Six Dynasties Civilization 9780300157956

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EARLY CHINESE CIVILIZATION SERIES

SIX DYNASTIES CIVILIZ ATION

Albert E. Dien

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS/NEW HAVEN & LONDON

Published with assistance from the Louis Stern Memorial Fund. Copyright © 2007 by Yale University. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Designed by Mary Valencia. Set in Simoncini Garamond and Michelangelo types by SNP Best-set Typesetter Ltd., Hong Kong. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dien, Albert E. Six dynasties civilization / Albert E. Dien. p. cm. — (Early Chinese civilization series) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN: 978-0-300-07404-8 (alk. paper) 1. China—Civilization—221 B.C.–960 A.D. I. Title. DS748.18.D54 2007 951′.01—dc22 2006051887 A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress and the British Library. The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

CONTENTS

Preface

vii

Chart of the Six Dynasties Period

ix

The Sixteen States by Area x One: The Six Dynasties

1

Two: Cities and Outposts Three: Architecture

46

Four:

Tomb Architecture

Five:

The Royal Tombs

Six:

15

76 163

Tomb Furnishings 193

Seven: Material Culture and the Arts

233

Eight: Furniture 300 Nine: Ten: Eleven:

Clothing

312

Armor and Weapons 331

Music and Musical Instruments

Twelve:

Aspects of Daily Life

Thirteen: Buddhism and Taoism Afterword Notes Glossary

424 431 513

Bibliography 517 Index v

585

354 387

339

PRE FAC E

his volume is the latest in the Early Chinese Civilization Series published by Yale University Press, a distinguished set of volumes for which the late Professor Kwang-chih Chang served as author, translator, and general editor. In 1980 I observed to Professor Chang that the archaeological reports coming from China no longer engendered their initial excitement and were becoming repetitive. He responded that we were in an interim period, that there was not yet an adequate amount of material to allow meaningful analyses. He was of course correct, and by now we have reached a stage when such analyses are possible. This study of the material culture of the Six Dynasties is based primarily on the published archaeological reports in mainland journals. When I agreed to undertake its writing more than two decades ago, there was very little secondary literature on which to base an overall study such as this, and so it was necessary to develop a database of the published reports in order to gain control of the information. At present, information on over eighteen hundred tombs has been coded into the database. By now, there are an increasing number of secondary, synthetic studies being published, but the database nonetheless proved essential in the writing of this work. For example, the article on iron mirrors by Quan Hong, cited in the section on mirrors in chapter 7, is a valuable contribution based on a study of 140 examples, but it required the information in the database to ascertain the ratio of bronze and iron mirrors by period and region and to put the use of these iron mirrors into some perspective. Despite the number of Six Dynasties tombs represented in the database, they may constitute as little as a fifth to a tenth of the tombs actually excavated since 1949, and of that number, it may well be that the published reports are skewed toward the more spectacular; that is, we do not have a random sample. An additional problem is that relatively few tombs were found to be undisturbed, which also distorts the archaeological record. Further, reports of new fi nds appear continuously, possibly adding new information that would alter one’s analysis. Nevertheless, with the database it is possible to make generalizations otherwise unobtainable.

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viii

P R E FAC E

Literary sources are cited to some extent in order to provide a context for the archaeological artifacts, but much more needs to be done with those texts, especially now that so many can be searched electronically. In no way does this study aspire to be the sort of work that Edward Schafer accomplished for the Tang in such works as Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T’ang Exotics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963) and The Vermilion Bird: T’ang Images of the South (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967). Nevertheless, it is hoped that this volume will be a start in coming to grips with the material culture of the period and will help further our understanding of Chinese society during this so-called Dark Age between the better known dynasties of the Han and the Tang. An earlier project that produced the Chinese Archaeological Abstracts (Los Angeles: The Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles, 1985) fed into the writing of this volume, and a number of individuals involved in that earlier work contributed, directly and indirectly, to this book’s completion. They include So-kam Ng, Wendy Wong, and Rachel Sing. The staff of the Stanford University Art and Architecture Library and its head, Alex Ross, have been exceptionally considerate and helpful. I received useful advice from many, including Muriel Bell, Bruce Dien, Mark Hall, Harold Kahn, John Kieschnick, John LaPlante, Roger Olesen, Jeffrey Riegel, Audrey Spiro, Donald Wagner, and Steve West. Bo Lawergren read the chapter on music and made a number of invaluable suggestions. Barbara Mnookin edited one stage of the manuscript and made thoughtful suggestions concerning organization of the material. The final editing by Michael Ashby was as professional as one could wish. Errors that remain are of course of my own doing. The Center for East Asian Studies, Stanford University, made a generous grant that helped underwrite the production costs of the volume. For permission to include copyrighted illustrative material, I wish to express my appreciation to the editors of Artibus Asiae, Bulletin of the Asia Institute, and Huaxia kaogu, and to Bijutsu Shuppansha, Boston Museum of Fine Arts, Bruce Gordon Doar, China Institute in America, Kaogu zazhishe, Kyoto Daigaku Jimbun Kagaku Kenky ujo, ¯ Dr. Liu Shufen, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, and the MIT Press. Unfortunately, the excessive fees demanded by the Wenwu chubanshe prevented the reproduction of a number of figures that would have been useful. I also wish to acknowledge the encouragement that I received over the years from a series of very patient editors at Yale University Press who permitted me to proceed at my own snail’s pace. Mary Pasti’s encouragement has been especially appreciated. Time and again, my son Joseph spent hours providing guidance when problems with computers threatened the completion of this project. Finally, my wife, Dora, has through the years taken on much more than her share of the household chores while pursuing her own full-time teaching and writing career to enable me to spend more time with this compilation. I am deeply grateful to her.

THE SIX DYNASTIES PERIOD

Three Kingdoms Shu (221–63)

Wei (220–65)

Wu (220–80)

Western Jin (265–317) Sixteen States*

Eastern Jin (318–420)

Northern Wei (386–534)

[Liu] Song (420–79)

Eastern Wei (534–50)

Western Wei (535–57)

Northern Qi (550–77)

Northern Zhou (557–81)

Southern Qi (479–502) Liang (502–57) Chen (557–89)

Sui (581–618) * See The Sixteen States by Area.

ix

T HE SI X T EEN S TAT ES B Y ARE A

Name

Dates

Founder

Ethnicity

Capital

Successor

Former Zhao 前趙 Later Zhao 後趙 Former Qin 前秦 Later Qin 後秦 Western Qin 西秦 Xia 夏 Cheng Han 成漢 Former Yan 前燕 Later Yan 後燕 Southern Yan 南燕 Northern Yan 北燕 Former Liang 前涼 Later Liang 後涼 Southern Liang 南涼 Northern Liang 北涼 Western Liang 西涼

304–29

Liu Yuan 劉淵 Shi Le 石勒 Fu Jian 苻堅 Yao Zhang 姚萇 Qifu Guoren 乞伏國仁 Helian Bobo 赫連勃勃 Li Xiong 李雄 Murong Jun 慕容俊 Murong Chui 慕容垂 Murong De 慕容德 Feng Ba 馮跋 Zhang Gui 張軌 Lü Guang 呂光 Tufa Wugu 禿髮烏孤 Juqu Mengsun 沮渠蒙遜 Li Hao 李皜

Xiongnu

Pingyang 平陽 Linzhang 臨漳 Chang’an 長安 Chang’an 長安 Jincheng 金城 Tongwan 統萬 Chengdu 成都 Yedu 鄴都 Zhongshan 中山 Guanggu 廣固 Changli 昌黎 Guzang 故臧 Guzang 故臧 Ledu 樂都 Zhangyi 張掖 Jiuquan 酒泉

Later Zhao 後趙 Former Yan 前燕 Western Qin 西秦 Eastern Jin 東晉 Xia 夏 Northern Wei 北魏 Eastern Jin 東晉 Former Qin 前秦 Northern Yan 北燕 Eastern Jin 東晉 Northern Wei 北魏 Former Qin 前秦 Later Qin 後秦 Western Qin 西秦 Northern Wei 北魏 Northern Liang 北涼

319–51 351–84 384–417 385–431 407–31 304–47 349–70 384–409 400–410 409–36 [313]–76 386–403 397–414 397–439 400–21

x

Jie Di Qiang Xianbei Xiongnu Di Xianbei Xianbei Xianbei Han Han Di Xianbei Xiongnu Han

1 THE SIX DY NA STIES

As Adam and Eve were fleeing the Garden of Eden, one version goes, Adam turned to comfort his sobbing mate. “Don’t cry, dear,” he reassured her. “We’re just living in an age of transition.” he Six Dynasties period, third century to late sixth century, an age of disunion and widespread disorder, falls between the Han 漢 and Tang 唐 dynasties, which ruled over the whole of China and which were marked by magnificent achievements in the cultural arts. Drawing a parallel with European history, some have called the period of the Six Dynasties the Dark Ages in China, but the negative associations inherent in that term are misleading, for this was a time of innovation and accomplishment in many areas, cultural, political, social, artistic, and technological.1 Because this is a period generally not well known, it may be useful to provide an outline of its history. The name Six Dynasties is derived from the number of states during this period that located their capitals in what is now modern Nanjing 南京. Capitals heretofore had been in the north, primarily at modern Xi’an 西安 or Luoyang 洛陽, but the movement of northern non-Han peoples into north China and their establishment of their own states on Chinese territory forced the surviving Chinese entities to seek a refuge in the south, creating a situation aptly encapsulated by another label for this age, the Nanbeichao 南北朝, or Northern and Southern Dynasties. This political division between

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THE SIX DYNA STIES

the alien non-Han regimes of the north and the émigré-led southern courts dominates the stage, but one should not as a consequence make the assumption that all integrative systems had fragmented; rather, polities with regional bases were struggling to survive and to expand, and it is the resulting confl icts that give this period its image of widespread disorder. In Europe a division into regional states is taken for granted, but in China the lack of a centralized state is considered abnormal and transitional, testimony to the success of the Han dynasty, which established the political norm in the Chinese mind by enduring for almost four hundred years. During the last years of the Han, factional disputes involving various consort families and powerful groups of eunuchs at the court permitted some military leaders to establish themselves as independent warlords, and the emperor became a pawn in this new contest for control of the state. In the north, Cao Cao 曹操 emerged as victor after he defeated Yuan Shao 袁紹 at the battle of Guandu 官渡 in 200, but his attempts to carry his triumph further were frustrated by regional military leaders in the southeast and southwest. There then followed some years of maneuvering and consolidation. In 220, after Cao Cao’s death, the Han finally was ended in name as well as in fact, and Cao Cao’s son, Cao Pei 丕, ascended the throne of a new dynasty, the Wei 魏, which ruled north China. Liu Bei 劉備, in Sichuan, then presumed upon his surname, the same as that of the imperial family of the Han, to declare himself the legitimate successor of the Han, but his state is generally referred to as Shu 蜀, after the traditional name for that region. Not long after, Sun Quan 孫權, in the southeast, declared himself emperor of the Wu 吳. Thus there emerged the three states, Wei, Shu, and Wu, of the Three Kingdoms period (map 1). The process of internal consolidation of the north under Cao Cao and his successors did not proceed very far. The weakness of the central government during the declining years of the Han and the need for the local populations to provide for their own stability and security had led to the emergence of large, fortified estates with their own security forces and serflike dependents who had abandoned their own lands to seek the safety of numbers. It was to take centuries to reestablish confidence in the police powers of the central state and to restore the free small landholder as the typical householder. Toward that end, Cao Cao attempted to strengthen the central government by building up a corps of officials to replace the old Han bureaucracy that might have harbored loyalties to the ancien régime. To do this, he established a system of local recommendations by which candidates were to be rated on a scale of one to nine, such ranking to determine the career they would have in official service. As a safeguard for the reliability of the successful applicants to office, an evaluator in each locale was appointed by the central government. In time, this system became ossified, with families, rather than individuals, carrying the ratings and access

THE SIX DYNA STIES

3

JILIN

INNER MONGOLIA LIAONING

G

SHANXI

A

HEBEI

ve

r

Yel low

Ri

N

NINGXIA S

SHAANXI

HENAN

Ha nR

HUBEI HUBEI

ZHEJIANG

CHONGKING CHONGQING

HUNAN GUIZHOU

YUNNAN

JIANGSU

Ya

GUANGXI

Gan River

SHU

iv er

SICHUAN

iver ai R Hu ANHUI

er

ver

Riv

We i Ri

SHANDONG

ng zi

U

WEI

JIANGXI

WU FUJIAN

GUANGDONG

Map 1. The three kingdoms, 220–265

to office tending to be monopolized by local elites. Meritocracy then suffered, and a system of entrenched privilege took on a life of its own.2 Among the powerful figures at the Wei court in the north were those of the Sima family, and in 265 Sima Yan 司馬炎 forced the abdication of the Cao emperor and declared himself emperor of the Jin 晉 dynasty. The Jin was successful in restoring unity to China for a short period. The state of Shu had been absorbed shortly before the establishment of the Jin, and the conquest of Wu followed in 280. The attempt by the Wei to reimpose a more highly centralized state was relaxed under the new Jin rule and a general disarmament declared. However, the various Sima princes retained their personal armies, and, in a

4

THE SIX DYNA STIES

short time, serious internecine wars, the notorious Yongjia 永嘉 Disorders (307–12), broke out, leading directly to the collapse of the state. When those who hold power fall out among themselves, the ineluctable consequence is that power then passes from them to others. In this instance, the internal conflicts of the quarreling Jin princes led to decentralized military control of the provinces by semi-independent generals, to famine, large-scale unrest, and messianic peasant movements: a perfect example of what Arnold Toynbee termed a time of trouble. The external threat called for in his paradigm was the various non-Han peoples, both within and without the borders, who overwhelmed the Jin state and took control of north China. This forced a prince of the Jin who was governor of the Nanjing area to declare himself, in 317, as successor to that line; the dynasties in the years before 317 are known to us as the Western Jin and those that follow as the Eastern Jin. The move of the Jin court to the south underlies the term Northern and Southern Dynasties for this period of disunion. The south was a much different place from the north. It was wet and marshy, with many lakes and a warmer climate. The basic crop was rice rather than such grains as the wheat and millet more commonly grown in the north. The population at that time was composed of three strata: 1. The original indigines, such as the Thai, Yao, and Yue. 2. The Chinese immigrants who had been coming into the area from very early times and whose numbers would have included assimilated indigines. 3. Émigrés who came south in large numbers at this time. There has been much discussion of the numbers involved, which are difficult to establish.3 From 317 to 420 the history of the south is one of weak rulers, intrigues at court, and shifting alliances among the émigré families who had moved from the north. The majority of the northern émigrés were landless and without a power base in the south; their area of influence was in the court and the army. The southerners accepted the northerners, who provided a defense against the attacks by the northern “barbarians,” as long as their own interests were maintained. For example, attempts at enforced recruitment of the serfs of the southern landlords into the army led to rebellions on the part of those landlords, some of which took the form of Taoist uprisings.4 Therefore, one tampered with this modus vivendi only at great risk. The crucial element of power at this time was control of the northern garrison army, an army raised in Shandong and moved south when the court was shifted to Nanjing. The soldiers were given land just north of the capital and became military households; that is, they farmed the land and were subject to call to military service. Their chief duty was to defend the south against any northern

THE SIX DYNA STIES

5

incursions. The army was the bulwark of the state, at the service of the aristocratic émigrés, but when the émigrés fell out in a struggle over power at court in the early 400s, the junior officers rebelled, and one of them, Liu Yu 劉裕, took charge and, in 420, declared himself emperor of a new dynasty, the Song 宋. His rise signaled the end of the military significance of the émigrés, who were separated from military power and became completely dependent on the court. Liu Yu’s concern was to maintain control by his family, and his dying testament stated that no separate or independent garrisons were to be maintained. Those who led armies on campaigns were to relinquish that command on returning, and the most important governorships were to be held only by imperial princes. Governors could not even mobilize local troops without written permission from the court.5 This arrangement did not guarantee stability; of the twenty-six rulers of the four southern dynasties who ruled from 420 to 589, thirteen came to violent ends, four were deposed, and only nine died from natural causes. But it did preserve the power structure largely as Liu Yu had envisaged it.6 After the émigrés lost any real power in the transition from Eastern Jin to Song, they were left with no recourse but to serve the emperor. In this, they were most useful, for they had to identify their interests with those of the imperial family; there were no conflicting interests that might cause them to be unreliable. It may be for this reason that eunuchs never appeared as a power at the court, for the emperor had his own creatures. As power left and status identity became crucial, the interest in genealogies, in purity of descent, in making the family classifications more rigid, increased. But without real responsibility or power, decadence set in. A sixth-century critic describes it thus: “As officials, they could achieve nothing; at home they could manage nothing. All these are faults of idleness and leisure. . . . When seeking to pass the examination for the degree of ‘Clearly Understanding the Classics,’ they hired others to answer the questions and compose essays. When attending public feasts for high state officials, they hired others . . . to compose poems for them.”7 For all its stress on excesses, the passage suggests the importance of literary accomplishment expected of those in the elite. Perhaps the most notable example was the royal family of the Liang 梁: the father, Emperor Wu 武, maintained a splendid salon; one son compiled the Wenxuan 文選, still the standard literary anthology of that time; and another, Emperor Yuan 元, followed his interests in Taoism, literature, and poetry. With such rulers, it was no wonder that the elegance and brilliance of the salons of this age set the standards for ages to come, and the influence of their image extended even to Japan. In the north, the conflict with the northern nomads had always been a problem of major proportions. At the end of the Han, the struggle with the Xiongnu 匈奴 had tapered off, but then another group, the Xianbei 鮮卑, began

6

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to move out of Manchuria and, from the second century A.D., put pressure on the Xiongnu from the rear. As the Xiongnu were forced southward, they were settled by the Chinese within the borders to serve as a buffer against the newcomers to the north and used as a source for recruiting troops, serving both on the frontier to the north and internally, much as the Germans served in the Roman empire. By 291 a complaint was voiced that in Guanzhong 關中 (modern Shaanxi and Gansu), half of the population of one million were nonHan.8 The borders were increasingly abandoned, and the nomads kept moving south. As long as the state was in order, these nomads were loyal subjects who fought against the outside barbarians, but when the state became unsettled, they themselves became a great danger. In 311 Luoyang was sacked by the Xiongnu, an event as important as the sacking of Rome by the Goths in 410, for it marks the point at which the whole north fell to a succession of foreign states, what is called in Chinese wu hu luan hua 五胡亂華, “the Five Barbarians bringing disorder to China.” The five included the Xiongnu, Tibetans, and Turks. These peoples established a series of sixteen ephemeral states in the north, ushering in this socalled Dark Age of Chinese history. What were conditions like in the period of the early fourth century as the Jin began to fall apart? There is a report from a newly appointed governor going to his post in northern Shansi in 307, who said that he had “to fight his way in, raised [an additional] thousand men, the population was in flight or else starving, even selling their children in order to survive, and the nomads were raiding and robbing. The land was like a wilderness, not even 20 percent remaining, the roads were blocked, bandits everywhere. Inside the city the government offices were burned, corpses were everywhere, the survivors starving, there were constant battles at the city gates, the people had to wear armor to till the fields.”9 These conditions affected Chinese and non-Chinese alike, and the yearly droughts and famine added to the general misery. One recourse was to flee, and there were no doubt major population movements at this time. We know generally of the well-to-do who fled south, but less about the peasants who may have followed. There were also influxes of refugees into the northeast and far northwest, where conditions were comparatively more peaceful. For those who remained, the way to survival was to group together for mutual defense and safety. Guanzhong and Guandong 關東 (modern Shanxi, Hebei, and Shandong) were especially hard-hit by the wars, and wide areas were deserted as many displaced persons and bandits roamed about. The local elite who remained then established fortresses for defense; these had already begun to appear at the end of the Han in the form of fortified estates, but now they increased enormously in size and number. They were staffed chiefly by dependents, clients, slaves, clansmen, and local groups. The

THE SIX DYNA STIES

7

single individual had no way to survive and had to throw in his lot with the nearby fortress. In Guanzhong alone it is said there were over three thousand such establishments.10 The fortresses were usually built in a place easily defensible against attacks on foot and horse, such as a bend of a river or on a hill; some groups even fled to the mountains to seek out impregnable sites. One was described as being several miles in length and breadth, with rivers to all sides, encompassing an area that could hold a hundred thousand men and yet, it was claimed, could be defended by one person. There had to be arable land and water. The heads of these fortresses were not only military leaders but also political and economic figures, and they came to play the part of the former governors, with commissions from one court or another, or they could be self-declared governors.11 These fortresses were primarily defensive units and could not withstand attacks over too long a period of time, so they had to have other techniques of survival. One important way was to establish allegiances, as many as two or three, with powerful figures in the area—that is, with the leaders of nomad statelets that sprang up after the Jin lost control of the north—and to place hostages with them and to pay them tribute. While some of the nomad groups lacked the skills to establish administrative structures to govern the areas won by force of arms, the number of states established during this period testifies, to some degree at least, of the intention to rule over the subject agrarian population. To do so effectively, the nomad leader needed the support of the Chinese elites to govern, and thus these nomads would usually leave the local structure as they found it. The relationship between these local leaders and the nomad leaders was one of mutual support, and it was not considered to be a case of occupation by a foreign power.12 When Huan Wen 桓溫, a southern leader, attacked the north to restore Jin rule, the Chinese taken prisoner by Huan Wen were said to have wept and looked north as they were led south. The north was finally united in 386 under the Tuoba 拓跋, a tribe within the Xianbei confederation. Their dynasty, the Northern Wei, built a wall and established garrisons of tribesmen in the north to stop the drift of other nomads into China, and gave the north a century and a half of stability. The Tuoba cooperated closely with the Chinese elite. The record is fi lled with evidence of strong support given to hereditary status among the Chinese elite; of state schools being established for the young sons of families of prestige and status; and of rules promulgated against marriage between the upper and lower classes. Chinese gentry and commoners were forbidden even to live in the same area of the capital. Yet the Chinese leaders had to be careful, for if any group became too assertive and the nomads perceived a threat to their rule, they would act swiftly and cruelly to end it. But with the Tuoba state, a comparatively more

8

THE SIX DYNA STIES

stable and longer-lasting arrangement was reached than had obtained under other non-Chinese rulers. In general, when a central government is weak and proves unable to provide for the common peace, those at the local level seek ways to provide for that safety, as we have seen, and the larger the unit the better. There then occurs a shift from the exclusive lineage, the fewer the better (the fewer to share the wealth), to the inclusive clan, for there is safety in numbers.13 But as peace returns, the opposite trend sets in; there is no advantage to the serf nor to the government for the local leaders to have large landholdings. The government then acts to encourage the reduction in size of these local units, both to lessen the dangers of potential threat to their suzerainty and to increase their tax collections. As for the serfs, given the high rate of rents that they paid to landlords, it was better by far for them to pay taxes to the government. With that stability provided in the north by the Northern Wei, the pendulum began to swing away from the large, local fortresses, and these formations began to break up into smaller units. At this point in the Tuoba state there appears the “equal fields system,” the juntian 均田 system, first in 477, and more regularly from 485. This was a system of allocating land to individual families, a sort of homesteading, the amount of land depending upon the size of the household. Some see this as a method to repopulate empty land, but it makes more sense to consider it as a way of drawing off manpower from the local elites and providing land to those who needed it and limiting the holdings of the local gentry. Such an effort indicated a higher degree of peace and stability, but it was that very return to a less-turbulent order that put the traditional Xianbei system under severe strain and, in the end, led to the downfall of the Tuoba state. By the end of the fifth century the Tuoba state was well on its way to becoming a Chinese state. Growing numbers of Chinese now held the important civilian posts at the court. In 493 the capital was moved from Pingcheng 平城, near the northern frontier, to Luoyang, which had been destroyed in 311 and was only at this time being rebuilt. The reason given for the move was to allow the emperor a better opportunity to supervise preparations for a conquest of the south. However, in view of other factors, it is more likely that the move was stimulated by a desire to move to more congenial surroundings, to free the court of the restraints posed by the Xianbei hierarchy, who traditionally had an important say in the running of the tribal confederation, and to make the state more closely resemble a Chinese one, with the emperor having a freer hand, surrounded by courtiers who could advise and reprimand but who could not veto imperial decisions. The emperor, Xiaowendi 孝文帝, may also have felt a court perceived as a Chinese one had a better chance of surviving in a Chinese state, and so he may not have been entirely self-serving. With the move came rules to give up the traditional Xianbei clothing, customs, and even language of the Tuoba. Tuoba

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9

names were to be changed to Chinese ones. This process of sinification continued under the next emperor as well, but all this increasingly alienated the tribesmen, who shared in little of the benefits of the state. As the Chinese strengthened their positions economically and socially, the tribesmen increasingly became frustrated, and fi nally came to rebel. The Xianbei tribesmen, left in the garrisons in the north, felt themselves badly used. In time their status had become little better than that of slaves, for they were unable to transfer to other posts, they could not intermarry with other social groups, and their numbers were supplemented by imported criminals (a traditional Chinese use of the frontier area), with whom they became indistinguishable. Their officers did not have the same opportunities for advancement as did those posted in the court in the south. The rumble of discontent became audible, and in the 520s rebellion broke out. Some one million disinherited Xianbei, it is said, turned south and overwhelmed the state. When the dust cleared in 534–35 there were two states, Eastern and Western Wei, which in turn became the Northern Qi 齊 (550–77) and Northern Zhou 周 (557–81), respectively, as warring dynasties vying for power. All during this period there is much evidence of friction between the Chinese and the tribesmen. Gao Huan 高歡, the ruler of the Eastern Wei, tried to make peace between the two. It is reported that he would say to the soldiers in the Xianbei language, “The Chinese are your slaves, they farm for you, the women make your clothing, they bring you your supplies and clothing, keeping you warm and full, why do you want to oppress them?” To the Chinese he would say, “The Xianbei are your clients, you give them a measure of grain and a bolt of cloth, and they fight for you and enable you to have peace and order, why do you hate them?”14 At another time Gao Huan said that his generals were tempted to go west, where many of them had family, while his civil officers wanted to go south, where they thought the true legitimacy was.15 There was no doubt that he had to rule very carefully. Warfare between the two northern states was continuous, each claiming to be the rightful heir of the previous state. Increasing losses and the difficulty of replacing the Xianbei tribesmen led the Western Wei/Northern Zhou to seek other sources of manpower. The solution was to tribalize the Chinese; that is, to accept those Chinese of means into the military who could provide their own arms, in return for exemptions from taxes, giving them Tuoba names, enrolling them in the central military organization, and pretending that they were all Xianbei. This centralized military system, called the fubing 府兵 at a later date, gave the northwestern state an enormous advantage, which they soon utilized. The southern state was clearly in trouble. In emergencies, large-scale mobilizations could be undertaken, but the central hereditary military establishment,

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the basis of rule by the émigré northerners, was weakening and aging after two hundred years. How weak it was became obvious in 547, when a northern adventurer, Hou Jing 侯景, crossed the Yangzi with only a thousand men, took the palace by stealth and treachery, and captured Emperor Wu of the Liang, the aged monarch, and enlisted almost immediately an army of a hundred thousand men. The various imperial princes, stationed as governors upriver, were able to move only very slowly, for they were now dependent on the private troops of local southern leaders who were emerging to take up the slack of the weakening central government. Emperor Wu, after a glorious reign of fifty years, starved to death before rescue came. In 554, the Western Wei sent their columns south to take over much of the southern state’s territory. The remnant state, now ruled by one of the Liang generals, who in 557 established the Chen 陳 dynasty, managed to survive for a few more decades. There was no unity, subordinates obeyed only if it was in their interest, and the troops had to be recruited from among landless peasants. The Northern Qi could not long survive in the face of the superb military machine created by the Western Wei/Northern Zhou, and it fell in 577; the Sui 隋 inherited this army and, in 589, brought to an end the Chen in the south. China was once more united. But while the Tuoba leadership had created this military force, they could not hold on to it, for it was now largely Chinese, and the tribal organizational rubric had merely provided a smooth means of transition from Xianbei to Chinese rule. Their military organization, however, persisted and provided, first for the Sui and then for the Tang, the military means of expansion and glory. Disunity such as existed during the Northern and Southern Dynasties would seem to be the exception in Chinese history, and such periods were only an interim one before unity was reestablished. However, this may be misleading. A survey of the years between 220 and 1912 finds 950 years in which China was united as opposed to 742 of disunion. Even this is somewhat misleading, for a good part of the time when China was nominally ruled by one dynasty, the country was in fact not under central control. And yet, for China, the natural equilibrium seems to be that of unity, at least from the Qin-Han on. Certainly, in comparison with a place like India, unity seems to be the preponderant tendency. India is similarly a large, enclosed area, yet the natural equilibrium there is regional, and overall unity is an imposition that in the past was maintained only for short periods. Much of India was united during the Maurya dynasty 322–185 B.C. and the Gupta A.D. 320–535, but there is the sense that these empires were periods of tension, that they were not meant to last, whereas in China, it is periods of disunion that produce that sense of unease and transition. What is it in the society that lends itself to this sense of unity as a natural state of equilibrium?

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11

First of all, there was no blood aristocracy. Hereditary rulers of regional states had existed before the Qin 秦 but were wiped out after the centuries of decline during the Warring States period, and the centralization of the states by the Qin brought an end to the local nobilities. In the Han, there was a brief period of feudalization, but the policy of centralization by the court and the suppression of the revolt of 158 B.C. ended that line of development. Feudal titles and enfeoffments would continue to exist in name, but there was no hereditary succession to a title without special cause and special appointment from the court. Hereditary succession became the exception rather than the rule. Similarly, there were no clans of superior status through blood, and there were no supernatural grants of land. Clan ancestors were humans or made into humans, and the best that one could do was to trace one’s ancestors back to some mythological emperor; that is to say, the scale was human, not divine. Even the emperors, though called Sons of Heaven, were not considered to be of divine origin, as was the case in Japan. Theoretically the throne was open to anyone, as long as that person received the Heavenly Mandate, and dynasties were expected to have a limited tenure. Aside from the Qin, which planned to last forever, the usual span of dynasties was thought to be three hundred years. Thus there were no leaders at the regional level around whom opposition would naturally coalesce and who could then make a claim for regional independence or for the crown at the national level to be viewed as a birthright. Leaders at the local level were of the gentry, landowning type. For this period there is no evidence of strong clan or lineage organizations such as developed in later times, although the tendency of individual families of the same lineage to be located contiguously would have contributed to the survival and stability of these family units. There was tremendous stability and endurance, and no violent changeovers or large-scale confiscations by new incoming regimes. Land was not held by permission of some local ruler who had his own cronies or followers to reward in this way. There were no doubt local violence and fierce competition for land and water, but the adversaries were local, and there was no interregional conflict between the populations of one area against another. During periods of weak central governments, there were regional armies under the command of independent warlords (these are not to be confused with defensive militias under a local landlord), but while these armies derived their logistical support from the particular area, the local population did not identify its own interests and destiny with that military force. Government extended to the county level, and local government was in the hands of the local elites. Arrangements at the top might change but these would not affect those at the bottom. These elites would then be co-opted into the central government, and the arrangement could be quite complex but very stable. Individual families might demonstrate an amazing tenacity, although

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such apparent longevity might more simply be the result of the survival of a surname in a particular locale as individual families with that surname went through a normal cycle of emergence and decline. Regional states, in fact, were costly to the local leaders, and there were no advantages of such a polity to them. The closer the government involvement with the local level, the greater the possibility of a gentry family’s losing out to local rivals who had some connection with the officials of that regional state and thus having its property expropriated. The system, then, is one that finds its equilibrium in centralization; it is an arrangement that accommodates the vested interests of local families. They have little to gain from disorder and violence, and much to lose from the rise of stronger local and regional powers. Probably basic to this whole arrangement was the bureaucracy that made intermediate power brokers less necessary as it provided the requisite link between the center and the local area. So, with no blood aristocracy, with leaders at the local level providing stability, and with no natural focus of power between the two levels, the local and the central, the result was that during any period of disunion, there was a sense that it was temporary, that sooner or later the contest between the various military leaders who were jockeying for control of the state would be settled, and that all but one would be eliminated; the population would fall into line, and unity would be achieved. Finally, unity was facilitated by the nature of the state in China. As Robert Somers so ably made clear,16 the nature of the power of the ruler was not absolute and unlimited but, rather, superior, which is to say that the goal of any ruler was to eliminate any potential rival, to make certain that there was no one who could challenge him. Since it was not possible to have all the power, the alternative was to have the preponderance, to make certain that there were no challengers. Thus the purpose of wars to establish a new dynasty was to knock out adversaries, and the one who survived then became ruler. This meant it was not necessary to take all the power in the state, to attempt to imitate the Qin structure, but to obtain the acknowledgment from everyone that the ruler was indeed the emperor. It was therefore possible to have strong men on the borders who were not really brought to heel but who were de facto regional rulers who exchanged a pledge of loyalty in return for official appointment. No one was fooled, but as long as they stayed in line, they could continue their control of that area. The establishment of complete control might take many years, but the central government could wait. Since a regime had no regional base of power, its viability rested on control of an army and general acceptance by the population, the latter meaning generally those who held positions of leadership and social prestige at the local level. This acceptance was not always forthcoming and was always tempered by

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self-interest. With this potential or inherent uncertainty of support, it was even more important that no rivals existed to whom popular opinion might shift. Among the devices available to those who occupied the throne were normative claims of authority, such as the Mandate of Heaven, a claim of legitimacy based on the self-serving assertion that if the dynasty did not enjoy heaven’s favor, it would not occupy the position it did. Another normative device was the Confucian precept of loyalty to one’s ruler, and the concomitant precept that one did not change one’s allegiance. This last was more easily accomplished in times of peace and unity. As Yan Zhitui 顏之 推 (531–91+) remarked, such was not a luxury to be enjoyed by those who lived in such disturbed times as the Six Dynasties period. The division of the country into two or more states during this time exacerbated the potential insecurities of those regimes. It was not just that a higher price for loyalty could be demanded by those who served the state—by way, for example, of better job benefits—but that the threat to the very existence of the state could be felt. The price of maintaining competing armies represented a serious economic drain on the resources of the state, and defense expenditures for wars in which the populace saw no advantage to themselves lent additional strain to the viability of the regimes. All of these factors—the division, the potential rivals, the lack of a certain base, and the ease with which legitimacy could be lost—added to the tension in these centuries. This tension underlay and fueled the contest between north and south, and it meant that though the division became centuries old, there eventually would be a final settlement resulting in unification. The question for future research, then, is not why unification did in fact come, but why it took so long. Although the period was undeniably one of much instability and warfare, it would be a mistake to assume that it was a time of little significance culturally. In terms of the material culture, there is a continuity of development building upon the Han foundations and leading into the accomplishments of the Sui and Tang. This continuity can be noted in many fields, such as architecture, city planning, metalworking, furniture, and clothing. But it was also a period of innovation and new directions. The emergence of the non-Han peoples in the control of northern China during this period was of major historical importance. Too much of the emphasis of modern scholarship has been on the process of assimilation of these nonHan peoples into Chinese society.17 The historian Fan Wenlan, in his general history of China, entitled his chapters dealing with the Six Dynasties period as “The Period of the Development of the Economy and Culture of the Yangzi Basin” (chapter 5) and “The Period of the Assimilation of the Various Tribes in the Yellow River Basin” (chapter 6).18 Hong Tingyan, has remarked, insightfully, that the generalizations contained in these chapter headings, though frequently

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repeated, are, he feels, facile characterizations. According to Hong, economic development and homogenization of peoples went on in both the south and the north, and, furthermore, these developments were a part of a process that could be traced back to the Han and that culminated in the Tang.19 Another common generalization concerning this period is that it is one of powerful, aristocratic clans. As I have maintained elsewhere, the groups so labeled were neither powerful nor aristocratic nor clans.20 The Six Dynasties period was an extremely complex one, and attempts to make generalizations that sum it up, what have been called “labeling generalizations,”21 have not been particularly successful. Perhaps the study of its material culture to supplement the written sources will lead to a better, more balanced understanding of that segment of China’s history, and more insightful generalizations.

2 CITIES AND OUTPOSTS

elatively little work has been done on urban archaeology in China because so many ancient sites lie beneath modern cities. To unearth them would cause all sorts of problems, not least the uprooting of hundreds of residents. Beyond that, the expenditure of time and effort necessary for large-scale projects is simply something that an already overburdened archaeological apparatus can ill afford. Consequently, most of what we know about the cities of the Six Dynasties period comes from surface surveys and partial excavations of an exploratory nature (map 2).

R

THE NORTHERN FRONTIER The semiarid conditions beyond the Daqing 大青 Mountains, north and northwest of Huhehot 呼和浩特, Inner Mongolia, favor the survival of ancient sites, and a number of walled enclosures, formerly a part of a chain of garrisons along the northern border, have attracted the attention of archaeologists. Three such sites in that general area were surveyed, and brief reports published, in 1958. They were Buzigucheng 卜子古城, 70 km northeast of Wuchuan 武川; Tuchengzi 土城子, near Wulanhua 烏蘭花; and Tuchengliang 土城梁, near Wulanbulang 烏蘭不浪. Located at strategic spots and designed to maintain a strong defense against the Ruanruan 蠕蠕, who were for years a potential threat to the Tuoba, these garrisons were relatively square, ranging from 130 m to 800 m to a side, 15

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Map 2. Cities and outpost sites of the Six Dynasties

with walls of pisé or rammed earth and gates on the south about 3 m wide. All have the remains of gate towers on each side, and one may have had corner towers. Inside the enclosures, a building site or two were located, and reported surface finds were largely of tiles, bricks, and potsherds. There do not seem to have been any attempts to carry out excavations. These sites have tentatively been identified as the Northern Wei garrisons of Wuchuan, Fuming 撫冥, and Rouxuan 柔玄.1 Farther south, just north of the Inner Mongolia–Shanxi border, a similar walled site was located at Shiziwan 石子灣, near Shagedu 沙疙堵, on the Nalin 納林 River. Its enclosure runs 230 m east to west and 180 m north to south,

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with a gate complete with enceinte in the south wall. Inside is a terrace, some 45 m × 85 m, on which were found three rows of stone bases or plinths, five to a row. Those in the central row are rounded on top, the others are square, and all have holes in the center. Again, primarily only surface finds, such as tiles and shards, were reported. An early Northern Wei date has been suggested. Changchuan 長川, popularly also called Tuchengzi, is a comparable site on the northern frontier of the Northern Wei farther east, 15 km north of Xinghe 興和, Inner Mongolia. It is square in plan, enclosed by a tamped earth wall, and does not seem to have had wall towers, but high traces are reported at the southeastern and northeastern corners of the site.2 Chengkulue 城圐圙, north of Baotou 包頭, is a larger and more complex site. Its walls, enclosing some 1,300 m × 1,100 m of land, take command of a nearby height for defensive purposes. The shape is five sided, with gates to the north, south, and east. There is evidence of corner towers and gate towers, where many tiles were found. Their black glaze is considered a characteristic of the Northern Wei, and they bear lotus designs that resemble some of the tiles found at the Northern Wei Buddhist caves at Yungang 雲崗. Excavation on a small scale was carried out here, and a large number of small fragmented stucco Buddha figures were found in the northwest corner of the enclosure, again closely resembling the style of Yungang. An early-style owl acroterium also resembles acroteria seen in Yungang sculptures. The location of the site suggests that it was the important Northern Wei garrison post of Huaishuo 懷朔, which controlled a critical northsouth route.3 The full particulars on another site, Bakouzicun 埧口子村, some 5 km northwest of Huhehot, have not yet been published, but it is briefly described by Su Bai.4 It is thought to be Baidaocheng 白道城 of the Northern Wei. It must have served as a command post behind the front line of forts to the north. Among the surface finds were Sassanian coins of the reign of Chosroes I (531–79). All these sites are characterized by rammed-earth walls, a few terraces marking some imposing building, and some surface finds; without excavation, however, they remain largely a cipher. The remains of Tongwancheng 統萬城, the capital of the short-lived Xia 夏 dynasty established by the Xiongnu leader Helian Bobo 赫連勃勃 in 407 and conquered by the Northern Wei in 427, are on a much grander scale. The site is farther west, just where the Wuding 無定 River crosses from Inner Mongolia into Shaanxi, west of Hengshan 橫山. The city was composed of two parts, the western city and the eastern city, each surrounded by a wall, with one wall in common. The circumferences of the two are 2,470 m and 2,566 m, respectively (fig. 2.1). The remains of the walls rise in some places to over 10 m; the base of the western city wall is 16 m, that of the eastern city wall a bit less. At the corners are huge towers; the one in the southwestern corner is 31.62 m high. From holes left by wooden beams and pillars, we know that there were walkways at different

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2.1. Plan of Tongwancheng (after Kaogu 1981.3:226, fig. 2)

levels around the towers where lookouts and archers could be stationed. The western city had gates in all four directions, whereas the eastern city had none to the north. At irregular intervals there were battlements protruding from the line of the wall; those on the south side of the west wall are 18.8 m × 16.4 m and rise above the wall, though not as high as the corner towers. In one of them a storehouse was found, in the form of a pit 7 m square and 6 m deep, originally with two levels of flooring. It is thanks to the walls’ being built of lime, sand, and clay, and then rammed to form a particularly hard substance, that they have survived so well. Their color is white, thus giving the city its modern name of Baichengzi 白城子 (White City). The supervisor of the work is said to have tested the quality of the workmanship, so that if an awl could penetrate an inch into the wall, he had the workmen responsible for that section executed.5 Since the site remained occupied until 994, surface finds are of all periods. A certain black-glazed tile with the words yonglong 永隆 in the Wei-Jin style of writing is thought to date from Helian Bobo’s reign.6 Helian Bobo, rightfully proud of his city, described it in an edict as follows: The high corners block out the sun, The lofty barricades meet the clouds. The stone walls and heavenly moat Circle around for a thousand li.7

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2.2. Plan of Liaodongcheng (after Kaogu 1960.1:60, fig. 1)

An immense amount of booty was taken by the Tuoba on their capture of the city. Tuoba Dao 燾, the Taiwu 太武 emperor, is said to have remarked that for such a petty state to have used its resources to build so magnificent a city was to ask for its own destruction.8 Across China to the east, in Sunch’ˇon, North Korea, a tomb probably of the early fifth century yielded a mural depicting a city rather similar to Tongwancheng in plan. Again, there is a double city, with the main or inner city to the east and the outer city to the west. In this case the outer city extends to the south side as well, so that the two cities share walls on two sides. The city backs on mountains to the east and faces a river to the west. The residential and commercial areas that lay in the outer city were thus conveniently near the river. There are double-roofed gate towers, single-roofed corner towers, and in place of the tower battlements seen at Tongwancheng, stepped merlon battlements along the walls, the earliest depiction of these structures (fig. 2.2).9

EARLY CITIES IN THE NORTH The earliest capital of the Six Dynasties period was Ye 鄴, which Cao Cao took as his power base in the early third century. Sited on the north bank of the Zhang 漳 River, southwest of Linzhang 臨漳, Hebei, and northeast of Anyang 安陽, Henan, this was also the location of the capitals of the Later Zhao 趙 and the Former Yan 燕. The Eastern Wei and Northern Qi capital at Ye adjoined the older capital to the south. The site was strategically placed on the edge of the North China Plain and was poised midway between the usual routes of

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armies from the west; that is, the corridor along the Yellow River and the Jingxing 井陘 Pass through the Taihang 太行 Mountains.10 Ye was first established in the seventh century B.C. as a commandery by Duke Huan 桓 of the Qi as one of a series of administrative centers meant to protect his realm. Toward the end of the Han, it was the seat of power of the Yuan 袁 family until their defeat by Cao Cao, who established his headquarters there. On his death in 220 and the accession of his son, Cao Pei, as first emperor of the Wei, the Han capital at Luoyang was abandoned, and Ye became the capital of the new state, if only for a decade.11 Researchers have so far made only surface surveys and done some core sampling, but on the basis of textual references and the remains of two rammedearth mounds, they have located the northwest sector of the city. One of the mounds is quite large, over 120 m north to south, over 70 m east to west, and some 10 m high. The top surface has a thin layer of tile (70 cm to 80 cm deep). The other mound, 85 m to the north, is smaller and less well preserved. Connecting them are the remains of the city wall, the only portion to survive the centuries-long flooding of the Zhang River. From literary sources, the larger mound has been identified as the Jinhu Tai 金虎臺 (Golden Tiger Terrace), and the other as the Tongque Tai 銅雀臺 (Bronze Sparrow Terrace). A third terrace, the Bingjing Tai 冰井臺 (Ice Well Terrace) farther north and marking the northwest corner of the city, has not survived. From the location of the three terraces and the dimensions supplied in the literary sources, it is possible to make a tentative estimate of the extent of the original walls (fig. 2.3). Among the scanty surface finds were some tile fragments, six stone blocks (three of which are L shaped and three rectangular), and a stone structural element with a carved gargoyle head found in the area of the rammed-earth platforms.12 The Shuijingzhu 水經注, by Li Daoyuan 酈道元 (d. 527) of the Northern Wei, described the city as follows: “The city walls were seven li 里 east to west and five li north to south, and faced with brick. Every 100 paces there was a tower. The various palaces, halls, gates, and terraces, and the corner parapets all had belvederes. The storied rafters reached to the heavens, the flying eaves brushed the clouds. The city was decorated with red and blue, and the colors were like those of thin silk; [the city] surpassed anything in its time. When one looked toward Ye from 60 or 70 li away, the structures towered like the dwellings of the immortals.”13 What is significant about Ye is that its layout marked an important advance in city planning. From the literary sources, we know that a main street east to west divided the city in two, with the northern part reserved for palaces and the southern part for residences. A main north-south avenue then ran from the palace city to the main gate in the southern wall. This T plan, with other streets traversing the city from one gate to another, anticipated later imperial cities; it

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2.3. Plan of the area about Ye (after Kaogu 1963.1:15, fig. 1)

was applied, for example, to Luoyang when that city was rebuilt in 494 as the capital of the Northern Wei.14 From 335 to 349 the city at Ye again became a dynastic capital, under Shi Hu 石虎, a ruler of the Later Zhao 趙. Some details on its appearance during that period are found in the Yezhongji 鄴中記, by Lu Hui 陸翽, which has survived in fragmentary form.15 Thereafter it served as the capital of the Former Yan, under Murong Jun 慕容雋, from 357 to 370, when the state was conquered by Fu Jian 苻堅. None of the few remains at this site have been associated with these later stages in the city’s history.16 Two centuries later Gao Huan established a puppet emperor of the Northern Wei at Ye, initiating what is termed the Eastern Wei dynasty. After Gao’s death his heir ascended the throne in 550 as the first ruler of the Northern Qi dynasty, which lasted until it fell to the Northern Zhou in 577. In 539 a new city was built by Gao Huan close to the old Ye; that site, called the Southern City in the

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archaeological literature, lies south of the Zhang River. Until recently, very little archaeological work had been carried out at this site,17 but on the basis of excavations undertaken in 1986, the dimensions of the Southern City were found to be 2,800 m east to west and 3,460 m north to south. In addition, the sites of a number of the city gates were established. What remained of one of these, the Zhuming Gate 朱明門, the central one on the southern wall (and the main entrance to the city), was excavated (fig. 2.4). From its foundations, archaeologists ascertained that the city wall, 9.5 m thick, had been increased by an additional 10.8 m on both sides of the gate, so that the gate was 20.3 m in length. The gate itself had three passageways separated by walls 6 m thick. The central one was 5.4 m wide, the two side ones 4.8 m. On both sides, spur walls extended outward for 49 m, each ending in a 14.6 m × 14.6 m square. Presumably these had been bases for towers.18 The result was a U-shaped defensive ensemble resembling the Wumen 午門 of the Forbidden City in Beijing 北京, a pattern that may have begun here at Ye.19 The Southern City survived the fall of the dynasty in 577 only to be razed in 580, when its governor, Yuchi Jiong 尉遲迥, chose to resist the establishment of the Sui dynasty and lost.

2.4. Plan of Zhuming Gate, South City, Ye (after Kaogu 1996.1:13, fig. 3; reprinted by permission of Kaogu zazhishe)

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Remnants also exist of Jinyang 晉陽, near Taiyuan 太原, in Shanxi, which served as a secondary capital during the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi dynasties (534–77). It is a particularly problematical site because Jinyang was also the ancient capital of the Jin state, founded ca. 490 B.C., and was in almost continuous occupation until its destruction by the Song 宋 in A.D. 979. A survey in 1961 traced a number of remaining walls in the area of modern Jinyuan 晉源 and tentatively identified one stretch (A on fig. 2.5) as enclosing Bingzhou 并州, built by Liu Kun 劉琨, a Western Jin loyalist who withstood for a time attacks by the Xiongnu. It also located what was presumed to be the Daming Palace of the Northern Qi (B on fig. 2.5). But as the report concludes, this sort of surface survey is extremely frustrating because of the complicated history of a site where earlier walls were incorporated into later ones and new walls built on the foundations of old ones. Without systematic excavations, these wall fragments cannot be identified with any certainty.20 Unlike Ye and Jinyang, Xunyang 尋陽 never served as a capital city. Located just southwest of modern Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi, Xunyang was established by the Western Jin in 304 and was strategically important because it controlled movement between the middle and lower Yangzi regions. The city was abandoned in the Sui because of flooding, and most of the site now lies under a lake. Finds at low water include a pottery workshop, kilns for buff ware, brick, and tiles, some wells, pits for precipitating pottery clay, a 20 m × 10 m building platform, the

2.5. Plan of ancient city of Jinyang (after Wenwu 1962.4–5:56, fig. 1)

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remains of a pond, and some large Taihu stones that would have formed a garden. Surface finds include pottery whorls, net weights, a stone mortar, a stone mill, and buff ware vessels of all sorts. These objects are interesting because, unlike most of the material from the period, they were not grave goods. Unfortunately, the report of these finds provides few details. Several tombs, mostly from the Jin, were found in the nearby hills. 21

NORTHERN WEI CAPITALS The Northern Wei established three capitals during the course of its reign, moving from Shengle 盛樂 to Pingcheng and eventually to Luoyang in the south, relocations that in a sense mark the increasing accommodation of the Tuoba rulers to Chinese society. Shengle, some 10 km north of modern Holingol (Chinese Helinge’er 和林格爾), was first made a capital in 258, at a time when the Tuoba were not much more than a confederation of Xianbei tribesmen. It served as their capital again in 313 and 346.22 Because the site was used intermittently in later periods, one must exercise care in projecting what Shengle may have been like in the early period. The walled area, on the bank of the Baobei 寶貝 River, is roughly rectangular, wider north to south than east to west, 2,250 m to 1,550 m. An inner walled area, called the Southern City, 670 m × 655 m, is believed to date back to the establishment of the Northern Wei and perhaps even earlier. The thick layer of cultural deposits contains material going back to the Han, such as tiles, utensils, farm implements, and bones of oxen, horses, sheep, and pigs, as well as the characteristic black-glazed tiles of the Northern Wei. These fi nds suggest that the Tuoba chose a place already long occupied but did not change over from their pastoral way of life, so the site continued to be largely occupied by the Han farmers who were now the subjects. The tomb at Meidaicun 美岱村, near Huhehot, discussed in chapter 4, probably represents the Tuoba of that period. The large quantities of black-glazed tile indicate extensive construction when Shengle became an important garrison in the fifth and sixth centuries.23 It was to the south, at Pingcheng and more especially at Luoyang, that the Tuoba made their mark in building capitals. As the Tuoba state established itself more firmly and expanded into the Chinese heartland, it felt impelled to locate a capital farther south. The nomadic pattern of summer and winter pasturages probably encouraged the tendency in the northern states toward maintaining multiple capitals.24 At any rate, in 399 the Tuoba built a new city, Pingcheng, modern Datong 大同, Shanxi, on the west bank of the Yu 御 River, at that time the Ruhun 如渾 River. Almost all of what is known about the city comes from literary sources, though a few excavations have been reported on.25

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The annals of the Weishu 魏書 give some details concerning the construction of the new capital. The city wall was 20 li in circumference, later expanded to 32 li; the palace area to the north and the city itself to the south were possibly built in imitation of the Ye city plan. The successes in war enabled the Tuoba to transport to Pingcheng large numbers of people, peasants as well as craftsmen, to provide the workforce necessary to build and maintain their new capital. Large parks were enclosed by walls, and the ancestral temple and ceremonial altars were established. It is said that one palace building required the labor of twenty thousand men over a period of six months.26 The inhabitants of the city and suburbs lived in wards that ranged in size from sixty to seventy families to as many as four hundred to five hundred and that were arranged, in theory at least, according to social and occupational status. The account of the city included in the Nan Qishu 南齊書 provides some lively details about annual sacrifices to heaven accompanied by horse races and music, and of women in armor accompanying the queen whenever she left the palace. In addition to these elements of barbaric splendor, the southern observers noted that the palace had workshops where brocades and wines were produced for sale, fields where animals and crops were raised commercially, granaries, and meat-curing and other facilities, giving one the impression, as W. J. F. Jenner has remarked, of a self-supporting latifundium.27 The authorities’ attempt to maintain strict control over the city’s inhabitants seems gradually to have lost its force: the class segregation broke down, and large numbers of people flocked to the city from the countryside. During the second half of the fifth century, there was a conscious policy of sinicization, reflected in the building of new and larger palaces and Confucian edifices (Mingtang 明堂, Lingtai 靈臺, and Biyong 璧 雍), as well as a stepped-up pace in Buddhist support, including a continuation of the carving of the caves at Yungang, a short distance west of the city.28 Luoyang had been the capital of the Eastern Han until 196, when the emperor left it under pressure from the warlord Cao Cao and moved his court to Ye. At Cao Cao’s death and the establishment of the Wei dynasty under his son, Cao Pei (Emperor Wen 文), Ye retained its status as a capital but the court almost immediately returned to Luoyang, establishing it as its second capital. The Han city of Luoyang was on the north bank of the Luo 洛 River and extended to the foot of the Mangshan 邙山 Hills some 15 km east of the presentday city. The area was strategically important, controlling as it did the corridor between the eastern and western parts of north China, and probably for that reason dynasties from the Zhou to the Tang maintained their capitals there.29 The new capital of the Wei was established on the same site as the Han capital. The size of the city can be measured from the remains of its walls. The eastern side is 3,895 m, the west wall 4,290 m, and the north wall 3,700 m; the southern wall, now under the Luo River, can only be estimated as having been 2,460 m.

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2.6. Plan of Luoyang of the Han and Wei (after Kaogu 1973.4:199, fig. 1)

The shape was thus roughly rectangular (fig. 2.6). The walls of the Han city were simply repaired and reused, but with two new features. The first was the addition of bastions, or mamian 馬面, such as have already been observed in Tongwancheng. One of these has been explored through excavations that reveal the wall was refaced and the bastions added. The bastions no longer appear above the present surface of the soil, so there is no overall estimate of their number, nor of the distances that separated them. The same process of repair was carried out in 493 when Luoyang again became the capital, this time of the Northern Wei; the size of one bastion after this renovation measured 12.9 m in width and 11.7 m in extension from the wall.30 It is not clear when the practice of adding bastions to defensive walls began; some suggest they may go back to the Warring States period and perhaps even earlier. The bastions at Luoyang, however, may be among the oldest to have survived.31 Such bastions appear in pictorial form in murals in Caves 257 and 249 at Dunhuang 敦煌, which date from the sixth century (figs. 2.7, 2.8).32 In these murals, the bastions, topped with merlons and

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2.7. After a mural in Cave 257, Dunhuang (after Kaogu 1976.2:110, fig. 1)

2.8. After a mural in Cave 249, Dunhuang (after Kaogu 1976.2:110, fig. 2)

crenels, are higher than the curtain walls, while those at Luoyang would seem not to have risen above the height of the walls. The second Northern Wei innovation was the building of three consecutive walled enclosures in the northwest corner of the city; two of them extended beyond the wall. These enclosures, called the Jinyongcheng 金墉城, or Metal Fortified Walls, seem to be patterned on the three terraces of Ye, also in that city’s northwest corner. The initial purpose of the Jinyongcheng may have been to enhance the city’s defenses, but as early as the Cao Wei period, when several deposed rulers and discarded consorts were housed there, it had already begun to take on the character of a separate palace area and retreat. When the Northern Wei emperor Xiaowen first moved to Luoyang, the Jinyongcheng was renovated and rebuilt on an unprecedented scale, and the emperor lived there while suitable quarters were being prepared in the city proper. The enclosures, which measure in all 1,048 m north to south and 255 m east to west (or more than 260,000 sq m all told), backed up on the Mangshan Hills and stood on a height overlooking the rest of the city. The wall today is still some 12–13 m wide and 6 m high. Bastions were built along the walls facing outward, measuring roughly 15 m × 8 m, at intervals of 60–70 m. Originally a moat led around the outside

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perimeter of the Jinyongcheng.33 Several imperial consorts lived here, and numerous halls and pavilions were built, carrying the area further in the direction of becoming a palace retreat. The twelve city gates of the Han period for the most part continued to be used in the Wei-Jin, though most of the names were changed.34 The names of the gates and their changes over time are given an inordinate amount of attention in the archaeological reports because that information is about all that survives in the written records. Under the Northern Wei, a thirteenth gate was added on the western wall just south of the southern wall of the Jinyongcheng, bringing the number on that side to four. The south also had four gates, the north two, and the east three. The gates are from 500 m to 880 m apart, and several have traces of gate towers on both sides of the opening. They range in width from 7 m to almost 50 m, the latter being a double passageway. The northernmost gate on the east wall of the inner city has been excavated and yields some information concerning gate construction in the Northern Wei period. It is some 30 m wide, with an east-west depth of 12.5 m. The rammed-earth city walls form the two sides. Inside are two rammed-earth dividers, forming a gate of three roadways. The two side passages are better preserved than the middle one, only a few features of which remain. Each of the side passageways is about 6 m wide; each roadway is 4 m wide and is surfaced with a dark-brown soil 0.2–0.3 m deep in which wheel ruts, 1.25 m to 1.4 m wide, can still be observed. Along the sides stone plinths had been sunk to support pillars that would have held up crossbeams. The stone door sills have not survived but the holes dug for them indicate a length of 3 m. The pivot stones were 0.5–0.6 m × 0.9–1.0 m (fig. 2.9). Patches of white plaster found on the roadways show that the gateways were decorated to some extent; no bricks for facing were found. According to the Luoyang qielanji 洛陽伽藍記, the gate had a twostory tower reaching a height of 100 Chinese ft (chi 尺), or 27.5 m, but there is no trace of it now. The central passageway was so badly damaged that little can be made out, but it appears to have been the same width as the two side doorways or only a bit wider. Evidence found below the Northern Wei stratum reveals that the gateway was used in the Han and Wei-Jin periods as well.35 The greatest innovations were within the walls of Luoyang. During the Eastern Han, there had been two palace areas, one north and the other south, standing in apposition to each other. When the Cao Wei moved the capital here, they again seemed to have followed the example of Ye, assigning the main palace area to the midnorthern part of the city and allowing the southern palace complex to lapse.36 The area in the northern part of the city formerly used by the Han for the imperial establishment was altered and enlarged so that the Wei’s northern palace grounds grew to be about 660 m east to west and about 1,400 m north to south, constituting some one-tenth of the whole of Luoyang.

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2.9. Plan of Jianchun Gate, Luoyang, Northern Wei (after Kaogu 1988.9:815, fig. 2)

When Luoyang was designated one of the capitals in 220, some repairs and renovations must have been made at once, but it was in 235, under the rule of Cao Rui 叡 (Emperor Ming 明), that major building programs were initiated on the palace grounds. These projects, which included the construction of two great halls, the Zhaoyang 昭陽 and Taiji 太極, the quarrying of rare stone to build an artificial hill in the Fanglin 芳林 Park, and many other projects as well, are said to have worked much hardship on the population forced to supply the

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labor.37 The main gate of the palace grounds, the Changhe 閶闔, was a great triple gate 46 m wide from which a broad avenue—one in the somewhat skewed gridlike pattern of avenues that ran from one gate to another—led to the city’s main southern gate. In the Northern Wei period there were four main avenues running east to west and a like number north to south. They were quite broad, ranging from 12 m to over 50 m.38 Urban Luoyang in the Han to Jin periods had expanded beyond its walls, but the city was never defined as including those outlying areas. The Luoyang of the Jin was always described as being 9 li north to south and 6 li east to west, which constitutes the city proper. However vital those expanded areas may have been to the capital, the Jin never made any attempt to enclose them within protective walls. The city the Northern Wei built on the Wei-Jin foundations was conceptually on a much larger scale than ever before and included walls for the outer city. The inner city, aside from containing the palace, was increasingly dedicated to government offices, important temples, and residences of the imperial family. As the number of government offices in the southern part of the city grew, the rudiments of what was later to become the imperial city (as distinct from the palace city) appeared. That model was to have a strong impact on later capitals. The majority of the population and the economic activities that supported the city, such as markets and workshops, were located in the outer city. Traces of its walls on the west and north sides have been uncovered, but the wall on the east side has not yet been found. The south, some have argued, was guarded only by the Luo River, which was once a much more imposing river than it is today. Although all the boundaries have yet to be located, on the basis of the measurements quoted in the sources, 20 li × 15 li, and other clues, it is possible to draw the boundaries of Northern Wei Luoyang with some certainty. The inner city was apparently not centered but was somewhat closer to the northeast corner of that rectangular area.39 The city outside of the palace grounds was divided into 220 wards, each of which had its own name, was surrounded by walls, had four gates that were closed at night, and was crisscrossed by internal streets and lanes.40 Most of the wards were located to the east and west, since the areas to the north and south of the inner city’s walls were constricted by the Mangshan Hills and the Luo River, and the inner city itself was largely occupied by palaces, temples, and government offices. There is relatively infrequent mention of wards in the northeast and northwest sectors of the outer city; these areas may have been occupied by the military. Some scholars speculate that the wards were laid out in a checkerboard pattern, 300 paces to a side, as in Sui and Tang Chang’an 長安, but since Northern Wei Luoyang was built on an existing foundation, that seems implausible. The ward boundaries were almost certainly affected by natural features such as the channel of the Luo River, differences in population, and existing

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structures or estates of some size, so that many wards would have had irregular shapes. For example, the Shouqiu 壽丘 Ward, at the western edge of the outer city, where members of the extended royal family were settled, is said to have measured 2 li × 15 li. The wards were by and large populated by distinct groups. Some were inhabited primarily by the families of imperial consorts, others by Xianbei or Han high officials, and still others by particular crafts and occupational groups. The wards were almost self-sustaining, having their own small markets and temples to serve their inhabitants, but the city also had two large market areas, the one on the west side being the larger. The wards surrounding these large markets were in particular occupational. The southern part of the outer city, between the inner city and the Luo River, contained such institutions as the Imperial Academy, the Mingtang, and the Lingtai, important for the ritual and educational activities of the state. Farther south, beyond the bounds of the outer city and between the Luo and Yi 伊 rivers, was the area where migrants from the south and foreigners were settled.41 The Luoyang qielanji is an almost contemporaneous description of the Northern Wei city; it focuses primarily on the numerous temples, but it also gives much additional information.42 Chang’an, located within the fertile Wei 渭 River valley, in the well-protected area known as Guanzhong, or Within the Passes, was of strategic importance and was the capital during the Former Han dynasty. While the capital of the Later Han was transferred to Luoyang, Chang’an remained an important regional center and served as capital, on and off, for seven states during the Six Dynasties period. Its history alternated between ruin brought on by wars and periods of prosperity as short-lived states attempted to establish their legitimacy by ambitious building projects. In 582, Yang Jian 楊堅, founder of the Sui dynasty, had a new Chang’an built southeast of the original Han–Six Dynasties site, even going so far as to obliterate traces of the old city by flooding. Archaeological research has focused primarily on the Sui-Tang capital and, to a lesser extent, on Han-dynasty structures. What is known of Six Dynasties Chang’an, from literary sources, are the names of buildings.43 Zhu Dawei has observed that many cities during this period had double walls, dividing the cities into inner (called xiaocheng 小城, zicheng 子城, or zhongcheng 中城) and outer (dacheng 大城 or luocheng 羅城) areas. He has found evidence in the literature for thirty-three cases, primarily in the north. He ascribes this feature to the better defense such walls offered in a period of frequent warfare.44 Miyazaki Ichisada has noted the same tendency among the northern cities but finds its root in the precarious internal circumstances of those regimes. According to Miyazaki, the cities of post-Han China increasingly became administrative and military centers, as they had been in pre-Han times, and military defense became more important. At the same time, as large numbers of

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conquered peoples were moved into these cities to join the original subject inhabitants, the potential for uprisings increased, and so a citadel was established in addition to the outer walls. Since the citadel, which could serve as the palace city, would be too vulnerable if totally surrounded by the uncertain population, it was built backed to a wall or adjoining the outer city. This is the format followed by such cities as Pingcheng, Luoyang, and, later, Chang’an of the Sui and Tang.45 Double-walled cities occur also in the south.

SOUTHERN CITIES Archaeologically speaking, city sites in the south did not fare as well as those in the north, where the areas of semiarid wastes helped to preserve the remains once a site had been abandoned. Further, unlike the areas occupied by Ye and Luoyang of the Six Dynasties period, which reverted to farmland, cities in the south tended to remain stable, making excavation of the sites exceedingly difficult. Most of the city sites that have been reported on are in the Yangzi River valley. The city of Wuchang 武昌 of this period was near modern Echeng 鄂城, 68 km east and downriver from modern Wuchang. It was an important garrison in the mid-Yangzi area and gained additional prominence because it was the first capital of the Wu, from the years 221 to 229, from which it derived its traditional designation of Wuwangcheng 吳王城, or City of the King of Wu. Wuchang’s importance in the early Six Dynasties (or early Wu) was due to the specific military and political considerations of the time: there was a good harbor on its west side, it was well protected by surrounding heights and marshes and lakes, it controlled the mid-Yangzi area, and it was in a position to block military movements coming down the Han 漢 River from the north. In addition to these strategic considerations, it could easily draw on important natural resources of copper and iron in the proximate area.46 But it had one decided disadvantage: local agricultural production was incapable of supporting a large military establishment, and so enormous quantities of foodstuffs had to be imported to maintain it. This burden led to the city’s eventual decline.47 The Six Dynasties site lies atop a Han stratum, indicating that Sun Quan, the founder of the Wu state, had expanded and fortified an earlier Han city. The site is roughly rectangular, 1,100 m east to west and over 500 m north to south, with a circumference of 3,300 m (fig. 2.10). Its northern side lies along the Yangzi River, bordered by a ridge or cut bank that rises some 10 m above the water. This levee shows much evidence of erosion and must have originally been much higher, forming a defensive wall, with the river serving as a moat. The northwest corner was anchored on a height, modern Shoushan 壽山; and a gate, the Linjinmen 臨津門, mentioned in the literature, is presumed to have led from here to

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2.10. Plan of Wuchang, Six Dynasties (after Zhongguo kaoguxue diwuci nianhui lunwenji 98, fig. 1)

river piers located precisely where we still find ferry piers today. There was originally a row of well shafts, probably within the wall, some of which would have supplied water while others may have been used for storing foodstuffs. One of these has been excavated, yielding bronze and pottery vessels.48 Remains of what may have been towers were found at the two corners of this wall. The west side of the city adjoined what was then called Fanshan 樊山 (modern Xishan 西山); to the south was the lake Nanhu 南湖; and the east side extended to a natural lagoon. Walls of rammed earth were likewise built on these three sides, but only a part of the south wall remains. This section, one of the best preserved examples of Six Dynasties wall structure, is about 20 m wide at the base and rises some 4–6 m above the present surface. A gap in the middle indicates that there was once a gate about 20 m wide here; some of the road surface and stone blocks remain. There is also a rammed-earth platform outside the south wall, some 17 m square, which may be the remains of a bastion. The lagoon on the eastern side probably served as a natural moat, but there are traces of a man-made moat on the other two, nonriverine sides. One stretch outside the south wall, now a pond 270 m long and 80 m wide, is still called the Moat Pond; and where the western moat flowed into the Yangzi is still called the Moat Mouth. Excavations have shown other parts of the moat to have been 50 m to 70 m wide and 5 m deep. The naval base at Wuchang was located at the mouth of the Fanchuan 樊川, which flowed into the Yangzi west of Fanshan. It protected the western frontier

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of the new state until Jiangling 江陵, at modern Jingzhou 荊州, was taken, whereupon the capital was moved back to Jiankang 建康 (modern Nanjing). The literary sources mention the palace built by Sun Quan and other structures, but here, as elsewhere, the interior of the site cannot be excavated because of current occupation. In the following Southern Dynasties period, as local administrative and defensive control moved to Xiakou 夏口 (modern Wuchang), Wuchang fell into total eclipse, and poets wrote of the desolate and abandoned city.49 Yangzhou 揚州, in Jiangsu, just north of the Yangzi and downriver from Nanjing 南京, dates back to the Warring States period. Hancheng 邗城, as it was originally known, was built by the ancient state of Wu in 486 B.C., and it became an important commercial center because it was so strategically located on a water route connecting the Yangzi and Huai 淮 rivers. During periods when China was united, the city flourished, but when trade fell off, it languished. The Six Dynasties city, named Guangling 廣陵, was on Shu Heights 蜀崗 and was located on top of the Han city of the same name, in the northern part of a complex that had been built up over the centuries. A portion of the ancient wall has survived fairly well, outlining a city of a rather irregular shape (fig. 2.11, no. 1).50 The north wall is 920 m long, and the east wall is 1,400 m, with a jog of some 200 m in the middle. There is a gate in the eastern wall, with a large mound outside it, perhaps the remains of an enceinte. There are also openings that might have been gates in the northern and southern sides. A moat surrounded the city, making use in part of the Han canal that had been dug to connect the Yangzi and Huai river systems. According to the literary sources, construction was carried out here three times in the Six Dynasties period, once in 354 by Xie An 謝安, then in 369 by Huan Wen, and finally in 458 by Xiao Dan 蕭誕, prince of Jingling 竟陵 in the Liu Song dynasty and younger brother of the emperor Xiaowu 孝武. This Six Dynasties stratum has been identified primarily through brick inscriptions that are in the Jin–early Southern States style of writing and that use the word bi 壁 (also written with the “tile” radical) for “brick,” a term that was replaced in the Tang by the word zhuan 磚.51 When Xiao Dan took up his post at Guangling in 458, he used the pretext of northern attacks to strengthen the city’s defenses and to gather provisions. It was generally known, however, that he intended to rebel, and his brother, the emperor Xiaowu of the Song, sent an army against him. At this, Xiao Dan, still harboring some hope of a standoff, burned the buildings outside the walls and brought everyone into the city. From the account of the siege and the taking of the city, we know something of its other features. Wall towers were mentioned, on one of which the mother of a man who had gone over to the imperial side was left to starve to death, within sight of her son. Beacons were prepared to signal victory to the capital: one beacon when the outer city was taken, two when the

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2.11. Map of Yangzhou (after Wenwu 1979.9:44, fig. 1)

“small” city was taken, and three when Xiao Dan himself was taken.52 There is no physical evidence as yet of the small, or inner, city. (The dividing wall shown in fig. 2.11 was built in the Song.) Once the city fell, the inhabitants were slaughtered with great cruelty, and the site was abandoned for centuries. The famous poet Bao Zhao 鮑照 (405–66) described the city’s splendors in these lines from his “Wuchengfu” 蕪城賦 (Rhapsody on the Ruined City): Carved gates, embroidered curtains, Sites of singing halls and dance pavilions: Carnelian pools, prase trees, Lodges of fowling groves and fishing isles; The music of Wu, Cai, Qi, and Qin,

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Amusements of the dragon-fish, ostrich, and horse; All have vanished in smoke, have been reduced to ashes, Their brilliance engulfed, their sounds silenced.53 When the court of the Jin dynasty was declared to be located at Jiankang, modern Nanjing, in 317,54 a defensive perimeter had to be established to protect the new capital from attacks by the armies of erstwhile nomads who now controlled the northern part of the country. The most important of these new garrisons, called Jinling 晉陵, was sited at Zhenjiang 鎮江, a short distance down the Yangzi. An extensive fortification of that period has been located just east of modern Zhenjiang. Situated on a natural hill overlooking the Yangzi, which flows only 0.7 km to the north, its rammed-earth wall follows the contour of the land and thus forms an integral part of the topography. The original wall was about 700 m on the east, 1,200 m on the south, and 1,400 m on the west and north, creating a rough trapezoid some 5 km in circumference (fig. 2.12). The surviving parts of the wall vary in size, ranging from 5 m to 15 m at the top, 30 m to 70 m at the base, and 10 m to 25 m in height. The wall was apparently faced with brick, a rare feature during this period. Many of the bricks have long since disappeared, appropriated by the local people for the construction of their homes. From the inscriptions on those that have survived, we know that this

2.12. Topographical map of walled Jinling (after Kaogu 1986.5:411, fig. 2)

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fortification was named the Jinling Luocheng, luocheng, as mentioned above, meaning an outer wall. Other inscriptions give the names of the kilns that produced the bricks. Most of these kilns seem to have been located in the immediate neighborhood, but the names of Jiangyin 江陰 and Wuxi 無錫 also occur; whether the bricks were transported from those places, which are some distance downriver, or were made by kiln workers brought in from them is not known. It is clear, however, that this was a substantial military base, crucial for the defense of the capital. The cultural layers would indicate that it was maintained through the Eastern Jin and Southern States periods, abandoned during the Tang, and occupied again in the Song.55 As Chang’an and Luoyang did for the Han, Luoyang and Nanjing represented the height of Six Dynasties city building. The emergence of Nanjing as a metropolis of national significance was in fact one of the major developments in the period. The rise and decline of that city, which came to occupy a premier position politically, economically, and especially culturally, precisely reflect the course of events during this turbulent yet creative age. The city’s history goes back at least to the Warring States period. During the Han it became the seat of a feudatory that passed through a number of holders, but the area occupied a relatively unimportant position in the administrative organization of the state. Its fortunes rose toward the end of the Han when the warlord of the southeast, Sun Quan, in 212 made his headquarters at the old Han city, which he named Jianye 建業. After Liu Bei declared himself emperor of Shu in 221, Sun moved upriver to Wuchang to forestall any attack on his realm that might come down the Yangzi. By 229, Sun decided to name himself emperor, and he established the capital of his state back downriver at his new city of Jianye that he had left some eight years before. Sun Quan’s reasons for moving back to the lower Yangzi were no doubt complex. We may surmise that among the arguments that swayed him once he decided to declare himself emperor, which was certain to open hostilities with the Cao Wei state, was the need to defend his base of power in the Wu area. Moving forward to a location on the Yangzi, rather than hanging back farther south, gave him the advantage of the Yangzi as a defensive line precisely at the point where attacks might be expected to come. The site of the proposed capital had certain topographical features in its favor as well. A number of high hills along the south bank of the Yangzi, as well as to the east and south, formed a rudimentary bowl that might provide some protection against attacking forces.56 But the surrounding water and mountains—Zhongshan 鍾山 to the east, the Qinhuai 秦淮 River to the south, Xuanwu 玄武 Lake and Mount Fuzhoushan 覆舟山 to the northeast, and Mount Jilongshan 雞籠山 to the north—in fact afforded little protection. The mountains were low and easily passable, and though the Yangzi could serve as a natural moat, it also allowed naval vessels to

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approach the city from upriver. So the defense of Jianye actually relied on military forces stationed along the Yangzi to resist the thrusts from the north and along the river. Provisioning these forces was easily accomplished, for the rivers and lakes that covered the landscape gave the new capital access to all the food and goods it needed once the rich resources of the hinterlands were developed.57 Sun’s first palace, which was named Taichu 太初, or the Grand Beginning, was simply his former military headquarters. Much later, requiring something on a grander scale, he had his palace in Echeng dismantled and brought downriver to be erected anew, retaining the name of Taichu (fig. 2.13). The palace was still on the modest side, only some 300 paces in circumference, with various

2.13. Plan of Jianye, Wu period (from Liu Shufen, Liuchao shidai di Jiankang, 27; reprinted by permission of Academia Sinica)

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subordinate buildings and gates. In addition, other units were constructed, including the Nangong 南宫 (South Palace), the residence of the heir-apparent, and a West Park. These were all in the southwest part of the city. The greater part of the central area of the city was occupied by a large park, which included storehouse facilities. Finally, in 267, not long before the Wu state ended, the Zhaoming 昭明 Palace was built to the east of the Taichu, on a large scale and at great cost.58 A road led south from the palace city to the Qinhuai River, which formed the southern border of the imperial city; on both sides of the road were the government offices and support structures. The residential area for the ordinary population was located across the river. Jianye did not suffer any damage when Wu fell to the Western Jin armies in 280, but during the disorders in the latter state’s closing years, the palace buildings were burned and looted. A local warlord seized Jianye in 305 and rebuilt the Taichu Palace, but he was ousted only two years later by a prince of the Jin, Sima Rui 司馬睿, who then moved his headquarters as governor of the area from Yangzhou to Jianye. Thus when the Jin capital fell to the Xiongnu under Liu Yao 劉曜, ruler of the Later Zhao, in 316, Sima Rui, ensconced in the south, was positioned to declare himself the successor to the throne, with his capital in Jianye, renamed Jiankang in 313 because of a name taboo. Economic constraints at the start of the reign prevented any building program befitting the city’s new status, but an ancestral temple and an altar to the soil, both required of any selfrespecting capital, were built, apparently south of the city, on the northern bank of the Qinhuai River. The rebellion of Su Jun 蘇峻 in 327 and the resultant destruction of the palace reduced the emperor to living in much poorer quarters. This led, in 330–32, during the reign of Emperor Cheng 成, to a large-scale rebuilding program of both the palace city and the outer city. The result was the creation of a city that far exceeded the original Wu city in scale and that set the pattern for the rest of the Eastern Jin and the succeeding southern dynasties (fig. 2.14). Where the imperial city in the early Eastern Jin had but one gate, at the center of the south wall, five gates were added: two more on the south, one on the west, and two on the east. These were seen as significant enough that the term “Six Gates” was used to refer to Jiankang as a whole. The central gate, the Xuanyang 宣陽, was especially resplendent, with double towers, three passageways, and elaborate decorations. The royal avenue, broad and straight and lined with trees, led for 5 li from the gate to the Zhuque 朱雀, or Scarlet Bird Bridge. This bridge across the Qinhuai River was itself a noteworthy improvement. When, in 324, the existing wooden bridge burned down, it was replaced by a pontoon bridge, a form not only better suited to survive the periodic floods, but it also enabled the authorities to clear the way for river traffic at set hours. Not least, the new bridge immeasurably strengthened the city’s defenses; it only needed to

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2.14. Plan of Jiankang, Eastern Jin (from Liu Shufen, Liuchao shidai di Jiankang, 40; reprinted by permission of Academia Sinica)

be removed to thwart an attack. The addition of new gates on the east side meant that the eastern suburbs could be extended. Residential areas had earlier tended to be to the south, but now many of the high officials began building their mansions to the east. The parkland that had been in the center of the city now came to be used for imperial residences, and the new complex was called the Jiankang Palaces, or Xianyang 顯陽 Palaces, or more simply, the Taicheng 臺城, tai being the designation for the imperial city. For all these transformations, the outer wall was still simply a crude fence built of bamboo, with fifty-six gates or openings, and the streets, unlike those in the planned cities in the north, were narrow and winding, a situation that was claimed to be the result of limited space.59

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The building program under Emperor Cheng was the most significant in the history of Jiankang. That is not to suggest, however, that further work was not required. In 378 a second and even more ambitious renovation of the palaces was carried out at the urging of Xie An, a scion of a distinguished family and an influential official, with the emphasis placed on adornment and show. The main building of the palace, the Taiji Hall, was 8 zhang 丈 high (1 zhang was about 2.45 m at this time), 27 zhang wide, and 10 zhang deep. Some six thousand men labored on it for five months. Other features, added over time, included the expansion of the palace gates, of the ancestral temple (in 391), and of the eastern palace (in 392). In 396 the Yongan 永安 Palace and the Qingshu 清暑 Hall were built in the Hualin 華林 Park. Later, during the interregnum of Huan Xuan 桓 玄 (402), additional work was done on the gates. In 414 construction was undertaken of the grand residence of the prince Sima Daozi 司馬道子, who was in charge of the state. Because it was on the east side of the imperial avenue, it was called the Dongfu 東府, or Eastern Depot. On the other side of the imperial avenue was the headquarters of the governor of Yangzhou, which likewise took its name—the Xizhoucheng 西州城, or Western Province City—from its location. At the end of the Eastern Jin, the Eastern Depot’s defenses were strengthened by a wall and moat of 3 li and 90 paces constructed around it. From the Liu Song on, the Yangzhou governors and chancellors resided in the Dongfu, and various royal princes lived in the Xizhou precinct.60 The Liu Song was a period of great prosperity and one of the high points in Jiankang’s history. The city’s Eastern Jin planners had followed the pattern of Luoyang and so had established the Hualin Park north of the Yongan Palace, but economic constraints had kept its grounds small. Not until 446, under Emperor Wen 文 of the Song, did the Hualin become a truly royal park, with added acreage, artificial ponds and hills, and a host of pavilions and pleasure buildings. Later emperors added their bits, but the overall pattern was established at this time (fig. 2.15). New gates were also built in the walls of the imperial city. The opening of hostilities with the Northern Wei in 450 brought a decline in the fortunes of the Song, but building and refurbishing nevertheless continued. In 461 new avenues were laid out, including one from the palace city’s Changhe 閶闔 Gate, through the Jinyang 津陽 City Gate, and down to the Scarlet Bird Bridge, which greatly improved city traffic and communication.61 The founder of the Southern Qi reacted against the extravagance of the preceding dynasty, economizing where possible, but he turned his attention to building up the city walls. By this time the city had reached its full extent, but while the palace-city walls had been built with brick, the city walls still consisted of bamboo barricades. It is not clear whether the new wall was built entirely of rammed earth or if there was brick facing, but from a remark by the emperor

2.15. Plan of Jiankang, Song and Qi (from Liu Shufen, Liuchao shidai di Jiankang, 44; reprinted by permission of Academia Sinica)

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that he wanted to build for the ages, it may be that brick facing was used, giving added security to the capital. Then in 500 or 501 a huge fire broke out that destroyed much of the palace grounds; it is said there was the loss of some 3,000 bays (a bay equals the space between four pillars). This led to an enormous rebuilding program that resulted in imperial residences even more extravagant than those which existed before the fire. All this took place in the reign of the last emperor of the dynasty and is believed to have led in part to its fall.62 The first thirty to forty years of the reign of Emperor Wu of the succeeding Liang was one of the most prosperous and secure periods of the southern states; the Northern Wei had collapsed in 535 and the northern states were unable for some time to mount any campaigns against the south. In Jiankang Emperor Wu carried out four projects (fig. 2.16): 1. The walls and gates were strengthened; at the main gate of the palace city, two towers and some passageways were built. 2. In 510 embankments were built up on both sides of the Qinhuai River to lessen damage from floods, especially serious for the residences of the ordinary people on the south bank. 3. Another wall was added to the palace city, making it triple walled, which may indicate a growing sense of insecurity. This addition with the double passageways of all the gates made the redoubt so much stronger that, when Hou Jing attacked at the end of the Liang, it took him a half year to reduce the city. 4. Additions were made to the palaces and parks. In 513 the Taiji Hall was reconstructed, adding 13 bays. The terrace of the Ancestral Temple was built up by 9 Chinese ft; or some 2 m, to avoid floods from the nearby Qinhuai River. The emperor also ordered two new parks built, one in 514 and another in 543. This last, 20 li southwest of Tangxian 唐縣, must have been quite large because, even after five years, it had not yet been completed. A fire in 521 destroyed over 3,000 bays in the palace complex, but the dynasty was so prosperous that these were quickly rebuilt.63 Hou Jing’s invasion and siege in 548–49 brought ruin to Jiankang as the city itself was the scene of much fighting between the rebels and the loyalist troops. In one case, when the rebels began to fire on the palace defenders from the walls of the Eastern Palace, which had been rebuilt only in 531, the defenders sent out arsonists to burn down that palace. Since firewood had not been stored up, once the siege began it became necessary to demolish buildings to supply fuel. Fodder for the horses also ran short, and mats and cushions were used to feed them. Trees were the first to disappear, and by the time the city fell, the only ones left were those in the ancestral temple.

2.16. Plan of Jiankang, Liang and Chen (from Liu Shufen, Liuchao shidai di Jiankang, 49; reprinted by permission of Academia Sinica)

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One poignant account tells how, when envoys from Paekche, who had not heard of the uprising under Hou Jing, arrived in 549, they were overcome with tears when they saw what had happened to the city. This so angered Hou Jing that he imprisoned them, and they were able to return home only after his eventual defeat. Much of what survived of the city was subsequently burned by the troops of Wang Sengbian 王僧辯, who ousted Hou Jing’s forces, and then engaged in looting themselves. The Taiji Palace, the Imperial Library, and other landmarks were lost. The destruction was even more extensive than that which had occurred during the Hou Jing occupation. It led Xiao Yi 蕭繹, Emperor Yuan, when he restored the Liang, to move the capital to Jiangling. That city eventually fell to the Western Wei armies, thus in effect ending the Liang dynasty.64 The Chen dynasty, established in 557 by Chen Baxian 陳霸先, a Liang general, returned the capital to Jiankang, but local leaders had seized power everywhere, and the state was under severe financial stress; there was no way to rebuild the city. The most that could be done at first was to restore the Taiji Palace, and further work was exceedingly slow. The heir’s residence, for example, was not restored until 577. The last ruler, like his counterpart under the Qi, again began an ambitious building program during the last years of the dynasty. The state came to an end in 589 when the Sui armies captured Jiankang. To prevent the city from providing a focus for a resurgence of southern separatism, it was completely razed, with hardly a trace remaining. Only a stretch of some 200 m of a city wall base lying under the Ming wall near Jiming 雞鳴 Temple has been identified as a part of the wall of the imperial city of that period.65 Wang Zhongshu, in an article written in 1982, suggested a number of general tendencies that characterized the development of urban planning of capitals during the Six Dynasties period. He proposed that the shape of the cities became more pronouncedly rectangular, with the greater length moving from the north-south direction to an east-west one; that multiple palace cities came to be concentrated into one, occupying less of the area within the city walls; that the palace city moved from a southern bias to a northern one, with its south gate becoming its main one; that the avenue leading from the south gate of the palace city to the south gate of the city wall lengthened and became the city’s main axis; that the market area moved from north of the palace city to south of it; and that the residential wards increased in total area and became more regular in shape.66 Wang based his observations primarily on Luoyang, but as we have seen, these could also apply to the south. Many of the developments that emerged during this Six Dynasties period were to influence capital building down through the centuries.

3 ARCHITEC TURE

rchitecture in China was extremely conservative. The commitment to the timber-frame building, based on the principle of post-and-lintel structure, and to wood as the primary building material meant that any change was within relatively narrow limits. Still, the Six Dynasties period was an important one in the history of Chinese architecture because of the impact of Buddhism on the native tradition. It was also during this period that certain typical features appeared, such as an increased commitment to wooden structures, a greater emphasis on the roof, a start toward greater depth of eaves, a more complex bracket system, and the transition from the austerity of the Han style to a more embellished style.1 These changes provided a foundation for the significant developments that came during the Tang. The nonliterary sources for our knowledge of architecture during the Six Dynasties are representations either in murals or on painted bricks, as well as the models included in the tombs, but these last are not as numerous nor as elaborate as those of the Han.2 In addition there are the cave chapels at Maijishan 麥積山, near Tianshui 天水, Gansu, and Tianlongshan 天龍山, near Taiyuan, Shanxi, to name but two, that were carved from the stone cliffs in imitation of wooden structures and are thus significant for the history of architecture during this period.3 While there are points of divergence from the buildings that the caves were meant to imitate and occasional lapses from what might be possible in ordinary timber-frame buildings, the detailed structural elements carved

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of stone convince us of their fidelity to their prototypes. This in turn suggests the authenticity of their representation of contemporary practice. Such is not the case with representations in the murals, for here artistic freedom was unhampered by the need to present a viable structure, whatever its material, and further, the fine details were often only sketched in, if at all. Nevertheless, there is much to be learned from these paintings, especially concerning the building in its larger setting, of which these depictions are an important, and in some respects, the sole source of information. Aside from one pagoda of brick, and the reflections of timber-frame buildings that may be seen in Japanese temples, no actual structures of any significance survive from the period.4 Nevertheless, on the basis of the archaeological remains together with the literary sources, it is possible to trace the course of development of architecture during the Six Dynasties. Architecture during this period is best treated in three broad categories: buildings with weight-bearing walls; those that employ at least in part timberframe construction; and pagodas, a form that makes its appearance at this time. A division between religious and secular structures is not useful because temple architecture was virtually the same as that of the great halls of palaces and estates; these halls could be consecrated for religious purposes without major renovations.5 Another classification scheme is based on the type of roof. During this period three basic types were employed: the gable both flush (yingshanding 硬山頂) and with overhang (xuanshanding 懸山頂), the hipped (wudianding 廡殿頂), and the combination hip and gable (xieshanding 歇山頂). All of these have their protoypes in the Han, but it was the hip and gable that became widely used in the late Six Dynasties period (fig. 3.1).6 Corbel bracketry, which is used to support eave overhang, was still relatively undeveloped during this period, and such overhang as occurs, especially in buildings of modest proportions, may well have depended on a slight extension of the ordinary rafters. Weight-bearing walls were used mostly in the ordinary dwelling place, a type of structure often represented during the Han by models placed in the tombs, but we have very few for our period. More information concerning pigeon hutches and outdoor toilets can perhaps be gleaned from such models as do occur than that for the form of human habitation. Fortunately there are exceptions. One is a model of a compound, perhaps better described as a fortification, found in the tomb of a General Sun, otherwise unidentified, of the Wu state in Echeng (fig. 3.2).7 The compound, rectangular in outline, is surrounded by a wall that has a pitched tile eave along its length. There are two gates: a main gate topped by a gate tower, with a tiled hipped roof and a shuttered window on each side, and a rear gate that has no gate tower. At each corner of the wall is a tower, set at an angle and likewise covered with a hipped roof. On the main axis within the wall are two halls, front and rear, with three buildings on each side, a larger

3.1. Types of roof: (1) overhanging gable roof; (2) flush gable roof; (3) hip roof; (4) gableand-hip roof (from Liang Ssu-ch’eng, A Pictorial History of Chinese Architecture, ed. Wilma Fairbank, p. 11, fig. 3; reprinted by permission of the MIT Press)

3.2. Model of a compound, plan and elevation (after Kaogu 1978.3:165, figs. 3 and 4)

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one flanked by two smaller ones. The two halls and the two larger buildings are gable roofed, with round projections at the ends of the ridge extending up from the side walls, enclosing the ridge poles, as it were, while the smaller buildings have hip roofs. The ridges of the hip roofs are accentuated, as if to indicate multiple layers of tiles, and the ridge ends turn up in what appears to be an early form of the later, distinctive acroteria. These buildings very clearly have solid, weight-bearing walls and have no bracketry characteristic of a timber-frame structure. A rather unusual model of a house, perhaps half size in scale, has been found at Pengyang 彭陽, Ningxia, in an early Northern Wei tomb (fig. 3.3).8 The structure is made up of two buildings, one in front of an air shaft and the other at the back edge, sited precisely over the tomb chamber below; both were covered by the tomb’s mound. The front building, somewhat damaged by the mound, measures 4.82 m × 1.28 m. Built on sloping ground, it is 0.28 m high at the front and 0.4 m at the rear. It is made of a dark-brown soil, not rammed too solidly, then covered with a layer of rammed yellow loess mixed with plaster that formed a hard surface. A final coat of white plaster covered the top and front. The rear building, in a better state of preservation, is 4.84 m long and 2.9 m wide, and at its highest point is 1.88 m from the surface. The roof is a flush gable one with layers of simulated tiles and a ridge, slightly sagging in the middle and ending with rounded projections that somewhat resemble acroteria. There is a double

3.3. Model of a house as part of a tomb complex (after Wenwu 1988.9:27, fig. 3)

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leaf door at the center and two lattice windows, one on each side. The doors and frames are painted red. The windows have strangely elongated corners. The roof has a series of eave beams supporting a cushion beam that holds up the roof.9 Obviously the air shaft is meant to be taken as the courtyard of a building complex, making concrete what is the usual significance of the air shafts in this type of tomb. Another type of building, tall with a tiled hipped roof, door and windows set up high, with access only by means of a ladder, may have been a storehouse (fig. 3.4).10 One may see just this sort of building at the Kong 孔 family estate at Qufu 曲阜, where, it is explained, the family could retreat during uprisings. On the other hand, similar structures in Japan were used for fireproof storage. Roof tiles appear as early as the Western Zhou (ca. ninth to eighth centuries B.C.), and ridge decorations, or acroteria, would seem to have appeared as early as the Warring States period (fifth to third centuries B.C.). At first simply an upward curve of the two ridge ends, the ridge decorations became in time increasingly ornate. By the Six Dynasties period, the ends demonstrate a curving outline that came to be called “owl tails” (chiwei 鴟尾). Occasionally the outer rim was striated in a manner called qi 翅, or “fins”; this became a standard decor by the Tang. Owl tail acroteria gave way to the more complex chiwen 鴟吻, or “owl jaws,” type, so named because the creature was made to grip the ridge in its mouth; this stage appeared during the Tang. The owl tail acroteria seem to have been originally restricted to palaces and the quarters of high officials, but most of the buildings depicted in tomb paintings include this feature.11 Timber-frame construction has long been the primary architectural form, especially in the building of large structures. The pitched roof support in China

3.4. Model of a storehouse (after Kaogu 1959.10:543, fig. 3.1)

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differs from that in the West, where one finds the employment of a rigid triangular truss, with the slanting struts—the sides of the triangle—taking the weight of the purlins, the longitudinal timbers on which the rafters rest, and where the function of the base of the triangle, the tie beam, is only to hold the struts at the set angle. Ultimately it is the walls that support the truss and hence the roof. In China, on the contrary, the columns, not the walls, support the purlins on which the roof rests. This construction allows for much more flexibility in the silhouette of the roof, which may be either straight or curved, depending on the adjustments in the heights of the supports.12 There were two basic types of columnar construction in the Han and Six Dynasties periods, the chuandou 穿斗, or “through-joint,” and tailiang 抬粱, or “beam-column” (figs. 3.5, 3.6).13 A cross section of the first, characteristic of the south, reveals rows of columns of varying heights arranged in ascending and then descending order, each supporting a roof purlin running lengthwise along the building, thus forming the support of the pitched roof. Tie beams transverse these columns from front to back. The number of tie beams depends on the depth of the building and the number of columns. In some cases the tie beams might not run the entire width of the building; further, queen posts in the intercolumnar spaces rest on one tie beam, intersect with a tie beam one level up, and also carry a roof purlin. The second basic type, the beam-column construction, has a different cross section. Here a crossbeam rests on the two external columns, front and back. An ascending series of crossbeams, decreasing in length, rest on queen posts, and the whole is topped by a king post. The purlins are carried at the ends of the crossbeams and the top of the king post. In both types, lengthwise tie beams join the columns to stabilize the structure. The beam-column type of construction, characteristic of the north, became the major one in China.14

3.5. Illustration of chuandou, or “through-joint” construction (from Steinhardt, Chinese Traditional Architecture, pl. 1.2; reprinted by permission of the China Institute Gallery)

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3.6. Illustration of tailiang, or “beam-column” construction (from Steinhardt, Chinese Traditional Architecture, pl. 1.1; reprinted by permission of the China Institute Gallery)

One example of building models worth noting derives from the Sichuan cliff tombs, which continued a strong Han tradition into the early Six Dynasties period.15 Though they appear to be somewhat fanciful, they do exemplify certain elements of Chinese architecture (fig. 3.7).16 In most cases the roofs are hipped and tiled, and the ridges accentuated to indicate multiple layers of tiles. In some, the ridge ends turn upward with a noticeable dip on the two sides of the ridge line. Tile ends (wadang 瓦當) are placed at intervals along the eaves. The eave beams are quite thick, far beyond anything seen elsewhere. The whole of the weighty roof is held up by columns, on each of which were placed a bearing block and a three-armed bracket, a typical Han structure that persisted throughout the Six Dynasties. The eave beams are mortised into grooves in the blocks of the bracket arms. These blocks are either square or have sides tapered into a cavetto.17 There are minor variations in the bracketry, including some rather exaggerated curves (see especially figs. 56, 60, and 61 of the report), but in general little appears not seen in the Han. A skylight or possibly a platform of unknown use set into the roof is apparently a regional variation in Sichuan. The models also contain various balustrades and balconies and are populated

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3.7. Model of a house, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:75, fig. 60)

by figures with musical instruments and, in one case, a reclining figure, apparently the deceased, the scene perhaps depicting one stage of the funeral rite. Another interpretation in the report is that the reclining figure represents the deceased while still alive, leading the dissolute life of an official or wealthy merchant. Tomb models do not tell us anything of the larger, more formal structures of the time, such as temples, halls, and palaces. For that information one needs to turn to the murals and stone reliefs in the cave chapels at Dunhuang, Yungang, Longmen 龍門, and elsewhere. These provide some information about the means of construction of the buildings that they were meant to illustrate. A partially obliterated mural at Maijishan, in Cave 140, of the Northern Wei (fig. 3.8) depicts a compound similar to that of General Sun at Echeng but of later date. In it a tiled roof pitched front and back along its length tops the surrounding wall, to prolong the life of what was probably a stamped-earth structure. At each of the corners of the wall that are still visible, an acroterium rises from the ridge. There are scant indications of a front gate and perhaps a short bridge in front of it, with some flowers and trees behind. The two halls within the compound are depicted in rather fine detail. Both are of hip-and-gable construction, covered like those over General Sun’s wall with rows of narrow semispherical or round tiles alternating with wider rows of flat tiles. There are round tile ends and dishui 滴水, or drip tiles, that alternate with the round tiles, and the eaves are flat, with no upturn. The tiles were probably glazed, since that practice had been introduced in the Northern Wei.18 The ridges are composed of different numbers of piled round tiles; the main ridge is eight deep, the sloping ridges are four deep, and the hip ridges and those along

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3.8. Mural, Cave 140, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):181, fig. 29)

the gable are three deep. The main ridge ends turn up to form acroteria, and the one still visible bears the finlike trimming that became characteristic of the Tang. Among the details shown are boards under the gable roof (called bofengban 博風板); a fishtail-like appendage, called xuanyu 懸魚, descending from the point of the gable end (that wall is called shanmian 山面); and an inverted V bracket, or chashou 叉手, under the bofengban of the rear hall, which may mean that the construction of the building was of a truss-and-crossbeam type (fig. 3.9). The detail is so fine that one can see that the tiles between the sloping ridges and the edge of the roof were turned sideways to provide better drainage protection.19 The interior of Maijishan Cave 15, of the Northern Wei, seems to replicate the timber-frame structure of a gable-roofed building of the time (fig. 3.10). The chamber is rectangular, with transverse beams holding an inverted V bracket at both ends. The brackets in turn support a central cushion beam (timu 替木) and ridge purlin. On the ends of the transverse beams are eave purlins. Between the ridge and eave purlins are laid fifteen rafters along the length of the room. The use here of transverse beams and brackets may well reflect the method of constructing small structures at the time, for one would expect a room of this size constructed of wood to require some central support, in this case made unnecessary by its being of stone.20 The inverted V bracket or strut was widely used during this period, but its use can be traced back at least to the Western Han. A structure with one beam at each end and an inverted V bracket on each beam to hold up the main ridge, a truss-and-beam technique, is the most elemental method of construction for the pitched-roof building. Additional beams could be added for greater height and depth, but the use of the highest beam for

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3.9. Rendering of a roof after a mural, Cave 140, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):182, fig. 33.4)

3.10. Cave 15, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):164, fig. 9)

bearing the inverted V bracket continued until after the Tang, when the strut was replaced by a king post. The placement of the inverted V bracket on the lintel of a building likewise occurs in the Han. In this arrangement the legs of the bracket rest at the joints of the lintel and the adjacent columns, thus adding to the stability of the columns while supporting the eave purlins. This construction was widely used in the Six Dynasties period.21 The hipped-roof style of building is found in two of the earliest of the Maijishan caves. Caves 28 and 30, of the Northern Wei, have single-eaved, tiled hipped roofs with symmetrical inward-curving acroteria at the ends of the main ridge. Prostyle columnization and portico lead into the temple proper (figs. 3.11, 3.12). The columns, four in each case, are octagonal and tapered, each face being

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3.11. Cave 28, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):179, fig. 22)

fluted with accented arrises, or ridges. Since octagonal pillars with both smooth and fluted faces have been found in the Han, these are a continuation of that tradition. Only the columns of Cave 30 have plinths. In both caves each pillar is topped by a capital with a hexagonal annulet, a rounded echinus, and a square abacus. A lintel, or architrave, is represented as having been laid across the columns, and a transverse beam extended from each column to the wall of the temple behind. The lintels have a recessed area, perhaps representing separate beams. Resting on the upper surface of the lintels are purlins, and above them, rounded rafters, on which were carved the usual tiles. To the rear of the portico are three rounded doorways with a flame decor at the top, each an entrance to a separate domed room in which was placed a statue of a Buddha. These rounded portions of the temples are perhaps an instance where working in stone allowed a departure from the wooden buildings that served as models. The roof support represented in these two caves is the first of three types of assemblages of eave columns, lintels, and purlins to be seen at Maijishan and elsewhere in the Six Dynasties period. What distinguishes these three types is the relationship of the lintel–eave purlin unit or truss to the columns; that is, whether that unit rests on top of the columns, whether the lintel is joined to the columns low enough to allow the purlins to rest on the column heads, or whether

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3.12. Cave 30, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):179, fig. 23)

the lintels are mortised to the tops of the columns and the purlin is supported by brackets and struts resting on the column heads and the lintel.22 In the first case the entablature consists of lintel, the eave purlin, and the brackets between them forming a single unit, or truss, atop the columns, thus spanning a number of bays. This forms the primary structural element, and the transverse beams that tie in are secondary. Although the unit by itself has much stability and, combined with the beams and rafters, provides a firm base for the roof, it still simply rests atop the columns that themselves are not well supported. For that reason the viability of the structure as a whole must depend on some nonframe support such as side and/or back weight-bearing walls. The details of this first type of construction can be seen in the fragmentary remains of Cave 4 at Maijishan. The lintel rests on column capitals. Some bearing blocks simply rest directly on the lintel and grip an inset cushion beam, which in turn supports the eave beam. Finally, a number of rafters rest on that

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3.13. Details of Cave 4, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):162, fig. 8)

beam. The head of a transverse beam mortised into the capital extends beyond the front of the column (fig. 3.13).23 In the second type the truss is moved down so that the purlins rest directly on the columns and the lintels are set into the columns a short distance down, with struts connecting the purlin and lintel. This type of bracing, in which the inverted V struts set between the lintel and purlin could provide additional stability to the columns, was perhaps used in smaller-scale structures. As builders became more skillful at joining lintel and columns, the need for struts was reduced, and gradually there evolved the later small-scale timber-frame buildings that did not require bracketing. In the third type, a compromise between the first two, the lintel is set into the top part of the columns, thus stabilizing them, and the brackets are set atop the columns to support the eave purlins. The struts and bearing blocks then became either brackets at the head of the columns or intercolumnar brackets supporting the beam framework. With this development the transverse beams replaced the longitudinal framework as the primary structural element. This bracketing system, which dates back at least to the Sui, came to be used in the large halls and temples from the Tang on.24 Another example of the hipped-roof structure, represented in a stone relief in the Guyang 古陽 Cave at Longmen, displays a more complex bracketry. The

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roof-support construction is of the first type, with the lintel set on the column heads. The bracket complexes, as usual, are set over the columns, but in this case a transverse arm allows the eaves to be extended farther than usual. In addition there are intercolumnar inverted V struts. A somewhat similar structure, in Cave 10, Yungang, is overly ornate, and the arrangement of the brackets and trusses seems to be rather arbitrary.25 Finally, a Northern Qi cave at Tianlongshan exemplifies a system in which a set of brackets is placed between two columns (fig. 3.14).26 The inverted V struts here are curved, a development that may date from the Eastern Wei.27 It has been suggested that these struts that served to strengthen the architrave zone were made of wood so they would easily bend under the weight of the roof, and the curvature represents their resulting distortion. During the Northern Zhou and from the Sui on, the inverted V strut gradually became decorative with legs that curved up or were converted into “camel hump” bearing blocks, finally to disappear entirely from the outside eaves area in the Tang.28 The third style of roof, the hip and gable, is also found in a relief in the Guyang Cave at Longmen (fig. 3.15). The superstructure is of the third type, with the lintel tenoned into the usual octagonal columns, but the bracketing is more complex than seen heretofore. Each of the inverted V struts is reinforced by a central post, and the brackets are two tiered. These brackets obviously represent a set with transverse arms, but the constraints of the relief did not allow a realistic depiction. The acroteria are emphasized in this example, and the “Golden Winged Bird” with outstretched wings, quite common as a centerpiece on the main ridge in this period, is particularly clear.29 The hip-and-gable roof style was

3.14. Elevation of Cave 16, Tianlongshan (after Liu Dunzhen, Zhongguo gudai jianzhushi, 98, fig. 65-1)

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3.15. Rendering of a detail of Guyangdong, Longmen (after Gong Dazhong, “Longmen Shikuzhong,” 208, fig. 3)

occasionally seen in the early Six Dynasties period, but as is evident from the frequency of its occurrence in the Dunhuang murals, it became especially widespread in the later years of the period.30 Again, we may gain some sense of the interiors of such buildings from certain cave chapels at Maijishan. The fudou 覆斗, frustum or truncated pyramid– shaped ceilings in these grottoes, could have represented the interiors of either a hip-roofed or hip-and-gable-roofed structure; the upper portion of the framework of such a building would have been cut off from view by a flat ceiling. Cave 127, of the Western Wei, is a rectangular room entered through a door on the front (long) side. The two sides and the back wall have shallow niches, each of which contains a Buddha and two bodhisattvas (fig. 3.16). The ceiling is shaped like a flat canopy, with four poles slanting in from the corners to meet four poles defining the flat ceiling, forming a fudou, or truncated pyramid shape. The poles are decorated with bound lotus blossoms, and the joints where they meet have round, mirrorlike decorations. The walls and ceilings had been painted with murals. The increased complexity arising in the Northern Zhou period is illustrated in the interior of Cave 141 (fig. 3.17). This cave, whose front exterior has been lost, is a square chamber with three niches on each of the side walls and a larger niche on the back wall, all containing a seated Buddha and a flamelike arch on top. As in the earlier Cave 127, the cave’s ceiling is in the shape of a fudou, or truncated pyramid, with highly decorated slanting and ceiling poles and mirrorlike decorations where they join. In the central panel of the ceiling is a highly ornate lotus flower roundel.

