his education in the Hanlin College an institution which holds much the same relation to literature in China as does among us the Royal Society to science. Ordinarily a graduate of the Hanlin College But events receives an appointment in the civil service. were happening which called Li out of the ordinary course into a field more active than commonly falls to the lot of ready

title to

advancement.

—

a Chinese

civilian.

The Southern Provinces

of China had for years been

425

FOREIGN STATESMEN

426

through the machinations of a known as the Hunghwui, or Triad

in a perturbed condition

secret political society,

which was to overthrow the Manplace on the throne a representative

Society, the purpose of

chu dynasty and

to

of the Chinese people.

By

the agents of this society sedi-

were scattered broadcast among the ignorant peasants, and frequent outbreak occurred, in which In the Government troops were not always successful. this condition of things all that was necessary to produce a formidable rebellion was the appearance of a capable leader, and such a one now arose in the person of a student in the Province of Kwangtung, who adopted the name

tious opinions

Hung, to mark his had obtained through of

affiliation

with the Society.

Hung

some rather crude up as a prophet, had

the missionaries

notions of Christianity, and setting

secured a considerable number of fanatical followers, whom he taught to believe that he had received a divine

mission to take up arms against the country.

Manchu

rulers of the

>

Such was the origin of the Taiping Rebellion. Having won a number of small successes, which multiplied the number of his followers, Hung marched with an army of 10,000 men through the Province of Hunan, in the beginning of 1853, and captured Nanking, on the Yang-tszeKiang.

was the occasion of this rebellion which first brought Li Hung Chang from the quiet of the literary world into the field of national politics. Having raised a small band of militia, Li harassed the Taipings as they marched northward, and though a brilliant victory was beyond his reach, he succeeded in doing such excellent work, that Tseng Kwofan, the viceroy of the district and generalissimo of the army, enlisted Li and his men among the troops under his immediate command. It

LI

HUNG CHANG

427

In 1859 was sen t to Fuhkien in the capacity of Taotai, or intendant of the

Li rose rapidly in the service.

Here he discharged the duties of that important office with the same fidelity and vigor which he had displayed as a soldier in the field. At that time the rebellion seemed to be nearly crushed. Nanking was closely circuit.

besieged, while other cities in the possession of the rebels

were hard pressed by the imperial forces. The war with England and France in i860, however, changed all this and gave a new impetus to the Taipings by paralyzing the efforts of the imperialists.

Hung

Chang, who was now serving under his old leader Tseng Kwofan, and who had learned and recognized the superiority of foreigners both in the field and in the workshop, though he still viewed them with a certain contempt as “barbarians” in all things else, advised Li

that a certain

number of foreigners should be

enlisted to

and lead a division of the imperial army. A threatened attack of the Taipings upon Shanghai furthered his views by inducing the foreign residents of the town to form an Association for Protection. They raised money, and, at Li's suggestion, engaged an American adventurer, drill

named Ward, to lead a force in defense of the imperial cause. Thus originated the “Ever-Victorious Army” of Mandarin Ward. This American officer with his disciplined band, rendered excellent service against the Tai-

pings;

but his career was

short.

He was

mortally

wounded while leading an attack upon the town of Tseki. The news of his death occasioned profound regret among the imperialists, and great honors were paid to his ory.

He

naturally.

Ward

left

mem-

served China well, and he served himself, too,

Though he had

held

command

but two years,

a fortune of £15,000.

In 1862 Li

Hung Chang was

appointed Governor of

FOREIGN STATESMEN

428

Kiangsu, and took up his residence in Shanghai. the approval of the Pekin authorities he

With

made an arrange-

ment by which a radius of thirty miles around Shanghai was kept clear of rebels by the English and French forces. After the death of torious

the

Ward

Army” was

same

command

conferred upon

nationality.

distrustful.

the

Of

this

It had, indeed,

man

of the “Ever-Vic-

Henry Burgevine,

of

Li very soon became

been hinted that

Ward

car-

which he was prepared to produce at the right moment, and Burgevine, in the opinion of the far-seeing Li, was an even more dangerous character than Ward. An occasion of a fallingout soon arose. Li and Burgevine were both engaged in winning a great victory over the Taipings and both laid ried a regal scepter in his knapsack,

claim to the chief merit.