3.16. Rendering of Cave 127, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):164, fig. 10)

3.17. Rendering of Cave 141, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):165, fig. 11)

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Cave 27, also of the Northern Zhou, is even more elaborate. It has canopy pillars instead of mere poles at the corners of the chamber, with the plinths shaped like lotus flowers and the angled poles ornamented with a brightly colored lotus petal and floral design (fig. 3.18). The mirrors at the joints have suspended tassels, and the niches have elaborate poles holding up the remains of multiple-layer mandorla arches. The lavish use of colors, many shades of red, blue, green, and yellow, must have created a dazzling effect. Such interiors in their original colors may still be seen in the Dunhuang caves. Thus far there has been no assurance that these structures were meant to represent freestanding timber-frame constructions without any weight-bearing walls. The likelihood that large buildings at this time were a combination of timber frame and weight-bearing walls is increased by the discovery of what may

3.18. Detail of Cave 27, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):165, fig. 12)

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be the remains of such a building at the site of the Northern Wei capital at Luoyang. The building, located in the southern portion of the Luoyang site and only partially excavated, had been erected on an older rammed-earth platform. The walls, side and back, of which only 0.8 m remain in height, were made of pounded earth and ranged from 1.8 m to 3.5 m thick. The room is 11 m wide; only 13.7 m of its length has been uncovered. The inside walls were covered with white plaster; the outside surfaces were painted red. The room is part of a larger complex as yet unexcavated. Large numbers of tiles, both round and flat, as well as tile ends, with both lotus and animal-mask designs, were found, along with two large bricks in the shape of animal masks, which had probably been set below the eaves at each end of the building. From its location, the building is surmised to have been an imperial ancestral temple. The absence of any traces of charred wood, despite the fires that raged in Luoyang during the troubled years when the Northern Wei state was being overturned, suggests that any wooden portions that the building may have had, such as the roof, were dismantled and moved to the new capital at Ye.31 The development during this period of the freestanding timber-frame building was a signal accomplishment, firmly establishing what would become the dominant form in large official and religious structures.32 Freestanding timberframe buildings are depicted in both Dunhuang murals and stone reliefs at Longmen. All have hip-and-gable roofs and are set high enough on platforms that they must be mounted by staircases with handrails. In a Dunhuang example (fig. 3.19), the platform is striated, perhaps indicating a brick facing, while at Longmen, lotus plants are traced in relief, perhaps representing a garden setting (fig. 3.20). This Longmen example, in the Ludong 路洞 Cave, appears to have the third type of columnar bracing, with the lintels set into the columns and the eave purlins supported by brackets resting on the column heads, with intercolumnar trusses providing additional support.33

3.19. Sketch of a detail of mural, Cave 296, Dunhuang (after Kaogu 1976.2:119, fig. 18)

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3.20. Sketch of a detail, Ludong Cave, Longmen (after Gong Dazhong, “Longmen Shikuzhong,” 209, fig. 4)

3.21. Sketch of a detail, Cave 285, Dunhuang (after Kaogu 1976.2:112, fig. 4)

The Dunhuang murals generally place these buildings within the walls of an estate or a palace complex. In a mural in Cave 285, the surrounding wall is built up from a brick-faced base and topped with inverted V struts supporting a tiled roof (fig. 3.21). According to the Luoyang qielanji, the Yongning 永寧 Monastery had just such a wall.34 The gate tower has a hip roof. The hall inside the gate, which would ordinarily be on an axis with it, faces off in another direction because of artistic needs.35 More elaborate palace grounds are depicted in two murals in Cave 296, with front and back gates, corner towers, and a hall on an axis with the gates (figs. 3.22, 3.23).36 Here we see what was to become the

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3.22. Sketch of a detail, Cave 296, Dunhuang (after Kaogu 1976.2:110, fig. 3)

3.23. Sketch of a detail, Cave 296, Dunhuang (after Kaogu 1976.2:112, fig. 5)

standard layout. Within the gate was the front hall, where one received guests and conducted business, and to the rear were the living quarters (and later a rear garden).37 Moving up the scale, one finds much grander establishments in these murals; they are probably meant to depict imperial palaces described in the Buddhist parables. The image of one such estate partially survives in Cave 127 of Maijishan, of the Western Wei (fig. 3.24). The wall appears to be faced with brick, and there is a gate at the center of each of the three visible sides. The gate structure extends out from the line of the wall, and on each side is a complex consisting of a small auxiliary pier and a larger one, both abutting the wall. The gate passageway appears to have a triangular lintel. A three-tier tower sits atop the gate structure, each story has a hipped roof, and the uppermost has the usual curving acroterium at each end of the ridge pole. Stairways run up from the top

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3.24. Sketch of a detail, Cave 127, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):181, fig. 30)

of the wall to each side of the first story. The two large piers on the sides of the gate tower likewise have three-story towers, and one can see from those on the far wall that they were mounted via a triangular ramp of stairs. Halfway between the gates and the corners are still other three-story towers that stand out from the walls and are taller than the gate towers. Their graceful tapered silhouette adds a note of unreality to the scene. Finally there are towers at each of the corners of the wall set at an angle and also topped by a three-story structure. A moat surrounds the whole. Within the wall there is a three-sided colonnade with front and side gates; the front gate has a two-story superstructure and the side gates each have a simple hipped roof. The colonnade and three gates surround a courtyard, within which is a hall set atop a platform. The hall is composed of two joined structures, each with its own ridge pole and acroteria, forming an M-shaped roof. There is a similar M-shaped roofed structure at the Hachiman shrine in Nara.38 The columns are joined by tie beams, but the bracketing under the eaves is not clear. This grand estate with all its towers suggests an artistic mind at free play. A fragment of a mural from Cave 27, of the Northern Zhou, appears more convincing. There are crenellations along the top of the brick-faced wall and a gate tower and corner towers with single-story structures atop them. Inside, three halls at the side and front form a courtyard, and inside that is the main hall, which has a hip-and-gable roof (fig. 3.25). In these structures one can clearly see that the

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3.25. Detail of Cave 27, Maijishan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 4 (1981):167, fig. 13)

bracketing is made up of pillars with double lintels, and between them are set inverted V struts, at times alternating with king posts. Such paintings cannot depict the level of extravagance reached in the construction of imperial buildings during this period; only a fu rhapsody or prose poem could do it justice. One may get a glimpse of this grandiose display of wealth in the following passage, describing a Southern Qi palace. In the third year (501) there was a fire in a hall [of the palace], which broke out in the evening. At the time the emperor had not yet returned, and the various apartments and pavilions were closed, so those inside could not get out while those outside did not dare on their own to open [the gates]. By the time they were opened, the dead were piled one on top of the other. General Wang Ying led a crowd to put out the fire, and so the Taiji Hall was saved. The cries from inside and out rent the air. When the emperor returned at midnight, he proceeded first to the Eastern Palace, and, thinking there was a rebellion, he did not dare to go further; after ascertaining that such was not the case, he returned. He then left. Fire also destroyed the halls of Xuan-Jade Instruments, Dazzling Nuomena, and others, over ten in all, as well as the Cedar Apartments, north to the Flowery Grove Park, and west to the Privy Pavilion; over 3,000 bays were destroyed. The attendant Zhao Gui was brought to reciting the “Rhapsody on the Western Capital,” saying, “When Cypress Beams [Terrace] was destroyed, then Establishing the Codes [Hall] was raised.”39 Thereupon they built halls on a large scale, Fragrant Pleasure, Fragrant Virtue, Transcendent Floridity, Great Rising, Embosoming Virtue, Clear Dazzlement, Peaceful Longevity, and others, and further, on behalf of the consort Pan, they also built the three halls of Divine Transcendence,

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Eternal Longevity, and Jade Longevity. All were decorated with gold and jade bi disks. In the Jade Longevity [Hall] they made a “flying genie canopy” with embroidered tassels on all four sides, and in the window spaces were painted divine genies. They also formed the Seven Sages, all with beautiful maidens as attendants. Gold and silver inlay was used for calligraphy as well as for the decor of many numinous animals, divine birds, wind and clouds, and decorated candles. Twinkling jade pieces were hung from the ends of the canopy beams and rafters. Among the antiquities of Jiangzuo [= South China] there were several old jade pitch pipes, and these were all cut up to make slender flutes. The Zhuangyan Temple had a jade “Nine Sons” bell, the Waiguo Temple had a Buddha figure, the face of which had a shiny appearance, while the Chanling Temple stupa had various precious ear ornaments; all were stripped away to serve as decorations for the consort Pan’s halls. By nature [the emperor] was extremely imperious and insisted on haste in any project. The builders of the halls had not yet placed the beams and rafters when the floors were being painted; there was heed only for grandiosity and not for care and precision. In painting he selected only the ornamental and dazzling, and so the various craftsmen did not exercise care. Further, gold was inlaid in the floors to form lotus flowers, and the consort Pan was made to tread on them while the emperor intoned, “At every step there spring up lotus flowers.” The walls were all painted with musk deer perfume, and there were brocaded drapes and pearl curtains; it was the ultimate in beauty.40 By the Sui dynasty roofs had begun to have a curved line and the eaves a larger overhang. Bracketing, which had remained relatively simple since the Han, consisting basically of corbel brackets of one step and one or two tiers and confined to the longitudinal plane of the wall, had become by the seventh century more complex in order to support the deeper eaves.41 There was probably also a reliance on the use of the cantilever arm to supplement the corbel brackets. Although the cantilever arm does not appear in the artistic renderings of buildings until the middle Tang, one can see representations of the new developments in the eave overlay in Sui murals at Dunhuang, indicated by stripes drawn between the edge of the roof and the eaves beam. In this and related structural elements, the foundation was laid for the further developments of the timberframe architecture in the Tang.42 Multistory structures like watchtowers, pavilions, and pagodas all share some principles of construction. The use of watchtowers (que 闕) or gate towers, standing on either side of a city gate, can be traced back to the Zhou dynasty, though none survive from that period. Information concerning their construction in the Han has been obtained from excavations, depictions on molded bricks, and some thiry stone grave memorials that simulate towers built of wood.

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3.26. Sketch of a detail, Cave 275, Dunhuang (after Kaogu 1976.2:116, fig. 8.1)

The same principles appear to have been continued into the Six Dynasties period, but with some further developments.43 Our knowledge of these watchtowers for this period derives primarily from the cave temples, as depicted either in murals or in stucco modeling, in the latter case as part of a Buddha niche. The bases of the towers, as has been described above, were extensions of the walls, with superstructures of wood. Such superstructures consisted first of two layers of beams laid in crisscross fashion, on top of which the usual columns and brackets supported a pent roof; the structural elements were then repeated for one or more stories, topped usually with a tile hipped roof, though gabled roofs also occur. Each story perhaps extended outward from the base, supported by some sort of corbeled brackets, but the details of this construction are not clear. Quite often the watchtowers were paired with a secondary and shorter tower, of one story, on the sides away from the gate (fig. 3.26). The gate itself was sometimes straddled by a gallery connecting the two main towers. One can see this arrangement depicted on a Han brick from Chengdu 成都 (fig. 3.27). The roof of this type of gallery, of one or more stories, was usually lower than that of the watchtowers, though in some cases the gallery roof was higher. It may be that the need to form an appropriate Buddha niche dictated that format (fig. 3.28), and it does not reflect an actual gate. Finally some gates are shown without watchtowers, retaining only a roofed structure above the gate itself. These might take the form of a single-story building (fig. 3.22) or merely a roof (fig. 2.8). In these forms new, transitional types appeared during this period. Pavilions (ge 閣) differ from watchtowers in that they are freestanding structures. Many pottery models of the Han period have been found, but they do not give an adequate indication of the structural principles involved. The crisscross arrangement of beams to form the foundation of each story used in the

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3.27. Sketch of a detail, Han tomb brick, Chengdu (after Kaogu 1976.2:116, fig. 8.2)

3.28. Sketch of a detail, Cave 275, Dunhuang (after Kaogu 1976.2:116, fig. 10)

watchtowers would appear to have also been employed in pavilions, and corbel brackets carried the eaves and verandahs. Each story was smaller in size than the one below it.44 While a model found in a Wei-Jin tomb in Gansu is not informative,45 a mural in Cave 257 at Dunhuang (fig. 2.7) indicates that these same structural elements remained in use in the Six Dynasties period. Unlike the Han examples, one may note here the upturned eaves and acroteria at the ridge ends. However, because the roofs in this example appear to be gables rather than pent roofs, the depiction lacks verisimilitude. More information can be gleaned by examining the depiction of pagodas of the Six Dynasties period, which were an offshoot of the pavilion structures. The introduction of Buddhism into China affected many aspects of the traditional culture, and architecture was no exception. The Baimasi 白馬寺, west of the Han capital at Luoyang, established in A.D. 67, is held to be the earliest

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Buddhist temple in China.46 With the successful propagation of the religion, the number of temples proliferated. By the Liang the capital at Jiankang had over 500 Buddhist establishments, and the state as a whole was said to have as many as 2,846.47 The numbers in the north were even greater, it being claimed that there were over 30,000 temples during the Northern Wei, with over 1,000 in Luoyang alone.48 Naturally the building of temples on such a scale was a heavy drain on the economic resources of the state, and many officials complained of the hardships this imposed on the people.49 Yet, the very numbers were testimony to the high level of popular support that the religion enjoyed. The pagoda came to China with Buddhism, and just as the doctrine was adapted to the needs of its new home, so this architectural structure underwent many changes. The English term “pagoda” is from the Portuguese, a borrowing from either Persian or Sanskrit; the Chinese term is ta 塔, from the Sanskrit stupa. The Indian prototype of the structure consisted of a brick dome, a square coffer, and a spire on which were placed simulations of umbrellas, signs of royalty. The structure’s primary function was to house relics of the Buddha to commemorate his passing into Nirvana, and, as such, it was central to the worship of him at the early stage of Buddhism.50 One cannot say with any certainty what the Chinese of the early period knew of the Indian forms, but representations of stupas in the murals of Dunhuang give some indication. One finds a variety of shapes, but they are in the main characterized by an elongated pedestal (sometimes in the shape of a gateway or tower) on which the image of the Buddha rests and topped with the dome, square coffer, and spire that mark the structure as a stupa (fig. 3.29).51 The initial response in China paralleled the translation of the sutras into Chinese, which is to say, using native concepts in an attempt to accommodate the new theology. In the case of the stupa, this meant a reliance on the multilevel, four-sided towers known to us from Han models. Each floor of the tower was an individual wooden building, with columns, beams, bracketry, and a pent roof rather than a hipped one, each story slightly smaller than the one below. The whole was then topped with the symbols of the stupa, the dome and square much reduced in size; only the spire with the umbrellas at the very top remained prominent (fig. 3.30). The earliest Chinese pagoda of which there is a record was built in the area of Yangzhou at the end of the Han by Zuo Rong 笮融, a minor warlord who may have used Buddhism to rally troops to himself. The structure that he built is described as having had several stories and a golden plate at the top, with halls and belvederes on all sides able to hold over thirty thousand people. A gilded image of the Buddha, dressed in brocades, was housed inside.52 This pavilion-tower type of pagoda became widespread during the Six Dynasties period. The forms it took as it evolved can be seen in the bas-reliefs

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3.29. Sketch of a detail, Cave 301, Dunhuang (after Kaogu 1976.2:114, fig. 7.1)

3.30. Sketch of a detail, Cave 254, Dunhuang (after Kaogu 1976.2:114, fig. 7.4)

and rock-cut central pagodas in the Yungang and Longmen caves.53 Emperor Wu of the Liang built a number of pagodas, including a nine-story one, the Tongtaisi 同泰寺, near his palace. It burned down in 535, and the attempt to rebuild it as a twelve-story structure was interrupted by the rebellion of Hou Jing.54 Not to be outdone, the Northern Wei rulers also built pagodas. A sevenstory affair said to be 300 (Wei) ft high (about 82.5 m) was erected at Datong in 467.55 This was the first Yongning Monastery; a second of that name, one of the most famous of the pagodas, was erected at the new capital at Luoyang. The Yongning Temple in Luoyang was built under the sponsorship of Empress Dowager Ling 靈, née Hu 胡, and the foundations were laid in 516.56 It was located in the southwest corner of Luoyang, west of the main avenue that led south from the Changhe Gate of the palace city. It was surrounded by a rammed-earth wall that had a tiled pitched roof with short beams. The enclosed area was rectangular in shape and 1,040 m in circumference. There were gates on all sides. The south gate had a three-story tower and three passageways, and the gates on the east and west sides had two-story towers. The north gate had but one passageway, with a beam-and-lintel construction, and no tower.57 The pagoda in the center of the enclosure was one of the wonders of its time (fig. 3.31). It was a nine-story wooden structure, said by the Luoyang qielanji to be 90 zhang, or some 248 m high, with a spire and golden canopy that added an additional 28 m. A more conservative estimate has it 27.1 zhang, or 74.5 m tall, still an impressive height.58 Ramps led up to the terrace on all four sides. The ground floor, the structure of which is the only one that can be known for

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3.31. Reconstructed elevation and cross section of the Yongning Temple pagoda (after Wenwu 1998.5:61, figs. 7–8)

certain, featured on each side ten columns with only three of the spaces open to serve as doorways. A second row of eight columns, aligned with the first, created an interior corridor around the structure. This pattern was probably repeated on each subsequent story, though the number of columns and bays on each side can only be hypothesized. A central shaft of adobe brick formed its core, extending the whole height of the building to support the spire. The spire was decorated with a large golden vase and eleven golden dishes, and golden bells hung from four iron chains that ran from the pole to the four corners of the top story of the pagoda as well as from the corners of each of the other floors, constituting some 120 to 130 bells in all. North of the pagoda was the Buddha Hall, which contained an 18 ft (2 m) tall gilded statue of the Buddha and other statues decorated with gold, pearls, and jade. There were some 1,000 bays of buildings in all,

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with carved beams and painted walls, surrounded by plantings of trees and shrubs. The temple’s destruction by fire in 532 was a symbol of the destruction of the Northern Wei state and of the precipitous decline of Luoyang.59 The layout of the Yongning Temple was typical of the early Buddhist establishments. The pagoda held the relics of the Buddha and, as long as the relics were the focus of worship, the pagoda occupied the central position. Later, as the focus shifted to the image of the Buddha, the main hall that contained the statue gained equal prominence with the pagoda and, in time, surpassed it, so that in some temples built during the Tang the pagoda was eventually relegated to a separate precinct within the temple grounds.60 Smaller temples, especially those converted from private residences, did not have pagodas. In these the front reception room became the Buddha Hall, and the rear rooms served as the lecture hall and other uses. This converting of residences thus influenced the Buddhist temples to take on the Chinese architectural style, amalgamating Indian and native Chinese features.61 The same process occurred centuries later with Muslim mosques and the Jewish synagogue at Kaifeng 開封.62 Other structures began to appear toward the end of the Six Dynasties period that more closely harked back to the Indian protoypes. The earliest surviving example is the Songyue 嵩岳 Pagoda at Songshan 嵩山, Dengfeng 登封, Henan, a few hours from Luoyang, built in 523 (fig. 3.32). It is a twelve-sided, sixteenstory tower built of light-yellowish brick, 39.5 m tall and 10.6 m wide at the ground. Originally there must have been wooden floors and staircases, but it is entirely hollow now. The tower sits on a high, plain base, with doors on the four sides facing the cardinal directions. The second story has a column with an inverted lotus flower capital at each corner and an arched door on each of the four main faces. The other eight faces on this level have simple pagodas with two small niches below holding figures of lions. The arches over these simulated doors are especially Indian in effect. The remaining fourteen stories are separated by eaves of corbeled masonry, and each of the twelve faces on each level has a simulated door and two windows. This all culminates in a spire with disks. As Soper has remarked, the Songyue Pagoda is a faithful reproduction of some Indian model of the contemporary Guptan style.63 Seen from a distance against the green hills, this is surely one of the most memorable sights in China.64 In time these two types of pagoda were combined into one, creating the typically Chinese pagoda of later periods. Though built of stone or brick in a radial plan, the structure’s pent roofs and main roof clearly derived from the native Chinese wooden tower.65 The Six Dynasties period is a political division that has no particular significance in the cultural or technical spheres, for in those areas the term merely marks a segment in a course of development stretching before and after that time period. It may well be, as Alexander Soper has pointed out, that in the

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3.32. Plane figure and elevation of the Songyue Pagoda, Dengfeng, Henan (after Liu Dunzhen, Zhongguo gudai jianzhushi 92, figs. 60-1 and 60-2)

“dismal period” following the fall of the Han, people were reduced to using what few resources they had to imitate the Han, and that only when the political situation was stabilized in the fifth century were new cultural heights achieved.66 These advances, quite possibly under the stimulus of Buddhism, led to the impressive achievements in the Tang.67

4 TOMB ARCHITEC TURE

hinese archaeology has been described as tomb archaeology because tombs, built underground of stone and brick, have survived far better than the aboveground habitations of the living. The tombs form a complex architectural system of their own, for the most part unrelated to timber-frame architecture. Still, there are interesting resonances of the one in the other. The skills developed in constructing tombs were applied to the brick pagodas discussed earlier. The barrel arches of city gates, which replaced the beam lintels, no doubt also drew on tomb construction. On the other hand, tombs were seen as abodes for the remains of the departed, both corporeal and spiritual, and so there was some influence of the architecture of the living on that devoted to the dead, though given the very different materials and architectural problems faced in constructing underground vaults, this influence is displayed more in symbolic than in direct ways.

C

CONSTRUCTION TERMS AND TECHNIQUES To facilitate a discussion of Six Dynasties tombs, it may be useful to review the terms used to describe their assorted types and parts. Tombs of this period were generally built of brick and consisted of one or more chambers. Most of the multichambered tombs have just two chambers, front and rear (qianshi 前室 and houshi 後室).1 Side chambers (ershi 耳室), when present, usually lead off from 76

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the front chamber. There may be a ramped approach or passageway (mudao 墓道) leading to the tomb structure itself. Behind a sealing door (fengmen 封門) there is an entryway (yongdao 俑道), generally short and with a barrel-vault ceiling not as high as that of the main structure. The entryways of larger tombs may additionally have one or two sets of double-leaf stone doors within the corridor. If the entryway is centered at the front of the tomb, the resulting shape is like that of the graph die 凸, and so this type of tomb is referred to as the die type. If the entryway is to the side so that one of its side walls continues on as the side wall of the tomb itself, it is said in the literature to be a “knife” (dao 刀) type, referring to the shape of a Chinese chopping knife. The front chamber is sometimes rectangular, with the long side running perpendicular to the tomb’s main axis; at other times the front chamber is square and the burial chamber rectangular along the main axis. The rectangular chamber would have a barrelvault ceiling, while the square chamber quite often is capped by a domed or cloister-vault ceiling. Between the two chambers there may be an interior passageway or corridor (also termed yongdao), which gives the tomb plan a double die shape, with what I term a “pinched waist,” or the chambers may simply be separated by an archway or other such partition made of brick and termed a “waist door” (yaomen 腰門). The bricks used to pave the floor of the tomb, sometimes larger than those used for the rest of the structure, are laid in a wide variety of patterns, in straight rows or in zigzag patterns resembling a woven mat. There may be more than one layer, depending on the size of the tomb. The walls are formed of courses of bricks, very often in a running bond; that is, in the staggered pattern resembling what one sees in most brick buildings today (fig. 4.1). In English terminology bricks laid thus on their face with the long edge exposed are called stretchers; if the short edge faces outward, they are called headers. One rarely sees headers in Chinese tomb structures of this period. Rather, in what became a widespread pattern, courses of stretchers are interspersed at intervals with a course of soldiered bricks, or bricks stood on end with the long edge outward (in Chinese, ding 丁 or shu 豎). Usually one finds a sequence of three courses of running bond and one course of soldiers repeated up to the desired height. Occasionally, rather than three courses of running bond, the walls may be made up of two, four, or even five courses of stretchers in running bond between two soldiered courses, or combinations of these numbers.2 The sequence of stretcher and soldier courses is called in the archaeological reports “jade belt,” or yudai 玉帶 (fig. 4.2). In some instances, rather than in a soldiered course, the bricks are laid on their long edge so that their short edge shows; the English term for this pattern is rowlock. There was a tendency as time went on for, in some cases, the walls of tombs to be made to bulge outward, perhaps to lessen the pressure exerted by the outside soil;3 in any event, that shape facilitated the building of

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4.1. Cross section and plan of Jin Tomb 52, Luoyang (after Kaogu xuebao 1957.1:173, fig. 4)

4.2. “Jade belt” brickwork, Tomb 5, Xiangshan, Luoyang (after Wenwu 1972.11:24, fig. 1)

cloister vaults. To accomplish this rounding, bricks in the shape of a wedge (or fu 斧, “axe”), or voussoirs, were often used. For example, in a tomb in Changsha dated 499, the stretcher courses are laid in an arc, but every third brick in the soldiered courses is wedge shaped to create the appropriate bulge.4 The tomb walls form a base (bizuo 壁座 or bitai 壁臺) on which the roof rests. A small structure may have a stepped or corbeled roof made of bricks laid so that each row is cantilevered, thus narrowing the distance between rows until the top row forms a cap. In larger tombs the entryways, corridors, and main

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chambers may be covered by a barrel or radial vault. In this sort of vault, the bricks are canted facedown and usually but not always laid parallel to the tomb’s longitudinal axis. The bricks are always bonded, or staggered, as in the vertical walls. The use of wedge-shaped bricks enabled the bricks to be pitched to form the arch. The space excavated for the tomb left little clearance, which meant that the barrel-vault roof was laid from the inside. In the case of Near Eastern structures it has been speculated that the interior was fi lled with earth to act as a support until the capstones were in place, at which point the earth was removed. In the case of Chinese tombs of this period, it is difficult even to hazard a guess as to what sort of scaffolding was used.5 The general term for the dome or cloister vault is qionglong 穹窿. The earliest type of dome grew out of the barrel-arch technology of the Han. Formed by the intersection of two barrel arches springing from the opposite walls of a square chamber, this sort of dome, termed simian jieding 四面結頂, results in a diagonal-joint structure, so called because the overhead joints form an X. Most important, as this vault was supported on all four sides, it added greatly to the integrity of the tomb structure as compared to that of the barrel arch. It would appear that when domes collapsed, the failure can be ascribed to a robber’s tunnel rather than to an inherent flaw. Still, the angle of these domes was relatively low, and they were not an ideal solution to the problem of providing a roof. A further development that appeared in the Three Kingdoms period was the cross-joint dome. In this case, arcs were built out from the four corners, each layer being progressively longer until the contiguous arcs met at the middle of each wall. From there, the succeeding arcs, as they canted toward the center of the dome, became progressively shorter in length, each leg interlocking with the adjoining legs in an alternating succession. A number of bricks were placed at the center to close the remaining square. The English name of this type, cross joint, derives from the pattern made by the joints, whereas the Chinese term, siyuxuanjinshi 四隅券近室, emphasizes the fact that the arcs spring from the corners of the chamber.6 In some cases, perhaps to permit a greater span, the line where the quadrant arcs met dipped below the baseline of the top of the walls. The cross-joint dome marked an advance over the other types of domes as it had a higher angle, could cover a larger area, and was sturdier. The domes occurring south of the Yangzi from the late Wu and early Western Jin were largely of this type, and, as time went on, they increased in height and span.7 In a final form of dome, called diese 疊澀, the bricks were not canted but laid in concentric courses, forming a stepped profi le in transverse section. But the bricks were subject to shear as well as to compression, and the structure consequently did not have the integrity of the other types described.8

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Chinese domed structures of this period differ from many of those in the West, where groins or ribs are first laid to form a skeleton that is then fi lled in. The Chinese dome more closely resembles the cloister or coved dome, but unlike the joints in the cloister vaults of the West, which are clearly demarcated from top to bottom, giving them a pyramid shape, the joints of the Chinese dome are only slightly pronounced at the lower levels and then curve over to a rounded form.9 The tombs of the Six Dynasties period, like almost all other expressions of the culture, were based on Han patterns. Small brick tombs had begun to appear in the mid to late Western Han in Henan, and by the late Eastern Han they had spread to all parts of China. At the same time their size gradually increased, and multichambered tombs appeared. The earliest Six Dynasties multichambered tombs are considered to be survivals of the Han practice.10 The more typical tomb in the early post-Han years was either a single square chamber with a single coffin or a two-chambered structure with a rectangular rear chamber in which the coffin was placed. The walls came to bulge out, a tendency that led to the development in the northeast of virtually round tombs. In the south, in the middle and lower Yangzi area, rounded walls persisted, but tombs became more rectangular than square during the period from the Eastern Jin through the southern dynasties.11

THE NORTHERN TOMBS Regional differences in soil and climate encouraged differing regional patterns in tomb construction. In the flat plains of the north, an underground chamber was excavated at the end of a long ramp, and a brick tomb was built in that subterranean opening. After the body was deposited and the door sealed, the ramp was backfi lled. Later in the Six Dynasties period “sky wells” (tianjing 天井), or upcast air shafts, enabled longer and deeper ramps to be dug while reducing the amount of soil that needed to be excavated. In one Wei-Jin tomb, it is estimated that the amount of displaced soil of the passageway was ten times that of the tomb itself.12 The sky wells were also fi lled in after the burial, but each could serve to represent a courtyard in the simulation of a residence. Such sky wells, which are first found in Jin tombs in the northwest, became popular in the Sui-Tang period.13 In the north, there are three regions to be considered: the heartland, the northeast, and the northwest. The heartland (zhongyuan 中原) refers to the middle basin of the Yellow River and its contiguous areas, the whole of which includes the modern provinces of Henan, Ningxia, Shaanxi, Shanxi, Hebei, and Shandong, with the city of Luoyang setting the pace for much of the time. The northwest refers primarily to the Gansu Corridor and Xinjiang; most of the

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tombs of this region are found at Jiayuguan 嘉峪關, Jiuquan 酒泉, Dunhuang, and Turfan. The northeast corresponds to the area of modern Liaoning Province, on both sides of the Liao 遼 River.14

The Heartland The disasters that befell Luoyang in the waning years of the Han naturally affected the burials there, and the large, many-chambered tombs characteristic of the Han do not appear. Indeed, the serious economic conditions led the government to discourage elaborate funerals.15 Consequently the tombs tend to be relatively fewer in number and of cruder construction.16 Still, the effect of the political and social crises marking the end of the Han and the start of the Six Dynasties period was not immediately apparent in the construction of tombs. Large tombs, perhaps not on the scale of those of the Han but impressive nevertheless, were still to be seen. Custom and lingering economic resources for a time conjoined to ensure that. In the subsequent centuries, Luoyang enjoyed some degree of normalcy only during the years 220–315 and 494–534. For the remainder of the time, much of the city lay in ruins. Given this checkered history, it is no wonder that the archaeological evidence from Luoyang is not as substantial as that from Nanjing, which served as the capital of the southern states almost continuously for two and a half centuries. Between the late Eastern Han and the Western Jin (265–317), tombs in the heartland changed in several important ways. Whereas the front chambers of multichambered tombs usually had been rectangular, with the long side athwart the central axis, and roofed with barrel vaults, the majority of later tombs came to have a square front chamber with a dome roof. And where the two chambers had once simply adjoined each other, there arose a short passageway, giving these tombs the pinched-waist outline. The interior brickwork also differed. In the Eastern Han the line between the wall and the ceiling had been sharp, whereas a gradual arc developed in place of that line of demarcation. Also, in the later tombs one finds brick pillars at the corners, which added strength to the structure. These pillars are sometimes topped with brick brackets that mimicked the wooden ones found in nontomb architecture and that provided a transition between the square corner of the chamber and the round dome. Finally, the ramped passageway leading into the tomb grew to 20 m or more long, compared with the usual 10 m or less in representatives of the Eastern Han, and it was wider at the top than at the bottom.17 Some passageways were built on a grand scale, running fully 38 m long and as deep as 12 m or more and featuring, in the Jin period, a series of stepped ledges along the sides.18 A relatively long entryway led into the tomb chamber; in large tombs it could be 2 m long or more, with two sets of stone doors. While some single-chambered tombs were

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4.3. Cross section and plan of a tomb, Luoyang 16 gongqu (after Kaogu tongxun 1958.7:51, fig. 1)

rectangular in plan and had barrel-vaulted roofs, in most cases the chamber was relatively square and covered with a diagonal-joint dome (that is, the simian jieding type). One tomb in the Luoyang area is particularly interesting because it is like Eastern Han tombs in its lack of complicated corner pillars but otherwise accords with the Western Jin models. For that reason, and because there is a canopy rod dated 247, the tomb is thought to be of the Cao Wei dynasty; it definitely belongs to the transitional period between the Eastern Han and the Western Jin (fig. 4.3).19 Moving into the Western Jin period, there is a particularly complex tomb dated 293 that consists of four chambers. It resembles the more ordinary twochamber tomb format but has been expanded to meet additional needs. The front chamber has a domed ceiling, and the rear, or burial, chamber has a barrel arch. Another burial chamber opens off the right side of the main chamber, and still another off that one. Four members of the Pei 裴 family were interred here, the mother in the rear chamber, the husband and wife in the side chamber, and their daughter in the smallest chamber. The total size is some 26.98 sq m (fig. 4.4).20 In an article specifically addressing the question of such common burials (fuzang 祔葬), Qi Dongfang argues that the tombs accommodating such burials should not be viewed as affecting the typology of tomb formats since they do

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4.4. Plan and cross section of a Western Jin tomb, Luoyang, dated 293 (after Wenwu 1982.1:71, fig. 3)

not represent a special case but are simply adaptations to the standard tombs of their time and place.21 In his view such extra chambers are not to be considered a status symbol since these common burials took place at all levels of society. There are a number of possible reasons for such common burials. In the case of the Pei family, Qi speculates that the tomb was meant as a temporary measure until the bodies could be moved to the family’s native place, where each person could be properly buried; the political situation at the time, however, made that impossible. At Hubei and elsewhere, double and triple tombs—that is, a series of tombs sharing common walls and each holding a single body—are seen as indicating bodies were housed until the last of the couple (or couple and secondary wife) had died, and all were buried at the same time. 22 In other cases, common burials solved the problem of disposing of children’s bodies in a compassionate way. Qi concludes that other categories of burials are sometimes wrongly subsumed under fuzang. These include peizang 陪葬, or accompanying burials, usually of high officials or other favored subjects in the vicinity of an imperial mausoleum; zuzang 族葬, family or clan cemeteries; and hezang 合葬, joint burials, usually of a husband and a wife. In Qi’s opinion these categories should be clearly distinguished from fuzang. Interestingly Qi includes under fuzang cases where a tomb is reopened to bury a person next to a predeceased mate. I would have thought these were cases of hezang, and one reason for the shift to tomb chambers in the Han was to accommodate such burials.

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The brickwork of the walls of this period normally consisted of staggered stretchers, although the so-called jade-belt pattern, with soldiered courses interspersed between three courses of stretchers, had already appeared. The walls in the large-scale tombs were covered with plaster, most of which has fallen away in extant examples, but mortar does not appear to have been used between the bricks. The walls begin to show evidence at this time of being curved or bowed out to follow the curve of the base of the dome. In addition to the angular brick pillars or piers at the corners mentioned above, the double arch over the entryway and tomb door had also become common. These structural elements occur commonly in the large tombs, rarely in the medium-sized ones, and never in the small ones. The brick floors are variously paved in straight courses or on a bias. In many medium-sized tombs of the period bricks were used for only a part of the tomb, perhaps for the entryway, the front and rear walls, the floor, or the coffin platform. The passageways lacked the ledges of the large tombs, extended some 10 m in length, and descended 10 m in depth, and the sealing doors were of brick, not stone. Burials in tombs with a passageway and a dug-out chamber invariably used coffins, and a few such tombs have coffin platforms. Some tombs of this size had multiple burials, but most contained only single burials.23 At the low end of the social scale, the graves were of the vertical pit type, a simple grave dug into the earth and as shallow as 1.2 m. In some cases bricks were used to form a floor, sides of three to nine courses of bricks, and a peaked covering created with large bricks tilted from each side. This construction is referred to as a “brick coffin” burial. In one example a pottery coffin was found in addition to the brick framework. In any case, the lesser the person’s means, the fewer bricks used.24 Another two sites yielded numerous burials in neat rows and using wooden coffins of the simplest sort. Some of the twenty-eight bodies in the excavated graves appear to have been decapitated. The array of grave goods, albeit modest, is nevertheless more than one would expect to find had they been convicts; this mystery has yet to be solved.25 Large two-chambered tombs of this period uncovered in places near Luoyang, such as Yanshi 偃師, Gongxian 鞏縣, and Zhengzhou 鄭州, seem to share a tendency toward a lack of symmetry along the central axis, the chambers being offset to one side or the other. One, at Yanshi, is especially large, the area of its double chamber and side chambers adding up to 41.89 sq m (fig. 4.5).26 Another at Yanshi, though somewhat smaller at only 29.5 sq m, is noteworthy not only because it had three burials within it but also because both the front and rear chambers have domed ceilings.27 There had long been injunctions against excessive expenditures in building tombs, going back at least to the second year of Duke Cheng (588 B.C.) in the Zuozhuan, where the extravagant funeral (houzang 厚葬) of Duke Wen of

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4.5. Plan and cross section of Tomb M6, Yanshi, Henan (after Kaogu 1985.8:721, fig. 1)

Song was criticized. The injunction to carry out simple burials (bozang 博葬) echoed also in the last wills and testaments preserved in the writings of highminded men from the Han on, including even Emperor Yuan of the Liang, as seen in his Jinlouzi 金樓子, section four, “Zhongzhi 終制” (Final Arrangements). These injunctions seem to have been taken seriously in at least one case, that of the daughter of Sun Shilan 孫世蘭 (d. A.D. 302). The epitaph left in her tomb speaks of her suzhi 素志, or “simple desires,” to be dressed in ordinary clothing (shifu 時服) and supplied only with pottery utensils (taoqi 陶器); these terms appear in the literature on bozang. The document goes on to state that no gold or jade had been placed in the tomb (although one gold ornament was found), and that her burial chamber had been left bare walled, without bricks (tuguo 土槨). It is not clear to whom the epitaph was addressed; if the intent was to discourage grave robbers, it was apparently not successful, for the location of the few objects that survived seems to have been disturbed. 28 One needs also to consider that the appeal to that traditional concern for simple burials was to make such frugal funerals socially acceptable in a time when status and prestige were to be gained by funereal extravagance and public display. Conservation of family resources and economic restraints in times of disorder are two reasons that may have argued for such economies, but social niceties would still need to be observed.29 What does one find in the heartland beyond Luoyang during the Wei-Jin period? In Shandong, the only Western Jin tombs reported are at Zhucheng 諸城, out toward the southern coast of that province. They are of the twochambered, pinched-waist type, with sides slightly bowed out and both chambers covered by domed ceilings. The brickwork of the walls is noted as having varying numbers of stretcher courses. The rear chamber is one step higher than

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the front one, and a low brick platform, on which grave goods were probably laid, extends along one side of the front chamber (fig. 4.6). Besides differences in various details of construction from those of the Luoyang tombs, the bricks here have a wide assortment of designs on the surfaces facing the interior (fig. 4.7), whereas the bricks in the tombs at Luoyang are plain faced.30 The former

4.6. Plan and cross section of Tomb M1, Zhucheng, Shandong (after Kaogu 1985.12:1114, fig. 1)

4.7. Brick patterns, Zhucheng, Shandong (after Kaogu 1985.12:1115, fig. 3)

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4.8. Plan of a Jin tomb, Beijing area (after Wenwu 1965.12:22, fig. 3)

may have been influenced by southern practice, where such bricks were much more common. In Hebei, in the Beijing area, there is a tomb of 307 with its entryway a bit to the right of the central axis. The entryway extends for 5.7 m and includes two stone doorways and four bricked sealing doors, giving evidence of unusual apprehension that was apparently well founded, for the tomb, as is the case of most tombs, was robbed soon after the burial (fig. 4.8). The roof is unusual in that it has a shape somewhat like that of a truncated pyramid, or frustum (fudou), with a flat top, but instead of being straight, the sides arch in from all four walls. This tomb, which was that of the wife of the governor of the area, also yielded the remnants of a lacquered coffin.31 Another tomb, dated generally as of the Wei-Jin period, has two chambers, said to have barrel-arched ceilings and connected by a short passageway, and an entryway offset from the central axis. The tomb is of moderate size, 12.6 sq m, but of particular interest is a niche formed of five stones along one wall of the front chamber. It is some 1.15 m high, 1.35 m wide, and 0.7 m deep, with a simulated hipped roof, at the front of which are carved five animal heads and with another four animal heads at the corners of the roof ridges. On the inside walls and ceiling of the niche are murals featuring the deceased with attendants and other scenes. The niche may be a forerunner of the stone vaults found in later tombs such as at Datong, described below.32 Other tombs in the Beijing area are of the so-called knife type, in which one, two, or even three chambers all share a single straight side wall with that of the entryway. These tombs are rather modest in size, ranging from 6.2 sq m for a single-chambered tomb to 10 or more sq m for those of three chambers. The front rooms of the multichambered tombs may have a domed ceiling, but the burial chambers, including those of the single-chambered tombs, have the same flattened roof with arched sides as the tomb described above. The walls of these tombs are straight; perhaps the method of roof construction employed in this area ruled out bowed walls (fig. 4.9). Another unusual feature is that in some of

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4.9. Plan and cross section of a Western Jin tomb, Beijing area (after Wenwu 1983.10:62, fig. 4)

the tombs, the body was placed with the head to the back wall rather than, as was the custom, to the door.33 As we saw in chapter 1, after the fall of the Western Jin, north China went through the tumultuous period of wu hu luan hua (the Five Barbarians bringing disorder to China). In such difficult times one would not expect to fi nd, nor does one, many elaborate funerary structures. Several large-scale tombs have been reported from the outskirts of Xi’an. One of these has two chambers connected by an interior corridor, a long entryway with small chambers on each side, and a long passageway of over 13 m. The tomb was dug out of the loess soil, and the walls were plastered over. No baked bricks are reported, and the sealing doors consist of piled-up adobe bricks. The total area of this tomb, minus the passageway, is over 25 sq m; unfortunately, no further details have been provided.34 Two more tombs in the environs of Xi’an, said only to be of the Northern Dynasties period, feature very long passageways (the passageway of M1 is 31.2 m long) with two or three ledges of built-up earth on each side that run parallel to the ground surface while the passageway slopes down (M1 reaches a depth of 12 m; fig. 4.10).35 At the bottom of each tomb a doorway opens onto an entryway and two chambers connected by an inner corridor. No bricks were used in these tombs. Each has one air shaft located in the rather long entryway. Of special note in one of the tombs is the model of a building, complete with simulated tile roof, rafter ends, double-leaf doors rendered as if ajar, columns with simple brackets, and windows, the whole occupying a space of some 2.8 m × 2.3 m. The structure’s details are painted in red. Below it are three more buildings and, interspersed, plain whitewashed surfaces in extended, steplike progression that culminate at

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4.10. Plan and cross section of a Northern Dynasties tomb at Chang’an District (after Kaogu yu wenwu 1990.5:59, fig. 3)

4.11. Transverse section of the passageway of a Northern Dynasties tomb at Chang’an District (after Kaogu yu wenwu 1990.5:58, fig. 2)

the bottom in the entrance to the corridor leading to the tomb itself (fig. 4.11). The other tomb of the pair (M2) does not have these simulated structures. Other such models of buildings located within tomb complexes are found in the northwest. One, as noted in chapter 3, was found at a tomb in Ningxia. Other instances may be cited, for example at Dunhuang, but they are more in the way of facades made up of bricks built on the wall above the entrance to the tombs at the bottom of the passageways. The report on M1 at Xi’an concludes that such features pandered to the “superstition” that the spirit of the dead survived after death and that (as Confucius urged) one serves the dead as one serves the living.

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Whether or not the tomb complex includes these facsimiles of buildings, the tomb style featuring a long sloping passageway, possibly with one or more air shafts, culminating in a corridor or entryway that leads into one or two burial chambers, all built without bricks, is a standard type in the northwest. Not surprisingly, the deteriorating political situation in the north during the years following the collapse of the Jin is reflected in the disappearance for a time of the large tombs in the Luoyang area as well. Forty burials in this area reported in 1959 represent graves of the less well-to-do that date from the post-Western Jin into the Tang. The group includes four types of graves. Five were of the vertical pit type and were simply graves some 2 m × 1/2 m and roughly 2 m deep, only large enough to receive the body, although in two cases the presence of nails indicates the use of coffins. Thirteen others were brick-lined graves barely large enough to hold the body and a jar or two, rarely more, usually placed near the head. The top was then covered by two rows or more of bricks forming a peaked lid. As mentioned previously, this sort of burial is referred to as a “brick coffi n” grave. Moving up the scale a bit, one finds two types of dug-out tombs, with the excavated burial chamber lying either along the same axis as the passageway or perpendicular to it. Of the former, there were four examples, in one of which a wall niche contained a number of pieces of pottery. Of the latter type, where the chamber lies crosswise to the passageway, some examples had a ledge at the rear to receive the body. The passageway of these dug-out tombs was an open excavation extending to the depth of the burial chamber. The passageway joined the burial chamber either at its center (ten cases) or at an end (eight cases); in only one case, the chamber joined the entryway at an angle. In some cases coffins were used (four chambers of forty had nails). Few grave goods were found in these burials; in thirty-nine surveyed here, there were only sixty-five pieces of pottery, six bronze hairpins, fifteen coins, and four objects of iron, including a scythe, small knife, an arrowhead, and a hairpin.36 Other Sixteen States graves thus far reported in the heartland are a group found at Xiaomintun 孝民屯, Anyang. These are simple pit graves with a ledge, usually at the head, on which a few grave goods and the leg of an animal might be placed. One, however, was more elaborate: nails indicate a coffi n had been employed; the head rested on the remains of a saddle, and the body was covered with what had been the equipage of a horse, including one stirrup. The head of a horse had been deposited at the feet of the corpse. These are believed to be the graves of Xianbei who died in warfare here in the middle of the fourth century (fig. 4.12).37 The Northern Wei state, founded by the Tuoba branch of the Xianbei, brought unity again to much of north China. One may follow the Tuoba adaptation to Chinese culture and political structure by tracing the successive stages of their tombs as they moved south.38 By the time the Tuoba established their

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4.12. Plan of a Xianbei grave, Anyang, Henan (after Kaogu 1983.6:502, fig. 2)

4.13. Plan and cross section of a Xianbei tomb, Meidaicun, Inner Mongolia (after Kaogu 1962.2:86, fig. 1)

capital at Shengle in 386, they were using brick-chamber tombs. One near Meidaicun, 40 km southeast of Huhehot, is trapezoidal, a shape said to have been introduced into China by the Xianbei, and has a brick coffin platform (fig. 4.13).39 The next stage of the Northern Wei was marked by the move of the capital to Pingcheng, modern Datong in Shanxi, in 398.40 As befits the growing power of the state during this period, a number of tombs associated with this period are quite large. The first of these is the Yongguling 永固陵 Mausoleum, at Fangshan 方山, north of Datong, built in 481–84 for the consort of Emperor Wencheng 文成 (r. 452–65). It is discussed in greater detail in chapter 5 with other imperial family tombs. A second tomb, of an impressive size, is that of the general Sima Jinlong 司馬 金龍, who died in A.D. 484; it was found a short distance southeast of Datong.41 Its front chamber is connected by a corridor to a rear chamber and also gives off

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4.14. Plan of the tomb of Sima Jinlong, Datong area, Shanxi (after Wenwu 1972.3:21, fig. 2)

to a side chamber. The three chambers all have bowed walls and dome ceilings (fig. 4.14). The brickwork consists of two courses of staggered stretchers and one of soldiered bricks, repeated until the line of the dome. The tomb yielded some fine sculpture in the form of a coffin bed and inkstone, but even more notable was a lacquer screen decorated with scenes of anecdotes concerning virtuous women.42 Recently another two tombs of significance have been reported from the Datong area. Their format is rather standard: a ramped passageway, with air shafts, leading to a tomb that consists of an entryway and tomb chamber with a domed ceiling built of brick; as was customary, the passageway had been fi lled in. What is of special note is that, to hold the bodies, these two tombs contained stone vaults simulating buildings. The vault in the tomb of Song Shaozu 宋紹祖 (d. 477) was of especially intricate detail, and that of the second tomb, while less ornate, featured murals depicting the deceased couple as well as attendants and various scenes. Both tombs also contained many pottery figurines and models. These finds require that one reexamine the stone structure now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, which may have had a similar function, and likewise the scene from a tomb in Qingzhou 青州, Shandong, depicting a building-like structure borne on a litter by four horses.43 The investigation of a Northern Wei cemetery just south of Datong, one of the rare instances of such a project for the Six Dynasties period, resulted in the excavation of 167 grave sites and the recovery of 1,088 objects. The cemetery is especially important as it represents the burial of commoners, who are not well represented in the archaeological literature. The graves can be divided into four types:

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1. vertical pit (17), very much like the one at Xiaomintun, near Anyang, cited above. As at that site, the coffins were wider and higher at the head, and joints of meat and some pottery were laid at the head as offerings. 2. catacomb grave (54), characterized by a vertical shaft–style passageway and an offset subterranean chamber, usually trapezoidal in shape. Most of these burials were single, but some double burials were found. The burial offerings, which included the joints of meat and pottery, were placed to all sides of the coffin and sometimes on the coffin. 3. tomb with ramped passageway and subterranean chamber (95), the chamber taking a variety of shapes and including a niche or two. In these tombs the coffins were of a finer make, with animal-mask handles and painted decor. In some cases the grave goods included such luxurious items as a glass bowl and a gilt silver bowl, both foreign imports. There is even one case of a stone coffin couch carved with a honeysuckle and wave motif. 4. brick-built tomb (1). The offerings of joints of meat, a Xianbei custom, were found only in the smaller graves, perhaps an indication of conservatism among the poorer tribesmen.44 Luoyang once again became an imperial capital when Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei had the city rebuilt in 494, only to be once again abandoned in 534. The larger tombs of this short period are rather uniform. They are square, or nearly so, with straight walls and a domed ceiling and approached by passageways with one or two air shafts. In the tomb of Yuan Wei 元暐, a minor member of the imperial family, brick was used only for the floor and a sealing door (fig. 4.15). The walls show traces of having been covered with plaster on which red color was painted, but the design can no longer be made out. The

4.15. Plan and cross section of a Northern Wei tomb, Luoyang (after Wenwu 1982.1:72, fig. 5)

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4.16. Plan and cross section of a Northern Wei tomb, Mengxian, Henan (after Wenwu 1981.12:44, figs. 2–3)

passageway was 27 m long, and two air shafts had been sunk along its course to enable a depth of 11 m to be reached. The tomb was found empty except for an epitaph and stone coffin.45 The tomb of a kinsman, Yuan Zhao 元邵, who died in 528 in the massacre of the Yuan clan by Erzhu Rong 爾朱榮, is almost the same as that of Yuan Wei except that the passageway is shorter and there is only one air shaft. Rather than a stone coffin, there is a rather large coffin platform on which must have been placed a wooden coffin.46 Other tombs, similar in concept, differ in having domes of extraordinary height, rising 7 m or more from the floor. The earliest of these, that of Sima Yue 司馬悅 (d. 508), son of Sima Jinlong, was found at Mengxian 孟縣. An unusual feature is the forked passageway (fig. 4.16).47 In other parts of the Northern Wei realm, the larger tombs seem to have resembled those at Luoyang. Such tombs have been found at Guyuan 固原, in Ningxia,48 at Taiyuan,49 Quwo 曲沃, in southwestern Shanxi,50 Yanshi, Henan,51 and Xi’an.52 Curiously, when the Northern Wei regime collapsed in 534, tomb building took different turns in the two states that replaced it: the Western Wei, which became the Northern Zhou in 557, with its capital at Chang’an (modern Xi’an), and the Eastern Wei, which became the Northern Qi in 550, with its capital at Ye, near Anyang, and a subsidiary capital at Taiyuan. The tombs of the western state apparently continued the pattern of those just described at Luoyang, while those of the eastern state tended to develop a more rounded configuration with the high beehive domed ceiling. The Northern Zhou tombs that have been reported are primarily in the vicinity of its capital. They consist of a tomb chamber, sometimes with a small burial chamber attached at the rear, with access to the tomb by means of a ramped passageway. Most have air shafts, ranging from one to as many as six in the

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4.17. Plan and cross section of a Northern Zhou tomb, Xi’an area, Shaanxi (after Yun, ed., Zhongguo Bei Zhou zhengui wenwu, 11, fig. 13)

largest tomb. The descent into the tomb is oriented to the north, but more often northeast rather than due north or northwest. Bricks, if any, were used only for the chamber floor. The walls of the chambers and passageways were plastered, but almost all traces of murals have fallen away. The tombs, especially the tomb of Chiluo Xie 叱羅協 (499–574), the largest, resemble such later Tang tombs as that of Li Xian 李賢, Crown Prince Zhanghuai 章懷 (d. 684, buried 706), even to the niches at the foot of the passageway fi lled with pottery and figurines (fig. 4.17).53 The only tomb of some size reported for the Northern Zhou period outside of the Xi’an area is that of Li Xian 李賢 (d. 569) at Guyuan. It has a single chamber and dome roof and a ramped passageway with three air shafts. It has attracted much attention because of the Eastern Roman materials found in it.54 The tombs in the east, first during the Northern Wei and then under the states that ruled from Ye (near modern Anyang), the Eastern Wei and the Northern Qi, increasingly took on a rounded appearance; either the corners are rounded off or the tombs are completely globular. In some cases the dome is quite high, almost like a beehive; in others it has a flattened top. A couple of instances of double chambers have been found; here, too, both chambers are rounded. In another case side chambers are attached to a globular chamber. These tombs have been found at scattered sites in the North China Plain, across Hebei and into Shandong. The tombs of the Cui 崔 family at Linzi 臨淄, for example, are generally described as globular; one of the few to be illustrated, of 525, has an unusually tall dome, even taller than that of Sima Yue’s tomb at Luoyang (fig. 4.18).55 The largest of the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi tombs are located at Cixian 磁縣, the elite burial area for the capital at Ye. Among these are the tombs of Gao Run 高潤 (d. 576), which measures 51.7 sq m, and the so-called Avar princess (d. 550), 45.3 sq m.56 Both tombs have very long passageways, an extended entryway with sets of stone doors, and coffin platforms. All the walls,

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4.18. Plan and cross section of a Northern Dynasties tomb, Linzi, Shandong (after Kaogu xuebao 1984.2:221, fig. 2)

even of the passageways, were plastered and covered with murals. In the case of the Avar princess, the murals are relatively well preserved. The floor of the passageway of this tomb has two borders of a floral pattern, giving the appearance of a carpet laid down its length. The walls of the passageway are decorated with depictions of the directional animals, apotropaic beings, and soldiers standing guard. In the entryway there are figurines of attendants, and within the tomb itself the princess is shown surrounded by her entourage, while the dome ceiling originally depicted the heavenly constellations, but little of that portion has survived (fig. 4.19).57 Not all the eastern tombs fit this type: two tombs from Ji’nan 濟南 are trapezoidal, and some have a rounded back but a flat front wall. Nevertheless, in most cases the tombs do have this pronounced tendency toward roundness in plan. They vary in size from 9 sq m to, in the case of tombs of the royal family, 45 or more sq m. On the western side of the Taihang Mountains, in Shanxi, the Northern Qi tombs include those of Shedi Huiluo 庫狄迴洛 (d. 562), at Taiyuan,58 and Lou Rui 婁叡 (d. 570), just east of Taiyuan at Shouyang 壽陽 (fig. 4.20).59 Both are the square-chamber type but with rounded or bowed walls; they measure 35.06 and 32.49 sq m, respectively.60 The Shedi Huiluo tomb is noteworthy because of

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4.19. Plan and cross section of the tomb of the Avar princess, Anyang area (after Wenwu 1984.4:2, fig. 2)

4.20. Plan and cross section of the tomb of Lou Rui, Taiyuan, Shanxi (after Wenwu 1983.10:2, fig. 3)

the survival of so much of a wooden coffin chamber in the form of a house. Lou Rui’s coffin is also largely preserved, but it is the magnificent wall murals in his tomb that made its discovery such a sensation. Each of the passageway walls is divided into three registers. The upper two depict camels and groups of horsemen on the move (fig. 4.21); the lowest registers show dismounted musicians and guardsmen. Inside the tomb chamber the side walls show an oxcart, saddled

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4.21. Section of passageway murals, tomb of Lou Rui, Taiyuan, Shanxi (after Wenwu 1983.10:20, fig. 63)

horse, and attendants, while the domed ceiling has depictions of stars, various apotropaic deities, and the twelve animals of the animal cycle, their first known depiction in art.61

The Northeast While one branch of the Xianbei moved into north China and established the Northern Wei state, another branch, known as the Murong 慕容 Xianbei, moved from the Heilongjiang area into Liaoning Province, where they established a number of short-lived states that provided sanctuary for a large number of Chinese refugees fleeing the disorders of the heartland. The capital of the Murong states was at modern Chaoyang 朝陽, called at the time Longcheng 龍 城, and there are a large number of burials in that area. Eventually the Murong Xianbei were themselves absorbed into the Tuoba Northern Wei state. Liaoning tomb construction of the early Six Dynasties period, probably prior to the Xianbei movement, is represented by large multichambered, multiburial tombs in the Liaoyang 遼陽 area in the eastern half of that province. Built of stone slabs and ranging in size from 20 sq m to over 30 sq m, they contained from two to nine bodies. All are large, square-shaped structures with burial chambers set in the middle; some bodies had been deposited in side chambers as well (fig. 4.22). Themes depicted in traces of surviving murals include banquet scenes,

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4.22. Plan of Nanxuehai Tomb 2, Liaoyang, Liaoning (after Kaogu 1960.1:19, fig. 6)

horse carts and mounted figures, buildings, and officials waiting in attendance (fig. 4.23). The grave goods are primarily gray pottery; those of bronze included two mirrors and a number of coins. There were also a few iron knives and a pair of scissors. These burials are believed to date from the late Eastern Han to the Wei.62 The ceilings of these tombs are flat and made up of large slabs of stone resting on walls and columns. Where there are stone structural elements at the tops of the columns, they are simply square and unadorned. The tomb of Tong Shou 佟 壽, at Anak, in North Korea, is similar to this pattern in construction but of more painstaking workmanship. Tong (or Dong) Shou was a Chinese military figure who fled in 336 from Murong Huang 慕容皝 (298–349), ruler of what was to become the Former Yan, to serve in the Koguryo state, where he lived until his death in 357.63 Tong’s stone-slab tomb follows the general pattern, but its ceiling is made of a series of slabs that overlap as they close in at the top, where the penultimate layer of slabs is placed at an angle, thus forming a square boxed within

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4.23. Rendering of a detail of mural, Tomb 2, Bangtaizi, Liaoning (after Kaogu 1960.1:22, fig. 3.6)

4.24. Elevation of the tomb of Tong Shou (after Kaogu 1959.1:29, fig. 2)

a square, after which a capstone is added to close the opening. The pillars are hexagonal; the capitals on the pillars in some cases are shaped like reversed truncated pyramids, and in others there is a double-arm bracket to take the weight of the entablature (fig. 4.24). In these regards, at least, Tong Shou’s tomb shows an advance over the tombs at Liaoyang, thus confirming the proposed dating.64 Another stone-slab tomb, similar to Tong Shou’s but smaller in scale, was found near Liaoyang. It has the same truncated pyramidal capitals and a stepped ceiling, as well as an anteroom, side chambers, and, at the rear, two burial chambers side by side. Fragments of murals include the depiction of the deceased

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seated under a curtained structure, some horsemen, and an oxcart, all very similar to the scenes in Tong Shou’s tomb. Its Jin date is also confirmed by the recovery of a buff ware vessel, in this case a huzi 虎子, or urinal, which was probably imported from the lower Yangzi area.65 In the Shenyang 瀋陽 area the tombs of this general period are of brick and much smaller in size. One example is simply three compartments in a row, each with its own entrance and each holding two bodies. Among the objects found here is a cup with a handle similar to one found at Liaoyang. These tombs are roughly dated as Wei-Jin; since the area was not important administratively at this time, they may give some indication of the burial practices among the ordinary population.66 As the Jin began to falter, its control of outlying areas like this extreme northeast portion of the realm weakened considerably. Control of the territory east of the Liao River was contested for a time, but subsequently it became a part of the Koguryo state, not to be returned to Chinese control until the Tang.67 As noted in chapter 2, a painted diagram of the city of Liaoyang, then called Liaodong 遼 東, as it appeared just after it came under Koguryo control in the early fifth century has been found on a mural in a tomb near Sunch’o˘n, North Korea. A tomb site that illustrates this Koguryo occupation period was found at Benqi 本溪, east of Liaoyang. It is built up of rocks with a slab ceiling, a slabbuilt ledge for the coffin, and two side chambers on the order of niches. It contained some primitive gray pottery, silver ornaments, and, more important, gilded bronze and iron horse equipage such as a bit, decorative items, and parts of a saddle. While the division of the tomb into main chamber, corridor, and side chambers resembles the layout of the Wei-Jin tombs of Liaoyang just mentioned, the manner of construction and the contents are similar to Koguryo types found at Ji’an 集安, Jilin.68 As Liaoning east of the Liao River fell to Koguryo, the area to the west of the river came under the control of the Murong Xianbei. It is difficult at this remove to untangle the complicated mix of peoples and cultures of this area as represented in the scanty remains of the few tombs that have been reported; nonetheless, it can be said the tombs themselves continued to be built of stone, the smaller ones of rocks rather than of stone slabs, often with murals painted on plastered walls. For evidence of the Xianbei presence one may note the coffins of a trapezoidal shape with the broad end at the head, gray pottery guan 罐 jugs with decoration limited to bowstring or groove decor, and an increase in metal objects, especially those connected with horsemanship and weapons. The Chinese influence appears in the presence of lacquer cups and vessels, the occasional models of household or agricultural equipment, and inkstones. All of the tombs provide evidence of the hybrid culture that developed here, at least among that portion of the population that could afford the tombs that have been found.

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The tombs of this Murong period are much smaller than those found to the east, and multiple burials, beyond the joint burial of husband and wife, do not occur. Thus far, these tombs are found only in the area of Chaoyang, the major city of western Liaoning at the time and capital of some of the Murong states, and at Beipiao 北票, a short distance to the northeast. Three stone-slab tombs, third to fourth century, represent the initial stages of Murong control. The typical Xianbei gray handmade guan jugs were also found here in the two smaller tombs, in neither of which had coffins been used. In the largest tomb (3 m × 1.8 m × 1.8 m), a double burial, the chamber had been fi lled with charcoal. Coins and a mirror that may indicate Han influence were found in the two smaller tombs but not in this one. More interestingly, it did yield a gold crown ornament from which were suspended many gold leaves that were designed to flutter at the slightest movement. This sort of crown was attributed to the upperclass Murong by Chinese sources of the time. Similar objects have been found in Silla tombs of the fifth century and in both cases may derive from northern shamanistic traditions. The contents of the largest tomb also included Chinese and Xiongnu objects.69 In addition to stone-slab tombs, a group of twenty-one vertical earthen pit burials of this same period (third to fourth centuries) was excavated at Wangzifenshan 王子坋山, Chaoyang. These were also Murong Xianbei burials, with pottery and meat offerings placed in wall niches at the head of the body, while the plentiful objects of gold, silver, and bronze horse ornaments were contained in the coffins. Among these was another gold-leaf crown ornament. The report cites similarities with the Xiaomintun Xianbei burial at Anyang, as well as with other sites in Inner Mongolia; one could also point to similarities with some burials at Datong.70 Another group of stone tombs of this period has also been found at Chaoyang and its vicinity. These are somewhat better preserved and have additional points of interest. One, built of rocks with a slab roof, has a small side chamber in which were placed grave goods including pottery models of a stove, iron, well, quern, and huller. A surviving fragment of wall mural depicts a man and ox plowing a field. This tomb may well be that of a Chinese émigré to the area. Another of the tombs contains traces of the characteristic trapezoidal-shaped coffi n, a gray pottery guan jug, and the leg of an ox, all indicative of a Xianbei burial, as well as some lacquer vessels and cups and a bronze buckle and belt hook atop a small altar and in a side chamber. A third tomb, trapezoidal in plan but with no trace of a coffin, is more simply furnished but still has the usual gray pottery guan jug as well as a hu 壺 jar at the head of the pair interred here. The mural in this tomb depicts the couple in life as well as a number of attendants and dogs. The report describes the clothing of the figures in the murals as being of Xianbei style. The paintings of dogs recalls the belief of the Wuhuan 烏桓, a related tribe that had

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been largely incorporated into the Xianbei, that a dog would accompany the spirit of the dead to its abode on Chishan 赤山, or Red Mountain, much as the Chinese believed the spirits of their dead returned to Taishan 泰山.71 The Former Yan state and the tribal confederation that led to its formation (285–370) is represented by a stone chamber tomb of one who may have been a Murong nobleman. Over three hundred gold, silver, bronze, iron, pottery, stone, bone, lacquer, silk, and leather objects were recovered. The wooden coffin had the typical trapezoidal shape. Of special interest are an iron helmet, over one thousand body armor laminae, a horse’s chamfron, gilded bronze saddle pommel and cantle covers, and one stirrup.72 Another tomb of the same period, which may have been a pit tomb with a wooden coffin, yielded ninety-nine funerary objects, including horse fittings and bronze saddle covers.73 Two additional tombs, also from the Chaoyang area, rather nicely illustrate the hybrid culture of the region at this time. The first is of Cui Yu 崔遹 (d. 395), who served the Murong state of the Later Yan (384–409) as a taishou 太守 (governor) and high-level official. His tomb is also built of stone slabs but has no murals. The contents of the tomb represent the mixed culture in which he lived. The coffin was trapezoidal, and there were gray pottery guan jugs at his head as well as a bronze belt buckle and bronze knife; there were also an inkstone, coins, bronze crossbow mechanism, and a bronze mirror, items that reflected his Chinese background.74 The second tomb illustrating this hybrid culture is found at Yuantaizi 袁臺 子, Chaoyang. It is built of stone slabs and has four side niches as well as a side chamber to the right of the entrance, a particularly elaborate construction that suggests a date of early or mid-fourth century (fig. 4.25). The Xianbei influence appears in the gray pottery guan jugs and the bones of sheep that had been deposited on a lacquer tray at the back of the tomb, along with a bronze cauldron with handles and a reticulated stand, items typically employed by Inner Asian nomads since the time of the Scythians. At the front of the tomb was a large, low

4.25. Cross sections of a stone slab tomb, Yuantaizi, Chaoyang, Liaoning (after Wenwu 1984.6:39, figs. 3–4)

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4.26. Rendering of horse gear, tomb at Yuantaizi, Chaoyang, Liaoning (after Wenwu 1984.6:44, fig. 46)

lacquer table crowded with dark glazed ceramic and lacquer bowls, ladles, and other utensils, all of which had been placed under a canopy, as indicated by the surviving stone stands and bronze joints. In the side chamber was found a set of horse equipage, with saddle, stirrups, and a rump cover, the whole adorned with some 118 bells (fig. 4.26). The surviving fragments of murals present lively scenes of life at the time, including hunting scenes, oxcarts, plowing, food preparation, and servants in attendance. There are also the requisite guardian figures, spirits of the four quarters, and the sun and moon.75 The ruling family of the Northern Yan was one of Chinese origin, named Feng 馮, that had adopted Xianbei customs. The tomb of the ruler’s brother, Feng Sufu 馮素弗 (d. 415), and that of Feng Sufu’s wife were found near Beipiao. Since these two stone-slab tombs are located only 20 cm apart, they no doubt had shared a burial mound. For someone of Feng Sufu’s status, one might have expected something rather more grandiose: his tomb is no larger than that of the official Cui Yu, which may indicate that the fortunes of the state were waning. The plastered inside walls and ceiling are covered with murals, depicting, on the ceiling, the sun, moon, and constellations and, on the walls, scenes of the deceased at home and traveling. The murals and lacquered coffins with depictions of transcendents and clouds stemmed from Chinese practice, but the shape of the coffins, wider and higher at the head than at the foot, recalls the Xianbei practice. Each tomb was built at the bottom of a pit. In the case of Feng Sufu the niche, into which had been deposited two gray pottery guan jugs and offerings of part of an ox and some fish, was dug into the wall of the pit rather than being an integral part of the stone tomb. The grave goods were roughly of two sorts. First, there were those that might be expected of the ruling elite in China at the time, such as seals of office, bronze and lacquer utensils, gilded, gold, silver, and jade ornaments, weapons, and writing instruments. The other type recalled the Xianbei origins of the state and included bronze

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4.27. Plan of a Northern Wei tomb, Chaoyang, Liaoning (after Kaogu 1984.7:615, fig. 1)

cauldrons and other vessels, the gray pottery guan jugs and hu jars, and iron weapons and horse gear, including the earliest datable pair of stirrups.76 To sum up, the Murong Xianbei culture of Liaoning from the third to the fifth centuries is characterized by stone-slab tombs, those of smaller size being built of rocks, with murals painted on plastered walls,77 coffins of trapezoidal shape with the broad end at the head, gray pottery guan jugs with decoration limited to bowstring or groove decor, and a variety of objects harking back to the pastoral life, such as buckles and horse gear. The Chinese influence can be seen more generally in the presence of lacquer cups and vessels, the occasional models of household or agricultural equipment, and inkstones. Ornaments with Xiongnu motifs and even glass objects from western Asia have also been found in these tombs. This mix of features disappeared in the ensuing period, when the Murong culture gave way to the political domination of the Tuoba Xianbei and the culture of the heartland. To date just three of these later tombs have been reported from the Chaoyang area, but they clearly represent a sharp break with the past, for they are all brick structures. The first, tentatively dated 452–63, has an unusual shape, broad at the front and narrower at the back (fig. 4.27). Unfortunately the report says little else about the structure, reserving its attention for a stela that was found in the tomb. The deceased was a Xianbei transported with his family from the northwest in one of the population movements carried out by the Northern Wei regime.78 The other two tombs are in the more familiar heartland style: square with slightly bowed-out sides, a jade-belt brick pattern, a domed roof, and a short, barrel-vaulted entryway (fig. 4.28).79 These tombs mark the absorption of this far northeast region into the Northern Wei state.

The Northwest The northwest, sometimes called the Gansu Corridor, consisted primarily of a line of oasis cities lying between the Qilian 祁連 Mountains to the south and the

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4.28. Plan and cross section of a Northern Wei tomb, Chaoyang, Liaoning (after Kaogu 1985.10:926, fig. 19)

Gobi Desert and steppelands to the north. These cities bridged the heartland and the western regions, corresponding to modern Xinjiang and points beyond. The corridor was important commercially and strategically, and only a strong centralized state could maintain control over it. During the Six Dynasties period regional independence alternated with incorporation into a central state. When the Jin state lost control of the north to the nomads, Zhang Gui 張軌 (254–314) and his sons Shi 寔 (270–320) and Mao 茂 (276–324), the governors of Liangzhou 涼州, which had its administrative center at Guzang 姑藏, were in effect left on their own, initiating a remarkable period of control by the Zhang family, what is termed the Former Liang state, which ended in 376. The northwest, like the northeast, provided a refuge for Chinese fleeing the disorders of the heartland, and the reign of the Zhang family was a relatively stable one, maintaining some connection with the Jin court at Nanjing. The unification of northern China under Fu Jian’s Former Qin state (351–84) brought an end to the Liang and a return of the area to central control. In 383 Fu Jian suffered the famous defeat at Feishui 淝水, and his empire crumpled.80 Lü Guang 呂光, an able general who had just led a successful campaign far to the west against Kucha (Chinese Qiuci 龜茲), established a new Liang state, the Later Liang (386–403), again with the capital at Guzang.81 Lü was not a capable ruler, however, and his state fragmented into the Northern Liang (397–439), the Western Liang (400–421, with its seat at Jiuquan), and the Southern Liang (397–414). Of these, the Northern Liang, under the rule of the able Zhuqu

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Mengsun 沮渠孟遜 and his son, proved to be the victor and brought the other two down. The period of Northern Liang rule saw a remarkable efflorescence of Buddhist religious activities, Confucian scholarship, and culture and art in general, hardly to be expected in such a distant and barren area.82 All this ended when north China, this time united under the Tuoba state of the Northern Wei, reasserted sovereignty over the northwest in 439, although a remnant of the Northern Liang state held out in Turfan until 460, when it was finally overrun by the Ruanruan 蠕蠕 tribesmen from the steppes.83 It is reported that most of the population of the Northern Liang state was transported in 439 to Pingcheng, the Tuoba capital. Certainly all who possessed learning and skills were brought east, and the magnificence of the Yungang caves, begun shortly after, is largely credited to those forced exiles. While the Gansu Corridor remained a part of the Northern Wei state and its successors, the Turfan area retained its independence. From 460 to 498 there was a series of self-proclaimed kings of Gaochang 高昌; from 498 to 640 the title was held by the Qu 麴 family. The seat of government was located at what is now the ruined citadel of Jiaohe 交河 (Yarkhoto); the realm also included the sites of Astana (Chinese Asitana 阿斯塔那) and Karakhoja (Chinese Halahezhuo 哈 拉和卓). Gaochang was in effect a Chinese state; the political organization, language, and dress were all Chinese, but of course there were regional characteristics as well. In 640 the Tang dynasty brought an end to independent Gaochang and reasserted Chinese central control of the area. Burial customs in a dry area like northwest China were bound to be quite different from those of Liaoning. There were no large slabs of stone to be quarried there, and the gravel and sand of the Gobi Desert could be excavated to great depths. For tomb builders interment in such a setting must have been attractive because it was cooler at those depths and dry, as the water table was of no concern. The general practice was to enclose a family burial plot with a rock wall less than a meter high with a gate at one side. There are also traces of altars and pathways inside these enclosures. The larger tombs are marked by mounds simply raised on the surface over the tomb chamber. The tomb itself was approached by a ramped passageway, whose depth depended upon the wealth and status of the deceased. As in Luoyang, in the earlier tombs the soil of the entire area of the passageway was removed, but later shafts or sky wells were sunk, each deeper than the previous one, whose bottoms were linked to form the course of the passageway. In this way the volume of soil that had to be removed was reduced. The passageway was of course backfilled once the burial ceremony was completed. Most of the tombs reported on for this area are in the vicinity of Jiayuguan, Dunhuang, and Turfan. At Jiayuguan, many tombs, said to number in the hundreds and thousands, are located in a triangular area, the base of which is the road between Jiuquan

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4.29. Plan of a tomb at Jiayuguan, Gansu (after Wenwu 1972.12:25, fig. 2)

and Jiayuguan.84 The passageways of these tombs were fi lled with rocks and then covered with a layer of sand, producing a ridge described as “the spine of a fish.” A brick fronting wall in the form of a gate tower in some cases might reach as high as the surface. The more elaborate of these walls have molded bricks in a variety of forms and designs set in regular patterns.85 Below the wall is an arched tomb entrance, the arch consisting of a number of courses of bricks. A short entryway leads into the tomb chamber, square in shape but sometimes with slightly bowed walls. The domed ceiling is built up of regular flat courses of bricks with a square opening at the top, either covered by a larger square brick or formed into a caojing 藻井, or caisson. Some tombs have a short corridor connecting to a rear chamber. If the rear chamber is also square, it is topped by a dome; if rectangular the ceiling is barrel vaulted (fig. 4.29). Tombs with three chambers in a row also occur. In some tombs the front part of the first chamber is lowered to form a pit, which may represent a courtyard. Elaborate niches were built into some of the tombs, and there are usually chambers on each side of the first chamber. In one tomb these side chambers were labeled, on the left from the front back, “Corral for Oxen and Horses” and “Carriage Shed”; and on the right, “Food Preparation” and “Storage” (fig. 4.30). The earlier, Wei-Jin tombs in most instances had painted bricks set into the walls of the first chamber (and the second of a three-chamber tomb) and into the back wall of the rear chamber.86 The hundreds of painted bricks depict scenes of almost every aspect of life in this area—farming, herding, preparing food, entertaining, and military activities. The rear-chamber bricks picture objects such as bales of cloth, household utensils, and storage baskets.87 The

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4.30. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Jiayuguan, Gansu (after Wenwu 1972.12:26–27, figs. 4–5)

4.31. Cross section of a tomb at Jiayuguan, Gansu (after Wenwu 1979.6:2, fig. 2)

vitality and artistry of these scenes make such painted bricks an important part of the history of Chinese art.88 One tomb, also dated Wei-Jin, incorporated not painted bricks but complex designs of light and dark bricks in its construction (fig. 4.31). Later tombs, of the Western Jin into the Sixteen States period, seem to be of plain bricks, though one, Ding M5, built sometime during the late fourth to early fifth century (that is, Later Liang or Northern Liang), had its walls covered with plaster on which murals had been painted. The larger surface, of course, permitted more complex scenes than had the bricks. The murals show scenes

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of feasting, entertaining, processions, and farmwork. Many of the laborers represented are non-Chinese.89 Most of the Jiayuguan-area tombs involved joint burials. The bodies were deposited in the rear chamber if the tomb had one, with the heads of the deceased, as usual, oriented toward the door. The coffi ns were lacquered and often laid on a layer of ashes covered with a layer of plaster. Representations of the Queen Mother of the West (Xiwangmu 西王母) and King Sire of the East (Dongwanggong 東王公) can be discerned on one of the two relatively wellpreserved coffins of the Wei-Jin period (Guan M13), and a constellation of stars on the other.90 The tombs have all been robbed and not many of the grave goods remain. Still, the tombs have yielded pottery guan jugs, hu jars, and other pottery vessels, models of wells and ovens, copper coins, bronze and iron mirrors, bronze and iron knives, bone and bronze rulers, some fragments of cloth, wooden figurines, and a few pieces of jewelry. The later tombs contained in addition a wider variety of vessels, pottery figurines of attendants and oxen, and a few pieces of redglazed pottery. The Dunhuang tombs are found between Dunhuang and the Mogao 莫高 Caves, an area of some 20 km × 5 km containing tens of thousands of tombs. This is also a gobi, that is a gravel, desert. Many of the graves are solitary, but the same pattern of family plots enclosed by rock walls is also found here (fig. 4.32). The ramp filled with sand and mound composed of the excavated rocks form a so-called tadpole shape; the size of the tombs can be inferred from the length of the tail. The poorest tombs have passageways only 2 m to 5 m long, 1 m wide, and 1 m deep, with a flat-roofed chamber barely large enough to hold the body. In some cases the body was merely wrapped in a mat without benefit of a coffin. The grave goods in these tombs were minimal, a few pottery vessels, an occasional lamp, clay balls to represent money—all very meager and simple.91

4.32. Plan of a family burial ground, Dunhuang, Gansu (after Kaogu 1974.3:191, fig. 2)

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4.33. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Dunhuang, Gansu (after Kaogu 1974.3:193, fig. 7)

The larger tombs are square with truncated pyramid roofs and, in some instances, side chambers or niches (fig. 4.33). In the smaller tombs especially, generally no brickwork was used in the construction.92 Grave goods included gray pottery guan jugs, wan 碗 bowls, bo 缽 bowls, a storage jar, a dou 豆 footed bowl, zeng 甑 steamer, fu 釜 kettle, lamps, and other vessels of local manufacture, some iron scissors and mirrors, and coins, generally of late Eastern Han and Shu. There were also traces of lacquer, fragments of cloth, and mica decorative pieces. A bronze lamp with a divided cover, one half of which could be turned over to form a saucer with a spout for adding oil, was also found; it is similar to other such lamps found in Anhui. The models of stoves that were found are round rather than square or boat shaped as in the heartland. The tombs yielded guan jugs with inscriptions dating from 369 to 421, using the reign titles of the various Liang states. The inscriptions on these jugs, which had been placed in the coffins, urged the dead not to become involved with the living and offer important evidence of the religious beliefs of this time. In the poorer tombs, such inscriptions were found on potsherds placed between the legs of the dead.93 These tombs fall far short of what was seen in Jiuquan, though the general form is similar.94 The burial grounds at Turfan lie in gobi north and northeast of Astana and northwest of the ruins of Karakhoja.95 The excavated graves fall into two periods: those that date from the third to the end of the fifth centuries, that is from the Jin through the Northern Liang and its aftermath, and those from the

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4.34. Plan and cross section of a tomb in the Turfan area, Xinjiang (after Wenwu 1972.1:11, fig. 8)

early sixth to mid-seventh centuries, the era of the Qu family’s rule as kings of Gaochang.96 The tombs of the first period are of two sorts, with and without ramps. The ramped tombs have single, relatively small chambers with straight walls, ceilings of a truncated pyramidal or inverted dou 斗 shape, and, in a few cases, a caisson carved out at the apex (fig. 4.34). Over time small side chambers gradually shrank in size, finally appearing as an occasional niche. There is no brickwork other than the adobe bricks used to seal the chamber. Larger tombs contained coffins; smaller ones occasionally exhibited only a wooden framework over the body with a reed mat below. The second type of grave is a straight-walled pit with a cave chamber dug out of the east or west wall of the pit and sealed with piled-up adobe bricks. These were single burials, relatively shallow, with few grave goods, but coffins with a trapezoidal shape do occur (fig. 4.35). The grave goods in the tombs of this period include gray pottery vessels, some wooden utensils, and crude wooden figurines of oxcarts, horses, and camels. One coffin is reported to have had the Big Dipper constellation represented on the headboard. Documents include lists of grave goods that often note the name of the deceased, place of origin, date of death, and, as one source termed it, some “superstitious prayers.”97

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4.35. Plan and cross section of a tomb in the Turfan area, Xinjiang (after Wenwu 1972.1:11, fig. 9)

4.36. Plan of a tomb in the Turfan area, Xinjiang (after Wenwu 1973.10:9, fig. 8)

By the time of the Qu family rule, the pit grave had disappeared; only ramped tombs have been excavated. Family plots enclosed by piled-rock walls, like those at Jiuquan and Dunhuang, also appear here. Tomb chambers are somewhat larger than before, with rounded corners but still basically square in plan; the ceilings are somewhat flatter and rounded, and there are no side chambers (fig. 4.36). A few coffins occur in this period; usually, however, the body was laid on a mat spread over a low earthen platform. Brick epitaphs with simple painted identification of the deceased were for the most part set into the wall of the passageway near the surface entrance and invisible once the ramp was fi lled in. The gray pottery of the earlier period has been replaced by a pottery made especially for burials. It had a soft body and was painted with rows of black, red, and white dots. The wooden figurines uncovered were cruder than earlier examples. The dryness of this area preserved much organic material that did not survive elsewhere. Shoes with which the corpses were shod, for example, have been

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found. They were made of such discarded documents as contracts for the sale of camels; this sort of material reflecting daily life was not found in the sealed room at Dunhuang.98 Cloth has also survived in some cases, including wall hangings painted with the figures of Fuxi 伏犧 and Nüwa 女媧, half human and half serpent with intertwined tails.99 In summary, the tombs in the northwest display some overall similarities and at the same time a range of local variation. They are in general fairly deep, ramped, and the chamber or chambers were dug out laterally rather than as a pit. A mound was raised on the undisturbed surface soil to mark the location of the tomb chamber below. There are family plots enclosed by piled-rock walls within these general tomb areas. At Jiayuguan one finds Wei-Jin-period multichambered tombs with painted brick walls and elaborate brick facades. There is also a report of such a facade occurring further west, but generally bricks were not used in that area except to seal the chamber doors. At Dunhuang, the tomb generally becomes rounded and the corners also lose their angularity. A simpler type of tomb at Turfan, a pit with side burial chambers, occurs in the earlier period only. Any overall generalization suffers from a lack of information. Tombs of the early period have been reported only from these three sites; nothing from Guzang, the capital of a number of the ephemeral states, appears in the literature. Further, the tombs of Jiayuguan and Dunhuang are early; material from the later part of the Six Dynasties period appears to be lacking.

THE SOUTHERN TOMBS In the south, a generally low-lying, wet area, the threat of dampness and water seepage dictated a different approach to tomb building from that of the north. Tombs were usually on relatively higher ground, typically on hillsides or in the foothills of mountains.100 Coffin platforms and drainage systems were introduced to alleviate the situation. The ever-present dampness also ruled out the murals painted on plaster walls of the north; instead, decorative brick was used to enhance the walls of the burial chambers.101 While tombs in the south, as in the north, by and large evolved into single-chambered brick structures, they differed in most other ways. Domed ceilings disappeared, and there was extensive use of internal pillars or piers and multilevel floors. One also finds relatively long entryways and side walls that bulge slightly outward. From the Eastern Jin on there appeared false lattice windows fashioned of brick in imitation of actual dwellings.102 The jade-belt brickwork pattern was also widely used in the south.103 The tombs reflect the general culture of the south, an amalgam of a southern one with northern elements brought by the émigrés in the early fourth century,104 but of course there are many regional differences and exceptions that must be taken into account.

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The south divides into several rather distinct areas: the lower Yangzi, midYangzi, southeast coast (Fujian), south coast (Guangdong-Guangxi), and southwest (Guizhou, Yunnan, and Sichuan).

The Lower Yangzi The lower Yangzi, roughly corresponding to the modern provinces of Jiangsu, Anhui, and Zhejiang, comprises two core areas. The primary one is centered at modern Nanjing, and includes the Taihu 太湖 basin. The other, a secondary one, is in and around Hangzhou 杭州 Bay. Both core areas are bordered by upland, peripheral areas through which flow rivers providing lines of communication with the plains below.105 The lower Yangzi basin was the area of concentration of the southern regimes, and the political center at Jianye (or Jiankang after 313), modern Nanjing, was the largest urban area throughout this period. It is no surprise, therefore, that almost one-fourth of the tombs reported for the south in the Six Dynasties period are located in the Nanjing area.106 The tombs in the Nanjing area may be divided into three stages of development: Wu and Western Jin (220–317); Eastern Jin and Liu Song (317–479); and the last three dynasties, Qi, Liang, and Chen (479–589).107 Many tomb types occurred at the start of the Six Dynasties period, that is in the third to fourth centuries. The type that most clearly carried over from the preceding Han dynasty is the brick double-chambered tomb with cloistered-vault ceilings (the rear chamber sometimes having a barrel-vault rather than a cloistered-vault ceiling). The passageway joining the two chambers in this type may be a simple archway separating the broader front chamber from the narrower rear one, or the two chambers may be entirely separate with the passageway forming the linkage between them, giving the tomb’s plan a segmented or pinched-waist appearance (figs. 4.37, 4.38). These two-chambered tombs tended to be large, averaging some 11 sq m of floor space. Another major type is the single-chambered tomb with an entryway, usually centered (and called the die type) in tombs in the Nanjing area but off to one side (the so-called knife style) elsewhere. Some in this category are barrel vaulted but most have cloistered-vault or domed ceilings. A few have small side chambers, but this development declined in time. The die-type tombs average 8.2 sq m of floor space, making them somewhat smaller than the more complex multichambered tombs (fig. 4.39). There are, in addition, rectangular tombs without side chamber or entryway, with a barrel-vault or, occasionally, stepped or corbeled roof. While some of this type were larger than those with entryways, they average 5 sq m of floor space.

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4.37. Plan and cross section of a tomb in the Nanjing area (after Wenwu 1965.6:38, fig. 3)

4.38. Plan and cross sections of a tomb in the Nanjing area (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 8 (1983):2, fig. 2)

Finally there are the simple earth pit tombs, sometimes with a brick floor on which to rest the coffin, but few of these have been reported.108 The designs on the bricks of this period are comparatively simple: consisting of impressed cord or geometric, leaf, or fish shapes, they were the sort popular in the preceding Han period. By the end of the Western Jin, or the early fourth century, stamped dragon, tiger, and red bird designs began to appear. Other tomb features include drains to draw off water, appearing first in the large-scale tombs but becoming more common by the early fourth century. The

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4.39. Plan and cross sections of a tomb in the Nanjing area (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 8 (1983):1, fig. 1)

same is true of altars: usually made of a few bricks, they, too, became more common in the midsized tombs by the early fourth century. On the whole, the tombs in this area were more conservative than those in the heartland area, where the small side chambers had already begun to be less common in the Eastern Han. In addition the double-chambered cloistered-vault tomb design that was being replaced by a single-chambered cloistered-vault design in the heartland area in the Western Jin continued to be built in the Nanjing area. In the second period, with the move of the capital to Nanjing, northern influences became more pronounced, and the older Wu customs rapidly declined. The double-chambered tomb, whether with both chambers having cloistered ceilings or a combination of cloistered and barrel, followed the tendency just mentioned for the north and virtually disappeared; the single-chambered tomb with barrel vault and entryway emerged as the most frequently used type, especially in the middle-range-sized tombs, which average some 8.7 sq m (fig. 4.40). The entryway became longer, divided by a wooden door, the side walls began to develop a bulge, and one finds a platform at the rear of the chamber.109 Among the new developments at this time, one may note the appearance of expanded sealing doors at the entrance extending to the sides and above the entrance of the tomb, at times becoming virtual retaining walls. The cloistered or domed ceiling, in decline in the previous period, all but disappeared, with the barrel vault being employed even in the simple rectangular tombs. Those with domed ceilings that occasionally occur are somewhat larger, averaging 13.8 sq m (fig. 4.41). Simple rectangular tombs are usually much smaller, averaging 4.6 sq m. The creation of a niche, usually holding a bowl, probably an eternal lamp (with oil and wick), continued, but in this period a built-in false window with lattices, all of brick, occurred below the niche. The drainage systems improved,

4.40. Plan and cross section of a tomb in the Nanjing area (after Wenwu 1965.10:34, fig. 6)

4.41. Plan and cross section of a tomb in the Nanjing area (after Wenwu 1972.11:29, fig. 8)

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coffin platforms became more common, especially away from Nanjing, but the incidence of altars declined. Finally, the bricks became smaller and more ornately decorated; in the large-scale tombs there are even some modeled with the spirits of the four directions, or beasts with strange faces. And, most helpful to archaeologists, dated bricks became more widespread. The third period, the sixth century, was one of much economic development in the lower Yangzi area, but Nanjing itself suffered from the warfare and political unrest that also characterized this period, culminating in its razing by the Sui regime after the conquest of 589. Relatively few tomb sites have been reported for this period for the city and its environs. The rectangular tomb and the die type continued to be built much as in the preceding period, with drainage channels, false windows, coffin platforms, and niches that now tended to become peach shaped.110 One tomb merits special mention because it has a splitlevel flooring, with a covered drain leading off from the lower level. The raised flooring made the coffin platform an integral part of the tomb structure (fig. 4.42).111 Another tomb is unusual in having its walls lined with piers, intended to resist the crushing outside weight. The concept probably came from other areas, where it is seen earlier. The decorated-brick decor in this tomb is also quite impressive.112 In general, tomb architecture in Nanjing was relatively conservative, and interesting developments are rather to be seen at sites beyond the environs of that city.113

4.42. Plan and cross section of a tomb in the Nanjing area (after Kaogu 1985.1:24, fig. 1)

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While the political center of the southern regimes was at Nanjing, the economic base was the surrounding region of southern Jiangsu, northwestern Zhejiang, and eastern Anhui. Nanjing formed a hub of a network of rivers and canals by which it drew on the agricultural, commercial, and mineral wealth of the surrounding area, especially that to the south, an area known as San Wu 三吳 in reference to the commanderies of Wu, Wuxing 吳興, and Kuaiji 會稽. San Wu had been a relatively unimportant area during the Han, but with the breakup of the state in the closing years of the Han, and especially with the removal of the Jin court to Nanjing in 317, the San Wu region underwent significant development, bringing it to cultural, political, and economic prominence.114 The tombs of this area do not fall into such neat categories as do those of Nanjing. Throughout the Six Dynasties period, as might be expected the standard rectangular and die-type tombs continued to be built in the San Wu area, but the more complex, multichambered tombs are the more interesting. During the early Wu–Western Jin period, these tombs were generally larger (average 17.9 sq m) and of a wider variety of shapes than those found at Nanjing. Figure 4.43 shows the plans of some of these tombs, which have been found south of Nanjing at such places as Liyang 溧陽, Jurong 句容, Jintan 金壇, Jiangning

4.43. Plans and cross sections of tombs in the San Wu area (after Kaogu 1984.6:529, fig. 3; Kaogu 1962.8:412, fig. 1; Wenwu ziliao congkan 8 (1983):10, fig. 9; Kaogu 1984.6:529, fig. 2)

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江寧, and Gaochun 高淳, all in Jiangsu, and Maanshan 馬鞍山 in Anhui. What is remarkable, too, is that the complex tombs far outnumber the simpler types, reversing the situation seen at Nanjing and attesting to the prosperity and strength of the local landholding families. Rounded or bulging walls first appeared at this time, which did not find their way to Nanjing until the following period. The Zhou 周 family tombs at Yixing 義興 are an excellent example of these more complex types. Yixing’s location on the shore of Taihu Lake gave it strategic importance as it controlled the flow of traffic that led into the lake from the south and then overland to Nanjing in the north.115 This lent Yixing military as well as commercial significance, and the Zhou family, which controlled the area, was accordingly eminent.116 The tombs in the Zhou family cemetery, dating from 297 to 316, nicely illustrate the range of stylistic developments in tomb architecture.117 One is of the die type (fig. 4.44A, 13.94 sq m), another of the rounded-wall jug type (fig. 4.44B, 23.32 sq m), and the remaining four have front and rear chambers. Three of this type have generally rounded walls, and one (fig. 4.44C) features two very long side chambers, probably also used for burial. All the double-chambered tombs have domed roofs. These six tombs are from 6 m to 13 m long and the average area is 23.36 sq m. Zhou Chu 周處 (d. 297) apparently died in battle, and to reward this hero’s sacrifice, the Jin court is said to have bestowed a qing 頃 of land for his burial (Jinshu 58.1571); the hill on which the cemetery is located is still called Zhoumudun 周墓墩. This is one of several such family burials cited in the literature as evidence of the power held by powerful clans (zu 族). Actually, this is a family plot representing a relatively short-term rise to prominence of a particular line of the interrelated families named Zhou dominant in this area. It was their service in holding this important area within the state that brought them the imperial recognition and status reflected in the grand scale of their tombs. As in the Nanjing area, the influx of northern refugees following the establishment of the Eastern Jin in 317 had an impact in the San Wu region on the older burial practices of the Wu and Western Jin periods. The segmented double-chambered type of tomb gave way to the die type as the most common form of tomb structure. There are a few examples of the knife plan as well, from Zhenjiang and Yangzhou (fig. 4.45). The Eastern Jin pattern continued in the San Wu area through the rest of the Six Dynasties period, but again, as at Nanjing in that period, a surprisingly low number of sites have been reported. The split-level floor with coffin platform occurs in all the larger tombs, and some details, such as stone doors in the entryway, perhaps borrowed from the imperial tombs, make their appearance (fig. 4.46). In general one has the impression of a much-subdued situation,

4.44. Plans and cross sections of the Zhou family tombs, Yixing, Jiangsu (after Kaogu 1977.2:115, figs. 1–2; 116, fig. 3; 117, fig. 5; 118, fig. 6; Kaogu xuebao 1957.4:85, fig. 2; 86, fig. 3)

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4.45. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Zhenjiang, Jiangsu (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 8 (1983):21, fig. 10)

4.46. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Nanjing (after Dongnan wenhua 1987.3:60, figs. 1–2)

contrasting sharply with the apparent willingness to explore new forms characteristic of this area earlier. Farther south, in the Hangzhou basin, tomb sites along the lower shore of that bay, along the coast, and back in the mountains and along their rivers suggest a relatively low level of economic development. There is very little of the diversity evident in the Taihu basin area. But there are some exceptions, including a relatively large segmented tomb with three chambers at Hangzhou,118 a tomb with a side chamber at Quxian 衢縣,119 and two double-chambered tombs at Jinhua

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4.47. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Shengxian, Zhejiang (after Kaogu 1988.9:808, fig. 12)

金華.120 Also among the exceptions are a rectangular tomb and six knife-type tombs found with eight die tombs at Huangyan 黃岩, midway along the Zhejiang coast.121 This appears to have been a very conservative area, architecturally speaking, in this Western Jin period and through the rest of the Six Dynasties period. Rectangular, knife, and die structures of Eastern Jin vintage have been reported, but not even one example of a multichambered tomb has turned up. The only innovation appears to be the installation of multiple drainage channels under the floor of two tombs at Shengxian 嵊縣, southeast of Shaoxing 紹興 (fig. 4.47).122 No large tombs occur in this area until the Sui, when the average floor space for the die type increased from some 8 sq m to twice that. Upriver from Nanjing, the sites at Maanshan, Wuhu 蕪湖, and inland from that area also show much less diversity than those in the San Wu area. A scattering of sites of the Wu–Western Jin period has been documented, consisting primarily of the rectangular and die type; two double-chambered tombs have also been reported. One of the latter, as well as two of the die-type tombs, has a side chamber. A couple of jug-type tombs have also been reported for this early period. The most interesting find, mainly because of its contents, is the doublechambered tomb of Zhu Ran 朱然 (d. 249) at Maanshan; it contained a large quantity of well-preserved lacquer objects.123 Only one Eastern Jin tomb has been reported, a jug type at Maanshan, and no Southern Dynasties sites predate the Sui, but they are quite large and complex. From these later examples it would appear that the unification of the country made available again the resources and sense of security to construct tombs on a grand scale. What is most striking about the pattern of occurrence of tombs in the lower Yangzi area after the court moved to Nanjing in 317 is the sudden disappearance outside Nanjing of relatively large tombs that we may identify with local

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magnates. None has been reported for this period from the San Wu area, where so many earlier examples occur. The four that have been documented are all from Zhenjiang, where the court-controlled Northern Garrison army was stationed, but they are smaller (average 11.98 sq m) than the earlier examples (17.9 sq m). For the whole Eastern Jin period, there are but three jug-shaped tombs, possibly of local southern magnates, from the area south of Nanjing.124 Large tombs did continue to occur in areas away from San Wu, so this was not necessarily a matter of changing custom. Further, we know from literary sources that the southerners continued to wield much influence in their own localities—there is no question of their becoming an exploited population subjugated by the northerners. It may be that with the capital at Nanjing, this area came under closer scrutiny by the court than had been possible earlier. If tomb size had been governed by sumptuary laws, as we know to have been the case with their contents—that is, the grave goods—then it would have been more difficult to flout the law. We have also seen that the large tombs of the Wu and Western Jin periods whose deceased have been identified belonged to local magnates who attained positions of military strength while remaining loyal to the court. Once the court moved to Nanjing, there would have been less need to tolerate such provincial warlords in the immediate Nanjing area; in fact, they would have been seen as threatening. There was thus some justification for the fear that large funerals would attract unwelcome attention from the central authorities. The scale of a burial of one of the Zhou family women, attracting over a thousand mourners, so aroused the suspicions of Wang Dun 王敦, the military dictator in the early years of the Eastern Jin, that he wiped out the family.125 Local magnates would have been careful to keep a lower profi le. The large tombs that were built after the Eastern Jin were royal tombs; no large tombs were built by commoners who might threaten the preeminent position occupied by the ruling family.

The Middle Yangzi Moving upriver to the middle Yangzi area, which embraces the modern provinces of northern Hunan, Hubei, and northern Jiangxi, the confluence of the Han River and the Yangzi is a strategically important point and, during the Three Kingdoms period, control of this area was hotly contested.126 The important outpost of the Wu state, indeed its “Western capital,” was Echeng, then known as Wuchang.127 Over one hundred tombs dating from the last years of the Eastern Han through the Wu (196–280) have been found here, confirmation of the importance of this area to the Wu state.128 The tombs conform to the Han patterns, though they tend to be of a less complex construction. As in the lower Yangzi area, the larger multichambered tombs (those over 6 m in length) exhibit

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4.48. Plans of tombs at Echeng, Hubei (after Zhongguo kaogu xuehui disici nianhui lunwenji, 288, fig. 1)

both the segmented and rectangular forms. The segmented tombs have entryways, and their two chambers, the front one wider than the rear, are connected by a passageway rather than simply being delineated by an arch. The front chamber often has a domed ceiling; the earlier ones retain the cloistered-vault ceiling of the Eastern Han, but later ones, from the middle Wu on, came to have the cross-joint dome, which is sturdier and more adaptable in terms of the area it can cover. When the front chamber is covered with a barrel arch, it is rectangular in shape and set with the long side perpendicular to the axis of the tomb; front chambers with a dome tend to be square in outline. It has been suggested that since the front chambers were used for making offerings, they needed a higher ceiling, while a barrel vault served adequately for the rear chamber, where the coffin or coffins were deposited (fig. 4.48).129 Just as in the Nanjing area, most of the small-scale tombs at Echeng of the early period are built of brick, but some earthen pit graves have also been reported. The single-chambered brick tombs are rectangular, the roof either a barrel or corbel vault, and the entryway, if any, is either at the center or to one side. The cross-joint dome appears well into this period and so is of some help in determining chronology, but in general the tombs do not lend themselves to a developmental scheme.130 During the Western Jin, the large segmented tombs occurred less frequently, while the die type, the rectangular chamber with centered entryway, became most common.131 Division into two chambers was accomplished by brick

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pilasters, and in some tombs additional pillars were added at the rear wall to strengthen the ceiling. The barrel arch remained the primary form of the ceiling, though the cross-joint dome was applied in the front chamber of the larger tombs. The walls of tombs in the Hunan area tend to bulge out, a form that did not become common in the lower Yangzi area until the middle of the Eastern Jin. Coffin platforms and drainage facilities are rare in these tombs; drainage was accomplished by slightly raising the floor level of the coffin chamber. The same trends continued in the Eastern Jin period (which corresponds with the second period in our discussion of Nanjing), but with some important differences. One is a far more frequent use of brick pillars and arches to divide single chambers front and back, especially in Jiangxi. Parallel chambers, a series of two or more sharing a common wall, are frequently seen in Hubei.132 Tombs with entryways at the side (the knife type) or with no entryway tended to be at the smaller end of the scale, similar to examples at Nanjing. As earlier, brick pillars and arches were used at the rear interior of the tomb to strengthen the ceiling. Brick altars, coffin platforms, and drainage channels had all become relatively common. In the later part of the post-Jin period, the primary tomb type continued to be the brick chamber with centrally placed entryway and barrel-vaulted ceiling. In the Echeng area brick pillars continued to be utilized. Small niches in the walls and lattice windows appeared, as was the case in the Nanjing area. In some instances, rather than a central drainage channel, one finds such channels following along both side walls. The third period, the sixth century, was one of greatest economic development, and this was reflected in the building of larger tombs with developments in new directions. Tombs of 10 m or more in length and 2 m to 6 m wide appeared. They consisted of single chambers with a rather long entryway, with chamber ceilings of either the cloistered or barrel type and one or two stone doors set into the entryway topped by lintels carved in the stone to simulate wooden architectural details. Coffin platforms and altars became common, and elaborate drains, peach-leaf-shaped niches, and lattice windows were also frequently employed. The brick surfaces became more elaborate, to the point that molded, large-brick pictures or murals are found. Their themes include lions, warriors, winged men riding dragons, fighting tigers, processions of carts and horses, and most dramatically, the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove. These murals were composed of from ten to a hundred bricks. The very large tombs were even more elaborately constructed than before, with retaining walls on both sides of the sealing door; some even have multiple courses of bricks forming low walls outside all four main walls to strengthen the tomb chamber. Often the rear tomb wall bulged out, giving the chamber an oval shape.

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To summarize, in the mid-Yangzi region, the chief change in the large and middle-sized tombs is that the double-chambered tomb of the earliest period (Wu and Western Jin) became the die-shaped single-chambered tomb of the second period (Eastern Jin and Song), while in the third period, the die-shaped tomb moved through a stage of having a rounded rear wall to become oval in shape. In the earliest period there was only a sealing door; larger tombs of the second period show a wooden door placed in the entryway passage, and by the third period, this had become one or even two stone doors. During this same period, the coffin platform, niche, false window, and elaborate drains also became common. Finally, the brick decor developed from simple stamped surfaces to geometric patterns and, in the end, elaborate murals.133

Hunan Turning now to other regions of the south, we look first at the Hunan area. Hunan Province lies south of the Yangzi, between Dongting 洞庭 Lake in the north and the Nanling 南嶺 Range, which divides it from Guangdong further to the south. The Xiangjiang 湘江 River, which runs from the Nanling Range to Dongting Lake, provided one of the main routes south to Guangdong. To the east are the mountains that divide the Xiangjiang basin from the Ganjiang 贛 江, in Jiangxi. The western part of the province is mountainous, a highland area that Hunan shares with Sichuan, Guizhou, and Guangxi. The Xiangjiang basin is the major economic area of Hunan, rich in agriculture and minerals. The Six Dynasties sites are basically in two clusters, those at Changsha 長沙 and north to Yiyang 益陽 and Xiangyin 湘陰, and those in the south at Chenxian 郴縣 and Zixing 資興. A striking characteristic of the tombs in the upper Hunan area is the prevalence of curved walls very early on, similar to what was seen in the San Wu area and in Anhui. One example (fig. 4.49), from Changde 常德, is dated A.D. 294.134 Another, from Changsha, dated A.D. 302, has an internal floor area of some 12.4 sq m (fig. 4.50).135 The curvature of the walls is especially noticeable in multichambered tombs (fig. 4.51).136 Only one multichambered tomb, from Yiyang, is specifically dated as Eastern Jin; it is extremely large, having an internal area of 30.9 sq m, and does not have rounded walls (fig. 4.52).137 As elsewhere, such large multichambered structures became rare after the removal of the court to the south. At the same time, the bulging-walled jug type increased in size compared to the die type of the earlier period (fig. 4.53). The primary types of tomb structures during the Southern Dynasties period were the rectangular and die type, with the bulging-wall type much less in evidence, although some of this type might be among those difficult to place in a chronological sequence because they are dated vaguely to the Six Dynasties, a common practice in the

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4.49. Plan of a tomb at Changde, Hunan (after Wenwu cankao ziliao 1955.5:56, fig. 6)

4.50. Plan of a tomb at Changsha, Hunan (after Kaogu xuebao 1959.3:78, fig. 2)

reports of the 1950s. In this area, unlike others noted above, the Sui dynasty did not bring a resurgence of the large multichambered tombs. On the contrary, the average size of the rectangular and die-type tombs seems to have shrunk. Farther to the south, a major hydroelectric project near Zixing in 1978–80 resulted in the excavation of 584 tombs, of which 23 were of the Jin and 5 of the Southern Dynasties. Of the Jin tombs, 1 is a pit tomb; the others are of brick. Thirteen are rectangular with barrel-vaulted ceilings and jade-belt brickwork walls, 2 of the smallest are trapezoidal, and the rest are die shaped. Of these 7, all with barrel-vaulted ceilings, 4 have jade-belt walls, and 2 have four spreader courses rather than the more usual three courses of the jade-belt

4.51. Plan of a tomb at Changsha, Hunan (after Kaogu xuebao 1959.3:79, fig. 3)

4.52. Plan of a tomb at Yiyang, Hunan (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 8 (1983):45, fig. 1)

4.53. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Zhuzhou, Hunan (after Hunan kaogu jikan 3:130, fig.4)

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4.54. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Zixing, Hunan (after Kaogu xuebao 1984.3:350, fig. 18)

pattern; 1 was unreported. Overall these tombs do not differ substantially from those in other areas. However, the rectangular tombs of the Southern Dynasties period are worth special notice. The 5 Southern Dynasty tombs are all rectangular with barrel-vaulted ceilings; 1 has jade-belt walls; the other 4 exhibit only courses of spreaders, thus differing from the earlier structures. Rather than niches, at least 2 of the tombs have bricks extended to form shelves on which the bowls with oil and wicks had been placed (fig. 4.54). Piers were an integral part of the structures, strikingly exemplified in an extremely large tomb, dated 520, that has five such piers along the back and both of the side walls, and an internal area of 20.9 sq m (fig. 4.55).138 Notable, too, is the unusual height of this tomb and a smaller one, dated 505, which gave the barrel-vaulted ceilings a steep pitch.

Jiangxi To the east lies Jiangxi, a plain bordered by mountains, with its rivers, primarily the Ganjiang, draining into Poyang 鄱陽 Lake, which itself adjoins the Yangzi River. This basin is an extremely fertile area, and tombs have been found at many sites in this province, from Jiujiang 九江 in the north to Ganxian 贛縣 and Dayu 大余 in the south. The two provinces of Hunan and Jiangxi contain, between them, over a fourth of the tombs thus far reported in the south. At the head of the delta of the Gan River is Nanchang 南昌, which lies athwart one of the main arteries of communication with southernmost China.139 It was the administrative center of the Yuzhang 豫章 Commandery in the Han and in the Six Dynasties period. During the Wu, Sun Quan enfeoffed his youngest son here as Prince of Qi, with his seat of government a site some 10 km east of present-day

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4.55. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Zixing, Hunan (after Kaogu xuebao 1984.3:351, fig. 20)

Nanchang. Late Han and Wu graves are found in an area that had been southwest of this administrative center.140 The prosperity of the area is reflected in the size and diversity of the tombs. These early tombs, of the Wu and Western Jin periods, are all located in the northern part of the province, centered about Nanchang. While only a few of the complex segmented tombs have been reported, large rectangular structures with sets of piers rival the complex tombs in size. The floor of one of these, dated 263, has three steps leading up to the rear of the tomb (fig. 4.56).141 Another, dated only as early Six Dynasties, has many piers at the corners, midpoint, and rear wall, and drainage channels along all the walls (fig. 4.57).142 Among the multichambered tombs, those found at Xin’gan 新干, upriver from Nanchang, are especially interesting. One that is exceptionally long relative to its width has piers dividing the structure into three chambers (fig. 4.58).143 Others, at Jing’an 靖安, have stepped ceilings—not simply the usual differentiation of entryway and chamber, but an additional level as well (fig. 4.59).144 In Jiangxi tombs postdating the establishment of the Eastern Jin, there is a perceptible falloff in tomb size. Most are still rectangular, but they are now relatively small, though at least one, from Qingjiang 凊江, also upriver from Nanchang, is rather more elaborate, with piers and of a size that recalls those of the previous period (fig. 4.60).145 A number of die-type tombs, also from Qingjiang, exhibit the continued use of piers and multilevel floors (fig. 4.61). As elsewhere, the die-type tomb replaced the multichambered and segmented tombs of the earlier period.146

4.56. Plan of a tomb at Nanchang, Jiangxi (after Kaogu 1965.5:258, fig. 1)

4.57. Plan of a tomb at Nanchang, Jiangxi (after Kaogu 1965.9:459, fig. 1)

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4.58. Plan of a tomb at Xin’ganxian, Jiangxi (after Kaogu 1983.12:1123, fig. 1)

4.59. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Jing’an, Jiangxi (after Kaogu 1987.6:538, fig. 1)

4.60. Plan of a tomb at Qingjiang, Jiangxi (after Kaogu 1965.4:172, fig. 3)

A relatively large number of tombs of this area are simply labeled Jin and cannot be specifically assigned to the Western or Eastern division of that dynasty. However, the tomb of Wu Ying 吳應 and his wife at Nanchang merits special attention (fig. 4.62).147 Wu Ying held the office of zhonglang 中郎 in the commandery, which is to say he was a staff official. While the size of the tomb, 8.9 sq m, may reflect personal wealth, it also perhaps gives us a measure of the status of those buried in tombs of this size. Also of note is the survival of both the coffins and the inventory list placed in the tomb. This list will be discussed in chapter 9, on clothing.

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4.61. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Qingjiang, Jiangxi (after Kaogu 1965.4:172, fig. 4)

4.62. Plan of a tomb at Nanchang (after Kaogu 1974.6:373, fig. 1)

Rectangular tombs with piers, separate chambers, and stepped floors continued to be built during the remainder of the Southern Dynasties period (fig. 4.63)148 and into the Sui dynasty (fig. 4.64).149 Several of these, found at Nanchang, are quite large, ranging from 15.04 sq m to 22.6 sq m, the latter being a double tomb (fig. 4.65).150 The only die-type tomb of this period, and one of the most unusual, is a multistepped, multidimensional structure, dated 497, that was found at Ganxian, far to the south (fig. 4.66).151 In summary, the most typical Jiangxi tomb appears to be the rectangular type, with no entryway, with piers dividing the interior into chambers, and with a stepped floor. Apparently, no tombs with a domed ceiling have been reported from this area.

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4.63. Plan of a tomb at Qingjiang, Jiangxi (after Jiangxi lishi wenwu 1981.1:38)

4.64. Plan of a tomb at Qingjiang, Jiangxi (after Kaogu 1960.1:28, fig. 2)

4.65. Plan of a tomb at Nanchang, Jiangxi (after Kaogu 1962.4:194, fig. 3)

The Southeast and Southern Coasts The southeastern province of Fujian, largely cut off from the surrounding areas by mountains, remained largely isolated and its colonization was relatively late; the major influx of Chinese migration came in the early Tang. The census of 609 credited the whole of Fujian with only twelve thousand to thirteen thousand households. Chinese migration into the area proceeded from coastal areas to the north (Zhejiang) and south (Guangdong) as well as down river valleys primarily

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4.66. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Ganxian, Jiangxi (after Kaogu 1984.4:346, fig. 2)

from Jiangxi to the northwest, creating two zones of colonization, the coastal and the upland.152 The archaeological record thus far corresponds for the most part with Bielenstein’s use of administrative centers to trace the colonization process.153 The earliest Fujian find is a tomb in the Minhou 閩侯 area dated by a brick as being built in 311. Unfortunately it is too damaged to make out much more of its structure than that the walls were laid in stretcher courses, and the floor paved in a diagonal pattern.154 Among the three die-type tombs from this early period, two have entryways offset from the central axis, but not far enough to classify them instead as knife-type tombs. In these tombs and in the one early segmented tomb reported, the extensive use of decorative bricks, a distinctive feature of Fujian tombs, is already evident. In the next period, the Eastern Jin and Song, rectangular, knife-, and die-type tombs are all represented, but there is nothing especially distinctive about them. One has a stepped floor and there are some with domed ceilings, but they are rather modest in size. All of this might well be expected in a newly colonized area. Tombs appear to have increased in both size and complexity in the Southern Dynasties period. One knife-shaped tomb, for example, has a channel 4 cm wide along a side wall and front wall, indicating that drainage was a concern. In another, die-type tomb, the bricks of the coffin platform were laid on a layer of loosely linked bricks. In this tomb the jade-belt brickwork was carried out through the barrel vault of the roof as well, the only such case noted for the whole of the Six Dynasties (fig. 4.67).155 These tombs were found at Minhou, on the coast. Inland a much more elaborate tomb has been reported from

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4.67. Plan and cross sections of a tomb at Minhou, Fujian (after Kaogu 1980.1:59, fig. 1)

4.68. Plan of a tomb at Zhenghe, Fujian (after Wenwu 1986.5:47, fig. 3)

Jian’ou 建甌, on one of the tributaries of the Min 閩 River. This tomb, dated 507, is cross shaped in plan, 16.03 sq m in area, and has a multistepped floor, two side chambers, and numerous piers along the side and back walls.156 Farther northeast, at Zhenghe 政和, an almost identical tomb was found, and at some 13.5 sq m it is only a bit smaller in area (fig. 4.68). Another tomb, also at Zhenghe, carried the use of stepped floors and piers quite far; it combines a four-level floor with numerous piers, or pilasters, to effect a bizarrely indented wall and ceiling (fig. 4.69).157 These architectural elements, together with the surface of decorative bricks, create a powerful impression, but one can only conjecture

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4.69. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Zhenghe, Fujian (after Wenwu 1986.5:49, fig. 5)

what the local conditions were that combined to produce so extraordinary a structure.

Guangdong The Six Dynasties tomb sites in Guangdong are primarily located in the Guangzhou 廣州 (Canton) area and in nearby Zhaoqing 肇慶, and along the Beijiang 北江 River and its tributaries, which formed the main route to Hunan to the north. Such sites include those at Yingde 英德, Qujiang 曲江, and Shaoguan 韶 關. In the eastern part of the province, finds have been made at Jieyang 揭陽 and in the uplands at Meixian 梅縣. Unlike the situation in Fujian, the record of settlements goes back unbroken to the Han and even before, and so there are grave sites from the early Six Dynasties period. One rectangular tomb is unusual in that the front area has been broadened by having its walls overlap those of the rear chamber (fig. 4.70).158 This and other tombs are also notable because the remains of their hollowed-log coffins have survived. The Western Jin also produced here a segmented tomb on a larger scale, rather similar to the large Han tombs of the area such as that at Lei Cheng Uk, in Hong Kong. Brick tombs with a central dome, barrel vaults over the entryway, rear chamber, and side chambers became common from the middle Eastern Han on.159 This Jin tomb, dated by a brick inscription to A.D. 290, measures some

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4.70. Plan of a tomb at Guangzhou, Guangdong (after Kaogu tongxun 1955.5:47, fig. 2)

15 sq m in area. Some grave goods had been deposited on or about a brick altar located under the dome, but more were found in one of the side chambers (fig. 4.71).160 Post-Jin tombs are generally of the die type, barrel vaulted and often with stepped floors or coffin platforms (fig. 4.72).161 Interior brickwork might include elaborate piers, similar to the structures in Fujian to the north (fig. 4.73).162 The typical type of tomb of the central area, from Guangzhou north to Shaoguan, is markedly different from that of Guangzhou itself and is described as having a “boat-awning” (chuanpeng 船篷) shape. It consists of a long, narrow rectangular brick chamber with an arching barrel vault, giving it the look of a river junk and hence its name. A variant with a stepped or corbeled roof occurs in smaller numbers. Some boat-awning tombs have shelves, others have niches consisting of a space the size of a brick in the back and side walls. Some have stepped floors. All are typically small tombs, with an average area of

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4.71. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Guangzhou, Guangdong (after Kaogu 1985.9:799, fig. 1)

4.72. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Jieyang, Guangdong (after Kaogu 1984.10:898, fig. 5)

only some 2.8 sq m. The descriptive name derives in part not just from the shape of the roof but also from the extraordinary length and narrowness of the structure, and yet nothing in the grave goods suggests that these tombs were in a symbolic sense meant to convey the spirit of the dead to the other world (figs. 4.74, 4.75).163 Such narrow tombs precluded joint burials, leading to what seems to have been a common practice in this area: linking two tombs together by some means

4.73. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Meixian, Guangdong (after Kaogu tongxun 1957.3:207, fig. 1)

4.74. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Zhaoguan, Guangdong (after Kaogu 1965.5:231, fig. 2)

4.75. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Zhaoguan, Guangdong (after Kaogu 1965.5:233, fig. 6)

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or other. The pair might have a wall between them (fig. 4.76),164 share a common antechamber (fig. 4.77),165 or be joined by a simple door or window in the common wall (figs. 4.78, 4.79),166 or they may have a more formal linkage through two or more adjoining side chambers (figs. 4.80, 4.81).167 The effect of such paired tombs is to place the coffin in a small, confined space, making the

4.76. Plan of a tomb at Meixian, Guangdong (after Kaogu tongxun 1956.5:28, fig. 1)

4.77. Plan of a tomb at Shixing, Guangdong (after Kaoguxue jikan 2:122, fig. 15)

4.78. Plan and cross sections of a tomb at Shixing, Guangdong (after Kaoguxue jikan 2:122, fig. 16)

4.79. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Zhaoguan, Guangdong (after Kaoguxue jikan 3:184, fig. 1)

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4.80. Plan and cross sections of a tomb at Shaohezhen, Guangdong (after Kaogu 1961.5:245, fig.1)

structure more closely resemble a second coffin in a nestled pair rather than the usual expansive outer vault. Features such as stepped floors and pillars occur throughout the Six Dynasties period, but the use of a series of pilasters as seen elsewhere was rare in this area. The jade-belt brickwork also was used sparingly.168 The Guangdong tombs would seem to be the furthest removed from the most common sorts of tombs in the south. Certainly the wide variety found here, from the small boat-awning type to the bizarre multiple tombs, reveals a range of experimentation not seen elsewhere.

Guangxi The north central part of Guangxi, where most of the Six Dynasties tombs have been found, is a wide basin surrounded by highlands and mountains. The area is drained by tributaries of the Pearl River, which in turn drains into the sea at Guangzhou. The route up the Gui 桂 River, with a portage over to the Xiangjiang basin in Hunan facilitated by a canal built in the Qin, was an important line of communication. The basin itself is highly fertile and supported the Han

4.81. Plan and cross sections of a tomb at Jieyang, Guangdong (after Kaogu 1984.10:900. fig. 8)

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4.82. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Wuzhou, Guangxi (after Kaogu 1981.3:215, fig. 1)

population, while large parts of the area, then even more than now, were inhabited by aboriginal peoples. It may well be that some of the tombs reported from this province are not of Han Chinese origin. Overall, the tombs here are rather conservative and lack much regional distinction. The earliest tombs, of the Wu period, are either stone crypts or simple pit burials. These are at Hexian 賀縣 and Guixian 貴縣, which are both on the periphery of the central basin.169 The presence of swords and knives in these tombs suggest a frontier situation. The Jin tombs at Wuzhou 梧州, which is located on the riverine route, included some featuring a long front chamber and a short transverse rear chamber and a corbeled roof; the outside surface of one was coated with 0.5 cm of plaster (fig. 4.82).170 Except for a cross-shaped tomb (fig. 4.83),171 the other tombs were of the more ordinary die shape. By the Southern Dynasties period, in Guangxi as elsewhere, more complicated structures were appearing. Two tombs at Rongan 融安, in the northern part of the province, have deeply stepped floors, pillars, and a tripartite division. One of them has jade-belt brickwork walls, earlier examples of which have not been found in this area (figs. 4.84, 4.85).172 Despite the proximity of the Hunan area, these Guangxi tombs are quite different from contemporary ones there and so seem to represent a separate regional development.

Guizhou Guizhou is part of the Yungui 雲桂 Plateau, a rugged area intersected by mountains, basins, and valleys. From the highlands in the western and central part of the province, some thousand or more meters above sea level, there is a sharp drop off to the east, north, and south. The only sites reported for the Six Dynasties period are in the north, which has a gentler topography. These sites are at Qingzhen 清鎮 and Pingba 平埧, southwest of modern Guiyang 貴陽.

4.83. Plan of a tomb at Wuzhou, Guangxi (after Kaogu 1983.9:859, fig. 1)

4.84. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Rong’an, Guangxi (after Kaogu 1983.9:791, fig. 2)

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4.85. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Rong’an, Guangxi (after Kaogu 1984.7:628, fig. 2)

4.86. Plan of a tomb at Qingzhen, Guizhou (after Kaogu 1961.3:209, fig. 3)

The people of this area built pit or stone cist graves, unlike any noted thus far, which clearly differentiate theirs as a separate culture. Three graves have been reported at Qingzhen; one is a pit tomb and the other two are stone cist graves, both with ledges along two of the walls (fig. 4.86).173 Some twenty graves have been reported at Pingba, the majority of which are also stone cist tombs. The later ones are long and narrow and have barrel vaults, looking much like the boat-awning type found in Guangdong but here built of stone rather than brick (figs. 4.87, 4.88).174 The use of stone may well have been due to its ready availability in this mountainous area. While the employment of stone was unusual, the grave goods, largely deposited at the back of the tomb rather than at the front as elsewhere, are similar to those found in Sichuan and even in the Nanjing area.

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4.87. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Pingba, Guizhou (after Kaogu 1973.6:346, fig. 2)

4.88. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Pingba, Guizhou (after Kaogu 1973.6:346, fig. 3)

Yunnan Only two Six Dynasties graves have been reported from Yunnan, but both are extremely interesting. The first was found at Yaoan 姚安, northwest of Kunming 昆明 and just north of the road to Dali 大理. This is an area of broad valleys separated by one mountain ridge after another, a part of the Yangzi drainage basin. The tomb, dated by inscribed bricks to 278, is not particularly unusual in

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4.89. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Yaoan, Yunnan (after Kaogu tongxun 1956.3:25, fig. 1)

form: it is a segmented tomb with barrel-vaulted ceilings and has an area of 11.2 sq m. What is unusual is the lavish use of bricks in a structure built of stone. They were used for the ceilings of the entryway, a threshold in the middle passageway, the upper portion of the rear wall, and the paving of the tomb, which in the rear chamber consists of a double layer. Creating such a structure in stone to conform to the model used in the heartland clearly represents a tour de force (fig. 4.89).175 The other tomb reported from the Yunnan area was found at Zhaotong 昭通, in the extreme northeastern reach of the province close to the Yangzi River, across which lies Sichuan Province. It is a chamber 3 sq m in area built of stone slabs with a ceiling in the shape of a truncated pyramid reaching a height of 2.2 m (fig. 4.90) and capped by a stone slab of 32 sq cm on which is carved the shape of a reversed lotus blossom. The floor is paved with two layers of bricks, possibly obtained from Han tombs. The door, formed of two stone slabs, gives onto a slanting, low passageway constructed of rocks and stone slabs. There are two niches in the passageway. Originally a drainage channel led to the outside. The whole was covered by a mound 5.2 m high and 24 m × 29 m at the base. Excavation of this soil for material by brick makers led to the discovery of the tomb. The tomb type resembles the shape of the tombs at Zhongxian 忠縣, Sichuan, that are carved into stone cliffs.176 What makes this tomb so exceptional is the murals painted on a layer of plaster covering the inside walls. Each of the walls has two registers separated by a band of a decorative linked curlicue design. The upper registers have wavelike lines representing clouds; the north and south walls have circles, two and four respectively, perhaps representing stars, and the east wall has a red orb, representing the sun, with a raven alongside it. On each wall is painted the

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4.90. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Zhaotong, Yunnan (after Wenwu 1963.12:2, fig. 1)

proper directional animal, tortoise and snake on the north, tiger on the east, dragon on the west, and phoenix on the south. In addition there are assorted lotus blossoms, mounted riders, buildings, birds, animals, and the so-called jade maiden holding some grass with which to feed the dragon; many of the figures are identified by labels. The lower register portrays the world of man. On the back wall the figure of the deceased is depicted sitting on a platform, his right hand holding a chowrie (deer tail whisk). To his left and right are attendants and a rack of weapons and insignia (fig. 4.91). From an inscription we know the deceased was someone named Huo 霍 who had served as governor and military commander in the area of Yunnan and Sichuan and had died at the age of sixty-six sui while holding the office of warden (mu 牧) of a county a short distance upriver from Jiangling, in Hubei. He had been reburied at this site, presumably his native place, sometime during 385–94. Huo was probably a man of some influence in his locality who led a troop of personal followers and was given an office in return for his service to the state. His example gives some indication of the governmental structure outside the émigré court on which the Eastern Jin relied to govern the outer reaches of its realm. The two side walls are lined with figures said to represent the deceased’s buqu 部曲, or retainers. Those on the east wall are holding what is described as

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4.91–92. Tomb mural, Zhaotong, Yunnan (after Wenwu 1963.12, pls. 1.1 and 2.1)

rectangular pennants; below them are armored men with lances riding barded horses (fig. 4.92). The west wall has four rows representing these buqu: the topmost shows men holding ring-handled swords; this is followed by two of men with hairstyles and cloaks resembling those of the Yi minority today; and at the bottom are four mounted riders (fig. 4.93). On the front wall, the lower register depicts a gabled-roof building, next to which appear an armored soldier and two large designs resembling Chinese graphs, perhaps talismans of some sort, but they are of unknown significance (fig. 4.94). These murals not only permit us a rare glimpse of the society of this area at the time, but they also provide valuable material for an understanding of the prevailing belief systems.177

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4.93. Tomb mural, Zhaotong, Yunnan (after Wenwu 1963.12, pl. 3.1)

4.94. Tomb mural, Zhaotong, Yunnan (after Wenwu 1963.12, pl. 4.2)

Sichuan Sichuan is basically divided topographically into the Sichuan basin to the east and the western Sichuan plateau. The Sichuan basin is an extremely fertile area, with the Yangzi flowing through its southern edge; the many rivers of the basin drain into it. This was the core area of the Shu state during the Three Kingdoms period. During the Six Dynasties period it was controlled under the southern states until the area was occupied by the Western Wei in the mid-sixth century, a prelude to the eventual conquest of the south. Most of the archaeological sites are found around modern Chongqing 重慶 (ancient Ba 巴) and Chengdu

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(ancient Yi 益) as well as in the mountains surrounding the basin and lining the Yangzi downriver. Tombs fashioned in cliff faces, called rock or cliff tombs, are characteristic of Sichuan and offer another example of an adaptation to environmental conditions. Tombs of this sort were constructed by first gouging out a cut into the sloping cliff wall to form a tomb passageway, and then, once the floor had been leveled, hewing a doorway and chamber, or chambers, out of the rock.178 Some Eastern Han cliff tombs in Sichuan are elaborate multichambered affairs into which a relatively large number of bodies were deposited (but not more than two or three to a chamber), along with a wide range of grave goods. Tomb M3 at Tianhui 天迴, Chengdu, for example, has eight rooms in which fourteen bodies were laid to rest.179 The disturbed conditions after the breakup of the Han state led to a reduction in the scale of funereal arrangements. One telling index of this decline is the diminishment of money offerings left in the tombs. Whereas in the Han tombs it is not unusual to find several hundred cash strung on hemp cords, in later tombs the offering might amount to only ten or so cash held together by a wooden twig.180 Still, the fall of the Han would not have had an immediate effect, and local economic conditions would also have affected such a trend. A group of cliff tombs at Tujing 涂井, a short distance upriver on a tributary of the Yangzi, within Zhongxian, is an example of a transitional stage. The tombs are not as elaborate as the earlier one cited above, but the grave goods are still quite extensive. Of the fifteen tombs excavated here, seven are single chambered (fig. 4.95), three double chambered (fig. 4.96), and five multichambered (fig. 4.97). In addition to more than three thousand coins, some six hundred burial objects were uncovered. The prosperity evidenced by some of these tombs may stem from the

4.95. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Tujing, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:50, fig. 3)

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4.96. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Tujing, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:57, fig. 17)

4.97. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Tujing, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:58, fig. 19)

commercial production of salt in the area. Based on the coins found here, only one of the group of fifteen is of late Eastern Han; the others are believed to date from the Shu period. Among the grave goods are nine iron swords with ring pommels, 101 cm to 124 cm long, that had been laid alongside individual bodies. Perhaps the most noteworthy objects are the 158 models and figurines. These include all sorts of

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4.98. Tomb figurines, Tujing, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:56, fig. 16)

domestic animals and fowl, models of fish ponds, buildings (10), some of which were described in chapter 3, and 100 figurines, 65 of which were found in one tomb, M5 (fig. 4.98); the remainder were found in M9, M12, and M13. The figurines represent musicians, dancers, and servants. There are only 3 figurines depicted with weapons, one of which is of a woman. These figurines closely resemble those of the Han tombs at Tianhui, but differences in pottery types and the amount of buff ware accord with the later date indicated by the coins.181 Another site at which such cliff tombs have been found is at Zhaohua 昭化, on the Jialing 嘉陵 River upstream from Chongqing and quite close to the border with Gansu. The thirty-two tombs in this group are single chambered, narrower at the front than at the back, and have slightly curving walls but a straight back wall and a barrel-vaulted ceiling arching to the floor on both sides (fig. 4.99). The floors are slightly tilted toward the door to provide drainage. Often a drainage channel ran from the door along the passageway to the cliff’s edge. The doorways were sealed with bricks, and additional bricks and rocks were piled against them as a barricade. The chambers vary in depth, ranging from 1.2 m to 2.4 m, the average being 1.99 m. Still smaller tombs, effectively simple niches, seem to have been constructed for children. Over half the thirtytwo tombs in this group have layers of bricks or stones to serve as a coffin platform; of the coffins, only nails and wood debris remain. From the grave goods

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4.99. Plan and cross sections of a tomb at Zhaohua, Sichuan (after Kaogu xuebao 1959.2:114, fig. 6)

4.100. Plan and cross sections of a tomb at Zhaohua, Sichuan (after Kaogu xuebao 1959.2:110, fig. 1)

and remaining skeletal fragments it would appear that in many cases (eleven of fourteen for which there is evidence) the bodies were deposited with the heads to the back of the tomb.182 One of the objects in Tomb 23 (fig. 4.100) is a bronze seal of the governor (taishou) of the Yinping 陰平 Commandery, then located upriver from Zhaohua at modern Wenxian 文縣 in Gansu. Since Yinping is known to have been a Wei

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4.101. Plan of a tomb at Zhaohua, Sichuan (after Kaogu 1958.7:26, fig. 5)

commandery, this area may have been under the rule of the Wei state rather than the Shu. The seal may indicate that this joint tomb is that of a governor and his wife, but despite its not having been plundered, the only luxury items are three silver hairpins, seventeen glass beads, and two small carbon carvings. This tomb, like the others in the group, reveals a generally low level of economic well-being. Nearby is another group of twenty such cliff tombs of slightly larger size, averaging 2.04 m in depth as against the 1.99 m of the Zhaohua group. These, too, are slightly broader toward the back, but the barrel vaults of the ceilings are not as arched (fig. 4.101). On the basis of scanty evidence, the tombs have been assigned generally to the Six Dynasties period, without any more precise date being hazarded.183 Other sites with similar burials have also been reported in the same general area, at Zhangming 漳明 on the Fujiang 涪江 River, which flows through the next valley over from the Jialing River. These tombs are even poorer in grave goods, but, as with the Zhaohua burials, every male was supplied with an iron knife or short sword, perhaps an indication of a concern for security in this frontier area.184 In the flatlands of the Sichuan basin, tombs of brick were built as in other parts of China. One example is from Wudaoqu 五道渠, near Chengdu, that can be dated to the Shu period by the many coins found inside. It is rectangular,

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4.102. Plan and cross section of a tomb at Wudaoqu, Chengdu area, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1984.8:46, fig. 2)

barrel vaulted, with a rather unusual arrangement of pillars near the entrance (fig. 4.102). The bricks, which have a diamond-pattern edge, are laid in courses of running bond. An unusual find here is a bronze lamp in the shape of a tortoise and snake, the symbol for north (fig. 7.14).185 Two brick tombs apparently of a slightly later date have been reported from Yangzishan 揚子山, Chengdu. They are two chambered with a central entrance; the bricks, which have geometric patterns, are laid in running bond, as in the previous example, the ceilings are barrel arched, and the floors are laid with straight rows of bricks. One is particularly distinctive in having a set of stone doors on which are carved two figures in slight relief, one holding a broom that traditionally was held by a doorkeeper and the other holding a tablet in a pose of great respect, a custom that arose in the Han and became common in the Six Dynasties period (fig. 4.103).186 A tomb of the early Six Dynasties period with a unique roof was reported from Xinfan 新蘩, also close to Chengdu. The walls were formed of running bond, but the bricks of the barrel vault are set vertically, giving it an angular appearance. The tomb was paved with bricks of a trapezoidal shape, also unusual (fig. 4.104).187 Outside the Chengdu area, two brick tombs have been located at Xichang 西 昌, in the southwest corner of Sichuan. These contained a few pottery figures, coins, and silver ornaments and were dated as Eastern Jin, but little else was mentioned in the report.188 Curiously, no brick tombs have been reported for the period between the Jin and the Sui. A segmented tomb of Shuangliu 雙流, near Chengdu, indicates that

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4.103. Door of a tomb at Yangzishan, Chengdu, Sichuan (after Wenwu cankao ziliao 1955.7:98, fig. 5)

4.104. Cross section and rendering of a tomb at Xinfan, Sichuan (after Wenwu cankao ziliao 1955.12:75, figs. 1–2)

in Sichuan, as elsewhere, the Sui brought an increase in complexity. The chambers in the front and back have niches, and the structure has barrel vaults. Tang tombs very much resemble this pattern of construction.189 The tombs in the lowland areas of Sichuan thus do not differ substantially from those of the heartland; it is rather the cliff tombs that are so distinctive.

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SUMMARY The basic idea of a crypt was inherited from the Han, but the directions it took depended upon place and period. In general, Six Dynasties developments included the dome, widespread use of the jade-belt pattern of brickwork, a decline in segmented tombs, and an increase in the size of the die-style tombs. Different regions developed their own styles, such as the stepped tomb in Fujian and elsewhere and the boat-awning tomb and multiple parallel tombs in Guangdong. Notably few of the smaller tombs have been reported, especially the simple pit type, which must have been used by the majority of the populace of those days. Whether this is because such graves left few traces or because the archaeological activity and reporting have been skewed is hard to say. But it is important to keep in mind that at this point we do not have a full picture of the mortuary practices of the Six Dynasties period.

5 THE ROYAL TOMBS

HAN ORIGINS The various aspects of tomb architecture characteristic of the Six Dynasties period, as might be expected, are mirrored in expanded form in the royal tombs of this period. A full understanding of their development is hampered by the many gaps in the archaeological record, but, as elsewhere, the format of the early royal burials represented a continuation of Han practices, though political and economic crises during the last years of the Han and initial years of the Three Kingdoms period brought on rather abrupt changes. The tombs of Han emperors are characterized by large mounds and the accompanying graves of consorts and high officials who had served the royal house. The Western Han tombs also had a wall enclosing the mausoleum grounds, temples, and other attached buildings, as well as accommodations for a community of attendants assigned to attend the deceased emperor as if he were still alive, to the extent of even drawing a daily bath and laying out fresh robes. By Eastern Han times this establishment had been reduced to a fence (xingma 行馬) in place of the wall, and though there was still housing for the staff on the east side of the mausoleum grounds and a stone hall erected in front of the tomb mound, there was no longer the so-called mausoleum city. The location of these tombs is known because of the large mounds that still survive, but since none of the tombs themselves have been excavated, the internal construction is not known, though it is assumed that it resembled on a larger scale the construction 163

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of such princely tombs as that at Dabaotai 大葆臺 and Mancheng 滿城, which have been unearthed.1 It has been suggested that the imperial tomb was a symbol of the power of the ruler, and thus the Qin and early Han tombs, with their extensive grounds and building complexes, are an indicator of the extent of dynastic power, but as that power eroded during the Eastern Han along with the rise of local magnates, there was a reduction in the scale of imperial mausolea; that loss of power would also help to explain why new policies were so quickly initiated in the following Three Kingdoms period.

THREE KINGDOMS ERA Virtually all that is known of the Cao Wei tombs comes from the written record. Once Cao Cao (155–220) seized power in the north, he attempted to impose severe restrictions on the size and scale of burials, not excluding his own. In a number of edicts he advocated “austere” burials (bozang), citing the poor economic conditions of the state. At his own death he left behind final instructions in which he specifically requested that his final shroud consist of ordinary clothing and that no valuables be placed in his tomb.2 Cao Cao’s son and heir, Cao Pei (187–226), prepared a long and detailed text of his fi nal arrangements (zhongzhi), arguing that since a rich tomb would attract robbers, it was in fact more filial to provide an austere tomb than a rich one.3 Neither Cao Cao nor his son was the first to advocate this sensible policy, but they may well have been able to influence actual practice. Burials, including royal ones, seem for the duration of the Six Dynasties period to have been less extravagant than before. It is of course quite possible that the cause of this retrenchment is to be sought in economic realities rather than in imperial fiat.4 Both Cao Cao and his son Cao Pei left instructions for the location of their tombs and the arrangement of the subsidiary tombs of family and followers within their mausoleum grounds. Cao Cao was buried west of Ye and Cao Pei at the foot of Shouyang 首陽 Mountain, east of the old city of Luoyang. Neither tomb has been located, perhaps because in both cases it was forbidden by the deceased that the site be marked by a mound or a planting of trees, as had been the custom since at least the time of Qin Shihuang 秦始皇. In the case of Cao Pei, the mausoleum grounds reached to the west bank of the Jian River 澗水, and a tomb excavated in that area contained an object with a date corresponding to A.D. 247. The tomb had been robbed, but a fine jade cup and the iron scaffolding of a canopy that it yielded indicate that the tomb was that of a member of the elite, though probably not an imperial burial. Nevertheless, the plainness of the rest of the remaining grave goods and the size of the tomb, compared with Han materials, give clear evidence that the burial standards of this time had declined noticeably.5

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Cao Zhi 植 (192–232), prince of Chen and brother of Cao Pei, was also a famous literatus in his own right. His tomb, located at Donga 東阿 District in western Shandong, has been excavated (fig. 5.1). It is a two-chambered tomb with an entryway; the barrel vault over the square front chamber reaches 8 m in height, while that of the rear chamber is 3.31 m. The whole has an area of 26 sq m. The brickwork follows the standard jade-belt pattern, and the walls and ceilings of the chambers are covered with a layer of plaster. The coffin, now decayed, had been placed in the center of the front chamber. It had contained a layer of wood charcoal, another of cinnabar, and a final layer of pieces of mica cut into the shapes of the sun, moon, and stars. The body had been placed on top of the mica. The tomb contained 132 items, most of which had been deposited on both sides of the coffin. The grave goods included a few pieces of jade, agate, glass paste, and stone, 89 of ceramic, including models of fowl, dogs, stoves, a low table, ladles, a well, bell, quern, and a variety of vessels. There was also a brick inscription by which the deceased was identified. Based on the historical records, he was in fact in exile and had been enfeoffed at this site as prince of Donga in 229, but in 232 he was transferred to be prince of Chen at what is now Huaiyang 淮陽, Henan, where he died soon after, reportedly of frustration and unhappiness. He was buried at Donga apparently in accordance with his express wishes.6 Another noticeable change in the pattern of imperial burials at this time is that the focus of ancestor worship shifted from the tomb to the ancestral temple.

5.1. Plan and cross section of the tomb of Cao Zhi (after Huaxia kaogu 1999.1:8, fig. 2; reprinted by permission from Huaxia Kaogu)

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Though the desire for simple, even unobtrusive burials may have been a factor in this change, for certainly the extensive complex of buildings necessary for the maintenance and support of the elaborate ceremonies would have attracted much attention to the site, an erosion or downgrading of the ancillary establishment at the mausolea was already evident during the Eastern Han, and the development during the later period may simply have been a continuation of that change in religious belief. At any rate, Cao Pei issued an edict in which he said that such sacrifices at the tomb were a more recent innovation and decreed that the older practice of holding such rites in the ancestral temple should be followed. He accordingly ordered many of the structures at Cao Cao’s tomb to be torn down, saying that, after all, this policy adhered more closely to his father’s dying wishes. Despite occasional reversions to holding the sacrifices at the tomb, Cao Pei’s dictum became the general practice for the duration of this period.7 The state of Wu had four rulers over the space of fifty-nine years, but one was deposed and the last surrendered to the Wei. One may assume the existence of two imperial mausolea, but neither has been located with any certainty. The tomb of Sun Quan, the founder of the state, is said to be in the southern foothills of Zhongshan 鐘山 at Sunlinggang 孫陵崗, and a hill called Meihuashan 梅花山, in front of the tumulus of the first Ming emperor, is said by some to mark Sun’s tomb. From the numerous examples of lesser tombs of the Wu period, one may conclude that the funerary arrangements followed the Han example, though in a slightly less expansive fashion.8 Finally, there was only one imperial mausoleum during the state of Shu, that of Liu Bei, who died just two years after declaring himself emperor and successor to the line of Han rulers. For that reason, it is assumed that his tomb was fashioned on the model of Eastern Han practices, but as yet, although the location, marked by a mound some 15 m high at Wuhouci 武侯祠 in Chengdu, is known, it has not been excavated.9

WESTERN JIN The rulers of the Western Jin, at least in the beginning years, followed the lead of their predecessors and requested austere burials. Sima Yi 司馬懿 (d. 251) left extensive and explicit instructions, which included the request that the tomb be an earthen one, with no mound or trees, that he be buried in ordinary clothing, and that no numinous vessels (mingqi 明器) be deposited in the tomb.10 His successors, Sima Shi 師 (d. 255) and Sima Zhao 昭 (d. 265), adhered to the same policy. There is no record in this regard for the two remaining Western Jin rulers, Sima Yan (d. 290) and Sima Zhong 衷 (d. 306), who might be expected to have mausolea, but Sima Yan did castigate the practice of erecting stone buildings, stone animals, and stelae before tombs as being self-congratulatory,

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misleading, and harmful to the common good, and forbade their use.11 One might expect, then, that the tombs of the Western Jin rulers would be of modest proportions, and it is perhaps for that reason that their location has been difficult to ascertain. It was long assumed that these Jin imperial burials were in the Luoyang area, the capital at the time, but though the names of the mausolea are recorded in the historical sources, as was the custom, the only location given was for the tomb of Sima Yi, which was said to be at Shouyang Mountain.12 A passage cited in the commentary to the Wenxuan provided some additional information, giving the relative positions of the five mausolea but not their precise locations.13 The discovery of two stone tomb records (muzhi 墓誌) in the early decades of the twentieth century, stemming from ancillary burials at the mausolea of Sima Zhao and Sima Yan, was instrumental in finally locating the tombs of these two emperors.14 The two imperial burials are located short distances northwest of the Jin city of Luoyang, each on a high rise in the southern foothills of the Mang Hills. In both cases, a large tomb, presumably that of the emperor, is accompanied by a number of smaller burials, four in the case of Sima Zhao and twenty-two for Sima Yan. The large tombs are farthest to the east and lower on the slope, the other tombs lying in rows to the west, becoming progressively smaller as they climb the slope (figs. 5.2, 5.3). The format of the tombs apparently is the same, differing only in size. Each tomb consists of three segments: tomb passageway, entryway, and chamber. Each long passageway had been excavated as a ramp with ledges on both sides to the desired depth, and the entryways and chambers were then carved out of the earth. The passageways were backfi lled with rammed earth. The passageway of Sima Zhao’s putative tomb is 46 m long, 11 m wide, and 11 m deep at its lowest point, while the chamber is 4.5 m × 3.7 m × 2.5 m. The four accompanying tombs have much smaller passageways, an average of 21.5 m × 6.2 m × 7.6 m, while their chambers are roughly the same size as that of the imperial tomb. Sima Yan’s tomb complex lies to the west, thus giving pride of place to his father. The relative proportions here are the same, with the average size of the passageways of the secondary tombs being slightly more than half that of the emperor’s tomb, while the chambers of the imperial and accompanying tombs are roughly the same size.15 Only two tombs have been actually excavated, both of them ancillary tombs of the more easterly complex. The chambers in both cases were paved with brick, had plain stone doors in the entryway, and the chamber walls were left unfi nished after being carved out of the soil (fig. 5.4). It may be assumed that the tombs of the emperors were similar.16 There was very little in the way of grave goods recovered in these two excavations, and nothing to indicate who might have been buried there. Since the recovered epitaph of Zuo Fen 左棻, a consort of emperor Sima Yan (and

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5.2. Topographic map, cemetery at Zhentoushan, Mang Hills (after Kaogu 1984.12:1101, fig. 4)

incidentally, sister of the literatus Zuo Si 左思) would indicate she was buried in one of the twenty-two tombs, it is probably the case that others of this emperor’s wives were also buried here.17 It has been suggested that the reason the Jin emperors did not want to have mounds raised over their tombs was the fear of signaling their locations to grave robbers, as had happened with their predecessors in that time of turmoil. In any event, in the case of Sima Zhao’s mausoleum, there were traces of a rammedearth wall around the complex and the foundations of various associated buildings. Certainly, in 416, over a hundred years later, when Liu Yu led an Eastern Jin army to recapture Luoyang, he ordered that the five mausolea be restored,

5.3. Topographic map, cemetery at Junyangling, Mang Hills (after Kaogu 1984.12:1099, fig. 3)

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5.4. Cross section and plans of tomb M4, Mang Hills (after Kaogu 1984.12:1103, fig. 5)

and there was apparently no difficulty in locating them at that time.18 Another suggestion has been that the Jin rulers did not want to estrange the strong clans on whose support they relied by any display of power and wealth, and so they kept their tombs within modest limits. A related and perhaps more convincing argument is that the imperial mausolea were indices of central power and in periods of decline, as in the late Eastern Han, the scale and elaborateness of the mausolea likewise declined.19 The point here is that while economic conditions were no doubt an important element, political considerations may have been an even more important factor during the Western Jin. Entering the Eastern Jin, however, when by all accounts the stability of the imperial court was even less secure, the imperial tombs became more elaborate than those of the Western Jin.

SOUTHERN DYNASTIES Tombs of the rulers of the state of Wu had been sited in the Nanjing area, and with the removal of the Jin capital to Nanjing in 317, royal mausolea again began to be located in and near that city. The historical literature contains references to seventy-one tombs of emperors, empresses, and other members of the royal families down through the Chen. Over the years, thirty-one royal burials have

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been found, though not necessarily excavated, and of these twenty-three can be correlated with the literary sources. Some are at Nanjing itself; others are at Jiangning, Jurong, and Danyang 丹陽.20 A number of the identified tombs have been excavated (map 3).21 These imperial tombs of the southern states share the following characteristics: 1. All are located on mountain slopes, and though geomantic principles were important in selecting the individual sites, the directional orientation depended upon the site itself.22 2. A pit was excavated to contain the tomb chamber. A platform of as many as five to seven layers of bricks was first laid in the pit; on it was erected a single chamber, usually jug shaped in plan, with a rounded back wall and sometimes bowed side walls as well. The ceiling was most often a dome. The tomb might have retaining walls to take some of the weight of the earth about it.23 3. The space between the pit and chamber walls was fi lled with stamped earth. A mound of considerable size was raised over the tomb, though in some cases it appears that the mountain on which the tomb was located served in place of a mound. 4. The relatively long entryway, in addition to a sealing door most often had two stone doors, with semicircular stone lintels carved to simulate brackets. An elaborate drainage channel built of brick sometimes led some distance down the slope; such drainage was necessary because of the dampness of the region. 5. Traces may still be found of spirit ways, consisting of stone beasts, stone pillars, and stone stelae, and even ponds, on an axis with the tomb. Often the only traces of tombs are the incongruous appearance of a solitary stone beast in an empty field, an indication that somewhere in the hills some distance up a valley is a royal tomb.24

Eastern Jin Though the evidence is fragmentary, it would seem that the burials of each of the dynasties were clustered about specific areas. According to literary sources, the mausolea of the Eastern Jin emperors were located in the Nanjing area, those of the four earliest rulers primarily in a western group at Jilongshan, which is north of Jiankang, while the later rulers were laid to rest in an eastern cluster at Zhongshan, the hills to the east of Jiankang.25 A tomb found on the North Campus of Nanjing University, in what would be the Jilongshan area, has been said to be an imperial one (fig. 5.5).26 One tomb, that of Sima Dan 聃, Emperor Mu 穆 (d. 361), was described in the sources as being the only one sited on

14

15

3

Yaohuamen

2

Shangfang

Fangshan Hushu iver ai R u Qinh

Chunhua 17 16 20 19

21

Shishiwei

Tangshan

Jurong

Qiaotou

Baitu

0

Shangdang

10 km

Danyang

Dantu

Zhenjiang

Yan gzi

Ca na l

27

Jianshan

25 22 24 26

Bucheng

Dagang Yaojiaqiao

33

Lücheng

Sanchengxiang Lingkou

Qian’aimiao

31 30 32

23

28 29

Huqiao

Xinfeng

Map 3. Southern Dynasties royal tombs (based on Luo Zongzhen, “Liuchao lingmu maizang,” 360)

Lukou

Moling

Jiangning

18

Xianhemen

Qilinmen

13

Xixia Lingshan

11 12

34 8 9 7 56 4 10

Ganjiaxiang

1 Nanjing Zijinshan

Taowu

Banqiao

Xishanqiao

Jiangning

Jiangpu

Mufushan

Yizheng

son of Xiao Hong, nephew of Wudi

蕭恢

蕭秀

蕭映 蕭穎冑 劉義隆 蕭宏

6. Xiao Hui

*7. Xiao Xiu

8. 9. 10. 11.

Qi Chen Chen

Liang

蕭嶷 陳頊 陳霸先

蕭正立

20. Unattributed

Xiao Ni Chen Xu Chen Baxian Unattributed Unattributed Xiao Zhengli

14. *15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

Song Chen

劉裕 陳蒨

Qi Qi Song Liang

Liang

Liang

12. Liu Yu *13. Chen Qian

Xiao Ying Xiao Yingzhou Liu Yilong Xiao Hong

蕭憺

5. Xiao Dan

Liang

Gongdi (385–420) Mudi (343–61) (d. 497), brother of Wudi (477–523), first cousin of Wudi (478–522), half brother of Wudi (476–526), half brother of Wudi (475–518), half brother of Wudi (d. 489), son of Gaodi cousin of Qi Gaodi Song Wendi (407–53) (473–526), half brother of Wudi Song Wudi (407–53) Wendi (d. 566), son of Wudi son of Gaodi Xuandi (528–82) Wudi (513–59)

Jin Jin Liang Liang

司馬德文 司馬聃 蕭敷 蕭景

*1. *2. 3. 4.

Sima Dewen Sima Dan Xiao Fu Xiao Jing

Dynasty

Name of tomb occupant

Liang Qi

Liang

Liang Qi

Qi

Qi

Qi

Qi Qi

Liang Qi

Dynasty

*Excavated tombs

Xiao Wei

蕭偉

Liang

33. A group of eight Qi and Liang tombs 34. Xiao Tong or 蕭統 Liang

蕭衍 蕭賾

蕭順之

30. Xiao Shunzhi 31. Xiao Yan 32. Xiao Ze

蕭寶卷 蕭寶融 蕭綱 蕭鸞

蕭昭紋

*27. Xiao Baojuan or Xiao Baorong 28. Xiao Gang 29. Xiao Luan

26. Xiao Zhaowen

蕭昭業

蕭道成 蕭道生

23. Xiao Daocheng *24. Xiao Daosheng 25. Xiao Zhaoye

蕭績 蕭承之

21. Xiao Ji 22. Xiao Chengzhi

Name of tomb occupant

(501–31), eldest son of Wudi, (490–532), half brother of Wudi

(505–29), son of Wudi Qi Xuangdi, father of Gaodi (*either 22 or 23) Gaodi (427–82) posthumously Jingdi (d. ca. 478) (473–94), grandson of Wudi (480–94), grandson of Wudi (482–501), son of Mingdi, (488–502), son of Mingdi Jianwendi (r. 550–52) Mingdi (452–98), nephew of Gaodi father of Liang Wudi, posthumously Wendi Wudi (r. 502–49) Wudi (450–93), son of Gaodi

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5.5. Cross section and plan of a tomb on the North Campus, Nanjing University (after Kaogu 1973.4:37, fig. 1)

Mufushan 幕府山. A tomb reported on in 1983 has been identified as that of Sima Dan (fig. 5.6).27 The tomb of Sima Dewen 德文, Emperor Gong 恭 (d. 421), has been identified with a tomb excavated in the Fuguishan 富貴山 Hills, now within the city limits of Nanjing (fig. 5.7).28 All three tombs are rather large single-chambered brick tombs with the floors of the entryways containing two grooves where doors had been installed. The earliest tomb has a total area of 28.59 sq m, followed by 25.64 sq m and 43.9 sq m for the two other tombs. The structures are quite solid, having multiple layers of bricks as foundation and external buttress walls. Unfortunately they have all been robbed, and there is no clear evidence by which to identify their occupants. Certainly there is nothing to demonstrate that the attributions are beyond doubt, but the elaborateness of their structure does place them beyond the general run of tombs of that place and time.

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5.6. Plan of tomb possibly of Sima Dan (after Kaogu 1983.4:316, fig. 2)

5.7. Cross sections and plan of tomb possibly of Sima Dewen (after Kaogu 1966.4:198, fig. 3)

According to Jiang Zanchu, what characterizes these royal tombs are their size, their location on the southern slopes of hills/mountains (yang 陽), that all are of the die format with entryways and single chambers, that they had two wooden doors in the entryway, revealed by grooves in the walls even though the

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wood has decayed, and that the ceilings of the chambers are barrel vaulted rather than domed, as was becoming popular at this time. These tombs very much resembled those of the Western Jin; the stone doors of that earlier period were replaced by wooden ones perhaps because of the unsettled conditions during the early period of the Eastern Jin. Finally, these tombs appear to have been constructed in a very conservative way, without the drainage channels, simulated windows, die-shaped lamp niches, and other features that were gaining in popularity in the south. The same lack of innovation, according to Jiang, also shows up in the grave goods and tomb furniture. He suggests that maintenance of the traditional procedures may have played an important part in these imperial burials.29

Song Song imperial tombs, according to the literary sources, were located farther out from Jiankang, north, northeast, and south of the city. Two have been tentatively identified, both to the northeast, one at Ganjiaxiang 甘家巷 and the other at Qilinmen 其林門. The second is thought to be the tomb of the founder Liu Yu.30 Neither has been excavated.

Qi The seven Southern Qi emperors, as well as two given that honor posthumously, all appear to have been buried in an area northeast of Danyang, the majority in a hilly area near Huqiao 胡橋. There is much diversity of opinion as to the identity of the tombs since the literary evidence is ambiguous (Table 5.1).31 The three tombs that have been opened are substantial, each over 50 sq m in area. Like the Eastern Jin structures, they are single-chambered brick structures with entryways, double doors now of stone, rounded back walls creating a juglike shape, increased bulwarks on the outside, and multilayer brick foundations (figs. 5.8, 5.9).32 Each contains the famous brick murals of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove.33

Liang Liang imperial tombs are for the most part apparently located some 24 li east of Danyang, but none has been excavated. The primary evidence for their existence at that place is the surviving sculptured stone animals of the spirit ways. Imperial princes, however, were buried closer to the capital, generally east and northeast of Nanjing, out toward the Yaohuamen 堯化門 and the Ganjiaxiang areas. The tomb of one, Xiao Xiu 蕭秀 (d. 518), is among thirty-eight tombs in a Liang

e

d

c

b

a

Baorong Chengzhi or Daocheng Baorong Chengzhi

Luo Zongzhen, “Liuchao lingmu maizang,” 364 and map. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Jiangsu Danyangxian,” 9. Xu Pingfang, “Zhongguo Qin Han Wei Jin,” 524. Machida, “Nan Qi diling kao,” 43–63. So¯fukawa, “Nancho¯ teiryo¯,” 129–46.

Luoa Nanjingb Xuc Machidad e Sofukawa ¯

WUJIACUN

Daocheng Daocheng

Daocheng

TOMB 23 ZHAOJIAWAN

Luan

Chengzhi

TOMB 22 SHIZIWAN

Daosheng Ze Daosheng

Daosheng

TOMB 24 X IANTANGWAN

TABLE 5.1 PROPOSED IDENTITIES OF THE OCCUPANTS OF FIVE SOUTHERN QI TOMBS AT DANYANG

Baojuan Baojuan Baojuan or Baorong Daosheng Luan

TOMB 27 JINJIACUN

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5.8. Plan of an imperial tomb of the Southern Qi (after Wenwu 1980.2:2, fig. 2)

cemetery there.34 It, too, has a jug shape, a long drainage channel, a reinforcing wall, and a pair of stone animals in front. Another tomb near Yaohuamen, perhaps that of Xiao Wei, has been excavated (fig. 5.10).35 It is of the same general construction, but has additionally a stone door in the entryway (fig. 5.11). Finally, another tomb in the area is identified by a tomb inscription as that of Xiao Rong 蕭融, prince of Guiyang 桂陽 and the brother of Xiao Yan 蕭衍, founder of the Liang dynasty.36 The tomb of his son and heir, Xiao Xiang 蕭象, has also been located and excavated. The structure of the tomb is typical of tombs for men of his rank, and like the others, his tomb was sited facing south

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5.9. Plan of an imperial tomb of the Southern Qi (after Wenwu 1974.2:45, fig. 2)

on a hill slope at the head of a valley (fig. 5.12).37 There is no mention of the remains of a spirit way.

Chen The three Chen imperial tombs are quite scattered; the tomb of the founder of the state, Chen Baxian, is southeast of Nanjing, near Shangfang 上方; the tomb of his successor, Chen Qian 蒨, is sited east of Nanjing, at modern Lingshan 靈山; and that of Chen Xu 頊 is located southwest of Nanjing, near Xishanqiao 西善橋. The latter two have been opened and represent a further elaboration of the type. Chen Xu’s is especially noteworthy because it has the retaining walls

5.10. Cross section and plan of an imperial tomb of the Liang (after Wenwu 1981.12:15, fig. 3)

5.11. Stone door of a Liang imperial tomb (after Wenwu 1981.12:16, fig. 5)

5.12. Topographical map with location of the tomb of Xiao Xiang (after Wenwu 1990.8:33, fig. 1)

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5.13. Cross section and plan of a Chen imperial tomb (after Kaogu 1963.6:294, fig. 7)

at the front, behind the door, the first occurrence of this sort of structure in the Six Dynasties period. The brickwork in this tomb is also particularly elaborate (fig. 5.13).38 In comparison with the tombs described in chapter 4, the greater size and elaborateness of these tombs, which immediately identify them as being royal, argue against the general hypothesis that the southern courts were controlled by powerful aristocratic clans against whom the emperors were relatively powerless.

ROYAL TOMBS IN THE NORTH Comparatively speaking, much less is known about the royal mausolea in the north during this period.39 The turmoil and relative instability of the northern regimes, not to speak of the lack of financial resources, would have made the construction of large mausolea difficult and the preservation of any that were built quite uncertain. The scale of the mausoleum being built by Liu Yao, ruler of the Zhao state, was reduced after officials criticized it, saying that its extrava-

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gance could only lead to its later destruction and citing as proof the case of the tomb of Qin Shihuang.40 The modest proportions of the tomb of Feng Sufu, of the Northern Yan, a brother of the ruler of that state, is probably characteristic of the scale of tombs of the more ephemeral of the Sixteen States.41

Northern Wei The Northern Wei was the most durable of the northern states, and its royal tombs reflect this comparative stability. The historical sources refer to the burial of the first seven emperors, ten empresses, six princes, and eighteen others as being located at the Jinling 金陵 (Golden Mausoleum). These burials have been identified with a series of tombs found on mountain peaks in the area around Youyu 右玉, at the northern tip of Shaanxi, south of the original Northern Wei capital of Shengle (near modern Holingol) and to the west of the subsequent capital at Pingcheng (modern Datong).42 Twenty-one large tombs, some of which had small ancillary burials nearby, were found spread over an area of 1,500 sq km on fourteen peaks ranging in altitude from 1,500 m to 1,700 m above sea level. The large tombs have a square platform, either of stamped earth or faced with stone, ranging in size from 11 m to 74 m to a side (the average is 26.75 m), generally 1–2 m high, and surmounted by mounds of various shapes, rounded, pointed, or flat (the so-called fudou shape), ranging from 2 m to 7 m high (average is 4.85 m).43 Some of the mounds are covered with basalt stones. Pottery shards, tiles, and bricks with typical Northern Wei decorations have been found with these tombs, and in a few cases traces of stone-paved walks and a gate have been uncovered. These Northern Wei tombs thus capped the mountain peaks, forming a unified whole, and were not dug into the sides of mountains as in the south. Their relatively small size, as compared with that of the later, Tang tombs, also enabled them to blend into the natural landscape. Imperial burials at this location, according to the Weishu, spanned the years 377–476.44 The earliest recorded burial in this complex is that of an empress in 355, and the latest, that of another empress, was in 483.45 None of these early imperial mausolea, only recently discovered, have been excavated and so there is no information concerning the internal tomb structures. The earliest Northern Wei tomb of this sort to have been excavated is that of the dowager empress Feng 馮 (d. 490), the Yongguling, built in 481–84 at Fangshan, north of Datong.46 The mound, 117 m × 124 m and 23 m high, is described as being round with a square base, but there is no mention of a platform such as characterized the earlier mausolea. The tomb itself consists of a stone passageway and a brick front chamber, inner corridor, and rear chamber (fig. 5.14). Excluding the passageway, the brick structure is over 17 m long, and the internal area is some 71 sq m! The front chamber and inner corri-

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5.14. Cross section and plan of the tomb of the dowager empress Feng, Fangshan (after Wenwu 1978.7:30, fig. 3)

dor have barrel-vaulted ceilings, and the rear chamber has bowed walls constructed in jade-belt fashion with two rows of stretchers and one of soldiered bricks, repeated seven times. The walls lean slightly inward and are topped with a dome. The inner corridor has two stone doors of high quality, although they are not functional. This tomb is probably similar to the earlier royal tombs of the Northern Wei, though on a grander scale.47 Also notable is the fine stone carving of the door blocks in the shape of tiger heads in front of the inner corridor and elsewhere in the tomb, a skill that marks the Northern Wei material (fig. 5.15).48 Emperor Xiaowen (r. 477–99) had originally expected to be buried near the tomb of his grandmother, the dowager empress Feng, and to that end had built his tomb on Fangshan, some 800 m to the northeast of the dowager empress’s tomb. It is also a double-chambered tomb, but the mound is smaller than that of his grandmother’s tomb. Some 200 m south of the Yongguling are the remains of a foundation, 40 m × 30 m, that had originally served a pagoda with encircling cloister; this structure thus gave a Buddhist emphasis to the Eastern Han tradition of erecting a hall before the tomb.49 The tomb destined for Emperor Xiaowen remained empty, however, for when he moved the capital from Datong to Luoyang in 494, he determined that future royal burials would be in the Mang Hills west of the Chan River 瀍水,50 which would have been to the northwest of the city. The location was in line with his edict that the graves of all Xianbei who

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5.15. Rendering of the interior of the tomb of the dowager empress Feng, Fangshan (after Wenwu 1978.7:29, fig. 2)

had moved to the new capital would henceforth be at Luoyang and not at their former homes in the north.51 A good deal of effort has been expended in determining the location of the four imperial tombs in this area. The tombs are of the emperors Xiaowen (d. 499; Changling 長陵), Xuanwu 宣武 (d. 515; Jingling 景陵), Xiaoming 孝明 (d. 527; Dingling 定陵), and Xiaozhuang 孝莊 (d. 530; Jingling 靜陵).52 These tumuli are round in plan. Changling is about 35 m high and has a diameter of 45 m, Jingling is some 30 m high and over 40 m in diameter (fig. 5.16),53 and the tomb surmised to be that of Xiaozhuang is only some 15 m high and 30 m in diameter. The only one of these four mausolea to have been excavated thus far is the tomb of Emperor Xuanwu (fig. 5.17). It is quite impressive, on a par with that of Dowager Empress Feng. The passageway is over 40 m long, with brick lining only the last 4.5 m. The front entryway is 3.4 m long, 2.4 m wide, and 3.78 m high. A sealing door, 2.44 m thick, gives on to the second portion of the entryway, which is over 5 m long and almost 2 m wide. The burial chamber is almost square, with bulging walls, 6.73 m × 6.2 m, and a dome that reaches 9.36 m in height. The walls throughout are an impressive 2 m or more thick. The only structural damage is the result of grave robbers. Surprisingly, there is only a single layer of paving stones. The burial chamber contains a coffi n platform to the left of the entrance; the grave goods would have been placed to the right. Most of the objects recovered were in damaged condition, but a number of

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5.16. Cross section and plan of the tumulus and tomb of Emperor Xuanwu of the Northern Wei (after Kaogu 1994.9:803, fig. 3; reprinted by permission from Kaogu zazhishe)

vessels, both of pottery and buff ware, have been restored. A few other objects of stone and iron were also found.54 The thickness of these walls, fortresslike in their massiveness, may well have reflected a sense of uncertainty in the last years of the Northern Wei. On the basis of the locations where epitaphs were found from over two hundred tombs of family members of the Tuoba rulers of the Northern Wei,55 Su Bai has tentatively set forth the principles that determined their tomb sites.56 In general the area west of the Chan River was reserved for the imperial mausolea, while nonimperial tombs were located to the east of the Chan. Direct descendants of emperors were grouped together, alternating left and right by generation, and the children were then grouped around the tomb of their father. Brothers were arranged in a line left to right. The tomb areas of high-ranking ministers and others of high status were at the outer circle around the core area. Su Bai concludes that, though similar arrangements are described in the Zhouli 周禮, within the Confucian tradition, the practice had fallen into disuse, and

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5.17. Cross section and plan of the tomb of Emperor Xuanwu of the Northern Wei (after Kaogu 1994.9:805, fig. 5; reprinted by permission from Kaogu zazhishe)

that one needs to look instead to Xianbei practices as the inspiration for this arrangement. The emphasis on bloodlines may have been stronger in the early Northern Wei period, as exemplified by the necropolis at Jinling to the north, but the concept of a common burial area, as distinguished from a family plot, was apparently still quite strong at this period as well.

Eastern Wei And Northern Qi The burial ground for the rulers and highest elite of the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi states lay to the north and west of the capital at Ye, an area that now lies within the borders of Cixian, Hebei, south and west of that city. The large number of mounds there has led to such local designations as the Seventy-two Burial Mounds (zhong 塚) and the Eighty-four Barricades (zhai 寨).57 A survey of 123 sites in 1986 resulted in the excavation of a particularly large tomb,

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75.65 sq m in area, which, because of its size and excellent construction, is thought to be an imperial tomb. Although the identity of the deceased is not known, the tomb has tentatively been attributed to Gao Yang 高洋, Emperor Wenxuan 文宣 (d. 559) (fig. 5.18).58 The passageway is 37 m long; its sides and floor are plastered and the walls are covered with murals depicting an entourage of fifty-three figures on each side,59 above whom are depicted all sorts of divine creatures, lotus flowers, and clouds. The entryway, 6.7 m long, has three sealing walls and one stone door. Above the entryway is a retaining wall 5.06 m high. The tomb chamber, in the distinctive beehive shape of this area, has walls of bricks five layers thick. It is 7.56 m × 7.4 m and was originally 12.6 m high. Unfortunately the murals that once covered the interior of the chamber are heavily damaged. There is a large, highly decorated coffin platform 5.82 m × 3–3.8 m against the left wall. Although the tomb had been robbed, it yielded over fi fteen hundred figurines as well as a few models of household equipment, pottery vessels, and stone lamps.60

5.18. Plan and cross section of a royal(?) tomb at Wanzhang, Cixian, Hebei (after Kaogu 1990.7:602, fig. 1)

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Western Wei And Northern Zhou Ongoing tomb pilfering persuaded the authorities to undertake the excavation of the mausoleum of Emperor Wu (Yuwen Yong 宇文邕, r. 561–78) and his consort, née Ashina 阿史那 (daughter of a Turkish khan), in 1994–95.61 The mausoleum, Xiaoling 孝陵, is located northeast of Xianyang 咸陽, near Chenma 陳馬 Village, amid the imperial tombs of the Western Han and Sui dynasties. A number of Northern Zhou tombs, such as that of Chiluo Xie, mentioned in chapter 4, are nearby, indicating that this area was an important burial ground during that period. At the time of the writing of the report, a full survey had not been carried out, and so there was no information about possible remains of associated structures. The tomb is oriented roughly north-south, at 190˚, and has a total length of 68.4 m. The passageway, with five air shafts and four niches along it, has a slope of 10˚, is 2.6 m to 2.8 m wide, and descends to a depth of 6.5 m. Seven tunnels had been dug into the tomb by grave robbers. At the mouth of the entryway there were two sealing doors of adobe bricks, both broken down by the grave robbers. The entryway is 3.9 m long and 1.6– 1.7 m wide and had a wooden door at the middle, of which only traces remain. The floor is paved with bricks in a tweed pattern, originally painted red. The emperor’s tomb record (muzhi) and cover were in the entryway, and it has been surmised that those of the empress, which were turned over to the authorities, were also located there. The tomb chamber is 5.5 m × 3.8 m and has a paved floor and earthen walls. Since the ceiling had collapsed, the original height could not be determined. There is a small rear chamber, 1.96 m to 2.36 m wide and 1.3 m high; its depth was not given but may have measured 1.8 m. The tomb chamber yielded traces of a wooden coffin with iron handles and vault, scattered human bones, a plaster pillow, a bead, several gold flower petals, and a miniature seated Buddha made of an indeterminate material. This is surprising since Emperor Wu initiated one of the rare persecutions of Buddhism in Chinese history, one not lifted until after his death, but nothing more is said about the image in the report! Most of what was found in this burial came from the four niches along the passageway. This included 150 figurines: 21 attendants with “basket hats,” 15 with ordinary headgear, 60 with the Xianbei hoods and capes, 1 with armor, 10 female attendants, 12 armored cavalrymen, 22 riders carrying insignias, 2 mounted musicians, 1 squatting figure, 1 each with a winnowing basket and a huller, 2 guardian warriors, and 2 zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts). There were also 2 chickens and 2 dogs, a pottery oven, kettle, huller, mill, well, storehouse and guan jugs, some jade and gold ornaments, a gold seal used by the empress, a bronze wine warmer, and a belt buckle and belt attachments of rather

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fine workmanship. The tomb record inscriptions were short and unadorned, simply giving the bare facts. Before his death, the emperor had ordered that his burial be a simple one and that no tumulus be raised over his tomb.62 It appears that his wishes were followed. His mausoleum does not differ that much from the tombs of highranking officials of the dynasty. Indeed, the tomb of Chiluo Xie, mentioned earlier, was larger than that of the royal prince Yuwen Jian. In addition to the absence of a tumulus, the emperor’s tomb had in common with the tombs of high officials a lack of surface-level sculpture; moreover, the tomb figurines were of the same quality, and all the tombs have an additional room, either a small rear chamber or a side chamber.63 As the writers of the report say, there seems to have been little if any status differentiation among these high-level tombs, leading to the surmise that the Northern Zhou state did not have any strict sumptuary laws regarding burials.64

SUI A burial mound near Yangzhou, Jiangsu, has long been identified as that of Yang Guang 楊廣, Emperor Yang 煬 of the Sui dynasty, who was assassinated at Yangzhou in 618. No attempt has been made to excavate the site.

SPIRIT WAYS One of the remarkable features associated with Six Dynasties imperial tombs is the shendao 神道, or “spirit way.”65 The term refers to the approach to the tomb as marked by a number of features including statuary, pillars, and stelae. Some of these elements are found earlier, in the Western Han—the sculptures at the tomb of Huo Qubing 霍去病 are the best known—as well as stone animals scattered here and there, but these do not yet form, strictly speaking, a spirit way.66 By the Eastern Han, however, there emerged a well-developed complex with striding felines, often winged, or, in their place, a human figure, along with monumental towers (que) and stelae. The latter are occasionally borne by a tortoiselike creature and have a hole through the stone, harking back to their use as a support for a rope used to lower the coffin into the grave. 67 The early Six Dynasties reaction against Han excesses in tomb furnishings was directed toward such surface features as well as those inside the tomb. Cao Pei, Emperor Wen of the Wei, included in his final instructions the spirit way among those aspects of burial that were to be dispensed with.68 Sima Yan, Emperor Wu of the Jin, in 278 specifically condemned the stone sculptures of animals and stelae as expressions of personal vanity and false claims, and observed that their expense was the leading source of economic injury. He

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ordered the practice to cease and the destruction of any that might be found.69 The decree would appear to have been successfully implemented during the remaining years of the Western Jin, but the practice was revived in the Eastern Jin. According to the Songshu, in 318, one year after Nanjing became the capital, special permission was granted to erect a stela at the tomb of Gu Rong 顧榮 (d. 312), who had served so well to consolidate Jin control of the south. The text continues that, for the next century, such memorials were privately placed to mark the graves of eminent officials, until they were again proscribed.70 In 507, under the Liang, stone pillars indicating name and rank were to be allowed at the tombs of officials, but stone sculptures, human and animal, as well as stelae were expressly forbidden.71 In the Sui, officials were permitted to have stelae erected at their tombs, but the height, style, and type of base were to be strictly determined by their office. On a case-by-case basis, persons of special merit, even without having held office, were given special permission to have a stela.72 Regarding imperial mausolea, traces of sculptures and other spirit way memorials of the Eastern Jin survive only in literary sources.73 But from the Liu Song to the Chen, remnants are to be found at some thirty or more sites in the Nanjing area. It would appear that the regulations concerning such memorials were enforced and that only members of the imperial family, emperors and princes, could be regularly so honored. The most complete set survives only in the case of Xiao Xiu (d. 518), a younger brother of Xiao Yan, founder of the Liang dynasty. It consists of a pair of sculptured animals, a pair of fluted columns, and a number of stelae (fig. 5.19). Because of the fragmentary nature of the remains

5.19. Reconstruction of the spirit way of Xiao Xiu, Liang (after Till and Swart, In Search of Old Nanking, 50)

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at other sites, it is not known if the set varied depending on period or status, but no site exceeds that of Xiao Xiu. One pair of these chimeras, found near a village named Lingkou 陵口 (which translates as Entrance to the Mausoleum—or Mausolea), near Danyang, may have marked the entrance to an imperial tomb area since there are three imperial tombs in the vicinity, but none is associated directly with this particular pair.74 The style of the sculptured chimera obviously derived from Eastern Han prototypes, though the Han figures are usually more lithe and feline in appearance.75 The earliest Six Dynasties examples, those from the tomb of Liu Yu of the Song (d. 422), have stylized wings and hair, and chin whiskers forming a bridge between the lower jaw and chest. The chest protrudes far beyond that of the earlier Han animals, forcing the head back and up. The tails of these animals form a snakelike coil at the back. In the early sixth century, in the Liang, a new type emerged, generally called shizi 獅子, or lion. This creature has a lolling tongue that hangs down to the chest, replacing the chin whiskers of the earlier style, and it also has a less-crowded surface decor, with its mane represented in a more plastic manner.76 The que, or gate towers, of the Han were replaced in the Six Dynasties period by fluted columns, already found in the late Han,77 topped by an ornate, rather flat hemispherical capital and miniature chimera and bearing plaques identifying the person to whom the spirit way was dedicated. Of the more than thirty sites that may be identified as spirit ways, only six now have such columns. The plaque on the surviving column at Xiao Jing’s tomb is curious in that the characters are incised in mirror, or reverse, format, and it has been speculated that this allowed the spirits to read the text with more ease; other explanations have also been offered.78 The columns rest on bases in the shape of dragonlike beasts. The top part of the columns is sculpted to represent bindings of various sorts, but the fluting of the lower section would seem to derive from a Greek source.79 According to Wu Hung, these columns should not be considered to derive from the Han que but rather were based on Indian Buddhist sources and expressed the idea of transcendence and enlightenment.80 The stelae, resting on tortoise bases, are for the most part too eroded to be read,81 but in some cases the borders of ornate and detailed carving have survived.82 The statuary of these spirit ways is found in the flat land at some distance, as much as a kilometer, from the tombs, and one supposes that a path would have led to each tomb. No other traces of surface buildings or walls have been found, unlike the case of the Western Jin tombs mentioned earlier. What is left are these magnificent chimeras, in various stages of survival, which still manage in a forlorn way to make a statement of past grandeur. It would appear that spirit ways were also constructed in the north during these centuries. There is evidence that even commoners had sculptured animals,

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5.20. Stone guardian figure, Northern Wei (after Wenwu 1987.7:41, fig. 8)

stelae, and pillars erected at their graves.83 However, very little remains, and what has been found is crude and clumsy. Of the animals, we may cite a winged horse, dated 424, from the Xiongnu state of Xia (407–31),84 and two beasts, one a seated lion from the tumulus in the Mang Hills of Emperor Xiaozhuang (d. 530) of the Northern Wei,85 and the other a standing winged feline of the Western Wei.86 Finally, there are standing guardian figures, one found at the tomb of Emperor Xiaozhuang (fig. 5.20) and the second at the tomb of Emperor Xuanwu (d. 515) of the same dynasty. These large pieces, the first 3.14 m high and the second, headless, 2.89 m high, are the earliest such figures known and are forerunners of the many attendants, military and civil, that came to line the spirit ways of the Tang and later dynasties.87 It has been suggested that in the case of the Northern Wei, the placement of such figures on the surface, rather than underground, as had been the custom since the time of Qin Shihuang, was meant to strengthen control of the heartland by the Northern Wei.88 It is quite likely that these figures were influenced by the example of the southern courts, as was the case in so many other areas of cultural activity, albeit with some northern variations. While the Tang spirit ways developed in directions quite different from those of the south, the primary stimulus must still have been southern. It is interesting to speculate whether the inclusion of these sculpted human figures had any connection with the practice of the Turkish tribesmen of the steppes of placing stone figures of conquered enemies before tombs.

6 TOMB FURNISHINGS

hree broad categories of materials are found inside Six Dynasties tombs: (1) tomb furniture, such as coffins, altars, canopies, and tomb records; (2) apotropaic and symbolic objects, such as guardian figures, both human and animal, so-called jade shoats, and crossbow mechanisms, and (3) offerings of objects of quotidian usefulness, either real or especially made for the tomb, the latter including models, to serve the deceased in the afterlife. Despite some overlap, these categories provide a useful framework for discussion. We are fortunate to have recovered so much, even though the ubiquitous robbery of tombs and the decay of organic material with the passage of time prevent us from learning what the full range of grave goods may have been.1 There is not much literary evidence available for this period, and certainly none that explicitly explains the significance of what was placed in the tombs. Table 6.1, for example, is a list of items that He Xun 賀循 of the Jin drew up to be included among the grave goods of a high-ranking burial, but no reasons are given for the basis of this particular selection of utilitarian objects, nor is the overall significance clarified.2 Yan Zhitui (531–91+), in his Yanshi jiaxun 顏氏 家訓, mentions a number of objects that he did not wish placed in his grave; these include some that are clearly apotropaic, but there is no explanation.3 Finally, there are the inventory lists found at Turfan and elsewhere that are extremely interesting, but again, we are not provided with a discourse on the beliefs that dictated the inclusion of these particular items.4

T

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TABLE 6.1 HE XUN’S LIST OF NUMINOUS VESSELS TO BE DEPOSITED IN THE GRAVE

armrest (pingji 憑几), one wine vessel (jiuhu 酒壺), two: holds six sheng, covered with hemp cloth lacquer screen (qi pingfeng 漆屏風), one three grains–three vessels: nonglutinous rice, glutinous millet, panicled millet, burned and dried pottery spittoon (wa tuhu 瓦唾壺), one dried meat, one hamper: use the meat of the two sacrificial animals to make a substitute—place it in the funereal sacrificial meat stand to serve as a stored object sandals (ju 屨), one [pair?] pottery goblet (wa zun 瓦樽), one clogs (ji 屐), one [pair?] pottery bei cup (杯) pan 盤 plate ladle (shao 杓) staff (zhang 杖), one pottery candle plate (zhupan 燭盤), one chopsticks, one hundred pairs pottery box (wa lian 瓦奩), one pottery stove (wa zao 瓦灶), one pottery incense burner (wa xianglu 瓦香爐), one cauldron (fu 釜), two pillow, one pottery steamer (zeng 甑), one handkerchiefs, bestowed silk, three black, two crimson, thin fully hemmed [each] a foot long pottery brazier (wa lu 瓦爐), one pottery wash basin (wa guanpan 瓦盥盤), one

TOMB FURNITURE Coffins The Chinese coffin came to have its characteristic shape during the Six Dynasties period: wider and higher at the head than at the foot, and with a curved lid. There is some evidence that this shape was introduced into China by the northern non-Han peoples. Because coffins were generally made of wood, few examples have survived, and much of the evidence is indirect, derived primarily from patterns of nails, lacquer, plaster that was at times used to line the bottom of the coffin, and surviving fragments of wood.

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Even so, regional variations can be discerned. In the south, there is evidence from the early part of the period, during the Wu, of the use of coffins carved out of single logs, the so-called boat burial. Generally, the bottom and sides are in one piece, with the head- and footboards attached by means of mortiseand-tenon or tongue-and-groove joinery. Coffins of this type are found in Guangdong, Anhui, Hubei, and Jiangxi. Some of the best preserved, and most dramatic, are the three in the tomb of Gao Rong 高榮 of Nanchang, Jiangxi. All were carved from logs of nanmu 楠木, a kind of cedar (Machilus nanmu). The largest of the three measures on the inside 2.49 m long, 0.55 m wide at the head tapering to 0.51 m at the foot (a negligible difference in size), and, excluding the lid, is 0.55 m high. The other two coffins are slightly smaller (fig. 6.1).5 The lids are longer than the bodies of the coffins and fitted to them by tongue and groove. The two log coffins in the tomb of Zhu Ran (d. 249), at Maanshan, Anhui, are lacquered black on the outside and red inside. The lids and bodies in this case also are joined by tongue and groove (fig. 6.2).6 At other sites the coffins have only red lacquer, but there is no evidence that coffins were otherwise decorated at this time in the south. No coffins carved out of logs are reported later than the Wu; coffins constructed of boards, which were already in use during the Wu, were the most common type thereafter. One Wu-period coffin in good repair has been reported from Maqiao 麻橋, Anhui. The lid is rounded and the boards making up the coffin are joined by mortises and tenons. Another coffin, from Jiangning, Jiangsu, of the Eastern Jin, is interesting because of its compartment for grave

6.1. Plan of a tomb at Nanchang, Jiangxi (after Kaogu 1980.3:220, fig. 2)

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6.2. Wooden coffi n, Maanshan, Anhui (after Wenwu 1986.3:4, fig. 6)

goods at the head end.7 In general, however, this sort of board coffin did not survive well, perhaps because its wood was thinner than that of the betterpreserved log coffins. Nails of bronze or iron are sometimes found with the decayed or rotted wood, and from fragments of coating we know that many of these coffins were also lacquered.8 Wooden coffins with a broad, high head and a narrower foot seem to have appeared earliest among the northern non-Han peoples on the borders of China (fig. 6.3).9 A Northern Wei coffin of this shape from Meidaicun, Inner Mongolia, is described as being made of pine boards some 4 cm thick and held together by hourglass-shaped inset plugs. Some nails were also found, which may have been used to attach the lid.10 Similar coffins with traces of lacquer coating, often decorated, as well as iron handles for transport have been reported from the Northern Yan state, which was heavily influenced by the Murong culture (fig. 6.4).11 In short order, such wooden plank coffins of that shape became the characteristic Chinese coffin. In most cases where nails have been found though the coffin itself has decayed, they are too few to have been the sole means of holding the boards together. Moreover, nails have been found in only some 14 percent of the southern tombs and 21 percent of those in the north, evidence of the importance of joinery in coffin construction. Coffins that have survived intact, primarily from Jiayuguan and Dunhuang, both in Gansu, demonstrate indeed that various methods of joinery were employed. Although a report on a pair of relatively complete coffins has no

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6.3. Coffi ns, Zhalainuoer, Inner Mongolia (after Wenwu 1977.5:49, fig. 9)

6.4. Coffi n, Liaoning (after Wenwu 1973.3:4, fig. 4)

information on this score, from the illustration it would appear that hourglass plugs were used. The coffins were covered with black lacquer and the lids decorated with drawings in red, black, white, yellow, and green. The anterior surface of the lid of the male’s coffin has a representation of the King Sire of the East, while the rear portion has the Queen Mother of the West, with a background of a cloud pattern. The female’s coffin is similarly decorated with drawings, in this case those of Nüwo and Fuxi. In addition the footboard of the female’s coffin is

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6.5. Constellation on the footboard of a coffi n, Gansu (after Wenwu 1982.8:12, fig. 6)

decorated with a complex pattern described as a gua 卦, composed of dots and connecting lines drawn in ink (fig. 6.5). Though it has been suggested that this design may represent the Big Dipper, it bears no apparent similarity to that constellation.12 The most spectacular coffin thus far recovered is from a Northern Wei tomb at Guyuan, Ningxia. The body of the coffin has decayed away, but the lacquer covering, though in fragmentary condition, reveals a complex and beautifully executed surface decor featuring again the Queen Mother of the West and the King Sire of the East, as well as the Milky Way, strange creatures, a portrait of the deceased as host, and a series of vignettes illustrating examples of fi lial piety. The figures are garbed in typical Xianbei clothing (fig. 6.6; see also fig. 7.74).13 Remains of coffins found at Hanjiang 邗江, Jiangsu, dating from the Southern Dynasties period, have the high head and low foot, but in addition they have convex, or rounded, outside surfaces, which also became a characteristic of the traditional shape. The lid of this type extends beyond the body of the coffin and is seen as representing a transitional stage between the Han square box and the late-Tang type found in this area, in which both the lid and the bottom extend outward.14 Stone coffins, or sarcophagi, which appear in the Luoyang area from the Northern Wei on, are in a sense the counterpart of the jade suits of the Han in offering the promise of protection of the corpse for all eternity. Stone coffins were probably used only by members of the royal family and others of high status. Their shape is precisely the same as that of the wooden coffins, and apparently the carved decorations were painted to resemble the lacquered finishes of wood coffins (fig. 6.7).15 Very few of these stone coffins have been found, perhaps because expense and sumptuary regulations limited their number.16

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6.6. Lacquer coffi n lid (detail) Guyuan, Ningxia (after Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, Guyuan Bei Wei mu qiguanhua, fig. 7)

6.7. Stone coffi n, Luoyang (after Kaogu 1980.3:229, fig. 1)

The techniques for rendering the designs covering the outer surface of the body of the sarcophagi vary. In some cases, the figures are produced by incised lines, but in others the background is shaved away, leaving the figures to stand out; additional details may then be added by incised lines (fig. 6.8). While the themes are similar, there is no standard composition. In a sarcophagus recovered in 1977 and described in detail by Huang Minglan, the lid is plain on the

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6.8. Scene, stone sarcophagus (after Huang Minglan, Luoyang Bei Wei shisu shike xianhuaji, 4, pl. 6)

outer surface, but its inside has representations of the sun and moon. The headboard has a door depicted with an attendant on each side dressed in official robes and holding a sword. Above is a pair of birds and in the center the Buddhist mani jewel. On the footboard is a depiction of an elderly person sitting on a stretcher being carried by two younger persons, a scene from an anecdote about filial piety, perhaps originally a part of some other structure and recycled here. Along one side of the sarcophagus is an elaborate depiction of flying transcendents accompanying the deceased, who rides a dragon, followed by attendant musicians and regalia bearers. The opposite side has a female person being similarly accompanied. Along the front and rear edges of the bottom stone are depictions of the green dragon and white tiger, while in the center of each edge is a fierce animal head, perhaps representing the traditional fangxiang 方相, or exorciser. Twelve panels along each side of this bottom piece depict a different divine beast or bird, some of which resemble those on the cover of the Northern Wei lacquered coffin from Guyuan.17 The whole structure thus creates a container that simultaneously protects the body, provides uplifting associations, and indicates the final transference to a paradise.18 Stone sarcophagi are also found in Sichuan, representing a continuation of a Han tradition. The decorative style differs from that of the Luoyang region, and the themes include scenes of entertainment on earth and the tianmen 天門, or entrance to paradise above.19 Stone sarcophagi continued to be used through the Sui. The sarcophagus of Li He 李和, dated 582, is an example. The tops of both the head- and footboards

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are semicircular, to accommodate a curved lid. The sarcophagus’s surface is covered with elaborate incised drawings of transcendents, animals, dragons, and floral patterns. The circles carved on the lid may be meant to simulate the patterned cloth, found in Xinjiang, that was used to cover the head and chest of the deceased.20 Stone sarcophagi took other shapes, such as a model of a building. The most famous example is the sarcophagus in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, mentioned in chapter 4.21 Given the concern for the preservation of the body, one might expect that such stone sarcophagi would have been more common. No doubt their expense limited their use. Wood remained the primary material for fashioning coffins. A passage in the sixth-century Luoyang qielanji identifies Fengzhong 奉終 Ward, north of the main market of Luoyang, as a place where coffins, both inner (guan 棺) and outer vaults (guo 槨), and grave goods were sold. Based on the evidence of someone who had returned from the land of the dead, it was learned that coffins should be made of cypress and that the use of mulberry wood for any part was frowned upon by the underground authorities; the result was the price of cypress shot up. There was the suspicion that the story had been planted by those in the coffin trade to manipulate prices.22 The reason for the adoption of the trapezoidal shape for coffins is not clear. The northern, non-Han peoples from whom it was probably borrowed often placed grave goods at the head of the coffi n, and so the larger dimension at that end may have had some functional purpose, but the Chinese coffin seldom, if ever, would have needed that much space. Miniature models of this type of coffin came to be used in the Tang for reliquaries for Buddhist relics, replacing the typically Indian practice of using vases or other small containers. The use of these coffin-shaped reliquaries has been cited as further evidence of Buddhism’s adaptation to Chinese culture.23 Perhaps the analysis needs to be turned around, however: that is, the trapezoidal coffin came early to be associated with Buddhism and the parinirvana of the Buddha, and it was this Buddhist association that underlay its popularity and its eventual use for holy reliquaries.

Vaults The vault (guo), the structure surrounding a coffin, was not common during the Six Dynasties period, but a few instances have been reported. In Guangdong, for example, shallow niches in the walls of a pair of tombs have been interpreted to have been supports for beams on which wooden planks were placed to form a wooden vault.24 In the case of a Jin tomb from Changsha, enough of the wood survives to reveal a wooden chamber that occupied the entire interior of the tomb. The walls of the vault are composed of upright boards, the floor and roof

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6.9. Wooden vault, tomb of Luo Rui, Taiyuan, Shanxi (after Wenwu 1983.10:4, figs. 5–6)

are of planks laid side to side, while another layer of three boards laid lengthwise top off the structure. They are all connected by various sorts of joinery. Nothing remains of the coffin or body.25 The Lou Rui tomb in Shanxi, famous for its murals, yielded much undecayed wood, from which an even more elaborate wooden vault could be reconstituted, though the inner coffi n was too far gone to be restored. The vault, a larger version of the usual coffin shape, provides much information about the methods of woodworking and joinery of this period (fig. 6.9).26 In a Northern Qi tomb of 562, substantial fragments of an elaborate wooden vault were found, complete with bracketry and carved fi nials, in which a large coffin containing three bodies had been placed. Unfortunately too much of the wood had decomposed to allow a reconstruction.27

Coffin Platforms and Lamps Platforms served to hold the coffi n or the body in those cases when no coffin was used. One would expect that the general dampness in the south would have led to more frequent use of this means of raising the coffin from the floor, but

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there is in fact little difference in this regard between the north and south. According to the database used in this study, platforms occur in 14.02 percent of tombs of this period, and the incidence is 12.7 percent in the north and 14.4 percent in the south. The variation is most striking by region; at the high end are Shaanxi (47.6 percent), Hubei (34.7 percent), and Fujian (37.2 percent), followed by Hunan (21.4 percent) and Liaoning (21.2 percent), and down to 0.6 percent in Jiangxi (one instance in 164 tombs). The platforms range from a few bricks to hold the coffin off the floor to elaborate, ornately carved stone couches, such as that in the tomb of Sima Jinlong at Datong.28 Jutting brick shelves or wall niches often held small saucers of oil used as lamps that were meant to burn for eternity. Naturally, no traces of oil remain, and it may be that such lamps were placed in other parts of the chamber as well. Here as in many other aspects of the tomb there is much variation even within any one region; the question as to why there is not more uniformity is one that deserves more study.

Altars and Canopies The name “altar” barely suits, for generally it refers to a number of bricks placed together in a tomb’s front chamber, if there was one, or otherwise in the coffin chamber near the door. On these bricks were placed a few offerings of grave goods. The remainder of the offerings were usually placed in the entryway, if there was one, and around the doorway inside the coffin chamber; if the coffin was at the side of the chamber, usually to the left, the grave goods occupied the other side. The term “altar” may also be misleading because no overtly religious symbol or icon found a place there. Altars have been reported overall in only 7 percent of the tombs, and that portion is concentrated primarily along the Yangzi: Jiangsu (in 19.6 percent of the reported tombs), Anhui (11.8 percent), Hubei (22.5 percent), and Fujian (16.4 percent); Guangdong and Hunan have far fewer instances—9.7 percent and 9.6 percent, respectively. Altars occur sporadically elsewhere. While it would appear that a desire to keep the offerings from the dampness of the floor was of significance here, strangely, no altars have been reported in other parts of the south, such as Jiangxi, and only one instance in Zhejiang. Clearly there are other factors involved. In some cases a small canopy was placed over the altar and its offerings. A few of these were formed by metal tubing at the corners and at the apex if the canopy had a peak, the rest of the structure being of wooden rods and cloth, examples of which have not survived. Some of the canopies were supported by stone stands, often quite elaborate, or by ceramic stands of some height (fig. 6.10).29 The stone stands found in Sima Jinlong’s tomb at Datong are elaborately carved,

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6.10. Canopy stands (after Wenwu 1991.2:83, fig. 2)

6.11. Canopy stand, Northern Wei (after Cultural Relics Unearthed in China, 146, top)

with a lotus flower decor (fig. 6.11).30 An undisturbed set in an Eastern Jin tomb at Yuantaizi, Chaoyang, Liaoning, reveals the way in which the offerings might have been organized. Instead of an altar, there was a low lacquer table, 17.5 cm high, laden with fourteen lacquer dishes and other utensils. A canopy had been raised over the table, the four legs of which would have been inserted into the stone stands, and on the table, resting where they had fallen, were bronze corner tubings that had originally supported the canopy’s framework of wooden rods (fig. 6.12).31 In some cases stone stands have been found in the corners of a coffin chamber, indicating that a canopy of a much larger size had been erected to extend over

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6.12. Reconstruction of a canopy (after Wenwu 1984.6:39, fig. 34)

the whole room. This would have converted the coffin chamber into a bedchamber.

Tomb Records The tomb record (muzhi) emerged as a recognizable artifact during the Six Dynasties period, although its antecedents can be traced back to the Han if not even earlier.32 These forerunners include various kinds of inscribed records sometimes placed in the tomb such as announcements to the underground deities and “grave-quelling” and land-purchase contracts, as well as inscriptions on coffins and on bricks. Whatever their purpose, they commonly bore the name of the deceased, and in some cases the place of origin, titles, and date of death. At the surface there were a variety of grave markers, including stelae, which already in the Eastern Han had evolved to contain longer, elegiac inscriptions. These stelae had become common during the Eastern Han, but when extravagant burials were forbidden in the last years of that dynasty,33 the stelae were also specifically prohibited. Said to contain exaggerated and false statements, the stelae were, in 287 under the Jin, again prohibited.34 Although there were times when stelae reappeared, their use was largely discouraged, and it was at this time that the muzhi came to be used as a substitute; buried inside the tomb, they could avoid official censure.35 The muzhi, usually incised on stone but sometimes on brick, were usually placed before the head of the deceased or in the passageway of the tomb. There were basically four types of muzhi: stela-like, rectangular, square, and turtlelike.36 Those resembling the surface stelae had a pediment, and can be further subdivided into four based on the format of the pediment: with a dragon

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design, rounded, triangular (the so-called gui 圭, or tablet shape), and square. The stela-like muzhi frequently had an identificatory heading at the pediment and a base in the shape of a tortoise-like creature as a support, and though modeled after the surface stelae, they were smaller, usually only 50 cm tall or 1 m at most, and therefore had shorter texts. The rectangular muzhi were usually set upright, although some were longer than high. The larger of these had no base or pediment heading, perhaps because they were used with surface stelae, which did have those features. Shorter rectangular muzhi usually occur in the tombs of less-distinguished persons, and aside from the basic notation, had no eulogies or messages of condolence. The third type, the square muzhi, which was laid flat on the floor of the tomb with the inscribed surface up, first occur in the early Six Dynasties period, and at the time of the move of the Northern Wei capital to Luoyang in 494, began to be supplied with covers, or lids, shaped like an inverted fudou, that is a foursided truncated pyramid. This lidded square stone muzhi represents a maturation of the muzhi form, and it became the standard format in later times. Increasingly the cover and sides of the muzhi came to be decorated with incised depictions of the four directional animals, strange beasts, and floral decor. Placement of the heading with the name of the deceased on the top surface of the lid became standard in the Sui-Tang. The inscription itself, in either lishu 隸書 or kaishu 開書 script, varied in length depending on the importance of the deceased.37 The final shape in which the muzhi occurs, rare but interesting, is the form of a turtle, with the lid representing the turtle shell. Liu Fengjun has suggested that the lidded muzhi became the most popular format because the square body was seen to represent the earth and the lid, somewhat domed, heaven, in essence repeating the symbolism of the tomb chamber itself. In support of this hypothesis, Liu points to the galaxies sometimes painted on the tomb domes and the astronomical symbols incised on some of the muzhi lids. The turtlelike creature, with its round shell and flat plastron, has been said to incorporate those same symbolic shapes, a suggestion that Liu sees as confirming his thesis.38 The scholar Zhao Chao has also speculated that the emergence of the fudoulidded muzhi is related to the conception of the tomb, seen as a heavenly dome over the square earth, as a microcosmic reflection of the universe.39 He points out that earlier the cosmic board, which consisted of a round piece set on a square board, both pieces being covered with various sets of coordinates and other significant markings, and which was used in divinations, was modeled on this cosmological concept.40 This divinatory equipment made its appearance in the Warring States period and had become widespread during the Han. Zhao considers that the various types of ceilings—arched, barrel vaulted, and

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domed—could be thought to resemble the heavens; this is confirmed for him by those tombs that have the heavenly constellations painted above, along with the four directional animals and other celestial phenomena. The walls of the tomb, representing the terrestial sphere of man, are then reserved for the murals picturing the deceased in life. Zhao relates the development of the domed tomb and later the fudou-lidded muzhi to the spreading influence of Han Confucian orthodoxy and its aspects of yin and yang and the “five agents” (wuxing 五行). By means of the tomb’s form and decor, an apotropaic function was thus built into the structure of the tomb itself. The texts of the early muzhi are rather simple, containing only the deceased’s name, place of origin, offices, date of death, place of burial, and perhaps the names of wife and children. As time went on, they became much more elaborate, adding to the essential biographical information concerning the person’s career more narrative and ending in an elegiac ming 銘, expressing both praise and grief at the passing of the individual.41 The purpose of the tomb record, clearly stated in a number of inscriptions, was to provide information to future generations and, in the event of a reburial, to identify the deceased. It was not, as was the case of certain documents buried in Han tombs such as land contracts, to make a statement to the deities or spirits of the underground. The muzhi are important not only as a source of historical and biographical information, but also as a social document revealing attitudes toward death and the importance assigned to personal identity in contemporary society.

APOTROPAIC AND SYMBOLIC OBJECTS The building of tombs to hold the bodies of the deceased and the placement inside of a wide variety of grave goods concretely reveal a set of religious beliefs. A number of objects included among the grave goods had no quotidian use but appear to have had much symbolic significance worth special attention in this connection. The rich and complex array of symbols placed in the tomb and designed to protect its integrity include such things as guardian figures, stone pigs, crossbow mechanisms, “tomb-quelling beasts,” and mirrors.