Added

to this cause of trouble

the Association of Shanghai, which paid the “Ever-Victorious,”

became also dissatisfied with the new commander

and closed the purse. Burgevine took redress into his own hands; he marched into Shanghai, invaded the premises of Takee, a Shanghai banker, and the treasurer of the Association, and carried off a very considerable sum of money. This outrage furnished Li with a sufficient reason for demanding Burgevine’ s resignation, and on his refusal to resign, Li dismissed him and appointed in his place Major Gordon, an English officer. Gordon's appointment put new

life into

the “Ever-

Victorious,” and several successes were quickly obtained.

Gordon was made a Tsung Ping, or Brigadier-General, on the recommendation of Li, who> had readily recognized the superior caliber of his

new

colleague.

Still,

much

as

he admired Gordon, he hampered him greatly in one way.

had been the practice of the men of the “Ever-Victorious Army” to loot the towns which they conquered. Gordon wished to put a stop to this practice, and asked that It

LI

HUNG CHANG

a gratuity be distributed

among

429

the troops after the cap-

any town of importance. Li Hung Chang preferred the older and looser way. It seemed incredible to him that Gordon should not approve of it. The matter led to frequent differences between the two men, and finally, this, together with the treachery of one of the native commanders, so disgusted Gordon that he determined to resign. Burgevine meanwhile had been making considerable He refused to consider himself discharged, and trouble. ture of

took the matter to the headquarters at Pekin.

He

gained

the support of Sir Frederic Bruce, the British Minister,

recommended Prince Kung to reinstate him. But Prince Kung had already received word from Li as

who

strongly

Burgevine and refused to restore him to the command. Burgevine made several futile attempts to overcome the opposition of Prince Kung, but failed. Burgevine now joined the ranks of the Taipings. When Gordon heard of this, knowing the discontent of the “Ever-Victorious Army” and fearing that the men, who were mostly adventurers, might be tempted to desert to the rebel ranks, he determined to resume his command conduct which failed to elicit any to his reasons for dismissing

—

sign of gratitude from Li,

who was mainly engaged

in

loudly denouncing the American Consul at Shanghai for

With Gordon’s help the Taipings were again vigorously pressed; town after town was taken from them, and finally Soochow, one of their strongest positions, was captured, when their

permitting Burgevine to leave that port.

cause became hopeless.

Now

occurred an event which illustrates the treach-

erous nature of the Chinese, and which showed that Li

Hung

Chang, progressive and enlightened above his low-countrymen as he was, had not wholly shaken

fel-

off

430

FOREIGN STATESMEN

the fetters of Oriental barbarity and cruelty.

This was the murder of the Wangs— the leaders of the Taiping

These unhappy men were beguiled into the presence of Li and Ch’eng, another General of the imperial army, and were congratulated by Li on their joining the imperial ranks, a matter which had but shortly before taken place. They were told of the buttons they were to receive as emblems of their future rank, etc. Then while they were engaged in conversation, they were summarily seized by executioners and beheaded. Gordon, horrified by this foul murder, and feeling keenly the dishonor it would bring upon him, again decided to resign. Indeed, at first, so great was his anger that he determined to wreak vengeance on the malefactor Li. He set out, armed, to his home. But Li was warned of his approach and escaped with an alacrity that showed that, however little value he put on other men’s lives, he thought something of his own. Gordon, unable, to' find Li, wrote him an indignant letter and resigned the command. Li, in his letter to the Throne concerning the matter of the Wangs and the capture of Soochow, presented his Needless to side of the story in a most favorable light. say, his version was accepted by the Emperor, who' conferred on him the honorary title of “Guardian of the HeirApparent” and presented him with the yellow jacket. Although Li’s account was sufficient to' satisfy his Prince, Gordon and his supporters were far from being satisfied. They demanded an investigation of the subject. Prince Kung regarded this as a case of “much ado about nothMeantime the affairs of ing,” and intimated as much. the army were at a standstill. Li became restless. Gorrebellion.

don finally was persuaded to become reconciled with him on the condition that he should issue a proclamation,

HUNG CHANG

LI explaining his

Gordon from

own

all

43i

share in the outrage and exonerating

blame.