Guardian Figures Objects included for their apotropaic or symbolic nature are usually found in the area of the coffin, having originally been placed by the side of the coffin or within it. Guardian figures, however, were, more logically, put at the entrance to the tomb chamber, where they would have been seen as being more effective. An early type of tomb guardian, perhaps better characterized as an exorcist, is a figurine depicted wielding a spear and often holding a shield. It appears in tombs dating from the late Han to the Jin. One such type, shown with a spiked

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6.13. Tomb guardian in scale armor (after Kaogu 1985.8:731, fig. 17.1)

6.14. Tomb guardians with shields (after Wenwu 1984.9:36, fig. 61)

helmet and suit of scale armor, may represent the non-Chinese often used as mercenaries in that period (fig. 6.13).42 The exorcistic figurine came to be replaced by a more formal guard, usually a pair of guards in more conventional armor, either with hands resting on a long sword planted on the ground before the figurine or with the left hand resting on a large shield and the right hand clenched, presumably clutching a long-handled weapon that has not survived (fig. 6.14). These guardian figurines were usually larger than other figurines in the tomb. On occasion, such guardians were painted on the wall at the tomb’s doorway.

Zhenmushou Another apotropaic object placed in tombs was the zhenmushou 鎮墓獸, usually translated as “tomb-quelling beasts,” though zhen means rather to guard or garrison, and so “tomb-guardian beasts” would be a better rendering.43 The defense of Han tombs seems to have been left primarily to figures in tile reliefs or in murals, but a kind of single-horned beast has been found represented in some tombs. Such a beast, resembling a unicorn, with an arched neck, raised tail, and single horn extending forward, was found in a tomb at Wuwei 武威, in Gansu,44 while another, more closely resembling a winged rhinoceros, emerged from an eastern Han tomb at Yidu 宜都, Hubei.45 A third type, with the shorter legs of the latter and raised tail of the former, but with a number of spike-like projections along the back, was found in Shandong.46 These standing figures,

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with or without the spikes along the back, are found in Three Kingdoms and Jin tombs in the Luoyang area and farther south, in Hubei, Anhui, and Jiangsu. Usually labeled by archaeologists as zhenmushou or xiniu 犀牛 (rhinoceros), this type of beast has also been identified as a qiongqi 窮奇, a creature with the body of an ox, the bristles of a hedgehog (which could explain the spikes), the voice of a howling dog, and an appetite for human flesh.47 There have also been finds in the northwest, in Ningxia and Shaanxi, of a protective beast in a crouching pose with a knob at the top of its head and, in one case at least, a prominent spine.48 There was in the north a shift from the rhinoceros or bull to a doglike creature with a human face. An early example, from the Datong area, is depicted standing on its four legs.49 The earliest datable appearance of this new type is from the tomb of Sima Jinlong, of 484, at Datong, Shanxi (fig. 6.15).50 The beast sits on its haunches, its human head peering downward. It has a knob on its head, as if the top of a horn had broken off, and five rectangular holes along the back of its neck, perhaps for inserting a mane of hair. Its face is painted white and the body has white lines representing scales. All subsequent examples of this doglike creature are in the seated pose. By the early sixth century the form has evolved further. The beasts are found in pairs, almost identical except that one has a human head and the other that of an animal. They are still depicted sitting on their haunches, and the human head continues to exhibit a knob or truncated cone on its crown. Both now have a series of spikes, usually three, emerging from the spine, as well as a curling tail. In a pair from a tomb of 524 at Quyang 曲陽, Hebei, the human-headed beast has bared teeth. The heads of both are framed by manes of clumped hair, but while one has claws, the other has something more like fingers (fig. 6.16).51 In

6.15. Zhenmushou, Datong, Shanxi (after Cultural Relics Unearthed in China, 142)

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the contemporary tomb of Yuan Zhao at Luoyang (d. 528), a more finely modeled pair shows the same characteristics, except that the semihuman figure has paws rather than fingers and, perhaps influenced by the southern chimera, scroll-like wings behind the shoulders (fig. 6.17).52 Soon the human head develops a more recognizably human likeness, more akin to the example in Sima Jinlong’s tomb, and the incongruity of this realistic human head on an animal’s body is somewhat shocking compared to the overall more bestial versions. Several other examples have been recovered: from a Northern Wei tomb of 518 or 537 at Jingxian 景縣;53 from the Feng family tombs, also at Jingxian, of unknown date;54 from nearby Gaotang 高唐, Shandong, a fragment to be dated;55 from the tomb of the Avar princess of 550 at Cixian, an example with four spikes on the back (fig. 6.18);56 and from the tomb of Mrs. Yao 堯, née Zhao, of 547, also at Cixian (fig. 6.19).57 A decade or

6.16. Zhenmushou, Quyang, Hebei (after Kaogu 1972.5, pl. 11)

6.17. Zhenmushou, Luoyang (after Kaogu 1973.4, pl. 12.1–2)

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6.18. Zhenmushou, Cixian, Hebei (after Wenwu 1984.4:5, fig. 5)

6.19. Zhenmushou, Cixian, Hebei (after Kaogu 1977.6:397, fig. 8)

two later, these figures have sprouted in addition a forked point emerging at a spot just behind the head, as in the examples in the tomb of Yao Jun 堯峻, of 566,58 and that of Gao Run, of 577 (fig. 6.20), both in Cixian.59 In the tomb of Lou Rui, farther west, the human-headed figure has hooves like those of a horse, the fork is at the top of the head, replacing the truncated cone, and the number of spikes has increased to nine (fig. 6.21).60 The figures described thus far are primarily from the northeast, but there is one example from Hanzhong 漢中, in southwestern Shaanxi, of the Western Wei period (535–57). Here the human face appears more friendly than aweinspiring, and the body resembles that of a frog (fig. 6.22). There are no spikes or other typical features. Could this figure have been made by a local artist for a transplanted northeasterner?61 There are many Sui examples that largely resemble earlier ones, but without the fork on the head. What had been a typically northeastern form appears in the middle and third quarters of the sixth century to have spread more widely.

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6.21. Zhenmushou, Taiyuan, Shanxi (after Wenwu 1983.10:8, fig. 16) 6.20. Zhenmushou, Cixian, Hebei (after Kaogu 1979.3:240, fig. 6.2–3)

6.22. Zhenmushou, Hanzhong, Shaanxi (after Kaogu yu wenwu 1981.2, pl. 13.2)

Sui-period examples of the form have been found in Henan, Hubei, Anhui, and Jiangsu. Its use continued into the Tang and was elaborated in three-color ware to almost baroque proportions. It may not be happenstance that this sort of guardian beast replaced the earlier horned animals of the Jin just when the north came under the rule of the Xianbei and other northern peoples. These figures can perhaps be associated with the belief among the Wuhuan (and thus among the Xianbei as well) mentioned earlier that the spirit of a sacrificed dog accompanied the deceased to the abode of the dead.62

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Jade Shoats The stone pig, shizhu 石豬, or jade shoat, yutun 玉豚, as it was traditionally called, a small tubular carved object usually 3.5 cm to 11.5 cm long and intended to represent a reclining pig, is found in many Six Dynasties tombs (fi g. 6.23).63 The carving is usually very crude, in some cases the details merely scratched into the surface. Most of these objects were carved out of steatite (huashi 滑石), though a few made of jade, red sandstone, wood, or even carbon have been reported. In most cases the pigs are found in pairs, but in others there may be one or three associated with a single burial; tombs with four such objects are most probably double burials. The use of these stone pigs was a southern practice. Overall, 10 percent of Six Dynasties tombs contained these stone pigs among their grave goods, but that number includes only three tombs north of the Yellow River, two in Gansu and one in Henan.64 The custom was at first concentrated in a sector including the modern provinces of Hunan, Jiangxi, and Guangdong. Stone pigs were found in 44 percent (forty out of one hundred forty-three)—the highest incidence—of the tombs in Guangdong during the period before 317. After the establishment of the capital in Nanjing in 317, the custom spread more widely, most noticeably in Jiangsu, where the capital was located. This trend would seem to go against the conventional wisdom that the period witnessed a spread of northern culture imposed on the native population by the northern émigrés.65 The small pigs were meant to be held in the hands of the deceased.66 It is possible that the use of these jade shoats (yutun) involved a pun on the homophonic word tun, as in tunxi 窀穸, literally “long night” and used metaphorically to denote the tomb.67 It is clear that tunxi was used in that sense during the Six Dynasties period. The placement of the pig in the tomb may have been intended to represent a laying to rest of the deceased, perhaps in line with the inscriptions on jars occasionally found in Han tombs expressing the sentiment that the dead should stay in peace in the tomb and not come to disturb the living.68

6.23. Stone pig (after Kaogu 1978.2:144, fig. 2.7)

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Crossbow Mechanisms Though crossbows are among the array of weapons found in Han and earlier tombs, their function appears to have changed upon entrance into the Six Dynasties period. Unlike the earlier examples, Six Dynasties bronze mechanisms included no adhering fragments of wood, indicating that the whole weapon had not been deposited. Further, imitations made of stone and even of silver, unaccompanied by other weapons and placed within rather than alongside the coffin, have turned up.69 Some twenty crossbow mechanisms have been found in tombs ranging through the Western Jin in Hebei, Henan, Gansu, Hubei, Hunan, and Jiangxi, and another twenty in Eastern Jin tombs; none has been found in tombs identified as post-Jin in date. Clearly the crossbow mechanism had some symbolic significance, probably apotropaic, but its precise role remains to be explicated. As in the case of the jade shoats, a pun may be involved. The term ji 機, often used to refer to the crossbow mechanism, may have been taken to represent its near homonym, ji 吉, “auspicious,” a word that occurs on bricks used in tomb construction.70

Figured Jars The figured jar (duisuguan 堆塑罐), sometimes called hunping 魂瓶, or “spirit urns,” is a distinctive and even picturesque type of vessel whose purpose remains something of a mystery. This jar, whose lid depicted elaborate scenes of modeled buildings, humans, and animals, was one of the most distinctive vessels of the Six Dynasties period (fig. 6.24). The earliest prototypes date from the Western Han and are found primarily in Guangzhou. They are composed of five equal-sized guan jugs, one in the center surrounded by the other four. There were also instances of two, three, and four linked guan jug complexes. The earliest ones often rested on feet and had a decor of a mat pattern or fine grooves. By mid-Han the legs had given way to a flat bottom, the jugs had plain surfaces,

6.24. “Spirit urns” (after Wenwu 1979.2:51, fig. 2)

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and only the five-linked jug version survived. The vessels of this period were made of pottery and held the remains of plum kernels, leaves, and other plant material. One might therefore surmise that the vessels were meant to hold fruit and other foodstuffs rather than grain. The linked guan jug is found only in the south, mostly in Guangdong, Fujian, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang. In its origins, there seem to be connections with the native Baiyue aboriginal peoples who occupied precisely those areas, but it would appear to have become a part of Han culture.71 By the Eastern Han and early Wu, the vessel’s middle guan jug had become larger while the four surrounding ones had shrunk and were merely perched on the shoulder of the middle jug. During this time, too, its distribution had spread to the lower Yangzi (Jiangzhe 江浙) and included jars made of a brown glazed pottery, gray unglazed pottery, and, in the earliest examples, ones of buff ware, a protoceladon stoneware.72 An Eastern Han example dated 175, found at Fenghua 奉化, Zhejiang, already exhibits the decor of embossed figures of men, animals, and birds that soon after became much more elaborate. While the five pots, one central and four peripheral, are still clearly delineated, there are also clusters of birds at the top and below and a number of sitting creatures, kangaroo-like but possibly representing mice, facing outward.73 The late Wu and Western Jin periods are the time of the greatest development of this type of vessel. The central jug became even larger, often taking the shape of a multistoried building, while the peripheral jugs became even smaller, sometimes disappearing amid the corner towers, human figures, and animals crowding the scene. Each vessel is different, and their wide variety is what makes them so interesting. In their later stages, the peripheral jugs had all become buildings, their earlier form lost in the transformation. Originally the body of the guan jug supporting the lid with its superstructure of buildings and figurines was plain, but all sorts of figures came to be sprigged on. Among these animals and human figures were seated Buddhas.74 The figured jar had disappeared by the start of the Eastern Jin, but similar vessels, clearly derived from the earlier forms, appeared in the Tang and were especially popular in the Song. In the archaeological literature this type of vessel is often called a gucang 穀倉, or “storage jar,” because it is taken to represent a granary, which would explain the large number of birds depicted clustering about it; the many dogs often displayed around the buildings are thought to be rat chasers. Occasionally an inscription in the form of a stela offering good wishes is found, and there is at least one case in which a coffin and some kneeling mourners are depicted in front of the model of a building. Rather than solving their mysteries, these elements only increase the number of theories attempting to explain the significance of these intriguing vessels.

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It has been said, for example, these jars depict Taoist paradises and immortals, but there is little reason to accept this suggestion.75 In the belief that they have something to do with housing the spirit of the dead person, they are also called “soul urns.” Wai-kam Ho has argued that these vessels were used as a refuge for the spirit in cases when the body of the deceased was not available for burial.76 Wu Hung has apparently accepted this explanation, tying these jars to what he believes to have been a popular cult of Buddhism. Chen Dingrong has suggested they were multipurpose, serving as a ritual object for burial, a memorial, grain storage for the afterlife, and a Buddhist sanctuary, all for the benefit of the deceased.77 I would agree that the jar had multiple values and would add that the significance of the jars in the tomb may well involve the name by which they were known in their own time. In one inscription on such a vessel, it is called a ling , defined in the Shuowen simply as a pottery vessel,78 but this name was homophonous with ling 靈, “numen,” thus giving the jar an important symbolic function as well.79

Mirrors Another possibly apotropaic object was the mirror, which was usually placed in the coffin at the head of the deceased. Mirrors are found in almost 20 percent of the tombs that have been reported on and thus played a significant part in the ritual of burial. They are also important for their artistic merit. These mentioned here by no means exhaust the apotropaic and symbolic objects included in the burial rites, but they may serve as an indication of the importance assigned in this period to funereal rites and to the protection of the tomb.

QUOTIDIAN OBJECTS Quotidian objects include those useful also in the living world and were represented by actual utensils, replicas made for placement in the tomb (mingqi), as well as by models of animals, machinery, and humans intended to serve the deceased in a variety of ways.

Coins The widespread custom during the Six Dynasties period of placing coins in the tomb continued a Han practice. Although tomb robbery certainly might be expected to have affected the record available to us, it seems in fact it may not be so serious a problem; some 20 percent of tombs were found to contain one or more coins, and coins were recovered from 36 percent of intact ones. Therefore,

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although our figures almost certainly underreport the frequency with which coins were placed in the tombs, enough remains to make an assessment possible, though the conclusions must be tentative. Placing coins in the tomb is characteristic primarily of the area roughly north of the Yangzi River. The percentages of coins in tombs in the north range, by province, from 23 percent in Jiangsu and Shanxi to 77 percent in Gansu, while in the south, in contrast, the range is 4–16 percent. For the overall area north of the Yangzi, the average is 30 percent, and for that south of the river, it is 13 percent. There does not seem to be much change over time, as 39.5 percent of the pre-Jin tombs contained coins (this number includes tombs labeled as WeiJin) and 33 percent of Sui tombs did so. The amount of coins found in the tombs ranged from a single copper to strings of cash, but I make no attempt here to aggregate this data. Symbolic representations of coins apparently were considered effective; in one case at least, coins fashioned of clay were used.80 In inventories that survive from the Astana tombs at Turfan, enormous numbers of coins are listed, though of course these amounts were imaginary and very few actual coins were found. The history of coinage in this period is a rather sorry one. For many places and periods, commerce was based on barter, with grain, cloth, and even salt operating in place of currency. Very early on, even before the formal end of the Han, the warlord Dong Zhuo 董卓 abandoned the reliable wuzhu 五銖 coin of the Han and issued a smaller, cheaper one, with the result that inflation followed. Cao Cao, on gaining power, abolished Dong’s coinage and restored the wuzhu coin, but a natural economy was already in effect. The governments of the north and the south struggled with the perennial shortage of copper, the debased quality of coins (some coins were so light it was said they could float!), the effects of these problems on trade, taxation, and the cost of living, and the vacillation between viewing private coinage as legal and as counterfeit.81 Kawakatsu Yoshiro has posited the thesis that these monetary problems and the resulting difficulties at the local level were an important factor in the fall of the southern courts and their eventual conquest by the north.82 Coins recovered from hoards83 and from tombs are an important source of information on the economic history of the Six Dynasties period as well as for what they have to tell us about religious beliefs. A large number of recovered coins had had their rims clipped, and, it can be inferred, many older, Han coins continued to circulate well into the Six Dynasties period; these circumstances have been cited by some as evidence of the disorders and disturbed economic conditions of the time.84 But others, such as Liu Jianguo and Gao Lan, disagree. They point out that though many Han coins were indeed used in the post-Han period, it is also true that many new coins were minted. Further, although fewer coins are found in the tombs of the later periods, this decrease cannot simply be

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ascribed to worsening economic conditions because, contrary to expectation, the decrease is more apparent in the wealthier tombs. Rather, they suggest, the placing of fewer coins in the tomb indicates a change in burial practices.85 This is a valuable warning against accepting the stereotype of the Six Dynasties as a period of decline and regression. In addition to copper (more accurately, bronze) coins, the inventories list silver and gold, which were also used in trade transactions, though not in the form of coins. In the case of silver, measured in liang 兩, or ounces, ingots and flat round wafers have been found.86 Cloth was also used as currency.87 Finally, there is mention of iron coins first minted in 523, but this was not a success.88 Also found in the tombs were Persian and Byzantine coins that had come via the Silk Road and, because of their rarity, must have had a special cachet. Currency in whatever form presumably had much the same purpose as the paper “spirit” money of later times, namely to permit the spirit of the deceased to survive in greater comfort in the hereafter.89

Figurines The early Six Dynasties figurines were simply continuations of what had been produced in the Han, but as time went on, the modeling became much more realistic, to the point that some scholars consider the later ones worthy of attention for their artistry.90 Fewer than 15 percent of the tombs contained human figurines, and these tombs are not distributed uniformly over space and time; still, they provide excellent material for the study of many aspects of the material culture of the Six Dynasties period. To facilitate discussion of these human figurines during the Six Dynasties period, they may be divided into those of the Three Kingdoms period, of the Jin, of the post-Jin—this last divided into the northern and southern traditions—and finally the culmination of the craft in the Sui, laying the foundation for the superlative developments of the Tang. The categories of figures represented are rather standard, given their purpose in serving the deceased in the afterworld: male and female retainers, male and female servants, grooms (often non-Chinese), musicians and other entertainers, and warriors, both mounted and on foot. Among the few exceptions are a nursing woman found in a Hunan tomb, a kneeling figure with what is apparently an enormously long tongue from a Wu tomb in Echeng, thought perhaps to be an apotropaic figure, and a representation of Buddhist monks found in a Sui tomb. The Three Kingdoms pottery figurines have been found only in Hubei, Hunan, Jiangsu, Henan, and Sichuan.91 Excluding those of Sichuan, the figurines found in a few scattered tombs are poorly made, sometimes merely of pinched clay or from molds and baked at low temperatures. They represent attendants

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standing with hands clasped at the chest and with cone-shaped lower bodies, similar to those of the Han period. There are a very few examples of warlike exorcists or guardians. The Sichuan figurines are quite different. Some one hundred were found in a group of fifteen cliff tombs at Zhongxian, sixty-five coming from one especially rich tomb. They represent musicians, dancers, singers, servants, both male and female, engaged in all sorts of household tasks, attendants (twenty-three males and five females), and only one warrior. The figurines are remarkable for the detail in the clothing and hairstyle; they are 40–60 cm tall and of red or gray pottery (figs. 6.25–6.27).92

6.25. Figurine, Zhongxian, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:69, fig. 40)

6.26. Figurine, Zhongxian, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:70, fig. 44)

6.27. Figurine, Zhongxian, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:71, fig. 49)

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During the Jin period, the modeling of these figurines became finer. In Henan and Jiangsu, where the principal capitals of that period were located, figurines occur in some 11 percent of the tombs. In and around Luoyang, there appeared the sort of figurines so familiar from museum collections. The typical complement in tombs that have figurines is the exorcist in scale habergeon, spiked helmet, and with a strange, foreign face (fig. 6.13), as well as a pair of attendants with hands clasped before the chest, the women in robes reaching to the floor (fig. 6.28). Tombs from Nanjing and its vicinity yielded similar figurines, usually a pair of attendants or servants and rarely military figures. The occasional figurine from such areas as Gansu, Hebei, and Shanxi are crudely made (fig. 6.29). The most interesting of this period are from Changsha, Hunan, where 116 pieces were recovered from three tombs, one of which is dated A.D. 302. They include six mounted military men and fourteen civil officials, fiftyfour foot soldiers, nineteen standing male attendants, and twenty-three kneeling figures, some of which are scribes at work (figs. 6.30–6.33). Although rather rudely modeled, these figurines provide an interesting view of some aspects of life at this provincial capital during this period.93 The clothing styles depicted in these figurines do not change very much during the early years of the Six Dynasties period. Men and women who were apparently of higher rank, attendants or retainers, both wore long wide-sleeved robes, the lapel usually crossing over to the right, and a straight-necked shirt underneath. Less commonly, the lapels came down to the belt without overlapping. Occasionally a jacket of the same cut is shown worn over a skirt.94 Often males and females are distinguished only by their hairstyle or headgear (figs. 6.34, 6.35). The women’s hairstyles include buns on either side of the head, hair

6.28. Figurines, Luoyang area (after Kaogu 1985.8:731, figs. 17.3–5)

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6.29. Figurine, Changzhi, Shanxi (after Kaogu 1988.2:184, fig. 2.2)

6.31. Figurine, Changsha, Hunan (after Kaogu xuebao 1959.3, pl. 7.1)

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6.30. Figurine, Changsha, Hunan (after Kaogu xuebao 1959.3, pl. 6.1)

6.32. Figurine, Changsha, Hunan (after Kaogu xuebao 1959.3, pl. 11.1)

piled up, or even more elaborate fashions; some women are represented with a kind of arched cap, and others with very elaborate hairdos that may well have been wigs.95 Servants and others of low status usually wore trousers and belted tunics with short or long, close-fitting sleeves. The clothing styles of later figurines is more diverse. In the post-Jin period tomb figurines underwent enormous changes in the north. The numbers and types of figures burgeoned and the quality of manufacture reached new heights. The non-Han invaders from the steppes who ruled the north during these centuries may have provided the impetus for this devel-

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6.33. Figurines, Changsha, Hunan (after Xinzhongguo chutu wenwu, pl. 119)

6.34. Figurine, Nanjing (after Wang Zhimin, Zhu Jiang, and Li Weiran, Nanjing Liuchao taoyong, front cover)

6.35. Figurine, Nanjing (after Wang Zhimin, Zhu Jiang, and Li Weiran, Nanjing Liuchao taoyong, front cover)

6.36. Figurine, Huhehot, Inner Mongolia (after Ch¯ugoku Naim¯oko hopp¯o kiba minzoku bumbutsuten, 58, fig. 57.2)

opment. The earliest examples, fifteen in number, from a tomb near Huhehot, do not show extraordinary artistic achievement but are interesting in their depiction of the northern conquerors as they were perceived in the early years of their conquest. Aside from the grotesque-looking warriors, one immediately notices the high round cap with hood that marks the figures as Xianbei tribesmen (fig. 6.36).96

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Throughout the north, tombs come during this period to contain large sets of figurines, most of which are military. They include representations of heavily armored cavalry on fully barded horses, armored foot soldiers, and archers. Mounted musicians with long horns and drums, as well as insignia bearers, mounted and on foot, accompany these processions. For example, the tomb of Sima Jinlong (d. 484), near Datong, capital at that time of the Northern Wei, contained eighty-eight armored cavalrymen and one hundred twenty-two footmen, together with an additional eighty-one in typical Xianbei garb, making up almost four-fifths of the three hundred sixty-seven figurines (fig. 6.37).97 Very clearly the military dominated in the north, and those buried in these northern tombs expected in death to be accompanied by the same sort of armed escort and martial music to which their offices and status had entitled them in life. The same sort of processions of a slightly earlier date can be seen in a mural in the tomb of Tong Shou (d. 357), in the northeast, and on painted bricks from the far west, at Jiayuguan.98 This practice of furnishing the tomb with large numbers of figurines flourished especially in the northeast, in the modern provinces of Shanxi, Hebei, Shandong, and Henan; that is, in the area controlled by the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi. Such tombs are particularly numerous in the area around Anyang, near where the capital of those states had been located. Taking Hebei as an example, during the Jin two of eleven tombs contained the usual scant number of figurines, but in the post-Jin period, seventeen of twenty-six, or 65 percent of the tombs contained anywhere from one to more than fifteen hundred figurines, for an average of one hundred fifty-one per tomb. The incidence for Shandong is 40 percent, for Shanxi 41.6 percent, and for Henan 35 percent.

6.37. Female musician, Northern Wei, Datong, Shanxi, in the Shanxi Provincial Museum (after Caroselli, ed., Quest for Eternity, 51; drawing based on “Female Musician” owned by Shanxi Provincial Museum)

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Every tomb of this sort had two heavily armored guards at the door, armored cavalry, figures with liangdang 兩當 armor, with or without a sword, hooded and caped figures usually said to have foreign features and generally identified as Xianbei, foot soldiers with shields or as archers, foreign grooms, insignia bearers, attendants, both male and female, musicians (especially drummers), and servants (fig. 6.38).99 In addition to the headgear seen before, at this time appeared what is called longguan 籠冠, or “basket hat,” a high, close-fitting semitransparent bonnet apparently made of a lacquered woven material (fig. 6.39); this basket hat continued to be a part of court attire long after the Six Dynasties.100 The figurines were formed in two molds, front and back, that were then joined, and the head, separately molded, was then added. After being fired, the figurines were coated with a white slip and other colors were added. They were produced in specialized workshops, which explains the large numbers of identical figurines that have turned up.101 The inclusion of these figurines among the grave goods in tombs of the elite was apparently equally prevalent in northwest China, in modern Shaanxi and Ningxia, and the numbers are just as impressive. Over a hundred were contained in a Northern Wei tomb at Guyuan, Ningxia,102 and two hundred thirtynine in the Northern Zhou tomb of Li Xian (d. 569), also at Guyuan (figs. 6.40, 6.41).103 In the Xi’an area, a Western Wei tomb at Xianyang had a group of eighty-five figurines, of which twenty-one were mounted musicians.104 A group of fourteen Northern Zhou tombs recently excavated near Xi’an yielded figurines ranging up to two hundred six, with an average of forty. They are in the same northwestern style as the others, rather less realistic in execution than those of the northeast.105 During this time in the Southern Dynasties, even in the area of the capital at Nanjing, figurines appear only sporadically; a tomb might include representations of a male and a female attendant, with a rare servant or groom. In the larger tombs, probably of the imperial family, figurines carved of stone have been found, but such objects are few in number and usually heavily eroded. Still, five tombs with a fair quantity of pottery figurines have been located: one in southern Henan, two in Hubei—one at Xiangyang 襄陽 and the other at Wuchang— and two in Guangxi, where no figurines predating this period have been found. Though the Henan and Hubei tombs had an unusually large number of figurines for the south, fifty-five, forty-four, and twenty-two, respectively, suggesting a degree of northern influence, the number of military types among them was nonetheless relatively small.106 Xuzhou, Jiangsu, is in an area often contested between the north and south, and the relatively large number of southern-style figurines found in what seems to be an Eastern Jin tomb is seen as evidence of the resulting mix of cultures. The tomb, some 15 li north of Xuzhou, yielded eleven figurines, nine male and

6.38. Figurines, Eastern Wei and Northern Qi (after Kaogu 1977.6:393, figs. 3.2–7; 394, fig. 4.1; 396, fig. 6.6; and Kaogu 1979.3:239, fig. 5.6)

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6.39. Figurine of female attendant, Eastern Wei (after Kaogu 1977.6:394, fig. 4.3)

6.40. Equestrian figurine, Northern Wei, Guyuan, Ningxia (after Wenwu 1988.9:33, fig. 12.4)

two female, none of which represented a warrior. Some of the figurines wear short, tight-sleeved jackets and trousers that the tomb report traces to the clothing styles introduced into China by the northern nomads. The most unusual of the eight animal figurines is a rider on an elephant, the only one thus far reported for the Six Dynasties period.107 The situation in Guangxi is more complex. In that province six Southern Dynasties tombs (out of sixteen) had human figurines, but in four of them the figurines consisted of simple pieces carved out of steatite.108 The remaining two tombs contained military processions (which in one tomb included a person being carried in a litter shaped like a square ding 鼎). The officers and pennant

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6.41. Figurines, Northern Zhou, Guyuan, Ningxia (after Wenwu 1985.11:5–6, figs. 7–8)

carriers are wearing interesting split-shaped helmets, and the ordinary soldiers pointed casques. The men buried in these tombs, which contained twenty and twenty-four figurines, respectively, presumably were local governors.109 The production and placement of figurines in northern tombs continued into the Sui period. There were few if any changes in the composition of figurine groups. About the only deviation from the strictly frontal pose of the figures was instances of foreign grooms turning the head one way or the other. There are observable regional variations, but in general the similarity of figures from one tomb to another leads one to consider the possibility that they were produced in

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large numbers by specialized craftsmen and purchased, as it were, off the shelf by the bereaved family. There has also been some speculation that the widespread occurrence of these figurines evidences changes in the social structure. One would expect that, as in so many other aspects of life in this period, there were sumptuary regulations governing the use of tomb figurines; otherwise it would seem there would be at least a few in even the poorest grave, and yet such is not the case.110 However, in a group of twenty-nine Sui tombs found at Anyang, of a simple catacomb type dug out of the earth, it was reported that ten (actually nine) had figurines, ranging in number from twelve to fifty-three. The report goes on to say that in the past those supplied with such figurines had served as officials, even as low as district magistrates, and that commoners (that is, nonofficials) had not been permitted to have figurines as a part of their grave goods. The inclusion of figurines, and in this case in such ordinary graves, led the authors of the report to propose that this signaled a decline in the strength of the large, powerful clans (menfa dazu 門閥大族), and that the status of commoner landlords and their economic power had risen to the point that they, too, could have such figurines.111 Such an analysis does not, however, take into account the permeability of the boundary between the elite and commoners. It may be that in this area figurines in commoners’ tombs represent a weakened central government and the emergence of local people taking on the trappings of status formerly forbidden to those who did not hold office. In time, the Tang dynasty was able to reexert control over the area, and one would expect that the use of tomb figurines conformed once again to customary practices.112 There was nothing overtly iconographic about these tomb figurines; except for the miniature Buddha in the tomb of Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou, mentioned above, there are no other iconic representations of the Buddha, for example. There is a case in an Eastern Wei tomb, that of an Avar princess (d. 550) who married into the royal family, of a startlingly powerful-looking shaman or exorcist in a sweeping headdress (fig. 6.42).113 The same figure of a shaman was found on a molded brick in a tomb at Dengxian 鄧縣, Henan, thus making it unlikely that the shaman in the north was a steppe element brought with the princess to the Chinese court.114 In addition, two figurines representing Buddhist monks were included in a Sui tomb.115 Since tomb figurines represented the entourage of the deceased, it would have been out of place to include a representation of a superior being; such a being would be faced by the deceased in another realm, and not in the tomb. With the Sui unification of China, the practice of placing large numbers of such figurines in the tombs spread to the south as well. Anhui, Hubei, Hunan, and Jiangsu all have documented tombs with varying numbers of figurines, ranging from eight to forty-three. Civilian figurines predominate, but there are

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6.42. Figurine of a shaman, Eastern Wei (after Wenwu 1984.4:3, fig. 4.8)

also armed figures. Whether these tombs are of northerners sent to take up posts in the south or of native southerners has still to be determined. There was thus a profound difference between the north and south in the inclusion of human figurines in the tombs. On the question of what occasioned that difference, it cannot be a coincidence that the north during this period was ruled by a series of dynasties of conquest while the southern courts were basically those of émigrés whose subjects consented to be ruled. That is to say, in the north a procession of retainers and military escorts accompanied by military bands was not merely a sign of status but also a show of force meant to legitimize rule, whereas in the south such displays would have been out of place. There, status was manifested by the more traditional appeal to excellence in letters and lifestyle. Consequently, in the south evidence of such displays of power is found only in the tombs of the frontier areas. It would appear that the prerogative of commanding such an entourage was taken to the grave and transmuted into the means of entering the other world. Transportation for that purpose was indicated by the provision of the saddled horse or oxcart, in model or in painting, that stood at the ready within the tomb. The presence of the entourage in the tomb thus not only gave evidence of the high status of the deceased, but also furnished the retinue for the final procession accompanying the deceased to the afterworld.

Models of Animals and Equipment Models of household and agricultural equipment, buildings, and animals were also placed in many of the tombs to provide the deceased with the necessities of life in the hereafter. The grave goods by He Xun included a stove, obviously to

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be represented by a model, but excavations have yielded a much wider array of objects. They include models of such farm implements as rollers (nian 碾, to grind or husk grain), mills (mo 磨), foot pestles or hullers (dui 碓), pounders (chong 舂), mortars (jiu 臼), as well as wells (jing 井), buckets (tong 桶), sifters (shai 篩), and work baskets (benji 畚箕). Horses, camels, donkeys, and oxen with oxcarts have also been found. The types of buildings included range from a model of a whole fortified compound to simple structures, granaries, and even outhouses, as well as coops and barns. Farm animals included pigs, sheep and goats, chickens, ducks, geese, doves, and dogs. There does not seem to be a discernible pattern as to what models and nonhuman figurines were placed in the tomb. The most common object, models of stoves, is found in 10.2 percent of the tombs, and each of the most common animals, the pig and the chicken, in only 6.1 percent. Though some animals would be expected to be favored in one region more than in another—the camel, for example, appears almost entirely in the northern tombs—regional preferences in animal husbandry cannot be inferred from the appearance or nonappearance of specific animals because so many other factors would have played a part in the selection of grave goods. One such factor is differing customs over time and space on the appropriate balance of various categories of goods. Including these items was in general more popular north of the Yellow River and dropped off farther south. The proportion of tombs reported to have such grave goods ranges from 46 percent to 61 percent in Hebei, Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Gansu; for the middle provinces of Shandong, Henan, Jiangsu, Anhui, and Hubei, the range is from 12 percent to 32 percent, while for the rest of the south, including Sichuan, the range is 0 percent to 11 percent. Although the display cases in museums and the large illustrated reports on archaeological finds might seem to suggest the practice of including such objects in the tombs was universal, such was not the case. Another striking phenomenon is the reversal in the popularity of such grave goods between the north and the south over time. In the south overall, 26 percent of the tombs dating through the Western Jin contained this category of grave goods, while only 7 percent of tombs from the Eastern Jin on did so; in the north the trend is reversed, with the occurrence increasing from 15 percent to 28 percent. Further study is necessary before any definitive conclusions can be drawn. The list of objects included among the grave goods is extensive. With the exception of pottery vessels, a partial list would include wine warmers, inkstones, irons (for ironing clothing), scissors, thimbles, whorls, rulers, combs, earpicks, whetstones, weapons, jewelry, musical instruments, chopsticks, candleholders, lamps, tweezers, girdle ornaments, and buckles. All of these objects were made of nondecayable materials and have therefore survived. In general,

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the materials from which grave goods were made include pottery of various sorts, bronze, iron, lacquer, wood, jade, stone, gold, silver, gilt, agate, turquoise, amber, crystal, glass and glass paste, shell, bone, ivory, horn, lead, mica, bamboo, paper, carbon, coral, tortoiseshell, tin, shell, and steatite. As to what might have dictated what was to be included among the grave goods, general patterns do not emerge either by period or by region. Some objects are, of course, gender specific, but apparently the composition of grave goods in any particular tomb varied according to the wishes of the deceased or the piety of the survivors. In the few surviving tomb inventory lists, what is listed is primarily items of clothing. Such a list was found in a tomb dated 361 at Changsha.116 In addition to clothing, the inventory included toilet articles, ornaments, and sewing equipment, all of which presumably had been in the possession of the deceased during her lifetime, hence the term gu 故, “former" or “deceased,” preceding each of the listings except for some coins. Most of the items, which included everything from aprons and shirts to skirts and jackets, were made of silk and other fine materials. In contrast, in the inventory for the woman in Tomb 1 at Mawangdui 馬王堆, also at Changsha but of some five hundred years earlier, the garments included only robes, wrappers, and skirts, and no undergarments. Another inventory list, from Nanchang, in Jiangxi, written on wood and dated as Western Jin, likewise primarily lists clothing, but, interestingly, also included were a writing box, a hundred sheets of paper, brush, ink, and inkstone; hairbrushes, combs, fragrances, and cosmetics were also included.117 The extensive lists of grave goods testify to the wealth possessed by these women before their deaths and the continuing production of a wide variety of woven materials in this period. Interestingly, these inventories do not list pottery objects, which were the most common grave goods. Over three-fourths of the tombs contained something made of some form of ceramic. Jugs, pitchers, vases, and storage jars held provisions for the deceased, and steamers and kettles were available to prepare the food; pottery utensils for eating and drinking included trays, plates, dishes, cups, bowls of all sorts, and ladles, as well as multicompartment boxes to hold delicacies. Aside from the vessels related to food, there were spittoons, urinals, braziers, incense burners, censers, lamps, candleholders, bowls and basins for washing, water droppers used in making ink, and pottery inkstones. The type of objects varied over time, no doubt reflecting changing styles in the world of the living. Some items occurred throughout the Six Dynasties period, such as models of stoves, wells, and animals and pottery bowls and dishes. Typically Han utensils such as the ding tripod fell out of fashion, while others, for example the four-lugged guan jar and the lamp with a bear-shaped base, became popular in the Three Kingdoms period; the dish-mouthed hu jar and hollow-stemmed pan 盤 dish appeared during the Jin.118

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The emphasis on fi lial piety during this period, an emotion that found expression in part by providing the dead with many of the necessities for their life after death, often on a lavish scale, has made it possible for us to learn much about the material aspects of life during those years. Though time and the manner of burial have caused the organic components, including the body itself, largely to decay into oblivion, what remains is quite substantial.

7 MATERIAL CULTURE AND THE ARTS

CERAMICS The natural materials available to potters in the north and south were vastly different, and this difference greatly affected the technologies and products of the two areas.1 In the north the sedimentary processes drawing on the loess deposits laid down beds of true clay, whereas in the south potters had available to them porcelain stone derived from weathered igneous rock. 2 The virtue of this porcelain stone was that, when mixed with kaolin (which has very little content to act as a flux) and fired at high temperatures (1,200°C–1,300°C), its sericite component acts as the flux and its feldspar and the kaolin fuse to form a uniformly dispersed vitreous material.3 The porcelain stone was obtained by using water-powered trip-hammers on igneous rock, from which was procured a material rich in quartz and mica that had a claylike plasticity and, supplemented by small amounts of clay, could withstand the high temperatures required to produce the early stoneware so distinctive of the Six Dynasties period.4 This stoneware is usually referred to as qingci 青瓷, or buff ware.5 The origins of this ware, more generally termed yuanshi qingci 原始青瓷, or protoceladon, have been traced back as far as the Western Zhou,6 but buff ware in the narrower sense has its beginnings in Zhejiang duing the Eastern Han period.7 Buff ware achieved a high level of quality during the Six Dynasties period, thanks to improvements in the handling of the clays, the composition of 233

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the glazes, the construction of the kilns, and the control of the firing of the vessels. Evidence of these advances can be seen in the greater uniformity of color, evenness of glaze thickness, lower levels of permeability and porosity of the body of the vessels, and improved bonding of glaze to core, resulting in less crackling and flaking of the glaze.8 Six Dynasties buff ware achieved levels comparable to those of Song, Yuan, and Ming, and came near to modern standards of porcelain in the sintering of the clay, the vitrification of the glaze, and the overall quality of the vessels.9 This buff ware is characterized by a close-grained clay highly contractive in firing. The core is a bluish gray color, probably a result of iron in the clay causing the color to appear during reduction firing.10 The distinctive color of this ware derives from its calcareous or lime glaze that has undergone reduction firing. This glaze, sometimes termed an ash glaze, is a mixture of porcelain stone, lime, and ash. The ash was obtained from wood and ferns, the latter high in iron and plentiful in the Yangzi area.11 The color results specifically from oxidized iron, especially ferrous oxide (FeO); the lime, or calcium oxide, is the primary flux. The glazes, better in quality than any that preceded them, range in color from a bluish olive green to a light green. The amount of calcium oxide varied, with an average of 18 percent, while the iron content ranged from 1.54 percent, which produced a light blue-green color, to 6–8 percent, which resulted in a lacquerlike black color.12 Major advances in the early Six Dynasties period were possible in the south since the area largely escaped the extensive disturbances that rocked the north. The economy of the lower Yangzi steadily improved and even flourished, providing a ready market for the growing production of buff ware. By the time of the Wu state, buff ware constituted a relatively high percentage of the grave goods. As its quality rose during the Six Dynasties period, it came to replace earthenware pottery in the tombs. At the same time its use for everyday utensils widened, and buff ware replaced objects made of lacquer, wood, bamboo, earthenware, and even metal. This in turn led to new forms that replaced some older ones, such as cups and bowls in place of the traditional eared cup, a development that may have meant significant changes in social customs.13 There were two types of kilns in ancient times: the round, or mantou 饅頭, type, used chiefly in the north, and the so-called dragon kiln, widespread in the south during the Six Dynasties period. The dragon type was long and narrow and built on a slope with its mouth at the lower end. It goes back at least to the Chunqiu–Warring States period and is still used today in one form or another.14 The dragon kiln was often constructed in hilly areas, which were advantageous for this sort of kiln for several reasons: higher ground minimized any ill effects dampness might cause during the firing process; a hilly area made it possible to build the kiln at an optimal angle, usually 8 to 20 degrees, although there are

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Han cases of an angle as much as 30 degrees; the kilns were close to their fuel supply, the wood growing in the mountainous areas; and fi nally hilly land, not ideal for agriculture, was readily available for establishing kilns. The dragon kiln was composed of three parts, the head, body, and tail. At the front was the combustion chamber, usually semicircular in shape, with a small opening acting as a draft for efficient burning of the wood fuel. The kiln chamber itself was long and narrow, ascending the slope of the hill on which it was located. A balance had to be struck between the chamber’s length—the longer the chamber the more pots that could be fired—and firing efficiency: beyond a certain length it was difficult to control temperature and airflow, limitations that affected the quality of the ware. Older kilns thus did not achieve much length. The eventual addition of fire openings along the sides permitted greater kiln length.15 The kiln’s floor was natural earth, often covered with a layer of sand to prevent the kiln furniture holding the pottery from being dislodged. The third and final portion of the kiln was the smoke box, separated from the kiln chamber by a fire wall that concentrated the flames within the kiln, thus maximizing the pottery’s exposure to the flames and raising the temperature in the kiln. A number of equidistant flues of similar size at the bottom of the fire wall allowed smoke and waste gases to enter the smoke box and be dissipated. Because of the natural draft created by the kiln’s sloped orientation, no chimney was necessary; the smoke box alone was adequate. Dragon kilns from the Han to the Jin varied greatly in construction, indicating a process of experimentation. Judging from a site at Anshan 鞍山, in the Shangyu 上虞 area, by the Three Kingdoms period kiln length had reached over 13 m (fig. 7.1). Very little kiln furniture was found at the rear of the kiln chamber, suggesting that the far reaches of the chamber could still not be heated high enough to fire vessels satisfactorily. Since lengthening the kiln chamber thus did not increase production, kilns tended to be built short. Also, since adding to the kiln height in order to stack the ware higher did not enhance productivity but rather only wasted fuel and dissipated the heat more rapidly, the kilns of the Eastern Han to the Jin were characteristically short, low, wide, and steep. This low, wide construction resulted, however, in an unstable structure prone to collapse, thus giving the kilns a short life. In time, as the problem of heat distribution was solved and saggers and other kiln furniture were developed that allowed vessels to be stacked higher, the kilns tended to become longer and narrower. These basic problems remained until fuel holes were added along the kiln’s sides, probably beginning in the Tang. With their addition to the long chambers, heat could be used more efficiently, less fuel was needed, and the cost per unit of production decreased.16 Compared to a Southern Dynasties kiln at

7.1. Plan of a dragon kiln, Anshan, Zhejiang (after Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 153)

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Lishuixian 麗水縣 10.5 m long and 2 m wide, a certain Tang kiln of the same area was 39.85 m long and 1.7 m wide. Such long kilns were set at less of an angle (10–12 degrees in the Tang example) to prevent too strong a draft. Some progress has been made in locating southern kiln sites of this period, though much remains to be done in identifying the provenance of individual pieces. The oldest kiln sites are in the area south of Hangzhou Bay, primarily at Shangyu, Yuyao 余姚, and Shaoxing, but also at Yinxian 鄞縣, Ningbo 寧波, Fenghua, Linhai 臨海, Xiaoshan 蕭山, Yuhang 余杭, and Huzhou 湖州, all in an area administered during the Six Dynasties period by the Kuaiji Commandery.17 (Map 4) The area was ideal for ceramic production: it had hills on which to locate the dragon kilns, flat land for workers’ housing and buildings associated with the kilns, excellent-quality clays, woodlands for fuel, and waterways for transportation to markets. The four- to five-fold increase in the number of kiln sites in the Shangyuxian 上虞縣 area alone just from the Eastern Han to the Wu indicates how well the products of these kilns were received.18 Other kiln sites that have been identified in the lower Yangzi basin include the Junshan 均山, Ou 甌, Jinhua, and Deqing 德清 kilns.19 The Junshan kilns, also known as the Nanshan 南山 kilns, were in the area of Yixing, in a particularly favorable location because of access to excellent trade routes. Junshan ware was similar to that of the Kuaiji kilns, albeit inferior in quality. The body was more friable and crude, and had a higher rate of permeability. The clay was not finely prepared, its iron and titanium content was rather high, and so the color of the core was gray, dark gray, or reddish. This explains the relatively high permeability and poor quality of glassiness. In addition, crazing and flaking of the glaze occurred frequently because of inadequate glaze fit.20 The Ou kilns, centered around Wenzhou 溫州 in southern Zhejiang, also enjoyed commercial advantages from their seaboard location north of Fujian and proximity to navigable rivers connecting areas upcountry. This favorable location had early made Wenzhou an important commercial center. The body of this ware was whitish with only traces of gray, and the light blue-green glaze was translucent to a relatively high degree; still, the quality of the product suffered, especially in the early period, when firing did not always result in complete sintering. As a result the glaze often flaked off and the colors were not always consistent. The quality improved in the Eastern Jin period, only to be followed by a decline during the Southern Dynasties period. While the employment of decorative elements was minimal in this kiln area, the use of the brown or black glaze for decorative effect was distinctive. There were two formats: dots placed around the mouth and shoulder of the vessel or as a pattern on its shoulder and belly, or secondly, long lines of varying lengths and thicknesses depending on their location on the vessel.

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JIANGSU

Junshan Kilns Yixing

ANHUI

Huzhou

Deqing Kilns

Deqing

Xiaoshan

Yuhang

Yue Kilns

Yuyao Shangyu Yinxian Ningbo Shaoxing Fenghua

ZHEJIANG

Jinhua Kilns Jinhua

Lishui JIANGXI

Linhai

Ou Kilns Wenzhou

FUJIAN

Map 4. Southern Dynasties kiln sites

The kilns of the Jinhua area, in central Zhejiang, produced Wuzhou 婺州 ware, long recognized as an individual style from the Tang and only relatively recently seen to have had its origins as far back as the Three Kingdoms period. The earliest pieces were rather crudely made, the glaze applied unevenly and not well bonded. The color has traces of yellow, and yellow crystals appear in the core where the glaze has flaked off. Clay suitable for making buff ware was in short supply in this area. In great supply was a clay with a high content of ferric

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oxide and titanium dioxide that resulted in a deep purplish red color (famous in the Yixing teapots) affecting the buff color of the glaze. A white slip added to the body to cover up the color reacted with the glaze to produce a rich and soft effect, with brown spots appearing amid the greenish gray or greenish yellow, but it also exacerbated the tendency to flake. The quality of Wuzhou ware improved over time, and by the Tang and Song periods it had become highly renowned.21 The Deqing kilns were in an area bounded by Yuhang to the south and Wuxing 吳興 to the north, with the Dongtiao 東苕 River running by Deqing on its way to Taihu Lake, thus providing a ready means of transport of the ware to its various markets. While buff ware was also produced in these kilns, the primary product was a ceramic ware with a dark brown or black glaze. The fired body of this ware was variously brick red, purple, or light brown, its chemical composition identical to that of Wuzhou ware from the other side of Taihu Lake. Of course the dark glaze made the body color irrelevant. When a buff glaze was used, a layer of white clay was applied to the body, as in Wuzhou ware, resulting in a rather dark buff ware described as bluish green, pea green, and greenish yellow. Its glaze layer tended to be even with a relatively good gloss. The black ware had a rather thick layer of glaze with the look of lacquer. This dark color was the result of a high content of oxidized iron, as high as 8 percent. While the kilns of this area were active for only some hundred years, from the Eastern Jin to the early Southern Dynasties period, the black ware was extremely popular, and specimens have been found as far away as Sichuan.22 The buff ware celadon glaze and black glaze were sometimes combined, producing black or brown spots dotting the surface of a green ware. This ferric oxide glaze decoration on green ware was always in the form of spots and never lines.23 Tomb reports only rarely speculate about which kilns might have produced uncovered ceramic grave goods. One example of such an attempt is the report on a Western Jin tomb from Weigang 衛崗, Nanjing. Its authors reported that the core of the buff ware, fine grained and of excellent quality, was light gray, but where the surface had been unglazed and exposed to the firing, it was dark red because of a high iron content. Such features were characteristic of Zhejiang kilns, not those of Jiangsu, whose products had light-yellow (baihuang 白黃) cores and a coarse quality. It was further noted the color of the glaze was the same as that of two pieces, a hu jar from Jintan and a huzi urinal from Nanjing dated 251, both of which were labeled as being made in Shangyu, in Kuaiji. The authors thus concluded that the newly uncovered pieces of buff ware were the products of kilns at Shangyu, Zhejiang.24 Such identifications will eventually add to our knowledge of trade routes and the extent of commercial activity.25

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Though the Taihu area of modern Zhejiang and Jiangsu continued to be the center of buff ware manufacture, its area of production expanded significantly, and in time the quality in these new regional kilns improved and local variations in color and form arose. Kiln sites have been found at such widely separated places as Chengdu and Qionglai 邛崍 in Sichuan26 and various places in Fujian.27 An example of regional ware is that of the Jingchu 荊楚 area (middle Yangzi), which by the Wu period had already begun to produce some protoceladon and buff ware. The core of this ware was purplish red or light gray, and the glaze a yellowish brown or buff, uneven and easily flaked; in strict terms, it could not be called porcelaneous. Despite an overlap in the types of vessels with other areas, there were pieces exhibiting a local style. By the Western Jin porcelaneous clay was being used in this area; the ware’s core was fi ne grained, the color dark gray or grayish white, with a yellowish green glaze, though the color had not yet been brought fully under control. The glaze was crackled and, because of poor bonding, sometimes entirely flaked off. This was a serious problem even in the major ceramic areas, and it wasn’t until the Tang that a solution was achieved.28 The wide variety of decorative techniques employed in the Six Dynasties period, incision, stamping, appliqué, modeling, and openwork, continued Han traditions. The designs included geometric and floral patterns, depictions of animals, most often animal heads, and human figures. The geometric patterns included web, rhomboid, dot, cloud, and linked-pearl decorations, probably imitating contemporary woven designs, and they occurred in bands around the rim, shoulder, or body of the vessel (fig. 7.2). These decorative bands were most prevalent from the Eastern Han into the Western Jin, but beginning in the middle of the Western Jin period, they became simpler, often reduced to one or two simple ridges or grooves. In the south floral designs consisted primarily of the lotus flower. An impressive example is the zun 尊 jar, whose body is covered with a lotus-flower decoration. The lotus-flower motif developed under the influence of Buddhism, to which the flower was closely associated.29 The earliest form of the lotus decor was a simple stamped design, but in time it developed into spectacular carved relief. The lotus design was especially popular during the Southern Dynasties period. Animals also figured in vessel decor, usually as appliquéd heads, with or without vestigial pendant rings, as part of the decorative bands, but animal heads and complete figures and depictions of transcendents also occurred as appliqué designs on the bodies of vessels. Three-dimensional representations of humans, animals, and buildings are found crowded together in the enthralling scenes depicted on the tops of the hunping, or spirit urns, discussed earlier.

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7.2. Types of vessel decor (after Wenwu 1979.2:51, fig.1)

Buff ware is the most common of the grave goods in Six Dynasties tombs, and even the poorest grave had one or two pieces. It had emerged in the Eastern Han as a cheap, durable, water-resistant alternative to bronze and lacquer, and the earliest shapes mimicked vessels made of the materials it replaced. New and distinctive shapes began to appear in the Eastern Jin, marking a new era in the history of ceramics in China.30 The discovery of a large number of dated tombs over the last few decades permits us to lay out a developmental scheme for buff ware (table 7.1).31 The buff ware of the first period (220–80) is globular and top-heavy, and the overall tendency during the Six Dynasties is for vessels to become slenderer and taller. During this first period dish-mouthed hu jars assumed rather squat or globular shapes, with small mouths, short necks, high shoulders, and relatively small, concave bases; this shape resulted in rather unstable vessels. Other types of vessels, such as spittoons and guan jugs, had similar silhouettes. The same low, squat profile extended to wan bowls and xi 洗 basins. The chicken-headed ewer, a distinctive vessel of the Six Dynasties period, appeared during this time as a simple chicken or bird head added to a hu or guan, sometimes with wings modeled on the sides of the vessel. The chicken-headed ewer reached its distinctive appearance in the next period.32 Other animal forms appeared as decoration or vessel shape—water droppers in the form of frogs, candleholders in the shape

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TABLE 7.1 SOUTHERN POTTERY TYPES GUAN JUG

CHICKEN-

DISH-

HEADED

MOUTHED

EWER

VASE

EARED BOWL

BOXES

BRAZIER SPITTOON URINAL

CUP

Third century

Three Kingdoms to Western Jin

Eastern Jin

Southern Dynasties

Source: adapted from Wenwu 1979.2:51.

of lions or goats, and lamps held up by bearlike creatures. Vessel types also included flattened flasks, storage jars, cups with handles, inkstones, and braziers or incense burners. The huzi, or tiger-shaped urinal, which had appeared in the pre-Han period, continued to be made. There is a famous example dated 251 that has an inscription giving the place of manufacture and the name of the potter. The strangely flattened rump of these huzi enabled them to be set upright in the kiln, thus saving space. Finally, the distinctive and even picturesque hunping, or spirit urn, type of vessel emerged in this period.33 During the second period (280–317) in the development of buff ware in the south, under the Western Jin, pieces tended to be somewhat more slender but with thicker walls. To counter the resulting appearance of heaviness, the rims of vessels such as wan bowls and die 碟 plates were made relatively thin; xi basin lips were curved inward; and the rims of dish-mouthed hu jars were given a crest line, thus imparting an effect of lightness. An expansion in production also introduced some changes. With the practice of piling vessels higher in the kilns

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for increased production came thicker, flat bottoms to support the added weight, and the more pleasing foot ring was thus abandoned.34 During the Eastern Jin (318–420), the third period, buff ware reached a new level of maturity and excellence. The number of kilns and the scale of production increased, which is reflected in the greater number of buff ware vessels found in contemporary tombs; even the smallest tombs contained a few pieces, revealing the large quantity of vessels being turned out. Additionally, high standards in quality and craftsmanship were achieved. A clear regional differentiation related to glaze selection led to a rich variety of glaze colors. The strength of the bonding between glaze and body improved to the point that the problem of flaking was largely overcome. By virtue of the newly achieved translucency and smoother layer of glaze, the natural beauty of the buff ware became more apparent and permitted new developments in modeling and decor.35 This period was also marked by the production of fewer types; vessels and utensils of quotidian use predominated, while the various miniatures and tomboriented hunping disappeared. The chicken-headed ewer developed a handle, but there were generally fewer animal-shaped pieces. The tendency was toward a standardization of existing patterns. The trend of elongation continued; while mouths and bases become wider more attention was given to the aesthetics of the contour line. In decor, plain surfaces dominated; decoration became simpler, and the embossed, sprigged, and incised patterns characteristic of the earlier periods waned. The decorative band on the shoulder or body of pieces generally evolved into a simple crosshatch design, and the use of grooves as the only decoration increased.36 Decorative dark brown spots, arising first during the Western Jin, became an important characteristic during the Eastern Jin, and the greater control of glaze application led to the use of crackle as a means of decoration. The advances made during this period fi nally freed the potter from the influences of bronze and lacquerware of the earlier period, and buff ware came into its own. The use of the term ci 瓷 as a designation of buff ware first appeared in the Jin to label what had become a discrete category of ceramic ware.37 The buff ware of the post-Jin period (420–589) continued to develop along the same lines: a dominance of quotidian vessels; a standardization of established patterns; longer and more slender contour lines; and little if any surface design. The belt of crosshatch and other stamped designs disappeared and the broadleaf lug fell out of favor. A lotus-petal design came into fashion and, in time, became quite ornate, being incised in high relief. By the end of this period, the bodies of hu jars and guan jugs developed tall, slender, curved forms; in the case of the hu jar, the ratio of its height to mouth diameter grew from 1 : 1 in the Three Kingdoms period to 2 : 1 by the end of the Six Dynasties. For some reason spittoons went the opposite way, becoming increasingly squat as the period progressed. The handle of the chicken-headed ewer developed a dragon head

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gripping the lip of the vessel. There was thus both a continuing tendency toward simplification and an increasing elegance and even ornateness in certain pieces, demonstrating the mastery of the craft that had been achieved in the south over the course of the Six Dynasties.38 It is often said that the south had its buff ware and the north had its white ware, but the history of ceramic ware in the north during the Six Dynasties period is more complex than that generalization suggests. Once political and social order had been restored in the north, important developments in the production of ceramics arose there that would have a bearing on ceramic manufacturing in the Tang. Also, the variety of northern wares contrasted with the almost monotonous emphasis on buff ware in the south, revealing vitality and a willingness to experiment. The most accessible clays in the north were derived from loess deposits. Because they were fusible and prone to melt or become deformed under high temperatures, they were used for earthenware fired at low temperatures. Vessels were most often not glazed, while figurines were usually covered with a slip and details added with paint. The importation of southern buff ware inspired among northern potters a revival of this tradition starting in the late fifth century and expanding in the sixth century. The clays needed for this ware were deeply buried and, further, required high temperatures over a relatively long period of time in order to fuse and form stoneware.39 In addition to differences in available clays, there were contrasts between the north and south in terms of the style of kiln construction and the fuel used, and these differences were reflected in the coloration of the buff ware of the two areas. Northern kilns were of a round, or mantou, shape, and the fuel was chiefly charcoal, while in the south it was pinewood. The flames of the pinewood, less intense but of longer duration, increased the rate of reduction and resulted in a better color.40 A fair amount of information about southern kilns has become available, but little is known about the kilns in the north. A number dating back to the late Northern Dynasties, that is the sixth century, have been located in central Shandong, primarily the Zhaili 寨里 kilns near Zibo 淄博, the kilns of Zhongchenhebei 中陳郝北, near Zaozhuang 棗庄, and those of Zhuchen 朱陳, at Linyi 臨 沂. The kiln sites in this area are in hilly country either on or near rivers, which served as both a source of water in the manufacture of the pottery and a means of transportation. The sites are also in the proximity of coal mines and drew on clay interspersed with layers of coal. Such clay, mixed with quartz and feldspar, is still used today in the production of ceramic ware. Judging from the shards left at these sites, it would appear that the ware produced in this area was not of high quality. The common types were the wan bowl, guan jug, high-footed pan

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plate, dish-mouthed hu jar, bei cup, and pen 盆 basin. The cores were heavy and coarse, a light or grayish yellow in color, with air pockets and dark specks. The glazes, in a variety of colors, were applied in an uneven layer; surfaces were mottled, with traces of drips and a lack of finish. These and other nearby kilns remained active during the Sui and Tang.41 Save for these and another kiln site, dated to the Sui, at Jiabicun 賈壁村, Cixian, Hebei,42 the sources of northern ceramic ware remain unknown, and the development of pottery making into a mature craft in the north must be pieced together primarily from the material excavated from tombs. In general the quality of northern ceramic ware in the immediate post-Han period fell away from the standards achieved during the Han. In the years leading up to the Jin dynasty, the ware was largely low-fired, poor-quality crude gray pottery. The types may have been influenced by southern buff ware, but while many advances were being made in the south, the northern pottery industry languished through the Jin dynasty. Up to the unification of the north under the Northern Wei in the mid-fifth century, the variety of northern pottery types was small. They consisted largely of guan jugs with or without lugs, and also wan bowls, bo bowls, pen basins, and pan plates. Most of this pottery was gray and occasionally red sand-tempered earthenware (fig. 7.3). The surfaces were plain, and in cases in which there was a glaze, its application was not uniform and the green or yellowish green color varied because of poor control of the firing process.43 A much greater variety of ware has been found in the Luoyang area, as befits its status as capital, but even there, the vast majority of pieces are unglazed earthenware pottery, and examples of buff ware are few in number.44 A curious pottery has been found in Xinjiang tombs of this period. It is a friable gray earthenware made especially for funerary purposes. The surface is painted black and decorated with red, white, and green designs; the rows of white dots are especially distinctive.45

7.3. Early northern ceramics (after Wenwu 1983.10:64, fig. 8)

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Though the development of northern lime-glazed buff ware lagged behind what was being produced in the south, eventually some significant advances were made. The Zhaili kiln in Shandong provides evidence of the development of this craft in the north. The glaze of the early period was thin and unevenly mottled, but as skills improved, a two-stage glazing process was instituted that resulted in a thicker glaze, bright and rich in color. Nevertheless, problems continued at Zhaili in the production of buff ware. Incomplete control of the reduction firing caused an uneven glaze color, and imperfect bonding of the glaze to the core resulted in flaking. Since buff ware of better quality has been found in northern tombs, obviously there were other kilns that commanded a higher level of expertise. A variety of types of buff ware were made, including wan bowls very similar to those of the south, with deep bodies and an upright mouth, some with a crude lotus-petal design incised on the sides. There were also pan plates, guan jugs, ping vases, spittoons, dish-mouthed hu jars, and trays with cups, all quotidian vessels (table 7.2). However, there was one type of vessel not meant for daily use, and it is outstanding. It is the so-called lotus-flower zun, a number of which have been found primarily in the Feng family graves of Jingxian, in southeastern Hebei. They are tall jars with a deeply modeled decor consisting mainly of rows of lotus petals, some turned upward and others downward. Although they differ individually, in general the base features downward-turned lotus petals, similar to the pedestal of Buddhas of the period, then a row of upward-turned singlepetal flowers at the bottom of the body that meets a row of double-segmented petals that descend downward, the line of contact of these two rows occurring at the widest diameter of the body. Above, on the shoulder of the vessel, is another row of smaller petals, topped by a number of lugs, with bands of modeled decor, including rosettes, lion masks, and apsaras, ascending the neck to the rim (fig. 7.4). While a number of similar jars have been found at Wuchang and elsewhere in the south, a chemical analysis of the glaze of the northern vessels indicates a different signature from that of the southern buff ware.46 In time this type of zun, in some cases coated with lead glazes, lost its decorative integrity.47 Northern buff ware differed from buff ware of the south in a number of respects. The bodies of the northern ware were thicker, and their color was grayish white; the glazes were also thicker and had a glassier, more fluid quality. The surface often had glasslike globules and a yellow tinge. Finally, the pieces themselves were on average larger, and the variety within any particular type was greater.48 In terms of chemical composition, too, there were differences. The cores of the northern pieces had a higher aluminum content (Al 2O3), generally above 26 percent, and less ferric oxide (Fe2O3), close to 2 percent. There was also a generally higher titanium (TiO) content, usually over 1 percent. Firing tem-

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TABLE 7.2 NORTHERN POTTERY TYPES

GUAN JUG

HANDLED GUAN JUG

DISHMOUTHED

PING VASE

WAN

SPITTOON

BOWL

HU JAR

Northern Wei

Eastern Wei

Northern Qi

Northern Zhou

Source: adapted from Wenwu 1979.2:52.

peratures for northern ware were also higher; northern buff ware was fired at 1,200°C or above, as compared to temperatures below 1,200°C for southern buff ware.49 On the whole, northern buff ware shows differences across the provinces, but there is still a recognizable northern type: it is relatively simple, direct, and functional (excluding, of course, the lotus-flower zun). Newly discovered kilns in Hebei and Henan indicate that buff ware production in the north was centered in those provinces. Though the level of accomplishment does not match that of the south, northern ware is still notable, especially since it was the foundation on which the buff ware of the Sui and Tang was based.50 The lead-glazed, low-fired pottery of the Han continued to be made on a small scale during the Six Dynasties period, but its quality improved only after the late

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7.5. Flattened flask, Anyang (after Wenwu 1979.2:53, fig. 5) 7.4. Lotus-flower zun (after Wenwu 1979. 2:53, fig. 3)

fourth century with the establishment of the Northern Wei. The number of colors increased and included green, yellow, and brown—in some cases several on one piece. A high level of artistry was achieved by the Northern Qi dynasty, in the second half of the sixth century. A number of pieces made at that time may serve as examples. A bianhu 扁壺, or flattened flask, sometimes called a pilgrim’s bottle, was a pear-shaped vessel some 20 cm tall with a short, straight neck; a band of linked raised beads appeared where the neck and shoulders met. There were two small lugs at the shoulders through which a strap could be strung. The front and back surfaces had modeled reliefs of Central Asians playing musical instruments and dancing. Specimens have been found in yellow and in green (fig. 7.5).51 The gang 缸 crock was another representative type. It was globular, straight necked, ring footed, with a variety of lugs, both bridge shaped or square, single or paired, set on the shoulder (fig. 7.6). Below the lugs was an incised band of scrolled foliage, and beneath that and covering the upper part of the body was a downward-pointing lotus-petal decor molded onto the body, with striations representing the natural patterns of the plant. The glaze on such pieces covered only the top half of the vessel, though often with drips reaching into the lower half. The glaze color was light yellow or light green with splashes of a darker green. The same sort of two-toned glaze was found on a ping vase recovered from a tomb of 575.52 This two-toned glaze anticipated the polychrome glaze of Tang ware.53 An analysis of the lead glazes reveals that the amount of lead oxide included in the glazes was quite high—55.42 percent in shards from the Zhaili kiln site.

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7.6. Gang crock (after Kaogu 1973.6:348, fig. 8.1)

By the end of the Northern Dynasties period, lead-glazed pottery had reached a high level of maturity and included many vessel types. Their surfaces were usually relatively plain, relying on glaze color and modeling to provide aesthetic appeal. Two other kinds of glaze emerged during the late Northern Dynasties period: black ware and white ware. The difference between the two depended on the amount of iron compounds in the glaze; black ware had more ferrous oxide and white ware less. Black ware had been produced at Deqing in the south as far back as the late Eastern Han, and its kilns had become famous for the ware by the Eastern Jin. The north began producing black ware a century later, as examples from Eastern Wei and Northern Qi tombs attest. These examples are well made, their glaze often jet-black, and the core fine and hard.54 They demonstrate that the northern potters were gaining ground on those of the south. White ware, unlike buff and black ware, was an achievement of the north alone. The ability to produce white ware marked an important point in the history of Chinese ceramics: it was the basis for the later figured ceramics. White ware was produced by eliminating iron compounds from the raw materials used in its manufacture and controlling during firing contamination by residual water or sulfur.55 Achieving these advances required a long period of experimentation. Originally white ware was thought to have first appeared in the Sui, but examples found in the tomb of Fan Cui, dated 575 范粹, at Anyang, Henan, push the date back. An examination of these pieces indicates that the core material had been put through a process of levigation to produce a relatively white, fine core. Their glaze shows a tinge of green, especially noticeable where it is thick, revealing that the technique for removing iron had yet to be perfected at this time. Sui white ware is more mature, but the Fan Cui material defi nitely represents an early stage in the development of that ware.56

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The Sui dynasty brought unification of the country, and during the dynasty’s short duration, the quality of ceramics rose dramatically. This improvement may have represented the culmination of developments already in motion, but it may also be that unification led to a new prosperity and easier exchange of information and skills between northern and southern potters. Whatever the reason, the Sui marked a milestone in the history of Chinese ceramics.57 The areas of production in the north during the Sui centered around Anyang, in the northeast, Xi’an in the northwest, and Ji’nan on the lower Yellow River. A number of kiln sites have been found in all three areas. Evidence related to production in the south has been found in Hunan, Hubei, Jiangxi, Jiangsu, Anhui, Sichuan, Guangxi, and Fujian, indicating it was a much more active area. The output of porcelaneous ware increased greatly at this time; a tomb at Wuhan 武漢 yielded over sixty pieces. There was also a proliferation in the types of ceramic ware being made. Buff ware and related ware replaced articles made of gold, silver, bronze, and lacquer. At the same time, a multitude of variations of each type arose, as might be expected in a country of this size. The general tendency toward elongation and elegance that developed in the years just before unification continued; the earlier-style guan jug, for example, had a height-width ratio of 1 : 1, which became 1.5 : 1 during the Sui (table 7.3).

TABLE 7.3 POTTERY TYPES OF THE SIX DYNASTIES, SUI, AND EARLY TANG

FOUR-

CHICKEN-

HANDLED

HEADED

GUAN JUG

EWER

DISH-

DRAGON-

MOUTHED HANDLED

PING VASE

Six Dynasties

Sui

Early Tang

Source: adapted from Wenwu 1979.2:60.

HU JAR

SPITTOON

HIGHFOOTED

PAN DISH

HU JAR

BRAZIER

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Furthermore, a new form appeared at this time, a double-bodied hu jar with a dragon handle at each side. This double-bodied form became a single one during the Tang, though retaining the dragon handles. The chicken-headed ewer, a hallmark of the Six Dynasties period, also became more elongated; the lower body narrowed and lengthened, and the chicken head, earlier rather small with a neck like a tube, transformed, during the Northern Qi and Sui, into a vigorous rooster. This type of vessel seems to have become less common in the succeeding Tang. Whereas Six Dynasties ware generally had small, flat bases with solid feet, Sui pieces began to feature foot rings, a development that expanded during the Tang. Finally, a new decor emerged during the Sui. A more refined and yet more realistic and straightforward style broke through the standardized patterns of the earlier period, and decoration and form achieved a new harmony.58 Thus, a clear Sui style arose during this period despite its short duration of some thirty years. Most significant in Sui ceramic ware were the improvements in almost every aspect of its manufacture. White ware especially demonstrated these advances since any inadequacies in its manufacture would have been readily apparent. The levigation of the clays became more thorough, and these finer clays produced cores that had few, if any, coarse grains, specks of extraneous material, or air pockets such as are found in Six Dynasties examples. More precise control of the modeling was achieved, with varying thicknesses introduced at different parts of the bodies to reduce distortions during firing. White slips were applied over the cores to smooth out even the slightest imperfections and to afford the glazes a higher degree of luster and glassiness. The effect was particularly striking on white ware, which assumed the appearance of ivory. Finally, better control over the firing was effected, leading to greater uniformity from one firing to another and the avoidance of traces of unwanted colors on the vessels. The degree of sintering also increased, creating a harder ware than that of the preceding period. In all these ways, the Sui set the stage for the developments that came in the Tang.

BRONZE Although bronze objects are not numerous among the grave goods, the variety of forms into which the metal was cast lend bronze an important place in the material culture of the Six Dynasties period. Bronze artifacts, excluding coins, have been found in only a third or a bit more of the tombs, and for the most part these tombs contained no more than a single bronze object; in about half of the cases, that single object was a mirror. At one extreme a group of twenty-seven Jin tombs excavated at Changsha in the 1950s contained in all 399 objects, of which bronze accounted for 3, iron 11, stone 20, gold 25, crystal, agate, and jade

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10, and ceramics 330 items.59 At the other extreme a Three Kingdoms tomb from Sichuan yielded 73 bronze items as against 38 of pottery and 2 of buff ware; such a lavish display of bronze is unusual even for this early period.60 Bronze objects obviously were less significant than had been the case in the Han, and while the reasons for this are not entirely clear, there have been some suggestions. One reason for the declining importance of bronze objects in the tomb inventories may be that buff ware was becoming the material of choice for utensils used in daily life and, as was the case with the decrease in the use of lacquer, this predilection for buff ware vessels was also reflected in grave goods.61 It has also been suggested that the fragmentation of the country and the accompanying political and economic instability resulted in a shortage of the metal.62 If there was indeed a shortage of bronze, then economic factors rather than purely aesthetic reasons may have played a part in its replacement by buff ware during this period. The use of bronze for the casting of Buddhist iconographic figurines may also have had the effect of reducing the availability of the material.63 Moreover, since bronze coinage was the medium of exchange, any scarcity and resulting rise in value of the metal would have redirected available resources into the minting of coins, further diminishing the number of bronze utensils used in daily life as well as those placed in the tombs.64 Despite its shortage, bronze was used for a wide variety of objects, almost ninety different ones in this period alone, but the predominant types were those for which the metallic qualities of bronze were best suited. These included vessels used over heat, such as the fu kettle, jiaodou 鐎斗 wine warmer, xi basin, shao 勺 ladle, and also the yudou 熨斗 iron, used directly with heat, and cast objects in which precision and tensile strength were desirable, such as knives, buckles, crossbow mechanisms, coffi n nails, and mirrors. Finally, there was a wide assortment of bronze jewelry, such as rings, bracelets, hairpins, and other ornaments. The jiaodou wine warmer typically was a bowl with a flared rim, three splayed legs usually in the shape of a horse’s front limbs, and an upward-arched handle with a dragon-head finial. The diameter of the vessel ranged from a narrow 6.5 cm to 19 cm, with an average of some 14 cm, and a height of 5.3 cm to 24 cm, averaging 11.5 cm (fig. 7.7). Another style, found in both the north and the south, had a spout and a straight handle, usually with a right-angle jog near the body and a slightly broadened end with a hole so the vessel could be suspended on a hook when not in use (fig. 7.8). A number of unearthed pieces had traces of soot on the bottom, indicating they had been in use prior to placement in the tomb. The jiaodou were usually unadorned, having at most a groove or two around the body and differing only a bit in silhouette and height. There were some exceptions, however. An example from Dayu, Jiangxi, dated to the Western Jin, had a flaring dragon’s head, a phoenix tail, a busy decor on the body, and legs ending

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7.7. Jiaodou wine warmer (after Kaogu 1984.6:531, fig. 5.6) 7.8. Jiaodou wine warmer (after Kaogu 1973.6:349, figs. 10.1 and 10.2)

7.9. Jiaodou wine warmer (after Wenwu 1984.11:68)

7.10. Fu kettle, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:79, fig. 67.1)

in tiger paws (fig. 7.9).65 Two from Guyang, Ningxia, had, in one case, a dragonhead handle and, in the other, an added element on the handle.66 The fu kettle was characterized by a globular body and a flaring collar, closely resembling old-fashioned Western spittoons, but often having two symmetrical vertical ring lugs (or in one case, a long handle).67 The mouth diameters ranged from 16.5 cm to 33 cm, and kettle height extended from 14.5 cm to 29.4 cm. Many of the vessels were reported to have soot on the bottom, evidence of actual use.68 The vessels appear to have been unadorned, ordinary pots used in preparing food, but there is one example of higher quality, from an Eastern Jin tomb in Sichuan, that has an animal mask on its side (fig. 7.10). Almost all these fu kettles (twenty-nine out of thirty-eight) were found in Sichuan and Guizhou, with a few from other southern provinces. The xi basin was a low, wide vessel, some 14 cm to 30 cm in diameter, with a height usually one-third to half the diameter, giving it a lower silhouette than that of the fu kettle. There was usually a broad rim that curved outward, slightly rounded sides, and a flat bottom. In addition, the xi basin often had two lugs

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placed low on the body and set symmetrically opposite each other, frequently in association with an animal mask; how these features may have facilitated use of the vessel is not clear. The inside bottom of the vessel often had a decor of two fish or two birds and two fish, and occasionally an inscription of a felicitous phrase (figs. 7.11, 7.12). In a few cases, the vessel had three legs. The xi basin tended to occur in central and southern China, and in the earlier rather than the later tombs. Two bronze vessels have been reported from Guyuan, Ningxia, a hu jar with lid and ring handles and a fang 鈁 container, also with ring handles; both exhibit the antique form of the Han period.69 Other bronze utensils included the yudou iron, the lamp, and the ladle. The yudou iron consisted of a pan, usually some 15 cm in diameter, with a wide flaring rim and a handle, semicircular in section with the flat side on top, some 20 cm long, joined to the pan either horizontally or at a rising angle (fig. 7.13). In at least one case, there is a dragon-head finial.70 Traces of black grease and a thread found in one such pan led to the surmise that this particular yudou had been used as a lamp. The use of the artifact as an iron, however, can be seen in the famous painting ascribed to Emperor Huizong 徽宗 of the twelfth century that shows such an instrument in use to iron a roll of silk. Though few in number, bronze lamps show great diversity. They range from a simple cup with a small handle, probably meant to hold oil and a wick, to an elaborate candelabra with lotus-flower holders and a lotus-bud base resting on a rectangular table.71 A similar candelabra, though of simpler construction, appears in the lacquer screen from the tomb of Sima Jinlong (d. 484) at Datong.72 One interesting Northern Wei candleholder has a stem resting on a plate, with two symmetrically attached small cups fitted into slots in the stem. The candles were placed on the cups and held upright by two rings at the top; as the candles burned, the cups could be slid up.73 Another type was a simple cup placed on a

7.11. Xi basin, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:79, fig. 67.9)

7.12. Bottom of a xi basin, Sichuan (after Kaogu xuebao 1959.2:118, fig. 10)

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7.13. Yudou iron, Anhui (after Kaogu 1984. 11:977, fig. 4.4)

7.14. Lamp, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1984.8: 47, fig. 8)

stem resembling a piece of bamboo resting on a larger cup, with or without three short legs, and a curved handle with a dragon-head finial. Fragments of a complex structure in the form of a tree whose branches held lamp pans, and with peach-shaped leaves, was found in a Wei-Jin tomb in Gansu.74 Such lamp trees are known from the Han. An unusual lamp from Sichuan features a turtle with a winding snake on its shell, symbolic of the north. The turtle holds an eared cup in its mouth, and there is a candle socket at the center of the shell (fig. 7.14). Finally, there is an example of a small (only 7 cm long) eared-cup-shaped container with lid. Half of the cover lifts up and over, thus forming a small cup held in place by a flange. The candle was held by a spindle on the bottom of the movable cup, and a spout enabled melted wax to be poured off into the base. Holes enabled the object to be suspended by wires or cords.75 There were also many lamps and some candelabras made of buff ware, and frequently a simple wan bowl, supplied with oil and wick, served as a lamp in the tombs. Nevertheless, the bronze lamps display much more variety and interest, and great ingenuity on the part of the craftsmen who fashioned them. Bronze was also used to fashion ladles, consisting of a bowl and a handle with, in a number of cases, a dragon-head finial. Other utensils of bronze included censers, braziers, spittoons, boxes, buckles, rulers, seals, needles, whorls, tweezers, tubing, and even, in one case, a pair of chopsticks, but all such objects have been few in number. In general, these bronze artifacts were undecorated or decorated simply and had rather coarse exteriors. Bronze was also used for ornaments of various kinds. Approximately oneseventh of the rings and bracelets and one-third of the hairpins, hair clasps, and other ornaments found in the tombs were made of bronze. One of the more interesting types of objects has three prongs at both ends and double bars in different designs in the middle; they range from 15 cm to 17 cm in length

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7.15. Hairdo frames (after Wenwu tiandi 1987.6:27, figs. 1–3)

7.16. Use of hairdo frame, Linyi, Shandong (after Wenwu tiandi 1987. 6:27, fig. 4)

(fig. 7.15). Long a puzzle to archaeologists, they have recently been identified by Sun Ji as a frame for certain styles of hairdo, whose use is illustrated by an engraved stone of the Han (fig. 7.16).76 Despite its limited supply, bronze remained a significant element in the material culture of the Six Dynasties period. Publication of the results of scientific analyses of the metal and information on the location of the mines and smelters involved in its production will enhance our knowledge of the role of bronze during the period.

IRON Iron production was important for the state at this time, which had to ensure an adequate supply of the metal for its military needs. This became especially crucial as the use of heavy cavalry and barded horses grew during this period. The manufacture of iron agricultural tools was also given a high priority by government authorities. For the most efficient smelting of iron a large-scale operation with a ready labor supply was required, something best provided by state resources.77 Moreover, in times of disorder and general unrest, a reliance on private resources might well have seemed too uncertain. For all these reasons the various regimes of this period established offices to oversee the government smelters and workshops. Most of the references to iron in the written sources of this time concern these state enterprises.78 A typical example is that of the Northern Qi, which established seven ironworks, three in an eastern circuit and four in a western one, all under the Taifusi 太府寺, the department responsible for supplying the material needs of the government.79 During the Northern Wei local foundries made the agricultural and military equipment needed in each individual area, but, likely because of

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the special expertise needed to produce high-quality arms, Qiankou 牽口 Ironworks, in Xiangzhou 相州 (near modern Linzhang, Henan), was assigned the task of making forged (duan 鍛) swords for the armory in the capital.80 The large number of workers required for the production of iron was often met by convict labor. In 404, for example, early in the Northern Wei, a number of foundries were established in the area east of the Taihang Mountains (Shandong) that used labor supplied by the transported convicts from various prefectures and commanderies.81 Helian Bobo, who established the Xia state in the northwest, was said to have executed thousands of workmen for having produced products that did not meet his exacting standards.82 Labor was also supplied by means of corvée. An iron foundry established at Xiayang 夏陽, modern Hancheng 韓城, Shaanxi, by the Western Wei to supply its military needs, for example, was manned by eight thousand corvée laborers.83 Another indication of the reliance on such labor is apparent in a suggestion made by an official of the Eastern Jin who complained that the foundries were recruiting large numbers of workers at government expense and that the industry needed to be cut back while maintaining the capacity necessary for military needs.84 References to iron in the written sources indicate that privately run foundries were also in operation. During the Liu Song a governor of Yizhou 益州 established official foundries and closed the private ones, although the high price of the foundries’ products led to much dissatisfaction among the people of the area.85 There are also a few references to the private merchandising of farm implements.86 In times of a weak central authority there likely would have been much private-sphere production activity to supply the needs of the populace, but during times of greater stability and control, official monopolization of the industry might well have driven these entrepreneurs out of the field. At any rate there is very little information available concerning the distribution network of iron goods. Specific information suggesting the amount of iron available in this period is also rare. Only two sets of figures have been noted. In 450, a Liu Song army took by force a Northern Wei stronghold in modern Shandong, and included in the captured materiél were thirty thousand jin 斤 (a jin was approximately a pound) of iron and over nine thousand large and small iron objects.87 In the other case, in 514, to close the gap in an embankment across the Huai 淮 River, workmen dumped in the iron utensils (tie qi 鐵器) from two foundries amounting to tens of millions of jin. The material ranged from large objects like kettles to small trowels and hoes.88 Though it is difficult to say much else about the scale of manufacture from the available sources, one site of a foundry active in this period has been reported on, and the find is an impressive one. The site is at Mianchi 澠池, Henan, on the Jian 澗 River (in ancient times the Gu River 穀水), a tributary of

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the Luo, joining it upriver from Luoyang. In a pit with a diameter of 1.28 m to 1.42 m, 1.68 m at the bottom, and 2.06 m deep were found 4,195 iron items, 1,300 of which were complete. The cache consisted of over sixty types of objects and weighed 3,500 kg. The site was sealed tightly under a layer of slag and dirt that prevented the iron from rusting away. The iron had probably been accumulated to be recycled at a nearby foundry. The material consists of molds, farm implements, and some weapons.89 It is difficult to ascertain which of these objects are of Six Dynasties manufacture since the iron itself offers no clues, and the varieties of tools and other utensils were in use over long periods of time. Nevertheless, on the basis of the style of the legible words cast onto 292 of the objects indicating the place of manufacture, name of government foundry, and names of those involved in the manufacture, and for other reasons, the report concluded it is a Northern Wei site, and further, though some of the hoes and mattocks are of Han date, that the rest of the material ranges in date from the Wei of the Three Kingdoms to the Northern Wei periods.90 Iron-working techniques of this time were much the same as in the past, but there seem to have been some advances. The primary form of iron continued to be cast iron; that is, iron with a relatively high carbon content produced in a blast furnace and, since the iron was brittle, suitable for objects that would not be exposed to sudden shocks.91 Water-powerd double-action bellows, which had become common by the fifth century, supplied the continuous air blast needed for the working of the furnaces.92 Iron was treated in a number of ways to make it suitable for specific purposes. These processes included converting the socalled raw iron into wrought iron by oxidation and reduction of the carbon content in a puddling furnace, after which the low-carbon material was subjected to repeated hammering and heating to produce ripe iron, which is tough, fibrous, and malleable and so suitable for nails, shafts, and axles. Steel has a carbon content between that of cast iron and wrought iron; it can be subjected to quenching for hardening and annealing, or slow cooling, to make it more ductile. Objects such as swords were produced by laminating steel of different carbon contents, folding one layer over the other, and then heating and hammering out the material. The repetition of this process resulted in a layered structure with improved strength and ductility. The references in Chinese texts to “thirty and one hundred refi nings” (lian 煉) may well refer to this process, though the numbers should not be taken literally.93 Producing iron with the correct amount of carbon to convert it into steel, meaning halting the decarburization associated with the puddling process at the correct point in time, required much skill. Eventually a simpler method of setting the carbon content was worked out in which cast iron and wrought iron were combined in the proper proportions to achieve steel of the desired carbon ratio. This method is termed guangang 灌鋼, or cofusion, in the literature. The clearest statement

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concerning this cofusion process in the production of steel dates from the sixth century.94 Somewhat earlier, Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (452–536) mentioned the process in detailing the uses to which the different ferric metals could be put, claiming cast iron was best for lock bolts and kettles and steel for blades and sickles.95 Although iron artifacts constitute a small portion of the grave goods of the Six Dynasties period, they indicate to some extent the purposes to which the metal was put during this time. Iron objects have been found more frequently in the north; some 44 percent of the tombs included in this sample contained iron in some form or other, reaching 69.7 percent in Liaoning, compared to 26.7 percent in the south. There was an increase over time in the proportion of iron grave goods: 34 percent through the Western Jin and 55 percent thereafter. Conditions of soil, climate, and time might also have been contributing factors in the state of survival of these iron goods. By far the most frequent use of iron was for coffin nails (192 cases, or 10.74 percent of the tombs; fig. 7.17); it was also used occasionally for coffin handles. Other iron objects included weapons, especially knives and swords (142), mirrors (65), scissors (88; fig. 7.18), tools, probably left inadvertently in the tombs (fig. 7.19), and a scattering of lamps, buckles, hairpins, a hinge, a needle, and some vessels (fig. 7.20). Iron was also used for horse equipment (fig. 7.21). Such grave goods likely do not do adequate justice to the role iron had in the life of the times, but they perhaps suggest the sorts of iron objects used in daily life.96 In general, despite the serious disorders and resulting economic dislocations that marked so much of this period, the skills and techniques achieved in earlier times were maintained and even in some respects advanced.97

7.17. Iron nail (after Kaogu 1984.8:719, fig. 8.7)

7.18. Iron scissors (after Kaogu xuebao 1957.1:181, fig. 12.6)

7.19. Iron tools (after Kaogu xuebao 1959.2:121, fig. 14)

7.20. Iron vessels (after Kaogu 1973.6:349, figs. 10.6 and 10.7)

7.21. Iron horse snaffle bit (after Kaogu 1984.8:719, fig. 7.1)

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MIRRORS As an apotropaic object, the mirror was an important burial item and is mentioned in almost 20 percent of the tomb reports. The mirrors were made of a “white bronze,” a bronze alloy similar to speculum metal and capable of taking a brilliant polish. An analysis of one mirror yielded 72.1 percent copper, 26.2 percent tin, and 1.4 percent lead. From the Han on the proportion of lead tended to increase. The mirrors were cast in a variety of molds, and the reflecting surface then burnished by a number of techniques.98 The small size of the mirrors, generally from 8 cm to 15 cm in diameter, was compensated for by a convex surface that magnified the image (fig. 7.22). These mirrors were highly reflective. Their use can be seen in the famous painting Admonitions of the Instructress to the Court Ladies, the original of which is ascribed to the Jin artist Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 (344–406). A figure to the right holds a mirror by a cord knob on its back as she applies eyebrow shadow, and the mirror’s reflective quality is apparent. To the left is a mirror mounted on a stand. A similar stand has been found in an Eastern Jin tomb at Nanjing consisting of three gilded bronze legs with bamboolike nodules and hinged onto a plate; a linking chain keeps the legs from spreading too widely. The plate has a hole into which a rod must have been inserted and that would have held a mirror by the mirror’s knob. When set up the mirror would have been 60–70 cm high, at the height of the face of a person sitting on the floor.99 Mirrors were highly valued and even bestowed as royal gifts; many such mirrors were sent to Japan.100 Mirrors also had an important symbolic function: studying the mirror of history could enable the observant person to avoid the mistakes of the past. Beyond their functional and metaphorical values, mirrors were also associated with a wide range of beliefs—not limited to China, of course—concerning their magical properties. Failure to see one’s reflection in a mirror, for example, was a certain omen of imminent death.101 Mirrors were

7.22. Convex surface of mirrors (after Kaogu 1984. 6:537, fig. 10)

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also a potent adjunct of Taoist beliefs, used in meditation, visualization, and astral travel.102 More specifically, perhaps mirrors were believed to provide a view into the other world. These occult associations made mirrors especially suitable for placing in the tomb, usually within the coffin next to the body, at the ready to protect the spirit on its way to paradise.103 In this connection the decor on the reverse side of mirrors was significant.104 The decorated side of a mirror had a central knob, pierced to hold a cord and perhaps to allow the mirror to be attached to a stand. The low knob was generally sited on a field or base, but not always. The remainder of the surface consisted of bands of decorative motifs, sometimes with felicitous phrases or inscriptions added. In some cases the rim, broad or narrow, was plain, but in others, the designs were extended to the very edge. The various classifications of mirrors derive from the names of these decorative motifs. The repertory of motifs available to mirror designers differed with time and place, but there was an almost infinite number of variations. Following the high level of creativity and development displayed by Han mirrors, the Six Dynasties period would appear to suffer in contrast, but a number of innovations were made, and some types of mirrors that only began to appear in the Eastern Han reached their culmination in the Six Dynasties period. Compared with earlier examples, mirrors of this period moved toward more plasticity and away from concentric geometric patterns.105 Another notable change was the appearance of the Buddha figure as a design element, joining as it were representations of the Queen Mother of the West and the King Sire of the East, along with those of many other sages and deities. Additionally, the political division of China at the time into northern and southern states led to regional distinctions in the development of mirrors. Finally, iron mirrors made their appearance during this period, though there is uncertainty as to the relative value placed on such mirrors.106 The evolution of mirror decor during the Six Dynasties period can be divided into three periods, and each of these in turn subdivided into northern and southern developments.107 During the first period, from the closing years of the Eastern Han through the Western Jin (196–317), the importance of mirrors as a burial object is reflected in the number found; mirrors were reported as a part of the grave goods in over half of the tombs in the north and almost a third of those in the south. The decor on these mirrors followed closely the Eastern Han typology. In the north, the common types of mirror decor were the so-called TLV (fig. 7.23),108 linked arcs (fig. 7.24), stylized quatrefoil (fig. 7.25),109 and various combinations of coiled dragon, kui 夔 beast, birds, and phoenix. Another type, characterized by the written phrase wei zhi san gong 位至三公, “May you rise to a post as one of the Three Dukes,” derived from the Eastern Han double kui beast design and became especially common in Luoyang

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7.23. TLV mirror (after Wenwu 1983.10:67, fig. 28)

7.25. Stylized quatrefoil mirror (after Wenwu cankao ziliao 1955.11:43, fig. 7, right)

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7.24. Linked-arc mirror (after Kaogu xuebao 1956.3:48, fig. 15.3)

7.26. Wei zhi san gong mirror (after Kaogu 1985.12:1118, fig. 11, right)

(fig. 7.26).110 Many of these types also appeared in the south during this time, but in more elaborate forms (fig. 7.27). The most characteristic motifs during this period, however, were the pictorial (huaxiang 畫像; also called the genre or iconic) and the deity-animal (shenshou 神獸). The former was characterized by a variety of themes, including deities, animals, historical figures, vehicles, and mounted riders, similar in style to Han engraved stones (fig. 7.28). The deity-animal mirrors depicted in high relief such themes as the Queen Mother of the West and the King Sire of the East, dragons, and tigers (figs. 7.29, 7.30).111 These elements were arranged in a variety of ways: ringlike, multilevel, unidirectional, and paired. The Buddha figure as a design element appeared in southern, or Wu, mirrors, placed in the lobes of the quatrefoil of the knob field

7.27. Mirror with kuifeng beast-phoenix decor (after Kaogu 1984.6:536, fig. 9)

7.28. Mirror with iconic decor (after Kaogu 5.11, pl. 6.2)

7.29. Deity-animal mirror (after Kaogu 1982.3:264, fig. 9)

7.30. Deity-animal mirrors (after Kaogu 1984.9:831, figs. 7–8)

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either seated or in a half-seated meditative pose with attendants (fig. 7.31). An unusual mirror from Jinhua, Zhejiang, shows Confucius and three of his disciples in these quatrefoil fields (fig. 7.32).112 In addition to such stylistic differences between the two regions of the country, there were also differences related to the conditions of production. The south during this period was relatively peaceful and for a time had adequate resources of the required metals. There were two centers of mirror production in the south, one at Wuchang, modern Echeng, in the middle Yangzi area,113 and the other at Shanyin 山陰, Kuaiji, modern Shaoxing, both near copper mines.114 In the north, on the contrary, there was a shortage of copper, and for this reason iron mirrors began to appear. At this remove it is difficult to know how their functional quality was judged, but one cannot assume that the iron mirrors were considered inadequate. There is a record of a gift made by Cao Cao to the last emperor of the Han and to members of the royal family consisting of gold-inlaid iron mirrors, their sizes calibrated to the status of the individuals.115 As many as 13 percent of the northern tombs corresponding to this early period contained mirrors made of iron; the proportion tapered off to 7 percent and 4.6 percent in the subsequent periods, while in the south the numbers were much smaller, 3 percent, 3 percent, and 0.9 percent for the same periods. Thus, in both the south and north, mirrors were for the most part made of bronze.116 A number of mirrors carried inscriptions that are of interest, especially when a date of manufacture was included. It is clear from these inscriptions that Kuaiji and Echeng were important centers of bronze casting, and that certain craftsmen were so well-known that their names bore an imprimatur of excellence. Beyond these indications, the vocabulary describing the casting was couched in Taoist terminology, and included were wishes of good fortune and prosperity for the user of the mirror.117

7.31. Mirror with Buddhist decor (after Kaogu 1984.6:559, fig. 6)

7.32. Mirror with Confucian decor (after Kaogu 1984.9:822, fig. 9)

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In the second period, from the Eastern Jin through the Liu Song (317–479), iron mirrors seem to have been favored in the north, the only period for which finds of iron mirrors outnumber those of bronze. Iron mirrors have been found even in such an important tomb as that of Feng Sufu (415). Iron is not as durable as bronze, and so the decorations on these iron mirrors frequently cannot be made out. Iron mirrors made an appearance in the south at this time, but bronze continued to be the material of choice. The discovery of designs earlier associated with the north, such as the TLV and coiled dragons, can be explained by the large migration of northerners into the south at the time. The deity-animal motif remained the most popular one in the south, although some of the earlier varieties gave way to an increasing popularity of other variations, one characterized by a midrange ring of alternating semicircles and squares and another of facing (duizhi 對峙) figures in the deity-animal style. The design details tended toward simplification; in some cases the animals were replaced by nipples, and the ring of semicircles and squares became a circle of linked pearls or a combtooth ring. This simplification was accompanied by a decline in craftsmanship and quality, and the mirrors became smaller and thinner. The last period, from 479 to the unification of China in 589, is marked by a decline in the number of mirrors found in tombs. In the north, so few were being cast that some finds appear to be heirlooms handed down from earlier centuries. In the south, though some fine mirrors were produced, the trend toward smaller, inferior mirrors continued. A few examples are as small as 3.2 cm to 5 cm in diameter; obviously their value was symbolic and they were meant for the tomb rather than daily use.118 The formerly popular deity-animal and pictorial motifs all but disappeared; the TLV, kui beast, and coiled dragon still occurred but in much cruder execution. As Xu Pingfang has said, these mirrors amply demonstrate the full decline of the mirror-casting craft in the south at this time.119 It has been claimed that a shortage of copper lay behind the decline in the casting of bronze mirrors, and indeed the shortage can be documented.120 However, iron mirrors, which could be produced at a quality high enough to be worthy of an imperial gift, never came in to fi ll the void. One might therefore surmise that the decline of bronze mirrors in number and quality was the result of changing fashions, and that for some reason their inclusion in tombs—which is really our only evidence—became less important for a time. The craft revived, however, in the Tang, and the style developments of the Six Dynasties period formed the basis for further change during the succeeding periods.

GOLD The inclusion of objects fashioned from precious metals could be used as an indicator of economic conditions over time and space, but the attraction such

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objects had for grave robbers means that the record is not necessarily a reliable one. One of the chief reasons adduced in advocating bozang, or austere burials, was that any riches deposited in a tomb were certain to encourage desecration of its site. Nevertheless, of the burials included in the database used for this study, 9.3 percent of the tombs of this period (162) yielded gold in some form, primarily rings, beads, bracelets, hairpins, and various ornaments. Other objects made of gold include a seal, a needle, bells, a nail, and a circlet.121 Most finds of gold objects were in the areas of Liaoning-Hebei and Gansu in the north, and generally through the south, especially in the Nanjing area but also in Guangdong, Hunan, and Guizhou.122 Among these areas Guizhou stands out because of the 148 gold and 116 silver objects, as well as bronze, agate, amber, and glass ornaments found in sixteen Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties tombs at Pingba, in central Guizhou.123 It is conjectured that this wealth is connected with the emergence of local magnates in the area. The gold at this site, untypical of the greater variety elsewhere, was primarily in the form of hairpins and gold-leaf ornaments. A Jin-period tomb at Beipiao, Liaoning, yielded a rich trove of gold and silver objects. In addition to rings, bells (twenty-one!), hairpins, and others, there were two decorative pieces in the shape of trees with flowers, one 28 cm in height and the other 14.5 cm. These are thought to have been hat decorations. Two other objects, also believed to be hat ornaments, were squares composed of vines with tendrils and leaves. They appear to be closely related to head ornaments found in Korea.124 Gold ornaments of various sorts, including items for hats, have been found in the graves of Feng Sufu and his wife, early fifth century, in the same area.125 At the opposite end of China, a double-burial grave in Guangzhou contained a large number of rather more typical objects, such as gold rings (four), bracelets (two), and the figure of a small dog with a hole for attachment. Silver articles included an ear pick, a needle, bracelets (three), rings (ten), a thimble, and a bead. From a clue provided by a brick inscription, it is believed this tomb was that of an affluent merchant, a part of the burgeoning commercial activity in Guangzhou.126 The relatively larger number of graves with gold objects in the Nanjing area (twenty-seven out of one hundred and sixty-six, or 16.3 percent) accords with its having been the capital of a series of southern dynasties. Two Eastern Jin tombs at Guojiashan 郭家山, yielded, in addition to two hairpins, one hundred and thirty ornaments. Among them were a tiger-shaped piece; reticulated ovals with beaded decor; six-petaled flowers; beads; and heart-shaped leafs.127 Another Eastern Jin tomb at Nanchang, Jiangxi, contained four gold rings with a seatedBuddha motif; this is an extremely important find since these are the only rings of their kind uncovered to date.128

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Usually the tomb reports include no comments on the quality of the gold, but there is one exception. Concerning a gold ornament, a small tube 1.7 cm long with symmetrically opposing flanges, found in an Eastern Jin tomb at Gongan 公安, Hubei, the report says the gold was 95 percent pure, with no trace of welding, giving evidence of the high quality of the workmanship.129 Among the twenty-five gold objects found in one of the undisturbed and best-preserved Jin tombs at Changsha were three oval, reticulated pieces with a facing phoenix design.130 A similar piece was discovered in a Jin tomb at Nanchang, Jiangxi, perhaps from the same workshop and thus suggestive of trade in such objects (fig. 7.33).131 The tomb of Lou Rui, near the Northern Qi capital at Taiyuan, despite having been robbed, nevertheless contained an enormous array of objects, and one gold piece in particular gives a rare indication of the high level of artistry of this period. It is a fragment 15 cm long, reticulated, with inset pearls, agates, sapphires, turquoise, shell, and glass forming a distinct pattern (fig. 7.34), and, according to the report, it “is rather beautiful.”132 Unusually fine pieces emerged from a tomb of the end of this period near the Sui capital of Xi’an, the tomb of the young girl Li Jingxun 李靜訓. The objects included a gold bowl with a jade rim, a cup, two rings, two bracelets with inset pearls, and an elaborate necklace; the latter pieces, of foreign origin, are described in more detail below.133

7.33. Gold ornament (after Kaogu 1974.6:378, fig. 10)

7.34. Gold ornament (after Wenwu 1983. 10:14, fig. 45)

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In general, gold objects were small and plain, evidence that gold was in short supply. The most frequently found gold artifact in Six Dynasties tombs was a circlet, usually described as a ring or earring. It has been noted, however, that many of these pieces are too small to have fit on a finger; in addition, their number, sometimes ten or more in a tomb, argue against this identification. It may be that these small hoops were simply a means of displaying the precious metal.134

SILVER Silver, somewhat more plentiful than gold, has been found at 196 (11.3 percent) sites as against the 162 (9.3 percent) sites for gold. Sites yielding both gold and silver number over 60. While gold was proportionately more widespread in the tombs of the north of this period, the south had a slightly higher ratio of sites containing silver.135 But the objects found in northern tombs seem to display greater variety. As with gold, silver is encountered primarily in the form of rings, bracelets, and hairpins, though it also occurs in a number of other objects. The rings and bracelets are largely simple, unadorned circlets. Occasionally the surfaces are marked by striations (fig. 7.35).136 The hairpins are likewise simple and rarely deviate from the normal patterns, though occasionally their ends are fashioned into an earpick (fig. 7.36)137 or, rarely, a more complicated shape (fig. 7.37).138

7.35. Silver bracelets and hairpins (after Jianghan kaogu 1989.1:29, figs. 5.8–11)

7.36. Silver hairpin (after Jianghan kaogu 1984.3:48, fig. 7)

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7.37. Silver hairpin (after Kaogu xuebao 1984.3:346, fig. 15.3)

7.38. Silver thimble (after Wenwu 1985. 7:83, fig. 78.3)

7.39. Silver spittoon (after Kaogu 1982.3:260, fig. 4.2)

This overall simplicity lends added interest to those few pieces that take other forms, which include wuzhu coins,139 pairs of chopsticks,140 thimbles141 (fig. 7.38), a crossbow mechanism,142 and two spittoons (fig. 7.39).143 Silver was also used as ornamentation on what may have been lacquer boxes, taking the form of a pendant ring on an animal face.144 In a northern tomb of the Northern Zhou, which yielded a number of foreign imports, the silver objects of Chinese manufacture included, in addition to the chopsticks mentioned above, tweezers and a small bowl, as well as an array of unique objects such as an iron, scissors, a spoon, and a small hu jar with handle only 5.5 cm high (fig. 7.40).145 A pagoda crypt of 481 at Dingxian, Hebei, yielded a wide array of silver objects. In addition to the usual bracelets, rings, earrings, and hairpins, there were belt ends, buckles, and a small jar 3.5 cm high with a lid attached by

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7.40. Miniature silver jar, wine warmer, scissors, ear scraper, bowl, and ladle (after Wenwu 1985.11:12, figs. 27.1–6)

a linked chain. The jar may originally have held a sharira, or holy relic, though nothing was found in it at the time of excavation.146 Most tombs were robbed in earlier days, and so the objects of precious metals described here are what was overlooked by the looters, perhaps accounting for the paucity of outstanding pieces. It is nonetheless apparent from this material that silver craftsmanship in China was not as highly developed in this period as in western Asia, and it was partly for the appeal of the high level of workmanship as well as the attraction of the exotic that imported wares were held in high esteem.

GILDED BRONZE Although foreign imports included gilded silver objects, in China gilding was applied primarily to bronze. Gilded bronze objects such as rings, hairpins, and belt buckles have been found in Six Dynasties tombs but do not constitute a significant component of their metal pieces.147 Those that have been identified come chiefly from the north. Two troves found near each other at Datong dating from the time that city was the capital of the Northern Wei yielded seventy objects, including sixteen decorative animal heads, nine highly decorated rings with pendants, sixteen plaques, and twenty-seven ornamental bosses (figs. 7.41, 7.42).148 Liaoning is also significant in regard to gilded bronze objects; a Jin tomb at Benqi yielded thirty-three saddle and belt ornaments (fig. 7.43),149 and one at Chaoyang fifteen such objects (figs. 7.44, 7.45).150 The use of gilded bronze ornaments in the elaborate horse trappings characteristic of this area in part explains

7.41. Gilded bronze buckles (after Kaogu xuebao 1957.1:180, figs. 11.5–6)

7.42. Gilded bronze decorative handle (after Kaogu 1983.11, pl. 4.1)

7.43. Gilded bronze saddle and belt ornaments (after Kaogu 1984.8:719, fig. 6)

7.44. Gilded bronze saddle ornaments (after Wenwu 1984.6:35, figs. 29.4–5)

7.45. Gilded bronze ornament (after Wenwu 1984.6:35, fig. 30.1)

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the relatively greater occurrence of the material in the north (fig. 4.26). There is no mention in the literature to date of the technique used in the gilding process, though it was most probably the mercury-amalgam process. In this process, gold is dissolved in liquid mercury, forming a paste that is spread on the object to be gilded. With the application of heat, the mercury vaporizes, leaving an even layer of gold that is then burnished to bring out its sheen.151

JADE Jade traditionally had a close association with the grave as it was believed to have a life-giving force that counteracted the decay of the body. Nevertheless, jade objects are relatively rare among the tomb findings of this period, having been found in only fifty-three, or 3.05 percent, of the sites. Their rarity might be related to the inaccessibility at the time of the source of jade, actually nephrite, from modern Xinjiang.152 This situation may also explain why the jade shoats, discussed above, were for the most part made of steatite, although expense might also have been a factor.153 Three cicadas carved in jade and meant to be placed in the mouth of the deceased have been found at Nanjing.154 In addition, two bi 璧, jade disks,155 and a cong 琮, a cube with a round hole, both traditional forms,156 have also been reported from Nanjing tombs. Utilitarian objects such as a bowl,157 a cup,158 and a few seals and buckles159 (fig. 7.46) have been identified, but the majority of jade objects were decorative. Two pendant sets found in Eastern Jin tombs at Nanjing enable identification of scattered parts uncovered elsewhere. A complete set consisted of three horizontal pieces (heng 珩), two semicircular pieces (huang 璜), and two round parts (zhu 珠) strung together in such a way that, when hung from the belt, they hit together as the wearer moved, producing a tinkling sound (fig. 7.47). These sets persisted into the Tang and

7.46. Jade buckle (after Kaogu 1966.4:195, fig. 5.5)

7.47. Schematic diagram of a jade pendant set

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7.48. Jade sui pendant (after Jianghan kaogu 1983.2:50, fig. 6)

7.49. Jade pei belt ornament (after Wenwu cankao ziliao 1955.11:26, fig. 2)

appear in contemporary murals.160 Other items included pendants (sui 璲; fig. 7.48)161 and girdle or belt ornaments (pei 珮; fig. 7.49),162 as well as simple rings, beads, and hairpins. Sumptuary rules governing the sort of jade permissible as pendants in the Jin and Southern Dynasties periods listed six types of jade.163 Jade pieces used as parts of sword assemblages, including the top of the pommel, the guard, and scabbard top and slide, have also been recovered.164 Jade of good quality was difficult to come by in the south,165 and consequently older pieces brought from the north during the exodus were recycled or steatite was used as a substitute. The majority of jade objects have been found in Eastern Jin tombs at Nanjing or its environs and, secondly, in Sui tombs at Chang’an,166 the wealth these objects represented being concentrated in these two capitals.

PRECIOUS AND SEMIPRECIOUS JEWELRY By far the most numerous decorative objects found in Six Dynasties tombs were beads of a wide variety of colors, shapes, and materials. They included beads made of agate, crystal, vitric materials or glass paste, amber, coral, and turquoise. The number of beads in the tombs varied from one to hundreds or even more.167 Aside from beads, other objects, though fewer in number, were also made of these materials. Ornaments made of agate (ma’nao 瑪瑙)168 included a few rings, a small figure of a lion,169 a pendant, and a bowl-like object with a flat bottom and flaring mouth of a light-brown semitranslucent stone.170 Ornaments of mica (small plates), shell (either the natural shell or small carved figures), and carbon have also been reported. Amber ornaments included small carved figures, such as a fish, a lion-shaped object, and a protective demon (fig. 7.50). The Northern Zhou tomb of Li Xian, in Ningxia, yielded three crudely shaped amber objects resembling crouching cicadas.171 An amber ear spool or capstan bead has been reported,172 as well as a few examples in glass (fig. 7.51).173 The colors of glass objects included various shades of blue, white, yellow, green, and red. Their shapes were standard, exhibiting none of the complexity of earlier periods.

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7.50. Amber animal figurine (after Wenwu 1983.10:14, fig. 44.1)

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7.51. Amber capstan bead (after Kaogu 1988.8:723, fig. 10.9)

The predation by tomb robbers of jewelry and precious metals has no doubt affected the archaeological record, in terms of both the large number of tombs without any such material (over 80 percent) and the generally lackluster nature of what has been found. Yet, the comparable percentage of intact tombs without items of jewelry or precious metals (74 percent) suggests looting might not account for the situation. It may be that a pervasive sense of insecurity in this period and the likelihood of intrusion into the tombs, expressed frequently by the injunction against placing valuable materials in graves lest they attract robbers, help explain the relative paucity and generally low artistic level of such objects.

EXOTICA There are descriptions in the literature of luxurious goods made during the Six Dynasties period, but none of Chinese manufacture have survived. For example, in 461 the Northern Wei court commissioned twelve huge platters of gold, each two chi, two cun in diameter (60.5 cm), chased with silver and a floral fi ligree, and carrying a long self-congratulatory inscription celebrating their manufacture.174 A disdainful description of Pingcheng, capital of the Northern Wei, contained in a southern history states that at banquets the Xianbei set out golden incense burners, glass and golden bowls, platters a Chinese foot long, and served delicacies on round platters a Chinese yard (2.75 m) across.175 Existing examples of this sort of elaborate ware made of precious metals are limited to the foreign goods imported into China. The Central Asian, non-Chinese background of the Xianbei elite perhaps made them receptive to foreign imports. During this period, although the imports were treasured, it is notable they exerted little apparent effect on the Chinese crafts that existed side by side with the foreign exotica. Apparently only in the Tang did Chinese craftsmen fully incorporate the foreign motifs and forms into their own art out of which emerged much of what is considered to be typical Tang styles.

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One such exotic article found in China is a gilded silver ewer from the tomb of Li Xian (d. 569) and his wife at Guyuan, present-day Ningxia Province.176 The tomb had been robbed, but not before some of the ceiling had collapsed, and because of that, the robbers missed the ewer as well as a glass bowl that had been placed in the space between the wife’s coffin and the west wall. Other objects overlooked or ignored by the robbers included a gold ring, a number of silver pieces, including an ironing pan, scissors, tweezers, bowl, ladle, and chopsticks, as well as a few of jade, an iron sword, and numerous beads of amber, agate, and glass paste. But the ewer has aroused the greatest interest. It is 37.5 cm high and has a diameter of 12.8 cm at its widest (fig. 7.52). It has a long neck, duck-bill spout, narrow upper body and rotund lower part, and a high ring-foot base. The handle has an animal head at both ends where it is soldered onto the body, and at its top there is a head of a foreigner with deep-set eyes and, as the Chinese say, a high nose. The ring of roundels forming a linked chain where the neck meets the body and another where the body and high foot meet, and again on the base of the foot, are of course characteristic of Iranian art.177 The figures in repoussé, that is of thin leaf hammered out from the back to form the relief, are in three pairs, each of a man and a woman (fig. 7.53). The women wear their hair bound up and are clothed in a diaphanous chiton, double belted, once at the waist, covered by a fold, and again below the breasts, and a cape over their shoulders. The men have a similar hairdo, but in one case the man wears a short-sleeved knee-length tunic and carries a short spear and shield, another is in a similar tunic and a cape but without the arms, and the third is nude but for a helmet. The objects the woman on the right and the two figures in the center carry are

7.52. Gilded silver ewer (after Wenwu 1985.11:11, fig. 23)

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7.53. Detail of ewer (after Wenwu 1985.11:11, fig. 24)

not clear, nor are the gestures of the hands. Wu Zhuo, the Chinese scholar who has written about the ewer, has interpreted this as a series dealing with a man about to go to war. On the left is a romantic scene of the couple’s last night together, in the center they exchange vows, and at the right the woman encourages the man to fight valiantly, as was the custom of Greek women.178 B. Marshak, on the other hand, has identified the scenes as Paris’s abduction of Helen. The central scene is of Aphrodite and Paris, who holds the golden apple. The scene on the left shows Paris seizing Helen. She is depicted boarding his ship, indicated by her raised foot and her hand on her knee to assist the effort. His hand to her throat is explained as a traditional Greek symbol of love. The scene to the right is of Menelaus, who sought to kill his unfaithful wife after the fall of Troy. Her flight is represented by the pointing of her feet in the opposite direction as she looks back over her shoulder at her husband. She holds in her hand a box with treasures, stolen earlier by Paris from Menelaus’s palace and given to her. At this point Aphrodite has interceded and restored Menelaus’s love for Helen; he is shown standing still, having given up his vengeful pursuit.179 There is also no consensus on the date and place of manufacture. On the basis of the style of the ewer, the clothing, and the full figures of the women, Wu Zhuo hazards a date of the late fifth or early sixth centuries and creation by a Roman craftsman working under the aegis of some ruler east of Sassanian Persia in the Transoxiana area or under the Hephthalites, who controlled a large part of the area at the time. Marshak and Anazawa opt for Bactria in the sixth century. Another import of this period is a Sassanian-type plate found in a tomb near Datong. The deceased, Feng Hetu 封和涋 (438–501), was a Xianbei who followed the court when it was moved from Pingcheng, modern Datong, to Luoyang in 494 and who held positions in the imperial guard and managed the imperial pastures, high enough offices to earn him a posthumous rank and title from the emperor. His body was returned from Luoyang to his native place at

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Datong and he was buried in a brick tomb in 504.180 The tomb had been robbed but nevertheless yielded a number of objects, including two other silver vessels apparently of non-Chinese origin: an eared bowl of typical Chinese design except for beaded handles and a goblet on a high foot, too damaged to make out any details. The plate, gilt silver in repoussé, is 18 cm across at the mouth and 4.5 cm high, sits on a foot ring 1.4 cm high, and has an interior molding of three ridges inside the rim. The central portion depicts a hunting scene with a figure engaging three boars who rush out at him from a thicket of reeds. The hunter thrusts a spear into one of the animals while he lifts his right leg to ward off the boar coming at him from the rear (fig. 7.54). Since he has no crown or hair knot, signs of royalty, and the action is dynamic rather than static, Prudence Harper of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York surmises that the object is from the area east of Iran, in Sogdia or Bactria/Tokharistan, and dates to the second half of the third century.181 The late Xia Nai, an eminent Chinese archaeologist, came to the same conclusion on the place of origin but put the date of manufacture later, from the second half of the fourth century to the late fifth century.182 Similar artifacts have been discovered in Datong at the site of what may have been one of the Xianbei palaces or, some say, perhaps a Buddhist temple. Five pieces were found, a lobed silver bowl, three stemmed goblets, and a cup, all of foreign origin. They have not been reported on in any detail because they were uncovered during the Cultural Revolution when publication of the archaeological journals was suspended. The eight-lobed bowl is 4.5 cm high and 23.8 cm × 14.5 cm at its top; it has an oval in the center with two sea serpents in relief and a bronze ring foot with eight indentations matching the lobes. Of particular note is that, viewed above, each lobe is relatively deep, the rim is curved, and at each

7.54. Rubbing of the interior surface of a silver vessel (after Prudence Harper, “An Iranian Silver Vessel from the Tomb of Feng Hetu,” Bulletin of the Art Institute 4 [1990]: 52, fig. 2)

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juncture there is a honeysuckle design (fig. 7.55). A number of such bowls have been found to the west at Perm, north of the Caspian Sea, on the so-called fur route.183 The dating of the Datong example, even though only an approximation of sometime before 494, when the capital was moved, or at the latest the 520s, is helpful for dating other pieces found in the west. The three stemmed goblets are of gilt bronze. The first has a row of crouching animals below the rim and is divided into four parts by acanthus leaves, with a human figure in high relief placed in each frame (fig. 7.56). The body of the second goblet is covered by a grapevine with five children climbing the branches, on which a bird sits (fig. 7.57). This is thought to manifest a Hellenic theme. The third goblet more closely resembles the first. A band of curling foliage framed by two rows of linked roundels rings its top, and the body is divided into four sections by acanthus leaves; but in place of the human fi gures, the sections are inlaid with red gems and turquoise (fig. 7.58). These goblets are also believed to have originated in the area east of Iran proper.184 The last of the five objects from the Datong trove is a small silver cup, only 5 cm high and 8.5 cm wide at the mouth (fig. 7.59). Its mouth is flared, the neck is slightly indented, and the line of the body forms an arc. The bottom is round

7.55. Lobed silver bowl (after Cultural Relics Unearthed in China, pl. 149)

7.56. Gilded bronze goblet (after Cultural Relics Unearthed in China, pl. 150)

7.57. Gilded bronze goblet (after Cultural Relics Unearthed in China, pl. 151)

7.58. Gilded bronze goblet (after Cultural Relics Unearthed in China, pl. 152A)

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7.60. Silver bowl (after Kaogu 1977.6, pl. 5.4) 7.59. Gilded silver cup (after Cultural Relics Unearthed in China, pl. 152B)

and has a circle of two ridges. The cup may or may not have had a stem. It also features acanthus leaves forming four sections, in each of which is a circle with a human bust. The head is in profi le, the body straight on, and there is a cap on the head rather than a crown; the depiction is rather naturalistic and differs from what is found in Sassanian portraiture. Again, the conclusion of those who have studied this piece is that it comes from the area east of Iran proper and perhaps shows late Parthian influences. Sun Ji, however, has attributed it instead to the Hephthalites, who had wrested the Transoxiana area from the Sassanians in the fifth century and held it for a century or so. Chinese records speak of missions from the Hephthalites beginning in 456.185 A similar cup of gilded silver, 4.6 cm high and 10.2 cm in diameter, was found in a tomb near Datong and might have come from the same workshop.186 Another piece that might well have been of foreign workmanship is a silver cup from an Eastern Wei tomb, part of a set that includes a gilded bronze wine warmer, a gilded bronze hu jar, and five ceramic bowls, all on a tray; these items are clearly of Chinese manufacture. The cup’s decor includes a ring of linked beads around the inside rim, a double strand at the inside bottom surrounding a raised six-petal lotus flower, and a series of wavy lines on the sides that would have given an undulating effect to the contents of the bowl (fig. 7.60).187 A bowl from the Urals provides an almost identical match, but the lotus flower on the former seems to point to Chinese manufacture.188 The objects described in the preceding came from northern sites, likely over the Silk Road one way or another; apparently few if any reached the southern states. What foreign goods reached the south would probably have come by sea, like the hoard of Sassanian gold and silver objects discovered near the coast in Guangdong, in the extreme southern part of China. The pottery jar in which the treasure was found contained some seven pounds of silver artifacts, both complete and in fragments, and twenty Sassanian coins from the reigns of kings

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extending from 383 to 484. A reconstructed silver bowl had twelve lobes and an inscription along the outside rim that, unfortunately, was not translated in the report. There was also a silver box, two gilded cups (fig. 7.61), seventy-three silver bracelets, two gold hoops, and six gold rings of rather a rough and unadorned appearance. The hoard is thought to have been deposited around the beginning of the sixth century (late Southern Dynasties) and may have belonged to a merchant or a tribal chief of the area. The hoard demonstrates that China was receiving such objects at this time through the sea route and that the southern states were also recipients of these western treasures, though this is all that has been found so far.189 Jewelry from abroad was also highly appreciated in this period. The tomb of the Northern Zhou general Li Xian, in the northwest, yielded, in addition to the ewer discussed above, an unusual gold signet ring that apparently belonged to his wife. Its inset bluish gray stone of lapis lazuli is carved with an intaglio figure that appears to be holding two loads at the ends of a curved rod (fig. 7.62). It has been identified by comparison with a similar representation of a woman dancing and holding a scarf found in Siberia; this motif derives ultimately, however, from the Iranian area.190 Another such ring, also worn by a woman, was inset with a stone of the same color but with an intaglio engraving of a deer and surrounded by a ringlet of beads. It was found in the Eastern Wei tomb mentioned above, the burial place of another couple surnamed Li, but they were Han, not Xianbei. Li Xizong 李希宗 (501–40) and his wife were related by marriage to the de facto Xianbei rulers of his state as their daughter was married to a prince, and so the ring, a Sassanian coin, the bowl with the undulating interior described earlier, and other precious objects in the tomb may well have been imperial gifts.191 Similar rings, one with a purple stone and another decorated with a black stone and carved with intaglio figures, were found in Inner Mongolia near Huhehot

7.61. Decor of a gilded silver cup (after Kaogu 1986.3:245, fig. 7)

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7.62. Signet ring (after Wenwu 1985.11:12, fig. 25)

7.63. Golden necklace (after Wenwu 1987. 10:77, fig. 1)

along with Byzantine and Sassanian coins in what appeared to be an improvised burial, perhaps of a merchant on the road.192 Such rings with inset stones carved with intaglio figures and with a broad setting differ from contemporary Chinese examples and so suggest a distinctively foreign origin.193 A similarly compelling object was found in the tomb of the great-granddaughter of Li Xian, Li Jingxun, who died at the age of nine.194 The girl’s family was illustrious, for her mother was a niece of Emperor Yang of the Sui dynasty and her father, Li Xian’s grandson, had been raised in the palace as an orphan since his father had been killed in battle against the Turks. The mother, by the way, had chosen her husband from among the other blue bloods by sitting behind a screen and listening to them sing and play musical instruments.195 In the undisturbed sarcophagus of the young princess was found an outstanding necklace that had a carved gem in its clasp, again of a deer.196 The necklace is composed of twenty-eight beads, each only 1 cm in diameter and made up of twelve small gold rings welded together; each ring was encircled by a band of gold granules. Ten small pearls occupy the interstices. A few such multifaceted beads, or polyhedra, have been found, but this is the only complete necklace to have appeared thus far in China. The main piece at the front of the necklace is a ruby surrounded by twenty-four seed pearls; to each side is a gold square with arc-shaped sides and a blue stone with a circle of pearls. An egg-shaped piece of lapis lazuli hangs at the center (fig. 7.63). A gold bracelet of quite complicated construction with inset pearls and colored glass also emerged from this tomb (fig. 7.64). The source of these pieces of jewelry is not clear; they were at first

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7.64. Golden bracelet (after Wenwu 1987.10:79, fig. 4)

thought to have been imported from northern India or a neighboring area, but it now seems more certain that the necklace at least is of Byzantine origin.197 They were truly worthy as the grave goods of a grand-niece of an emperor. There was an enormous contrast in use and appearance between the imported vessels and jewelry of precious materials and those of native origin in the Six Dynasties period. As far as the archaeological record shows, in the eighteen hundred tombs of this period for which I have a record, only two such vessels, one gold and the other silver, were of Chinese manufacture. Both were small, third-century spittoons, one 6 cm tall, the other 7.5 cm. A small silver jar with a lid attached by a chain, possibly meant to hold a sacred relic, found in a crypt below a stupa in Dingxian 定縣, Hebei, of 481, is possibly of Chinese manufacture, but it may have been imported. As already mentioned, native gold and silver objects consisted primarily of plain rings, beads, circlets, bracelets, hairpins, and small ornaments. None of the jewelry found in any of the tombs of the Six Dynasties period approaches the quality or complexity of the necklace. Likewise, the four rings described above stand out from the ordinary rings and bracelets of the time, which were simply circlets of bronze, silver, or gold with no decoration except for occasional striations. Certainly very little of Chinese manufacture in this period, as reflected in the archaeological record, comes close to these imported items. Not until the Tang was there the efflorescence of vessels of gold and silver for which the Tang is so rightly famous; clearly, the production of these Tang wares was stimulated by these foreign imports. The paucity of such foreign objects in tombs of the Six Dynasties and Sui should not mislead one to conclude their numbers were small at the time. The Luoyang qielanji, an account of Luoyang at the end of the Northern Wei in the 530s, speaks of the wealth of a prince, Yuan Chen 元琛, whose riches included

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“over one hundred golden and silver bottles, with bowls, dishes on legs, plates, and boxes to complement them. In addition to these, the wine vessels included dozens of crystal cups, bowls of agate and glass, and red-jade goblets. They were all exquisitely made in ways not known in the central lands as they all came from the West.”198 In considering the reasons for the interest in these exotic wares in the period of the Six Dynasties, it is a mistake to think of the Silk Road as connecting two very different societies. North China was ruled by the Xianbei and related nomadic groups who may well have shared elements of their culture with the peoples of Transoxiana. Certainly there were ample opportunities to know these people from the west firsthand. At the capital at Luoyang, there were special wards where foreigners were settled, and as the Luoyang qielanji says, “foreign traders and merchants came hurrying in through the passes every day.”199 They brought with them their own culture and customs, some traces of which have survived in China. One example is a Northern Qi funerary shrine that features a panorama of scenes, not entirely understood, but one in which figures in a distinctive Central Asian costume engage in wine drinking under grape arbors. It has been suggested that this sort of ceremony was from the Transoxiana area, perhaps Samarkand, and that the shrine was created for the tomb of a native of that area who died in China.200 A series of inscribed stones from another Northern Qi funereal monument, found not far from where the first probably originated, depicts a Chinese, but his retinue includes foreigners dressed, as in the previous example, in Central Asian garb. It is surmised that the deceased was a merchant involved in east-west trade (fig. 7.65).201 Iranians from Transoxiana, more commonly called Sogdia, were called Hu 胡 in Chinese, a word perhaps etymologically related to the word for “beard.” There were a number of Iranian communities in China; those of two hundred households or more were, like others in China, self-governing and had a hierarchy of officials responsible to the central government for the behavior of their compatriots, an early form of extraterritoriality. The head of the Iranian merchant community had the title of sabao 薩寶 (or 保), a Chinese transcription of the Sanskrit sa¯rthava¯ha, or “merchant chief.” Included in his staff were various Zoroastrian and possibly Manichaean officiants.202 The Xianbei rulers of the time also wore distinctive clothing and in other ways maintained their individuality. This tendency to avoid merging with the Chinese population that so outnumbered them was probably intentional since it was their membership in the ruling elite that brought the rewards and perquisites. There was an attempt by Emperor Xiaowen in the 490s to ban Xianbei clothing and language in an attempt to force his fellow tribesmen to assimilate, but it was short-lived, and only with the emergence of the self-identified Chinese dynasties of the Sui and Tang did the Xianbei traces disappear. An interesting

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7.65. Rubbing of an inscribed stone, Northern Qi (after Wenwu 1985.10:50, fig. 2)

example of a midpoint in this process can be seen in the remains of the lacquer coffin of the Northern Wei, mentioned earlier, from the same area where Li Xian’s tomb was found. On the lid of the coffin the deceased is shown in Xianbei garb, seated and holding a goblet and a fan; the figures illustrating the Chinese stories of fi lial piety, including those of the Emperor Shun of antiquity, are also dressed in Xianbei garb. The seated figure holding a goblet also appears in the Northern Qi monuments cited previously and in murals in Sogdia, at Panjikent, near Samarkand, and Balalyk Tepe (fig. 7.66). The Chinese scholar Sun Ji sees in this example evidence of the strong influence the westerners had on China.203 I would say rather that it reveals a common Central Asian complex. Sun makes an important point in emphasizing that the stories of filial piety do not mean that the deceased subscribed to Confucianism but rather that

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7.66. Seated figures: (1) on Guyuan lacquer coffi n; (2, 3) at Balalyk Tepe (after Wenwu 1989.9:41, fig. 3)

a work like the Xiaojing, or “Classic of Filial Piety,” had attained religious powers; Sun also points out that the Xianbei garb indicates a resistance to assimilation.204 Certainly there was a great deal of friction between the Xianbei and their Chinese subjects. The Xianbei were the warriors and held the important posts, which they jealously guarded, while the Chinese nursed their sense of cultural superiority. Yan Zhitui, a Chinese who was a high official in the Northern Qi state and one who placed much importance on Confucian learning and culture, once met another Chinese official who told him, “I have a boy, already seventeen, who has a talent for literary studies. I am teaching him the Xianbei language and how to strum the lute, for I want him to know these in order to better serve the dukes and lords. It is also important for him to gain their favor.” Yan was disgusted by this revelation and told his sons he did not wish them to adopt such effects even if it would enable them to gain high office.205 In this situation lie clues as to the reason the gold and silver vessels described in the preceding seem to occur only in the tombs of the Xianbei and their Chinese allies. The ruling elite had the financial resources for such treasures, some of which may have been imperial gifts, and there was a cachet in owning the real thing. The Chinese generally, meanwhile, sore pressed to maintain their own culture, may have looked at these foreign objects with less interest, and without a market, Chinese craftsmen had no incentive to produce their own versions of these exotic items. Not until the Sui and Tang dynasties, when the Chinese enjoyed a prosperity that came from a united China and their armies were victorious on all fronts, did foreign exotica become attractive and native craftsmen respond by producing their own versions of such excellent quality.206

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GLASS While the Shang had knowledge of glazes and refining techniques and some pieces of a glasslike substance have been found, the belief has been that the earliest glass objects in China were the large number of beads of early Western Zhou date found in Henan, Shaanxi, and Shandong. Recent tests have shown, however, that the beads are actually faience, that is fused silicate grains, and not homogeneous glass.207 The increased technical skills in many areas during the Warring States period made possible production of the earliest glass in the form of fine-quality monochrome and multicolored beads, as well as bi-shaped disks and cicadas; the cicadas were placed in the mouth of the deceased and appear as a part of grave goods over a wide area. During the Han glass was used in place of gems in earrings and inlays.208 It has been suggested that glass was used as an inexpensive substitute for jade.209 That much of the glass from the Zhou to the Han is of a lead-barium silicate type, not generally found elsewhere, has led to the conclusion it is of native manufacture.210 The terms for glass, liuli, written 流漓 or later 琉璃, and biliuli 璧流漓, first appeared in the Han and are thought to be transcriptions of Sanskrit vaidurya or Pali vainurya, “blue stone” or “lapis lazuli.” Earlier terms of the Warring States period, qiulin 璆琳 and luli 陸漓, may be cited here, although they are usually considered to refer to types of jade. Poli 頗梨 was used a bit later for an item in a Weishu list of imports from Persia.211 Since liuli was used for a separate entry in that list, there must have been a distinction between the two, though it is not clear what it was. Today the terms are used with a certain degree of imprecision to distinguish the degree of opacity; that is, liuli applies to opaque or semitranslucent glass used for jewelry, beads, and other such objects, while boli 玻璃 refers to transparent glass. The term liaoqi 料器 seems to have referred generally to glassy substances.212 An inconsistency of language in the archaeological reports is especially apparent in the case of beads, for which three terms are used: liao, liuli, and boli. Earlier reports do not seem, for example, to maintain a clear distinction between liao and liuli; in some instances the two terms are applied to the same object.213 In one report, liao and liuli are specifically said to be synonymous, 214 while another report lists both liao and liuli.215 In this last case, the distinction seems to be that the liuli beads are touming 透明, “translucent,” or bantouming 半透明, “semitranslucent,” while the liao beads are butouming 不透明, “opaque.”216 Thus, a distinction seems to have evolved based on translucency, so that vitric material that is opaque is termed liao or shaoliao 燒料, 217 and material that is to some degree translucent is termed liuli. Boli objects are without question translucent, so the question concerns how this word is differentiated from liuli. The criterion may be one of transparency rather than translucency, but this is not

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certain since there is not one report listing both boli and liuli objects.218 In other words, although a distinction has emerged between liao and liuli, the choice in usage between boli and liuli may be an arbitrary one. Glass appears to have been an uncommon material during the Six Dynasties period. Foreign glass came to China in the form of trade goods, perhaps as early as the late Warring States period, ca. the third century B.C.219 By the third century A.D., Roman glass products, including bowls and jars, were being imported. According to the third-century Weilue 魏略, by Yu Huan 魚豢, glass came in ten colors,220 but there must also have been some transparent, or at least translucent, glass if an anecdote in the Shishuo xinyu 世說新語 is to be believed. It relates that Man Fen 滿奮, who was afraid of drafts, was disturbed while in attendance on Emperor Wu of the Jin because he mistook glass set into a screen for an opening.221 Only some 6 percent of the tombs of the period have yielded glass in some form, and of these, over 70 percent contained glass beads. Other items of jewelry in glass, such as rings, earrings, pendants, and even weiqi 圍棋 pieces, have also been found. Few glass wan bowls, bei cups, and ping vases have been reported, and it was perhaps the rarity of glass that made it so prized.222 Glass vessels recovered from archaeological sites of this period may be divided into two categories, imported and domestic, and the former can be further divided into Roman and Sassanian.223 Roman glass is a loose term applied to blown-glass vessels of a soda-lime silicate made in various places in the Mediterranean area from the first century B.C. to the fi fth century A.D. This glass was high in aluminum oxide and low in potassium and magnesium oxides. A number of such pieces have been found in the larger Eastern Jin tombs in the Nanjing area; they are characterized by straight sides with slightly flared mouths and a variety of etched decorations. The glass is usually clear or has a slightly yellow tint (fig. 7.67).224 Contemporary anecdotes in such works as the Shishuo xinyu suggest the high esteem in which these glass vessels were held. Thus, Wang Dao 王導 (276–339) asked a courtier why a glass bowl (liuli wan), empty of wine, was still considered precious, and the reply was that its luster and translucence made it so. The point of the gibe was that the bowl, like Wang Dao himself, owed its status to outward appearance, not content.225 The tomb of Feng Sufu (d. 415) in Liaoning yielded five glass objects. Among them were a wan bowl, bo bowl, bei cup, and a fragment of a stand, perhaps a stem originally attached to one of the vessels. This glassware apparently was undecorated except for the wan bowl, which has a groove below the rim (fig. 7.68). The cup is dark green, while the other items have a light green tint. The fifth piece, a bottlelike object resembling a duck with an open bill, is unusual. It is 20.6 cm long and 5.2 cm in diameter at its widest point. The decor consists

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7.67. Glass cup, Roman (after Kaogu xuebao 1984.4, pl. 3.3) 7.68. Glass vessels, Roman (after Wenwu 1973.3:6, fig. 9)

7.69. Glass object, Roman (after Wenwu 1973.3:7, fig. 10)

of ribbons of glass applied in a winding fashion (fig. 7.69). Though nothing of this shape has been found elsewhere in China, a Roman glass fish-shaped object with a similar decor dating around the second to third centuries was found at the Kushan site at Begram. These Liaoning pieces were blown without the use of molds, a technique common in Roman glassmaking, and the lack of bubbles gives the glass a high degree of translucence.226 The Feng family graves of the Northern Wei at Jingxian, Hebei, have also yielded glass wan bowls, one of which was intact; the other has been restored. The first is pale green and has a slightly everted mouth and almost straight sides,

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typical features of Roman glass. There is a scar on the bottom from the blowpipe and marks on the outside from its having been blown in a mold, a method that came to be used in the Mediterranean area beginning in the first century A.D. Ribbons of glass were applied to the outside of the vessel to create a design of wavy lines (fig. 7.70). The other piece, like those mentioned earlier, is a blownglass wan bowl, plain except for a thin ridge below the rim; the ridge and the foot both consist of a ribbon of glass sintered onto the body of the vessel after it was blown.227 In sum, the examples of Roman glass found in China of this period, whether made in Syria, Egypt, or elsewhere in the Roman empire, are ordinary blown soda-lime/silicate glass made without molds, except in one case. They are transparent and have very thin walls, and their color, usually only a tint, is of various shades of green or yellow. Their straight sides and slightly outward-turned mouths are shapes not traditionally found in China. Examples of Sassanian glass, that is to say glassware similar to that found at Iranian sites of the third to seventh centuries, have also been found in China, and even in Japan.228 A number of such pieces are characterized by rows of concave circles cut into the glass. In some cases, the vessel has one row or more of projections or knobs, each face of which is concave. One example, a wan bowl found at Echeng, Hubei, and dating from the Western Jin, is transparent with a slight yellowish green tint; it has a cut design of grooves and three rows of slightly concave flowerlike shapes (fig. 7.71).229 A second example, also from the Western Jin but found in the Beijing area, has ten such knobs, in one row, and a ring of seven slight projections at the bottom to provide a foot (fig. 7.72).230 Another example, more cuplike in appearance but with similar cut faces in rows, was found at Yingpan, on the Konche Darya River, Xinjiang, and it has been dated by Aurel Stein as fifth to sixth centuries.231 Finally, in the tomb of Li Xian (d. 569) at Guyuan, Ningxia, a particularly fine example of such glassware was found. It is light yellow-green in color, has a high degree of transparency, and features two rows of knobs with concave faces (fig. 7.73).232 These pieces were usually free blown, although the object from Li Xian’s tomb was blown in a

7.70. Glass bowl, Roman (after Kaogu tongxun,1957.3, pl. 10.4)

7.71. Glass bowl, Sassanian (after Kaogu 1986.2:173, fig. 1.2)

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7.72. Glass bowl, Sassanian (after Kaogu 1986.2:173, fig. 2)

291

7.73. Glass bowl, Sassanian (after Kaogu 1986.2:173, fig.1.1)

mold, and the knobs were either fused to the body while still hot or emerged from the surface after the vessel’s thick walls were ground down. In either case, the walls of the vessels are very thin, almost sheer, especially near the mouth. As in the Roman examples, the glass is of soda-lime composition. Glassware was highly prized at the time and even appears as the subject of poetry. There is, for example, a rhapsody (fu) by Pan Ni 潘尼 (d. 311) entitled “Rhapsody on a Glass Bowl” celebrating the rarity and special attributes of glass.233 Examining those rarities amid the regional tributary offerings, One prizes the uniqueness of this bowl. It would have had to cross the remote perils of the shifting sands And traverse the precipitous dangers of the Pamirs. The way it came was obstructed and distant, The place to which it was consigned was dark and deep. One relied on the multitudinous paces of repeated peaks And overlooked the myriad spans of flooding streams. One came into contact with jade trees and lustrous gems And was neighbor to the sand-plum tree* and fine green jades. One regarded with awe the rocky summits of the “Boundless Winds” And gazed at the majestic ranges of the “Mysterious Garden.”† Thereupon one journeyed to the Western Antipodes And looked from afar at the Great Cover.‡ * The fruit of this tree gives one buoyancy, and boats made with its wood will not sink. † Both Boundless Winds and Mysterious Gardens are names of sections of the Kunlun Mountains. ‡ Where the sun goes after setting.

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One would have passed through the Kunlun Mountains, Where one might catch sight of the Lantern Dragon.§ One would have had an audience with the Queen Mother [of the West] And paid a call on the sylph youths. They would have drawn on the flowing splendor of glass [liuli] And given orders to the excellent craftsmen of that far world. These then assembled the mysterious insignia to select the image And calibrated the Three Heavenly Bodies [sun, moon, and stars] to determine the capacity. Its gleam and glitter [match] the sun’s dazzle. Its roundness and repletion [mirror] the moon’s fullness. Hairline blemishes are not to be found, And flying dust does not adhere. Its clarity and sparkle are on a par with a candle flame, Its outer and inner surfaces conform to [one] shape. Congealed frost is inadequate to match its purity, Limpid water is unable to convey its clarity. Its hardness is beyond that of gold or stone, Its strength challenges the most excellent jade. Grinding does not wear it down, Besmirching does not soil it. To raise this bowl to toast the guests Is to add luster to the imperial banquet’s close-packed ranks. Its flowing luminosity is bright and brilliant so as to discern what is inside, The clear wind’s glitter and gleam can be seen from without. According to a traditional account, glass manufacture in China began in the fifth century when a native of Dayuezhi 大月氏 (apparently the former territory of the Kushans) came to Pingcheng, capital at the time of the Northern Wei, and was given the opportunity to make glass. One of his accomplishments was the construction of a hall able to seat a hundred people and, the account adds, that was illuminated by light streaming in from transparent windows. While the account maintains that from the time glass began to be made in China it was no longer so highly prized, it seems imported glass objects continued to be highly valued.234 Native Chinese glassware apparently never achieved the quality of that of imported material. Early Chinese glass differed from imported ware in being primarily leadbarium glass. Although the method of using soda ash235 to make soda-lime glass §

A deity of the Kunlun with a human head and snake’s body who controls the changes of day to night, winter and summer.

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had been known at least as early as the third to fourth centuries, 236 it seems that soda-lime glass wasn’t made until the Sui, and even then it was produced only in very small quantities, perhaps because there were few sources of soda ash in China.237 Representative pieces of Chinese glassware of the Six Dynasties period include the find of a bo bowl and six ping vases in a stone crypt at Dingxian, Hebei, of a Northern Wei date of 481. They are of traditional Chinese shapes, free blown with no molds, rather small in size, and unequal in quality to their western Asian counterparts.238 A few pieces found in the tomb of Li Jingxun in Xi’an, dated 608, represent a slight improvement over the Northern Wei pieces, but the large number of bubbles contained in the glass adversely affects their translucency.239 By the Sui Chinese glass had become very high in lead (as much as 60 percent lead oxide), with only traces of barium.240 In summary, Chinese-made glassware was small in size, usually not over 8 cm in diameter, undecorated, and had very thin walls that made it extremely fragile in comparison with imported ware.241 Although early Chinese glassware was influenced by foreign techniques, it retained its own materials and vessel types. Chinese glassmaking never became a major industry, and ceramic ware continued as the primary material for vessels used for food and drink.

LACQUER Because lacquer does not survive well and the original objects have been lost, mainly only slivers and fragments of lacquer skin have been documented.242 The following review of lacquer finds, therefore, should be read in terms of what has survived rather than as a measure of the extent to which it was used. During the Six Dynasties period lacquer was found primarily in the south, especially in Jiangsu and Jiangxi, but also in Hubei and Guangxi, with scattered reports from Hunan and Guangdong. No lacquer has been reported for Sichuan, though that area was known to be a center of production. The early period showed the widest variety of types: wan bowls, erbei 耳杯 eared cups, pan plates, he 盒 boxes, lianhe 奩盒 toilet boxes, and guohe 果盒 compartmentalized trays, with a scattering of other utensils. In the Jin and Southern Dynasties periods the use of lacquer became more restricted, employed primarily for pan plates and he boxes. There was also a noticeable trend from ornate and complicated decor to a simple one over the period of the Eastern Jin to a plain surface in the Southern Dynasties period, though whether this is evidence of a decline in craftsmanship or a change in aesthetic taste is not clear. 243 The growing popularity of buff ware likely cut into the use of lacquer vessels at this time. The tomb of Zhu Ran (d. 249), located at Maanshan, Anhui, an important garrison point of the Wu state, is significant for a number of reasons, but especially because of the large quantity of lacquerware that it preserved. Their survival

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seems to be due to a hole in the ceiling left by grave robbers that allowed the tomb to fi ll with a protective covering of silt.244 The find consisted of more than sixty pieces of over ten types;245 the cores included wood, bamboo splint, and leather, and the techniques ranged from unadorned surfaces to those with paintings, surfaces etched with gold inlay (zhuike qiangjin 錐刻戧金), carved surfaces revealing layers of different colors (originally thought to have begun in the Tang), and some featuring a combination of carving and painting. The paintings, which offer an important opportunity for studying the art of this period, include legendary themes, scenes of contemporary life such as banquets and entertainment, as well as flora and fauna. Among the items a large table, 82 cm × 56.5 cm, and an armrest are especially noteworthy. Other objects include pan plates, some with paintings and others plain, erbei eared cups, a finely decorated guohe compartmentalized tray, an inkstone (with fine grit added to the lacquer), a ruler, a box, and a dipper. One of the plates has a label on its bottom indicating it was made in Sichuan, and it has been suggested that, since Zhu Ran was involved in two military expeditions into Shu, the large amount of lacquer in his tomb may well be loot that he brought back from those wars.246 Another assortment of twenty-six pieces of lacquerware was found in some Eastern Jin tombs at Nanchang, Jiangxi. They included a lian toilet case, red inside and mostly black outside, decorated with two horse-drawn vehicles and seventeen people, some seated and others advancing while holding objects. An elaborate banquet scene is depicted on the red background of a tray: four elderly men sit on mats; one is playing a qin 琴 lute, two are holding bowls, and the fourth seems to be talking. Zhang Yan has convincingly argued that the scene depicts an emperor approaching the Four Hoary Sages of Shangshan (Shangshan sihao 商山四皓) in search of transcendency, and that the same theme underlies the appearance of idealized recluses such as the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove in some tombs of this period. A fragment of another item pictures the Queen Mother of the West playing a qin lute while a number of animals and a half-human, half-bird creature look on. Other objects at this site included an arm rest, trays, erbei eared cups, and chopsticks. This fi nd is particularly important for the history of lacquerware and painting in this period.247 Lacquer objects were particularly difficult to maintain in the humid and hot regions of China. Jia Sixie 賈思勰, in his sixth-century Qimin yaoshu 齊民要術, included some advice on this topic.248 After the guests have been seen off, lacquerware, whether or not genuine, must be washed with water and placed on a framed screen, exposed to the sun for half a day to allow them to dry and collected after sunset. Only then will they be durable and last for a long time. If they are not immediately

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washed, the salt and vinegar will be absorbed, and, their essence having penetrated, the utensils will shrivel and the ware will be ruined. The red interior should face up and be exposed because the red, mixed with oil, is by nature glossy and can endure the sun. During the continuous rain at the height of summer the atmosphere is steamy and hot, and though the utensils may not have been used in the summer, during the sixth and seventh lunar months, each must be sun-dried. People today fear that lacquerware will be ruined by the heat if exposed even a little to the sun, and so store them in shady, damp places; although believing they are caring for them, they only hasten their ruin. As for lacquer paintings on wood, knickknacks, chests, and pillows, if, at the end of the fifth month through the seventh and ninth months, 249 after each rainfall, one wraps a cloth around one’s fingers and wipes them thoroughly, the lacquer will be preserved and its sheen will last a long time. If one does not wipe them clean, a coating will form when the air becomes humid and hot, the excess moisture will penetrate the material, and wrinkles will develop; the affected spots will swell and abruptly crack. Most of the lacquerware documented in the north is from Liaoning and dates from the inception of the Six Dynasties period through the Sixteen Kingdoms; after that, such finds in general become scarce. The ware usually consists of an occasional he box or an erbei eared cup, but an Eastern Jin tomb at Yuantaizi, Chaoyang, yielded an an 案 table on which had been placed fourteen lacquer and pottery vessels, originally containing foodstuff offerings. The table and its contents had been covered by a canopy, as evidenced by its remaining stone bases and bronze corner joints (fig. 6.12).250 The scarcity of lacquer objects found in the north is, in some cases, compensated for by their spectacular nature. The Northern Wei tomb of Sima Jinlong (d. 484) at Datong, Shanxi, yielded a painted lacquer screen unlike anything seen before. What remains are five boards, some of which originally were adjoining. Each board is about 80 cm high, 20 cm wide, and 2.5 cm thick. The boards had been joined by mortise and tenon. The screen’s surface is vermilion, while the cartouches and broader areas on which the identifying labels and texts were written are yellow. The various lighter colors were made using an oil base mixed with pigment and lacquer. Which oil was used remains uncertain; it may have been walnut oil or rentong 荏桐 oil (Aleurites cordata, or Japanese wood-oil tree); litharge, or lead monoxide, was also utilized. Further research will no doubt provide more information.251 Because this material was less durable than the darker, purer lacquer of the background, there has been some loss of detail. Each section, front and back, is divided into four panels that for the most part

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contain scenes illustrating incidents in the lives of former worthies and emperors, chaste women, and other paragons of virtue. The topmost panel of one section, for example, shows, to the left, the future emperor Shun’s father and stepmother throwing a boulder into the well where they believed he was at work repairing it. Unbeknownst to them, Shun had fortunately emerged a short while earlier. Shun nonetheless maintained his fi lial loyalty toward this nefarious couple, and his devotion led to his selection by Emperor Yao to be his successor. To the right is depicted Shun as emperor with his two consorts, the daughters of Yao. Shun holds in his right hand an implement of some sort. The panel below shows three women in flowing robes, elaborate headdresses, and long ribbons; they are the three virtuous empresses of the Zhou, namely King Wen’s grandmother, mother, and consort, the last of whom was also the mother of King Wu, founder of the Zhou. The three women are given much credit for the successful establishment of the Zhou. In the next panel, a mother sits on a platform facing her daughter. The woman, of the Shi 師 family of Lu 魯, instructs her daughter on proper deportment at court. Unfortunately, her biography in the Lienüzhuan 列女傳 has been lost, so the meaning of the scene remains murky.252 The last and lowest panel of this section presents the virtuous consort Ban 班, a favorite of Emperor Cheng of the Han, who refused to ride with the emperor in his palanquin on the grounds that he should have wise ministers at his side, not women, lest he suffer the fate of the last rulers of the preceding dynasties.253 These scenes were painted with great vitality and are a valuable resource as illustrations of contemporary costumes and furniture. It has been suggested that the screen was a product of the south brought by Sima Chu 司馬楚, Jinlong’s father, to the north when he fled the massacre of the Sima family in 420 and, further, that it was included in Jinlong’s tomb as a family heirloom.254 The earlier tradition of applying lacquer to coffins continued in the Six Dynasties period, although not many examples have survived. The coffi ns in which Zhu Ran and his wife had been laid, mentioned earlier, were painted black on the outside and red inside.255 The Northern Wei coffin found at Guyuan, Ningxia, also mentioned earlier, was unfortunately severely damaged in an exploratory probe. However, its cover, headboard, and side boards have been restored relatively well. They have a red background, as in the screen above, with paintings in reddish brown, azurite, mineral green, and yellow, all mixed with lacquer, although some parts, in gold and white, apparently were applied directly without lacquer as a binding agent. The richly decorated coffin cover has a border of intertwined honeysuckle flowers forming diamond shapes inside of which are strange beasts or animal-headed birds. Down the middle in an S curve is a streak of whorls intermingled with doves, ducks, and fish, representing the Milky Way. On either side at the head are depicted structures under which sit, on the left, a figure labeled King Sire of the East and, on the right,

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what must represent the Queen Mother of the West. Above are the sun with the three-legged bird and the moon, which probably also featured the toad, but it is too damaged to say (fig. 7.74; see also fig. 6.6).256 The headboard depicts a structure similar to those on the coffin cover, but inside is the figure of a man, obviously representing the deceased, who is seated aslant a platform, backed by a screen, and wearing a nomadic or non-Chinese outfit, as do the two male and two female attendants standing on each side of the structure. The Xianbei clothing of these figures and others, described

7.74. Lacquer coffi n lid (after Meishu yanjiu 1984.2:8)

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below, as well as the Central Asian manner in which the deceased is depicted, are important in considering the way in which the Xianbei fitted into Chinese society at the time. Below, one on each side, are two bodhisattvas decked out in high coiffures, jewelry, and flowing robes (fig. 7.75).257 The sides, the most heavily damaged portions of the coffi n, are divided into three registers: the top depicts stories of filial sons and the middle a series of interlocking pearl roundels inside of which are pairs of facing strange beasts and more bodhisattvas, with a rectangular window at the front end through which can be seen two attendants. The registers are divided by floral designs. The series of fi lial sons consists of frames divided by triangular flame shapes, and the stories proceed from front to back. The first series on the right side is composed of eight frames dedicated to Emperor Shun, including the early episodes of his escaping from the burning granary and out of the well when his father and stepmother attempted to kill him. The fi nal series on this side depicts the story of Guo Ju 郭巨, who planned to bury his son in order to provide more food to his mother but who, in digging the hole, discovered a treasure of gold. The frames include cartouches of yellow with identifying labels describing the scenes. The left side is more heavily damaged and one can make out only a series depicting Yin Boqi 尹伯奇,258 one of Cai Shun 蔡順,259 and others as yet unidentified. The footboard, also heavily damaged, appears to have featured a depiction of Yanzi’s stratagem that caused the three knights to kill themselves over two peaches.260 The decor of these uplifting tales of fi lial loyalty and wisdom

7.75. Detail of a lacquer coffi n (after Meishu yanjiu 1984.2:9)

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was seemingly meant to impart a sort of sanctity to the tomb and, even more, to indicate to the nether world the values to which the deceased subscribed.261 The list of articles made of lacquer and recovered from the tombs of this period is a lengthy one, including over twenty different types, though the numbers are not large. Eared cups, pan plates, wan bowls, and boxes of various sorts are the most common, but examples of ladles, hairpins, shuttles, rulers, inkstones, and even shoes have turned up. Given that lacquer does not survive well, the relatively small number of tombs that yielded traces of lacquer (81, or 4.66 percent of the sites) may not give a true picture of its role in the material culture of the time.

8 FURNITURE

uring the Han the customary manner of sitting was on mats (xi 席) or cushions (ru 褥) placed on the floor, and this practice was extended into the Six Dynasties period, but it is not clear how long it continued. To complicate matters, the older custom left its mark on the language, and many phrases use xi but cannot be taken literally as evidence of the use of mats for this purpose. For example, one fi nds frequent occurrences of bu neng an xi 不能安 席, “unable to rest easily,” jiuxi 就席, “to take one’s place,” and cexi 惻席, “to keep a vacant place at one’s left for an unexpected guest.” But there are instances that do clearly indicate the practice of sitting on mats. Evidence that the practice of the time was to sit on mats or cushions can be found in a number of anecdotes in the Shishuo xinyu and other sources. When, for example, Wang Gong 王恭 (d. 398) returned from Kuaiji, he sat on a mat made of dian 簟, a kind of bamboo from which fine mats were made, which were apparently the product of that area. When asked for a mat by Wang Chen 王忱 (d. 392), who assumed that he had brought back many such mats, he handed it over without hesitation and was thus left sitting on the coarse matting (jian 薦) on the floor of his home.1 Gu Yong 顧雍 (168–243), on hearing of the death of his son, showed no emotion but dug his fingernails so deeply into his palms that the cushion on which he sat was soaked with blood.2 Yin Zhongkan 殷仲 堪 (d. 399/400), who was loath to waste anything, would search out grains of rice that might have fallen onto his mat while he was eating.3 At a party, Cai Xi

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蔡系 momentarily left his place and Xie Wan 謝萬 (ca. 321–61) moved into it. On his return, Cai lifted Xie together with his cushion and roughly deposited them on the ground before resuming his original place.4 It is also possible that mats remained in use for certain ceremonies. When in 403 Huan Wen (369–404) was to be enfeoffed as king of Chu in his attempt to end the Jin dynasty, mats were laid out, but before Huan appeared, a dog came by and relieved itself on a mat, causing a near panic among the courtiers in attendance. Despite his fearsome temper, Huan simply had the soiled mat replaced and went on with the ceremony.5 In a description of the mourning ceremony that took place on the death of a dowager empress, it is said that officials above a certain rank had individual mats (juexi 絕席), while lower officials had to share their mats. Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–78) threw a fit because he was not accorded a separate mat.6 Finally, certain faithful and virtuous officials were, upon their retirement, awarded a traditional gift consisting of a bed, mats and cushions, and 200,000 in cash.7 Tongxi 同席, referring to the sharing of a mat, had been a common term indicating close association, say between a prince and a trusted follower, but the occurrence of such phrases as tongta gongxi 同榻共席 and lianxi gongta 連席共 榻 in the Suishu perhaps suggests that the ta, or bench, had fully replaced the floor mat for sitting.8 Besides sitting on a mat on the floor, the customary mode during this period was to sit on a platform raised on legs above the floor. The main piece of furniture in upper-class households was a low platform called a chuang 床, or “bed” in the modern language, that served a number of purposes, many more than the designation would indicate.9 For that reason it may be best to consider the chuang more a couch than a bed. It was a place one occupied while at ease— where one rested, met guests, ate, and wrote. It was supplied with a variety of accoutrements and furnishings, such as armrests, spittoons, braziers, and vessels for eating and drinking. Writing tables and food trays could be set in front of it and screens to the back and sides. It was often enclosed by a canopy (zhang 帳) that served to keep out insects and dust and to conserve heat. The curtains could be drawn for privacy or pulled aside and fastened with ties. The structure could be quite elaborate and was at times subject to sumptuary laws to maintain status differentiation.10 A description of one belonging to Shi Hu, a ruler of the Later Zhao, is included in the Yezhong ji. Shih Hu’s Couch of the Autocrat (yü ch’uang [yuchuang] 御床) measured thirty feet square. In the winter months, he displayed polychrome damasks of Shu, tassels, and a cup-shaped canopy on it. Dragons of pure gold were fixed at the four corners, their heads biting on five-colored tassles. Sometimes shining polychrome damask of heavy blue silk was employed; sometimes polychrome damask of heavy stammel, figured with “Climbing the Heights,”

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was employed; sometimes it was “Great and Small” polychrome of heavy purple silk. For the yarns they used 120 catties of Fang-tzu silk floss. They were lined with white two-ply silk. This was named a “double canopy.” On the four corners of the canopy were incense braziers, pierced and chased, of pure gold and silver, in which renowned aromatics, collected and blended, were burned with stone carbon [coal]. On the very top of the canopy was fixed a golden lotus flower. Within the flower was suspended a yüan bag with gold foil woven into it. The bag took three pints, and was fi lled with aromatics. On the four faces of the canopy were twelve incense bags of the same kind, in variegated colors. In spring and autumn there was only a canopy of polychrome damask, with five-colored two-ply silk inside as a canopy liner. In summer, gauze or net-gauze was used, sometimes vermilion net-gauze with pale green figures, sometimes purple-figured crepe, as an unlined canopy.11 Elaborate canopies were found in the south as well; that used by Huan Wen of the Eastern Jin was described as a crimson damask canopy with gold threads and four golden dragons at the corners supporting multicolored tassels and tufts.12 Tomb murals often include depictions of the deceased sitting in such a curtained compartment as he would have in life, facing the entrance, as it were, to his home. The wife is shown with him on the same couch or on her own, and servants and attendants gather at both sides. Although most murals have not fared well and are in fragmentary condition, the depiction in Tong Shou’s tomb clearly shows Tong and his wife under separate canopies. One can also see in it examples of the kind of tassels and pennants (yubao 羽葆 and liusu 旒蘇) said to be on Huan Wen’s canopy. While Tong’s wife seems to be seated on a ta, Tong appears to be sitting on a piece with a low balustrade, which may indicate it was a chuang (fig. 8.1).13 Perhaps the most elaborate couch that has survived is the stone coffin couch from the tomb of Sima Jinlong that seems to be modeled after such couches.14 Iron and bronze tube fittings that have occasionally survived also indicate how these canopies were constructed; their tops either came to a point or had the shape of an inverted dou, or frustum.15 In some cases the couch had no canopy but a screen (pingfeng 屏風) instead.16 The screen could be placed to form a backdrop or folded to enclose three sides of the couch. The spectacular lacquer screen found in Sima Jinlong’s tomb was described in chapter 7. Other examples are depicted in tomb murals. In one such, the deceased is shown seated before a screen that apparently featured a landscape (fig. 8.2).17 Another mural depicts a more elaborate screen featuring the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove used as a backdrop to a couch with curved legs and an elaborately carved apron (fig. 8.3).18

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8.1. Detail of a mural depicting a canopy and seated figure (after Kaogu 1959.1:30, fig. 6)

These couches were large enough to seat more than one person and were relatively immobile; the smaller seats, called ta, or “bench,” were for individual use.19 They had sturdy legs, a framework of ribs to support the weight of a person, but, unlike the an, or low table, they resembled, there was no raised rim.20 None of these individual seats have survived, but several have been found made of pottery to which remnants of a lacquer coating adhered. Such pottery objects, which mimicked the actual wood and lacquer furniture used in the home, were made as grave goods. One such model recovered in an undisturbed tomb held, unusually, an armrest, pan plate, erbei eared cup, inkstone, brazier, and spittoon.21 Normally, though, these benches were only large enough to hold the seated person, and dishes and other objects were placed on small low tables or on the floor before and to the side of the benches. The benches were generally 75 cm to 130 cm long, 60 cm to 100 cm wide, and 12 cm to 28 cm high. This article of furniture was widely used during the Six Dynasties period and is often depicted in murals and in paintings (fig. 4.98).22 In some cases, two persons kneeling on separate benches shared a single canopy (fig. 8.4).23 The practice of kneeling brought with it the need for a means of supporting the body, and armrests (pingji) and pillows or bolsters came into use. Their mention occurs in a description of the scions of the Liang royal family by Yan Zhitui (531–91+), who wrote, “There was not one of them who did not perfume his garments, shave his face, use powder and rouge, ride in a carriage with long awnings, wear high-teeth clogs, sit on square cushions like a chess board, [and] lean on soft, silk bolsters arranged with curios and trinkets on each side, going in and out gracefully, looking like deities.”24

8.2. Rendering of a tomb mural depicting a figure seated before a screen (after Wenwu 1985.10:45, fig. 8)

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8.3. Rendering of a detail of a tomb mural of a screen behind a couch and under a canopy (after Wenwu 1989.4:69, fig. 3)

8.4. Rendering of a detail of a mural showing two seated figures on separate ta under a common canopy (after Kaogu 1960.1:22, fig. 3.6)

The three-legged armrests, of which models have been found among grave goods, may have been placed in front of the kneeling person so as to curve around the body, the knees fitting into the spaces between its legs. It would thus have provided frontal support rather than support for leaning back, although it might have been used that way as well. 25 There is, for example, a depiction of Wang Rong 王戎, one of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, leaning back, although in this case the support is provided by a square, boxlike piece.26 Though sitting was generally in the kneeling position, the European mode of sitting was not unknown; there is evidence at least from the Eastern Zhou period that some sort of stool was used in China.27 The folding chair, in turn, had been introduced from the West sometime in the Eastern Han.28 At first this kind of camp stool seems to have been associated primarily with generals directing

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8.5. Drawing of a figure holding an object thought to be a collapsed folding chair (after Kaogu 1977.6:396, fig. 6.2)

troops in the field, and typical of the anecdotes in which it appears is one featuring Cao Cao.29 Its convenience and utility soon gave it wide usage, both outside and inside the home, and even in the palace. Depictions of its use date from the Tang, but it has been identified as the object carried by a tomb figurine of 547 (fig. 8.5).30 Finally, there are mentions in the literature and depictions of persons sitting on hourglass-shaped stools called quanti 筌蹄; they are shown with meditating bodhisattvas and, in one case, a merchant who had connections with the West (fig. 7.66).31 During the Sui and especially in the Tang, Western-style chairs came into general use. John Kieschnick has traced the introduction of the chair to the use in meditation of the corded chair in Buddhist monasteries perhaps as early as the fourth century.32 The widespread use of chairs led to the appearance of tables and other articles more suitable to that raised level of activity. Though high tables seem to have been used earlier,33 not until this later period did the style of furniture change completely and give rise to what can be appropriately spoken of as chairs and tables (zhuozi 卓子) in our sense of the terms.34 Beds of the time resembled an expanded chuang. Gu Kaizhi’s Admonitions of the Instructress to the Court Ladies illustrates a bed the size of a small room, with the emperor seated on a long bench in front of it and a member of his harem within it. The balustrade comes around to the front, with one section folded back as if it were a door, and there are curtains that can be pulled to enclose the whole. While the painting is thought to be a later copy based on an original by Gu, the structure of the bed may well nonetheless accord with the style of the Six Dynasties period.35 A variety of chests, wardrobes, and baskets were also likely in use in homes of the time. A chest of some sort (chu 廚) figures in an anecdote in the life of

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Gu Kaizhi. According to the story, he sealed a number of his paintings in one such container before entrusting it to a colleague. The latter removed the paintings by prying off the rear, leaving the seal intact. On finding the chest empty, the naive Gu credited their disappearance to the realism with which he had painted the figures, and he simply assumed they had taken on life and escaped.36 Containers of various sorts have survived from the Han and the Tang, but very few from the Six Dynasties period.37 The remains of several pottery boxes, rectangular and with lids, were found in a royal Eastern Jin tomb. The one that could be reconstructed measures 50.6 cm × 32.8 cm in size and 42.2 cm in height, including the 12.5 cm of the lid, and has movable handles at the two ends. There was no trace of any contents.38 Fragments of two wooden boxes, also of Eastern Jin date, were found in a Liaoning tomb. One is 46 cm × 32 cm, with only 5 cm left of its height, while the other measures 57 cm × 33 cm, with 10 cm remaining of its height. Both were assembled with nails, and the larger one had metal reinforcing plates.39 More numerous have been shallow boxes (he) of ceramic and lacquer, often with compartments, which were meant to hold a wide assortment of things, including foodstuffs, cosmetics, and mirrors. Larger containers would have been made of perishable materials and so have only rarely survived.40 Moving from the parlor and bedroom, as it were, to the kitchen, ceramic vessels fi lled with grains and other provisions for the afterlife have been found among the grave goods of the period, and they were no doubt modeled on the actual articles used during the lifetime of the deceased. In addition, scenes of the preparation of food are illustrated in murals that have survived (fig. 8.6). Models of stoves have also been found in the tombs. There are two styles of such stoves. The northern style is basically rectangular with one opening on which a

8.6. Kitchen scene from the northeast (after Kaogu 1959.1:31, fig. 9)

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cooking utensil was placed, although those showing two holes also occur. The front wall of the oven is shaped like a stepped pyramid, intended perhaps to prevent any flames from escaping through the openings on the top surface of the oven. At the bottom of the front wall is a fire door through which fuel was added (fig. 8.7).41 These front walls became increasingly decorated and elaborated in a number of ways (fig. 8.8). Early examples of the ovens resemble those of the Han in having various cooking utensils such as knives and ladles laid out on the stove top (fig. 8.9). The rear often has a hole for smoke to escape. The southern stove is boat shaped, though with the prow at the rear (fig. 8.10). The front, which includes a door for adding fuel, is flat; the body of the stove is rounded and the top surface level. The rear of the stove slants upward and comes to a point where the chimney hole is located. Most of these stoves have two cook holes for pots, which are described as guo 鍋 wok, fu kettle, and zeng steamer. Some of these boat-shaped stoves have a fire-screen front wall as well, but they are comparatively modest in size. One of the most unusual stove models is one of bronze from a Northern Wei tomb, dated 477–99, at Guyuan. It stands on four legs, has a square fire door but no fire wall, and has a chimney shaped like a long-necked animal of some sort. The fire hole and the pot, probably a steamer, rise in a series of hemispherical shapes (fig. 8.11).42 This is the only such stove model to have been reported. It may represent a mobile stove used by an army in the field.

8.7. Oven (after Jianghan kaogu 1986.1:30, fig. 20.6)

8.8. Oven (after Wenwu 1984.4:18, fig. 13)

8.9. Oven (after Kaogu 1989.5:441, fig. 4.14)

8.10. Oven (after Kaogu 1991.3:212, fig. 7.6)

8.11. Model of a bronze stove from Guyuan (after Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu Guyuan bowuguan and Zhong-Ri Yuanzhou lianhe kaogudai, Yuanzhou gumu jicheng, pl. 21)

8.12. Domestic scene from a rubbing of the sixth century in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston

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Given the limited nature of the sources of information on house furnishings, there are no doubt many gaps in our knowledge; but in general, the interior of a Six Dynasties residence may well have resembled more a traditional Japanesestyle interior in its sparseness of furnishings than an interior of the Tang or later, when chairs and tables came into wide use (fig. 8.12).43

9 CLOTHING

lthough clothing styles in China changed over the centuries, the changes were conservative.1 The greatest innovations resulted from the introduction of garments by nomads from the northern steppes and garments brought in by the Silk Road trade. Sun Ji makes the point that the incorporation of foreign peoples into the mainstream Han population, which was characteristic of the Six Dynasties period, resulted in a difference between the clothing of the Sui-Tang period and that of the Han-Wei. 2 Despite the evidence of the murals and tomb figurines, it is difficult to correlate the visual material with the terminology and descriptions in the literary sources, and any discussion of the clothing of this period should therefore be considered speculative. The male commoner in the early Six Dynasties period, like his Han predecessor, is depicted wearing a knee-length jacket with a lapel crossing to the right, full sleeves, and belt; the lapel, cuffs, and hem are of a contrasting color. Beneath the jacket, the trousers are full with tapered cuffs. His hair is sometimes gathered into a topknot, or the head is covered by a flat cap (fig. 9.1).3 The jacket is in some cases shorter, reaching to the hips (fig. 9.2).4 Women of this status wear the same outfit as the men, though the jacket is occasionally longer; they are shown wearing trousers or a long skirt. The sleeves are often pushed back when the wearer is engaged in household tasks. The women’s hair is variously piled atop the head in a sort of chignon or arranged in buns (fig. 9.3). As one moves up the social scale, the amount of yardage involved in the clothing increases. Attendants, as distinguished from servants, are shown wearing a

A

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9.1. Painted brick depicting farmwork, Jiayuguan, Gansu (after Wenwu 1974.9, pl. 1)

9.2. Figurine of an attendant, Wei-Jin period (after Kaogu 1985.8:731, fig. 17.5)

9.3. Painted brick of women servants, Wei-Jin period, Jiayuguan (after Wenwu 1974.9:70, fig. 4)

jacket with long flowing sleeves, apparently of two layers—an inner and outer garment—a shirt of some sort (visible only at the neck), and a long skirt descending to the ground. The jacket occasionally has a belt or other fastener to hold it closed (fig. 9.4). Gender can frequently be distinguished only by hairstyle; the men often wear a cap of a pillbox shape, low in front and higher in the back, with a bow set at the center, and called a pingshangze 平上幘 (fig. 9.5), while the women display a variety of hairstyles or caps. Both women and men sometimes wear a tall semitransparent hat called a longguan, or “basket hat,” which was probably made of lacquered horsehair, like the traditional Korean hat. Attendants are usually depicted standing with the arms clasped before the lower chest, or, in the case of a procession, holding various items such as insignia, fans, umbrellas, and the like. In a depiction of a Northern Wei procession dated 525, men and women both have their hair dressed in the two-bun style; the men wear their ungathered hair cut short while the women wear theirs longer, and the sleeves of the women’s robes hang a bit lower (fig. 9.6). This style of clothing was not limited to attendants but seems to have been the normal wear of those at the upper end of the social scale.

9.4. Female attendant, Eastern Wei, Shandong (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 2[1978]:107, fig. 6)

9.5. Male attendant, Southern Dynasties, Nanjing (after Kaogu 1985.1, pl. 4.6)

9.6. Northern Wei procession; detail of a rubbing of a Buddha’s pedestal in the collection of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology (after Wang Ziyun, Zhongguo gudai shikehua xuanji, no. 11)

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Clothing was often worn loosely during times of leisure, as seen in portrayals of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove (fig. 9.7). In some cases, when the upper garment is open, an inner garment is visible, as well as the knot of a belt or sash at the level of the chest attached to the inner surface of the two sides of the outer garment and that could be tied to hold that garment in place (fig. 9.8). The lower garment or skirt was held up by a cloth belt knotted at the front (fig. 9.9). The jacket also had a separate belt that could be loosened to allow it to be slipped off the shoulders (fig. 9.10). This same style of garment, termed “loose robe and wide girdle” (baoyi bodai 褒衣博帶), a style of a roomy outer garment, appears on images of the Buddha dating from the late fifth century on and is said to indicate an adaptation of the iconography to the Chinese tradition.5 This baoyi bodai style was apparently northern rather than southern, as is generally assumed.6 Although the seven sages, at their ease, are shown barefooted, people in most settings wore shoes. One of the more unusual types of the period had upturned toes, which in some cases were quite pronounced.7 In Yan Zhitui’s description of southern elites, he refers to, among other articles, their high clogs. A few such clogs have been found in Wu-period tombs.8 These clogs were for informal wear and would have been inappropriate in some settings, which perhaps underlies the sense of displeasure in Yan’s remarks. The informality of the clogs is confirmed by an anecdote in the Shishuo xinyu in which the wearing of regular shoes (lü 履) for formal occasions is contrasted with the informality of wooden clogs ( ji 屐).9

9.7. Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, brick mural, Xishanqiao, Nanjing (after Wenwu 1977.1:68, fig. 7)

9.8. Detail, Rong Qiqi (after Yao and Gu, Liuchao yishu, pl. 179)

9.9. Detail, Ruan Ji (after Yao and Gu, Liuchao yishu, pl. 167)

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9.10. Detail, Xiang Xiu (after Yao and Gu, Liuchao yishu, pl. 173)

The intrusion of the northern nomads into China brought with it their leather boots (xue 靴). Pottery models of two pairs of boots and a pair of shoes were found in a Sui tomb; note the upturned toes of the shoes (fig. 9.11).10 Just as clogs were associated with the south, so boots were considered northern. Yan Dan 嚴 亶, a southern official who had gone over to the rebel Hou Jing, “aped the northerners by wearing boots to enter the [audience] hall.”11 Aside from boots, the northerners introduced a number of clothing styles into China. Among them were the “crotch-length” (quekua 缺骻) garment and the hood and cape ensemble. The crotch-length item made a strong impact on Chinese fashions. It appears to have been a rather long jacket with ordinary, somewhat tight sleeves and less overlap than in the traditional gowns, which allowed for more freedom of movement, especially when astride a horse. The collar was either round and snug or plunged a bit, revealing an undershirt. In the murals of the Lou Rui tomb there appears a procession of riders clothed in these jackets, apparently without lapels; in addition they are booted and wear an odd headgear. The baglike cap with chin strap as well as the high brow, probably shaven, mark these riders as Xianbei (fig. 4.21).12 In other cases the jackets have broad lapels that, when closed, would have formed a tight neckline (fig. 9.12). There are also examples of the right side of the jacket having been slipped off to free the arm for ease of movement.13 The combination of this type of

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9.11. Clay models of footwear (after Kaogu 1959.10:545, fig. 5)

9.12. Figurine of a Xianbei warrior with shield (after Kaogu xuebao 1979.3:391, fig. 13)

9.13. Worshippers in Xianbei garb (after Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui and Shanxi Yungang shiku wenwu baoguansuo, Yungang shiku, pl. 63)

headgear, jacket, and boots, or, in the case of women, a long gown emerging from under the jacket rather than trousers and boots, is typically Xianbei and frequently appears as the dress of donors in Buddhist contexts during the Northern Dynasties period (fig. 9.13).14 The other nomad outfit, the cape and hood, was a distinctively Xianbei style of clothing during this period in China. Representative figurines are described as “wearing a hood and dressed in a closed-collar garment with two empty sleeves hanging down” (fig. 9.14).15 The collar was held together by a knotted

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9.14. Figure in a Xianbei-style cloak (after Kaogu 1977.6:393, fig. 3.2)

ribbon, the end of which hung down. This type of cape with hanging empty sleeves was common across Asia and was depicted as early as the fi fth century B.C. at the Apadana, Persepolis.16 Styles of dress had political as well as social significance. The Xianbei would have maintained their tribal dress to signal their identity as members of the ruling elite, and adaptation of some of these fashions by their Chinese subjects could be seen as evidence of loyalty to the regime. There is no indication, however, that there was any imposition of signs of fealty and submission such as the forced wearing of the queue during Manchu rule. On the other hand, when Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei sought to reduce the obvious differences between the Chinese and Xianbei as he moved his capital to Luoyang, among his decrees was one in 494 that forbade his fellow Xianbei to wear the traditional nomadic clothing, a measure that was not well received.17 Like others of his reforms, it is doubtful that it was observed beyond the capital environs or that it was seriously enforced. There is evidence of the strong presence of steppe styles of clothing in China well into the Tang. Not all stylistic innovations of the Six Dynasties period came from northern peoples. Early on a new fashion in trousers appeared, one in which the legs had straight seams without any tapering.18 Including a jacket, the ensemble was termed kuxi 褲褶, or “trousers and jacket,” and was worn by the military when on a campaign. For ease of movement, the legs of the trousers were each bound below the knee with a strap when on horseback or on duty.19 During the Western Jin it became the fashion to use a cord made of felt to bind the trousers. A felt cord was also used as a belt and, wound around the head, as a kind of turban. Since felt was a product of the northern steppes, this usage led some to observe that the Hu barbarians thus controlled the Chinese in three ways and that it was surely a presage of China’s defeat by the northerners.20 Trousers of this cut were not a nomad garment, and the kuxi style came to be the apparel of both military and civil officials even in the south (fig. 9.15).21

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9.15. Brick mural of retinue (after Yao and Gu, Liuchao yishu, pl. 207)

9.16. Figure of an attendant in liangdang attire (after Kaogu 1977.6:394, fig. 4.2)

Another popular item of clothing at this time was the liangdang, or “jumper.” It was a loose upper garment consisting of two panels, front and back, attached both at the sides and by straps over the shoulders. This article of clothing appears to have been used as an undergarment as well as an outer garment. The term was also applied to a style of armor, and it is often not clear in the tomb figurines and murals whether armor or an everyday garment is being depicted (fig. 9.16).22

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These various male garments were in fashion concurrently and appeared in various forms and combinations. An ensemble could include a jacket with tight or loose sleeves, draped cuffs, trousers tucked into boots, loose or tied at the knees, and a liangdang jumper or full gown; all were possible. The most common types of headgear for men seem to have been the pingshangze, the longguan basket cap, the hood, and various types of turbans, but the monographs in the histories describe an even wider variety used largely at the court. Yet even outside the court there were many more to be found. A tomb dated 302, for example, reveals the extent of the variety (fig. 9.17). A start in unraveling this complex picture has been made in the works of Harada Yoshito and Zhou Xibao.23 A study of women’s apparel at Luoyang during the Northern Wei, based on tomb figurines, found a variety of styles, derived largely from a traditional basic pattern of jacket and skirt (ruqun 襦裙).24 One style consisted of a short jacket

9.17. Varieties of headgear on figurines from a Jin tomb, 302 (after Kaogu xuebao 1959.3, fig. 5)

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with broad sleeves falling to the knees or below and a pleated multicolored long skirt with a very high waist. The jacket was usually belted, with the long ends of the belt hanging down in front, and an undershirt with a high collar was worn under the jacket (fig. 9.18). Another popular style was for the jacket to be tucked under the skirt (fig. 9.19). There was also a jacket with tighter sleeves, a new element that may have been influenced by the dress of the Xianbei overlords. Scarfs worn over the shoulders and tied in front were also in evidence (fig. 9.20). The wearing of trousers in place of a skirt was clearly influenced by the northern peoples. The trousers had wide bell-bottomed cuffs and were tied at the knees (fig. 9.21). In the sixth century a new style appeared in the north, a shirt with long tight sleeves worn under an outer sleeveless garment with a high waist, giving the appearance of a smock (fig. 9.22). The hair was worn either in a coiled chignon, called “snail” because of its appearance, or in two buns on either side of the head. The buns were either flat or extended into a hornlike appearance. Women are also shown wearing headdresses of various sorts. Inventory lists placed in the tombs, a few of which have survived, are another source of information on Six Dynasties clothing. One such list dated 361 was found in a tomb at Changsha.25 The list includes primarily clothing, toilet articles, and ornaments, all of which presumably had been in the possession of the deceased during her lifetime (table 9.1). Further down the list, amid assorted objects, are such things as a belt, a pair of shoes, and a pair of socks. The inventory ends with what were probably the clothes put on the corpse, a linen liangyi 梁衣 apron and some sort of skirt.26 As a whole, then, the list includes various types of aprons, shirts, jumpers (or perhaps better, vests), trousers, skirts, jackets, a wrapper, socks and shoes, as well as some items that have not yet been identified. The materials from which these items were made include various kinds of silk, gauze, leno, crepe, and linen.

9.18. Women’s attire, Eastern Wei (after Kaogu 1977.6:395, fig. 5.3)

9.19. Women’s attire, Northern Qi (after Wenwu 1984.4:18, fig. 11)

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9.20. Women’s attire, Northern Wei (after Huaxia kaogu 2000.3:73, figs. 1.1 and 1.7; reprinted by permission of Huaxia Kaogu)

9.21. Women’s attire, Northern Wei (after Huaxia kaogu 2000.3:73, figs. 1.4 and 1.5; reprinted by permission of Huaxia Kaogu)

9.22. Women’s attire, Northern Dynasties (after Kaogu xuebao 1984.2:228, fig. 10.6)

Another inventory list was found at Nanchang, in Jiangxi, and dates generally to the Jin dynasty.27 The tomb contained two coffins, for a husband and wife. The inventory list, written in three registers on a piece of wood 15.1 cm × 26.2 cm, was in the male’s coffin and likely listed the contents of that coffin alone.28 The items of clothing may then be understood as articles of a male wardrobe of the time (table 9.2). The listed items included socks, shoes, kerchief, and towels. This wardrobe lacks the variety of colors and types of cloth found in a woman’s collection of the period. A third inventory list, unfortunately incomplete, was recovered early on at Linzi, Shandong, and dates to 573.29 Similar inventories for this period have also been found in tombs at Astana and Karakhoja, near Turfan. Fifty-three such inventories, dating from 384 to

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TABLE 9.1 WOMEN’S CLOTHING AS LISTED IN A TOMB INVENTORY OF A.D. 361

square garment (fangyi 方衣) of warp-faced tabby silk (qi 綺) a (1) apron (liangyi 粱衣) b of dressed silk (lian 練) c (1) apron of tabby silk (juan 絹) (1) shirt (shan 衫) of dressed silk (lian) (2) short jumper (suo 縮 liangdang) d of fine silk gauze (boluo 帛羅) (1) short jumper of silk crepe (hu 縠) e (1) crimson double trousers (ku 侉) [?] purple and jade-green double skirtf (1) purple and jade-green lined skirt (1) scarlet and jade-green lined skirt (1) purple leno (sha 紗) lined skirt (1) purple and yellow “knee cover” (bixi 幣 [for 蔽] 膝) [apron]g (1) lined jacket (ru 襦) (1) yellow crepe jacket (1) purple silk twill (ling 綾) half-sleeved wrapper (banyu 半裕) h

Note: The quantity of each item is given in parentheses. a Harada, [Z¯oho] Kanrikuch¯o no fukushoku, 185, believes this may have been an apron such as is worn by a figure in the painting Admonitions of the Court Instructress; see Harada’s pl. 30. The measure word used for it (yao 要) refers to clothing for the lower body. For the translations of the various terms for the cloth, I rely where possible on Sheng, “Disappearance of Silk Weaves,” 73– 75, who defi nes qi as warp-faced tabby with 3/1 twill. b Harada, [Z¯oho] Kanrikuch¯o no fukushoku, 186, suggests that this is a different type of apron; see his pl. 28A. c Lian is silk that has been boiled to degum it, which removes the fi lament’s sericin and permits the material to be dyed. For this process in antiquity, see Xia Nai, “Woguo gudai can,” 20. d Harada, [Z¯oho] Kanrikuch¯o no fukushoku, 186, suggests that the sense of suo is that the garment was worn under other clothing, and this refers to the item worn beneath the crossed-lapel robe, of which only the very top is visible. Perhaps “vest” would be a better translation here. e Shi Shuqing, “Jin Zhou Fangming,” 98. f Perhaps a double garment means one that is reversible. g Shi Shuqing, “Jin Zhou Fangming,” 98. Sanguozhi 50.1199 records that the mother of a future emperor dreamed before his birth of catching the head of a dragon in her bixi. h The translation is suggested by Harada, [Z¯oho] Kanrikuch¯o no fukushoku, 187.

617, have been published.30 A third of them are fragmentary; nevertheless all but two contain relevant information. Of these, eighteen were found in the tombs of women, six in those of men, and for ten there is no information as to gender.31 Published reports on the actual contents recovered from these tombs have not been plentiful, and so generally one must rely for information on the descriptions in the inventories.

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TABLE 9.2 MEN’S CLOTHING AS LISTED IN A TOMB INVENTORY OF THE JIN DYNASTY

long skirts (qun 裙) of white dressed silk (lian) (2) under shirts of white dressed silk (lian) (2) double jumper of white dressed silk (lian) (1) lined jumper of white dressed silk (lian) (1) double trousers (ku) of white dressed silk (lian) (1) double lower garment (qun ) a of white dressed silk (lian) (1) lined lower garment of white dressed silk (lian) (1) jacket (ru) of white dressed silk (lian) (1) double shirt of white dressed silk (lian) (1) double robe (pao) of yellow “linen” (1) single-layer garment (danyi 單衣) of yellow “linen” (1) double mou 牟 of white dressed silk (lian) (1) b

Note: The quantity of each item is given in parentheses. a Here the variant characters 裙 and occur in the same list. For the first, I have rendered it “skirt,” and the second as “lower garment.” One meaning of the second qun is a garment with crossed lapels, but the measure word here is yao, which indicates clothing of the lower torso. It is not clear what the difference is between these two qun. b The meaning of mou is not clear.

The range of women’s clothing is extensive. Included are shan 衫 shirts, kun 褌 drawers, qun 裙 skirts, hanshan 汗衫 “sweatshirts,” ru 襦 jackets, ku 褲 trousers, liangdang jumpers, ao 襖 jackets, and xi 褶 coats. That for men is much more limited, and their articles of clothing are often listed in sets. In a tomb of 562 (2.64), for example, the inventory lists kunshan trousers and shirt and socks and shoes. A tomb of 558 (2.215) lists kun drawers, socks, and a suit of official clothing, a zhuyi longguan 朱衣籠冠, or “scarlet robes and basket headdress.” Lists for later tombs, of the early 600s, include three cases of shanku shirt and trousers and three of xiku jacket and trousers, and one set of kunshan drawers and shirt, with an occasional pair of socks. As might be expected, the fabrics listed for male clothing are also rather restricted, generally lian 縺/練 dressed silk and ling 綾 silk twill, usually white but in one case purple. Those for women’s clothing are much more varied. In addition to those just mentioned, they include bu linen, gua 絓 coarse silk, luo 羅 gauze, jin 錦 brocade (warp-faced compound tabby), and bo 帛 silk. The colors include white, yellow, purple, dark red ( fei 緋), and crimson ( jiang 絳).

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The inventories from the Turfan area reveal an interesting difference over time in vocabulary and in materials; the shift coincides with the transition between the fifth and sixth centuries. Earlier inventories mention juan 絹 pongee and gua coarse silk, but these terms do not occur in the later inventories. On the other hand, ling silk twill, jin brocade, and luo gauze occur in lists only from the sixth century and later. Bu linen is found throughout but perhaps less frequently in the later inventories. In addition, the Chinese character for lian dressed silk is 縺 in early lists but 練 in later ones. The use of the former seems to have been a Turfan custom, as the latter occurs in the early inventory lists found in China proper that were cited above. There have been a number of studies of actual examples of cloth dating from the Six Dynasties period found at various sites in Xinjiang, especially at Astana and Niya. Among the items found in a tomb of the Turfan area dating from the Northern Liang period (75TKM96, dated 425) was part of a jin brocade shoe, mentioned in the inventory list (1.59 and 1.61), however, as merely a silk (si 絲) shoe.32 Documents found in the Turfan area mention jin brocade woven in Kashgar, Kucha, and Gaochang (Turfan). Fragments of embroidery and woven cotton have been reported for a Northern Liang tomb, one that had no inventory list.33 While such weaves as monochrome damask and embroidery show few changes from Han weaving techniques, the polychrome silks, that is the warpfaced compound tabbies, of this period exhibit new design motifs. Rather than the Han decor of beasts and birds set among cloud scrolls, pairs of birds or animals facing each other, “often inside a medallion, either pearl bordered or not,” occur.34 Weaving techniques themselves did not change until the Tang. The discovery in 1995 of a burial containing a fully clothed body at Yingpan 營盤, Yuli 尉犁, Xinjiang, perhaps of the second to fourth centuries A.D., is especially important for what it reveals about the cloth and clothing of that area.35 The deceased was apparently not a Chinese; more likely he was a Central Asian, perhaps a merchant who died while on the Silk Road. His clothing is extremely colorful, beyond anything seen in the figurines or murals on which one usually has to rely. He was wearing woolen trousers embroidered with an intricate design of a rhomboid grid marked by lines of small circles and a sevenpetaled flower where the lines cross; within each grid is a flowerlike design of four main petals and four smaller ones. The ground is dark red. Over this he was wearing a long-sleeved caftan, also of wool, red with a yellow design of paired almost nude men holding weapons, paired beasts, and trees. The men are Roman in appearance. The caftan is held together by a yellow juan silk band tied at the front. Under the caftan he wore a round-collared yellow juan silk gown. He had on his feet felt and silk boots decorated with gold foil. Much of this costume bears little resemblance to contemporary Chinese styles and is closer perhaps to the clothing worn by tomb figurines representing foreigners, but his

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head was resting on a pillow with a crowing cock (not “cork,” as the catalog would have it!) design, which does occur in Chinese graves at Astana. As is obvious from the above discussion, much remains to be done in correlating the terminology concerning clothing and fabrics in the literature with what appears in the visual representations and archaeological specimens. The belt hooks (daigou 帶鉤) common in the Han and earlier persisted into the Six Dynasties period. Their design also varied little: the body of the fastener had a slight S curve, and there was a knob on the underside that was inserted into a hole on one side of the belt while a hook finial caught in a hole on the other end of the belt (fig. 9.23). Most belt hooks were of bronze, although examples made of jade, gilded bronze, or gilded silver, and even one of a yellowish stone, have also been found. The belt hooks were usually plain, but one ornate specimen has been found (fig. 9.24). Fewer Six Dynasties examples have been discovered relative to those of the Han, and it is thought that these buckles were gradually replaced by other sorts of fasteners.36 A striking type of belt fastener, paired plaques, was found, with a set of belt ornaments, seventeen pieces in all, in the tomb of Zhou Chu (d. 297) at Yixing, Jiangsu. The belt set was ornately decorated in silver. The pair of plaques consisted of rectangular plates with rounded corners at one end, square at the other. One plaque has an opening and a tongue for securing the belt.37 Similar pairs of plaques, but of gilded bronze, have also been reported from Guangzhou, Luoyang, Liaoning and even Nara, Japan; all of the same period, they have been labeled “Jin-style buckles.” This style developed out of earlier forms of the Han that were related to the belt plaques of the northern nomads.38 A jade plaque buckle of the Jin period in the collection of the Shanghai Museum has the

9.23. Gilded bronze belt hook (after Kaogu 1985.10:918. fig. 6.4)

9.24. Ornate gilded bronze belt hook (after Wenwu 1976.3:60, fig. 16.2)

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inscription “White jade gun robe belt Xianbei head 白玉袞帶鮮卑頭”; the northern nomad term for buckle, särbi, variously transcribed into Chinese, referred to this plaque-type buckle.39 Belt buckles (daikou 帶扣), with either a fixed or movable tongue set in a frame, occurred in a wide variety of shapes and sizes during this period.40 While buckles were used as a clothing accessory among the peoples to the north, in China itself the buckle appears to have been used at first only as a part of horse gear; the buckles on the girth straps of the pottery horses of Qin Shihuang are an example. Later in the Han, they came to be used for human wear, for attaching a sword to a belt, for example, as in the case at Mancheng.41 During the Six Dynasties period buckles were also used on straps to adjust the fit of armor (fig. 9.25). Unlike the belt hook, which is reported from all parts of China during this period, buckles have been found only in the north, primarily Ningxia, Shanxi (Datong), Henan (Anyang, in a Xianbei grave), and Liaoning (including Northern Yan tombs). A complete belt set made largely of jade was found in the tomb of Ruogan Yun 若干云, dated 578, at Xi’an. The belt set is made up of eight rectangular pieces backed by gilded bronze, with small jade rings attached from which various objects could be suspended. The set also includes eight jade rings and the belt ends, the latter being described as a kind of belt buckle (fig. 9.26). Unfortunately the details of this important find have not been adequately treated.42 This sort of belt that allowed objects to be suspended from it is also associated with the non-Han peoples who came into China during this period.

9.25. Use of buckles on straps of liangdang armor (after Kaogu 1986.1:72, fig. 8, left)

9.26. Jade and gold belt set, Northern Zhou (after Yun, Zhongguo Bei Zhou zhengui wenwu, 69, fig. 149)

9.27. Figurines, Northern Qi tomb of Gao Run (d. 576) (after Kaogu 1979.3:239, fig. 5)

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Though the buckle eventually replaced the belt hook, this transition seems to have begun slowly in the Six Dynasties period and then accelerated in the Sui and Tang.43 Although a survey of Six Dynasties clothing is limited by the kinds of sources available, the existence of a diversity of styles and changes can nonetheless be ascertained. A certain conservatism is evident in the consistent popularity of the long robes worn by the upper echelons of society, but even they displayed ongoing variations. The most significant source of change was the northern nomads streaming into China and bringing with them styles that became standard among the Chinese. The resulting array of clothing styles, a mixture of traditional Chinese types and the new designs that was very dependent on social status and role, can be seen in the range of tomb figurines of this period (fig. 9.27). In this area as in others, we can see that Chinese society incorporated new elements as it evolved over time and that it was influenced by foreign cultures at the same time it, in its turn, powerfully affected the cultural values of its neighbors.

10 ARMOR AND WEAPONS

he general impression associated with the Six Dynasties period is one of fragmentation, disorder, and widespread warfare. Under such conditions, one would expect the tomb furnishings of the period to reflect the heightened level of armed conflict, and yet the archaeological excavations have yielded a relatively small amount of military equipment, offensive or defensive. Still, this period featured some important developments that had a significant impact on the way in which warfare was carried out. Armor at this time was almost exclusively lamellar, that is, made up of small plates with holes on all four sides that allowed them to be bound together. The plates, or lamellae, were either of lacquered leather or of iron or steel; metal armor had begun to appear during the Han. Scale armor, referring to lamellae attached to a backing only at their top edges and overlapped row by row, creating a fish-scale appearance, was used by the nomads on the steppes and, in China, was associated only with foreigners, some of whom perhaps served as mercenaries. Neither chain mail, though it had been encountered by the Chinese in Central Asia, nor Western-style sheet or plate armor was used in China. Very little armor of any type has survived from the Six Dynasties period. Aside from some examples of iron lamellae found in two Northern Wei tombs in Inner Mongolia,1 there have been only a few major finds. Feng Sufu’s tomb at Beipiao yielded over 180 lamellae of a number of shapes and sizes (fig. 10.1). The larger ones (as much as 6 cm × 13 cm) may have been for horse armor and the smaller ones for body armor. From the number of holes in each lamella and

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10.1. Armor lamallae, tomb of Feng Sufu (after Wenwu 1973.3:28, figs. 54–55)

the surviving bits of cording, it is clear that this armor was of a sophisticated and complex structure.2 A Murong stone chamber tomb of the fourth century in Chaoyang, Liaoning, yielded elements of iron armor, including a helmet made up of thirty-four plates riveted together, a neck guard of thirty-three plates (fig. 10.2), a horse’s chamfron (fig. 10.3), very similar to others found in northern China, Korea, and Japan, and over a thousand other laminae that could not be restored to their original format.3 Another major find was uncovered at the bottom of the moat in front of the gate leading into Ye’s southern city that was built in 537 and destroyed in 580.4 In all, thirty-seven segments consisting of hundreds of lamellae were found, of which twenty-five were of body armor and twelve of helmets.5 Finally, lacquered leather laminae have been reported from Niya and Miran, in Xinjiang. The laminae bore designs produced by applying coats of different colors and then cutting through to the desired color. No complete suit of this leather armor has been found, but the effect must have been more colorful than that of those made of metal.6 Though these various finds are

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10.3. Chamfron, Caochangpo, Xi’an (after Yang Hong, Zhongguo gubingqi luncong, 276, fig. 177.1)

10.2. Iron helmet and nape guard, Former Yan state, Chaoyang, Liaoning (after Wenwu 1997. 11:22, figs. 6 and 7)

useful, we must rely primarily on the tomb figurines and murals as well as the literary sources to trace the development of armor during the Six Dynasties.7 A kind of inventory of the types of armor in use in the early Six Dynasties period is provided in a petition attributed to Cao Zhi (192–232), in which he offered to turn over some armor in his possession, no doubt to avert any suspicion that he might have rebellious intentions: “The previous emperor presented your vassal with armor [kai 鎧]; to wit, a suit of ‘black-brilliant’ [heiguang 黑光] and one of ‘bright-brilliant’ [mingguang 明光] armor, and a suit of ‘double-faced’ [liangdang] armor, but now that the present age is peaceful and the weapons and armor are not of use, I request leave to turn them all over to the Armor Commission [kaicao 鎧曹] to be taken care of.”8 The terms heiguang and mingguang seem to refer to armor of a high grade, and it has been suggested that the first is armor of either leather or metal lamellae coated with black lacquer, while the second is of uncoated steel; both would have gleamed in the sunlight.9 There is no description of the style of these two suits; they probably resembled that of the earlier Han period (fig. 10.4).10 However, the lamellar corselets of the Six Dynasties period as portrayed in the tomb figurines of warriors have the lamellae imbricated upward (fig. 10.5), a

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10.4. Iron armor, tomb of the Han prince Liu Sheng, Mancheng, Hebei (after Yang Hong, Zhongguo gubingqi luncong, 22, fig. 16)

10.5. Lamellar corselet (after Wenwu 1966. 1:30, fig. 1)

direction that would seem to be counterintuitive, rather than downward as in the Han. The reason for this form of imbrication is not clear, but that it was not an artist’s conceit is demonstrated by the fragments of armor uncovered at Ye and mentioned above. The third type of armor Cao Zhi listed, liangdang, refers to a cuirass constructed of two faces, or plates, one front and the other back, connected by shoulder straps, with a skirt below, perhaps of buff leather. The back plate often extended higher than the front one to provide protection to the nape of the neck (fig. 10.6). As noted earlier, the term was also applied to an article of clothing of similar construction. This form of armor is shown on a type of tomb figurine I call the pug-nosed archer, one characterized in part by an unusual helmet (fig. 10.7).11 One of the helmets reconstructed from the material found at Ye, made up of long roughly rectangular laminae joined in a circle left open-ended at the top, appears to resemble the helmets of these pug-nosed archers (fig. 10.8). Other helmets found at Ye are of the more usual type of casques (fig. 10.9). A further development in armor that provided greater protection appeared in the early sixth century, at the end of the Northern Wei period. It consisted of round plates, probably of metal and fastened both at the chest in front and at the back; the cords used with this armor may have helped to keep these plaques in place. This combination of liangdang armor and plates front and back, what I call cord-and-plaque armor, became the basic type in the Sui and early Tang (fig. 10.10).12 The invention of the stirrup in the fourth century made it possible for heavily armored men to remain securely seated on horseback, and this led to an empha-

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10.6. Liangdang armor (after Kaogu xuebao 1976.2:61, fig. 20.6)

10.7. Archer with circular helmet (after Dien, “A Study of Early Chinese Armor,” fig. 29; reprinted by permission of Artibus Asiae)

10.8. Circular helmet, Ye (after Kaogu 1996.1:33, fig. 13; reprinted by permission of Kaogu zazhishe)

10.9. Casque, Ye (after Kaogu 1996.1:29, fig. 8; reprinted by permission of Kaogu zazhishe)

sis on horse armor, or bardings, as well, no doubt to protect the investment made in the heavy armor of the rider. Some of the larger laminae found at Ye and in the tomb of Feng Sufu may have been part of such horse armor, but the best evidence comes from tomb figurines (fig. 10.11) and murals (fig. 10.12). The emergence of this heavy cavalry (zhongji 重騎) in China coincided with the wave

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10.10. Cord-and-plaque armor, Sui dynasty (after Kaogu xuebao 1981.3:8)

10.11. Cavalryman of the late sixth century (after Kaogu 1977.6:393, fig. 3.4)

10.12. Battle scene, mural at Dunhuang (after Kaogu xuebao 1976.2:64, fig. 23.6)

of new military technology that swept across Asia and eventually into Europe as well. The methods of warfare changed drastically in China during the Six Dynasties period as the heavily armored cuirassiers became the mainstay of the army, perhaps leading to the dominance of the nomads in north China by virtue of their easier access to horses, and the older military organization that relied on large numbers of infantry seems to have become less significant.13

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A variety of weapons have been found in the tombs of the period. The swords ( jian 劍), defined as having two cutting edges, were almost invariably of iron; of twenty-five reported for this period, twenty-three were of iron, one was bronze, and another was made of wood!14 Unfortunately, as iron does not survive as well as bronze, most examples were in fragments. Of those that were relatively complete, the length varies from 58 cm to over 90 cm. One of the longer ones, from the Northern Qi tomb of Shedi Huiluo (d. 562), has a blade dimension of 70 cm × 2.7 cm and a handle of 27 cm × 3 cm. As with many swords, in this example, too, there were traces of a scabbard; it consisted of lacquered wood with a design in red and black and bronze bands along its length, with decorative pieces at the two ends of the scabbard and at the top of the handle (fig. 10.13).15 It perhaps resembled the two-handed swords held by some of the tomb guardian figurines.16 The sword had been placed across the body of the deceased. In many other cases as well, the sword was found midchamber, consonant with its having been placed near the body. The dao 刀, or “blade,” is characterized by a single edge and a wedge shape in cross section. The word dao is often translated as “knife,” but, unlike the common concept of knife in English, length is usually not a determining factor, and lengths up to 126 cm have been reported. According to David A. Graff, there was a shift during the Han in which the dao replaced the less-effective jian as the preferred weapon of the cavalry.17 The shorter blades that have been found would not seem to have been designed for warfare, and it is difficult to determine what the lower limit for a martial weapon would be. If the dividing line is arbitrarily set at 50 cm long,18 then of the 230 blades reported in the literature and included in the database used for this volume, only 46 would be long enough to be considered assault weapons. In most cases they had ring pommels (fig. 10.14),19 were made of iron,20

10.13. Scabbard (after Kaogu xuebao 1979.3:388, fig. 11)

10.14. Single-edged blade (after Kaogu 1983.10:906, fig. 5)

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their ends were angled, and they were enclosed in a scabbard and placed in the coffin at the side of the deceased. In at least one example, a blade was placed in the coffin of a woman.21 The tombs of Sichuan, the lower Yangzi area, and Guangdong yielded a relatively large number of blades and swords; they were found in a third of the Sichuan tombs. One might speak of a garrison mentality operating in the region since Sichuan and Guangdong were frontier areas, and the number found in the Yangzi basin may reflect the unsettled political situation.22 The proportions of tombs containing blades and swords by period are suggestive: 20 percent for the Three Kingdoms; 9.6 percent for the Jin; but just 2.8 percent and 3.9 percent for the post-Jin north and south, respectively. Does this decline indicate a tapering off of violence and warfare? Other bladed weapons found in tombs of this period include the bishou 匕首, or “dagger,” and the xiao 削, or “scraper.” Both were made of bronze or iron. The bishou examples range from 23.5 cm to 26 cm in length. The xiao is usually defined as having had a double-edged curved blade, although in some cases reported for this period, it would seem straight-bladed objects were also given this label. The lengths, where given, vary from 11 cm to 21 cm. Only four of the former and thirteen of the latter have been reported on. From their fragmentary condition and sparse descriptions, it is not clear why these distinctions have been made. The cavalry of this period, as depicted in murals, carried spears or lances, as befit their use as shock troops. A small number (nine) of iron mao 矛 spearheads have been found in the tombs. Generally, they are 19 cm to 49.5 cm long and have a triangular head, a narrowed waist, and a round socket that connected to the handle. Four iron ge 戈 dagger-axe heads have also turned up; one, of bronze, seems to be a relic of an earlier age.23 Finally, iron arrowheads in a variety of shapes, including some with flat heads, as well as whistling arrowheads, have also been recovered. In general, these weapons are heavily corroded and, being utilitarian in nature, are not particularly notable for their workmanship.24 One is led to consider the purpose of the weapons in the tombs. Were they placed there as part of the day-to-day furnishings that were meant to accompany the dead to the otherworld, much like the various pots and other personal belongings, or did they have a more specialized use, such as providing for the defense of the tomb area from threatening underground forces—in other words, did they have an apotropaic function? If the latter, then they should be classed with the crossbow mechanisms discussed earlier in this volume.