Military operations were

now

continued until Chang-

chow was captured and the rebellion was practically at an end. It was fortunate for Li that this was so, for he had to submit to the

withdrawal of the Order

in

Council which

had authorized Gordon to hold command under him.

How

to disband the soldiers of the “Ever-Victorious

Army” was all

the next question.

soldiers of fortune,

Li realized that they were

and there was a probability of

their

joining the ranks of the Taipings, as soon as they were

dismissed from the Imperial army, and thus reviving the

Acting on Gordon’s advice, Li gave gratuities, according to the rank and services of the men, and to the

rebellion.

foreigners sufficient

means

to enable

them

to return to

their respective countries, should they so desire.

To

the

Chinese he gave money to return to their homes. One man did not approve of this disbanding of the troops.

This

man was

ered that as the troops of

Sir

Henry Parks.

He

consid-

Her Majesty’s Government were

withdrawn from Shanghai, Gordon’s troops should have been kept. Li invited Sir Harry to meet him at Soochow and finally was persuaded to establish, at Shanghai, a military camp of instruction, to be commanded by British officers. Gordon was asked to- take command. But Li did not wholly approve of the project, and by way of showing his displeasure, thwarted Gordon at every step, until finally the British officer was forced to resign. Sir Harry Parks again attempted to argue with Li; but while the Chinese statesman, as long as the rebels were in the field, was eager to enlist the foreigners in his service, when the Taipings were out of the way he regarded them as a very doubtful good. After his usual manner, to be

he expressed his displeasure

in

a very disagreeable way,

FOREIGN STATESMEN

43 2

and the camp had to be abolished. His experience in the Taiping war had shown him, however, the superiority of foreign weapons, and he agreed to the founding of a shell and ammunition factory at Soochow. The miserable condition in which Li found the Provinces after the war gave him a splendid chance to exercise those executive abilities

He appealed to the

degree.

tribute to the people, to the cities.

towns and

With

he possesses in such a marked

Throne

to remit a three years’

and persuaded the natives

villages.

He

the recovery of

rebuilt

to return

a number of the

Nanking the

rebellion

was

and definitely crushed. Li removed to Nanking the arsenal established at Soochow under the superintendence of Dr. Macartney. During the Taiping War a fleet of gun-boats had been purchased. But they had arrived when the war was on the wane, and had not been put to service. Li determined to send the fleet back to England to be sold. With {hem had been sent a considerable supply of machinery for the establishment of a naval dock-yard. Li was not willing that this should go out of his hands. He determined to erect a dock-yard at Nanking. In his negotiations concerning this matter he showed his usual distrust of foreigners. He is willing to use them for his purpose, but as soon as that is accomplished, throws them over. He will never trust them with power. During times of peace Li devoted himself to the administration of his Province, Kiangu. A man of less powerful will would have found the constant discontent and disorder a source of danger. Not so Li. He ruled with an iron hand, and the people submitted without a murmur. finally

In a short time the surviving Taipings appeared as banditti,

under the name of Neinfei, on the shores of the

LI

HUNG CHANG

Yangtsze, in the Provinces of

Honan and Shantung.

was appointed Imperial Commissioner bandits.

He

433

Li

to suppress the

again called to his aid the foreigners and

determined to resume the policy pursued in the Taiping

War

—to hem the Neinfei

in against the seaboard

and

But the Neinfei escaped in their native junks and marched off to “fresh fields and pastures new.” Meanwhile Li had received another promotion. He was appointed Viceroy of Hukwang, to succeed Tseng Kwofan, with orders, however, still to continue his campaign against the Neinfei. Li was not very successful incrushing the bandits, and the indecisiveness of the campaign so exhausted the Imperial patience that in 1868 he was degraded for apathy, and ordered to take up his post there to destroy them.

Woochang. Li, however, determined not to be set aside, and submitted to being degraded three steps rather than give up his post as Imperial Commander. He was able in a short time to report a decisive victory. His former rank was then restored to him, and he was given back his yellow jacket, of which he had been temas Viceroy of

porarily deprived.

Li was not long destined to be Viceroy of

Hukwang.