11 MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

large influx of foreign influences in the Six Dynasties period set China on a new course of musical development. The typical orchestra underwent significant changes between the Han and the Tang, moving from an emphasis on clamorous percussion instruments to a lighter sound produced by a mixture of strings, wind instruments, and small drums.1 Music does not leave behind much in the way of visible remains, and few musical instruments are made of durable materials, but something can nevertheless be said on the subject. Since music was an important part of the good life, it was often featured in the grave, and both tomb murals and grave figurines provide evidence of its popularity in the Six Dynasties period. There is also much interesting information in the texts of the time. Finally, a few models of instruments and what may be an actual instrument have survived. A traditional orchestra of the late Eastern Han or possibly early Six Dynasties is depicted in the engraved scenes of a tomb at Yi’nan (fig. 11.1). Most of the instruments represented are percussion and wind instruments, and the sound they produced must have resembled what one can hear today at the celebration of Confucius’ birthday at temples dedicated to him.2 Of all the traditional musical instruments to which the period was heir, the qin 琴, a zither often erroneously called a lute, was the one most closely associated with “high” culture. The qin of this period was a long, slender instrument, slightly tapered, and composed of two boards, the upper one convex in shape and the lower one flat with two openings for transmitting the sound. It had seven

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11.1. Depiction of an orchestra, Yi’nan, Shandong (after Zeng Zhaoyu, Jiang Baogeng, and Li Zhongyi, Yi’nan gu huaxiangshimu fajue baogao, pl. 48)

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strings passing over a bridge at the end. Each string was attached to a cord anchored in a peg on the underside by which the string could be tuned by adjusting its tension. The pegs and free-hanging cords required that the instrument extend beyond the support on which the body of the instrument rested.3 As Robert van Gulik has pointed out, during the Han this instrument was considered the symbol of inspired music associated with a myth of a glorified antiquity. In the Wei and Jin periods that followed, with the popularity of neoTaoist thought and lifestyle, the qin came to be considered conducive to meditation and the prolongation of life, and it was closely associated with the literati.4 The rhapsody by Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–62) on the qin is an eloquent expression of the significant role the instrument had in the spiritual and poetic life of the leading figures of the early Six Dynasties period.5 It was thus fitting that Xi drew solace from the music of the qin on the eve of his execution.6 Xi Kang is included among the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, and in the fourth-century depictions of this group in Nanjing-area tombs, he is shown playing the qin (fig. 11.2). Another figure so depicted is Rong Qiqi 榮啟期, a mythological figure added to the group of Jin sages to round out the number to eight and who, according to tradition, was visited by Confucius while strumming the qin and singing.7 A beautiful qin has been preserved at Sh¯os¯oin in Nara, placed in that storehouse in 817. It has generally been considered to date from the Tang dynasty, but van Gulik argues that the decoration on its lacquer surface indicates a pre-Tang date, and that it should be assigned to the Northern Wei.8

11.2. Xi Kang playing the qin (after Yao and Gu, Liuchao yishu, pl. 165)

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There were, in addition to the qin, a variety of other instruments. String instruments included the se zither (瑟), with twenty-five strings,9 a five-stringed instrument called the wuxian 五線, the circular lute (ruan 阮),10 and the zheng 箏, a twelve-stringed zither.11 Other instruments were the transverse flute (di 笛), vertical flute (xiao 簫), panpipes (paixiao 排簫), and mouth organ (sheng 笙).12 Although the qin at Sh¯os¯oin is the only instrument to have survived from the Six Dynasties period, a small number of models of musical instruments have been found amid the grave goods in a few tombs. Models of bells and lithophones have been discovered in two tombs at Cixian, indicating some interest in ritual music in this northern area.13 Models of a se zither, drums, and a mouth organ (yu 竽) were recovered from a Northern Wei tomb in Ningxia. The se zither was reported as being equipped for only eight strings, had a bridge at either end, a curved surface, and was hollow.14 The mouth organ was not well described or well illustrated, but the pipes seem to have splayed out from the mouthpiece rather than following the more usual straight orientation.15 Music was an important part of the social intercourse in these elite circles, and mention is frequently made of performances at gatherings and parties where those who were accomplished in this area would entertain their fellow guests. Professional musicians or musically skilled servants were also a common feature at parties. The latter were usually women of low status; in one case, a flautist who forgot some notes during a performance was killed in front of the assembled guests.16 A number of new instruments joined the ranks of the traditional ones mentioned above during this period. The pipa 琵琶 lute was probably the most popular of the newly introduced instruments. It had a pear-shaped body narrowing into a neck with pegs arranged on either side by which to tune the strings, usually four in number; the strings were plucked with a plectrum. The neck was straight (zhijing 直頸) or bent back at the top (qujing 曲頸). This lute’s origins are obscure; some claim it was invented on Chinese soil as far back as the Qin,17 while others, probably more correctly, identify it as a Central Asian import.18 It is described in the Shiming 釋名 and the Fengsu tongyi 風俗通義, both second-century texts,19 and featured in many anecdotes. Xie Shang 謝尚 (308–57), a high-ranking member of the elite in the Eastern Jin state, inspired much praise with his skill in playing the instrument.20 Centuries later, during the Sui dynasty, a princess chose Li Min 李敏 to be her husband from among the other blue-blood hopefuls for his musical abilities. At the time he was introduced to the emperor, Li Min danced as the emperor played the pipa in accompaniment. Approving of the princess’s choice, the emperor then bestowed what he thought was an appropriate title on his future son-in-law, but, following the advice of his future bride, Li withheld his gratitude. The emperor

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offered ever higher ranks until the title desired by the young couple was reached.21 Not everyone agreed, however, that a mastery of this instrument was appropriate for a member of the elite. Yan Zhitui (531–91+) was aghast when a colleague told him of his plan to have his son take lessons in the Xianbei language and the pipa in order to curry favor with the Xianbei rulers of the state.22 Nevertheless, the popularity of this and the other foreign instruments was assured by the foreign music that flooded into China at this time. The very scales and tonalities of Chinese music moved from reliance on the traditional sonorous tubes to notes that were set by the strings of the pipa.23 Another instrument that became popular in China at this time was the harp (konghou 箜篌), which played an important part in Buddhist music. It appeared in two basic forms, the arched (wokonghou 臥箜葔) and the angular (shutou konghou 豎頭箜篌), referring to the shape of the frame holding the strings. Both types had resonators that consisted of a hollow box with a flexible lid (or soundboard) pressed against a rib. A rigid rod was connected to the resonator, and the strings spanned the distance between the rib and the rod. In the arched harp, the rod was an extension of the sound box and formed a gentle curve; in the angular harp, these two parts were perpendicular. Bo Lawergren associates the angular shape with Iran and the arched variety with India. While the arched harp was the dominant form in Kucha, a few angular ones are depicted in the cave murals there, and it was these that came to China with the imported Kuchean orchestras.24 The new music and musical instruments brought over the Silk Road had both religious and secular sources. Music played an important part in Buddhist chants, and depictions of the Buddhist paradises included representations of music and dance. Acceptance of these new musical forms was facilitated by the growing popularity of Buddhism itself. In the early period the musical performances shown in the Dunhuang murals are usually solo rather than ensemble events, but rows of instrumentalists appear in niches over the Buddha. Toward the end of the Six Dynasties period flying apsaras came to be portrayed playing the angular harp and pipa. Donors, bodhisattvas, and even yakshas also occurred as musicians. The scene of orchestras with dancers performing before the Buddha in a paradise is a later development as the Pure Land and other sects became popular.25 The changes that Chinese music underwent during the Six Dynasties period are evident in contrasting the orchestra from the Eastern Han (fig. 11.1) with one as incised on the stone vault of a tomb dated 630 (fig. 11.3). In the latter, the twelve musicians, all women, are seated in three rows, each dedicated to a type of instrument. The top row plays stringed instruments: the angular harp,

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11.3. Early Tang orchestra, dated 630 (after Wenwu 1974.9:86, fig. 32)

straight-necked pipa, bent-neck pipa, and zheng zither. The next row holds wind instruments: sheng mouth organ, transverse flute, panpipes, and whistle (bili 篳篥). The lowest row has primarily percussion instruments: bronze cymbals, some sort of drum (perhaps a gong), and a waist drum. The final musician appears perhaps to be blowing into a horn formed from a shell (bei 貝). The vault has a depiction of another set of musicians, the same in number but standing,

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playing similar instruments but also including a vertical flute and a qin zither, while another panel portrays a group of dancers.26 The Chinese may have been made more aware of foreign music through its performance by the Sogdians and others who had settled in their midst. The recent discoveries of Sogdian tombs at Chang’an and Taiyuan provide important information on this score. The screen formed by the back and sides of the stone couch in the tomb of An Jia 安伽 (d. 579) at Chang’an has three scenes of a male dancer with a small ensemble providing entertainment. The dancer in each case is shown in a particularly lively pose, performing a dance called by Tang poets the huteng 胡騰, or “barbarian leap.” In the first scene the dancer is accompanied by a pipa and lute while the other musicians clap their hands and no doubt shout encouragement. In the second, the musicians play a pipa, flute, and waist drum, while in the third there are no instruments. In all cases the entertainment is provided for one or more persons seated in a pavilion or a yurt.27 A more elaborate tableau is presented in a scene from a depiction in the stone vault of Yu Hong 虞弘 (d. 597) at Taiyuan. In it a couple, no doubt the deceased and his wife, sit on a platform holding cups of wine and sharing a plate of delicacies. Before them there are six musicians playing a waist drum, harp, pipa, and flute, as well as two other instruments that cannot be made out. In the center a dancer performs the “Hu leap.” Four of the musicians have halos, as do four of the attendants, which indicates the scene represents the afterlife.28 A third Sogdian tomb, represented by stone tablets now in the Miho Museum, Shiga Prefecture, Japan, and thought to be of the Northern Qi dynasty but of unknown provenance, also features scenes of music and dance; in one case the dancer is a woman.29 In these scenes we see the Sogdians displaying their vaunted love of music and dance, which were available to the Chinese in the “western” wine shops of the large cities.30 Entertainers from those foreign regions were as popular as the foreign musical instruments they introduced into China. A particularly striking tableau featuring a dancing male together with four musicians appears on the yellow glazed flat, or pilgrim, flasks from a Northern Qi tomb at Anyang, Henan (fig. 7.5).31 The dancer and musicians have foreign features and are dressed in Central Asian tight-sleeved jackets, some with the lapels folded back, belted, and with boots into which their trousers are tucked. The headgear is also described as Central Asian. The music is supplied by a pipa, cymbals, flute, and a man clapping his hands, no doubt in time to the music. The dancer is shown in a particularly lively pose. The lotus-flower pedestal is said to represent the rug on which the dancer normally stood.32 In a scene on a Northern Zhou period pedestal of a Buddha featuring two dancers and an orchestra, the male dancer is wearing his native costume and

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dancing the “barbarian leap” while the female dancer appears to be wearing Chinese garb, albeit with lengthier sleeves than usual. The orchestra, with Chinese on one side and non-Chinese on the other, is playing instruments similar to those mentioned, including the pipa, harp, panpipes, and both vertical and transverse flutes (fig. 11.4).33 The monograph on music in the Suishu provides a revealing record of the influx of foreign music into China during this period. During the Daye 大業 period (605–16), it recounts, Emperor Yang established nine orchestras, only one of which played traditional Chinese music. The others presented music of the Western Liang, Kucha, India, Samarkand, Kashgar, and Parthia. In the monograph the Western Liang music bears the name of only one of the five Liang states in the northwest controlling Liang Prefecture during the fourth and fifth centuries, but the music is not credited to that state; rather it is described as music from Kucha as interpreted at Liang Prefecture under the Western Liang. After the conquest of the area by the Northern Wei, the music and its musicians were brought to the capital, where it came to be called “state performance” (guoji 國伎), but the Sui brought a restoration of the name Western Liang to it. After pointing out that the bent-neck pipa and angular harp were imported from the western regions and were not traditional Chinese instruments, the Suishu goes on to say that the Western Liang orchestra had twenty-seven members playing nineteen different instruments, including bells, lithophones, zheng zithers, both plucked and played with a plectrum, harps, both angular and arched, four- and five-stringed lutes, a sheng mouth organ, xiao vertical flute, large and small bili whistles, a long di flute, transverse di flute, various drums, and cymbals. The other orchestras are similarly described.34 Centuries before, as, for example, in the case of the tomb of the marquis of Zeng 曾, musicians and their instruments accompanied the deceased into the grave. In a more enlightened age, such entertainment was supplied by figurines and painted murals. A tomb at Jiuquan, of the late fourth or early fifth centuries, depicts an orchestra of four, three women playing a pipa, a vertical flute, and a waist drum and a male playing a rectangular zither, unusual in that, instead of lying transverse to the player, one end rests on his lap while the other extends straight out and is supported by a short leg (fig. 11.5). A woman in a flowing gown dances before the orchestra. Two acrobats contribute their skills, while the deceased is shown taking in the show.35 A number of figurines depicting female musicians with dress and hairstyles similar to those shown in the Jiuquan mural were found in a Sixteen States tomb near Xi’an. Their instruments include a flute, a qin, and panpipes. The male musicians from this tomb are playing percussion instruments.36 Male musicians are also commonly portrayed in the painted bricks of tombs at Jiayuguan; the featured instruments include the pipa, vertical flute, qin, and harp.37

11.4. Musical scene on a Buddha’s pedestal, Northern Zhou (after Wang Ziyun, Zhongguo gudai shikehua xuanji, pl. 15)

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11.5. Depiction of orchestra, Jiuquan tomb mural (after Gansusheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Jiuquan shiliuguo mubihua, 14, fig. 19)

The Xianbei invaders of northern China also enjoyed such musical entertainment; figurines of an orchestra of seven and a dancer, all female, were found in a Northern Wei tomb at Huhehot, but unfortunately their instruments did not survive.38 Another set of such figures, twelve in number and also with the distinctive Xianbei headdress, was uncovered in the tomb of Sima Jinlong.39 Murals in the tomb of Xu Xianxiu 徐顯秀, a high official at the Northern Qi court, show the deceased and his wife surrounded by an entourage that includes players of a bent-necked pipa, angular harp, and mouth organ.40 Musical ensembles were no doubt just as popular in the south, but few representations have survived. A group of twelve figurines was found in a Southern Dynasties tomb at Ankang 安康, Shaanxi. The orchestra consists of two drummers, two musicians with horns, a seated female playing an unidentified instrument, and seven singers, two male and five female. Unfortunately, the illustrations supplied with the notice of the tomb’s discovery are not clear.41 At the wellknown Southern Dynasties tomb at Dengxian, a number of its molded tiles depict musical performances. On one tile, two dancing women bow to each other as if in some formal European court dance. Four men stand watching, one of whom is playing a mouth organ from which hangs a tassel while another beats a waist drum (fig. 11.6).42 The mouth organ appears on another tile, but this time a phoenix seems to be responding to the playing (fig. 11.7).43 Yet another shows the Four Hoary Sages, in this example identified with the Southern Mountains, as a musical group; one is playing the same sort of mouth organ, and another is strumming on a zither, possibly a qin (fig. 11.8).44 Although the literature indicates a wider repertoire of instruments in use in the south at this time, few of them are represented in the surviving art. The musical entertainment of this period is perhaps best represented by a set of thirteen female figurines, eight musicians and five dancers, found in the Sui tomb of Zhang Sheng 張盛 at Anyang. The instruments consist of two pipa, one

11.6. Dancers and musicians, Dengxian tile (after Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 51)

11.7. Taoist immortal playing the sheng pipes, Dengxian tile (after Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 69)

11.8. Four Hoary Sages of the Southern Mountains, Dengxian tile (after Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 73)

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a five-stringed instrument with a straight neck and the other a four-stringed instrument with a crooked neck, both played with plectrums; a set of panpipes; two kinds of flutes, vertical and transverse (the latter possibly a flageolet); cymbals; and an angular harp. The eighth figurine is shown clapping her hands in time to the music.45 By this time, musical ensembles incorporated both traditional and imported instruments, and the stage was set for the further development of this music during the following Tang dynasty. Music was apparently also featured in funerals. The models of houses found at Tujing, Zhongxian, may represent funeral rites at which figurines playing vertical flutes are prominent.46 Musicians are also depicted lining the rims of duisuguan, or figured jars, and have been connected with funeral rites.47 The musicians, clearly not Chinese, play a number of instruments, such as flutes, mouth organs, and stringed instruments.48 Unfortunately, the modeling is often too coarse to make out the details. These foreign musicians may well have been employed in such ritual ceremonies as were held to mourn a royal prince of Wu, at which music and sacrifices lasted for seven days and nights before being brought to a halt.49 Whatever the case, the depiction of these figurines on the duisuguan may well reflect one aspect of the employment of bands of such foreign, or Hu, musicians in the society of the time, but other evidence is still to be uncovered. A completely different kind of musical group, the military band, which had its own genre of music, was also current during this period.50 As in the Han, this band seems to have included four types of instruments, among which, for percussion, were the drum and cymbals and, for wind, the xiao flute, often in the form of panpipes or a kind of simple flute ( jia 笳) introduced by the northern nomads. These bands were mounted groups that accompanied the army on its campaigns. Such a band is pictured in the mural in Tong Shou’s tomb. The mounted musicians are riding behind Tong’s carriage playing panpipes, the jia flute, and a drum called the jiangu 建鼓, which was held upright in front of the rider by means of some sort of support. Large drums and a gong, each carried by two men on foot with a third to strike the instruments, precede the carriage and had the purpose of signaling the troops during battle and were not of a musical nature (fig. 11.9). In time, the cymbals seem to have been dropped from the grouping. Normally these military bands consisted of seven to sixteen men. According to the Chen state regulations of 574 establishing membership and instruments, the imperial band was to have sixteen men, thirteen on panpipes, two for the jia flute, and one drum player. The number of musicians decreased as rank descended: the royal heir was entitled to thirteen players, the other princes to twelve, and those not of the imperial family were entitled to only eleven players, nine for the xiao flute and one each for the other two instruments.51 Clearly the xiao flute was the

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11.9. Procession accompanying Tong Shou, including group of mounted musicians, 357 (after Kaogu 1959.1:32, fig. 11)

primary instrument, and by this time, too, these military bands, called guchui 鼓吹 had probably lost their connection with campaigning armies and become a status symbol awarded on the basis of rank. A second type of mounted military band, called the hengchui 橫吹, came to the fore at this time.52 It featured a drum and a horn called the hujue 胡角, a foreign import whose source is not clear. The horn was long and curved, and the drum, unlike the jiangu, was held flat by shoulder straps and often played with two drumsticks. This band was especially popular in the north and is often seen among its tomb figurines. An anecdote in the Luoyang qielanji reveals how important this military music was in bolstering troop morale: South of the market were the Diaoyin [Melody] and Yuelü [Musical Pitch] wards in which lived instrumentalists and singers. The world’s most famous musicians came from here. One of these was Tian Sengchao 田僧超, a virtuoso of the pipe who could play the “Song of the Warrior” and the “Lament of Xiang Yu.” Cui Yanbo [崔延伯], the General to Conquer the West, was a great admirer of his. . . . Whenever he was about to join battle he ordered Tian Sengchao to play the “Song of the Warrior,” arousing the armoured soldiers to a high pitch of excitement. . . . For two years [524–25] he won a string of victories until Moqi Chounu [万俟醜奴] recruited some first-rate archers to shoot Tian Sengchao. After Tian Sengchao was killed, Cui Yanbo

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grieved for him with a sorrow that in his subordinates’ view was no less than Bo Ya’s grief at the death of Zhong Ziqi [鍾子期].53 The only representation of this type of band that has shown up in the south for this period is again in the tomb at Dengxian; in this case the band, which includes the long curved horn, is on foot (fig. 11.10).54 Another tile from this tomb introduces what may have been a southern development, the addition of a transverse flute and panpipes to the long horns (fig. 11.11).55 Finally, among the

11.10. Musicians playing drums and horns, Dengxian tile (after Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 43)

11.11. Musicians playing horns and flutes, Dengxian tile (after Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 44)

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figurines in a Guangxi tomb of the Southern Dynasties period are four drummers on foot accompanying a military leader being carried on a litter.56 Traditionally, the social position of musician performers in China was low, as was that of anyone with a special skill, and for a member of the elite, any unusual talent could bring unwanted attention and demands that eroded one’s selfrespect and perception of one’s proper station in life. Members of the elite who were accomplished musicians were sensitive on this issue of status, and they could make their displeasure known if they felt that invitations to play for others made it seem they were being treated too much like ordinary musicians.57 The relative esteem in which these instruments were held, as well as the matter of face, may lie behind an anecdote about Huan Yi 桓伊 (d. ca. 392), a distinguished general who was also known for his skill in playing the di, or transverse flute. Ordered by the emperor to play a piece at a banquet, he did so, and then without any display of unhappiness, asked permission to have one of his slaves play the flute while he accompanied on the zheng zither. On receiving permission, the two played a song of resentment, thus conveying Huan’s feelings on the matter.58 There were players of the qin who were highly acclaimed and held in special esteem, such as Bo Ya 伯牙 of antiquity and Xi Kang closer in time. But Yan Zhitui, ever mindful of this sensitive issue of social standing, advised his sons against playing it too well: “This music, soothing and elegant, has a rich flavor. Current songs, though different from the ancient ones, are still able to amuse us. But you should not allow yourselves to gain a reputation in this art, for then you will have to entertain the high and mighty, sitting in a humble place and suffering the insult of drinking the dregs and eating the cold remains.”59 Observations such as this serve to remind us that the material culture operated within a social and political context that shaped the forms and uses of the products of that material culture.

12 A SPEC TS OF DAILY LIFE

URBAN LIFE The limited nature of the relevant archaeological data makes it difficult to reconstruct urban life in China during the Six Dynasties period; little remains of the cities themselves other than the foundations of city walls and gates. The written sources do not carry us much further because their focus is on the court and the higher echelons of society. The Yezhongji, for example, has many passages on the palace, its furnishings, the gardens and parks, the harem, courtiers, and the workshops at Ye, the capital of Shi Hu (d. 349), ruler of the Later Zhao, but nothing about the city itself. The other account of a city of this period, the Luoyang qielanji, a memoir of Luoyang as it may have existed from 493 to 534, written not long after its destruction, is more helpful. As the title indicates, the focus is on the monasteries, with the organization and layout of the city serving as a background. Luoyang was established as a capital of the Northern Wei with no intrinsic economic function other than that which stemmed from its political purpose. As a result, the enormous wealth that characterized the city was a product of the trade and industries that served the court and the administrative officialdom. As rebuilt in 493, the city was made up of a center with suburbs in all four directions and, apart from the palaces, imperial temples, and administrative offices, contained 220 wards. The average size of the wards was some three hundred 354

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paces square; each ward was surrounded by a wall with four gates and had a constabulary to maintain order and man the gates.1 Nevertheless, crime was rampant in the city, no doubt because of the overcrowding of many of the wards.2 By the time of its downfall of 534, there were 1,376 monasteries and nunneries occupying as much as one-third of its area.3 The Luoyang qielanji spares no words in describing the magnificence of some of these establishments, dwelling on the tree-lined avenues leading to them, their extensive halls, and their wonderful gardens. The inhabitants of Luoyang flocked to view these wondrous sites and their awesome statues of the Buddha.4 The processions parading these icons on the fourth day of the fourth month attracted huge crowds of spectators, who were entertained by all sorts of performers, such as flagpole climbers, tightrope walkers, sword swallowers, and fire belchers.5 Elaborate funerals must also have attracted gawkers.6 The wealthier inhabitants tended to live in certain parts of the city, and the Luoyang qielanji describes in detail the ornate mansions with their lofty gates, gardens, lakes, and orchards that bore wonderful fruits,7 and the lavish parties held on these premises.8 Other wards were allocated to members of specific trades, such as brewers, singers and musicians,9 coffin makers and undertakers,10 potters and the ceramic workers who made the tiles for the city,11 butchers and tradesmen,12 and finally the merchants, some of whom became enormously wealthy. One is described as having proceeded through the town with an entourage that compared with that of the royal princes.13 Among this throng, estimated at one point to include 109,000 households,14 were some 3,000 foreign monks15 as well as the large communities of Sogdians and other foreigners housed in four wards to the south, across the Luo River.16 This thriving metropolis, once it ceased to serve as a capital, was abandoned and not revived until the Sui and Tang once again designated it as a capital. Contemporary comments on the level of culture and sophistication in the north suggest changes occurred over the century since the founding of the Northern Wei. The account in the Nan Qishu and cited in W. F. J. Jenner’s translation of the Luoyang qielanji painted the capital at the time, at modern Datong, as “barbaric.” The palace was engaged in the manufacture of goods that were traded and sold, the city wards had numerous evildoers, drunkenness among the population led to a decade-long ban on liquor, deities were worshipped in Xianbei style, and the dowager empress showed her face when she went out with her escort of armored cavalry women.17 In contrast, Luoyang was a very civilized place according to the remarks of Chen Qingzhi 陳慶之, a southerner who had visited the Northern Wei court at Luoyang after his return to Jiankang. Chen’s remarks were included by Yang Xuanzhi in his Luoyang qielanji: “Ever since Jin and Song times, Luoyang has been called a desolate region, and here we say that everyone north of the Yangzi is a barbarian; but on my recent visit to Luoyang I

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found that families of capped and gowned scholars live on the northern plains, where proper ceremony and protocol flourish. I cannot find words to describe the magnificent personages I saw. In the language of the old saying, the imperial capital was majestic, a model for the four quarters.” Yang adds that everyone followed Chen’s lead in adopting the Wei style of feathered canopies, insignia, and dress, including the baoyi bodai, or loose robes with wide girdles.18 As for northern views of the south, at least from what Yang included in the Luoyang qielanji, northerners found little there to admire. This came out in an exchange between Chen Qingzhi and Yang Yuanshen 楊元慎, a high Northern Wei official, while Chen was in Luoyang. Yang is reported to have made the following observations: South of the Yangzi they enjoy a temporary peace in their remote corner. Much of your land is wet; it is cursed with malaria and crawling with insects. Frogs and toads share a single hole while men live in the same flocks with birds. You are the gentlemen of the cropped hair, and none of you have the long heads [that foretell longevity]. You tattoo the puny bodies with which you are endowed. Floating on the Three Rivers or rowing on the Five Lakes you are untouched by the Rites, and the Music cannot be reformed by official statutes. Although some Qin survivors and Han convicts provided an admixture of Han speech, the awkward languages of Min and Chu are beyond improvement. You may have a monarchy but your rulers are overweening and your masses unruly. Yang continued by citing the patricide of Liu Shao 劉紹 when he attempted to seize the Song throne, incest on the part of Liu Xiulong 劉休隆, Emperor Wu of the Song, and the carnality of his daughter, the princess of Shanyin, who, complaining of gender inequality, was allowed to take thirty male concubines.19 Unfortunately there are no descriptions of the southern capital at Jiankang to compare with those of Luoyang. The Jiankang shilu 建康實錄, compiled by Xu Song 許嵩 in the eighth century, is a chronicle of the Six Dynasties period that includes biographical descriptions, but none of the city itself. Many of the anecdotes concerning the elite contained in the Shishuo xinyu are set in Jiankang and, despite Yang Yuanshen’s characterization of southern life, reveal that the lives of these worthies bore delicacy and refinement. Pulling together information from scattered sources, Liu Shufen has characterized the city and its inhabitants as a bustling metropolis with a very mixed population and, citing the Suishu, concludes that Jiankang was similar to Luoyang and Chang’an in the mixed nature of its population and in its customs.20 As she and others have shown,

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Jiankang, unlike Luoyang, was an important commercial center connected by a network of rivers and canals with an area of economic importance and so was not entirely dependent on its position as a capital for its existence.

RURAL LIFE Turning from the city to the countryside, one finds the usual litany in the literary sources of the hardships faced by the peasantry during this period of disorder and endemic warfare. Under the Northern Wei, in 483 an “equal-fields” system was introduced to allocate land to farmers. A single household received on average 140 mou 畝 of land (a mou is equal to approximately one-sixth of an acre), but the amount varied over time, and allowances were made for age, for the number of slaves and oxen available, and for land dedicated to long-range use such as for the planting of mulberry trees.21 In addition, the amount was adjusted periodically to reflect household changes. On the other hand, there are references during this time to estates running to the thousands of qing, a qing being a hundred mou. Somewhere in the middle falls the view of Yan Zhitui (531–91+): “I have always thought that in a family of twenty mouths the male and female slaves should not at most exceed twenty persons, with ten qing of good land and a house just good enough to keep away wind and rain; a carriage and horse simply to take the place of a walking stick; and a reserve of several ten thousands of cash for the expenses of fortunate, unfortunate, and urgent circumstances.”22 Yan also had strong opinions concerning the importance of agriculture and the inadequacy of most officials to carry out their responsibilities in this area. The men of old wished to know the hardships of farming, for they regarded grain as the necessary source of life. Food is the people’s heaven; without food people cannot live. Without a single grain of food for three days, father and son cannot exist. To plough [geng 耕], to plant [zhong 種], to weed and hoe [haochu 茠鉏], to reap [yihu 刈穫], to pile up [zaiji 載積], to thresh [dafu 打 拂], and to winnow [boyang 簸揚]—these are the required procedures before grain can be stored in a granary. How can farming be neglected and unimportant professions honored? Court officials south of the Yangzi, taking advantage of the restoration of the Jin dynasty, moved to the south of the river, where they have lived continuously for eight or nine generations as immigrants. Not one of them worked hard at farming but rather lived on a salary. Since all that they had was owing to work by young slaves, they had never seen the turning of a furrow of soil [botu 撥土] nor weeded [yun 耘] a blade of grass; they did not know the month in which to sow or reap. How then could they know other fundamentals of world affairs?23

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Jia Sixie, who lived in the middle of the sixth century and thus was a contemporary of Yan Zhitui, shared Yan’s serious regard of agriculture. His Qimin yaoshu (Essential techniques for the general public), of ca. 540, is a detailed handbook on many aspects of agriculture and food preparation.24 As the earliest surviving work of this nature and given its detailed treatment, it is especially important in the study of a whole range of topics for this period. According to Francesca Bray, Jia had served as a middle-ranking official, probably in the Shandong area, and so his experience was basically a northern one. He dealt very little with sericulture, and though he included animal husbandry and even dairy products, most of the work concerns systems of continuously cropped land, a wide variety of plants, techniques, tools, the intensive use of land and labor, and the raising of both subsistence and commercial crops. As Bray suggests, the stage of agriculture with which he dealt was that before the shift of the economic center to the south.25 His instructions on ploughing offer an example of the kind of detail and care he devoted to the subject: When ploughing high and low fields, no matter in the spring or autumn, always pay attention to moisture; in years of unsuitable rainfall, it is best to plough when dry and never when wet. Ploughed when dry, the soil comes up in clods that will crumble when moistened by rain. When wet soil is ploughed, it will form stubborn clods that remain hard for years to come. The proverb that “it is better to go home and rest than to plough the wet and hoe the drenched” means that such practices are not only useless but actually harmful. If the ground has been ploughed when wet, a good remedy is to draw an iron-toothed rake over it as soon as the surface turns pale. If this is not done, it will definitely be very bad.26 Based on the Qimin yaoshu and other sources, Bray provides a description of agricultural conditions and practices and cites a number of advances in technology made during the Six Dynasties period. According to Bray, the range of soils and availability of water in China required different strategies. In the dry areas of northern China, tillage was done by a light plow, a tined harrow (lao 勞), bush harrow, and roller to create a fine dust mulch to prevent the evaporation of what water there was (fig. 12.1). The heavier clay soils of the lower valley of the Yellow River, where drainage was important, required the use of the heavy turn plow (li 犁) with a well-developed moldboard for creating furrows and stout metal-tined harrows (ba 粑 and chao 耖) for breaking up the clods, while the roller and brush harrow were less important.27 The moldboard, once thought to have been a fourth-century development, is now assigned to the Western Han.28 The first evidence of the single-ox plow, made possible by the invention of the whiffletree, dates to the Jin at the earliest.29 The Qimin yaoshu

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12.1. Plowing, sowing, and harrowing. Painted tile, Jin, Jiayuguan, Gansu (reprinted from Hayashi Minao, Kandai no bumbutsu, 118, fig. 6–32)

12.2. Harrowing. Painted tile, Jin, Jiayuguan, Gansu (reprinted from Hayashi Minao, Kandai no bumbutsu, 118, fig. 6–33)

contains the first description of the practice of harrowing, which became such a fundamental element in traditional Chinese farming (fig. 12.2), and of the pairing of the tined harrow with the plow to create the dust mulch necessary in dry areas.30 The work treats all stages of raising crops, such as sowing, transplanting, composting, fertilizing, weeding, and harvesting; it also includes the earliest-known systematic account of crop rotation.31

FOODS AND FARM PRODUCTS Grain crops in China are often referred to as the “five grains” (wugu 五穀), commonly including (1) foxtail or Setaria millet, Setaria italica (ji 稷); (2) broomcorn or panicum millet, Panicum miliaceum (shu 黍); (3) rice, Oryza sativa (dao 稻); (4) wheat and barley, Triticum turgidum and Hordeum vulgare, respectively (mai 麥); and (5) legumes, specifically soybeans, Glycine max (shu 菽). “Millet” is a general term for a wide range of small-seeded cereals, including millet, bulrush millet, and barnyard wheat (bai 稗), considered a weed to be eliminated.32 The Qimin yaoshu lists eighty-six varieties of nonglutinous Setaria millet alone,

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including those with such features as being early ripening, drought resistant, insect free, and wind resistant, and, based on such features, suggests varieties best suited for specific areas.33 Setaria was an everyday food, eaten mainly in the form of a gruel or congee, while panicum was more a delicacy or used to make wine.34 Another plant often included in the lists is hemp, Cannabis sativa L. (ma 麻), grown both for its fiber and edible seed, though it is possible that, in reference to a food crop, ma denotes sesame (huma 胡麻 or zhima 芝麻).35 Although wheat and barley became important in the Tang, they were increasingly planted earlier as the taste for noodles and dumplings grew.36 The rotary quern or stone mill, which had been developed in the Han, was employed to produce the wheat flour (mian 麵) that was used in a wide variety of pastas, termed bing 餅 at the time, unleavened and raised, fried, baked, steamed, and boiled, including some that are still familiar today, such as early forms of fi lamentous noodles.37 It was during the Six Dynasties period that China became divided into two dietary zones, the north, where the primary food is from wheat flour, and the south, where it is cooked grains or granule food.38 Although the cultivation of rice was rare north of the Huai River, Jia mentions twelve nonglutinous and eleven glutinous varieties (shu 秫) and offers much advice on how to care for the crop.39 Besides cereals Jia also treats in detail legumes, including soybeans, which he advises planting as a hedge against famine since it produces well even in poor soil. The types of products made from the soybean underwent a change during the Six Dynasties period; once considered a grain, from which a kind of mediocre congee was made, it was gradually replaced as a primary food by wheat and became a supplemental food from which sprouts, curds, fermented pastes, and some sort of sauce were made.40 In the area of oil crops Jia describes seedbearing hemp, brassicas, which were far more popular at the time for their oil and which, according to the Qimin yaoshu, were grown on a considerable scale, colza (wujing 蕪菁), which had a much higher yield than any other grain, and finally sesame, whose oil was prized.41 The Qimin yaoshu also mentions a wide variety of fruits, including jujubes, peaches, plums, apricots, pears, apples, persimmons, and pomegranates, and explains methods of transplantation and grafting.42 Among the tuberous crops the treatise lists the yam as a non-Chinese plant.43 Fiber crops included silk, of course, but also hemp, which produced a rather coarse cloth called bu 布. Fibers were obtained by retting, soaking the plant in water until the peel and pith are dissolved by bacterial action. When cotton came in during the Tang and its cultivation gradually spread north, hemp cloth fell out of favor.44 Hemp was more common in the north while ramie (zhu ma 苧麻) was more characteristic of the south.45 The Qimin yaoshu describes thirty-one vegetables, of which about twenty are still grown. They include cucumbers, pickling melons, musk melons, donggua

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冬瓜, or wax gourd, calabashes, purple-flower garlic, bunching onions, scallions, Chinese chives, radishes, Chinese cabbage, white mustard, yellow seed mustard, rutabagas, coriander, basil, water dropwort, eggplant, ginger, and Japanese peppers.46 Mallow, Malva verticillata L. (kui 葵), was popular because of its mucilaginous quality, but its use tapered off after the Tang when seed oil for cooking became more easily available.47 The work offers detailed information on planting and care for each vegetable. Jia also includes recipes; for example, for preparing jujube sauce, salted plums, the drying, pickling, and pressing of various fruits, such as peaches, plums, apricots, pears, crab apples, and persimmons, mainly in the north, and a wide array of others in the south. The use of mold fermentation, or qu 麴, for creating certain food products has a long history in China.48 An early mention of qu as a source of enzymes for converting starch into glucose can be found in the Shujing.49 Shih Sheng-han, in his study of the Qimin yaoshu, discusses in some detail Jia’s directions for alcoholic fermentation; for preparing vinegar (Jia gives twenty-four recipes); a wide variety of jiang 醬 sauces (using certain molds able to break down various proteins into their component amino acids and amides); black bean sauce (shi 豉) from soybeans; pickles (using lactic-acid fermentation to prevent spoilage of fresh vegetables); zha 鮓 (fish and succulent vegetables in fermented starch); jerked and salted meat (fu 脯 and la 臘); and luo 酪, or dairy products.50 The northern Chinese prized dairy products: The Qimin yaoshu contains detailed instructions on how to produce luo (also pronounced lao), a kind of liquid yogurt or buttermilk made from cow’s or goat’s milk, as well as dry luo, which could keep for years.51 There is the story that Wang Ji 王濟 (ca. 240–85) served some goat’s milk yogurt (yangluo) to Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303) shortly after Lu came to Luoyang and asked him what southern dish could match it. Lu responded by citing two delicacies, water-lily soup (chun’geng 蓴羹) from Jiangsu and the salted black-bean sauce (yanshi 鹽豉) from Jiankang.52 The northern disdain for the southern diet comes out in a tirade recorded in the Luoyang qielanji that criticizes the people of the Wu area for eating the seeds of tares (gu 菰) and darnel (bai 稗), crab spawn (xiahuang 蝦黃, also usually discarded in the West), water chestnuts (ling 菱), lotus roots (ou 藕), and “chicken heads” (jitou 雞頭, an aquatic plant with edible fruit and pith, also known as qian 芡); for chewing betel nut, drinking water-lily soup, and considering frog soup (wageng 蛙羹) and oyster stew (bangfou 蚌浮) as delicacies.53 The Shishuo xinyu mentions, without reference to region, such dishes as bamboo shoots (sun 筍) with rice, steamed shallots (xie 薤), and steamed glutinous rice cakes wrapped in bamboo leaves (zong 粽).54 Gruel or congee, made from such staples as tares, millet, and beans, was an important part of the diet. According to this work, a certain cook revealed that the secret of instant bean gruel was to prepare

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ahead of time cooked bean powder (shumo 熟末) that could then be added to ordinary rice gruel. This resourceful person was also able to produce leek and duckweed pickles on short order by pounding the leek roots in a mortar and mixing them with wheat sprouts (maimiao 麥苗). For revealing these and other secrets, the cook was put to death by his employer.55 Fish dishes included sardines, shrimp, and salted fish. A southern delicacy at this time was minced sea perch (luyukuai 鱸魚膾).56 Meat came from pigs, oxen, sheep/goats, and venison, as well as chickens, ducks, and geese. Special delicacies included steamed suckling shoat (tun 豚); the part from the nape of the neck was reserved for the emperor alone and called the “forbidden meat slice” ( jinluan 禁臠).57 Sliced ox heart was also prized, perhaps because the meat was thought to impart some of the strength of the animal to its consumer.58 If the number of references to it in the Shishuo xinyu is any indication, wine was an important part of the diet during this period. The high incidence of alcoholism it alludes to is said to have been the consequence of the political uncertainties of the time.59 The Qimin yaoshu provides ten methods for obtaining eight different ferments, or starters, for the fermentation process, all of which involved a well-steamed cereal and fresh water. The fermentation agents were added to a variety of cereals, including glutinous and ordinary millets, rices, and spiked or panicled millets, to produce various wines; the Qimin yaoshu lists some forty different kinds of alcoholic beverages.60 Yan Zhitui, in his Family Instructions, relates that Xiao Yi, Emperor Yuan of the Liang, had told him that as a youth of twelve and suffering from crippling sores, he was able to continue his studies by drinking Shanyin wine to alleviate the pain.61 Shanyin is modern Shaoxing, in Zhejiang, still the source of a well-known rice wine. Grape wine was available during this period, brought to China by the large number of merchants from the so-called Western Regions, but it had not yet achieved any great popularity.62 The process for making distilled wine, or baijiu 白酒, was perhaps known as early as the Han, but even in the Tang only small amounts were being made.63 There is mention of tea as early as the Han, when it was introduced from Sichuan, and it was a fashionable drink in the south during the Six Dynasties period. It became more widespread in the Tang owing, at least in part, to its use as an aid to meditation in the Buddhist monasteries.64 Its early names include tu 荼 and ming 茗, among others; the modern name cha 茶 arose in the Tang. During the Han and Six Dynasties periods apparently the tea leaves were steamed, pounded, and molded into cakes that were then slowly dried over a low fire and finally suspended for a final airing. For drinking, chunks of the tea cake were boiled in water and flavorings such as orange peel, mint, jujube, scallions, and ginger were added. This style of preparation gradually changed during the Tang.65

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Sweetners during the Six Dynasties period consisted primarily of malt sugar (yi 飴) and honey (mi 蜜). The making of malt sugar from grains had a long history in China; the Qimin yaoshu describes the manufacturing process for a variety of these sugars.66 Sugarcane and the technology for deriving sugar from its juice was known in this period, but the general production of refined cane sugar did not occur until the Tang.67 Any discussion of food in the Six Dynasties period suffers from the difficulties of terminology and inadequate sources, but it seems clear that the diet of this time was a wide and varied one. Although the cuisine differed in some respects from that now associated with China—for example, the importance then of dairy products in the north and what appears to be early stages in the development of such staples as fi lament noodles, soy sauce, and tofu—overall the technology for the processing and utilization of the natural food resources that one finds in China today were already in place. Without a study of some depth, it is not possible to say with any certainty what new developments took place in the Six Dynasties period, but fortunately, the Qimin yaoshu, that remarkable work, makes it possible to survey the end of the period, and it is clear that there was a respectable culinary art that, as in other periods, was an important feature of the culture.

CANDLES AND LAMPS The use of fire for illumination to extend the period of human activity must date back to the earliest times. The need to provide a mobile and efficient source of light led to the invention of lamps and candles.68 Such artificial light represented a break with nature, and many of the situations in which candles, for example, are mentioned in the literary sources are related to nefarious and devious activities, or those of urgency in which the sense of drama is enhanced by the flickering lights. On the other hand, the use of candles could also symbolize diligence. Emperor Wu of the Liang, though burdened by the affairs of state, did not, it is said, leave off his interest in books and read by candlelight until the wee hours of the night.69 He must have gotten very little sleep because he is also said to have risen before dawn to go over documents by candlelight, his hands as he wielded his brush becoming chapped from the cold.70 Candles are also mentioned in descriptions of lavish entertainments. When a former classmate arrived as an envoy from the north, Yang Kan 羊侃 of the Liang entertained him at a party with three hundred guests; the utensils were all of gold and jade, troupes of dancing girls provided entertainment, and, when darkness fell, over a hundred servants appeared holding gold decorated candles.71 In the case of Shen Yuzhi 沉攸之, who was sent to quell a rebellion at Jingzhou in 472 and set himself up as a semi-independent satrap, “His

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wealth was comparable to that of the princes; at night candles were lit in the rooms and corridors until dawn, and in the rear quarters hundreds wore pearls and jades. It was beyond anything of the time.”72 Shi Chong 石崇 (249–300), famed for his ostentatious display of wealth, is said to have cooked roasts over wax candles.73 While there is mention of a variety of substances for candles,74 by and large candles were made of wax, either beeswax or that secreted by other insects or plants. In terms of chemistry, beeswax is composed for the most part of wax esters (chiefly myricyl palmitate C30H61OH), wax acids (such as cerotic acid C30H 51COOH), and hydrocarbons. After being separated from impurities by rendering and refining, it is usually bleached to form a white and translucent substance without scent or taste.75 The bleaching is accomplished by reducing the wax to thin ribbons that are then exposed to air and sunlight; the process is repeated until the wax is completely whitened. Finally, it is formed into cakes for use. The process by which wax was made from the secretions of a small winged insect—found chiefly in western China, where it is raised for its wax—is described in the Bencao gangmu 本草綱目.76 The insect in question, called the bailachong 白蠟蟲 (Coccus sinensis), thrives on various trees of the genus Ligustrum, including dongqingshu 冬青樹 or nüzhen 女貞 (Ligustrum lucidum Ait. and Ligustrum japonicum Thunb.) and shuila 水蠟 (Ligustrum ibota Sieb.).77 The Bencao gangmu claims the wax from the Coccus sinensis was unknown before the Yuan dynasty, but a Tang list of tributary goods indicates that waxes other than that from bees were known, and a study of the list by Edward Schafer and Benjamin Wallacker specifically cites the Coccus sinensis.78 It may be, then, that this source of wax was already known before the Tang. Another source of wax was the wujiu 烏臼 or jiushu 桕樹 tree (Sapium sebiferum Roxb. or Stillingia sinensis Baill.), commonly called in English the Chinese tallow tree. This deciduous tree grew in Shandong, Hunan, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Sichuan, Yunnan, Fujian, Guangdong, and Guangxi. Its seeds and capsules were gathered, crushed, and boiled, and the tallow skimmed off. Natural wax was added to give the material more consistency; the resulting product was used for making candles. Tallow was perhaps another source of candle wax. The basic process involves boiling the fat and skimming off the surface oil that is then allowed to harden. The whiter, purer grades of tallow were used for candles while those of lesser quality were used for other purposes. In England, at least, sheep’s tallow was considered to be the best, that of cattle next, and pigs’ tallow the least desirable because of the odor given off when burned. Mention in the Chinese sources in this connection of zhizhu 脂燭 may well refer to tallow candles, but that remains to be studied.

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The Tiangong kaiwu 天工開物 describes the use of bamboo or paper molds to form the body of candles,79 but there is no evidence that this procedure was used in the Six Dynasties period. In the West, molds did not come into use until the fifteenth century and were not widely employed in England until the nineteenth century, when the appropriate machinery was invented.80 It may be that in China, as in the West, before the employment of molds candles were made by a dipping process that consisted of dipping a wick repeatedly into molten wax, with appropriate pauses to allow each coat to congeal. Wax was used for other purposes in this period aside from making candles. There were a number of ordinary household applications, such as waxing wooden clogs, though this may have been restricted to the wealthy.81 Wax was also used in darker ways. When Wang Dun (266–324), the power behind the throne, died at a critical time, in an effort to keep his death a secret, his corpse was wrapped in a mat, covered with wax, and buried in his headquarters.82 Similarly, when Emperor Wu of the Chen dynasty died in 559, the heir was not present, and it was decided to keep the death secret until he arrived. Since the body had to be encased because of the summer heat, and yet the sounds of constructing a coffin would have alerted outsiders, wax was used to make the coffin.83 The use of wax in the preparation of a corpse for burial is said to have also occurred in the Eastern Jin. Upper-class women during the Taiyuan 太元 period (376–96) wore their hair in elaborate styles, often resorting to wigs, which they called “false heads.” Poorer women who could not afford such an expense termed themselves “headless.” This proved to be an ill omen, for soon after, when disorder broke out, many people were executed by beheading, and in preparing their corpses, a “false head” was made of wax or other materials.84 Finally, seals made of wax were sometimes substituted for real ones as a part of the grave goods.85 Melted wax was occasionally used for deadly purposes. When, for example, Hou Jing attacked Jiankang in 548 using a number of wooden attack apparatuses to breach the walls, its defenders doused torches in oil and wax, which adhered to the wooden equipment and thus destroyed it.86

Oil for the Lamps of China Oils for use in lamps are “fixed oils,” that is oils that do not evaporate on exposure to air and consist of glycerine in combination with various fatty acids such as oleic acid or linoleic acid. Such oils are obtained by subjecting the source seeds or related materials to pressure from a mill.87 As Bray has pointed out, not much is known of the processes used for the extraction of oil in this period since the oil press (zha 榨) is not described before the Song dynasty.88 It may well be that the process of oil extraction was not included by Jia Sixie in his Qimin

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yaoshu because his intent was to describe only what the farmer himself would do. At one point he merely says that the rape seeds were to be taken to the oil pressers (yayoujia 壓油家).89 Still, it is surprising given his detailed descriptions of crops that he does not say anything about the amount of oil yielded by the various plants. Such information is found, however, in the Tiangong kaiwu.90 The description of oil extraction in the Tiangong kaiwu dates from a much later period, but the same process might have been used in the Six Dynasties period as well.91 To prepare the seeds for pressing, they were roasted, crushed into fine particles, screened for size, steamed, and wrapped into cake-sized parcels; all of these steps required experience and expertise. The mill itself was a hollowed tree trunk (camphor tree, sandalwood, or alder were best because of their ability to resist splitting). The cakes were placed in the hollow, wooden blocks were inserted to fi ll the rest of the space, and wedges positioned between the blocks were hammered to apply pressure to squeeze out the oil, which drained through a hole at the bottom of the hollow log.92 The plight of Che Yun 車胤, who as a youth in the fourth century was too poor to afford oil for a lamp and had to study by the light of fireflies, underlines the fact that poor families had to make a choice between using their precious oil as an illuminant and reserving it as an edible.93 There is a section in the Qimin yaoshu; on hemp cultivation. Hemp oil was probably used primarily for lamps since, though it had an offensive smell, it produced no smoke when burned and did not harm the eyes.94 Rapeseed oil, linseed oil, and sesame oil (though it burned off too quickly) were also used for lamps. Jia Sixie accordingly encourages in his treatise the planting of brassicas, as well as hemp, as oil crops.95

Lamps Lamps in this period basically consisted of a bowl, fuel, and a wick that delivered the fuel to the flame in the presence of an air supply.96 A wick floating in oil generally makes it difficult to control the flame and produces smoke. For this reason, in the Mediterranean world and elsewhere a trough or nozzle was incorporated into the lamp by creasing the rim of the bowl, along which the wick was laid with one end in the oil so as to supply the flame at its other end.97 This design makes it easy to remove the buildup of soot that would otherwise result in a dim light and smoking flame.98 It would appear that the lamp in China differed from its counterparts elsewhere in the world in that it had no such nozzle, either open or bridged, but remained an open bowl or saucer lamp, also called a cruse, with a floating wick, with the resultant difficulties. Further, without such a nozzle or blackened edge from a wick laid along the rim, it is often difficult to differentiate a container that had been used as a lamp from an ordinary shallow bowl.99

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Most lamps of this period in China, whether of bronze, iron, or ceramic, consisted of one or more bowls with a stem and a base. In the north the cruse was generally placed on top of a columnar stem, while in the south the stem was in the shape of a Bundt cake pan, that is, a hollow column rising out of a larger bowl that served as the base. The lamps were either plain and simple or decorated in a variety of ways. One interesting example is a bronze lamp from Pingliang, Gansu, of the Wei-Jin period, that has the figures of three camels placed around the rim.100 Another example, a bronze lamp with three bowls, two of which are supported by some attractive curlicue branches, is from Nanjing. Its base is in the form of a shallow plate set on three legs.101 In general, bronze lamps of this period do not approach the complexity or ingenuity of those of the earlier Han, though a lamp in the form of a turtle holding the bowl in its mouth is comparable (fig. 7.14).102 Iron lamps are mentioned in the context of Shi Hu setting out 120 in front of his Basilica for Formal Assemblies (zhengdian 正殿).103 Ceramic lamps tended to have more surface decoration and could be quite elaborate. The one found in the Northern Qi tomb of Lou Rui at Taiyuan is an example of this type (fig. 12.3). The bowl, fitted onto the stem, has a band of pearls at its rim, a medallion and palmetto design on its body, an elaborate honeysuckle design on the lower part of its stem, and a reversed lotus-petal decor on its stand that culminates in another band of pearls.104 Ceramic lamps with multiple bowls have also been found. A particularly interesting one because of its complexity was uncovered in the Northern Wei tomb of Song Shaozu (d. 477) at Datong, but a report on this item in the inventory has not yet been

12.3. Ceramic lamp from the tomb of Lou Rui (d. 570), Taiyuan, Shanxi (after Wenwu 1983. 10:10, fig. 25)

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12.4. Bronze lamp with handle, Western Jin, Wuxian, Jiangsu (after Wenwu ziliao congkan 3 [1980]:135, fig. 10.1)

published.105 Another complex lamp, earlier in date, with nine bowls and 59 cm in height, was found in the Caochangpo 草廠坡 tomb at Xi’an.106 These lamps usually did not have a handle because moving them while lit risked spilling the oil contained in the bowl, but a Western Jin tomb at Wuxian 吳縣, Jiangsu, yielded a lamp with a handle (fig. 12.4). The handle has a dragon head fi nial, and the stem is shaped like a piece of bamboo.107 There is also mention in contemporary literature of lamps that could be suspended (zhang 張 or gua 挂), presumably from a hook, but none seem to have survived. In terms of lamps depicted in art, there is an illustration of a lamp with a single bowl, stem, and stand, with a tongue of flame emerging from the bowl, at the Yi’nan 沂南 shrine (fig. 12.5). A more elaborate, three-bowl candelabra is shown on the Sima Jinlong screen, where the flames clearly emerge from the bowls as long tapered columns.108 Lamps began to appear in the Dunhuang murals only at the very end of the sixth and the early years of the seventh centuries, when the cult of Bhaishajyaguru, the Buddha of Medicine, gained in popularity. The first of that Buddha’s vows was to shine upon all beings with his light, the rays of which would disperse the disease of ignorance as well as other illnesses.109 Zhang Yuan 張元, who became known for his fi lial piety, in an effort to cure his grandfather of blindness took inspiration from the Bhaishajya-guru sutra and engaged seven monks, each carrying a lamp, for seven days and nights to circumambulate with the sutra while he prayed for his grandfather’s recovery; included in his prayer was the phrase “Now using the light of this lamp to extend everywhere in the dharma realm,” which illustrates the importance of the lamp in the worship of this particular Buddha.110 In the depiction of Bhaishajya-guru’s paradise in Cave 220 at Dunhuang, bodhisattvas are shown placing small bowls with flames on the many arms of a very large, three-tiered lamp tree or candelabra (fig. 12.6).111

12.5. Scene with lamp, second to third centuries Yi’nan, Shandong (after Zeng Zhaoyu, Jiang Baogeng, and Li Zhongyi, Yi’nan gu huaxiangshimu fajue baogao, pl. 80, fig. 71)

12.6. Lighting of lamps in the paradise of Bhaishajya-guru, Cave 220, Dunhuang (after Xie Chengshui, Dunhuang bihua xianmiaoji, 67)

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Regional Differences in Lighting There are a number of indications that lead one to conclude that, in the Six Dynasties period at least, candles were more likely to have been used in the south than in the north. The offer of candles by the south as an item in the exchange of gifts that occurred in 450 between the north and south would seem to confirm this hypothesis.112 In the south there have been finds of candleholders in the form of a reclining sheep with a hole at the top of its head or a reclining lion with a socket on its back, or even with a human rider in addition to the socket, a bowl with a support for the candle or with a pricket onto which it could be pressed. The only example of a candleholder of this sort in the north is from the Zhang Sheng tomb at Anyang, dated 594.113 Lamps, on the contrary, have been found in both the north and south, with an average of 9.3 percent of the tombs listed as having a lamp. (Here I include only those objects listed as deng 燈.) However, the distribution by region indicates 16.2 percent of the tombs in the north, as against 7.4 percent in the south, contained lamps, again arguing for the greater use of candles in the south. An explanation for this imbalance may be that the sources for wax tended for the most part to be southern.

Observations Concerning Lighting Archaeological finds of lamps used in everyday life in the West number in the hundreds and even thousands, but there is no parallel in China, partly because archaeology in China is primarily tomb oriented and because the open bowls apparently used as lamps are so difficult to distinguish from ordinary ware. It is strange that the open bowl with the floating wick remained the standard device in China since it was less economical for a number of reasons: the oil could more easily be devoured by rodents and, heated by the flame, it was prone to evaporation and less-efficient combustion. Needham expressed enthusiasm about the solution to this last problem, the addition of a reservoir below the cruse to hold water to cool down the oil, seeing this as leading to the water jacket of the condenser used in distillation. A far simpler solution would have been to develop the domed cruse with a bridged nozzle in such widespread use by the Greeks and Romans. One wonders why this simple device did not make it over the Silk Road for adoption in China.114 Finally on this subject, the lighting of tinder by a spark produced by striking flint with steel or from heat produced by friction from a fire drill served the need for a flame to light a candle or lamp; during the day, a mirror could be used to focus the rays of the sun to produce the required heat. Matches had not yet been invented.115 The sources for this period are silent about what recourse was possible when a source of fire was not readily available to light (ran 燃) a candle or lamp.

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TRANSPORTATION The modes of transportation during the Six Dynasties period included horseback riding, wheeled vehicles, sedan chairs, and, especially in the south, watercraft.

Horseback Riding The horse provided the most rapid form of travel but of course it required a certain degree of skill as well as the means to keep the animal. Before the invention of the stirrup in the fourth century, saddles were built with especially high pommels and cantles, and skirts, called zhangni 障泥, or “mud protectors,” were perhaps fashioned out of a stiff material shaped to the legs of the rider, providing a more secure seat.116 The lack of stirrups may explain the accidental spills mentioned in the Shishuo xinyu.117 It seems that riding largely fell out of fashion during this period among the elite in the south. Wang Gong 王恭 (d. 398) attempted to flee by horseback after a defeat but developed severe blisters because he was unused to riding. Shifting to a boat, he was captured and executed.118 According to Yan Zhitui, by the Liang dynasty no one rode horses in the capital. Even riding a pony was considered beyond the pale, and for a high official to do so was grounds for impeachment. Wang Fu 王復, the magistrate of Jiangkang, had never ridden a horse, and when confronted with a galloping and snorting horse, would tremble and claim that the animal was a tiger, that to call it a horse was a misnomer.119 Still, there are references to travel by horse, so one should not read too much into these anecdotes.120 Jia Sixie’s sixth-century Qimin yaoshu goes into great detail about horse breeding, even including how to tell the age of a horse from the number and appearance of its teeth.121 Shi Shenghan mentions that the work provides thirty veterinary treatments for horses, as well as others for oxen, donkeys, and sheep, and he translates the one for ovine scabs as an example. As he says, “most of them are reasonable and perhaps one should say skillful.”122 In any case, the elite could, when in need of transportation, turn to carriages and sedan chairs.

Vehicles During the Six Dynasties period the horse-drawn chariots of the Han gave way to ox-drawn two-wheeled carts. The types of vehicles also changed. The ziping 輜軿, or “covered cart,” previously restricted to the general population and used for transporting goods and for carrying women, was held in low esteem in the Han but came in this period to be the favored means of transportation. At the same time, the yaoche 軺車, a light uncovered vehicle resembling the war chariots of yore, had been used in the Han by all levels of society, but from the Wei-Jin on,

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it was reserved for the highest officials. It could be that the rising popularity of the ox as the draft animal of choice favored the use of the larger, more comfortable ziping vehicle, but in any event, both types of vehicles came to be drawn by oxen. It should be noted that wagons of four or more wheels only appeared in a Buddhist context and derived from descriptions in the scriptures.123 The transition in vehicle types had already begun in the Han, as may be seen in the well-known Wuwei, Gansu, procession of bronze models in which an oxcart appears together with the more dashing chariot-like vehicles.124 The Yi’nan reliefs, perhaps of the third century A.D., show a preponderance of horsedrawn vehicles, but there is a row of three parked oxcarts with the unharnessed oxen nearby.125 The carts had carried the foodstuffs being prepared for the feast, and obviously they were of a lesser status than the horse-drawn vehicles. Oxcarts may have had smaller wheels than those drawn by horses; the shafts were also straight or almost so, without the upward curve of those pulled by horses. The yoke or crossbar rested on the back of the ox in front of its hump, and the vehicle was propelled by the ox leaning into the crossbar.126 Various straps held the crossbar in place, and there was evidently some apparatus at the rear as well, shown in the Yi’nan relief. The transition from horse-drawn to ox-drawn vehicles is especially noticeable in the lubu 鹵簿, or regulations concerning the makeup of processions, from those of the emperors down to the lower official ranks, as presented in the various histories. These were detailed regulations concerning the number and types of vehicles, their decor, and the size of the remainder of the entourage, mounted and on foot, including honor guards and musicians. These processions were an important symbol of status.127 One such procession is depicted in the tomb of Tong Shou, of the fourth century (fig. 11.9). As Liu Zenggui has pointed out, in the Qin and Han sumptuary regulations regarding clothing, seals and vehicles replaced the bronze vessels as indicators of status, and monographs on clothing and vehicles made their appearance in the standard histories.128 The sumptuary laws during the Six Dynasties period made many grade distinctions relating to the vehicles, dictating the type and shape of vehicle, whether the occupant stood or sat, the draft animal and number of such animals, the sort of cover and draperies, the color of the body and of the wheels and hubs, and the insignia. The southern states rather closely followed the Qin-Han codes, while the northern states made more changes. The Northern Zhou, for example, took as its model the Zhouli 周禮, and the Sui made the number of drivers/grooms a mark of distinction, one that is not mentioned in accounts of the Han-Jin or southern states.129 A screen or awning (xian 幰) used as a shield from the weather took several forms, set above both the animal and the vehicle or the vehicle only. A curved canopy attached to the sides of the vehicle in the form of an arch also occurred.

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12.7. Rendering of a model of a yaoche, Northern Wei, Guyuan, Ningxia (after Wenwu 1988. 9:38, fig. 1)

Even these covers were subject to sumptuary laws, their type and color dependent on the status of the owner of the vehicle. In the Northern Wei and Northern Qi, for example, officials of grade eight and below were not permitted to use any awning.130 The pottery models of carts found in the tombs generally have the same structure as those depicted in the art. A model of the yaoche, or chariot type, the sort in which Tong Shou rode, was found in a Northern Wei tomb at Ningxia (fig. 12.7).131 The majority of the models, however, are of the covered-cart type. In them, the two shafts extend from the sides of the box to the sides of the ox. The wheels are quite high, taller than the ox, since the shafts are relatively parallel to the ground. The spokes, usually sixteen in number, radiate from large, protruding hubs. The axle, as was the case in earlier chariots, does not rotate but rather consists of an axletree anchored to the bottom of the body. The body of the vehicle is sometimes uncovered but usually closed, with a door or door and window in front and a door at the rear. The covering is of cloth supported by a framework and either round or flat on top. In many there is a slight overhang in front, sometimes at the back as well, no doubt to keep rain out of the openings. The driver sits in a sort of box or step at the front or, as one frequently sees today in China, walks alongside the animal.132 An awning in some cases extends from the roof of the cart out past the ox, protecting it from the sun. The front end of such an awning is held up by long poles fastened to the box of the vehicle. A full awning (tongxian 通幰), an extensive sunscreen over the whole of the vehicle, can be seen in the Sima Jinlong screen133 and in a mural from a Jin tomb at Jiayuguan.134 The extra protection from the sun’s rays must have been especially welcome in that desert area. There is a lively depiction of an oxcart on a Northern Wei coffin couch from Luoyang (fig. 12.8).135 The ox seems to have a head halter and a band connected to the ends of the yoke; the band then runs under the neck of the animal, no doubt to prevent the yoke from slipping off the hump. There seems to be a

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12.8. Rubbing depicting an oxcart from a Northern Wei coffi n couch, Luoyang (after Huang Minglang, Luoyang Bei Wei shisu shike xianhuaji, 79, fig. 87)

curtain hanging over the door at the back, perhaps to keep out dust or to maintain some privacy. In an actual case, a miniature armrest was found inside the cab of a model vehicle, though the discomfort of the ride in such a vehicle was probably not much ameliorated by the use of such armrests. Since such carts continued to be used until recent times, there are firsthand accounts of how uncomfortable they were. Imperial conveyances must have been much more elaborate. There are contemporary descriptions of such vehicles being drawn by teams of twelve oxen, two elephants, six horses, or fifteen horses.136 The popular term for ox, huangniu 黃牛, includes both Bos taurus and Bos indicus, or zebu, as well as their cross, sometimes referred to as Bos chinensis.137 The huangniu of central China was characterized by a cervico-thoracic muscular hump, one that extends onto the neck and was the result of the crossbreeding of the thoracic-humped zebu and the humpless Bos taurus that was originally found in China.138 Placing the yoke in front of this hump enabled the animal to pull a load with efficiency. The pure zebu is still found in the southern part of China and is closely related to that of Southeast Asia, from where it no doubt

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came. There is a reference to the zebu, termed fengniu 犎牛, in the commentary to the Erya 爾雅, by Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324), who placed them in southernmost Guangdong and Guangxi.139 If the breed was found only so far south as late as the fourth century, when did the interbreeding with Bos taurus take place that produced the animals so well suited as draft animals for the oxcart? These vehicles were often called bullock carts, bullock referring to a castrated bull. Other terminology differentiated between a steer, the name for a castrated bull in its first two or three years, and an ox, its label thereafter. The male of the hybrid species had a larger hump and was stronger than the female, or cow, and so was more suitable for yoking. A number of factors have been suggested to explain the shift of draft animals from horses to oxen. Before the Six Dynasties period oxen had been used by the general population, but, remarkably, during this period ox-drawn vehicles came to be employed in imperial processions and as the ordinary means of conveyance of the elite. The unsuitability of the south for raising horses and the resulting paucity of the animal might appear to be a reasonable hypothesis, but the shift occurred also in the north, where horses should not have been any less available than in the earlier period. As Liu Zenggui has astutely pointed out, a shortage of horses there would have made them even more prestigious, and yet the elite turned to ox-drawn vehicles. It has been suggested that the change from horsedrawn vehicles to those employing an ox was the result of the heavy losses of horses during the constant warfare that raged from the late Han to the Jin.140 Liu has brought forward other possible reasons: the center of gravity of an ox-drawn vehicle is lower, it is easier to drive, it has a larger carrying capacity, and is thus more spacious and comfortable. He also raises the possibility of influences from Taoism (Laozi riding an ox-drawn vehicle off to the West) and Buddhism (the ox being one epithet of the Buddha), but he does not give these serious consideration. Liu believes rather that the more significant basis of the change was one of social perception and attitude. The emergence of an ideal of purity and merit as the criterion for selection to official position meant that ostentatious display of wealth and position was rejected, and frugality became an indicator of purity. This new perspective thus led to the elite choosing to use the ox-drawn vehicle, which in turn led to its general adoption by all levels of society.141 Lao Gan, in an addendum to Liu’s article, indicates that he is not convinced and falls back on the paucity of horses due to the troubled times.142 By the start of the Six Dynasties, at any rate, horse-drawn vehicles had all but disappeared.143 The vehicles described above are all two wheeled, but what is apparently a three-wheeled conveyance appears in the pictures incised on a stone vault of 489 from Luoyang as well as on a stone tomb vault of the sixth century (fig. 8.12). As a part of a depiction of a paragon of filial piety, an aged father is seated in the contrapation, and it must have required someone to push it.144

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Sedan Chairs Another mode of transportation available to a few was the sedan chair ( jianyu 肩輿). The Songshu calls it a nianche 輦車, hence the term bunian 步輦, and traces its origins to a wheeled vehicle that had its wheels removed but adds that it is not known when this happened.145 This history also suggests that when Emperor Cheng 成 of the Han (r. 32–6 B.C.) invited his favorite concubine to join him in an excursion and she refused, saying he should be accompanied by a counselor, not a woman, this was the conveyance in which he rode. In the depiction of this incident in the scroll Admonitions of the Court Instructress, attributed to Gu Kaizhi, it is difficult to make out the details, but as seen more clearly on the Sima Jinlong screen, it is an elaborate box with a high back and an awning, and above that there is an umbrella, probably an insignia of status, the whole carried by four men shouldering two poles.146 A slightly simpler version of the sedan chair appears on a tile from Dengxian, also of a seat with an awning and, since no one is being carried, easily supported by four men (fig. 12.9). A tomb in Guangxi yielded a model of a stripped-down version of the sedan chair, a simple box with four legs and two men carrying it, though the nature of the carrying poles is not clear.147 The sedan chair appears several times in the Shishuo xinyu, in relation to events of the mid-fourth century, but there is no information there as to its construction or the number of men employed to carry it.148 When Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 was provided with a sedan chair to return home after visiting a provincial governor, a servant and two lads were dispatched to carry it. It was remarked that Tao gave every evidence of being pleased, not appearing to mind that he was not supplied with a more prestigious conveyance. Perhaps it was in the form of a banyu 版輿, or “board litter,” which

12.9. Rubbing of a tile depicting a sedan chair, Dengxian (after Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 41)

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also had a long history in China.149 The sedan chair remained a less-common means of transportation until it caught on in the Southern Song. The Six Dynasties period was the golden age of animal-drawn vehicles among the elite, but during the Tang, except for attendance at special rituals, horse riding became the usual mode of transportation. This undoubtedly was the heritage of the northern peoples who were so influential on the lifestyle of the Tang ruling house.150

Water Transport The designation of the south as the land of rice and water points to one of the clearest contrasts between the north and south. Unlike the dry loesslands of the north, where travel was usually undertaken by carts creaking their way over rutted roads, the major mode of travel in the south was by boat through a network of rivers and canals. The main thoroughfare, of course, was the Yangzi, called simply the Jiang 江, and running into it were its large tributaries, the Han, the Gan, and the Xiang rivers, with their own networks of tributaries and lakes along the Yangzi into which they drained that in turn served as important waterways. The capital at Jiankang was a focal point of a network of rivers and connecting canals that brought the produce of the rich San Wu area to its docks. Where necessary, locks (dai 埭) were built or portages made, with rules established to regulate the traffic and tolls for their upkeep; unfortunately, sometimes these tolls came under the control of local strongmen who exacted the fees for their own use.151 The itinerary of Li Ao 李翱, who went by water from Luoyang to Guangzhou in 809 and took a half year to travel the 7,000 li and then some, is perhaps suggestive of the situation in the Six Dynasties period.152 There are a number of anecdotes in the Shishuo xinyu about officials going by boat out to office or returning to the capital; in one case passage was taken on a trading vessel.153 As is still the custom, travelers were importuned to carry things as a service for others. One official, Yin Xian 殷羨, setting off from his post at Nanchang, in Jiangxi, was entrusted with over a hundred letters to deliver in the capital, which, however, he threw into the Yangzi once he reached Shitou 石頭, the port for Jiankang, saying that those that would sink would sink, and those that would float would float, that he was no postman, an act that was said to characterize his self-sufficiency.154 Travel by water was not without its risks, and the river provided a ready means to hide any crime committed on its waters. One story has it that a son was bringing the body of his father back home for burial when his servants killed him, threw his body overboard, and made off with his valuables. The son’s ghost reported the event to his mother, who in turn enlisted others to investigate and

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to punish the evildoers.155 In another story, a raft 1,000 paces in length was bringing material downriver for the building of a temple by an emperor of the Liang. A corrupt official brought trumped-up charges against the owner of the raft, had him executed, and confiscated the raft so as to gain credit for the gift. Happily, the ghost of the innocent victim appeared and the official died shortly after.156 But then, judging from similar stories of travel by land at that time, it was not much safer. The greater danger, however, may well have been from nature. As a later source said, “For boats used in Hukuang and Jiangxi provinces, which ply the great lakes and the Yangzi and often encounter unexpected storms, the proper measurements of the anchors, chains, sails, and masts must be strictly adhered to before a safe voyage can be undertaken.”157 Shipbuilding in China differed greatly from that in the West.158 In the West, the hull of a ship was formed by laying a keel, attaching ribs, and finally attaching strakes; the shape can be thought to derive from a hollowed log, the earliest form of water conveyance. The Chinese concept was completely different, taking its basic format from bamboo. While there were some exceptions, in general the hull of the traditional boat in China had neither keel nor ribs, but rather was flat bottomed and consisted of a series of bulkheads joined by strakes that thus formed watertight compartments. The front was square, forming a transom bow, and at the rear the wales continued beyond the square stern in a rising curve to form a stern-gallery overhang, from which was suspended the balanced rudder, that is to say one that was divided by the rudder post, perhaps a third of it being forward of the axis; the rudder was suspended so that it could be lifted by a windlass in shallow water. In some cases, in place of a rudder a long steering oar or sweep was used; this sweep was also used at times in conjunction with a rudder. Propulsion was effected by poles, oars, or a sail. The oarsmen stood along the sides, facing forward, either rowing or using long poles to punt the vessel forward. The Chinese also invented the sculling oar, manipulated in imitation of the motion of a fish’s tail; the process, termed yaolu 搖櫓, was in use in the third century and can still be seen today.159 To provide adequate room for the rowers, the deckhouses were often positioned toward the rear of the vessel; there were, in any case, poling galleries on both sides. If the vessel had a sail, the mast or masts were inserted into tabernacles and wedged against the bulkheads, obviating the need for rope supports. Sails were usually attached to yards that hung obliquely, that is they were lugsails, and they were of mat and batten construction: mats woven of reeds or rattan with strips of light wood as a stiffening to make the sails set flat. If the anecdote about Gu Kaizhi importuning his superior for the loan of a cloth sail is to be believed, cloth sails were apparently reserved for officials.160 No remains of boats of this period have been uncovered, such as have been found for the Song and later, but models found in Han tombs lend some support

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to the idea that naval architecture had developed by this time to the extent just outlined (fig. 12.10).161 A depiction of a boat on a Buddhist stela found at Chengdu provides a few additional details (fig. 12.11), such as the raked mast and high, upward-curved aft superstructure, but Needham expressed concern that the sail, fi lled out by the wind, was not the taut mat-and-batten sail he would have expected.162 Another notable depiction is that appearing in Gu Kaizhi’s painting Luoshenfu 洛神賦, “Rhapsody on the Spirit of the Luo River” (fig. 12.12). The difficulty here is that the two extant versions are Song copies of the eleventh or twelfth century of Gu’s fourth-century original, and so there is no guarantee that the ship Gu painted looked like that in the later copies. Such features as the raised balanced rudder at the rear, with what appears to be a sculling oar next to it, and the general configuration of the hull do, however, appear to be authentic.163 The size of the ship is not problematic, for much larger

12.10. Han model of a boat, Deqing, Guangdong (after Wenwu 1983. 10:96, fig. 2)

12.11. Detail of a rubbing of a stela depicting a boat, fi fth to sixth centuries, Chengdu, Sichuan (reproduced by permission from Nagahiro, Rikucho¯ jidai bijutsu no kenkyu¯, pl. 9 [1969 Bijutsu Shuppan-Sha, Ltd.])

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12.12. Detail of a painting attributed to Gu Kaizhi (Zhang Anzhi, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 138, pl. 96)

ones had been built at this time. Yan Zhitui (531–91+) said that southerners did not believe there could be tents that held a thousand people and northerners could not believe there were ships that contained 20,000 bushels (hu 斛) of grain—some 1,400 tons.164 Ships this size were probably used for ocean trade, with different parts of the state as well as with nearby countries such as Korea, Japan, and Annam.165 In 230 Sun Quan sent ten thousand men to search for some isles out in the ocean where it was reputed the expedition sent by Qin Shihuang had ended up. They returned the next year without having established contact, and the two commanders were executed.166 In 233 Sun, in an effort to establish friendly relations with the Gongsun 公孫 regime in Liaodong, sent an envoy with titles of enfeoffment and another ten thousand men ostensibly to bolster the Gongsun defenses against the Wei, a common enemy. This, too, came to naught when the Gongsun sent the head of the envoy to the Wei as a token of their loyalty.167 Undismayed, Sun also sent an expedition to the South Seas that brought back reports on over a hundred states.168 Guangzhou was an important port during this period, but much of the trade was probably carried by foreign ships. The famous voyage of 413 recounted by the monk Faxian 法顯 in his Foguoji 佛國記 was intended to sail from Ceylon to Guangzhou but ended up at Qingzhou, in Shandong. The ship had lost its way at sea and Faxian and his fellow passengers had faced death many times, an indication of the difficulties encountered by the ocean-going merchants of the time. The ship on which he had taken passage was not a Chinese one, revealed by the fact he had to act as interpreter once it had made landfall.169 It carried two hundred men and was not the largest of these foreign argosies, which were

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described in a work of the third century as being over 20 zhang (1 zhang at the time was approximately 2.4 m, so perhaps 48 m in length), rising 2 or 3 zhang above the waterline, looking from a distance like a “flying gallery” (gedao 閣道), and able to carry six hundred to seven hundred men and 10,000 bushels of grain.170 There is little information about Chinese ocean-going craft, but there is much on the naval forces of this period.171 Accounts of battles in the standard histories are generally meager about specific details, but naval encounters do seem to have been of interest to the historians. One example is the naval force assembled by the Jin to come down the Yangzi in their campaign against the Wu in 280. The governor of Ba 巴 Prefecture, upriver from the border with Wu, was ordered to construct ships (zhoujian 舟艦) for that purpose. They included huge warships 120 paces (bu 步) long (some 600 feet), capable of holding two thousand men, with towers for archers, wooden bulwarks, and four sally ports, and on which horses could be ridden. On the prow were painted strange beasts with the head of a fish hawk to frighten off the river deities; similar figures have been painted on junks down to modern times. The size of the oars ( ji 楫) surpassed any seen up to that time. Wooden shavings from the shipyard floated downriver and should have alerted the Wu court of this impending invasion, but the warning was ignored. When the fleet moved out to descend on Wu, the Wu forces attempted to hold back the ships by stretching iron chains across the Yangzi at narrow points and also planted iron spikes in the riverbed to rupture the hulls of the invading ships. The chains were broken by applying huge torches soaked in oil that melted the iron links, and the spikes were disposed of by skilled sailors who operated from large rafts that were fi lled with dummies dressed to resemble soldiers, no doubt to hold off the enemy while the clearing took place. The flotilla thus made its way down the Yangzi and played its part in the conquest of Wu.172 David Graff has pointed out that the battles generally consisted of the exchange of missiles and rarely involved boarding vessels or hand-to-hand combat. Archers were protected by battlements of wood or oxhide.173 The Jin attack on the Wu was mirrored in the Sui conquest of Chen in 588–89, in which again a fleet made its way down the Yangzi in conjunction with marine forces that took the fortifications along the river. By this time the larger ships had as many as five decks and carried trebuchets or mangonel artillery that lobbed projectiles from a sling powered either by manned ropes or a counterweight. Another tactic was to use large swinging picks, spike-bearing booms (paigan 拍 竿) that could act as grappling irons to hold the enemy vessel while subjecting it to raking fire.174 Setting enemy boats aflame by means of fire boats and ramming by ships called mengchong 蒙衝 were other tactics that were used. With the unification of the empire, the heyday of naval conflict on the Yangzi in the Six Dynasties period came to a close. To ensure that it would remain that

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way, in 598 the Sui ordered that all vessels in the south longer than 3 zhang (some 25 ft) were to be confiscated.175 For a time, then, only smaller rivercraft plied the waters of the realm.

ENTERTAINMENT Weiqi, a type of chess perhaps better known as Japanese Go, is a two-person territorial game played on a board marked with a grid. Its players alternate in placing black and white stones on the intersections of the lines of the grid. Territory is gained by occupying space with one’s stones without the possibility of being surrounded by the enemy. The game ends when all points are occupied and the winner is the one with the most territory. Weiqi became extremely popular during the Six Dynasties, and archaeological evidence indicates that the game developed into its modern form during this period. The earliest reference to it is in the Zuozhuan, Duke Xiang, twentyfifth year, 547 B.C., when the possible unfortunate consequences of actions taken without forethought are compared with making such a move in the game of yiqi 弈棋.176 Confucius thought that playing the game was at least better than complete idleness, and Mencius said that even in such a “minor art,” one needed to dedicate one’s full attention to it if one were to succeed in it.177 The game was popular in this pre-Han period but was seen only as a recreation, and no particular value was assigned to it. This attitude began to change in the Han; Ban Gu 斑固 praised it as an aid in cultivating one’s moral character, and Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166), in his rhapsody on the game, compared it to deploying troops on a battlefield.178 But it was in the Six Dynasties period that skill in it came to be seen as an essential accomplishment of a gentleman, so that by the Tang it was on a par with calligraphy, playing the zither, and painting.179 Manuals dedicated, at least in part, to the game appeared at the time, an early example of which is the Yijing 藝經, by Handan Chun 邯鄲淳 of the Wei state, of the Three Kingdoms period.180 Perhaps the most ambitious of such works was the Qipin 棋品, compiled by Liu Yun 柳惲 (465–517) on the order of Xiao Yan, Emperor Wu of the Liang, that ranked 278 men in nine grades according to their ability in the game.181 There are many examples in the literature regarding the discipline of mind imposed by the game, to the extent that playing with calmness and concentration in the face of crisis or momentous events became a topos. For example, when news of the victory over Fu Jian’s army at Feishui in 383 reached Xie An, who was in charge of military affairs of the area facing the enemy, while he was playing a game, he continued play with no change of demeanor.182 The other well-known anecdote in this vein concerns Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–63), who did not give way to his grief over his mother’s death until he had finished his game.183

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There are also incidents recounted of generals facing defeat calmly playing a game to show their confidence in the outcome and give heart to their men. The game also apparently caused addiction and other abnormalities. Emperor Ming of the Southern Qi (r. 494–98), who was not very good, was nevertheless encouraged to think he was a third-rank player. He went so far as to establish a Weiqi Prefecture, and a prince and various officials who were excellent players were given additional titles connected with that prefecture.184 Addiction among the population reached the point that it became a matter of great concern. Sun Quan, founder of the Wu state, convinced that the craze was interfering with state affairs, instructed eight officials to propose ways of bringing it under control.185 Another time, Wei Yao 韋曜, asked by the Wu prince Sun He 孫和 for his opinion on the game, said that people were so addicted that they were neglecting their study of the classics, forgetting to eat or sleep, and playing the whole day and on into the night by candlelight; he condemned the game as deleterious to the state.186 Tao Kan 陶侃 (259–334), who must have been somewhat of a martinet, berated any of his underlings whom he found playing that and other games, saying that weiqi was a game used by Yao and Shun to teach their imbecile sons.187 Emperor Ming of the Southern Qi was himself advised that “[according to tradition] Yao had used the game to teach his son Danzhu [丹朱, who was not very bright] that it is not what a ruler should be fond of.”188 Yan Zhitui, as was his wont, advised his sons to practice moderation, saying that weiqi was “a refined game. But it makes people self-indulgent and neglectful of other duties. You should not play it often.”189 The game underwent an important change during the Six Dynasties: sometime between the Han and the Sui, the board changed from having seventeen lines in each direction, with 289 crossings (called dao 道), to having the modern nineteen, with 361 crossings. A stone board with seventeen lines found in an Eastern Han tomb at Wangdu 望都, Hebei, was 17 cm in height and 69 cm to a side.190 That the board continued to have seventeen lines at the start of the Six Dynasties period is confirmed by the above-mentioned Yijing, by Handan Chun, who also said each player was to have 150 black stones or 150 white.191 A black stone was found in a Western Jin tomb at Yiyang, Hunan.192 Another find of stones has been reported from a Southern Qi royal tomb that contained thirty-six white stones of jade and forty-seven stones of a purplish black translucent vitrine material.193 In addition to the Wangdu example, a board was discovered in the tomb of Zhang Sheng (d. 595) at Anyang. It is made of buff ware, is 4 cm high, 10.2 cm to a side, and has nineteen lines. It also has the modern feature of a center crossing and strategic points at the four corners (four lines in from each side) marked by a small pit (fig. 12.13).194 Two literary texts bear on the question of the number of lines on the board. One is a Dunhuang manuscript, entitled Qijing 棋 經, possibly of Northern Zhou date, that says the board reflects the heavens in

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12.13. Model of a weiqi board, Sui, Anyang, Henan (after Kaogu 1959.10:543, fig. 3.14)

having 360 degrees, which would indicate a board of nineteen lines.195 The other is the Sunzi suanjing 孫子算經 that is listed in the Suishu bibliographic chapter; one of the problems contained in it asks for the number of crossings in a weiqi board and gives the answer as 361, also indicating a board with nineteen lines. This text, despite its title, may reflect a Sui context.196 The transition from seventeen to nineteen lines has generated much discussion, but it is clear that the date is sometime in the Six Dynasties period, and from the Tang on, usually only boards with nineteen lines seem to have occurred.197 Weiqi, like Western chess, is a board game that relies entirely on mental activity—no physical skill or luck (such as in the throw of dice) is involved, and this explains why it came to be held in such high esteem among the literati. But weiqi did not lend itself well to gambling, and for that purpose there were many other games popular in the Six Dynasties period. One that has attracted much attention is liubo 六博, a game characterized by a board usually termed TLV because of the design it carries, which is also seen in mirrors (fig. 7.23). The game was popular before and during the Han, and there are pottery figurines and illustrated tiles showing the game in progress. The players are invariably depicted in a high state of excitement (fig. 12.14). The equipment for what was known as the “big game,” beside the board, consisted of sticks (zhu 箸) some 12 cm in length, of ivory, wood, or other material, and inscribed with a variety of designs. The sticks were thrown to determine the moves of the draughtsmen (qi 棋) over the TLV pattern. If dice (qiong 煢) were used in place of the sticks, it was known as the “small game.”198 There are many illustrations of the game being played from the Han, but apparently only one from the post-Han, a painted brick from Tomb M7, Jiayuguan.199 There is evidence that the game continued to be popular into the Six Dynasties period, but it gradually lost its appeal. By the time of Yan Zhitui in the latter half of the sixth century, the rules of the game had been lost, and attempts to recapture them have been speculative.200 There has been some discussion of the relationship of divination and gaming, especially in relation to liubo, but it would seen that the connection in this case concerns the diagram of the board rather than the playing of the game.201 Another board game that relied on the toss of dice as well as a sense of strategy was shupu 樗蒲, identified by Mather as being originally an Indian game similar

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12.14. Model of figurines said to be playing liubo, Han, Lingbao, Henan (after Wenwu 1975.11:81, fig. 5)

to backgammon.202 This game first made its appearance in the Latter Han203 and became so popular that when the biographer of Ge Hong 葛洪 (284–363) wanted to emphasize his lack of worldly concern, he said Ge did not even know how many rows there were on the weiqi board or the names of the tosses of the dice (chi 齒) in shupu.204 The game used five strips of wood (wumu 五木) as dice; each was painted white on one side and black on the other, with some having a depiction of a pheasant or a cow (or calf). The various combinations equalled a set number of points, and these determined the movement of the pieces (ma 馬) on the board. The best toss was for all five strips to come up black (lu 盧).205 Addiction to gambling featuring this game and its consequences are the theme of a number of anecdotes in the Shishuo xinyu.206 The social costs led to its being forbidden, for example, in 405, 207 but to no avail. The martinet Tao Kan, mentioned above, also fulminated against shupu, in one instance confiscating and throwing the board into the river, along with utensils used to serve wine, apparently a common adjunct to the game, calling it the pastime of slaves who tended pigs and claiming it had been brought from abroad by Laozi.208 Other games required skill rather than the luck of the toss. Touhu 投壺, or “pitch pot,” was an ancient game mentioned in the Zuozhuan209 and fully described in the Liji. The Liji sets forth the claim that the ritualized conduct of the game would inculcate proper behavior and a set of moral values.210 The game’s contestants, in a very formal setting, tossed arrows at a jar, scoring points based on their success in having the arrows drop into its mouth. At some point a number of rings were added around the mouth and base of the jar, which

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offered the possibility of additional means of gaining points. A group of tomb figurines and some illustrated stones, all of the Han, show the game in progress.211 Yan Zhitui described in detail how greater demands were made on players’ skill over time, including having the arrow bounce out of the jar, and he cites some who could make this maneuver, called xiao 驍, happen over forty times in a row.212 The game is often linked to shupu, and its fans described as pleasure-seekers and lovers of music, evidently to illustrate their character.213 Something is known of the method of scoring because Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–86), in an attempt to revive the game, explained in detail the changes he proposed in his new version, thus revealing what had been the older rules.214 Nevertheless, touhu never became as popular as the other games and, despite his efforts, in time it ceased to be played. Among other games mentioned in this period was gewu 格五, perhaps also called saixi 塞戲. It may have been a derivative of shupu but with no tossed dice or strips of wood, only the moving of the counters. The decorum with which this game was played contrasted with the raucous atmosphere of a liubo contest.215 Mather has likened the game to checkers.216 Finally, there was danqi 彈棋, or “pellet chess,” in which pieces were flipped in a variety of ways onto a board. The popularity of these games is suggested by a description of tournaments of a sort sponsored by Zhuge Rong 諸葛融 (d. 253), who was in command of troops at Gongan, near the modern place of that name in Hubei, on the western border of the Wu state. When there was nothing happening beyond the borders, in the autumn and winter he held archery [practice] and hunts and war exercises, while in the spring and summer he invited guests for a large-scale meeting. Retired officials and soldiers on leave did not consider a thousand li to be too distant to come to take part. At each session he would screen the guests and, as they declared their abilities, he would group them and pair them up [according to their levels of expertise], some for board games [boqi 博弈, that is liubo and weiqi], some for shupu, touhu, or gongdan 弓彈.217 Once this was all sorted out, sweetmeats and clear alcoholic drinks would make the rounds. Rong circulated tirelessly, observing [the action] the whole day. 218 Much of the information in this chapter was derived from literary sources; the histories, the encyclopedias, or florilegia as they might more aptly be called, and works of literature such as the rhapsodies contain a wealth of information on the material culture of the Six Dynasties period, and much more could be said about the multitude of objects of daily use in this period, which were no less numerous than those of any other period. The only limitations here are those of time and space, which require bringing this chapter to an end.

13 BUDDHISM AND TAOISM

t can be argued that the most significant factor in the changes that came about during the Six Dynasties period was the introduction and spread of Buddhism. The religion permeated almost all aspects of society and culture, in material matters as in the realm of thought and religion. There were native traditions to be sure, in which Taoism played a significant part, but Buddhism was by far the more important.1 The sheer numbers are impressive. In the early sixth century the number of Buddhist establishments in Luoyang alone had more than doubled from some five hundred to over thirteen hundred.2 Many of the more significant finds of Buddhist relics have been in the northeast, especially in the modern provinces of Shandong and Hebei. This is partly the result of the high level of Buddhist activity in that area. During the Northern Qi, for example, it is said there were forty thousand temples, and some three million clergy were defrocked after the conquest of that state by the Northern Zhou in 577, which may indicate that as many as 10 percent of the population were in religious orders.3 In a variety of ways Buddhist religious practices served as a catalyst for the formation of organizations that brought together the various strata in society. The iconography and rituals of Buddhism provided a common frame of reference for rural and urban populations and likewise served to give greater strength to the bonds that united them.4 In the preceding chapters the impact of Buddhism on a number of areas, such as architecture, ceramics, and various aspects of the material culture, have been cited but much remains to be

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said if one is to do justice to the role of that religion in the lives of the people of the period. Little is said here about Taoism simply because few material relics connected with it have survived from the Six Dynasties period.

THE IMAGE OF THE BUDDHA In India for centuries after his death the Buddha (traditionally 563–483 B.C.) had been represented in art by symbols such as an empty throne, a riderless horse, or a pair of footprints. With the later development of Mahayana Buddhism, a religion of salvation by faith that said belief in the Buddha would gain one entry into a paradise, the need for a focus of worship brought about the creation of the image of the Buddha. First emerging in ancient Gandhara, in modern Afghanistan and Pakistan, the image was heavily influenced by a Hellenic tradition in that area dating back to colonies left behind by Alexander the Great in the fourth century B.C. A native Indian tradition, centered in Mathura, was also an important contributor to this new art.5 The figure of the Buddha was meant, to the extent possible, to exhibit the thirty-two important attributes of the Buddha (lakshana), such as the ushnisha, a fleshy protuberance on the crown of the head popularly believed to house his excess amount of brains, the urna, or curl between the eyebrows, recalling the caste mark in India, and curly hair. Another of the thirty-two attributes was the golden-hued body resulting from an aura of light emanating from within, which explains why the image of the Buddha was so often gilded. As the Buddha had originally been a prince and had worn jewelry, all discarded once he had become an ascetic, the weight of the earrings had distended his earlobes. A. B. Griswold has discussed in some detail the various forms in which the garments of the Buddha appear and provides a useful vocabulary by which to describe them.6 Given the iconic nature of the image, these styles were presented in strict accordance with the Vinaya code, meant to lay out all aspects of the lives of the monks and nuns, and further, these figures tended to follow closely the format of specific prototypical statues that had the reputation of having miraculous powers. The clothing of the monks in India, based on what the Buddha was believed to have worn, consisted of three pieces, all of which were rectangular, untailored sheets of linen, cotton, silk, wool, hemp, or canvas. The first of the three pieces was the dhoti, or undercloth (Pali antaravasaka), which was wrapped around the lower body and extended from above the navel to the calves. The excess was gathered into vertical pleats, accordion-like, either at the front or to a side, and the top hem was folded down and tucked in, with an optional cord to hold the garment in place. Over this was worn the upper garment or robe (Pali uttarasanga) and, optionally, the second or outer robe (Pali sanghati, also called

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kashaya; Chinese jiasha 袈裟 or sengzhizhi 僧衹只/支), termed shawl by Griswold. One can usually tell if both upper garments are being worn by an image by noting the number of lower hems that appear.7 The modes in which the upper garment appears vary considerably. The primary form is simply a kind of wraparound: the left hand holds the upper left corner, and as the sheet is wrapped around, the upper hem fits snugly around the neck, and the other upper corner, may, as it comes around, also be held by the left hand or simply tossed over the left shoulder. This is called by Griswold the covering mode (fig. 13.1). In other cases, the cloth comes around under the right arm, leaving the right shoulder and adjoining upper chest bare, referred to by Griswold as the open mode (fig. 13.2). There are minor variations of these modes, termed inflections by Griswold. If the right arm is extended under the lower hem of the covering mode, it is called the circumflex inflection because the robe takes on a circumflex shape (fig. 13.3). If the right arm is extended out over the top hem, it is called the opening inflection. If the whole arm is extended over a loosened neckline, forming a kind of sling for the arm, it is called the apostrophe inflection (fig. 13.4). If the right corner of the cloth is laid out over the left arm as it comes around the front of the body instead of being flung over the left shoulder, it is called by Griswold the hyphen inflection (fig. 13.5). In the final inflection, which might rather be termed a mode, the cloth is worn like a cape. In the Gandharan style, the Buddha usually appears with all three garments, only parts of the inner robe or upper garment appearing under the shawl. The standing Buddha almost always has the shawl in the covering mode, with the

13.1. Monk’s robes, covering mode (reproduced by permission from Griswold, “Prolegomena,” fig. 2b; © A. B. Griswold [Artibus Asiae])

13.2. Monk’s robes, open mode (reproduced by permission from Griswold, “Prolegomena,” fig. 3; © A. B. Griswold [Artibus Asiae])

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13.3. Monk’s robes, circumflex shape (reproduced by permission from Griswold, “Prolegomena,” fig. 2d; © A. B. Griswold [Artibus Asiae])

13.4. Monk’s robes, apostrophe inflection (reproduced by permission from Griswold, “Prolegomena,” fig. 4c; © A. B. Griswold [Artibus Asiae])

13.5. Monk’s robes, hyphen inflection (reproduced by permission from Griswold, “Prolegomena,” fig. 4c; © A. B. Griswold [Artibus Asiae])

folds of the cloth stretching toward the left shoulder, while the lower folds are occasionally symmetrical, what Griswold calls a catenarian fold system, though sometimes there is a single symmetrical fold system. The usual hand position has the right hand in the abhaya, or “have no fear” mudra, or symbolic hand position. In cases in which both hands are in a mudra, of either the dhyana, “meditation,” or dharma-chakra, “turning the wheel,” then the left hand of course does not hold the upper corners of the cloth (the cloth apparently did not slip off in actual practice). Seated representations usually display the open mode, that is with the right shoulder bared.

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In the Mathura style of representations of the Buddha, an undercloth and robe of the sheerest material are depicted. While the almost transparent cloth is often said to reflect the hot climate of that area, Griswold believes rather that it is meant to demonstrate the power of the dazzling radiance of the Buddha to shine through his garments. In some figures, the upper corner of the robe is doubled back over the shoulder and held by the left hand. Later developments in India are termed the Gupta and post-Gupta styles. They are characterized by the closed mode of the robe, which is transparent in these later models as well. The robe is worn in various ways, the left hand clasping different corners of the cloth, each of which is distinctive to a different region. The hair of the Buddha is depicted as a series of spiral curls, rather than in the earlier tresses. In China, the Buddha was very seldom portrayed in a nonorthodox robe, and representations usually followed the Gandharan style. Few images exhibit the thin robes of the Mathuran style. Further, the innate Chinese distaste for exposure of the body usually resulted in the closed mode of robe/shawl, although the clothing might be loose enough to reveal part of the chest. In addition to the Buddha, the new religious development also brought forth the figure of the bodhisattva. This was a being who had fulfilled all the requirements to become a Buddha and enter Nirvana but who had decided to remain in this world to help ordinary mortals to achieve salvation; in some ways bodhisattvas are analogous to saints in the Catholic Church. Bodhisattvas are easily distinguished from Buddhas because they are shown in the form of an Indian prince; that is, they are characterized by a crown and much jewelry. They are shown wearing the dhoti, have fluttering shoulder scarves, and a bare torso. They appear as a single entity or in pairs flanking the Buddha. Much more artistic freedom was taken in depicting bodhisattvas. Other figures that sometimes appear include disciples, monks, donors, and apsaras, flying deities analogous to angels but without wings.

Early Buddhist Images When Buddhism first reached China, the Buddha was apparently seen as only one of an array of deities to whom prayers for health, good fortune, and long life could be addressed, and the message of Buddhism was perceived through the medium of Taoist concepts and vocabulary. Only gradually did the teachings of the Buddha come to be understood on their own terms.8 Some of the earliest examples of Buddhist images have been found in Sichuan, and so they have attracted much attention because of their intrinsic interest as well as what they can say about the early introduction of Buddhism into China. There is some controversy over whether the Buddhism represented by these

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relics arrived in Sichuan by way of a southern or a northern route and thence down the Yangzi. Eight examples of these earliest images have been reported upon. A bronze money tree (qianshu 錢樹) with images of the Buddha was found in an Eastern Han cliff tomb at Hejiashan 何家山, Mianyang 綿陽, on the Fu 涪 River. This money tree, a symbol of wealth and prosperity, is composed of five interlocking sections of bronze, each with an identical figure of the Buddha (fig. 13.6).9 The image has an ushnisha, a rather oblong halo, the typical round shoulders, a robe covering both shoulders with a U-shaped series of folds in the center; the right hand is in the abhaya mudra, while the left hand holds an edge of the robe. Among the attached leaves is one depicting two immortals. An adjacent tomb yielded a money tree with the more customary image of Xiwangmu, the Queen Mother of the West.10 The remaining Sichuan Buddhist relics were found along the Min River and on the Yangzi. A pottery stand that had held a money tree was found at Pengshan 彭山 in another cliff tomb. It has a figure of the Buddha in a similar pose as in the preceding example but apparently without the halo. Two attendant figures, which had been interpreted as being the bodhisattvas Mahasthamaprapta and Guanyin (Avalokiteshvara), are more correctly seen as being two foreigners, or Hu, the one to the left a monk and the one to the right a layman in typical Central Asian clothing. The base has a tiger and a dragon facing a central bi-shaped ring, a motif usually associated with the throne of Xiwangmu (fig. 13.7).11 This is another example of the Buddha image being used in a context previously solely that of Xiwangmu. Additional bronze money trees were found in cliff tombs at Zhongxian along the Yangzi. Two were recovered in one tomb and one each in two other tombs. These money trees are composed of fourteen sections, each with a figure of the

13.6. Image of the Buddha on a money tree, Mianyang, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1991.3:6, fig. 19)

13.7. Pottery stand, Pengshan, Sichuan (after Kaogu 1963.6:332, fig. 4.1)

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Buddha (fig. 13.8), all very similar to those found at Mianyang. These remains have been dated to the Three Kingdoms period, the mid-third century.12 Some of the most striking images of the Buddha are those carved into the lintels of some of the cliff tombs at Leshan 樂山 along the Min River. One of these, at Mahao 麻浩, was at the entrance to the middle rear chamber of the tomb. It displays the abhaya mudra, the left hand holding the edge of the robe, and the figure has a round halo, ushnisha, rounded shoulders, and a robe covering both shoulders, much like the images described above (fig. 13.9).13 Two more images were found nearby, at Shiziwan 柿子灣; they are on the lintels of the central chamber and the left rear chamber.14 They have not survived as well as that in the Mahao tomb. E. D. Edwards has interpreted the placement of the image as meaning the Buddha served as a guardian and a guide to the afterlife.15 In the opinion of Wu Zhuo, the position of the Buddha upon the lintel of a burial chamber is significant because use of the image as a focus of religious observances in the front chamber of a tomb, which was reserved for making ancestral offerings, indicates it had become by this time an icon in worship.16 But what then is one to say about the other images depicted in relief in this tomb complex, for example the monster gripping the lintel over the entrance to the neighboring tomb chamber?17 A molded pictorial brick depicting a stupa, identified by the typical spire with its umbrellas (varsa-sthala) and pinnacle (chaitya, Chinese cha 剎), was found at

13.8. Image of the Buddha on a money tree, Zhongxian, Sichuan (after Dongnan wenhua 1991.5:56, fig. 1)

13.9. Rubbing of an image of the Buddha, Leshan, Sichuan (after Kaogu 1982.6:632, fig. 11)

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Shifang 什坊; it was said to come from bricks from two destroyed Han tombs. A lotus flower appears on each side of the stupa. Other such bricks are included among the hundreds that were used by the local people to build pigpens, cattle pens, stoves, and wall foundations.18 Since this brick was not excavated under controlled supervision, one must reserve judgment on it. A number of tomb figurines exhibiting, somewhat incongruously, characteristics associated with Buddhist iconography have also been found. A figurine from Leshan is clothed in a standard jacket with overlapping lapels and broad cuffed sleeves and a long skirt, but his right hand is in the abhaya mudra, and at the center of his cap is said to be an ornament shaped like a lotus flower.19 Or again, of some sixty-five figurines found in Tomb 5 at Tujing, Zhongxian, where a money tree was recovered, eleven females show what seems to be a large bump representing perhaps an urna on their foreheads, almost as if these bumps were beauty marks (fig. 13.10). The figurines are represented as doing all sorts of things, such as dancing, holding a mirror, beating a drum (fig. 13.11), holding a fan, urn, or shovel, or playing the zither. Other figurines have what have been identified as lotus flowers in their headdresses (fig. 13.12).20 Finally, a male figurine with such a mark is wearing a pointed cap and playing a flute.21 Similar flute players were found inside the models of two of the houses. Wu Zhuo has associated these male figures with Hu, or foreigners, calling attention to similar figures on the duisuguan, or figured jars; he sees the scenes in the model houses as some sort of Buddhist funeral service.22 This may seem to be a rather unsubstantiated claim since monks who might be expected to carry out such rituals do not wear such headgear, but his claim must be put into the context of his argument to be judged fairly. Involved here is the debate between the so-called southern transmission (nanchuan 南傳) and northern transmission (beichuan 北傳).