While occupying that position his treatment of foreigners was in strict keeping with his previous record. He was willing to make use of them; but he declined to give them any rights or privileges not assigned to them by treaty. This was plainly shown in his attempt to close the front gate of his Yamen to the British Consul, desiring him to gain admittance at the side way, on the plea that the Consul ranked as a Taot ’ai, and that Taot ’ais did not expect to use the front gate.

Therefore

why

should the Consul ?

The Consul refused, however, to visit him on these terms* and Li was obliged to yield, and to receive his visitor m the way that courtesy called for. Yqju

7

— 28

FOREIGN STATESMEN

434

In 1869 Li was made Tsai Hsaing, or Prime Minister, for his services against the Neinfei.

Li

still

kept his eye on the arsenal at Nanking which,

was out of

was still regarded as his special care. In the same way he was looked upon as the chief power against war and disorder, and when a rebellion broke out in the Southern Provinces of Kweichow and Yunnan, Li received orders to proceed thither at once and quell the rebellion. He was on the point of setting out for this province when orders reached him to proceed to- the Province of Shensi, also in revolt. He was appointed vice T’so, and in a short time reduced the provalthough

it

his province,

ince to submission.

Meanwhile had occurred the

—the massacre of the French

terrible

tragedy at Tien-

and

by an excited mob. At this crisis Li was appointed Viceroy of Chihli, which made him Viceroy of the Metropolitan Province, the most important province in the Empire. His appointment met with a marked success. The insurgents recognizing a strong hand were easily brought to order. Eighty people were arrested, of whom about thirty were made to suffer the extreme penalty of the law. The prefect and magistrate of the province were dismissed, and a special commissioner was sent to France to express in the name of the Emperor of China his regret tsin

Priests

Sisters

at the unfortunate occurrence.

Li recognized the probability that France might make this

an occasion for reparation

at the point of the bayonet,

He rearmed the and determined to prepare for war. Taku forts with Krupp guns, and added some well constructed and carefully concealed forts between Taku and Tientsin.

He

the

earth-works

at

the

and took counsel with Dr. Macartney the improvements to be made in the arsenal at Tien-

mouth of the as to

strengthened

river

HUNG CHANG

LI

435

Li had been made director of this arsenal by the Emperor and had also been appointed director of the three northern forts. By Imperial favor he was nominated an tsin.

Honorary Imperial Tutor of the second class, Supernumerary Member of the Great Council of the Empire, was decorated with a peacock’s feather with

Two

Eyes, and

was made a noble of the first class. Reports were circulated at this time that Li harbored designs on the throne a report which was false in every Li has ever been a strong upholder of the particular. Manchu dynasty. For years he has been the leading statesman of China; has managed both her internal and foreign affairs with consummate ability; has taken all he could get from ousiders and given nothing in return. Many a minister or government official has gone to Li

—

with the intention of finding out his secret purposes, only to realize as he leaves that he has accomplished nothing,

but has himself been most

skilfully

“pumped” by

his

But the foundation on which the Chinese official builds his political mansion is not very strong, and Li has several times had experience of this fact. In 1871, he was degraded again from office, because of his astute host.

compete successfully with the disastrous floods of that year; but soon after, having succeeded in the work of building up the banks of the Grand Canal, he was given back his honors with the addition of a “Flowered Peacock failure to

Feather.”

shown by the China Merchants’ Steam Navi-

Li’s progressiveness above his fellowmen his establishment of

gation Company, the China.

The

spite of the

first

of the kind ever organized in

enterprise encountered

patronage of

is

many

difficulties in

Li.

Since the time of the Tientsin massacre Li had been

haunted by the dread of war.

He knew

enough of

his

FOREIGN STATESMEN

43 ^

country to realize that

was

totally unable to

cope with

He

determined to remedy this state of and decided to provide the Empire with as efficient

foreign Nations. affairs,

it

an army and navy as possible. With this object in view he drilled a large force of Honan soldiers, whom he kept within his province, and acquired from time to time foreign gunboats for the protection of the coasts. He had watched with anxiety and distrust Japan’s growing tendency to adopt foreign customs and systems. He was fearful that she would attempt to< draw China into war. But Japan was not yet ready. She desired, on the contrary, to make a treaty with China, and sent a minister to

By

accomplish that object.

the terms of the treaty which

and support each other in the case of foreign invasion, and ministers were to be sent from one capital to the other. Consuls were resulted, both countries

were

to aid

appointed to protect the interest of each country at the treaty port of both.