13.10. Figurine, Zhongxian, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:71, fig. 50)

13.11. Figurine, Zhongxian, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:68, fig. 34)

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13.12. Figurine, Zhongxian, Sichuan (after Wenwu 1985.7:66, fig. 27)

The Route of Transmission From the time Zhang Qian 張騫 reported to the throne in 126 B.C. that he had seen Sichuan materials in Bactria, it became apparent that there was a route from northeast India through Burma and Yunnan into Sichuan.23 In a 1990 article Ruan Rongchun considered the origin of the early images of the Buddha in China, including the Sichuan examples but also those further down the Yangzi, and even in southern Shandong, and advocated what he called a southern transmission, such that the earliest Buddhist influences came via the Burma-Yunnan route rather than by way of the better-known Silk Road. He argued that the images thus far found, dating from the Three Kingdoms period and into the Western Jin, derive from the Mathuran tradition in India, not the Gandharan of Afghanistan. He pointed to such characteristics shared by the Mathuran and Chinese styles of the earliest period as the spiral ushnisha, shallow folds on the drapery, lack of the preaching mudra, and the presence of lion (and dragon) heads as a part of the throne. He did agree with other scholars that there was little understanding of Buddhism at this stage and that the Buddha was simply taken to be on a par with other Chinese deities. By insisting that these Buddhist images reached China only in the third to fourth centuries, he had a problem with the various examples that have been dated as late Eastern Han. He claimed they are of uncertain date, even going so far in one case as to say that the object was an intrusion into a Han tomb.24 Ruan’s article created quite a stir, led to several conferences both in China and in Japan, and motivated a number of other scholars to write articles exploring various aspects of this hypothesis. The journal Dongnan wenhua, in which his article first appeared, even established for a time a special section in each issue for articles on the subject. Wu Zhuo, disagreeing with Ruan, argued for a more northerly route. Marshaling evidence from a variety of sources, he demonstrated that there was a route leading from the Taklimakan down through Qinghai to

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northwestern Sichuan, the location of the Shu-Han state of the Three Kingdoms period, thus lending significance to the discovery of the earliest remains along the Min River; he further called attention to a substantial population of foreigners, presumably Central Asians, in Sichuan at this period. He also argued that these earliest Buddhist images were post-Han in date, in order to accommodate the material to the date of the route he had established. This route, which Tang Changru has termed the Henandao 河南道, was used historically when the Gansu corridor route was in unfriendly hands and may at times have been seen as a preferable one. The discovery of what are taken to be early Buddhist images at Ping’an 平安, Qinghai, near Xining 西寧, strengthen the argument for this route.25 To counter this challenge to the southern transmission argument, He Zhiguo responded by taking issue with Wu on every point. He established the existence of a route through Yunnan and Burma to India and cited support that the route indeed may have existed as long ago as the Neolithic period.26 He also denied that the early evidence, such as the Mahao tomb, could have been as late as Shu-Han given the size of such tombs and the difficult straits in which that state found itself. Further, he argued it was not surprising that the early evidence came from the Min River area since it was the economic and cultural center of that area. Finally, as for the presence of Hu figurines, he maintained they could well have been based on men of Indian origin as much as on those of Central Asia.27 The advocates of the southern transmission theory have difficulty accounting for early traces of Buddhism in the north. There is, for example, the haloed figure on a column in the Yi’nan shrine in Shandong. While it does not much resemble the usual image of the Buddha, there is another just below in a kneeling pose that has its right hand in what seems to be the abhaya mudra; and although without a halo, it does exhibit what appears to be flames emerging from both shoulders, a feature observable in later representations of the Buddha (fig. 13.13).28 Other related images that might be mentioned here are the figure of a six-tusked elephant incised on a stone found at Tengxian 滕縣, which seems to relate to the hagiographical account of the conception of the Buddha, and a plate of sharira (sheli 舍利), or crematory relics, in a mural at Holingol.29 The rhetoric has heated up concerning the path of transmission, but there is as yet no undisputed winner. Still, the question has elicited much scholarly interest and many useful studies. Moving down the Yangzi, modern Echeng (called Wuchang in the Six Dynasties period) served for a time (221–29) as the capital of Wu and was an important garrison for the mid-Yangzi basin. It is said that a Buddhist temple, containing two statues of the Buddha was established there as early as 220; the temple was

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13.13. Images possibly of the Buddha, Yi’nan, Shandong (after Zeng Zhaoyu, Jiang Baogeng, and Li Zhongyi, Yi’nan gu huaxiangshimu fajue baogao, pl. 67, fig. 56)

the first of six of the Wu-Jin period.30 There is also evidence foreign monks traveled there to preach and to translate sutras.31 The temples no longer exist, but other evidence of Buddhist influence in that period has survived. A curved, almond-shaped gilded bronze plaque containing a reticulated figure of the Buddha was found in a tomb at modern Echeng dated 262 (fig. 13.14).32 It is 3.05 cm long, 3.1 cm wide, and 0.1 cm thick. The Buddha, who is standing on a drum-shaped pedestal with two flowers at his side, has an ushnisha, halo, and flowing ribbons. The purpose of the plaque is unknown.33 In the same tomb were found four figurines of kneeling attendants with an urna on their foreheads (fig. 13.15). Other evidence of Buddhist imagery in the ordinary ware of the time includes a ceramic incense burner with a figure said to be of a Buddha perched on its rim found in a late Wu period tomb (fig. 13.16),34 and embossed figures of the Buddha on ceramic vessels of the Western Jin (fig. 13.17). Echeng has also been associated with the manufacture of bronze mirrors, some of which displayed depictions of the Buddha.

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13.14. Reticulated bronze plaque with the figure of the Buddha (after Jianghan kaogu 1989.1:1, fig.)

13.15. Kneeling figurine with urna, Echeng (after Kaogu 1959.4, pl. 7.3)

13.16. Incense burner with figure of the Buddha (after Dongnan wenhua 1994.1:121, fig. 3)

13.17. Ceramic vessel with embossed figure of the Buddha, Dongnan wenhua 1994.1:121, fig. 4)

Mirrors with the Buddha Image The image of the Buddha that appears on mirrors is closely linked in its development with the depictions of the Queen Mother of the West (Xiwangmu) and the King Sire of the East (Dongwanggong) that were featured on mirrors as early as the Western Han. Over time the Buddhist iconography became distinctive, but during a transitional period there was a certain amount of borrowing.35 These mirrors can be divided into three types: A. deity-animal (shenshou) design with a triangular rim; B. deity-animal with a flat rim; and C. beast and phoenix (kuifeng 夔鳳) design. Many of the mirrors have been found in Japan, and their dating and place of origin add some complicating dimensions to the analysis. Wu Hung has noted that the Japanese mirrors of type A, which show the Queen Mother of the West and the King Sire of the East, with their characteristic threepointed crown and winglike waves (or flames?) at their shoulders, came to depict these figures with hands resembling the dhyana, or meditation, mudra, a robe of Indian style, and a halo, such that at times the identification of the figure

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is in doubt. With the appearance of the iconic ushnisha, the identity of the Buddha becomes clear. One example of this type found at Nara has six nipples dividing the mirror into six fields, three of which have mythical beasts and the other three figures of the Queen Mother of the West, the King Sire of the East, and the Buddha.36 Mirrors of type B found in Japan but also thought to be of Chinese manufacture do not display such ambiguity. These mirrors have four nipples about which a mythical snakelike animal coils and that divide the face of the mirror into four sections. In two of these sections there is a Buddha with an ushnisha and a halo seated on a lotus throne with an attendant at his side. These two sections alternate with two in which a standing Buddha is shown with a seated figure on either side, all three of which have an ushnisha and a halo.37 A mirror of this type but with some differences found at Echeng38 has a mixture of deities, only one of which can be identified with the Buddha.39 Wu dates this series of mirrors as late Eastern Han down to the end of the third century. Type C mirrors, the beast and phoenix mirrors, are quite different in appearance. They are executed in a flat relief, without the plasticity of the others. They are characterized by an inner field of four quatrefoils, in each of which is a figure of the Buddha, alone or with an attendant. Between the quatrefoils appear paired phoenixes, giving this type half its name. An outer field, adjoining the flat rim, is composed of attached half circles containing figures of mythical and real animals, supplying the other half of the name (fig. 7.31). These, too, are considered to be the product of the Wu state of the third century.40 Wu Hung has concluded that the mixed depiction of the Buddha with other deities such as the Queen Mother of the West and the King Sire of the East, even to the extent of sharing iconic elements, indicates that at this period there was little differentiation made among the deities in the appeal for long life and good fortune. The use of what were at the time exotic motifs most probably reflected a sense of their potency on a par with other supernatural beings rather than an expression of Buddhist religious fervor.41 Thus, in the early years in the south, from the Wu through the Eastern Jin into the Southern Dynasties period, Buddhist themes were increasingly important as a decorative element. There are examples of images of the Buddha embossed on hunping vessels, also called storage jars (gucang), and others, especially the yu 盂 wide-mouthed jars and even spittoons.42 There are also figurines displaying the urna, or caste mark between the eyes, one of the physical marks of the Buddha. According to Yang Hong, the lotus flower design came to replace the image of the Buddha as a decorative device after the Western Jin, when a deepening religious belief led to more respect for the Buddha.43 The use in the third century of the image of the Buddha as an ornament in the south became less common in the mid-fourth century and disappeared by

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the fifth century. In striking contrast, examples in the north reveal that, from as early as the fourth century the image of the Buddha was employed as an iconic figure and not as a decorative element. This difference between the north and south must reflect a difference in the role of Buddhism as well, but that topic remains to be fully explored.44

Literary Sources for Buddhist Images Traditionally in China, sculpture served, unlike in the West, only rarely any celebratory or memorial function. One does not find statues of emperors or meritorious generals; rather, sculpture, always by anonymous craftsmen, was of a religious nature, whether in the form of tomb figurines meant to accompany the dead to the other world, as figures marking the “spirit way” of imperial tombs, or, most important, as iconic objects of Buddhist and to a lesser extent Taoist worship. Buddhist images, whose development was intimately tied to the spread of Buddhism in China, had a central role in religious observances.45 The literary record of the early production of iconic images of the Buddha in China is unclear. The statement that during the reign of the Han emperor Huan (r. 147–67) images of the Buddha were made of gold and silver cannot be considered reliable because the source is a relatively late one.46 Another point of uncertainty is whether these had been brought into China from the West. The Fayunsi 法雲寺 Monastery in Luoyang, founded by the monk Tanmoluo 曇摩 羅 (Dharmarakshita) during the Jin dynasty, contained a number of religious relics and objects, including xiang 像, or images, that were specifically said to have been brought from the West.47 However, the report that Ze Rong 笮融 made a figure of bronze in 193 has been taken by some as evidence of such casting in China by that time.48 Another early statement concerning the production of a metallic image of the Buddha in China is dated 266, when the court official Xun Xu 荀勗 is said to have cast twelve images of the Buddha and bodhisattvas, which were then placed in a temple in Luoyang. Alexander Soper has expressed serious reservations about the authenticity of this event.49 Soper has collected from a wide range of written sources references to Buddhist art of the Six Dynasties period. The reports for the most part relate to miraculous events involving these images: emission of light, appearance to devotees at critical moments, and sweating and weeping to signal coming ill fortune. Some images were said to have been originally fashioned at the behest of King Ashoka and discovered floating at sea or buried underground. Others were fashioned or cast at the behest of wealthy patrons, by monks, or through subscription with donations from many individuals. In at least one case, the monk Fagui 法匱 “took up a collection to make a sandalwood image, and when it was completed he held a great maigre feast.”50 It might be that monks were often the

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prime movers in initiating such projects. Dai Kui 戴逵 (d. 395) and his son Yong 顒, members of the elite, were mentioned as being highly skilled in fashioning images of the Buddha, but in general the names of the artists were not given. The renowned images cited in the literature were eagerly sought after and in some cases moved from city to city as changing events dictated. For example, one image was said to have been found at sea near Guangzhou in the early fourth century and taken in tow by the governor of the area, who installed it in a temple at Wuchang when posted there. The famous monk Huiyuan 慧遠 had it moved, by prayer, to Mount Lu 廬. In the Sui it performed a miracle, saving the life of a devout monk threatened by bandits. It is mentioned as still surviving in the early Tang.51 In another case, the sandalwood image brought by Kumarajiva from Kucha, said to have been made for King Udyana, went to Liangzhou, to Chang’an, and then to Jiankang. After some further adventures, during the Sui it was installed in a temple at Yangzhou.52 The discussion in the Buddhist sources of these famous images and other contemporary works indicates that each of them had a known provenance and history, including relevant miraculous happenings, which explains the high degree of reverence accorded them. While some of the images survived over the centuries, even into the Tang, none of those mentioned in the early records appear to have survived to the present time. The records also mention that pride of place, especially in the south, was given to gilded bronze statues 16 Chinese ft high (approximately 3.8 m). Bronze in quantities great enough for the casting of large-sized statues was difficult to obtain. It was the material used for coinage, of course, and inadequate supplies of coin created economic problems.53 In one case it is said that the shrine of a deity perhaps connected to the Man tribesmen was raided to obtain the requisite metal.54 When there was not enough bronze, the size of a planned image was in some cases reduced.55 The casting of such large images was sometimes a tricky business. Emperor Ming (r. 465–72) of the Song had planned to have cast a 14 Chinese ft (3.39 m) image, but the project had failed. In 509 permission was received to recast the image into one of Amitabha of 18 Chinese ft (4.1 m). It had been estimated that forty thousand catties of bronze would be adequate, but when the metal was poured it reached only to the chest. The populace rushed forward with contributions, but they were inadequate. Finally another three thousand catties were allocated by the court, but it would seem that the delivery of the promised bronze came from a supernatural source because the officials were still in the process of fi lling the order when the metal arrived on carts that subsequently vanished. The additional metal proved adequate and the casting was completed. There is no information on the technical aspects of the process, but it is supposed that a full-sized model was made of clay, the surface was then coated with wax of the thickness to be replaced by the bronze, and a system of projecting

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wax rods or sprues was created to allow air to escape and the metal to be properly distributed. Clay was then plastered on to form the outside of the mold. The whole was then heated to allow the wax to flow out, leaving a space to be fi lled with the molten bronze. It would appear from the above account that the bronze did not need to be added in a single pouring. The fi nal step involved breaking open the mold and removing the inner clay core. In the case described above, when the mold was opened, two coins that had not melted were visible on the hem of the image’s robe. As with other images, miraculous events were associated with it. Even the clay model had emanated a divine light. When the time came to move the statue to the Guangzhaisi 光宅寺, the former residence of Emperor Wu (r. 502–49) of the Liang that he was making into a temple, the renowned monk Sengyou 僧佑, to whom the supervision of the casting had been entrusted, saw lights at night and heard voices, but on looking into the workshop, saw nothing. Others reported hearing the sound of many men working to enable the image to pass under a bridge that might otherwise have hindered the move, but again nothing was seen. The nimbus and pedestal were made later and added to the statue.56 The sources also mention Gaozong 高宗 (r. 452–65) of the Northern Wei having five images of Shakyamuni made, each 16 Chinese ft (4.4 m) tall, using a total of twenty-five thousand catties of copper (chijin 赤金), which would seem too little, and emperor Xianwen (r. 466–71) of the same dynasty commissioning a huge image 43 Chinese ft (11.83 m) tall that consumed one hundred thousand catties of bronze and six hundred catties of gold. Soper conjectures that this last may have employed craftsmen taken prisoner in the south.57 None of these large statues have survived to the present, no doubt because bronze was worth its weight in cash. Even at the time, according to reports, bronze images were melted down. For example, there are reports of thieves stealing images in order to melt down the bronze to cast coins.58 When the army of Xiao Yan, eventual founder of the Liang dynasty, ran out of funds, his brother melted down a large Buddha image at Xiangyang to recast the metal into coins. As Soper suggests, this must have been a common occurrence.59 There was clearly a demand for bronze and other materials with which to display religious devotion. Emperor Xiaowu (r. 454–64) of the Liu Song had thirty-two gilded images cast for the Waguansi 瓦官寺, which made it the foremost of the 480 temples in the capital.60 A description of the Hedongsi 河東寺 at Jiangling, founded in 383 and which in the Sui housed some thirty-five hundred monks of its own and many more transient ones, gives one a sense of the opulence that obtained even at this early period: The main hall is thirteen bays long, and has cross-beams fifty-five feet in length running between two rows of columns only. With its brackets and

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bearing-blocks piled up in tiers, it is the very crown of the realm. It was built by a disciple of the Heaven-filling monk Tao-an, the Dhy a¯ na Master [Tan]-i, and has stood from the Chin until the T’ang without suffering damage. The pagoda in front of the hall was erected by [Liu] I-chi, Prince of Ch’ien under the Sung [426–448]. The clay images inside it were made by craftsmen from the Tu´sita Heaven. Inside the Buddha hall there are many gilded bronze images with jewelled curtains [held up by] angels, and festoons of real pearls: all these made by the deities of the Lokapalas’ realm.61 Although the ornate temples and impressive images attracted the worship of devotees, Emperor Jianwen 簡文 (r. 560) of the Liang, while still a prince, registered his annoyance that the temples were often made inaccessible, the images being displayed only on the Buddha’s birthday, after which they were stored away and the temple doors barred. He suggested that close-fitting glass windows and gauze nets would keep dust and birds away, invalidating the claim that the images would suffer if left out. It was therefore proclaimed that the temples thereafter were to be made accessible to the public.62 On the other hand, in order to curb excesses and to control the use of wealth for such religious use, the government occasionally issued warnings that the building of temples and the casting of statues required special permission, as was done in 435 and in 478.63 The literary records speak also of large images in stone, wood, and lacquer and, toward the end of the Six Dynasties period, of huge woven representations. Emperor Xiaoming 孝明 of the Northern Zhou in 560 had a cloth made depicting a 21 Chinese ft (6.174 m) Vairochana Buddha, and Emperor Wu (r. 560–78) ordered a brocade woven with a 16 Chinese ft (4.7 m) Shakyamuni surrounded by 220 other figures. This is the same emperor who, in 574, declaring that devotion to the Buddha was within the heart and did not require the huge expenditures made by the ignorant populace, ordered that all scriptures and images be destroyed.64 This proscription was extended to the northeast when the Northern Qi fell in 577; the clergy was secularized and the Buddhist images melted down or cut up. By the time the south was conquered in 589, the Sui dynasty had lifted the ban and therefore that region escaped any like destruction. Yet, what remains of the art of the period is largely in the north, not in the south.

Surviving Buddhist Images in Bronze Turning from the literary sources to surviving examples, it would seem that small bronze votive statuettes, most often gilded, measuring anywhere from 8 to 30 cm, must have been cast in large numbers to provide devotees with a focus for private worship and divine assurance of protection and good fortune for members of the family. Those commissioning these figurines earned religious

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merit, which could be used to ease the fate of deceased parents and relatives in the afterlife and to plead for future salvation of family members and even all living beings.65 The inclusion of the date and name of the patron in the prayer most often inscribed on the front of the pedestal may indicate that these pieces were meant for a more public display than that provided within the household, but this remains an unresolved problem.66 As with so many other forms of Buddhist iconographic representations, the bronze statuettes have been found almost entirely in the north, primarily in Hebei, Shandong, and to a lesser extent, in Shanxi and Shaanxi. A few examples said to date from the southern Liu Song have surfaced, but they are the exception, and the authenticity of even some of these few has been questioned.67 Certainly many such statuettes were cast in the south. For example, Emperor Ming 明 (r. 494–98) of the Southern Qi dynasty had a thousand gilt Buddha images cast.68 As has been suggested, diversion of bronze in the south for this purpose could well have exacerbated the economic difficulties that seem to have been caused by a short supply of the metal. While this may explain the rarity of such figurines in the south, it does not explain why they do not occur over a wider area in the north, and we may have here a case of a regional predilection in the northeast for using bronze rather than stone or other material for such votive figures. The Buddha and other iconic figures were portrayed at this early period either sitting (almost always the Buddha, but also Maitreya) or standing. The earliest dated figurine thus far is of 338 of the Later Zhao (fig. 13.18).69 A similar example of this early seated posture, a gilded bronze of 13.4 cm probably of the fourth century, was collected at Baoding 保定, Hebei. The Buddha is portrayed sitting in the lotus position on a lion throne, with a large ushnisha, rounded shoulders, head slightly forward, a faint smile on his face, and hands in the dhyana, or meditation, mudra. His robe has a round collar and forms a series of U-shaped symmetrical curves in front. Folds run from the shoulders to the elbow, steplike

13.18. Drawing based on a gilt bronze figure of the Buddha, dated 338, in the Avery Brundage Collection of the Asian Art Museum, San Francisco

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in cross-section, and then flare out over the wrists. The legs are completely covered by the robe. The pedestal is square with two lions sitting at either end. The figure is backed by a round, low nimbus at the top of which is a Buddha incarnate (huafo 化佛, Sanskrit nirmanabuddha) sitting on a lotus throne, and to the sides are flying apsaras. These last three elements were cast separately and then soldered onto the nimbus, which in turn was attached to the statuette by means of two rods. There is an indication that originally the whole had been set on a platform, probably with legs.70 At the time it was made, the whole assemblage may have resembled the piece unearthed at Jingchuanxian 涇川縣, Gansu, in 1975, which has a stand, halo, and nimbus in one piece and an umbrella (huagai 華蓋) (fig. 13.19).71 The Gansu seated Buddha typifies the early stage of bronze figurines in a number of ways. The nimbus is short and squat, the figure is seated on a lion throne, the whole figure is placed on a square pedestal that in turn sits atop a stand modeled after a ta, or “bench” (described in chapter 8). At this time the bench had rather thick and flared legs. Sometimes figures of bodhisattvas or of devotees were incised on the legs, and quite often the dedicatory inscription was also incised on the legs and crosspiece. There are examples of a seated Buddha from Hebei and Inner Mongolia, dated as Northern Wei, in which the shawl has a loosened neckline and the right hand extends over the top hem, in the apostrophe inflection. In both cases, the right hand is in the abhaya mudra, while the left hand holds the corner of the shawl, which, in the representation, has been tossed over the left shoulder and then passed down around the left arm to the hand. The upper garment inside the shawl crosses the body at a slant, leaving the right shoulder and upper right chest bare.72 These pieces exhibit an increase in the ornamentation of the platform and bench, as well as a “pinched waist,” as it is termed, between those two

13.19. Bronze figure of the Buddha, Jingchuanxian, Gansu (after Lin, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 122, pl. 101)

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parts, creating a sort of hourglass silhouette that remained characteristic of these statuettes for the remainder of the period (fig. 13.20). The other basic pose, the standing figure, generally represented the Buddha or Guanyin, the latter usually holding a lotus bud on a long stem in the right hand or otherwise identified by the crown on the head instead of the ushnisha. The nimbus of the standing figures, rather than coming all the way down to the base line, is quite often cut off just below the knees. The figure usually stands on a reversed lotus-flower base that in turn is placed on a ta bench, the overall effect of which is to produce that same hourglass silhouette noted in the seated figures (fig. 13.21). Over time the shape of the nimbus became slenderer and more leaf shaped (sometimes termed boat shaped), with the tip more pointed (fig. 13.22). The halo often has a design of lotus flowers or concentric circles with a variety of motifs. The nimbus came to feature a decor of flames that, in the more ornate pieces, shoot out beyond the border of the nimbus. The legs of the bench also became slenderer and lost their outward flare; the inner edge of the legs and the crosspiece were sometimes rendered in a scroll-like design, much like that of benches of the same period. The rear surface of the nimbus occasionally contained an image; a 489 representation of Guanyin, for example, has a siwei 思惟 bodhisattva on the back in high relief.73 One of the most interesting pieces because of its historical associations was found at Baoji 寶雞, Shaanxi, and is dated 578, during the last years of the Northern Zhou. It was dedicated by Yang Jian 楊堅, who established the Sui dynasty only three years later. At this time he held the title of grand constable

13.20. Gilt bronze figure of the Buddha, dated 484, Inner Mongolia (after Lin, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 111, pl. 92)

13.21. Bronze figure of the Buddha, dated 484, Boxing, Shandong (reprinted by permission from China Archaeology and Art Digest 3.1:42, fig. 6.1)

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13.22. Stages of development of the shape of the nimbus (reprinted by permission from China Archaeology and Art Digest 3.1:43, fig. 7)

(dasima 大司馬) and the post of commander in chief of South Yanzhou 兗州 in Anhui, so there is a question as to why it was found at Baoji. The inscription reads: “First [year] of the Xuanzheng [era] . . . ninth day, the grand constable and devotee Yang Jian as well as his elder and younger kinsmen on behalf of the imperial enterprise being eminently successful and desiring that the people will dwell in a good land and be eternally strong and avoid the [ocean] of suffering . . . to be born in the Buddha land, we respectfully have had made this image 74 of the Buddha’s dharma, one niche, as a record of our offering for all time.” The piece is 19.5 cm high (not 1.95 as given) and of a shape unlike any other. It is of a standing Buddha with two attendants, but rather than having a nimbus as a backing, there is a squat, leaf-shaped halo, and the two attendants appear like wings in silhouette, the whole having the look of a triptych. The pedestal

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has a trapezoidal shape. On the back at the top there is incised a pagoda with bodhi trees, with two women on one side and two men on the other. In the middle is a depiction of a temple, and at the lowest register a Buddha sits in a small pavilion while devotees stand outside. The bronze statuettes were cast, then fi led, rubbed, chiseled, and incised before being gilded. Multiple sand molds were used; the parts were welded together, details were incised, and ornaments were added. The art of these statuettes grew increasingly complicated; there are, for example, pieces with holes on the sides of the nimbuses where apsaras would have been attached as if flying in 75 midair. By the Eastern Wei, two-stage benches were used as pedestals. The statuettes must have been made in large numbers in many formats in order to satisfy the public demand. Since these images were not placed in tombs and were made of a material of intrinsic value that could be melted down to be used for other purposes, what has survived must be a small portion of what originally existed. The surviving pieces have been found in private collections, in stray finds, and in buried hoards associated perhaps with the Northern Zhou persecu76 tion of 575 or the disturbances at the end of the Sui. The largest find was a hoard of over one hundred pieces at Boxing 博興, Shandong, including ninetysix of the Buddha, of which forty-four had inscriptions and thirty-nine had dates. A figure of Laozi, dated 591, was included. This find permits a discussion 77 of changes in fashion and worship over time, divided into three periods. Among the pieces of the first period, 478–97, there is a sitting Guanyin and Shakyamuni Buddha as well as a standing Maitreya. The Buddha has a slender, ball-like ushnisha, robes covering both shoulders, with close folds, a style that is not seen after 542. The Guanyin wears a three-petaled crown, has a bare upper body with a necklace and scarf, and holds a long-stemmed lotus bud. The folds of its robe flare out in symmetrical fan shapes, which, in later examples, became vertical lines. During the second period, 497–550, the sitting Buddha became less frequent, while the standing figure, either alone or with two attendant bodhisattvas, increased in number. The ushnisha became flatter, the robe opened up, and the lower hem broadened out into symmetrical waves. The Guanyin figure with the abhaya mudra and varada, or “charity,” mudra began to appear with two attendant bodhisattvas. The face of the Guanyin image became thinner, and the crown came to be depicted with tassels on both sides, forming a sawtooth pattern. At this stage a scarf crosses over the chest and then curls over the arms at the side of the body. The long skirt developed a broad hem and a sawtooth pattern. Toward the end of this period, the sawtooth pattern softened. During the third period, 550–603, the solitary standing Buddha became the most frequent type, but the Buddha with two attendant bodhisattvas was almost as common. The ushnisha became even flatter, and the urna, often

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lacking before, grew large. The Buddha of this last period wears a cassock over both shoulders with the inner robe visible. The lower hem has shrunk and there are fewer pleats; by the end of the period there are almost no pleats on the image. As for the bodhisattvas, there was an increase in types over these periods. There are solitary standing bodhisattvas, solitary standing Guanyin, and Guanyin with two attendant bodhisattvas. From 530 on, the latter type became more common. In addition to the three-petaled crown, there was a floral crown, three-pearl crown, and an ushnisha with tassels on both sides. The torso in these examples is decorated with a scarf and harness of jewelry. The skirt is pleated, and the figure is variously depicted with the abhaya and varada mudras or holding a lotus bud, mani jewel, or a small jar. Over these three periods, the nimbus underwent distinct changes, from a rather squat shape, width and height about the same, and with a blunt tip to a narrower and pointed shape. Some of these gilded bronze objects of devotion were quite complex. One of the more elaborate altar pieces was found south of Xi’an and is dated 584. It consists of the figure of Amitabha sitting on a lotus throne flanked by the bodhisattvas Guanyin and Mahasthamaprapta and two guardians, or dvarapala. In their midst is a boshan 博山 censer. The bench on which the figures rest has a low railing open in the front and back, and two lions are seated below by the 78 front legs. Only 41 cm high, the set is exquisite in detail and execution. Despite their small size, these statuettes were assigned great potency and thus were not to be treated lightly. It was said that one bronze statuette, angered because it had not been gilded as promised, caused the death of the only son of 79 the householder and then gilded itself. The thieves who had robbed temples 80 of their miniature images, cited above, died horrible deaths. Such images were also credited with many beneficial miracles and were no doubt the focus of much devout worship. These and similar stories indicate that the icons were believed to be powerful, independent entities with their own personalities rather than 81 passive surrogates of transcendent Buddhist deities. Many of the stylistic changes these figures underwent during the centuries can also be observed in contemporary stone sculptures.

Buddhist Images in Stone Buddhist iconic art in stone of this period generally occurred as figured or sculptured stelae (bei 碑), as freestanding statuary, or in cave chapels, either of stone or of stucco. Just as in the case of the bronze images, Buddhist stone sculpture was largely a northern phenomenon. The majority have been found in Shandong, Hebei, Henan, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Gansu, Ningxia, and down into

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Sichuan. The few examples found in Jiangsu and Anhui were from the northern parts of those provinces and usually bore northern dynasties’ dates. Sichuan is an exception since there are instances of southern dynasty reign titles.

Buddhist Stelae It is difficult to generalize about what qualifies as stelae because their formats differ so greatly. In general, the figured stelae are rectangular stones characterized by niches with figures in relatively low relief on all sides, often with ornately 82 decorated lintels above the niches, and the scale is relatively small. The stelae are usually 1 to 3 m tall and feature votive images of deities, relief carvings of events of Buddha’s life, paradise scenes, lists and representations of the donors, and dedicatory inscriptions giving information about the religious outlook of the donors; it has been claimed these inscriptions are “eloquent expressions of 83 an ardent religious faith.” Buddhist images and symbols began to be carved on stelae in the fifth century. These stelae were described in their dedications as zao xiang bei 造像 碑, called here figured or sculptured stelae. The patrons were in some cases the noble and wealthy, but the majority were devotional groups from small towns in the north, called yi 邑 or yiyi 邑義, led by elders with Buddhist priests as spiritual 84 teachers; the stela became the emblem of communal identity. Although the commissioning of such stelae earned religious merit, the practical purpose was to create sacred areas (daochang 道場) for the performance of Buddhist rituals such as offerings and circumambulation. Such daochang could serve in place of the more expensive temples that might be beyond the means of rural communities. The stelae, especially those bearing motifs drawn from popular sutras, could also be used as educational adjuncts to the sermons preached by the many itinerant clergy who circulated through the countryside. To serve such purposes, there could well have been thousands of these stelae 85 made during the centuries. Over two hundred Buddhist figured stelae have thus far been reported on, and, of these, over one hundred are at Yaoxian 耀縣, Shaanxi, most of which were brought together before 1949 by a collector named Lei Tianyi 雷天乙 and are now in the collection of the Yaowangshan Beilin 葯王山碑林. The provenance of many of them is not known, but they are probably from the general area of Yaoxian and Sanyuan 三原, north of Chang’an. A few of the figured stelae exhibit Taoist characteristics and perhaps represent a combination of Taoist and 86 Buddhist sentiments. Another feature is that among the donors are names that indicate a non-Han, probably Qiang, ethnicity. The lists of donors are an excel87 lent source of information about the society of the period. The earliest is dated 424, and the latest 669.

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The Buddhist figured stelae are marked by regional characteristics. For example, Shaanxi stelae tend to be conservative, have rustic charm, and are often crude in execution. Those from Chang’an are generally done with more sophistication and finesse; the stone is either limestone or a reddish fi ne-grained sandstone. In the northeast, in Hebei, Shandong, and northern Jiangsu, 88 Buddhist stelae of marble have been reported. Of twenty dated examples that have been reported on in recent years, all of the sixth century, the main iconic figure in most cases is Shakyamuni Buddha, but there are a number of Maitreya, an Amitabha, and a Guanyin as well. These figures variously appear in one large niche, in two, one above the other, or in a large one surrounded by smaller ones. The inscription is found just on the lower part of the front, on the sides and back, or even on all sides. The donors are listed by name or have their names appear alongside generic figures. There is thus a wide variety of formats in which these stelae appear (figs. 13.23, 13.24). Dorothy Wong has made the interesting point that the adoption of this stela form within Buddhism was slow, but that might be an indicator of Buddhism’s integration into existing Chinese creeds. The stone slabs were symbolic forms

13.23. Stone stela, dated 564, Zhengzhou, Henan (after Zhongyuan wenwu 1994.1:110, fig. 2)

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13.24. Stone stela, dated 567, Boxian, Anhui (after Wenwu 1980.9:63, fig. 8)

in Chinese culture that had originally signified the identity of a community. During the Eastern Han, flat, dressed stones had emerged as monuments for the orthodox Confucian tradition, unadorned or with dragons and bearing inscriptions of important edicts and events. These stones served to commemorate virtuous officials or as funeral monuments. The official version of the Confucian

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classics was carved onto stone in A.D. 175. The association with the elite scholarofficial class gave the stela added importance and status. Buddhism’s successful integration into this tradition and acceptance by the official class was key to the popularity of the stela within Buddhism. As Buddhism gained acceptance in China and played its vital part in unifying the country, Buddhist figured stelae appeared in great numbers, co-opting in a sense the orthodox Confucian tradition. Not until the seventh century, during the Tang, did the stela revert to its 89 original use for inscriptions only, without images.

Buddhist Statuary The freestanding stone carvings of the Buddha image had their origin in deeply carved figures that featured a large nimbus as a backdrop, thus making the transition from the stela to a single figure. The backs of the solid nimbuses occasionally featured scenes of the Buddha’s life or other religious themes in linear engravings. This type of statuary began to appear in the early fifth century in northwest China under the Northern Liang, and by the end of that century, under the Northern Wei, the worship of these iconic figures had spread throughout the north. The forced removal of the Liangzhou artisans to the 90 Northern Wei capital and other areas helps to explain the spread of this craft. While stelae would have been installed outside the temples as well as in them, sculpture in the round most probably was meant only for the temple itself. For that reason, finds of such sculpture are usually associated with the sites of ancient temples, and reports often trace the history of these temples through the 91 centuries. The sculptures seem in many cases to have been buried purposely, and any damage they suffered appears to have occurred before they were laid into the ground. Many of the reports suggest, furthermore, that the reason for these hoards is the Buddhist proscriptions of 485, the 570s, or even the Tang persecution of 845, the dates of the statuary supplying the non post quem of the events held responsible. Disturbances in the transition from one dynasty to another are also sometimes cited as the reason for the destruction of the temples involved and the burial of the material. One of the values of these caches of sculpture, as in the case of the bronze figurines, is that, especially when a sufficient number are dated, it is possible to trace the development of style and aspects of worship over time. For example, at the site of the former Xiudesi 修德寺, at Quyang, excavated in 1954, 2,200 objects 92 were recovered, of which 429 were dated between the years 520 and 750. The dated pieces are generally the smaller ones, 20–30 cm in height, and not as well executed as the larger ones and thus give little idea of the quality of those larger pieces; nevertheless, they are useful for tracing certain developments. Stylistically the portrayal of the Buddha and others went from thin to stout, from full

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robes to a thin cassock that fit the body tightly, to a simplification of the folds, from a benevolent solemnity to an intimate amiability. The Northern Wei examples portray the folds of the robe at a cost of the unity of the figure, while the Northern Qi pieces emphasize the fullness of the body and simplify the clothing and ornaments. The tendency toward a natural portrayal of the human body reached its culmination during the Tang. According to this sample, Shakyamuni and Maitreya were the chief figures in the Northern Wei, but they gradually gave way to Amitabha Buddha. At the same time the number of bodhisattvas gradually increased. Amitabha Buddha first appeared in this group during the Northern Qi and by the Sui had exceeded Maitreya. In the Northern Wei bodhisattvas constituted 35 percent of the figures, in the Eastern Wei 75 percent, in the Northern Qi 82 percent, and in the Sui 93 percent. The emphasis on bodhisattvas at this temple suggests perhaps the devotees were primarily commoners, unlike at Longmen, Yungang, and Xiangtangshan 響堂山. The increasing importance of Amitabha Buddha paral93 leled the growing popularity of Pure Land Buddhism in this period. A sensational find of a cache of Buddhist art was made in 1996 at the site of 94 the former Longxing Temple 龍興寺 at Qingzhou, Shandong. The pit in which the statuary had been buried was 8.7 m × 6.8 m, with a depth of 3.45 m, and it had been located behind the main hall of the middle row of temple buildings. The more than four hundred damaged statues and stelae ranged in date from the Northern Wei into the Song. Given this time range, the known persecutions of Buddhism cannot be cited to explain entirely the burial. The burial pit may have been used over time to dispose of damaged or replaced icons, but until the stratigraphy of the site is clarified, the question cannot be settled. Ninety-five percent of the statuary was of limestone; objects of marble, granite, earthenware, iron, clay, and wood were also excavated, but only the stone pieces survived well. Most interestingly, the painted surfaces of the pieces have survived, giving a rare glimpse of the original appearance of these icons of the past. One piece in particular, a Northern Qi Buddha, has paintings of a variety of scenes in red, blue, green, ochre, yellow, and black against a vermilion ground. Among the scenes 95 is one of three bearded men in Central Asian attire. The meaning of these scenes has not yet been deciphered. 96 Other important finds of statuary in Shandong include those at Zhu cheng, 97 98 99 Linyi, Ji’nan, the site of a large temple complex at Boxing, and another cache 100 at Wudi 無棣. The seven marble statues, four dated, found at this last site were laid out in good order, clearly buried on purpose, perhaps at the time of the Northern Zhou conquest of Northern Qi. One of the more unusual collections of statues is that of four objects now housed in the museum at Qingdao 青島. They were found at Zichuan 淄川, at either the Longquansi 龍泉寺 or the Xingfusi 幸褔寺, and moved to their

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present location. The group consists of two Buddhas, 5.28 m and 5.85 m in height, and two figures of monks, each 3 m tall. They are of limestone, and each 101 weighs some twenty tons. The sight of these very large statues looking over the wall at the back of the museum makes quite an impression. A sitting Buddha with a nimbus and dated 444 was found at Weixian 蔚縣, 102 Hebei (fig. 13.25). The piece is 60.5 cm in height and made of grayish brown sandstone. Its shawl is clearly in what Griswold called the open inflection, with the ends flung over the left shoulder, and the hands are in the dhyana mudra. The nimbus has two arcs of small figures of huafo, or incarnate Buddhas, while two bodhisattvas stand in attendance, one on either side. At the center of the pedestal is a censer with figures of donors on each side, male and female. Their clothing is typical of the Northern Wei donors and shows a Xianbei influence. Some of the donors had originally been named in adjoining cartouches, but the characters are no longer legible. Elephant heads and trunks form what would have been the two front legs of the pedestal. An inscription on the back is badly damaged but seems to ask that the merit of commissioning this statue be shared with the emperor and the parents of the donor, a standard request. As was the case with the bronze figurines, the donors of these statues were usually an

13.25. Stone statue of the Buddha, dated 444, Weixian, Hebei (after Kaogu 1989.9:807, fig. 1)

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individual or, at most, a family; this statuary was not the result of community projects as in the case of the stelae. Caches of sculptured figures have also been found in the western part of the Eastern Wei–Northern Qi state. At two sites near Taiyuan some thirty pieces were discovered, one of which is a seated Buddha dated 540. The open mode shawl is in the circumflex inflection, with the lower hems of the robes cascading down in convoluted pleats over the platform, on which two lions face each other 103 with a boshan incense burner in the middle. A bit further to the east, at Xiyang 西陽, thirteen pieces of Eastern Wei and Northern Qi sculpture were found, nine of which are of a dark-colored sandstone and four of marble. These appear to be more crudely modeled than those previously mentioned. The nimbuses seem to be undecorated and the folds of the clothing almost perfunctorily indi104 cated—these clearly represent a more provincial art. At Yuanqu 垣曲, in southern Shanxi, a pedestal dated 548, of the Western Wei, was found on the grounds of a former temple that had been established in the Western Wei and converted into a primary grade school early in the Repub105 lican period. Only 42 cm high, the pedestal features a niche containing the Buddha and Prabhutaratna, the latter displaying the vitarka mudra of preaching; both figures rest on lotus pedestals, each with his own aureole and attended by two bodhisattvas and with three monks listening in. Niches on two sides of the pedestal house single Buddhas with attendant bodhisattvas. Inscriptions on the two faces bordering the main niche identify the donor as Yang Biao 楊檦, a high-ranking general of the Western Wei and Northern Zhou who 106 defended the state on its southeastern frontier. The inscription on the right reads as follows: In the fourteenth year of Datong of the Great Wei, a mouchen year, second month, which began on a gengyin day, twenty-first day, gengxu (August 10, 548), the Commissioner with Extraordinary Powers [shichijie 使持節], Cavalry Great General with Regalia Equivalent to That of the Three Officers [piaoji dajiangjun yitong sansi 驃騎大將軍儀同三司], Great Commander in Chief [da dudu 大都督] of the various military affairs of Jianzhou [建州] Prefecture, Shao Commandery [邵郡], Heyang [河陽; Heyang is not listed in his biography], Henei [河內], Ji Commandery [汲郡], and Liyang, Cavalier Attendant in Ordinary [sanji changshi 散騎常侍], Marquis with Entourage of Huayang District [華陽縣], [native of] Hengnong [恆農], Yang Biao, to 107 honor this so weighty compassion, and with a desire to repay [X] extreme, therefore selected stone from a famous mountain and on behalf of his deceased father and also his [X] deceased mother, the Commandery Mistress, respectfully had created an image of Shakyamuni, 8 chi [Chinese feet] tall, truly corresponding to that revered countenance and demeanor com-

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plete in every detail. As to raising the image, the marks accord [down to] the beard and hair, naturally falling and firmly intertwined. The inscription on the left reads: That which was our intention has borne fruit and on this account we set forth our all-encompassing desire—we desire that the sage leader be blessed and prosperous for ten thousand generations. May the Great Chancellor’s [Yuwen Tai, the de facto ruler of the Western Wei] respectfulness and ease be without exclusion, may my deceased father and also my deceased mother, the Commandery Mistress, be reborn in the Pure Land, their pain [of rebirth] ended and released [from suffering]. May my preceding mentors [forefathers] to the seventh generation, alive or dead, and their families all share in this event; may their wisdom and understanding be broadened to extend to all things and attend on the Buddha to hear the Dharma, and together to pass over to that other shore. [We] then compose this hymn, which goes: For all the weight of that concern for us, our desire to repay is truly deep. We selected stone from a famous mountain, and a skilled craftsman was elicited. [The statue] accords in form to 8 chi, the mode follows true gold. The [thirty-two] marks and [eighty] signs [of the physical body of the Buddha] are all complete; it is not too shallow or too deep, rather in balance. In setting up the image, it corresponds [even] to the beard and locks of hair [on the temples]. The Path of the Lord and King is broad, and the people are most careful. May the pure faith in which (XX) my deceased parents were reborn extend to the family members, and all alike return to that Great [X]. This of course is more elaborate than most such inscriptions, but it nevertheless provides a sense of the devotion that inspired such works. Yang held the outpost of the Western Wei and Northern Zhou that extended beyond the Hangu 函谷 Pass, but, underestimating the enemy and failing to take adequate precautions, he perished in battle in 564, sixteen years after the dedication of this piece. The Gudai Yishuguan 古代藝術館 near Luoyang, formerly the Guanlinmiao 關林廟, has an impressive collection of sculptures found in the area. The Longmen Caves, nearby, were a focus of religious and artistic activity, but during the time when Luoyang served as a capital, the city abounded in temples that housed freestanding stone sculptures, sculptured stelae, stone sutra columns, and stone pagodas. One piece in the collection at the museum, a cross-legged Maitreya found at Yanshi, is 35 cm high and has two bodhisattvas in attendance, as well as figures of a demigod and donors, and a leaf-shaped nimbus. The style 108 very much resembles that of a statue in the Guyang Cave at Longmen.

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At Zhengzhou, eight statues were found, all from the first half of the sixth century. Seven are altar pieces, with Buddhas, either sitting or standing, accompanied by bodhisattvas set against a backdrop of a leaf-shaped nimbus, a niche, or a square block. The nimbus has variously flames or incarnate Buddhas. While there is a similarity of style in these pieces, there is also a wide variety of presentations, and none are alike. The eighth piece is a torso of a bodhisattva dated 109 533. Shifting to Chang’an, another center of Buddhism, a number of Buddhist statues of the Northern Wei and later in the collection of the provincial museum 110 have been reported. One, dated 509, is a seated Buddha on a stepped pedestal with a large, ornately carved nimbus and two very small bodhisattvas in attendance. The back is elaborately carved with a flat, shallow relief of Buddhas and devotees. Another similar piece, dated 471, has been described in detail by Audrey Spiro; the relief on the back depicts the jataka story of the Dipamkara 111 Buddha. Another Northern Wei piece is a figured stela carved on all four sides with small and large Buddhas, close to a hundred in number, with three niches, one over the other. This example is 1.73 m high and weighs some 900 kg. There is a wide range of quality among eleven pieces uncovered at the site of the Zhengjuesi 正覺寺, which was located outside the south gate of the Sui capital at Chang’an. The pieces also show signs of having been broken and then buried during the disturbances at the end of the Sui. A Buddha with two attendants, a monk and a devotee, is of sandstone and very roughly modeled. On the other hand, the head of a Buddha with the snail-like hair dress of the Mathura style, a Guanyin head, a partial torso, and a donor, all in marble, are much more fi nely carved. Very clearly, material and artistry were a function of the size of the donation and could be adjusted accordingly. That is to say, style was not just a matter of chronology. The finds of statuary in the Chengdu area are especially impressive. Hundreds of pieces of statuary have been found, some fi nds having been made as early as 1882 and most recently in 1995. The pieces are from the site of a temple that carried a series of names over the centuries, stretching from the Southern Dynasties period to the Ming, and other sites in the city and nearby. The sculptures include some that have added significance because they carry Southern Qi and Liang dynasty dates, thus providing evidence for what the southern sculp112 tural tradition may have been. The finds consist of stelae, freestanding figures, and those in deep relief with a boat-shaped nimbus. Of the last, the earliest dated piece, of 490, is a seated Buddha accompanied by two bodhisattvas and backed by a large nimbus, now partly broken off, on which are carved incarnate Buddhas and an apsara. The Buddha has a halo apparently composed of lotus petals and wears a tied undervest in what is loosely called the baoyi bodai outfit. The rendering of the whole, with the many folds of the robe flowing over the pedestal on which the Buddha

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sits, is typical of the xiugu qingxiang 秀骨清像, or “exquisite bones and pure image,” style of the period. The figures found at a Xi’an Road site in 1955 are all of red sandstone covered with a reddish white or purple paint and some parts gilded. The chief figures are freestanding and the others are in high relief with 113 a background in low relief. A freestanding undated Buddha is particularly striking. It stands on a downturned lotus-petal pedestal below which are a censer, a band of musicians in Xianbei-like headgear, lions, and at the back a small seated Buddha surrounded by disciples and donors. The elaborate halo includes a circle of lotus petals, linked pearls, small seated Buddhas, apsaras, and a floral design. The whole piece is 82 cm tall. The precise and detailed carving of this statue is characteristic of the many examples found at Chengdu and testifies to the high level of artistry achieved in this area. Sichuan came under the control of the Western Wei–Northern Zhou in 554, but the dated pieces after that date, of 562–65 and 567, are similar in style to the earlier ones, and the Chengdu statuary as a whole is taken to be based on the artistic conventions that ultimately came from the southern capital at Jiankang 114 after making their way up the Yangzi. This viewpoint must remain conjectural until more visible evidence of what was being produced in the south at this period has been gathered.

Buddhist Cave Chapels The route by which Buddhism entered China left a trail of cave chapels extending across Xinjiang, through the Gansu Corridor, and into many parts of China. There are hundreds of such cave sites and images carved on cliffs, and 115 many of them have only recently begun to be studied. These cave temples were often located in places distant from human settlements and not easily accessible. In addition to statuary, the caves contained depictions in murals or reliefs of Buddhist import. Hans-Joachim Klimkeit has explained that the cave chapel represented a “Buddha-land” meant to be apart from this world, and that the devotee in general but the donor in particular, in entering the sanctuary, a cosmic and spiritual setting, was treading the bodhisattva path that leads even116 tually to salvation. The location of the caves in remote areas may also be explained by the pivotal part played in their construction by clergy who were closely linked to meditational practices, such as Lezun 樂僔 at Dunhuang and 117 Tanyao 曇曜 at Yungang. These cave chapels thus represented an important aspect of Buddhist devotion, which might explain the heavy expenditure of wealth that was lavished on their construction. 118 The trail of the major cave chapels leads from those at Kyzyl, near Kucha, 119 120 to the sites near Liangzhou in Gansu, to Maijishan, and on to Yungang, near 121 Pingcheng, the early capital of the Northern Wei, now Datong. The Yungang

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caves consist of fifty-three caves dug into the south face of Wuzhoushan 武州山, a limestone outcropping on the north bank of the Wuzhou River, a short distance west of Datong. The earliest caves, numbers 16–20, were initiated early in the Heping period (460–66) of the Northern Wei at the suggestion of Tanyao, who held the position of shamentong 沙門統, or comptroller of the shramanas, 122 which is to say the head of the Buddhist church. This first phase of the Yungang complex featured large statues of the Buddha, 13.5 m, 15.6 m, 15.5 m, 16.8 m, and 13.7 m. It has been said that they were meant to represent the line of previous emperors of the Northern Wei. Other cave complexes include those scattered through the north, at 123 124 125 Tianlongshan, near Taiyuan, Shanxi, Xiangtangshan, and Longmen. Most attention has been paid to these major complexes, but the hundreds of 126 smaller sites have also been studied. Very few such sites are known to have been constructed in the south during the Six Dynasties period. Two that have 127 survived are at Qixiashan 栖霞山 (anciently Sheshan 攝山), Nanjing, and 128 Shichengshan 石城山, at Xinchang 新昌, Zhejiang, of the late fifth century. Su Bai has explained the disparity in numbers between north and south by the difference in the nature of Buddhist practice in the two regions. In the north the emphasis was on good works and meditation, which led to the creation of cave chapels, whereas in the south the focus was on discussion, with a lesser concern 129 for religious discipline, which resulted in the building of large temples.

Miniature Stone Stupas Finally in this discussion of the images of the Buddha, another form of Buddhist sculpture is the miniature stone stupas (shita 石塔) found largely in the Gansu Corridor and eastern Tarim Basin area and that apparently did not become 130 popular further east (fig. 13.26). The occurrence of hexagrams, usually associated with Taoism, on these stone stupas serves as evidence of the permeability of the spheres of the two belief systems and the ability of Buddhist devotees to draw on the older tradition in China while serving the newer one.

TAOIST ICONOGRAPHY The evidence for Taoism and Taoist ritual is not easily presented since, first of all, some Taoists found it difficult to accommodate a material iconography to represent an essentially incorporeal pantheon of deities, and, further, Taoism 131 itself is rather more difficult to define precisely. Chinese folk religion is often loosely termed Taoist, although its practices may have little in common with an organized Taoist religion. As Wu Hung has pointed out, the meaning and content of Taoism have changed over time, and what one would term a Taoist

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13.26. Miniature stone stupa, Northern Liang, 428–29 (after Yin, Bei Liang shita yanjiu, 95, fig. 112)

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image also differs from one period to another. In studying early Taoist art, Wu focused on the Five Pecks of Rice sect (Wudoumi Dao 五斗米道) that was so important in southwest China in the second and early third centuries, and he has made a strong case for identifying with that sect a whole range of images 133 found largely in Sichuan. They include specific carvings in cliff tombs, such as the money tree, certain types of bronze mirrors, and pictorial carvings of a range of scenes and deities. The scenes carved in low relief in tombs and on stone sarcophagi include pairs 134 of dragons and tigers and depictions of what Wu takes to be the deceased 135 being led by a deer to the paradise of the Queen Mother of the West. Wu agrees with those who say the money trees should more appropriately be called “divine trees” (shenshu 神樹); he describes the base of one such tree found at 136 Chengdu that depicts a journey in search of immortality. The mirrors Wu includes in this category of Wudoumi Dao art have images of immortals and 137 deities on three registers. There is little doubt that the middle register depicts the Queen Mother of the West and King Sire of the East, and the entwined tree

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on the bottom register is convincingly a divine tree, but there are some differences of opinion in the interpretation of the meaning of the top register, which depicts an umbrella set upright on a turtle’s back and some accompanying figures who seem to be worshipping the umbrella. Wu argues that the image represents the deified Laozi in aniconic form, and the focus of worship is the 138 unoccupied seat under the canopy. Although Laozi was deified by imperial decree as early as the second century A.D., his image does not appear until the fi fth century and in greater numbers in 139 the sixth century. These images of Laozi are modeled after those of the Buddha and were sparked, no doubt, by the competition between the two religions. In one example, Laozi is shown seated, wearing the hat of a Taoist priest and holding a fanlike object that is sometimes identified as a fly whisk or chowrie made from a deer tail (zhuwei 麈尾), said to have been held by the person holding the floor in intellectual discussion groups, especially at Nanjing in the fourth century. Unlike the Buddha he has a mustache and, in some representations, a small beard. The two figures at his side are Yin Xi 尹喜, the guardian of the pass to whom Laozi gave a copy of the Daodejing 道德經 before leaving China, and Zhang Daoling 張道陵, who was the founder of the Wudoumi Dao 140 sect. A Northern Wei stela dated 527 shows Laozi sitting side by side with the Jade Emperor, who became so important in the Taoist pantheon, recalling the 141 depictions of Shakyamuni Buddha and Prabhutaratna. Another stela, dated 561, shows Laozi with his priestly headgear and robes, one hand stroking his beard, the other resting on his knee. The two attendants stand at his side, while below are two lions. The two sides and back of the stela have figures and dedicatory inscriptions, and a pious wish for the welfare of 142 seven generations of ancestors, modeled after the usual Buddhist prayer. The stela is in the collection of the Beijing History Museum; its provenance is unknown. Among the many stelae collected at Yaoxian are a number of mixed Taoist 143 and Buddhist images that have generated different explanations. Stanley Abe believes the hybrid sculptures are possibly the product of a range of initiatives stemming from a complex situation in which adherents of both religions existed together, perhaps in communities outside the major centers, and the works were commissioned by the commoner classes, which may not have distinguished 144 clearly the two faiths. Similarly, Yoshiko Kamitsuka has explained that the donors who sponsored such mixed works, and who at times identified themselves as “followers of the Buddha” rather than as Taoists, may have seen Taoism as a variant of the dominant Buddhist religion and, ignoring doctrinal differ145 ences, appealed to the deities of both religions to answer their needs. Stephen Bokenkamp, on the other hand, focusing largely on the Taoist Lingbao textual influence displayed in a stela of 496, believes these mixed pieces reveal a Taoist

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view of Buddhism as a foreign perversion of their Tao. He proffers the view that these pieces of statuary were produced in a time of rapid development of the new Taoist doctrines that permitted its adherents to worship the Buddhist deities as 146 later emanations of the Tao. The Taoist antipathy toward Buddhism has been 147 shown to have emerged only toward the end of the Six Dynasties period. The cache of nine stone sculptures unearthed at Chengdu in 1995 includes 148 one Taoist piece. While it is undated, other dated pieces range from the end of the fifth to the middle of the sixth centuries. Unlike the other examples mentioned above, it is a sculpture in the round. It also differs in that the figure has no facial hair, giving it a more Buddhist cast, and the fan, or chowrie, is held in both hands rather than in one. Again, its inclusion with the eight other Buddhist pieces would seem to indicate a rather permeable border between the religious observances of the time. Might there have been a shrine to the Taoist saint within a largely Buddhist sanctuary at the time?

CONCLUSION A mere description cannot convey the significance that these artistic and religious objects had in the society of early medieval China. For that one must turn to the literary sources, such as the Luoyang qielanji, a contemporary description of Luoyang of the sixth century, the organizational framework of which is the numerous important Buddhist temples ([seng]qielan [僧]伽藍, Sanskrit [sangha]gara, “monastery”) of that city. The anecdotes that one finds there are a reflection of the pervasiveness of Buddhist belief, which reached all levels of society. It was that devotion and even fervor that produced the large number of iconic representations described in this chapter. The influences of Buddhism on the thought, customs, language, and literature of the period also need to be kept in mind, which, however, are beyond the scope of this study.

A F T ERWORD

ow is one to sum up the unfolding of the material culture during the three hundred years of division, endemic warfare, “Buddhist conquest,” dislocation of population on a huge scale, and intrusion of foreign peoples and influences into the heartland? The Six Dynasties period may be considered a tumultous age, its essence captured in the phrase wu hu luan hua, “the Five Barbarians bringing disorder to China,” cited in chapter 1, and yet, from another perspective, one may note an overall continuity in the everyday life of the people, as evinced by the literary record and archaeological remains, with the sort of change and development one would normally expect over time, rather than sharp breaks with the past. The dominance of the non-Han tribesmen in the north during the Six Dynasties period had some far-reaching effects on Chinese society, which persisted even after these peoples became assimilated and disappeared as recognizable entities. Most obvious was the change in clothing styles, from the loose robes with long, drooping sleeves of the earlier period to a style featuring jackets and trousers. Narrow, tight sleeves, well adapted to the nomadic lifestyle, were also increasingly favored in China as well. The jackets, either short or long, had lapels that could be worn closed or open depending on the weather; the trousers could be either tucked into boots to complete the nomadic outfit or, with the use of a strap, gathered at the leg below the knee. Other northern features, such as distinctive hairstyles, headgear, and buckled belts, are similarly found depicted in the art of the time. Such outfits became standard wear in the north, both at the court and outside, and even made inroads into the south.1 The eating habits of the Chinese were also much influenced during this period of control of the north by the erstwhile nomads who brought in a diet so different from the traditional fare. The contrast is vividly brought out in the diatribe by Yang Yuanshen, who touted the superiority of a diet of meat and milk to the fish and seaweeds favored in the south. A comparison of the foods cited in the Simin yueling 四民月令, by Cui Shi 崔寔 (ca. 110–70), which is concerned with the management of an estate, with the contents of the Qimin yaoshu of the

H

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sixth century demonstrates this as well. In the earlier work the emphasis is on grains and vegetables, with only a rare mention of meat, indicating a largely vegetarian diet.2 By contrast, in the later work there are detailed instructions for the preparation of milk products, cheeses and yogurts, as well as much advice on the care of a range of animals.3 Other areas in which the northern peoples influenced the Chinese include the increasing use of horseback riding for transportation, the trapezoidal shape of coffins, and the type of zhenmushou, or tomb guardian beasts, that first appeared during the Northern Wei and developed into such magnificent sculptures in the Tang. Yan Zhitui remarked on the active role of women in the north in managing the family’s affairs and seeking advancement for their husbands and sons, saying such behavior was derived from the northern courts, those of the Xianbei rulers.4 The Tang work Youwang zazu 酉陽雜俎, by Duan Chengshi 段成式, mentions parts of the wedding rituals of his time, such as erecting a tent and having the bride ride in a saddle, as customs originating in the northern courts, which can be taken to mean of non-Han origin.5 There may well have been changes in social conventions as well, but they would be more difficult to pin down.6 The predilection for Hu music, food, and clothing continued into the Tang, and was thought by some to have presaged An Lushan’s rebellion.7 The Six Dynasties period is one especially marked by warfare and disorder. The political divisions, of course, required a constant state of preparedness, and the frequent outbreak of warfare led to advances in military technology. From the literary sources and the little that has been recovered at archaeological sites, it would seem that metal armor replaced that of leather. The invention of the stirrup led to horse and rider being entirely encased in armor, cataphract style. Military forces of heavy and light cavalry came to replace the less effective huge infantry armies conscripted from the peasantry. Naval warfare also increased in sophistication as conflict moved to the waterways in the south. The organizational framework that developed to administer these military forces enabled the Tang in its early years to mount successful expeditions abroad, a significant factor in the glory of the Tang.8 Influences from abroad did not arrive only from the north. The Silk Road brought an influx of exotic goods, new products, and merchants who congregated in the marketplaces of cities across China, large numbers of whom settled down to live in their new home. The newcomers of this period appear for the most part to have been Sogdians, from the area of modern Uzbekistan, and the term “Hu,” previously used to refer generally to non-Han peoples, came to specify this Iranian-type population. They wore clothing that closely resembled that of the northerners, caftans with tight sleeves and trousers tucked into boots, an outfit still typical of Central Asia; these Hu are easily recognized in the art of the period by their large noses, deep-set eyes, curly hair, and short beards.9

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Many of these Sogdians were Zoroastrians, and officials in charge of the religion were included in the official apparatus that administered the Sogdian communities; there is also mention of Zoroastrian temples. The religion largely died out in China, probably hastened by the persecution of foreign religions in the 850s. In Zoroastrianism disposal of the dead involves having the flesh, which is considered to be unclean, eaten by carrion feeders and the remaining bones then gathered up and deposited in ways that do not pollute the earth or water. This custom seems to have spread beyond the Zoroastrian community, because there is a report from the Tang of a place on the outskirts of Taiyuan where the bodies of the dead were deposited and whose bones were picked clean by a thousand dogs. A new governor very quickly put an end to this practice, so gruesome to the Chinese.10 The introduction of Buddhism into China is closely connected with the Hu in a broad sense; the earliest missionaries included natives of Parthia, the Kushan Empire, India, as well as Sogdia. The overland route by which Buddhism first came, whether by the Silk Road or turning off the Silk Road to go through Qinghai, or a southern road through Burma and Yunnan, is still being debated. Once established, Buddhism permeated every aspect of Six Dynasties life. Temples and the clergy were visible everywhere, the casting of bronze icons was so widespread it may have caused shortages of coins that in turn affected the economy, much of the art of the period was religious, and to a significant extent local social organizations revolved around religious devotional duties. Monks such as Huiyuan moved in the highest intellectual circles, and the literature of the time bore the mark of religious thought.11 This was also a period of especially active Taoist thought, and the most significant Taoist texts were written at this time.12 That is not to say that Confucianism was not also important. Education, state rituals, and the social conventions that governed polite society all were based on the Confucian classics, although it should be noted that no significant commentaries emerged at this time. Rather, adherence to the Confucian tradition was seen to be compatible with the Buddhist or Taoist religious observances.13 This was, then, a period of much intellectual and religious inquiry, debate, and discovery, putting to lie the label of its being a dark age. The north and south during the Six Dynasties period differed in many ways. Yan Zhitui (531–91+), an eighth-generation member of an émigré family living in the south, was brought north after the defeat of the Liang state in 554, and in his Yanshi jiaxun he remarked on the differences. They ranged from the social position of the children of concubines, the role of women in the household, and courtesies extended to guests to kinship terminology, the extent of recognition of kinship ties, and behavior during mourning and the expression of condolences. It is not clear, however, how general these modes of behavior were; one

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suspects that Yan’s frame of reference was primarily the elite society north and south. Differences between north and south extended to language as well. Linking these differences to the topography, Yan characterized southern speech as clear and quick, while that of the north was turgid and heavy. According to Yan, the language in the south was laced with vulgar expressions, while that of the north contained many archaic expressions. These charcteristics also marked the language at the courts. As Richard Mather has explained, the speech of the court at Nanjing had a pronunciation based on a tradition and memory of what had been that of Luoyang, but over time it had been influenced by the southern Wu dialects. This meant that the official language and that of ordinary people in the south differed greatly. In the north, as Yan pointed out, the language was rather homogeneous across social levels, indicating a high degree of continuity. But Yan did say that the north was influenced by the language of the “barbarian caitiffs,” yilu 夷虜; that is, the Turco-Mongol speech of the Xianbei and possibly others.14 A mural in a recently uncovered Northern Qi tomb provides a valuable view of the mixed nature of the lifestyle of one of the highest officials in the north at the time.15 It also raises the question of strategies of boundary maintenance as against strategies of hybridity pursued by the people of that time. Xu Xianxiu 徐 顯秀, apparently Chinese to judge by his name, is shown seated with his wife on a bench, or ta, with a screen in the rear and a large canopy above, surrounded by an entourage of musicians, retainers, and servants, some of whom hold umbrellas, fans, and banners attached to high poles. On the bench, between the couple, is a high mound of foodstuffs surrounded by footed bowls containing other refreshments. The bowls as well as the cups held on trays by two servants who stand in front of the bench are of lacquer, black on the outside and red inside. The scene itself, picturing the deceased couple as they might have enjoyed a day at home, together with a saddled horse and oxcart to the sides, ready to transport them to some other realm, is a traditional Chinese one. But the members of the entourage are all dressed in non-Chinese caftans and boots. Some wear turbanlike head cloths, while others are depicted with shaved brows and wearing the small black caps with a tail cloth that are especially characteristic of the Xianbei. Most of the men have short beards that also mark them as following a non-Chinese custom. The women, also booted, wear long jackets that open in front and skirts that feature as a design the Iranian motifs of pearled roundels with facing pairs of animals. Even the shabrack on the horse has an Iranian border design. One of the musicians blows into a mouth organ, while others play the angular harp and bent-neck pipa that had been introduced into China. The scene displays the sort of hybrid culture that must have evolved in north China under the Tuoba, especially among the ruling elite. The scene is

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very different from the thoroughly Chinese procession of the Northern Wei emperor and his spouse as originally depicted in the Guyang 古陽 Cave at Longmen. Obviously the attempt made in the 490s to eliminate all traces of Xianbei culture, which the Guyang scene represents, had failed. The discovery of the stone-built vaults resembling Chinese-style houses in the tombs of some members of the Xianbei elite has led Wu Hung to suggest that this is evidence of an attempt by some Xianbei to adopt a Chinese mode of burial, outsiders becoming insiders.16 The prototype would have been the house-shaped stone coffins used in Sichuan in the Han dynasty; this practice, it is hypothesized, was carried into the heartland by the Taoists, who moved east from Sichuan and became more prominent during the Northern Wei. However, no such structures have been reported for the intervening centuries. Perhaps more signficant in this regard is the occurrence in the steppelands to the north of log-built vaults as far back as at Pazyryk,17 fifth to fourth centuries B.C., and in the Xiongnu tumuli at Noin Ula, dated around the beginning of the Common Era.18 Among the Murong Xianbei in Liaoning, rock-built chambers within pits that are found in the graves of the elite can also be considered to be vaults.19 This would suggest that the stone vaults in the Datong area represented a Xianbei value that found its fulfillment in a Chinese mode. Similarly, the depiction of the riderless horse and oxcart waiting to take the spirits of the departed to the other world, a Chinese tradition, melded with the Xianbei belief, mentioned earlier, of the spirit going to the other world accompanied by a dog. These are examples of hybridization rather than assimilation. The forms that are appropriated and made use of from the other culture fit in with the belief system and do not represent a replacement of the original values. That is not to say that Chinese traditional modes of dress and lifestyle did not find a place in north China at this time. The survival of the traditional Chinese culture despite the newly introduced elements is displayed in a Song painting based on a Northern Qi scroll depicting a number of scholars collating texts, probably celebrating the project initiated by imperial order in 556.20 In the center several men with long beards, their hair dressed in a tight fashion and wearing traditional Chinese robes, sit on a large platform. One holds a brush as he writes, another reads a text held at arm’s length while holding a brush in the other hand, a third man, being helped by a child to put on his shoes, seems to be about to leave the platform to avoid the liquid flowing from an overturned lacquer bowl, while one of his colleagues holds on to a belt to detain him. This may well be a summer scene since the clothing of these men is rather minimal, consisting of a loose skirt, a kind of apron over the chest held in place by suspender-like straps, and a transparent scarf with a wide border draped over the shoulders. The platform is crowded with a number of objects in addition to the overturned bowl. They include a zither on the lap of one of the men, a

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number of bowls piled with edibles, glass drinking cups, a multilegged inkstone, and a vase that seems to be holding what may be arrows for the pitch-pot game cited earlier. The platform is encircled by female servants, including one who is bringing a stand that could be used on the platform to lean against. Behind her some foreign grooms stand by two saddled horses. At the other end of the scroll another scholar, with the same style of beard and hair dress as the men on the platform but wearing the new steppe-style coat and boots, sits on a folding chair as he edits a text, assisted by several attendants similarly dressed.21 One can thus observe the two lifestyles existing in parallel fashion, though, as noted earlier, there were areas of tension and even open hostility between various elements of the population. There are a number of depictions of the northern scene at a variety of social levels. The mural paintings found in the tombs, which of course feature the life of the deceased, who just as obviously must have been wealthy enough to afford such burials, undeniably relate to the upper strata, but many of the painted bricks from the northwest display workers in the fields. Depictions of life in the south during this period are rather more limited. The lacquer screen from the tomb of Sima Jinlong, believed to have been made in the south, and the paintings by Gu Kaizhi that survive in later copies feature palace scenes. But there are also the pictorial bricks from Dengxian and the series of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, which provide some balance. While it would appear that there were many similarities in the lifestyle of the elite north and south, given the differences in climate and terrain, there must have been strong differences in the lives of the general population. In the south, too, there was a hybridization of cultures evolving, but the components were the culture of the northerners who fled to the south and the culture they found there. The pressure on native southerners to accommodate to the standards set by the émigré elite if they were to succeed in official careers paralleled that on the Chinese in the north who had to come to terms with their Xianbei rulers. The ways in which these tensions in the social and political realms affected the material culture of the Six Dynasties period require many specialized studies before adequate conclusions can be reached. There were no doubt contrasts between north and south even during the Han, and by the end of the period of separation, it was only natural that the two areas had become quite different. The unification of the country by the Sui and Tang drew a political curtain over the strong regional subcultures, and without the debates between the champions of one state or another, such as that on diets featuring Yang Yuanshen as recorded in the Luoyang qielanji, these differences may have become less obvious. One of the rewards of studying the Six Dynasties period is that it provides a record of the wide range of regional cultural differences that have marked Chinese civilization.

NOTES

1. THE SIX D YNASTIES 1. The Six Dynasties period refers to those dynasties that made Jiankang, modern Nanjing, their capital (that is, the Wu, Eastern Jin, [Liu] Song, Southern Qi, Liang, and Chen; see Chart of the Six Dynasties Period). But during the Wu there was a time when the capital was elsewhere, and the capital of the Western Jin, ruling a united China, was also elsewhere. The term used by Chinese scholars for the period between the Han and Tang is Wei Jin Nanbeichao, but this seems too cumbersome in English, so I use Six Dynasties more loosely to refer to that period. Most non-Chinese scholars do likewise. For a general account of this period, see Eberhard, History of China, 109–68, and Hucker, China’s Imperial Past, 133–39. More detailed studies may be found in Chinese; for example, Han Guopan, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shigang. 2. On the nine grade system, see Dien, ed., State and Society, 10–12, and the literature cited there. 3. One may note here an interesting parallel with the situation in Taiwan just after 1949, which is to say three strata of population with resulting differences in language, friction among the various groups, and the maintenance of émigré status because of its privileges and easier access to office. 4. Eichorn, “Rebellion of Sun En,” 325–52. 5. Kawakatsu, “Ryu¯ So¯ seiken no seiritsu,” 215–33. 6. For the numbers, see Franke, Geschichte des chinesischen Reiches, 2:146. 7. Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 116–17, 53–54. 8. Jinshu 56.1533; Zizhi tongjian 83.2626. 9. Jinshu 62.1680–81. See also Jin Fagen, Yongjia luanhou beifang di haozu, 61–62. 10. Jinshu 114.2926. 11. On these fortresses, see Jin Fagen, Yongjia luanhou beifang di haozu, 83–87. 12. On the question of nationalism, see Eberhard, Conquerers and Rulers, 135–36. 13. On this topic, see Skinner, “Chinese Peasants and the Closed Community,” 270– 81, and Fried, “Clans and Lineages,” 11–36. 14. Zizhi tongjian 157.4882. 15. Ibid., 157.4881. 431

432

N O T E S T O P A G E S 12 – 2 1

16. Somers, “Time, Space and Structure,” 371–72. 17. For an explicit example of the emphasis by many Chinese historians on the assimilation of non-Han peoples, see Wu Yuhuan, “Tuoba, Qidan, Nüzhen,” 66–70. 18. Fan Wenlan, Zhongguo tongshi jianbien, 2:356, 450. 19. Hong Tingyan, “ ‘Nanfang jingji da fazhan,’ ” 43–47. 20. Dien, ed., State and Society, 21–29. In this the characterization resembles the Holy Roman Empire, which, as Voltaire remarked, was neither holy nor Roman nor an empire. 21. See Wright, “On the Uses of Generalization,” 36.

2. CITIES AND OUTPOSTS 1. Zhang Yu, “Neimenggu Daqingshanhou,” 18–22; Neimenggu wenwu gongzuodui, Neimenggu wenwu ziliao xuanji, 115–18; and Su Bai, “Shengle, Pingcheng yidai,” 45. 2. Cui Xuan, “Shiziwan Bei Wei gucheng,” 55–61, 96. 3. Neimenggu wenwu gongzuodui and Baotoushi wenwu guanlisuo, “Neimenggu Bailingnao Chengkulue,” 145–52. 4. Su Bai, “Shengle, Pingcheng yidai,” 45. 5. Jinshu 130.3205. 6. Shaanxisheng wenguanhui, “Tongwancheng zhi kanceji,” 225–32. Earlier surveys of the site appeared in Wenwu cankao ziliao, 1957.10:52–55 and Wenwu, 1973.1: 35–41. 7. Jinshu 130.3211. 8. Zizhi tongjian 120.3795. See also Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 22. 9. Dao Sheng, trans., “Chaoxian Ping’an Nandao Shunchuanjun Longfengli,” 54–58, and Yu Weichao, “Ba Chaoxian Ping’an Nandao,” 59–60. 10. On this pass, see Kierman, Chinese Ways in Warfare, 56–57. For a discussion of the capitals of this period and proposed city plans, see Fu Xinian, “Three Kingdoms,” 64–73. 11. Qin Peiheng, “Yecheng kao,” 37; Knechtges, trans., Wen Xuan, 429. 12. Yu Weichao, “Yecheng diaochaji,” 15–24. It is said that a large-scale excavation is now under way at the site, but thus far little has been published in detail. Many aspects of the history of Ye are to be found in Ma Zhongli and Liu Xinzhang, eds., Yecheng ji Beichaoshi yanjiu, especially the chapter by Xu Guangji, “Yecheng yizhi di kantan fajue ji qi yiyi,” 43–45. See also Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo and Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo Yecheng kaogu gongzuodui, “Hebei Linzhong Ye beicheng,” and Jiang Dahuang, “Yecheng liudai jiandu.” 13. Shuijingzhu 10.9b–10a. 14. Yu Weichao, “Zhongguo gudai ducheng,” 57–58; see especially fig. 3B; Steinhardt, “Why Were Chang’an and Beijing So Different?” 347. 15. Schafer, “Yeh chung chi,” 147–207, and Müller, Yezhongji. On the Yezhongji, see also Zhou Yiliang, in Ma and Liu, Yecheng ji Beichaoshi yanjiu, 1–17.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 2 1– 2 5

433

16. Schreiber, “History of the Former Yen Dynasty: Part II,” 49. 17. Yu Weichao, “Zhongguo gudai ducheng,” 58; see also Steinhardt, Chinese Imperial City Planning, 88–89, and the literature cited there. 18. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo and Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo Yecheng kaogu gongzuodui, “Hebei Linzhangxian Nancheng Zhumingmen,” 1–9. 19. Guo Yifu, “Yenancheng Zhumingmen fuyuan yanjiu,” 12. 20. Xie Yuanlu and Zhang Han, “Jinyang gucheng kanchaji,” 55–58. Note that in a map in Wenwu, 1983.10:1, the general area is labeled as the site of the Northern Qi Jinyang Palace. 21. Li Keyou and Liu Xiaoxiang, “Jiangxi Jiujiangxian faxian,” 619–21, 618. 22. Weishu 1.3, 1.8, and 1.12. 23. Neimenggu zizhiqu wenwu gongzuodui, “Helinge’erxian Tuchengzi,” 26–29; Su Bai, “Shengle, Pingcheng yidai,” 38–39. 24. On the other hand, Miyakawa, Rikucho¯shi kenkyu¯, 597, fi nds cases of such dual capitals in non-nomadic states and explains that one would have been the administrative center while the other oversaw military operations. 25. A cluster of finds, such as stone bases (or footings) for pillars, a carved inkstone, and a variety of gilded bronze objects, including a gilt goblet and silver bowl of Helleno-Roman origin, have been found over the years in the southern suburbs of Datong; see Datongshi bowuguan, “Shanxi Datong nanjiao chutu,” 997–99, and the anonymous report in Wenwu, 1972.1:83–84. The location of these fi nds, discussed in more detail elsewhere, may have been in the residential part of that city. Other fi nds, north of the modern city, include dark gray pottery shards with designs typical of the Northern Wei, such as wave, connected beads, and honeysuckle motifs, as well as tile ends bearing auspicious legends; see Su Bai, “Shengle, Pingcheng yidai,” 40, fig. 7. A remnant of a rammed-earth wall north of the railroad station may be from the north wall of the palace grounds, and a series of stone bases near the station may mark the site of one of the palaces; see Su Bai, “Shengle, Pingcheng yidai,” 41. 26. Weishu 48.1073. 27. Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 25. Jenner’s survey of the material on Pingcheng, 16–37, is thorough and well done. 28. Recently the site of the Mingtang has been located and a small portion excavated; see Wang Yintian, “Bei Wei Pingcheng Mingtang,” 37–44; Wang Yintian, Cao Chenmin, and Han Shengcun, “Datong Bei Wei Pingcheng Mingtang,” 26–34; and Wang Yintian, “Bei Wei Pingcheng Mingtang yizhi zai yanjiu,” 153–66. On the purpose of the Mingtang, see Victor Cunrui Xiong, Sui-Tang Chang’an, 12–13, 146–48. The ming in Mingtang does not connote “brightness” but rather has the sense of “sacred”; see Henri Maspéro, “Le mot ming,” 296. It can be shown that the word had that same connotation during the Northern Wei; see Dien, “Possible Occurrence,” 18, n. 22. On the Yungang caves, see Caswell, Written and Unwritten, the critique by Victor Mair in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 52.1

434

29.

30. 31. 32.

33. 34. 35.

36. 37. 38.

39.

40.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 5 – 3 0

(1992):345–61, and Caswell’s response, Early Medieval China Group Newsletter 6 (1994):1, 3–9. See also the literature cited by Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 26, n. 25. In the periodization put forward by Su Bai, the caves of his first and second periods were those constructed at this time; see his “Yungang shiku fenqi shilun,” 25–38. For a detailed and incisive survey of the information known about Luoyang up to the time of its writing, see Ping-ti Ho, “Lo-yang, A.D. 495–534,” 52–101. For a study of the remains of the walls over time, see Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang Han Wei chengdui, “Han Wei Luoyang gucheng,” 361–88. Still, Luoyang was a natural site for a capital only when a regime had control of both sides of the corridor in which it was located; see Guo Li’an, “Wei Jin Beichao Yedu xingfei,” 79. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Han Wei gucheng gongzuodui, “Luoyang Han Wei gucheng,” 726–30, 760. Ibid., 730. Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo kaoguzu, “Dunhuang Mogaoku Beichao bihuazhong,” 110, figs. 1 and 2. For a discussion of these and other fortification walls of the period, see Steinhardt, “Representations of Chinese Walled Cities,” 432–39. Zhongguo kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang gongzuodui, “Han Wei Luoyangcheng,” 207–8. For details, see ibid., 198–201. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang Han Wei gucheng gongzuodui, “Han Wei Luoyang Bei Wei Jianchunmen,” 814–18. The length of the Chinese foot (chi) varied at different periods; see Wu Chengluo, Zhongguo duliangheng shi, passim. Duan Pengqi, “Han Wei Luoyangcheng,” 244–48. Sanguozhi 3.104, n. 1, and 25.712. Zhongguo kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang gongzuodui, “Han Wei Luoyangcheng,” 202–3. Very few traces of the buildings have been reported. A circular building 4.9 m in diameter of brick with traces of wooden beams is conjectured to have been a storage area for ice; see Feng Chengze and Yang Hongxun, “Luoyang Han Wei gucheng,” 268–72. A study has also been made of the changes over time in the style of the end tiles; see Qian Guoxiang, “Han Wei Luoyangcheng chutu wadang,” 73–74 and figs. 2 and 3. These problems have been discussed in detail by Meng Fanren, “Bei Wei Luoyangwai,” 41–48, and Luo Zixin, “Han Wei Luoyang,” 63–68. The traces of the west and north walls of the outer city are mentioned in Duan Pengqi, “Han Wei Luoyangcheng,” 251. For a study of the water resources of the city, admittedly tentative, see Kong Xiangyong and Luo Zixin, “Bei Wei Luoyang di chengshi shuili,” 81–84. Meng, “Bei Wei Luoyangwai,” 43–45, discusses the different numbers given for the wards and convincingly argues for the number 220.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 1– 3 6

435

41. While some have argued that this area was an extension of the city itself, Luo Zixin, “Han Wei Luoyang,” 63–68, has argued that it was never a part of the city proper and was built up only later as housing had to be arranged for foreigners and southerners. 42. There are two full translations of the work; that by Jenner has already been cited. In addition, there is that by Yi-t’ung Wang, trans., Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Lo-yang. For an interesting analysis of the anecdotes contained in the work, and a discussion of the significance of the city in the development of Buddhism during this period, see Whalen Lai, “Society and the Sacred,” 229–68. For a short description of the Luoyang qielanji, see Jenner, “Northern Wei Loyang,” 147–63. 43. The history of pre-Sui Chang’an has been ably described by Xiong, Sui-Tang Chang’an, 7–30. 44. Zhu Dawei, “Wei Jin Nanbeichao shiqi di taocheng,” 54–61. 45. Miyazaki Ichisada, “Rikucho¯ jidai kahoku no toshi,” 53–74. Miyazaki does not offer an explanation of why these citadel-palace cities were invariably sited to the north of the urban complex. For a description of Chang’an during this period, with an emphasis on the SuiTang period, see Xiong, Sui-Tang Chang’an. For an overall comparative study of city plans in the Sui-Tang period, see Su Bai, “Sui Tang chengzhi leixing chutan,” 279–85. 46. Evidence of copper foundries has been found outside the southeast and southwest corners of the city site. See Jiang Zanchu, Xiong Haitang, and He Zhongxiang, “Hubei Echeng Liuchao kaogu,” 286. 47. Jiang Zanchu, Li Xiaohui, and He Zhongxiang, “Liuchao Wuchangcheng chutan,” 104–5. 48. Echengxian bowuguan, “Hubei Echeng faxian gujing,” 358–60. 49. Years later, Wuchang was mentioned in a line in the autobiographical fu by Yan Zhitui, describing the campaign of the Liang princes to oust the interloper Hou Jing, that went, “The naval forces stopped off at Wuchang.” See Dien, trans., Pei Ch’i shu 45, 48. For an excellent summary of the history of ancient Wuchang, see Jiang Zanchu, Li Xiaohui, and He Zhongxiang, “Liuchao Wuchangcheng chutan,” 98–100. For more, see also Jiang Zanchu, “Echeng liuchao kaogu sanji,” 34–36. 50. The other portions in this plan are of later date, but the Six Dynasties wall probably underlies the Tang and later walls to the west and south sides of the Six Dynasties portion. 51. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Yangzhou gucheng 1978 nian diaocha,” 40. For further discussion of the words for brick, see Luo Zongzhen, “Jiangsu Liuchao,” 109. 52. Songshu 129.4043–8. 53. Wenxuan 11.16a, as translated in Knechtges, trans., Wen Xuan, 1:261. See also Ji Zhongqing, “Yangzhou gucheng bianqian chutan,” 43–56. Luo Zongzhen, “Jiangsu Liuchao,” 109, argues against this reconstruction of the history of the site. 54. Zizhi tongjian 90.2843.

436

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 7– 4 6

55. Zhenjiang bowuguan, “Zhenjiangshi Dong Jin Jinling,” 410–28. An unusual bird’s-eye view appears in pl. 3.1. The various modern apartment buildings that occupy some of the site give a good sense of its size. A few preliminary remarks on this site are contained in Luo Zongzhen, “Jiangsu Liuchao,” 109–10. 56. Huang Shumei, Liuchao Taihu liuyu, 82–83. 57. Liu Shufen, “Liuchao shidai,” 60. Much of the description of the history of Jiankang that follows is based upon the material in this work and in her subsequent book, Liuchao di chengshi yu shehui. 58. For an overdrawn description of the palace grounds, see the fu by Zuo Si 左思 on the Wu capital, Wenxuan, juan 5, especially 5.17b–18b; Knechtges, trans., Wen Xuan, 1:397–99. 59. Shishuo xinyu 1.1.48b–49a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 77, #102. The point of the anecdote recorded there is that the chancellor Wang Dao 王導 had purposely planned that the streets would be laid out in a twisted manner to conceal the small size of the city’s area. It would seem more likely that it was the result of the topography of the area. 60. Liu Shufen, “Liuchao shidai,” 28–41. 61. Ibid., 41–44. 62. Ibid., 46. Nanshi 5.153 gives a dramatic account of the fire and the program of reconstruction that followed; see below. 63. Liu Shufen, “Liuchao shidai,” 47–50. 64. Ibid., 50–52. 65. Luo Zongzhen, “Jiangsu Liuchao,” 106–7. 66. Wang Zhongshu, “Zhongguo gudai ducheng,” 511–12. See also Steinhardt, Chinese Imperial City Planning, 191, n. 38, for comments on these six points.

3. ARCHITECTURE 1. For excellent treatments of Chinese architecture in general, and of this period in particular, see Soper, Evolution of Buddhist Architecture, 94–102 and passim; Willetts, Chinese Art 2:689–723; Boyd, Chinese Architecture, 23–48; Liu Dunzhen, Zhongguo gudai jianzhushi, 83–115; Steinhardt et al., Chinese Traditional Architecture; Zhang Yuhuan et al., History and Development of Ancient Chinese Architecture, an English translation of the original work in Chinese, Zhongguo gudai jianzhu jishushi; and Fu Xinian, “Three Kingdoms.” For a more general discussion, see also Needham, Wang Ling, and Liu Gwei-djen, Science and Civilisation in China, 4:3:58–144. 2. The amount of information obtainable from models placed in the tombs is very limited. Of twenty-one that have been reported on to date, eight are said to be merely fragments and fi fteen were not illustrated. This is unfortunate since such models are so useful for the Han period in giving us architectural details of the dwelling places. For the Six Dynasties period only three fi nds, all from the early period, are useful in this regard. They are described below.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 4 6 – 5 2

437

3. Yang Huancheng, “Henan gujianzhu,” 60–61, lists thirteen sites in Henan alone. 4. Remnants of a wooden structure were found in a tomb of the Northern Qi. Serving as a vault or coffin chamber, the structure was said to resemble a building three bays wide and three bays deep, with brackets, but not enough has survived to permit reconstruction. See Wang Kelin, “Bei Qi Shedi Huiluo mu,” 382–84. Elements of another wooden structure at the Binglingsi Caves, Gansu, may be of the Northern Zhou; personal communication from Professor Jin Weinuo 金維諾, Central Academy of Art, Beijing. 5. See, for example, Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 163, 170, 192ff. 6. Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo kaoguzu, “Dunhuang Mogaoku Beichao bihuazhong,” 118–19; Gong Dazhong, “Longmen shikuzhong,” 196, leaves out the hipped roof and inserts the roof of the pagoda in his list. 7. Echengxian bowuguan, “Echeng Dong Wu Sun,” 164–67, 163, and pls 6 and 7. Another Three Kingdoms period model similar to that of General Sun’s was also found at Echeng in 1992. Rather than having side buildings it has a large round structure in each corner, probably representing a granary; “Zhongguo wenwu jinghua” bianji weiyuanhui, Zhongguo wenwu jinghua, pl. 8 and 305–6. 8. Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Pengyang Xinji,” 26–42. 9. The terminology here follows that of the report, ibid., 26–27. 10. Kaogu yanjiusuo Anyang fajuedui, “Anyang Sui Zhang Sheng,” 543. 11. Qi Yingtao, “Zhongguo gudai jianzhu,” 62–65. An abstract of this article appears in Dien, Riegel, and Price, eds., Chinese Archaeological Abstracts, 2:59–67. See also Chenshu 31.411, which specifically says that according to ancient practice, the owl tail acroteria were limited to the buildings of the highest officials. For the significance of the creature, see Soper, Evolution of Buddhist Architecture, 114–15. A large animal mask tile, which may have been used as a ridge end of a Northern Wei palatial structure, has been found in Luoyang; see Zhongguo kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang gongzuodui, “Han Wei Luoyangcheng yihao,” 210 and pl. 1.3. A similar piece, removed from the mausolea at Fangshan 方山, is in the museum at Datong. Yan Zhitui cited the mispronunciation of the term chiwei by a native of Wu; Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 178. 12. Pirazzoli-t’Serstevens, Living Architecture, 90. 13. The English terminology varies; that used here is from Zhang Yuhuan et al., History and Development of Ancient Chinese Architecture, 62–63. Steinhardt et al., Chinese Traditional Architecture, use the terms column-and-tie and column-beamand-strut, respectively; cf. pp. 11–12. 14. Zhang Yuhuan et al., History and Development of Ancient Chinese Architecture, 62–63. 15. Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Sichuan Zhongxian Tujing,” 72–73. 16. Zhu Xiaonan, “Sanguo Shu Han,” 34–38. Zhu interprets two of the eight models as representing a storytelling performance, fig. 57 in the report, and the other, fig.

438

17. 18. 19. 20.

21. 22.

23. 24. 25.

26. 27.

28. 29.

30.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 5 2 – 6 0

56, crowded with onlookers. A third model, fig. 60, is identified in the report and by Zhu as a private jail, indicative, they say, of the power held by the high-status inhabitant of the tomb, who was possibly involved in the Sichuan salt trade. See Willetts, Chinese Art, 705. Qi Yingtao, “Zhongguo zaoqi mujiegou,” 73. On tiles, see also Tani Toyonobu, “Sei-Shin izen,” 334–61. Fu Xinian, “Maijishan shikuzhong,” 166. However, Fayuan zhulin 52.27a describes the great hall of a fourth-century temple at Jingzhou that was 13 bays in width, with transverse beams 55 chi long (16.28 m), without intermediate supporting columns. Similarly, at Dunhuang there are caves shaped in the form of the interior of a structure with a gable roof; structural details are generally limited to painted stripes meant to represent rafters and sculpted corbel brackets at the ends simulating support of a ridgepole and eave beams. See, for example, Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo, Dunhuang Mogaoku, vol. 1, pls. 24 (Cave 254) and 48 (Cave 251). Fu Xinian, “Maijishan shikuzhong,” 174 and figs. 33.1–33.5. Fu cites evidence from Yungang, Longmen, and Dunhuang. Ibid., 173–74. This analysis of roof structures differs somewhat from that in Zhang Yuhuan et al., History and Development of Ancient Chinese Architecture, 69. See also the descriptions of Caves 15, 28, and 30, among others, in Dong Guangqiang, “Maijishan shiku,” 23–27. He sees the architectural style of these Northern Wei caves as having progressed little beyond that of the Han, believing as he does that the period of non-Han rule of the north was a stagnant one, and progress came only at the end of this period and in the Sui. Fu Xinian, “Maijishan shikuzhong,” 160–63, figs. 8 and 24. Qi Yingtao, “Zhongguo gudai jianzhu,” 72. Gong Dazhong, “Longmen shikuzhong,” 196–97 and fig. 1; Longmen wenwu baoguansuo, Longmen shiku, pl. 28; Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui and Shanxi Yungang shiku wenwu baoguansuo, Yungang shiku, pl. 53. Liu Dunzhen, Zhongguo gudai jianzhushi, pp. 97–99 and fig. 65.1. Gong Dazhong, “Longmen shikuzhong,” 199. See also Liang Ssu-ch’eng, Pictorial History of Chinese Architecture, pl. 19, Cave 16 at Tianlongshan, Shanxi, for another example of such an intermediate bracket set, this of the Northern Qi period. See Fu Xinian, “Maijishan shikuzhong,” 174 and figs. 33.6–33.10. Gong Dazhong, “Longmen shikuzhong,” 198 and fig. 3; Longmen wenwu baoguansuo, Longmen shiku, pl. 33. Gong, 196 and n. 3, says that the bird may reflect the Indian garuda, but he cites Qi Yingtao, “Zhongguo zaoqi mujiegou,” 65, to the effect that such birds derived from the phoenix motif and existed as early as the Eastern Han. Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo kaoguzu, “Dunhuang Mogaoku Beichao bihuazhong,” 118–19. Xiao Mo 肖默, who signed this article, challenges the common notion that the hip-and-gable roof is a combination of the hip and the gable.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 6 3 –71

31. 32.

33. 34. 35. 36. 37.

38. 39. 40.

41. 42.

43. 44. 45. 46.

47.

439

Apparently, because of the break in the slope of the front and back sides, he sees the roof instead as a combination of a gable and a four-sided lean-to roof. Zhongguo kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang gongzuodui, “Han Wei Luoyangcheng yihao,” 209–17; Fu Xinian, “Maijishan shikuzhong,” 171. Fu Xinian, “Maijishan shikuzhong,” 171, believes that Cave 4 at Maijishan represents the stage that timber-frame structures had reached by the late sixth century, but there is reason to believe that this cave dates from the early Tang, and so it is not included in this discussion. See also Dong Guangqiang, “Maijishan shiku yage,” 26, who dates the cave as having been constructed after the Northern Zhou Buddhist persecution in 574. Longmen wenwu baoguansuo, Longmen shiku, pl. 115; Gong Dazhong, “Longmen shikuzhong,” 198 and fig. 4. Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 149; Yi-tung Wang, trans., Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 17. Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo kaoguzu, “Dunhuang Mogaoku Beichao bihuazhong,” 112 and fig. 4. Ibid., 110, fig. 3, and 112, fig. 5. Ibid., 113. The site of a palace building originally built in the Sui and used into the Tang has been excavated in Linyou 麟游 District, Shaanxi, but of course only the foundation could be recovered; Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Xi’an Tangcheng gongzuodui, “Sui Renshougong,” 1083–99. See Soper, Evolution of Buddhist Architecture, 79 and pl. 38, which gives this depiction some sense of verisimilitude. Wenxuan 2.11b; Knechtges, trans., Wen Xuan, 1:195–96. The phrasing is slightly different from the text in Wenxuan. Nanshi 5.153–54. The emperor’s statement playfully drew a parallel between the consort and the Buddha. For other examples of ostentatious architectural displays during this period, see Sickman and Soper, Pelican History of Art, 387–88. Willetts, Chinese Art, 708. For an excellent explanation of the steps and tiers of bracketry, see Soper, Evolution of Buddhist Architecture, 96–100. See, for example, the buildings depicted in the murals in Caves 420 and 423, Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo, Dunhuang Mogaoku, vol. 2: pls. 34 and 69. See also the discussion in Zhang Yuhuan et al., History and Development of Ancient Chinese Architecture, 74–75. Zhang Yuhuan et al., History and Development of Chinese Architecture, 70–71. Ibid., 71–72. Wuwei diqu bowuguan, “Gansu Wuwei,” 90, fig. 5. Lai, “Society and the Sacred,” 231–39, contrasts the cleric-centered Buddhism with the lay-dominated temple piety, in which the pagoda was an important element. Both types of establishments, monasteries and temples, were called si in Chinese. Nanshi 70.1721; Liu Shufen, “Liuchao shidai di Jiankang,” 145.

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48. Weishu 114.3048; Hurvitz, trans., Wei Shou, 103; Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 142. Fu Xinian, “Three Kingdoms,” 85, gives the number in the north during the Northern Wei as 13,727, a more reasonable number. See also Gernet, Buddhism in Chinese Society, 15–16, for the increasing number over time in Luoyang. 49. Weishu 114.3045; Hurvitz, trans., Wei Shou, 94; Nanshi 70.1721–22. The building of these temples also led to excesses of other kinds. At one point, Emperor Wu of Liang announced plans to build a temple at the mausoleum of his father and issued a call for building materials. An ambitious official thereupon confiscated a raftful of fine timber that had been collected by a merchant, whom the official executed on trumped-up charges, and the timber was sent on to the capital for building the temple. As one might expect, supernatural retribution soon followed: the official died shortly after, and the temple, struck by lightning, burned down to the very ends of the columns in the ground. See Taiping guangji 120.845. 50. Willetts, Chinese Art, 723–35, has an excellent discussion of this topic. See also Sickman and Soper, Pelican History of Art, 387–96, and Kieschnick, Impact of Buddhism, 38–44. 51. Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo kaoguzu, “Dunhuang Mogaoku Beichao bihuazhong,” 113–15 and fig. 7. 52. Hou Hanshu 73.2368. 53. Gong Dazhong, “Longmen shikuzhong,” 199; Liu Dunzhen, Zhongguo gudai jianzhushi, 90 and fig. 59; Soper, Evolution of Buddhist Architecture, 90–91. 54. Liu Shufen, Liuchao di chengshi yu shehui, 168, 185–86. 55. Sickman and Soper, Pelican History of Art, 389. 56. Weishu 114.3043; Hurwitz, trans., Wei Shou, 92. 57. On the excavation of its west gate, see Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang Han Wei chengdui, “Bei Wei Luoyang Yongningsi Ximen,” 698–701. 58. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang gongzuodui, “Bei Wei Yongningsi taji,” 223–24, 212; Zhang Yuhuan et al., History and Development of Ancient Chinese Architecture, 72–73; Zhong Xiaoqing, “Bei Wei Luoyang Yongningsi,” 51–64. A full report of the excavation has been published: Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, Bei Wei Luoyang Yongningsi. For the heights given in the various sources, see Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 148, n. 10. Jenner takes the Northern Wei chi to be 29.6 cm, but based on Wu Chengluo, Zhongguo duliangheng shi, I take it to have been 27.5 cm; hence Jenner’s figures for the pagoda are greater than mine. See also Fu Xinian, “Three Kingdoms,” 83–84 and fig. 3.21. 59. Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 162. All that remained before its recent excavation was a mound of three terraces, in all some 8 m high, approximately 101 m east to west, and 98 m north to south; Zhongguo kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang gongzuodui, “Han Wei Luoyangcheng yihao,” 204–6, fig. 3 and pl. 3. The building of such a mound or platform is depicted in a mural at Dunhuang; see fig. 3.33 of

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60. 61.

62. 63.

64.

65. 66. 67.

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this chapter. Some 1,560 fragments of painted sculptures were uncovered at the site. Liu Dunzhen, Zhongguo gudai jianzhushi, 87. Ibid., 90. For evidence of continuing foreign influences in elements of the structures, see Gong Dazhong, “Longmen shikuzhong,” 201. For further discussion and citation of examples where such changes as the erection of a stupa were made, see Tang Yunjun, “Dongnan diqu,” 135–43. Cowan, “Dongdasi of Xian,” 134–47; Steinhardt, “Synagogue at Kaifeng,” 3–21. Sickman and Soper, Pelican History of Art, 391; Liu Dunzhen, Zhongguo gudai jianzhushi, 90, 94, and fig. 60. Yang Huancheng, “Henan gujianzhu,” 61, cites a pair of small pagodas at the site of the Lingquansi 靈泉寺, Anyang, a memorial to a monk of the Northern Qi, but he provides no illustration. Other surviving pagodas of various types are listed in Sickman and Soper, 391–92. Sun Ji, “Guanyu Zhongguo zaoqi,” 41–47, explores the source of the pagoda in great detail. On p. 45, he attributes the turn to the use of brick in building pagodas to an attempt to avoid the danger of fire. There is a good discussion of the pagoda in China in Fu Xinian, “Three Kingdoms,” 83–86. Yang Huancheng, “Henan gujianzhu,” 61, says the bricks are gray (qinghui 青灰) in color with a yellow mortar, but as I remember, the bricks are a shade of yellow. Willetts, Chinese Art, 731. Soper, Evolution of Buddhist Architecture, 13–14. Lienart and Mestek, “Zur Architektur,” 7–39, cite specific areas in which Sui developments can be seen as foreshadowing Tang developments. These include changes in the architrave, which provided higher ceilings for the Buddha image in temples as well as a better view of the image from the outside, bracketry that allowed for greater depth of the eaves, and modified acroteria.

4. TOMB ARCHITECTURE 1. Sometimes the term guo 槨, “vault” or “coffin chamber,” is used for shi. 2. Zhang Yuhuan et al., History and Development of Ancient Chinese Architecture, 177–79, provides an excellent discussion of brick wall construction techniques. 3. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing Youfangqiao,” 902. 4. Hunansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Changsha Lannichong,” 45. 5. Of interest for comparative purposes is Van Beek, “Arches and Vaults in the Ancient Near East,” 96–103. 6. Zhang Yuhuan et al., History and Development of Ancient Chinese Architecture, 185. A detailed description of the technique of construction of such a dome is found in Zhang Zhixin, “Jiangsu Wuxian Shizishan,” 131–32. A type of dome described as “spiral” (luoxuan 螺旋) should be distinguished from the simian jieding type; Jiangxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Jiangxi di Han mu,” 174, n. 1 and pl. 1.5, but the type appears to have been used only rarely.

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7. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing jiaoxian,” 12–13. 8. Zhang Yuhuan et al., History and Development of Ancient Chinese Architecture, 186. 9. Robert L. Thorpe refers to the dome inherited in the Six Dynasties period from the Han as a “four-section false vault,” perhaps because of this difference from the Western type; cf. Thorpe, “Qin and Han Imperial Tombs,” 17–37. 10. Nan Bo, “Nanjing Xigang,” 57. 11. Datongshi bowuguan and Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui, “Datong Fangshan,” 33; Wei Cuncheng, “Gaojuli sierzhanyanhu,” 81. 12. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui dierdui, “Luoyang Jin mu,” 169. 13. Zhongguo kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, Kaoguxue jichu, 140; Gansusheng bowuguan, “Jiuquan, Jiayuguan,” 10; Xinjiang Weiwuer zizhiqu bowuguan and Xibei daxue lishixi kaogu zhuanye, “1973 nian Tulufan,” 10 (abstracted in Dien, Riegel, and Price, eds., Chinese Archaeological Abstracts, 4:1802). According to this last, the use of sky wells spread from the heartland to the border areas after those regions came under Chinese rule. The opposite may well be true. 14. These three regions are carefully defined by Zhang Xiaozhou, “Beifang diqu,” 19–43. Liu Yanjun, “Jianlun Wuchao,” 100–106, does not treat the tombs on a regional basis. 15. Sanguozhi 2.81–82; Zizhi tongjian 69.2208. In the case of the tomb of Lady Xu (d. 299), wet nurse of the empress-consort of Emperor Hui of the Jin, one has a rare glimpse into the cost of these funerals, as her epitaph states that a sum of 5 million cash and 500 pieces of juan 絹 silk were allocated for the expenses; Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui dierdui, “Luoyang Jin mu,” 183. 16. Zhang Xiaozhou, “Beifang diqu,” 36–37. Zhang has established a typology apparently based in large part on tomb size, and he then identifies certain of these types with specific thirty to forty year periods falling between 190 and 317. The small number of datable tombs and the brevity of these incremental periods do not convincingly establish a developmental pattern, and it seems best to treat the Wei and Western Jin as a unit. 17. Luoyangshi wenwu gongzuodui, “Luoyang Cao Wei,” 318. 18. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui dierdui, “Luoyang Jin mu,” 169 and figs. 1 and 2 and pls. 1 : 1 and 1 : 2. 19. Luoyangshi wenwu gongzuodui, “Luoyang Cao Wei,” 314–18, 313. An earlier report on this same tomb is [Li Zongdao and Zhao Guobi], “Luoyang 16 gongqu,” 51–53. It has been moved to the Luoyang gumu bowuguan 洛陽古墓博物館 and fully restored. 20. Huang Minglan, “Xi Jin Pei Zhi,” 70–73. An epitaph found in the tomb identifies each of the bodies and their location in the tomb. This tomb has also been moved to the Luoyang gumu bowuguan, and the dome of the front chamber has been restored. 21. Qi Dongfang, “Sanguo Liang Jin,” 943–49, 938.