Li was chosen to negotiate this treaty

as representative of his imperial master.

In the year 1874, occurred a difficulty with Japan over Formosa. Li strongly desired war, for he believed that China

was now

in a better position to fight than

Japan; and he saw, too, that the Japanese were moving faster than the Chinese toward improved methods of war-

and that the time might come when his countrymen would not be able to cope with them. But the peace party at Pekin was in the ascendant and the matter was settled China paid an indemnity to Japan. amicably. Toward the end of the year the Emperor was taken ill with smallpox, and in the beginning of 1875 he died of The dowager Empress nominated as his that disease. fare,

successor the infant son of Prince Ch’un, a brother of the

deceased Emperor.

Li was at this time in high favor with the Throne.

LI

HUNG CHANG

437

But the new reign began badly with respect to foreign affairs. At its very beginning occurred the murder of Mr. Margary, of the China Consular Service, at Yunnan. As soon as the news of this outrage reached Pekin,

Thomas Wade sought satisfaction at Yamen, demanding that a committee Sir

appointed to investigate the outrage.

was put

off

on the plea that no

official

received of the murder, but finally Li tered into negotiations with him.

the Tsungli

be For months he report had been should

Hung Chang

en-

Li showed a disposi-

tion to be conciliatory, but refused to

draw Li Hsieh-t

the Viceroy of Yunnan, into the discussion.

He

’ai,

had,

Chinamen, a tender regard for officials of high rank. At last he consented to an investigation at Yunnan, which ended so unsatisfactorily that Sir Thomas Wade left Shanghai rather than be trifled with longer. The Chinese were thoroughly frightened at this turn of the affair, and Li finally met Sir Thomas at Chefoo. There the matter was settled by Li’s agreeing to improved official intercourse and additional trading regulations between the two Nations. A convention, known as the Chefoo Convention, setting forth these terms, was drawn up and signed by both Li and Sir Thomas Wade. like all

This document caused great discussion

among

the Brit-

merchants in both England and China. It was disapproved of by the Foreign Office, and did not receive

ish

official

sanction until 1888.

Still

further honors were given to Li for his success

Foreign matters having been disposed of, Li was now at leisure to devote more time to internal affairs. He still continued to improve his army and navy. Armed his soldiers with the newest weapons, urged the completion of the forts between Taku and Tientsin and estabat Chefoo.

lished a torpedo college at the latter place, in order to

FOREIGN STATESMEN

43 s

defend

it

The expense and

by water.

trouble devoted to

shown dur-

the college deserved better results than were

ing the late war.

Li also turned his attention to the

development of the commercial resources of his country. He formed a company to work the coal mines in the Metropolitan Province. This led to the first railway established in China. If Li had been all powerful he would have applied the same manner of working as that adopted at the coal mines in Chili to mines throughout the Empire. But the provincial system of government rendered this impossible. He, therefore, turned his attention to other schemes. A word has already been said of the China Merchant’s Steam Navigation Company. Li Hung Chang hoped this might compete successfully with the foreign worked companies along the coast, and did all he could to further its success. But do what he might, that company never arrived at a very flourishing condition.

About

this time,

1877, occurred a terrible famine,

which lasted for over one year.

Li did

mitigate the sufferings of the people. countries for rice, and urged that

all

he could to

He sent to foreign

all distilling

until the terrible scarcity of that grain

was

be stopped over.

He

opened soup kitchens at Tientsin, and is said to have But fed a thousand refugees daily from his own purse. do what he could, millions perished of want in the various provinces.

In 1878 events occurred which made it seem that China would be able to make use of all her warlike preparations.

This was a

the occupancy of Kuldja. ten years, in trust,

we might

difficulty

with Russia over

Russia had held Kuldja for say, for China,

adverse to giving the place up.

and now was

Chung How,

Superin-

tendent of the Northern Ports, was ordered to proceed

—

LI

HUNG CHANG

439

to St. Petersburg to negotiate with the Russians.

the treaty he arranged was not acceptable to Li

But

Hung

During this time there had grown up at Pekin a strong war party under Prince Ch’un and Tso TsungChang.

Li was, however, strongly averse to going to this extreme with Russia, declaring the country was in no tang.

condition for war.

Fortunately he was upheld in his

position by Colonel Gordon, of

whom

much has been Army, who spoke so

,, “Ever Victorious very openly of the military weakness of the Nation. Finally, after many attacks from his enemies, Li’s peace policy was carried out, with the able assistance of the Marquise Tseng, at St. Petersburg. The dispute was

said as leader of the

satisfactorily adjusted.

Again Li could turn

his attention to his duties of

provincial administration, but not for long.

His active

was stopped by the death of Li mourned for her sincerely, and his mother in 1882. applied to the Throne for the usual time of mourning two years and a quarter. But he was too important a man to be allowed to retire from public life for that length of time, and his request was refused. He was allowed only 100 days in which to express his grief. While Li was yet in mourning for his mother occurred an event of great political importance. He had for some time urged the King of Korea to enter into a treaty interest in provincial affairs

with foreign States for the protection of his Kingdom. The Anti-foreign party, at the head of which was the

ex-Regent, opposed

this policy,

and

in

1882 attacked the

Japanese Legation established at Seoul. This brought on a collision between China and Japan. Both Nations But Li realized more than ever sent a force to Seoul. the inability of China to cope with Japan, whose military conditions were so

much

better than hers; and happily

FOREIGN STATESMEN

440

his efforts for peace

amicably

were successful and the matter was

settled.

Foreign troubles seemed to follow thick and fast upon Li and the Chinese Empire. Since 1873 the French had been making hostile advances against the Province of Tongking. All proposals of China to cede to France the country south of the Songkoi River had been rejected at Paris and Pekin. In 1884 the attitude of the French was still threatening. They even attacked and held two Li, as usual, desired to precities, Sontay and Bacninh. serve peace. He was prepared, therefore, to discuss matters at once with Captain Fournier as soon as he should receive plenipotentiary powers from Pekin. His memorials to the Throne on the subject were at received.

At a

first

coldly

council at which Prince CITun, the

Emperor, and twenty-seven other officials took part, it was unanimously decided to reject Li’s reFortunately, wiser counsel prevailed, and Li was quest. authorized to take the best terms he could get from the French. Accordingly, on the nth of May, 1884, Fournier and Li drew up a convention and signed it. The terms of the convention no sooner became known than Li was violently denounced by the Censors. So harshly was he reproached that he offered to resign his official duties. This proposition the Throne declined to listen to. Trouble again broke out and war was declared with France, which lasted until 1886, when a treaty was concluded between Li Hung Chang and M. Cogordan, a Li’s prescience was conspecial envoy from France. firmed by the terms of this treaty. After a year’s conflict, which had cost the country 60,000,000 taels, and the sinking of a fleet at Foo-chow, China accepted eventually the same terms which Li had obtained before the money had been spent or the fleet sunk. father of the

LI

More

HUNG CHANG now

441

Again the subject of the dispute was Korea. Count Ito was sent to China to negotiate a treaty with Li Hung Chang, which should determine the position of the two countries in that Kingdom. The matter was settled amicably, a treaty was drawn up and signed by the two Ministers. Another instance of Li’s diplomatic shrewdness is his arrangement made with the British concerning the island known as Port Hamilton, over which the British had raised their flag. For while he obtained the promise of Great Britain to remove her flag from that island, he also received assurance from Russia that should the British control of Port Hamilton cease, she would not interfere with Korea, thus killing as it were, two birds with trouble with Japan

occurred.

one stone. Li’s choice of foreign employes, with a

few excep-

seems always to have been a good one. As a rule they have served him well and faithfully. His selection of native officials has not always turned out so well. One of his most intimate associates was thrown into prison on the charge of fraud; another, who was at one time exiled beyond the Great Wall, is his sonin-law. He, however, has since proved himself unquestionably a very able man. Honesty does not seem necessary to obtain Li’s favor, and one of his prime favorites, it is said, a certain Shen, during the late war with Japan gained great notoriety by selling poor muskets and ammunition to the soldiers who were sent to the fore. The tions,

constant breaches in the Grand Canal are but instances of the lax It is

way

in

which Li was served by

his

workmen.

but another evidence of his greatness that he has

much

China with such poor aid. It had long been evident to those who had watched the affairs in the Korea, that matters must soon be

accomplished so

for

FOREIGN STATESMEN

44 *

brought to a

crisis.

Both China and Japan feared the

Japan wished to effect such reforms in Korea as would give strength and efficiency to that Kingdom. She proposed to China that they work these reforms together. Li was anxious to maintain peace, but he entirely misunderstood Japan’s attitude and refused to cooperate with her, replying that China as the Suzerain State should effect all reforms in Korea. He demanded that all Japanese ships should leave the Chinese ports. Japan complied with the ultimatum, but warned China that any advance of the military of that country would be regarded by her as an act of war. China, paying no heed to this warning, sent a British ship loaded with troops and escorted by three men-ofwar to Korea. They were met by the Japanese Akitsusu, Yoshino, and Naniwa, and a cruisers, intervention of Russia.

battle

was fought.

The

result

is

well

known

—the

sinking of the transport and the flight of the Chinese

Following this came the defeat of the Chinese at Asan and Pingyang. At first the news of these disasters was kept from the Imperial Throne. But at last the truth came out. Li, who had been held responsible for the campaign, was degraded in rank, and his yellow Li saw, though not too late, jacket was taken from him. the mistake he had made, and strongly advocated peace. The Throne was not to be convinced of its necessity, and the war continued. But the crushing disasters which ships.

followed brought the true situation only too clearly to the Imperial eye.

In response to Li’s urgent representa-

he was authorized to send Mr. Deking, a Commissioner of Customs, to Japan to arrange affairs with that country. The Mikado’s Government refused to accept Mr. Deking as an Envoy. Finally Li Hung Chang, although the loss of his honors had been accompanied

tions,

LI

HUNG CHANG

443

by a withdrawal from his control of the military affairs of his country, was appointed Imperial Commissioner to negotiate with Japan.

His

cope with the situation had been recognized by the Throne, and his honors had been restored to him. Li,

ability to

though an old man and worn out with the

affairs

of the State, yet consented, at the request of the Throne,

to visit for the

first

time in his

life

a foreign country and

to undertake a humiliating mission.

He

our for Japan with Oriental magnificence, accompanied by a retinue of 135 persons, and arrived safely in that country. The negotiations were proceeding favorably, when an incident occurred which seemed for a moment likely to bring them to a sudden termination. This was an attempt on Li’s life by a fanatical member of the Soshi class, who, as the Chinese Commissioner was being carried through the streets of Shimonoseki in his sedan chair, rushed up Forto him and fired a pistol point-blank in his face. tunately, though Li was hit, the bullet did not penetrate very deeply, lodging under his left eye, and, barring the shock to his system, the effect of the wound was not serious.

set

By none was this act more strongly condemned

than by the Mikado and his Ministers.

Count

Ito called

profound sorrow for the occurrence, and the Mikado hastened to put at his service his in person to express his

own surgeon. The principal terms

of the treaty

now

agreed upon,

and which was duly ratified by both China and Japan, were that within four months both powers should withdraw their troops stationed in Korea, and that they should unite in an invitation to the King of Korea to instruct and drill an armed force sufficient to assure her public security, employing for this purpose an officer selected from those of a third power. Neither China nor

—

444

FOREIGN STATESMEN

Japan should send any of her own

officers for the

purpose

of giving this instruction.

In 1896 Li Hung Chang was sent to St. Petersburg as the Emperor’s representative at the coronation of the Czar. On his way home he passed through the United

where he was received with every demonstration, official and popular, due both to his eminent services to China and his high rank among the world’s great men. Li Hung Chang has been the subject of much discussion and criticism by those who have not always taken sufficient account of his nationality and of the peculiar circumstances both of his education and the conditions with which he had to deal. It is manifestly unjust to charge him with a lack of some of those virtues which in the advanced civilization of Europe have been fostered by centuries of culture. Take him for all in all, he is undoubtedly a man worthy of the highest admiration one of the most able of the world’s great statesmen. States,