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443

22. Wuhan daxue lishixi kaogu zhuanye and Ezhoushi bowuguan, “Ezhoushi Zelin,” 46. 23. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui dierdui, “Luoyang Jin mu,” 174. 24. Ibid., 176. 25. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang Han Wei chengdui, “Luoyang Han Wei gucheng,” 22–31. 26. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Henan dier gongzuodui, “Henan Yanshi Xingyuancun,” 721–26. 27. Ibid., 726–34. 28. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui dierdui, “Luoyang Jin mu,” 175. 29. On this topic, see the unpublished paper, “Clay Roosters Cannot Lord Over Mornings: The Meanings of Austere Burials in Medieval ‘Death Testaments,’ ” by Keith Knapp, and Sha Zhongping, “Wei Jin bozang,” 30–34. 30. Zhuchengxian bowuguan, “Shandong Zhuchengxian,” 1114–18, 1129. 31. Beijingshi wenwu gongzuodui, “Beijing xijiao Xi Jin,” 21–24. The biography of the widower, Wang Jun, is in Jinshu 39.1146ff. In the disorders of the time, he attempted to establish his own kingdom, but he eventually fell victim to Shi Le 石勒. 32. Shijingshanqu wenwu guanlisuo, “Beijingshi Shijingshanqu,” 54–59. 33. Beijingshi wenwu gongzuodui, “Beijingshi Shunyixian,” 61–69. No Wei-Jin tombs have been reported in Shanxi and Shaanxi. In the latter case, this can be explained in part by the archaeological resources being committed to such a degree to the Qin Shihuang mausoleum site. 34. Shaanxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Xi’an nanjiao Caochangpocun,” 285– 87. In the article by Zhang Xiaozhou, “Beifang diqu,” 22, this tomb is type 2, subcategory 3 and is described on p. 23, but there are no new details. The dating is based largely on the numerous pottery utensils and figurines. 35. Shaanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, “Chang’anxian Beichao,” 57–62. 36. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, “1955 nian Luoyang Jianxiqu,” 95– 105. The report is important because usually only the more attractive tombs are reported on, and the graves of the less affluent are ignored. Of those that can be dated, one is Northern Qi, three are Sui, and one Tang. Another tomb, dated Northern Zhou, was reported on in Luoyangshi wenwu gongzuodui, “Luoyang Jianshui dongan,” 54–55. 37. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Anyang gongzuodui, “Anyang Xiaomintun,” 501–11. For a discussion of the stirrup, see Dien, “Stirrup,” 33–34. 38. See Dien, “New Look at the Xianbei,” 40–59, and the literature cited there. 39. Neimenggu wenwu gongzuodui, “Neimenggu Huhehaote,” 86–87, 91. For another tomb of this period, see Guo Suxin, “Neimenggu Huhehaote,” 38–41, 77. 40. Weishu 2.33; Zizhi tongjian 110.3470–71. On this period, see Jenner, trans., Memories of Luoyang, 24–25. 41. Shanxisheng Datongshi bowuguan and Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Datong Shijiazhai,” 20–33. A preliminary notice of the fi nd appeared in Wenwu 1972.1:83–84. The tomb, at 75.92 sq m, is the second largest in interior

444

42.

43.

44.

45. 46. 47.

48. 49. 50.

51.

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floor space of all the tombs of the Six Dynasties period for which measurements have been reported. The mean measurement of all tombs is 9.05 sq m, with a standard deviation of 9.16 sq m, which gives a sense of the size of this one. The tomb is located east of the Yu River 御河, originally called the Ruhun River, in a burial area for the Northern Wei elite; see Datongshi bowuguan, “Datong dongjiao,” 65. Parts of the screen have been illustrated in various publications, but the most complete presentation is in Zhang Anzhi et al., eds., Zhongguo meishu quanji, 153–63. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Datongshi kaogu yanjiusuo, “Datongshi Bei Wei,” 19–39; Wang Yintian and Liu Junxi, “Datong Zhijiabao,” 40–51; this last was apparently one of four such stone vaults, perhaps belonging to one family (p. 51). On the Boston example, see Kojiro Tomita, “Chinese Sacrificial Stone House,” 98–110; Zheng Yan, “Qingzhou,” 80; Xia Mingcai, “Qingzhou Fujia,” 92–93 and fig. 2. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Datongshi bowuguan, “Datong nanjiao Bei Wei,” 1–11. The stone coffin couch is on display in the Datong City Museum. Another bed of the same period, even more highly decorated, has been reported on and discussed by Deng Hongli and Cai Quanfa, “Qinyangxian Xixiang,” 4–12. They make the point (p. 10) that coffi n stands that appeared in the late Han were usually in the form of bricks or at times stone slabs laid flat to form a rectangular platform, but that from the Wei-Jin period, carved stone supports, similar in shape to beds, began to appear. Huang Minglan, “Xi Jin Pei Zhi,” 71–73. A plan of the coffi n is given in Huang Minglan, Luoyang Bei Wei, 3, and rubbings of the line drawings on it in pls. 13ff. Luoyang bowuguan, “Luoyang Bei Wei,” 218–24, 243. The name, once read Shao, is now to be read Zhao, according to Huang Minglan. This tomb is unique in having been reported on three times: Shang Zhenming, “Mengxian chutu Bei Wei,” 40–41; ibid., 44–46; and Mengxian renmin wenhuaguan, “Henansheng Mengxian,” 279–81. Some fourteen thousand bricks were used in its construction. Another tomb, apparently quite similar, is that of Yuan Yi (d. 526); it has a height of 9.5 m. Unfortunately, no plan was provided in the report, but a painting of a constellation of stars is preserved on the ceiling; Luoyang bowuguan, “Henan Luoyang,” 53–55, and Wang Che and Chen Xu, “Luoyang Bei Wei,” 56–60. Guyuanxian wenwu gongzuozhan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 46–56. A remarkable lacquer coffi n, discussed elsewhere, was found in this tomb. Dai Zunde, “Taiyuan Bei Wei,” 197–202. Yang Fudou, “Shanxi Quwoxian,” 43–44; this tomb, dated 499, apparently similar to those mentioned, had in addition two side chambers, each containing an additional burial. Yanshi Shangcheng bowuguan, “Henan Yanshi,” 832–34. This tomb contained two brick semicircular structures, sharing a common wall with two apertures, that served as inner vaults. No other case has been reported.

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52. Shaanxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Xi’an Renjiakou,” 59–64. 53. Yun Anzhi, Zhongguo Bei Zhou zhengui wenwu, is a detailed report of fourteen Northern Zhou tombs in the Xi’an area. 54. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu bowuguan and Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 1–20. A Western Wei site at Hanzhong, unusual because its walls are bowed inward rather than outward, is treated with the southern tombs. 55. Shandongsheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Linzi Beichao,” 221–44. 56. Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Bei Qi,” 235–43, 234; Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Dong Wei,” 1–9. 57. Tang Chi, “Dong Wei Ruru,” 10–15. 58. Wang Kelin, “Bei Qi Shedi Huiluo mu,” 377–402. 59. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Taiyuanshi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Taiyuanshi Bei Qi,” 1–23. 60. Another tomb, that of Han Yi (d. 567) appears to be similar, but no plan has been published. It is 20.25 sq m in area and was found at Jixian, in the southwest portion of the province. Cf. Tao Zhenggang, “Shanxi Qixian Baigui,” 64–73. It is unfortunate that so little has been reported on from Shanxi. 61. On the murals, see the comments of ten scholars in Wu Zuoren et al., “Bitan Taiyuan,” 24–39. The quality of the murals, especially the mural on the east wall of the passageway, has led to the suggestion that the artist was Yang Zihua 楊子華, a court painter known for his paintings of horses; cf. p. 27 of the report. 62. Wang Zengxin, “Liaoning Liaoyangxian,” 16–19; Wang Zengxin, “Liaoyangshi Bangtaizi,” 20–23. Reproductions of the murals are in Kaogu 1960.1:22 (line drawings) and Liaoyangshi wenwu guanlisuo, “Liaoyang faxian,” pl. 7 (black-andwhite photographs). For general studies of the archaeology of Liaoning during the Six Dynasties period, see Tian Likun, “San Yan wenhua,” 205–30, and Dien, “Liaoning in the Six Dynasties Period.” 63. Hong Qingyu, “Guanyu Dong Shou,” 27–35; for additional literature, see Dien, “Study of Early Chinese Armor,” 20, n. 89. 64. Actually, his tomb may be seen as a relic since the type had disappeared elsewhere. 65. Li Qingfa, “Liaoyang Shangwangjiacun,” 60–62. 66. Shenyangshi wenwu gongzuozu, “Shenyang Boguantun,” 553–57. For the cup, see p. 556, fig. 5.11. 67. Dushi fangyu jiyao 37.1567–68. 68. Liaoningsheng bowuguan, “Liaoning Benqi,” 715–20. Reference there is made to the report on two tombs at Ji’an in Jilinsheng bowuguan wenwu gongzuodui, “Jilin Ji’an,” 123–31. 69. Chen Dawei, “Liaoning Beipiao Fangshencun,” 24–26; Su Bai, “Dongbei, Neimenggu,” 43–44. The latter has been translated; see Fridley, trans., Su Bai, “Xianbei Remains,” 7–10. On the crown, see n. 24, pp. 39–40. Sun Ji, Zhongguo shenghuo, 87–106, argues rather that its origins were to the west.

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70. Liaoningsheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Chaoyangshi bowuguan, “Chaoyang Wangzifenshan muqun,” 4–18. 71. Chaoyang diqu bowuguan and Chaoyangxian wenhuaguan, “Liaoning Chaoyang,” 915–29. On the role of the dog in the funeral, see Hou Hanshu 90.2980. On the Wuhuan and their relations with the Xianbei, see Ma Changshou, Wuhuan yu Xianbei, 159–70. 72. Liaoningsheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Chaoyangshi bowuguan, “Chaoyang Shiertaixiang,” 19–32. 73. Yu Junyu, “Chaoyang Sanhecheng,” 42–48. 74. Chen Dawei and Li Yufeng, “Liaoning Chaoyang,” 270–74. 75. Liaoningsheng bowuguan wenwudui, Chaoyang diqu bowuguan wenwudui, and Chaoyangxian wenwuguan, “Chaoyang Yuantaizi,” 29–45. 76. Li Yaobo, “Liaoning Beipiaoxian,” 2–28. See also Su Bai, “Dongbei, Neimenggu,” 44–46, and Fridley, “Xianbei Remains,” 10–15. 77. Over a third of the tombs of this period with murals that have been reported on are in Liaoning. 78. Cao Xun, “Bei Wei Liu Xian,” 615–21. Liu Yanjun, “Jianlun wuhu,” 105, confirms that this is the only tomb of this style of construction thus far reported. 79. Chaoyang diqu bowuguan and Chaoyangxian wenhuaguan, “Liaoning Chaoyang,” 926–28. 80. Even if Michael Rogers’s assertion is correct, that the battle did not take place, the result of the failure of the campaign was the same; see Rogers, Chronicle of Fu Chien, 64–69. 81. Mather, Biography of Lü Kuang, 16–25. 82. Soper, “Northern Liang,” 131–64. On the history and culture of this area during this period, see Hong Tao, Wu Liang shilue, and Zhao Yiwu, Wu Liang wenhua shulun. 83. Soper, “Northern Liang,” 143. 84. Gansusheng bowuguan and Jiayuguanshi wenwu baoguansuo, “Jiayuguan Wei Jin,” 66. 85. For a photograph of one, see Jiayuguanshi wenwu qingli xiaozu, “Jiayuguan Han,” pl. 8:5. 86. Ibid., 24–41, and Jiayuguanshi wenwu guanlisuo, “Jiayuguan Xincheng,” 7–15. 87. Gansusheng bowuguan, “Cong Jiayuguan,” 83–86, relates the scenes to the military colonies (tuntian 屯田) established by Cao Cao. 88. Gansusheng bowuguan and Jiayuguanshi wenwu baoguansuo, “Jiayuguan Wei Jin,” 69 and n. 1. Zhang Pengchuan, who penned this article, established that these tombs date from the Wei-Jin period and not the Han as stated in the original report. Color plates of these bricks appear in a number of publications, some of which include Gansusheng bowuguan, “Cong Jiayuguan,” pl. 1; Gansusheng bowuguan and Jiayuguanshi wenwu baoguansuo, “Jiayuguan Wei Jin,” pl. 1; the frontspiece in Jan Fontein and Wu Tung, Han and T’ang Murals; Zhang Anzhi et

N O T E S T O P A G E S 110 – 115

89.

90.

91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96.

97.

98. 99. 100.

101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106.

447

al., Zhongguo meishu quanji, 113–15; Shao Wenliang, comp., Zhongguo gudai tiyu, 44–47; and Jiuquanshi bowuguan, Jiuquan wenwu jinghua, 56–108. Gansusheng bowuguan, “Jiuquan, Jiayuguan,” 1–17, and Zhang Pengchuan, “Jiuquan Dingjiazha,” 18–21. The murals have been reproduced in a handsome volume, Gansusheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Jiuquan shiliuguo mubihua. Goldin, “On the Meaning,” 83–85, suggests Xiwangmu be translated Spirit Mother of the West. In like manner, Dongwanggong could be translated Spirit Sire of the East. Xia Nai, “Dunhuang kaogu manji,” 6. Ibid. Ibid. For an earlier period, see Seidel, “Traces of Han Religion,” 23–28. Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo kaoguzu, “Dunhuang Jin mu,” 191–99, and Gansusheng Dunhuangxian bowuguan, “Dunhuang Foyemiaowan,” 51–60. The map in Xinjiang Weiwuer zizhiqu bowuguan, “Xinjiang Tulufan,” 13, unfortunately is poorly printed. The account here is based on Xinjiang Weiwuer zizhiqu bowuguan, “Tulufanxian Asitana-Halahezhuo gumuqun qingli jianbao,” 8–29, and Xinjiang Weiwuer zizhiqu bowuguan, “Tulufanxian Asitana-Halahezhuo gumuqun fajue jianbao,” 7–27. For a sampling of these documents, see Xinjiang Weiwuer zizhiqu bowuguan, “Xinjiang Tulufan,” 17–20. See also Huang Wenbi, Tulufan kaoguji, passim. For an edited transcription of the texts, see Guojia wenwuju guwenxian yanjiushi et al., Tulufan chutu wenshu, passim. See Guojia wenwuju guwenxian yanjiushi et al., passim. See Huang Wenbi, Tulufan kaoguji, pl. 61. Zhang Aibing, “Nanchao zangzhi kao,” 36. Zhang has brought together some interesting material concerning the importance of geomancy in determining the location of a tomb at this period. On this, see also Li Weiran, “Lun Nanjing diqu,” 343–46. Luo Zongzhen, “Nanjing Xishanqiao,” 295; Yang Hong, “Wu, Dong Jin,” 565. Nanjingshi wenwu baoguan weiyuanhui, “Nanjing jiaoqu,” 27–28. Yangzhou bowuguan, “Jiangsu Hanjiang,” 263. Yang Hong, “Wu, Dong Jin,” 564. This distinction between core and periphery draws on the work of G. William Skinner; see especially his City in Late Imperial China, 214–16 and passim. Of the 1,359 southern tombs in my database, 308 are in Jiangsu Province. Over 85 percent of the tombs found in the Nanjing area are from the Six Dynasties period according to Li Weiran, “Nanjing Liuchao muzang,” 21. Jiang Zanchu has said that over 1,000 Six Dynasties tombs have been excavated in the Nanjing area, but perhaps only one-fourth of them have been reported on; Jiang Zanchu, “Guanyu Changjiang xiayou,” 196. See also his figures for specific periods: 70 of 200 for the Wu-Western Jin (p. 196) and fewer than 50 of 200 for the Qi-Chen period (p. 202).

448

N O T E S T O P A G E S 115 – 12 5

107. Jiang Zanchu, “Guanyu Changjiang xiayou,” 196. Feng Puren, “Nanchao muzang,” 269–78, deals only with the four dynasties between 420 and 589, dividing that period into two. Because he excludes the Wu and Jin states, and because his work focuses primarily on the typology of tomb construction, it is less useful for this discussion. 108. There are examples of tombs that do not fit this simple scheme. For example, a Western Jin tomb found at Xigang, northeast of Nanjing, was a joint tomb for three couples and might be analyzed as being a double-chamber tomb with several side chambers; see Nan Bo, “Nanjing Xigang,” 56, fig. 2. 109. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing Mufushan,” 47. Since the stands for canopies featured depictions of dragons and tigers, the authors (p. 48) speculate that these were tombs of members of the imperial family. 110. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing Maigaoqiao,” 568. 111. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Nanjing Tongjiashan,” 23–27. 112. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing Youfangqiao,” 898–902. 113. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing Qianxintang,” 82. 114. For an impressive treatment of the development of the area during this period, see the study by Huang Shumei, Liuchao Taihu liuyu. 115. Ibid., 59–60. 116. The biographies of some members of this family are found in juan 58 of the Jinshu; see especially 58.1573: “Zhou Ji’s kin group was powerful and flourishing,” and 58.1574: “the Zhou family was an eminent local one (haowang 豪望) and respected by the men of Wu.” 117. See Huadong wenwu gongzuodui qingli xiaozu, “Jiangsu Yixing Zhoumudun,” 90–103; Luo Zongzhen, “Jiangsu Yixing Jin mu,” 83–106; and Nanjing bowuyuan, “Jiangsu Yixing Jin mu di dierci,” 115–22. Finally, see Kieser, “Northern Influence in Tombs,” 231–68. 118. Zhejiangsheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Hangzhou Jinmenkan,” 228–29. 119. Quxian wenhuaguan, “Zhejiang Quxian Jielucun,” 379–81. 120. Jinhua diqu wenguanhui, “Zhejiang Jinhua Gufang,” 816–25; the first measures a relatively large 18.05 sq m. 121. Zhejiangsheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Huangyan Xiuling,” 111–29. This site is unusual because all the tombs were included in the report and there does not seem to have been any selectivity exercised in reporting on the fi nd. 122. Shengxian wenguanhui, “Zhejiang Shengxian,” 805–10. 123. Anhuisheng wenwu kaogo yanjiusuo and Maanshanshi wenhuaju, “Anhui Maanshan,” 1–15. 124. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Jiangsu Liyang Guoyuan,” 227–31; Nanjing bowuyuan, “Jiangsu Wuxian Heshan,” 203–6, 202; and Wuxi bowuguan, “Wuxi Chidunli,” 1005–7; these average 13.4 sq m, smaller than the 18.1 sq m of this type in the previous period. 125. Jinshu 58.1575. This was pointed out by Keith Knapp in his unpublished manuscript, “Clay Roosters Cannot Lord Over Mornings.”

N O T E S T O P A G E S 12 5 – 13 4

449

126. See Fu Lecheng, “Jingzhou yu Liuchao,” 93–115. 127. Echengxian bowuguan, “Echeng Dong Wu Sun,” 163. 128. Jiang Zanchu, Xiong Haitang, and He Zhongxiang, “Hubei Echeng Liuchao kaogu,” 286. Only a small portion of these have been documented. Of the 394 Six Dynasties tombs excavated at Echeng between 1956 and 1983 (personal communication from Jiang Zanchu), less than a tenth have been reported on. 129. Jiang Zanchu, Xiong Haitang, and He Zhongxiang, “Hubei Echeng Liuchao kaogu,” 287. 130. Ibid. 131. This discussion is drawn from Jiang Zanchu, “Changjiang zhongyou,” 140–47. 132. See, for example, Wuhan daxue lishixi kaogu zhuanye and Ezhoushi bowuguan, “Ezhoushi Zelin,” 37–46. There are also tombs in the Yichang and Jingzhou area that have local characteristics, such as a ledge along a gradually narrowing ramp that is fi lled with a blue viscous clay; Yichang diqu bowuguan and Zhijiangxian bowuguan, “Hubei Zhijiangxian,” 1076. 133. Yu Weichao, in an interesting article, “Handai zhuhou,” 337, proposes three stages in tomb development, the Zhou, Han, and Jin, and sees the emergence of the single-chamber brick tomb, which he terms the Jin style, as resulting from the rise in influence of the local magnates (difang haoyou 地方豪友) to match that of the nobility, and the virtual disappearance of any distinctions in tomb architecture between the two groups. 134. Hunansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Hunan Changde xijiao,” 52; unfortunately, no dimensions are given for this structure. 135. Hunansheng bowuguan, “Changsha Liang Jin,” 77. 136. Ibid. It is not clear if this and other tombs in this report, simply dated as Jin, are of Western or Eastern Jin provenance. 137. Yiyang diqu wenwu gongzuodui and Yiyangxian wenhuaguan, “Hunansheng Yiyangxian,” 45. 138. Hunansheng bowuguan, “Hunan Zixing,” 335–60. 139. Wiens, China’s March, 9–10. 140. Tang Changpu, “Jiangxi Nanchang,” 906. 141. [Qin Guangjie], “Jiangxi Nanchang shijiao,” 258–59. This tomb occupies an area of 11.4 sq m. 142. Jiangxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Jiangxi Nanchang Xujiafang,” 459–61. 143. Jiangxisheng wenwu gongzuodui and Xin’ganxian wenwu chenlieshi, “Jiangxi Xin’ganxian,” 1122–24. 144. Jiangxisheng wenwu gongzudui, “Jiangxi Jing’an Hushan,” 538–41, 575. 145. Jiangxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Jiangxi Qingjiang Yanghu,” 171–75; this tomb has an area of 15.23 sq m. 146. Jiangxisheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Nanchangshi bowuguan, “Nanchang huochezhan,” 39. 147. Jiangxisheng bowuguan, “Jiangxi Nanchang Jin,” 373–78.

450

N O T E S T O P A G E S 13 5 – 14 9

148. Qingjiangxian bowuguan, “Qingjiangxian Shanqian,” 33–39; the date of the tomb is A.D. 496, and it has an area of 6.4 sq m. 149. Jiangxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Jiangxi Qingjiang Sui mu,” 26–29; the tomb is dated A.D. 615 and has an area of 9.12 sq m. 150. Jiangxisheng bowuguan kaogudui, “Jiangxi Nanchang shijiao,” 193–95. 151. Ganzhoushi bowuguan, “Jiangxi Ganxian,” 345–48; the tomb has an area of 12.7 sq m. There appears to have been a multichambered segmented tomb dated 493 at Ji’an, to the west, but no diagram was included in the report; Ping Jiang and Xu Zhifan, “Jiangxi Ji’anxian,” 31–32. 152. Bielenstein, “Chinese Colonization,” 98–122. 153. Only Zhenghe, where a number of tombs have been found, does not seem to have been the site of such an administrative center. 154. [Huang Hanjie], “Fujian Minhou Guankou,” 427. 155. Fujiansheng bowuguan, “Fujian Minhou Nanyu,” 59–65. 156. [Huang Tianshui], “Fujiansheng Longfanshan,” 83. 157. Fujiansheng bowuguan and Zhenghexian wenhuaguan, “Fujian Zhenghe Songyuan,” 47, fig. 3. 158. Guangzhoushi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Guangzhoushi xibeijiao,” 43–49. 159. Watt, Han Tomb in Lei Cheng Uk, 5. 160. Guangzhoushi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui kaoguzu, “Guangzhou Shaheding,” 799–802, 798. 161. Guangdongsheng bowuguan, Shantou diqu wenhuaju, and Jieyangxian bowuguan, “Guangdong Jieyang,” 897–901. 162. Guangdongsheng bowuguan, “Guangdong Meixian,” 207–15. 163. Guangdongsheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Guangdong Shaoguan,” 230–35. 164. Guangdongsheng wenwu gongzuodui, “Guangdong Meixian Damuji,” 27–31. 165. Guangdongsheng bowuguan, “Guangdong Shixing,” 113–33. 166. Ibid., and Yang Hao, “Guangdong Shaoguan shijiao di Nanchao mu,” 154–61. 167. Guangzhoushi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Guangzhou Shahezhen Shizigang,” 245–47, and Guangdongsheng bowuguan, Shantou diqu wenhuaju, and Jieyangxian bowuguan, “Guangdong Jieyang,” 895–903. 168. See fig. 4.72, where the jade-belt pattern was used in the entryway only. 169. Guangxi Zhuangzu zizhiqu wenwu gongzuodui, “Guangxi Hexian,” 9–12, 8; Liang Youren, “Guangxi Guixian,” 44–45. 170. Wuzhoushi bowuguan, “Guangxi Wuzhoushi,” 285–86; the same tomb is included in Guangxi Wuzhoushi bowuguan, “Wuzhoushi Jin mu,” 40–44. 171. Wuzhoushi bowuguan, “Guangxi Zhuangzu,” 859. 172. Guangxi Zhuangzu zizhiqu wenwu gongzuodui, “Guangxi Zhuangzu,” 790–92; Guangxi Zhuangzu zizhiqu wenwu gongzuodui, “Guangxi Rongan,” 627–32, 635. Other tombs, to the southeast at Tengxian, are rather similar but have in addition double piers to help support the roofs; see Tengxian wenhuaju and Tengxian wenwu guanlisuo, “Guangxi Tengxian,” 569–72. 173. Guizhou bowuguan, “Guizhou Qingzhen Pingba,” 209–11.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 14 9 – 16 4

451

174. Guizhousheng bowuguan, “Guizhou Pingbaxian,” 42–43; Guizhousheng bowuguan kaoguzu, “Guizhou Pingba Machang,” 345–55. 175. Sun Taichu, “Yunnan Yaoan Yangpai,” 25–28. 176. Yunnansheng wenwu gongzuodui, “Yunnansheng Zhaotong Houhaizi,” 1–5. 177. For some discussion of the possible identity of the deceased, and contemporary mention of mixed Chinese and Yi aborigine buqu of the Huo family, see ibid., 5. 178. The Six Dynasties cliff tombs are found in the vicinities of Chongqing, Chengdu, Jiangqu 江區, Guangyuan 廣元, Zhongxian 忠縣, Zhongjiang 中江, Deyang 德陽, Santai 三台, Yanting 鹽亭, and Mianyang 綿陽; cf. Mianyang bowuguan, “Sichuan Mianyang Xishan,” 1029. Luo Erhu, “Sichuan yamu kaizao,” 37, offers an explanation of the method used to carve out the structures, using the treadle-operated tilt hammer (dui 碓) fitted with a drill bit and suspended framework. 179. Liu Zhiyuan, “Chengdu Tianhuishan,” 87–103. 180. Shen Zhongchang, “Sichuan Zhaohua Baolunzhen,” 118. 181. Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Sichuan Zhongxian,” 49–95. 182. Shen Zhongchang, “Sichuan Zhaohua Baolunzhen,” 109–26. 183. Zhang Yanhuang and Gong Tingwan, “Sichuan Zhaohua Baolunyuan,” 22–30. 184. Shi Guangming, Shen Zhongchang, and Zhang Yanhuang, “Sichuan Zhangmingxian Changshancun,” 38–43, and Shi Guangming, Shen Zhongchang, and Zhang Yanhuang, “Sichuan Zhangming Foer,” 30–33. 185. Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui and Chongqingxian wenhuaguan, “Sichuan Chongqingxian Wudaoqu,” 46–48. 186. Shen Zhongchang, “Chengdu Yangzishan,” 95–102. The other tomb, which is quite similar, had a brick dated to 274, indicating that the two are of the Jin period. Possibly this dated tomb is the one reported on by Shen Zhongchang, “Chengdu Yangzishan faxian,” 70–71. 187. Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Sichuan Xinfan Qingbaixiang,” 74–79. 188. Huang Chengzong, “Xichang Dong Han,” 15–21. 189. Sichuansheng bowuguan, “Sichuan Mumashan,” 428.

5. THE ROYAL TOMBS 1. Xu Pingfang, “Zhongguo Qin Han,” 522–24. 2. Sanguozhi 1.53; see also 1.27 and 1.51. 3. Sanguozhi 2.81-82. On the subject of austere burials, see Poo, “Ideas Concerning Death,” 25–62; Knapp, “Clay Roosters Cannot Lord Over Mornings”; Wei Ming, “Wei Jin bozang,” 133–43; and Yang Hong, “Tan Zhongguo Han Tang,” 60–68. 4. Liu Wei has made the interesting suggestion that extravagant burials were a way in which the established elite could demonstrate their fi lial loyalty and thus qualify for the designation of xiaolian 孝廉 (fi lial and pure), necessary if they were

452

5.

6. 7. 8.

9.

10. 11. 12.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 16 4 – 16 7

to be recommended for office and thus retain their status. Wishing to make ability the sole qualification for appointment to office, Cao Cao therefore promulgated austere burials as a means of countering the older system; see Liu Wei, “Sanguo shiqi lingqin,” 62. The hypothesis seems a bit forced but may have some merit. It has been suggested that it was the tomb of Cao Mao 曹髦, the deposed emperor, who died in 260; see Liu Wei, “Sanguo shiqi lingqin,” 61. That possibility is not taken up in the description of the tomb in Huang Minglan and Su Jian, Luoyang gumu bowuguan, 39–40. The date 247 was found on one piece of the iron scaffolding and is not that of the burial itself. For a picture of the jade cup, see Luoyang wenwu gongzuodui, Luoyang chutu wenwu, 76, pl. 59. Liu Wei compared the tomb with the tombs of earlier members of the Cao Cao family in Anhui, and he makes the point that although the status of the deceased in this tomb was much higher than that of the earlier Cao, this tomb could not compare in size or fi neness of construction with the tombs of just fi fty to sixty years before. See Liu Wei, “Sanguo shiqi lingqin,” 61–62. The same point is made by Wei Ming (see n. 3 above), 135. Liu Yuxin, “Shandongsheng Dongaxian,” 7–17, especially p. 14; Sanguozhi 19.569 and 19.576. Jinshu 20.633–34; see also Wei Ming, “Wei Jin bozang,” 134, and Hung Wu, Monumentality in Early Chinese Art, 120–21. Wei Ming, “Wei Jin bozang,” 135–36. As Wei remarks, there are at least two other theories concerning the location of Sun Quan’s tomb, but this is the most likely. Liu Wei, “Sanguo shiqi lingqin,” 64–65, believes that early in the Wu state, the Han practices were followed but that later, under the influence of the Wei state, though austerity was instituted above ground, with no mound or trees marking the site, the tomb itself retained its sumptuous workmanship and furnishings. However, the tomb opened during the years 258–63 at Yangzhou, and described in detail in Baopuzi 抱朴子, as cited in Sanguozhi 48.1162, that he cites as that of a princess of the Wu state must have been a Han tomb. Further, the tomb built by Sun Hao, the last ruler, for a beloved consort and described in the Jiangbiao zhuan 江表傳, as cited in Sanguozhi 50.1202, may also be of interest, but it cannot be considered typical. Liu Wei, “Sanguo shiqi lingqin,” 62–63. It is said that as late as the late Qing, stone animals and guardians still marked a spirit way; today, except for the mound, all the structures date from the Qing. Given the critical situation at the time of his death and the fact that Zhuge Liang, who himself requested a bozang, was in control of the state, it is no surprise that Zhuge’s message to the young heir was that Liu Bei’s last wish was for a funeral of reduced circumstances; see Sanguozhi 32.891. Jinshu 1.20. Songshu 15.407. Jinshu 1.20. Shouyang Mountain is located some 20 li northwest of Yanshi, Henan, in the Mang Hills.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 16 7 – 174

453

13. The Shuzhengji 述征記, by Guo Yuansheng 郭緣生, cited in the commentary of Li Shan 李善 in Wenxuan 38.14a. 14. The two epitaphs are discussed in Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui dierdui, “Luoyang Jin mu,” 184 and n. 5, and more extensively in Jiang Ruoshi, “Cong ‘Xun Yue’ ‘Zuo Fen’ liang muzhi,” 49–52. 15. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang Han Wei gucheng gongzuodui, “Xi Jin diling,” 1096–107. 16. While the report cited above says that only two tombs were excavated, it is not clear how the dimensions and details of internal construction, such as the bricklaid floors and location of robber tunnels given in the table on p. 1107 of the report, were obtained without excavation of all the tombs. Possibly some sort of probe was used. 17. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang Han Wei gucheng gongzuodui, “Xi Jin diling,” 1106. 18. See the piece by Fu Jiyou 傅季友 in Wenxuan 38.13b–14b and Li Shan’s commentary there. 19. Wei Ming, “Wei Jin bozang,” 140. 20. Luo Zongzhen, “Liuchao lingmu maizang,” 358–66, with map and chart. One should note that on the chart, p. 365, the entry Hedi Xiao Baorong Gonganling (Gongan Mausoleum of Xiao Baorong, Emperor He) should be combined with the entry above it. Unfortunately, this publication does not include the very useful list of the seventy-one citations from the historical literature that was included in the original version of this article as published under the title “Liuchao lingmu ji qi shike,” 79–98. For additional citations of literature on this topic, see Hung Wu, “Buddhist Elements,” 323, n. 3. 21. Xu Pingfang, “Zhongguo Qin Han,” 524–25. 22. For anecdotes concerning geomantic selection, see ibid., 529, nn. 58 and 59. 23. A tomb identified as that of Emperor Xuan 宣 of the Chen and excavated at Xishanqiao, Nanjing, was contained in a pit 45 m long and 9–11 m wide, and 30.5 m and more deep. The floor consisted of five layers of bricks. The tomb chamber itself was 10 m × 6.7 m, and the internal tomb area occupied 69.19 sq m; Luo Zongzhen, “Nanjing Xishanqiao,” 293. 24. For a discussion of the spirit ways, see below. 25. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing beijiao Dong Jin,” 321. Jiang Zanchu, “Nanjing Dong Jin,” 101–2, goes into some detail discussing the various theories over the ages concerning the identity of the mountains cited in historical sources. 26. Nanjing daxue lishixi kaoguzu, “Nanjing daxue Beiyuan,” 36–50. The report concluded (p. 46) that this was the burial of a very high status feudal aristocrat. Jiang Zanchu, “Nanjing Dong Jin,” 101, argues in agreement with Li Weiran, “Lun Nanjing diqu,” 345, that this must be an imperial tomb. 27. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing beijiao Dong Jin,” 315–22. 28. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Nanjing Fuguishan,” 197–204, 196; see also Li Weiran, “Nanjing Fuguishan,” 260.

454

N O T E S T O P A G E S 176 – 17 8

29. Jiang Zanchu, “Nanjing Dong Jin,” 99–100. 30. Luo Zongzhen, “Liuchao lingmu maizang,” 364 and map, p. 360. 31. There are problems in correlating the various lists. According to Luo, there are four mausolea on the west side of a series of hills northeast of Danyang (from the north these include Beishan 北山, Jingshan 經山, and Jianshan 建山). These are at Zhaojiawan 趙家灣 (#23), Shiziwan 獅子灣 (#22), Xiantangwan 仙塘灣 (called by Luo Hexian’ao 鶴仙坳, #24), and Jinjiacun 金家村 (#27). A fifth tomb, excavated after his article appeared, is at Wujiacun 吳家村, just north of Zhaojiawan (#23), and so it is not indicated on map 3, based on Luo’s map. For the divergent opinons on the identity of the tombs, see, for example, Nanjing bowuyuan, “Jiangsu Danyangxian Huqiao,” 9 (Till and Swart, trans., “Two Tombs of the Southern Dynasties,” 103). Xu Pingfang, “Zhongguo Qin Han Wei Jin,” 524, listing only the excavated tombs, believes that Luo’s attribution of the tomb at Shiziwan to Xiao Chengzhi 蕭承之 could be that of either Xiao Chengzi or Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 and he left the occupant of the tomb at Zhaojiawan as an unknown. The report on the excavation of Wujiacun and Jinjiacun (Nanjing bowuyuan, “Jiangsu Danyangxian Huqiao”) conjectured that these were the tombs of Xiao Baorong 蕭寶融 and Xiao Baojuan 蕭寶卷, respectively. These identifications were based largely on textual references and elimination of possibilities, since the tombs themselves do not indicate who had been buried there. More recently, Japanese scholars have been reassessing these attributions, relying on the stylistics of the statuary before the tombs as well as the decor and structure of the tombs themselves. For example, Machida Akira, in an article translated by Lao Ji, “Nan Qi diling kao,” 43–63, came to very different conclusions: he labeled the tomb at Xiantangwan as that of Xiao Ze 賾 (Wudi), placed Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (Mingdi) in Shiziwan, and moved Xiao Daosheng to Jinjiacun (see his chart on p. 58; on that chart, the zhi of Xiao Daocheng is mistakenly written as yuan 元). Another scholar, So¯fukawa Hiroshi, “Nancho¯ teiryo¯,” 129–46, returns Xiao Daosheng to Xiantangwan but puts Xiao Luan in Jinjiacun. It remains to be seen whether reassignments on the basis of differences in style, often quite small, can be aligned in chronological order during the space of such a short time and on that basis to make such sweeping changes. On this subject, see also Bush, “Continuity and Change,” 5–10, and the literature cited there. 32. Nanjing bowuyuan,“Jiangsu Danyangxian Huqiao,” 1–17, and Nanjing bowuyuan, “Jiangsu Danyang Huqiao Nanchao,” 44–56. 33. On these murals, see Spiro, Contemplating the Ancients. 34. Nanjing bowuyuan and Nanjingshi wenwu baoguan weiyuanhui, “Nanjing Xixiashan Ganjiaxiang,” 316–17, 324. 35. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Nanjing Yaohuamen,” 14–23. 36. Yuan Guolin, “Nanjing Liang Guiyangwang,” 8–13. This tomb was previously believed to be that of Xiao Yingzhou of the Qi. It would be #9 on Luo’s map but the number was omitted. On the Liang imperial tombs and on related topics, see

N O T E S T O P A G E S 17 9 – 18 4

37. 38.

39. 40.

41. 42. 43.

44. 45. 46. 47.

48. 49. 50. 51.

455

also Tchang, Tombeau des Liang. It includes a detailed map indicating the tombs known at the time of publication. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Liangchao Guiyangwang,” 33–40, 29. There is a brief discussion of the care taken in selecting the site for the tomb, p. 39. Luo Zongzhen, “Nanjing Xishanqiao,” 291–300, 290. This tomb is #15 on Luo’s map. For the tomb of Chen Qiao, Luo Zongzhen, “Liuchao lingmu maizang,” 364, reported its excavation as 1972 (his manuscript has 1973), but a report on the tomb has not yet been published. Xu Pingfang, “Zhongguo Qin Han,” 529, n. 55, cites Luo. For example, Yang Zhewen, in his treatment of Six Dynasties royal tombs in Zhongguo lidai diwang lingqin, 72–78, treats only the southern tombs. Zizhi tongjian 91.2881 (A.D. 320). The original plans called for a mausoleum with a circuit of 4 li, 35 zhang deep, employing bronze for the vault and decorated with gold, all of which was described as beyond the economic resources then available to the state. Two years later Liu Yao built a tomb for his parents that was described as having a circumference of 2 li, the mound 100 chi in height, and requiring the labor of sixty thousand men working day and night for a hundred days. See Zizhi tongjian 92.2909. For the reference, see chapter 4, n. 76. The discussion of this site is based on Li Junqing, “Bei Wei Jinling,” 67–74, 38. According to the Weishu 13.330, the stipulated size of imperial tomb tumuli was not to exceed 30 paces, which would generally accord with these mounds. The Northern Wei chi measured approximately 28 cm, and with six chi to the pace (bu), the pace would come to 1.68 m; see the figures given by Guo Jianbang in Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, “Luoyang Bei Wei Changling,” 156. Wu Chengluo, Zhongguo duliangheng shi, 90, more precisely gives the Northern Wei measurements for the chi as 27.81, 27.9, and 29.51 cm. In one case, the tomb on Naitoushan 奶頭山, the dimension as given by Li Junqing, “Bei Wei Jinling,” 73, as 400 m to a side is an obvious error. Weishu 2.19 and 6.132. Weishu 13.323 and 13.332. Weishu 13.330, where this tomb is specifically exempted from the limitations of size that governed the imperial tombs of the Northern Wei. Datongshi bowuguan and Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui, “Datong Fangshan,” 29–35; abstracted in Dien, Riegel, and Price, Chinese Archaeological Abstracts, 4:1522–23. See also Wenley, “Grand Empress Dowager.” The doorway of the inner corridor, with the door blocks featuring sculpted tiger heads, is now on display in the National History Museum, Beijing. Xu Pingfang, “Zhongguo Qin Han,” 525. Weishu 7B.168 and 13.330. Weishu 7B.178. A survey of his tomb has been reported on in Luoyangshi dier wenwu gongzuodui, “Bei Wei Xiaowendi,” 50–62.

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52. See Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, “Luoyang Bei Wei Changling,” 155–58, and Huang Minglan, “Luoyang Bei Wei Jingling,” 36–41, 22; the latter has been abstracted in Dien, Riegel, and Price, Chinese Archaeological Abstracts, 4:1526–27. The evidence for Jingling (Xiaozhuang) primarily is the discovery of a stone statue of over 3 m high, evidently once part of a spirit way, in front of a rather large mound. Chen Chang’an, “Jianshu diwang lingmu,” 75, suggests that the reason for Xiaowen’s choice of the area west of the Chan River was that the area to the east of the river was occupied by the Eastern Han mausolea. 53. Jingling is said to have been used by Li Shimin 李世民 as an observation post during his attack on the Sui capital at Luoyang. See Zizhi tongjian 188.5902, cited by Huang Minglan, “Luoyang Bei Wei Jingling,” 36 and n. 3. This writer found the ascent difficult and the descent even dangerous, but of course Li Shimin had greater resources at his command. 54. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang Han Wei chengdui and Luoyang gumu bowuguan, “Bei Wei Xuanwudi Jingling,” 801–14. 55. Huang Zhanyue, “Zhongguo Xi’an, Luoyang,” 534. 56. Su Bai, “Bei Wei Luoyangcheng,” 48–51; abstracted in Dien, Riegel, and Price, Chinese Archaeological Abstracts, 4:1531–32. 57. Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Bei Qi,” 243. 58. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo and Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo Yecheng kao gongzuodui, “Hebei Cixian Wanzhang,” 601–7, 600. For the attribution to Gao Yang, see Xu Guangji, “Hebei Cixian Wanzhang,” 69–71. 59. Kaogu 1990.7, pl. 6. 60. Sections of the murals and a selection of the figurines are on display at the provincial museum in Shijiazhuang. 61. Shaanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Xianyangshi kaogu yanjiusuo, “Bei Zhou Wudi Xiaoling,” 8–28. The epitaphs and seals from this tomb were reported on by Cao Fazhan, “Bei Zhou Wudi lingzhi,” 3; see China Archaeology and Art Digest, 1.3:130. 62. Zhoushu 6.107. The muzhi of his brother Yuwen Jian 儉 (d. 578) also said that no mound was to be raised over his tomb nor trees planted; Shaanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, “Bei Zhou Yuwen Jian,” 38. 63. The basis of the comparison with Emperor Wu’s tomb is drawn from the burials reported in Yun, Zhongguo Bei Zhou zhengui wenwu. Additional tombs of members of the imperial family would include those of two of Emperor Wu’s brothers, Yuwen Tong 宇文通 and Yuwen Jian 簡, but these have not yet been reported on according to Shaanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, “Xi’an faxian di Bei Zhou,” 23. It is also not clear if Yuwen Tai’s tomb site has been definitely located. The authors of the report on Emperor Wu’s tomb, Shaanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Xianyangshi kaogu yanjiusuo, “Bei Zhou Wudi Xiaoling,” 28, say Yuwen Tai’s had a mound and is located near the tomb of the Western Wei emperor Yuan Baoju 元寶炬 (r. 535–51) at Gongli 宮里 Township, Fuping 富平 District, but no source is given for this information.

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64. Shaanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Xianyangshi kaogu yanjiusuo, “Bei Zhou Wudi Xiaoling,” 27–28. 65. The term first occurs in the Han in connection with the tomb of He Guang; Hanshu 68.2950. Other terms for this feature were also used but dropped out of use; see Liu Fengjun, “Dong Han Wei Jin lingmu,” 78. 66. Liu Fengjun, “Dong Han Nanchao lingmuqian,” 86. 67. On the subject of spirit ways, see Weber, “Spirit Road,” 168–78; Paludan, Chinese Spirit Road; Yao Qian and Gu Bing, Liuchao yishu; and Till and Swart, In Search of Old Nanking, 19–67. For a list of the earliest examples of spirit way sculpture, see Liu Fengjun, “Dong Han Nanchao lingmuqian,” 86, who notes that these early examples were not at the time placed before imperial mausolea. 68. Sanguozhi 1.81. 69. Songshu 15.407; de Groot, Religious System of China, 813. These sources were cited by Paludan, Chinese Spirit Road, 52 and n. 2. 70. Songshu 15.407. Li Weiran, “Dong Jin diling,” 85, suggests that in Gu Rong’s case, the stela was allowed by the beleaguered court as a means of enlisting the support of the southern elite, one of the families of which Gu was a member. 71. Suishu 8.153; this was noted by Soper, Textual Evidence, 23. 72. Suishu 8.157. 73. See Paludan, Chinese Spirit Road, 53–55, and Liu Fengjun, “Dong Han Wei Jin lingmu,” 79; but Li Weiran, “Dong Jin diling,” 84–86, demonstrates that these citations in later poetry are not reliable. He believes that the reason no such memorials were placed before the Eastern Jin mausolea was partly to remain in accordance with the wishes for simple burials expressed by the earlier Jin rulers, but also because of fear of grave robbers and fi nally because of the hope that the burial would be a temporary one and that reburial would be possible once the north was retaken. The last reminds one of the reluctance in Taiwan for many years to build a mausoleum for Chiang Kaishek, for the same reason. Paludan, 33–35, includes a reference to such monuments before the tomb of Huan Wen, who is termed an emperor, but Huan failed to usurp the Jin house and probably did not have such an elaborate burial. The Song literatus Lu You mentioned in his travel account that stone beasts, stone horses, and a stela attached to the tomb of Huan Wen were nearby, but he was unable to see them for himself; see Chun-shu Chang and Joan Smythe, South China, 86. 74. See Till and Swart, In Search of Old Nanking, 43. 75. Wang Kai, “Nanchao lingmuqian,” 81, cites the bronze winged creature found in the Warring States Zhongshan tomb (Wenwu 1979.1, pl. 3) to refute the claim that these chimera derive from Western sources. Wang attributes the change of style from the Han to the Six Dynasties to the desire to express imperial awe and majesty. He also cites the winged felines depicted in Han tombs on pictorial bricks with an apotropaic function, one that he says also extends to these southern dynasties sculptures.

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76. One explanation for the Chinese terms for these chimera is that tianlu 天祿 refers to the double-horned beast to the left of the imperial mausolea, and qilin 麒麟 to the single-horned one to the right, but the chimera with no horns found before the tombs of princes is termed bixie 辟邪; see Yao Qian and Gu Bing, Liuchao yishu, 2. The English text, p. 8, conflates these. For a detailed discussion of these terms and the general confusion about their significance and application, see Liu Fengjun, “Dong Han Nanchao lingmuqian,” 88–90. See also Till and Swart, trans., “Two Tombs of the Southern Dynasties,” 120, n. 20. It is clear that the terms are not always used consistently in the various studies; see Till and Swart, trans., “Two Tombs of the Southern Dynasties,” 81, and Paludan, Chinese Spirit Road, 42ff. On the subject of sources and style, see Guan Yuchun, “Shilun Nanjing Liuchao,” 61–64. Guan notes the occurrence during this period of these winged chimera shapes in the pottery huzi and water droppers as well. 77. See Wang Kai, “Nanchao lingmuqian,” 81. 78. Hung Wu, Monumentality in Early Chinese Art, 278, offers the explanation that these inversions were directed to viewers to force a change in their perception of the monument. I rather see here a parallel with the presence of a mirror in so many of the tombs, it perhaps being seen as the aperture through which the other world might be perceived. Such reversed writing also occurs on tiles and bricks in tombs. See, for example, Jian Youwen, “Guangdong shuhua,” 13, registering a tile dated 494 now in the Hong Kong Museum of Art, and [Qi Haining, Hua Guorong, and Zhang Jinxi], “Jiangsu Nanjingshi Fuguishan,” 46. 79. Paludan, Chinese Spirit Road, 75–76. 80. Hung Wu, Monumentality in Early Chinese Art, 278. 81. But see the stela of Xiao Dan, in Yao and Gu, Liuchao yishu, pl. 282. 82. Paludan, Chinese Spirit Road, 80, fig. 94. 83. Zhao Xiu 趙脩, a ranking official much favored by Emperor Xuanwu (r. 500–515), on the death of his father, had stone sculptures made in the capital at Luoyang and hauled to his native place near modern Zhaoxian 趙縣, Hebei, by commandeered vehicles and at public expense. See Weishu 93.1998; this was cited by Soper, Textual Evidence, 25–26. 84. Liu Fengjun, “Dong Han Wei Jin lingmu,” 79. 85. Paludan, Chinese Spirit Road, 82, fig. 97. 86. Ibid., 83, fig. 98. 87. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Luoyang Han Wei chengdui and Luoyang gumu bowuguan, “Bei Wei Xuanwudi Jingling,” 802 and 804, fig. 4; Liu Fengjun, “Dong Han Nanchao lingmuqian,” 87, says there was a pair of these wengzhong 翁仲, or guardian figures, at the tomb of Xiaozhuang, but of the second, only the head was found; see Huang Minglan, “Luoyang Bei Wei Jingling,” 39. In his article “Dong Han Wei Jin lingmu,” 79, Liu mentions that stone men were also said to have been placed before the tomb of Liu Zong (d. 365), founder of the Former Zhao, but these have apparently not survived. 88. Chen Chang’an, “Jianshu diwang lingmu,” 75.

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6. TOMB FURNISHINGS 1. Of the tombs entered into the database, only 8.6 percent were described as being intact when excavated. Tomb robbery appears to have been a perennial problem. One tomb is reported to have been robbed only twenty-seven days after the burial, and the deceased is said to have revived! See Jinshu 113.2693. Shi Le 石勒 (274– 333) and his nephew Shi Hu (d. 349), rulers of the Later Zhao state, are said to have extensively pillaged burials, including even the tomb of Qin Shihuang; Jinshu 107.2782–83. Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–ca. 343), in his Xijing zaji 6.1b, ascribes similar activity to a prince of the Jin. 2. Tongdian 86.463c–464a. The list is a revision of similar Han lists, one of which appears in Hou Hanshu, “Monograph on Ritual, Third Part,” 3146. He Xun (260– 319) has a biography in Jinshu 68.1824–30. 3. Zhou Fagao, ed., Yanshi jiaxun huizhu, 132b–134a. See also Dien, “Instructions for the Grave,” 41–58. 4. Guojia wenwuju guwenxian yanjiushi, Tulufan chutu wenshu. Photographs of these documents are reproduced in a work of the same name and publisher, Tang Changru, chief ed., printed in four volumes in 1992. For a discussion and bibliography of these inventory lists, see Dien, “Turfan Inventory Lists,” 181–84; 182, n. 10; and 184, n. 18. 5. Jiangxisheng lishi bowuguan, “Jiangxi Nanchangshi,” 219. 6. Anhuisheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Maanshanshi wenhuaju, “Anhui Maanshan,” 2–4. 7. Anhuisheng wenwu gongzuodui, “Anhui Nanlingxian Maqiao,” 974–78, 1020; Nanjingshi bowuguan and Jiangningxian wenguanhui, “Jiangsu Jiangningxian,” 48–52. 8. Anhuisheng wenwu gongzuodui and Hexian wenwuzu, “Anhui Hexian,” 826. 9. See Su Bai, “Dongbei, Neimenggu,” 48–49; Fridley, trans., “Xianbei Remains,” 23; and Dien, “New Look at the Xianbei,” 42. 10. Neimenggu wenwu gongzuodui, “Neimenggu Huhehaote,” 86. 11. Li Yaobo, “Liaoning Beipiaoxian,” 3–4; Chen Dawei and Li Yufeng, “Liaoning Chaoyang,” 271 and fig. 4; Tian Likun, “Chaoyang Qian Yan,” 37; and the detailed description and illustration of such a coffi n in Pu Shi, “Liaoning Chaoyang Yuantaizi,” 44–46. 12. Jiayuguanshi wenwu guanlisuo, “Jiayuguan Xincheng,” 12. Another coffin, from tomb M6, and also on display in the Museum of Wei-Jin Tombs in Jiayuguan, is even more ornately decorated, especially on the inside of the cover. 13. Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, Guyuan Bei Wei mu qiguanhua. This coffi n is described in more detail in chapter 7 in the section on lacquer. 14. Yangzhou bowuguan, “Jiangsu Hanjiang,” 248. 15. Luoyang bowuguan, “Luoyang Bei Wei huaxiang,” 229–41. Huang Minglang, the author of this article, mentions that when this particular sacophagus was excavated, some paint on the headboard retained its fresh red color (p. 230).

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16. Huang Minglan, Luoyang Bei Wei, 3, mentions that no fewer than ten Northern Wei examples have been excavated in the Luoyang area, but in his article cited above, p. 229, he lists only five. To the number located at Luoyang should be added another now on exhibit at the museum in Kaifeng. Concerning the decor on these stone sarcophagi, see Hung Wu, Monumentality in Early Chinese Art, 261–75. 17. Huang Minglan mentions that a muzhi of this period has similar depictions, but each creature is labeled, and he has searched the literature for references to these names; Luoyang bowuguan, “Luoyang Bei Wei huaxiang,” 238–41, and repeated in his Luoyang Bei Wei, 3–4. On this, see also Zhao Chao, “Shi, qionglongding mushi,” 73, and his discussion of possible Zoroastrian antecendents, 75–76. 18. Other sarcophagi emphasize more the anecdotes of fi lial piety, similar in that regard to the Guyuan lacquer coffi n. Gong Dazhong, “Shilun Luoyang Guanlin,” 79–83, points to the merger of Taoist and Confucian themes and offers a few remarks on the techniques used in creating the images. 19. Cui Chen, “Jiang’anxian Huanglongxiang,” 63–65. See also the literature cited in Dien, “Developments in Funerary Practices,” 540, n. 75. 20. Shaanxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Shaanxisheng Sanyuanxian Shuangshengcun,” 33. 21. Guo Jianbang, “Bei Wei Ning Mao,” 33–40; Tomita, “Chinese Sacrificial Stone House,” 98–110; Huang Minglan, Luoyang Bei Wei, 5–7. Tomita assumes the structure was a citang, or “hall of sacrifice,” which would have been above the ground at the grave. Guo and Huang treat it as a sarcophagus; presumably it held a wooden coffi n, perhaps in the manner pictured on another stone coffi n, where the structure with the coffin is shown above ground rather than within a tomb; Huang, Luoyang Bei Wei, pl. 6 (see fig. 6.8). For an explanation of the anecdote depicted there, see Juliano, Art of the Six Dynasties, 76. For a Sui example of a sarcophagus in the form of a building, see Tang Jinyu, “Xi’an xijiao,” 471–72. 22. Luoyang qielanji, 155–56, and Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 223. See also Lai, “Society and the Sacred,” 256–57. The term xiang has been translated as “liner” or “rafter,” but these are only conjectural. Usually no identification is made of the type of wood used for the coffi ns, presumably because the material is too decayed, but in one case, at least, the wood is identified as cypress (bo): Wenwu 1972.11:28; in another, the wood is yousong, or Chinese pine: Kaogu 1973.2:90. No mulberry wood has been reported thus far. 23. Yang Hong, “Famensi taji fajue,” 31. 24. Yang Hao, “Guangdong Shaoguan shijiao,” 190–96, 138. 25. Changshashi wenwu gongzuodui, “Changsha faxian yizuo Jindai,” 150–51. 26. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Taiyuanshi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Taiyuanshi Bei Qi,” 4–5. 27. Wang Kelin, “Bei Qi Shedi Huiluo mu,” 382–84. Four stone stands to support a small canopy were found alongside the structure. 28. Shanxisheng Datongshi bowuguan and Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Datong Shijiazhai,” 21 and 22, fig. 4. The elaborately carved stone

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29. 30.

31. 32. 33. 34. 35.

36. 37.

38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

43.

44.

45. 46.

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couches and a stone guo associated with Sogdian burials in China are treated elsewhere in this volume. Ruan Guolin, “Tan Nanjing Liuchao,” 86–90. Shanxisheng Datongshi bowuguan and Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Datong Shijiazhai,” 24–25 and pl. 14.4. For other examples in this tradition, see Zhang Li, “Datong jinnian faxian,” 75. Song Xing, “Bei Wei Sima Jinlong muzang,” 288, disagrees with Yi Shui, “Manhua pingfeng,” 76 and fig. 4, and argues that the stands found in Sima Jinlong’s tomb probably supported some sort of canopy and not the lacquer screen that was also found in the tomb. Liaoningsheng bowuguan wenwudui, Chaoyang diqu bowuguan wenwudui, and Chaoyangxian wenwuguan, “Chaoyang Yuantaizi,” 39. Zhao Chao, “Muzhi suyuan,” 43–55. Songshu 15.407, for the edict by Cao Cao, dated 205. Ibid. On this subject, see also Kenneth Chen, “Inscribed Stelae,” 75–84, and Liu Tao, “Wei Jin Nanchao,” 4–11. See also Bei Qishu 10.159, from which one might be led to believe that the muzhi came into use in the Liu Song, but archaeological evidence gainsays such a conclusion. It has also been claimed that the prohibition against stelae had the effect of reducing the number of other inscribed materials, specifically the muzhi and land contracts, but this is not convincing; see Changshashi wenwu gongzuodui, “Changsha chutu Nanchao,” 128. For a detailed analysis of the muzhi during this period, see Liu Fengjun, “Nanbeichao shike muzhi,” 74–82, from which the following description is derived. In terms of calligraphy, the Six Dynasties period was one of a transition of the common style from lishu to kaishu. See Wang Qingzheng, “Nanchao shike wenzi,” 84. Liu Fengjun, “Nanbeichao shike muzhi,” 80–81. Zhao Chao, “Shi, qionglongding,” 72–82. Donald Harper, “Han Cosmic Board,” 1–10. Ruan Guolin, “Nanjing Liang Guiyangwang,” 11–12. The standard collection of muzhi of this period is Zhao Wanli, Han Wei Nanbeichao muzhi. Dien, “Study of Early Chinese Armor,” 17–18. Hao Hongxing, Zhang Qian, and Li Yang, “Zhongyuan Tangmuzhong,” discuss these figures and other features of early tombs as an introduction to developments during the Tang. There have been a number of studies of these figures: Gu Chengfeng, “Zhenmu yongshou,” 41–43; Fong, “Tomb Guardian Figurines,” 84–105; and Dien, “New Look at the Xianbei,” 47–50. Gansusheng bowuguan, “Wuwei Leitai,” 101 and pl. 12.1; it is suggested that it represented the traditional xiezhai 獬豸, a unicorn-like animal that would gore evil beings. Yichang diqu bowuguan and Yiduxian wenhuaguan, “Hubei Yidu,” 718–19 and 720, fig. 5.8. Ren Rixin, “Shandong Zhucheng,” 14, fig. 2.

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47. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing jiaoqu,” 330. The description is by Zhang Yi, a Northern Wei commentator of the Hanshu, on the appearance of the term in a fu by Sima Xiangru, Hanshu 57A.2556, n. 8; the passage also appears in Wenxuan 8.7a. What recommends this explanation is the near homonym qiongqi, 窮期, which means “end of a time span.” 48. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu Guyuan bowuguan and Zhong-Ri Yuanzhou lianhe kaogudui, Yuanzhou gumu jicheng. 49. Liu Junxi and Li Li, “Recent Discovery,” 46 and fig. 9. The creature was found in a tomb asssociated with that of Song Shaozu, dated 477, but it is undated. 50. Shanxisheng Datongshi bowuguan and Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Datong Shijiazhai,” 31, fig. 14.4; a much better illustration is in Cultural Relics Unearthed in China, 142. 51. Hebeisheng bowuguan wenwu guanlichu, “Hebei Quyang,” pls. 11.1–2. 52. Luoyang bowuguan, “Luoyang Bei Wei Yuan,” pls. 12.1–2. 53. Hebeisheng wenguanchu, “Hebei Jingxian,” 27, fig. 25. 54. Zhang Ji, “Hebei Jingxian Fengshi,” pl. 13.6. 55. Shandongsheng bowuguan wenwuzu, “Shandong Gaotang,” pl. 18.1. 56. Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Dong Wei,” 5, fig. 5. 57. Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Dongchencun Dong Wei mu,” 397, fig. 8. 58. Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Dongchencun Bei Qi,” 18, fig. 9. 59. Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Bei Qi Gao Run mu,” 240, figs. 6.2–3. 60. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Taiyuanshi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Taiyuanshi Bei Qi,” 8, fig. 16. 61. Hanzhongshi bowuguan, “Hanzhongshi Cuijiaying,” pl. 13.2. 62. Hou Hanshu 90.2980 and 2985. See also Dien, “New Look at the Xianbei,” 43 and 47. Mention should also be made of an important piece of sculpture on display at the city museum in Datong depicting an altar with several figures in Xianbei attire flanked by a pair of these zhenmushou in a crouching position; Wang Yintian and Cao Chenmin, “Bei Wei shidiao,” 90–92. I wish to thank Dr. Shing Mueller for sending me photographs of this object. 63. The use of zhun 肫 for tun also occurs. For some general remarks on numbers and the increasingly coarser modeling over time, see Hunansheng bowuguan, “Changsha Liang Jin,” 89. 64. Excluded, of course, are pottery pigs that were included among those of other animals, models of houses and pens, and so forth. 65. Liu Shufen, “San zhi liu shiji,” 485–524, similarly points to a high level of development in the south before the northern immigration and argues against a monistic interpretation of the development of Chinese culture. That these stone pigs have been found in tombs known to be those of northern émigrés would indicate that the custom came to be shared by both northerners and southerners. 66. The Han-dynasty dictionary Shiming 8.62a–b defi nes the word wo 握 as an object placed in the fist of the deceased, so that the corpse grasps (wo) the object. This explanation for these objects was first offered by Sekino, Rokuro¯gun jidai, 112–13

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67.

68. 69. 70.

71.

72.

73. 74. 75.

76.

77. 78. 79. 80.

463

and 396–97. For a more detailed discussion, see Dien, “Instructions for the Grave,” 110–12. Zuozhuan (Duke Xiang 12) 32.4b; Legge, Ch’un Ts’ew, 458. The commentary by Du Yu 杜預 and subcommentary by Kong Yingda 孔穎達 make its use clear. See also Hou Hanshu 57.1843, “The dead grieve in the tomb [tunxi].” Xia Nai, “Dunhuang kaogu manji,” 4. For the relevant literature, see Dien, “Instructions for the Grave,” 109, n. 39. Possible evidence for this suggestion is found in an inventory in which the word ji (ancient kie˘t), “auspicious,” is used for ji (ancient kjei), “mechanism”; Guojia wenwuju guwenxian yanjiushi et al., Tulufan chutu wenshu, 2:347. This may be a mistake in “spelling,” but it may also reveal an association in the mind of the writer. Zhenjiang bowuguan, “Zhenjiang Dong Wu,” 543–44. The stages of development of this type of vessel are based largely on this article. See also Gao Jun and Jiang Mingming, “Dui Yueyao qingci,” 70, 107–12, which attempts the difficult task of classifying these varied vessels. Yang Hong, “Wu, Dong Jin,” 570, makes the interesting observation that five linked guan have been found among the Sue pottery in Japan as well, dating from the Kofun period. Yang suggests that the linked guan pots and other types of pottery similar to those found in China at the time perhaps were the result of influences reaching Japan via Korea. See Zhenjiang bowuguan, “Zhenjiang Dong Wu,” 544 and 514, n. 15. Hung Wu, “Buddhist Elements,” 287–91. William Watson, Genius of China, 124, and Medley, Chinese Potter, 65. See also Juliano, Art of the Six Dynasties, 25, for a careful description of one of this type. For the most complete cataloging of this material, see Kominami, “Shinteiko to To¯go,” 223–379. Kominami posits that these structures depict either Buddhist or Taoist paradises, depending upon the figures depicted on the vessel. Another suggestion has been made that the four small urns on the corners were used as lamps. Such lamps, believed to last an eternity, were often placed in the tombs, but again, there has been no report of any evidence to support this idea. See Nanjing bowuyuan, Nanjingshi wenwu baoguan weiyuanhui, Jiangsusheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, and Jiangsusheng bowuguan, Jiangsusheng chutu wenwu, no. 129. Wai-kam Ho, “Hun-p’ing,” 26–34. Ho and Wu both cite as evidence the debate on zhaohun 招魂, the “recalling of the spirit,” which occurred at the court in Nanjing in A.D. 318. The terms used in that debate for the receptacle of the spirit, such as lingzuo 靈座 and huntang 魂堂, do not necessarily refer to the vessel in question. Chen Dingrong, “Lun duisuping,” 71–80. Zhang Zhixin, “Jiangsu Wuxian Shizishan,” 136. For a more detailed discussion of this topic, see Dien, “Developments in Funerary Practices,” 509–42. Ziboshi bowuguan and Linziqu wenguansuo, “Linzi Beichao Cuishi,” 216.

464

N O T E S T O P A G E S 2 17 – 2 2 0

81. Du Naisong, “Sanguo Liang Jin,” passim, traces the history of the various coins during this period. In 421, copper was in such short supply that the Liu Song court forbade the use of bronze nails in coffins; see Songshu 3.56. See also the discussion of these problems in Huang Shumei, Liuchao Taihu liuyu, 150–65. 82. Kawakatsu, “Décadence de l’aristocratie,” 32–38. Kawakatsu describes the development of a money economy, but see also Needham and Huang, “Nature of Chinese Society,” 9–10. 83. Aside from tomb finds, a number of caches of coins have also been reported: (a) [Zhao Xinlai] “Henan Mianchi Yiyang,” 213–14: 300 kg; (b) Zhenjiangshi bowuguan, “Jiangsu Dantu,” 130–35: 280+ jin; (c) Changshashi wenwu gongzuodui, “Changsha faxian Suidai qianbi,” 79: 75 kg; (d) Xie Shiping, “Anyang chutu Nanbeichao,” 36–41: 2,885 coins. 84. See, for example, Jiangxisheng bowuguan, “Jiangxi Nanchang Dong Han,” 163. On the debasement of coins by clipping the rims, see Yangzhou bowuguan, “Jiangsu Hanjiang,” 263, and Hunansheng bowuguan, “Hunan Zixing,” 356. The latter cites a discussion of coins in Songshu 75.1963–64. A mold for casting coins, dating from the Wu state, was found at Jurong, Jiangsu; see Liu Xing, “Jiangsu Jurongxian,” 41. There is a brief account of the difficulties caused by counterfeiting in the Northern and Eastern Wei in Hebeisheng Cangzhou diqu wenhuaguan, “Hebeisheng Wuqiao,” 32. 85. Liu Jianguo and Gao Lan, “Shilun Liuchao qianbo,” 95–96. 86. Su Jian, “Luoyang Sui Tang gongcheng,” 58–60. These fi nds may be entirely of Tang date rather than including the Sui. 87. See Liu Jianguo and Gao Lan, “Shilun Liuchao qianbo,” 101. 88. Wuhanshi geweihui wenhuaju wenwu gongzuozu, “Wuchang Wujiawan,” 94. 89. See Dien, “Chinese Beliefs,” 15, n. 29, and the literature cited there. 90. Sato¯, Kan-rikucho¯ no dogu¯, 10–15; Juliano, Art of the Six Dynasties, 14–18; Kuwayama, “Sculptural Development,” 63–93. For an expanded version of this section on figurines, with full annotation, map, and tables, see Dien, “Six Dynasties Tomb Figurines,” 961–81. 91. There is also a case of a wooden figure from a tomb in Gansu; Jiayuguanshi wenwu qingli xiaozu, “Jiayuguan Han,” 32. Not included in this discussion here are those figurines from tombs dated generally as Six Dynasties, since their place in this sequence is not secure. 92. Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Sichuan Zhongxian Tujing,” 65–72. 93. Hunansheng bowuguan, “Changsha Liang Jin,” 75–105. For the wide variety of headgear depicted in these figurines, see p. 86, fig. 5. What makes this large group so curious is that there are so few other figurines from this area; a few figurines have been found in only one other of some eighty-five Jin tombs in Hunan, and perhaps in one other of some forty-seven tombs of the following period. 94. The details of the clothing are more clearly delineated in molded bricks; see, for example, Chu¯ ka Jimmin Kyo¯wakoku Nankin, pls. 63–64, 70–71.

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465

95. For adequate photographs, see ibid., figs. 72 and 74, and Wang Zhimin, Zhu Jiang, and Li Weiran, Nanjing Liuchao taoyong, pl. 14. On the use of wigs, see Jinshu 27.826. 96. Guo Suxin, “Neimenggu Huhehaote,” 44; Chu¯goku Naimo¯ ko hoppo¯, 56–59. 97. Shanxisheng Datongshi bowuguan and Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Datong Shijiazhai,” 22–24, Chu¯goku to¯yu¯ no big, 67–69, figs. 47–51; Caroselli, ed., Quest for Eternity, 122–24, figs. 46–50. 98. Dien, “Study of Early Chinese Armor,” 19, n. 87, and 20, n. 89. 99. For more details on the military equipment, see the discussion in chapter 10. 100. The weapons and regalia with which these figures were originally supplied were probably made of wood and other perishable materials and so have not survived. For the kinds of insignia once carried by these figures, one has the evidence of murals. See, for example, the mural from the tomb of Gao Run (d. 577), a photo of which is included in Ko¯ga bummeiten, 126, pl. 113. Long-handled umbrellas and fans are common in these scenes. The catalog has beautiful photographs of a range of these figurines from this tomb and others, 123–29, pls. 100–105. 101. Kai Wang and Yixian Xu, “Northern Dynasties Pottery Figurines,” 84–85. 102. Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Pengyang Xinji,” 26–42. 103. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu bowuguan and Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 1–20; Tonko¯ Seika o¯ kokuten, 45–51, pls. 25.1–26.6. 104. Xianyangshi wenguanhui and Xianyang bowuguan, “Xianyangshi Hujiagou,” 57–68. 105. Yun Anzhi, Zhongguo Bei Zhou zhengui wenwu, tables 1–9 and passim. 106. Juliano, Teng-hsien, 10–11, 13–14, and 61–65; see also Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, Dengxian caise huaxiangzhuan mu, and Xiangfanshi wenwu guanlichu, “Xiangyang Jiajiachong,” 16–33. The presence of a northern type zhenmushou in the Xiangyang tomb is further indication of influences from the north. For the Wuchang tomb, dated to the Liang dynasty, see Wuhanshi geweihui wenhuaju wenwu gongzuozu, “Wuchang Wujiawan,” 93–94. 107. Xuzhou bowuguan, “Xuzhou Neihua,” 19–24. 108. Steatite was widely used in tombs of this period in Guangxi because the northern part of what is the modern province was a major source of the material; see Guangxi Zhuangzu zizhiqu wenwu gongzuodui, “Guangxi Zhuangzu,” 792. 109. Guangxi Zhuangzu zizhiqu wenwu gongzuodui, “Guangxi Yongfuxian,” 612–13, 623, and Guangxi Wuzhoushi bowuguan, “Guangxi Cangwudaoshui,” 30–34. 110. An alternative possibility is that in each case, limits were imposed by the awareness in the local society of each member’s status, and pretentious or unauthorized display would have attracted censure. This explanation of the nonoccurrence of figurines seems less convincing. There is no evidence that these figurines represented private armies of wealthy aristocrats, as stated in Caroselli, ed., Quest for Eternity, 118; I believe rather that this was but another perquisite for those holding certain appointments from the central state.

466

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111. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Anyang gongzuodui, “Anyang Sui mu,” 398. 112. For the difficulty of controlling the North China Plain in the Sui and early Tang, see Somers, “Time, Space and Structure,” 369–99, and especially 380–89. 113. Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Dong Wei,” 1–9; Zhongmin Han and Hubert Delahaye, Journey through Ancient China, 190. 114. Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 52. A similar figure is in the Nelson Gallery of Art; see Fontein and Wu, Unearthing China’s Past, 146–47. The same style of headgear occurs in a bronze figure found in the Tianshan Mountains near Xinyuan, Xinjiang, and dated roughly as Warring States; Xinjiang Weiwuer zizhiqu shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, Xinjiang gudai minzu wenwu, fig. 90. The yah-nair helmet worn by Tibetan lamas on certain occasions closely resembles it. 115. Kaogu yanjiusuo Anyang fajuedui, “Anyang Sui Zhang Sheng,” 544 and pls. 10.9– 10; Ko¯ga bummeiten, 135, pl. 109. These figurines presumably represented monks who were attached to the household of the deceased. 116. The list was inscribed on a light gray steatite tablet 24 cm long and 12.7 cm wide at the top and 12.1 cm at the bottom. It was first reported on in Wenwu 1955.11:134– 36, but a more detailed discussion, with corrections of the transcription, was published by Shi Shuqing, “Jin Zhou Fangming qi Panshi,” 95–99. Shi’s transcription is repeated in Hunansheng bowuguan, “Changsha Liang Jin,” 87–88, and, with some further annotation, in Harada, [Zo¯ ho] Kanrikucho¯, 185–89 and supplemental pl. 13. 117. Jiangxisheng bowuguan, “Jiangxi Nanchang,” 375 and pl. 8. 118. Luoyangshi wenwu gongzuodui, “Luoyang Cao Wei,” 318, 313.

7. MATERIAL CULTURE AND THE ARTS 1. On this subject, see Yanyi Guo, “Raw Materials for Making Porcelain,” 3–19. A succinct account of the ceramics of this period is in Mino and Tsiang, Ice and Green Clouds, 17–19. A broader discussion is in Wood, Chinese Glazes. 2. Porcelain stone derives from quartz-feldspar rocks through weathering or sericitization, a process of alteration by which minerals, especially feldspars, are converted by hydrothermal fluids into sericite, a scaly variety of muscovite (common or potash mica) having a silky luster, occurring in late-stage volcanic processes. 3. Yanyi Guo, “Raw Materials for Making Porcelain,” 4–5. 4. Wood, Chinese Glazes, 27–29. As Wood explains, during the firing the relatively high potasium oxide content melts some of the silica to produce a stiff glass that acts as cement in the stoneware and gives it the typical roughness that characterizes this ware. 5. For the difficulty in translating the term ci, which covers the range from stoneware through porcelaneous ware to true porcelain, see the translator’s note, Chinese Translations no. 9, the Victoria and Albert Museum, in association with the Oriental Ceramic Society, 1979. The range of colors occurring in this pottery,

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6. 7.

8.

9. 10. 11.

12.

13.

467

labeled qing, ranges from yellow through olive to green and greenish blue; the term “buff” is meant to be as widely interpreted as is the Chinese term. This pottery is also known in English as green-glazed ware, protoceladon, siliceous stoneware, or Yueh 越 ware, the last because its main area of production was where the ancient state of Yue had been. To distinguish the earlier stages of this ware from that of the Tang and later, it is also sometimes called Old Yueh ware. Here, I reserve Yueh, or Yue, for the products of the specific area, in accordance with Chinese usage. Pirazzoli-t’Serstevens, “De l’efficacité plastique,” 21–61, is an extremely important article on the subject of buff ware of the third to fourth centuries, with much detail on the production of the ware and the kilns, the spread of the technology, and, finally, the socioeconomic context of its manufacture. This last is an important discussion, and the article sets a new standard for research on this topic. My treatment differs in some details, perhaps due to the use of different sources. See, for example, the report on a fi nd at Quzhou, Zhejiang, in Quzhoushi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Zhejiang Quzhoushi,” 130–34 and pls. 6–7. For a discussion of the theories of its origins, see Luo Zongzhen, “Jiangsu Yixing Jin mu,” 102–3. There is no doubt that this ware was the foundation for the later developments of Yue ware in the Tang and Longquan in the Song. The phenomenon of flaking of glaze is a question of matching the rates of heat expansion. Because the material used for these buff ware vessels was a clay high in silicate and low in iron, the firing temperature had to be rather high, but the temperature required for the glazing material was rather low. Therefore, once the glaze had glassed, the core was still incompletely fired, and so the bonding between the two was not very good, resulting in unintended crackling of the glaze and flaking. See Jiang Zanchu, Xiong Haitang, and He Zhongxiang, “Hubei Echeng Liuchao kaogu,” 290. For many technical matters in the production of ceramics, see Ye, Zhongguo gutaoci kexue. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 129. Sato, Chinese Ceramics, 34. Ibid., 35. The lime can also be obtained from burned limestone, chalk, or shells. At 800ºC the calcium carbonate gives off carbon dioxide and converts to calcium oxide (CaO), which acts as the flux on the silica (quartz sand and fl int) component that produces the glassiness of the glaze, while aluminum oxide, abundant in all clays and igneous rocks, stiffens the glaze to keep it on the vessel. As Wood, Chinese Glazes, 30–31, says, the glaze on these wares has traditionally been termed feldspathic, but that is misleading since the bulk of the glaze is not composed of feldspar. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 151. See also the discussion by Xia Nai, “Ba Jiangsu Yixing,” 106. He notes that ferric oxide (F2O3) results in a yellow-orange or even dark brown color. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 139; Pirazzoli-t’Serstevens, “From the Ear-Cup to the Round Cup, 17–27.”

468

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 3 4 –2 3 9

14. Much of the material in the following discussion is based on Zhu Boqian, “Shilun woguo gudai di longyao,” 57–62. Occasional reference is also made to Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 152–56, a section apparently also written by Zhu, one of the authors of that work. The earliest dragon kiln site so far reported is from the Shaoxing area in Zhejiang; see [Qian Xun], “Zhejiang Shaoxing Fusheng,” 231–34. 15. Wood, Chinese Glazes, 34. There is some disagreement as to when these stoking ports began to be added. 16. Ibid., 34–35, explains the efficiency gained from the side stoking ports. 17. This is the area held by the pre-Qin state of Yue; in the Tang the name of the administative unit was changed to Yuezhou. For this reason, ware produced in this area is known as Yue ware, but since the name was first applied in the Tang to the contemporary products of those kilns, it may be that to call the Six Dynasties material Yue ware is anachronistic, and so it has been suggested that buff ware of this area be known as Kuaiji kiln ware to distinguish it from the Tang buff ware; cf. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 137. “Jinci 晉瓷” and “buff ware utensils” have also been suggested. For the distribution of kilns in this area, see also Li Huibing, “Luetan woguo qingzi,” 50. 18. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 139. There is a splendid model of just such a kiln site in the Shanghai Museum. 19. Pirazzoli-t’Serstevens, “De l’efficacité plastique,” 27–34, surveys these kiln sites. 20. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 141–42. 21. Ibid., 143–44. For a study of this kiln area, see Gong Chang, “Zhejiang Wuyixian Guanhu,” 567–68, and his “Tan Wuzhouyao,” 22–31. 22. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 144–45. Excellent color illustrations of the products of some of these kilns can be found in a bilingual publication from the Fung Ping Shan Museum, Exhibition of Ceramic Finds. The classification is somewhat different from that presented above, probably because the time span covered by the catalog is a much longer one. Examples of shards from Shangyu (pp. 22–25), Yuhang (p. 28), and Xiaoshan (p. 32) from the Eastern Jin to Southern States are pictured; these we would call Yue ware, but that term is reserved in the catalog for the Tang period and later. There is also some material on Deqing; cf. p. 31. 23. Sato, Chinese Ceramics, 42. 24. See Nanjing bowuyuan, “Nanjingshi Weigang,” 71. See also Jinhua diqu wenguanhui, “Zhejiang Jinhua Gufang,” 824–25, where the characteristics of the various kilns are discussed in order to arrive at a conclusion about the place of manufacture of some grave goods found at Jinhua. See also Pirazzoli-t’Serstevens, “De l’efficacité plastique,” 58–60, for a discussion of the commercialization and diffusion of buff ware in the early Six Dynasties period. 25. But for an alternative explanation of the distribution of buff ware, see Wuxian wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Jiangsu Wuxian Shizishan,” 712–13, which ascribes the presence of Zhejiang Yue buff ware in a group of Western Jin tombs

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 4 0 –2 4 3

26. 27.

28.

29. 30. 31.

32.

33.

34. 35.

469

in Suzhou to a member of that family having held the office of magistrate of Shangyuxian. On Sichuan buff ware and its regional characteristics, see Chen Liqiong, “Shitan Sichuan gudai ciqi,” 208–29. For Fujian, see Fujiansheng bowuguan, “Fuzhou Pingshan,” 28–32. The report notes that during the early and middle Southern Dynasties period the ceramic objects placed in the tombs were mostly full sized, but in the late period to early Tang, these objects were smaller, more crudely made, and the mingqi character more predominant; see p. 32. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 145ff. For a detailed study of the regional characteristics of the mid-Yangzi area, see Jiang Zanchu, Xiong Haitang, and He Zhongxiang, “Hubei Echeng Liuchao kaogu,” 285–94. Their conclusion is that 90 percent of the buff ware found in the Echeng area that is believed to be of local origin had achieved a certain level in modeling and decor but lagged somewhat behind the ware of the Yue kilns. Still, there was a serious problem in the bonding of core and glaze, with a high degree of flaking that affected the beauty and function of the objects. Liu Han, “Mantan Zhongguo gudai,” 62–65. Sato, Chinese Ceramics, 36. This periodization follows in part that established for the Nanjing area by Wei Zhengjin and Yi Jiasheng, “Nanjing chutu Liuchao qingci,” 347–53. It agrees by and large with the discussion in Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 158–62 and fig. 48, and the table in Li Zhiyan, “Sanguo Liang Jin Nanbeichao,” 51; this last is abstracted in Dien, Riegel, and Price, eds., Chinese Archaeological Abstracts, 4:1382–87. For an early form in which the body of the vessel is in the shape of the bird, see Nanjingshi wenwu baoguan weiyuanhui, “Nanjing Banqiaozhen Shizhahu,” 43, 44, and 42, fig. 11.6. Sato, Chinese Ceramics, 38, says the chicken-headed ewer may have been influenced by the Mediterranean oenochoe in wide use at that time. For a discussion of this type of vessel, see Mino and Tsiang, Ice and Green Clouds, 88– 90. Xie Mingliang has argued convincingly that the chicken-headed ewer fi nds its place in so many of the Six Dynasties tombs and, surviving in Turfan graves, the chicken-crowing pillow, because of the apotropaic nature of the chicken in the belief systems of the period; see his “Jitouhu di bianqian,” 26–27. Li Huibing, “Luetan woguo qingci,” 50, introduces a useful means of subdividing the early types of buff ware: (a) those that largely continued the style of the Eastern Han, such as the guan jug with lugs, the dish-mouthed hu, and erbei eared cups; (b) new forms, such as the hu with the head of a chicken, sheep, or tiger; (c) those based on bronze objects, such as the brazier; and (d) mingqi, which resembled those of the Eastern Han but were smaller, such as the guan jug with four lugs and dish-mouthed hu. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 157. Liu Jianguo, “Dong Jin qingci,” 82–89.

470

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36. Wei Zhengjin and Yi Jiasheng, “Nanjing chutu Liuchao qingci,” 351–52. 37. Liu Jianguo, “Dong Jin qingci,” 89. 38. Wei Zhengjin and Yi Jiasheng, “Nanjing chutu Liuchao qingci,” 352. The periodization offered here differs from that of Wei and Yi, who do not always accord with dynastic periods. Their four periods are 254–316, 317–57, 357–479, and 480– 589. The different dating is not significant in the very general survey offered in the text above. An adherence to dynastic divisions is followed in Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi. 39. Wood, Chinese Glazes, 91, gives a dramatic picture of the formation of the beds of these refractory clays; the clay is described (p. 108) as consisting largely of kaolinite and halloysite, together with fine quartz, micas, and feldspars, and, being alumina rich, as needing temperatures between about 1250ºC and 1310ºC, higher than those required for southern clays. 40. Li Huibing, “Luetan woguo qingci,” 51. 41. Song Baichuan and Liu Fengjun, “Shandong diqu,” 1121–25, 1141. 42. Feng Xianming, “Hebei Cixian Jiabicun,” 546–48, and Lovell, “Some Northern Chinese Ceramic Wares,” 333. 43. Beijingshi wenwu gongzuodui, “Beijing xijiao,” 210. 44. In one tomb at Yanshi, Henan, sixty pieces of pottery, including models and figurines, were recovered, and only one, a small guan jug, is described as ci ware; it has a brown glaze. See Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Henan dier gongzuodui, “Henan Yanshi Xingyuancun,” 727–34. See also Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui dierdui, “Luoyang Jin mu,” 176–79. Of 681 pieces found there in fi fty-four tombs, only 9 (including shards) were of buff ware. 45. Xinjiang Weiwuer zizhiqu bowuguan, “Tulufanxian Asitana-Halahezhuo,” 9–10. The dots are probably in imitation of the beadlike decor on silver vessels imported from Transoxiana at this time. 46. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 165, and Lovell, “Some Northern Chinese Ceramic Wares,” 328–29. 47. For another example of this lotus-flower zun, perhaps a later one with a lessintegrated decor, see Ziboshi bowuguan and Zichuanqu wenhuaju, “Zibo Hezhuang,” 64–65. It is believed to have been made at the Zhaili kiln; see p. 66. 48. Li Huibing, “Luetan woguo qingci,” 50. 49. Li Zhiyan, “Sanguo Liang Jin Nanbeichao,” 50. For another discussion of the differences in chemical composition, though based on inadequate samples for this period, see Guo Yanyi, Wang Shouying, and Chen Yaocheng, “Zhongguo gudai Nanbei qingci,” 232–43. 50. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 166. 51. Ibid., 171. 52. Lovell, “Some Northern Chinese Ceramic Wares,” 332 and fig. 8. Wood, Chinese Glazes, 109, suggests that the horizontal ridges typical of these northern stoneware pieces were meant to prevent the highly fluid glazes from running down and anchoring the piece to the supports in the kiln.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 4 8 –2 5 6

471

53. Lovell, “Some Northern Chinese Ceramic Wares, 332–33, and Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 171. 54. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 168. 55. Li Zhiyan, “Sanguo Liang Jin Nanbeichao,” 53. 56. Zhongguo guisuanyan xuehui, Zhongguo taocishi, 167. 57. Much of the information on the Sui given below is taken from Zhi Yan, “Suidai ciqi,” 57–62. 58. Li Zhiyan, “Xi’an diqu,” 109–16. 59. Hunansheng bowuguan, “Changsha Liang Jin,” 80. The rarity of bronze objects is also noted in Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing Mufushan,” 48. 60. Chen Xianshuang and Zhu Shihong, “Sichuan Kaixian Honghuacun,” 32–44. 61. This decline and explanation are mentioned in Zhongshu Wang, Han Civilization, 104. 62. Du Naisong, “Sanguo Liang Jin,” 32. Few traces have been found of bronze foundries dating to this period. Du cites the discussion by Jiang Zanchu of the significance of the bronze industry near Echeng, in Jiang, “Echeng Liuchao kaogu sanji,” 38. 63. Du Naisong, “Sanguo Liang Jin,” 34. 64. For a discussion of the coins of this period, see chapter 6. 65. Zhang Xiaoping, “Dayuxian,” 68. This was cited by Du Naisong, “Sanguo Liang Jin,” 32. The dimensions are overall height 27 cm and mouth diameter 18 cm. The published photograph is not clear enough to make out all the details. 66. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu Guyuan bowuguan and Zhong-Ri Yuanzhou lianhe kaogudui, Yuanzhou gumu jicheng, pls. 22 and 23; dated to A.D. 477–99, of the Northern Wei. 67. Guizhousheng bowuguan kaoguzu, “Guizhou Pingba Machang,” 351 and fig. 10.4. 68. The term fu was, in one case, applied to a very different object, a typical nomadtype vessel with straight sides, upright lugs, and a flaring base with cut-out spaces, found in an Eastern Jin tomb in Liaoning; see Liaoningsheng bowuguan wenwudui, Chaoyang diqu bowuguan wenwudui, and Chaoyangxian wenwuguan, “Chaoyang Yuantaizi,” 33 and fig. 18. 69. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu Guyuan bowuguan and Zhong-Ri Yuanzhou lianhe kaogudui, Yuanzhou gumu jicheng, pls. 19 and 20; dated to A.D. 477–99, of the Northern Wei. 70. Zhang Zhixin, “Jiangsu Wuxian Shizishan,” 135. 71. Wang Kelin, “Bei Qi Shedi Huiluo mu,” pl. 5.5. 72. Zhang Anzhi, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 160, pl. 100.5. 73. Hebeisheng bowuguan wenwu guanlichu, “Hebei Quyang,” 33 and pl. 8.3. 74. Wuwei diqu bowuguan, “Gansu Wuwei,” 92, fig. 21. 75. Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo kaoguzu, “Dunhuang Jin mu,” 197 and pl. 7.4. 76. Sun Ji, “Sanzichai,” 27–29. Sun also cites mention of the object in contemporary literature.

472

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 5 6 –2 5 9

77. For a discussion of the economies of scale in the manufacture of iron and the state involvement from early times, see Wagner, Iron and Steel, 247–65. 78. An exhaustive survey of these materials is contained in Niu Zhongxun, “Wei Jin Nanbeichao kuangye,” 136–46. 79. Suishu 27.757. 80. Weishu 110.2857. 81. Weishu 2.41. See also Nan Qishu 48.834 and Jinshu 106.2770. 82. Jinshu 130.3205–6. 83. Zhoushu 35.624. The number seems excessive. 84. Songshu 42.1311. 85. Ibid., 45.1381. 86. See Niu Zhongxun, “Wei Jin Nanbeichao kuangye,” 144, for references to ¯ kushi, “Chu¯goku kodai ni okeru tessai,” 1–19 Weishu 52.1162 and 86.1882. O (English summary, p. 1), deduces from such instances that in the post-Han period the production of iron passed from official foundries to independent selfsufficiency in a manorial economy. While there may well have been a thriving nongovernmental industry, the evidence does not seem to bear the weight of his generalization. 87. Songshu 95.2350. Since 1 cu m of iron weighs about 7.8 tons, the captured material would thus have been only some 2 cu m in bulk. 88. Liangshu 12.291. The use of iron was to drive away the iron-fearing river dragons that were preventing the dam from being completed. 89. Mianchixian wenhuaguan and Henansheng bowuguan, “Mianchixian faxian di gudai,” 45–51. 90. Ibid., 50. 91. On the various forms of iron in this period, see Beijing gangtie xueyuan jinshu cailiaoxi zhongxin huayanshi, “Henan Mianchi jiaocang,” 52–58, translation by Donald B. Wagner, in Dien, Riegel, and Price, eds., Chinese Archaeological Abstracts, 3:1066–75; Li Zhong, “Zhongguo fengjian shehui qianqi gangtie,” 1–20 (English summary, pp. 21–22); Needham, Development of Iron and Steel. The most authoritative work is Wagner, Iron and Steel; though the Six Dynasties period is not treated directly, there is much information that is relevant. 92. On the invention and use of waterpower in ironworks, see Yang Kuan, Zhongguo gudai yetie, 94–107. The mill mentioned in Li Daoyuan (d. 527), Shuijingzhu, 16.318, was probably located at the Mianchi foundry. 93. Wagner, Iron and Steel, 285–86; Li Zhong, “Zhongguo fengjian shehui qianqi gangtie,” 13–16 and 22. 94. Bei Qishu 49.679, in the biography of Qiwu Huaiwen 綦毌懷文, dating from the mid-sixth century. This text has been translated and explicated by Needham, Development of Iron and Steel, 6–27, who says that the technique could be termed the “visco-liquid diffusion process,” but he opts for cofusion. See also the discussion by Niu, “Wei Jin Nanbeichao kuangye,” 144. 95. Needham, Development of Iron and Steel, 28–29.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 5 9 –2 6 5

473

96. Bronson, “Transition to Iron,” 180, makes the point that the choice of what was put into the tomb did not reflect the actual importance of iron in everyday life. 97. See Niu, “Wei Jin Nanbeichao kuangye,” 145–46, for his discussion of the various cycles through which he conjectures the production of iron passed in this period from decline to recovery to development in the various parts of the country. 98. On this, see Plumer, Design and Technique, 1–3. See also Bulling and Drew, “Dating of Chinese Bronze Mirrors,” 38. 99. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Jiangsu Nanjing Xianheguan,” 9–10 and 11, fig. 20; Wang Zhigao, Zhou Yuxing, and Hua Guorong, “Nanjing Xianheguan,” 88. 100. See Umehara, “Ancient Mirrors,” 74; Wang Zhongshu, “Lun Riben chutu di Wu jing,” 161–77. 101. Songshu 31.899, cited in Taiping yulan 717.1b. 102. On this topic, see Cahill, “Word Made Bronze,” 62–70. 103. See Loewe, Ways to Paradise, 83. 104. Unfortunately the study of these mirrors is handicapped by the inadequate photographs, usually fuzzy, that appear in the archaeological reports, the lack of a systematic nomenclature to describe the design elements, and an overemphasis on inscriptions at the expense of descriptions of the decor. 105. Justesen, “Chinese Bronze Mirror,” 439. 106. This discussion of mirrors relies primarily upon Kong Xiangxing and Liu Yiman, Zhongguo gudai tongjing, 119–36, and Xu Pingfang, “Sanguo Liang Jin Nanbeichao di tongjing,” 556–63, as well as a series of articles published by Wang Zhongshu in Kaogu during the years 1981 to 1989. 107. Xu Pingfang, “Sanguo Liang Jin Nanbeichao di tongjing,” 556. 108. For extensive discussion of the TLV mirrors, see Loewe, Ways to Paradise. 109. The quatrefoil surrounds the central field of the knob. The lobes of the quatrefoil, as described in the reports, have a variety of labels, depending on shape; some of the terms used are calyx, persimmon calyx, leaf, peach leaf, and calyx petal. 110. Thompson, “Evolution of the T’ang Lion,” 27. 111. Mi Shijie and Su Jian, “Luoyang cangjing,” 47. Mi and Su make the interesting comment that the elongation of human figures and increase of floral decoration on plain surfaces brought the mirror decor into alignment with the style of Buddhist stelae and engraved stone coffi ns of the time. Because of the higher relief, it is difficult to make out details in rubbings of these types of mirrors. In a valuable article, Guan Weiliang, “Han Wei Liuchao tongjingzhong,” 85–93, analyzes this type of mirror and identifies the many deities, personages, and animals depicted in the decor. 112. Jinhua diqu wenguanhui, “Zhejiang Jinhua Gufang,” 822 and 825. 113. Jiang Zanchu, Xiong Haitang, and He Zhongxiang, “Hubei Echeng Liuchao kaogu,” 290–92, provide rarely found quantitative information on mirror types. Of some 200 mirrors found at Echeng, deity-animal mirrors make up 58 percent, animal head, linked-arc kui phoenix and bird-animal or dragon-tiger motifs make

474

114. 115. 116.

117. 118.

119. 120. 121.

122.

123. 124.

125.

126. 127.

128.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 6 5 –2 67

up 27 percent, and other types, such as inner zone linked arc, square central panel TLV, four nipple/four bats, stylized persimmon calyx–bat and wei zhi san gong double chi 螭 dragons make up the rest. Wang Zhongshu, “Wuxian, Shanyin he Wuchang,” 1030–31, demonstrates that the start of the Echeng mirror industry came with the importation of craftsmen from Kuaiji when Sun Quan made Echeng his capital from 221 to 229. Xu Pingfang, “Sanguo Liang Jin Nanbeichao di tongjing,” 557–58. Ibid., 557. Quan Hong, “Shilun Dong Han Wei Jin,” 1118–26, sees the iron mirrors as being inferior to the bronze ones and their appearance to be the result of unsettled conditions of the time creating a shortage of bronze. At the same time, he cites their curiosity value as reason for their appearance as imperial gifts and in the larger tombs. This attempt to have it both ways is not convincing. Cahill, “Word Made Bronze,” 64–65. Ganzhoushi bowuguan, “Jiangxi Ganxian,” 348. These small items are sometimes said to be traveling mirrors or for use in focusing the sun’s rays to ignite tinder. On the latter, see Sun Ji, Zhongguo shenghuo, 1–14. Xu Pingfang, “Sanguo Liang Jin Nanbeichao di tongjing,” 561. Ibid., 561–62. Liang-Lee and Louis, Index of Gold and Silver, is a very useful list of gold and silver items reported up to the date of its publication in the archaeological literature, covering the period from the Shang to the Qing. The numbers in the publication do not precisely accord with those of my database most probably because the sources consulted were a bit different. According to Niu, “Wei Jin Nanbeichao kuangye,” 140, 142, and 145, the sources for gold in the south were primarily gravel deposits in Yunnan, Sichuan, and Fujian, while in the north, gold was found in Shanxi, Shaanxi, and in the Han River. At the last locale, according to Weishu 110.2857, at one time there were over one thousand families assigned to pan for gold. Guizhousheng bowuguan kaoguzu, “Guizhou Pingba Machang,” 345–55. Chen Dawei, “Liaoning Beipiao Fangshencun,” 24–26, and pl. III.1–4. For the Korean material, see, for example, the catalog 5,000 Years of Korean Art, pl. IX and text, 157. Li Yaobo, “Liaoning Beipiaoxian,” 2–28; see especially pls. I and IV.1. For more information on these headdress ornaments (called buyao 步搖), see Dien, “Liaoning in the Six Dynasties Period.” Mai Yinghao and Li Jin, “Guangzhou xijiao,” 24–34. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing beijiao Guojiashan,” 1–7. See also Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing Mufushan,” 41–46, which reports on a tomb where twenty objects of gold, as well as those of silver, amber, and glass, and beads of a variety of materials were found. Jiangxisheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Nanchangshi bowuguan, “Nanchang huochezhan,” 38–39 and 34, figs. 78–81.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 6 8 –2 7 3

129. 130. 131. 132.

133. 134.

135.

136. 137. 138. 139.

140.

141. 142. 143.

144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152.

475

Jingzhou zhuanqu bowuguan, “Gonganxian faxian,” 61–62. Hunansheng bowuguan, “Changsha nanjiao,” 225–29; see especially 227. Jiangxisheng bowuguan, “Jiangxi Nanchang Jin,” 373–78; see especially 378. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Taiyuanshi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Taiyuanshi Bei Qi,” 13. For the art of inlaid gold pieces, see also Li Zhongyi, “Han Tang xiangkanjin,” 159–63. Tang Jinyu, “Xi’an xijiao,” 471–72. Nanjingshi wenwu baoguan weiyuanhui, “Nanjing Xiangshan,” 38, makes the point about the small size of the rings. The article cites an anecdote in Jinshu 47.1333 that is taken to indicate that such rings may have been used to decorate clothing or on belts, but my reading of the passage is that the reference is to the finger rings of a child. The ratio of all sites, north to south, is 1 : 3.69, while that for tombs with gold is 1 : 2.2 and for silver is 1 : 3.77. These calculations are not based on the number of actual objects or the weight of the recovered objects. Hubeisheng bowuguan, “Wuchang Shipailing,” 30 and 29, figs. 5, 8–11. Hubeisheng bowuguan, “Echeng liangzuo,” 47 and 48, fig. 7.1. Hunansheng bowuguan, “Hunan Zixing,” 346 and fig. 15.3. See, for example, Jiangsusheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Jiangningxian Huangjiaying,” 42–44 and 43, fig. 5. Not included here are Sassanian or Byzantine coins, of which quite a few have been found. For the Northern Zhou, see Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu bowuguan and Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 12; for the Sui, see Tang Jinyu, “Xi’an xijiao,” 472. Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Sichuan Zhongxian Tujing,” 82 and 83, fig. 78.3. Hunansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Hunan Changde xijiao,” 52. Echengxian bowuguan, “Hubei Echeng sizuo Wu mu,” 265 and 260, fig. 4.2. Jiangxisheng lishi bowuguan, “Jiangxi Nanchangshi,” 225, lists a similar object, probably incorrectly, as a hu jar. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing beijiao Dong Jin,” 319 and pl. 4.7. In addition, this tomb yielded a silver comb handle, button, and circlet. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu bowuguan and Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 12. Hebeisheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, “Hebei Dingxian,” 255 and pl. 5. Gilded bronze was used extensively for Buddhist figures, but that is treated in a later chapter. Datongshi bowuguan, “Shanxi Datong nanjiao chutu,” 997–99. Liaoningsheng bowuguan, “Liaoning Benqi,” 717–18. Liaoningsheng bowuguan wenwudui, Chaoyang diqu bowuguan wenwudui, and Chaoyangxian wenwuguan, “Chaoyang Yuantaizi,” 37–38. Bunker, “Metallurgy of Personal Adornment,” 47–48. Schafer, Golden Peaches, 223–27.

476

N O T E S T O P A G E S 2 7 3 – 2 76

153. Of the so-called jade shoats reported for this period, only three, or 1.14 percent, were made of jade. 154. For example, Li Jianzhao and Tu Sihua, “Nanjing Shimen Kanxiang,” 68 and fig. 1. 155. In addition to ibid., 68, fig. 2, see also Zhenjiang bowuguan, “Zhenjiang Dong Wu,” 545, table 1. 156. Huadong wenwu gongzuodui, “Nanjing Mufushan,” 31 and fig. 17. 157. Li Yaobo, “Liaoning Beipiaoxian,” 6 and 21, fig. 24. 158. [Li Zongdao and Zhao Guobi], “Luoyang 16 gongqu,” 53 and fig. 5. 159. Hubeisheng bowuguan, “Hubei Hanyang Caidian,” 196 and 195, fig. 5.5. 160. Wang Zhigao, Zhou Yuxing, and Hua Guorong, “Nanjing Xianheguan,” 80–84. 161. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu bowuguan and Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 14 and fig. 39.1, and Hubeisheng bowuguan, “Yichangshi Yizhong,” 47 and 50, fig. 6. 162. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Nanjing Dengfushan,” 26 and fig. 2. 163. Jinshu 25.773–74 and Songshu 18.507–9. 164. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Jiangsu Nanjing Xianheguan,” 16 and 15, figs. 36–39. 165. Jinshu 25.766. 166. See, for example, Chu¯ ka Jimmin Kyo¯wakoku Silk Road bumbutsuten, pl. 23. 167. The most unusual case is that of a Northern Wei crypt, mentioned earlier, which in addition to gold earrings, silver bracelets, rings, hairpins, and 44 circlets, contained 12 cylindrical liuli beads, 3,221 round liuli beads, 49 of agate, 4 of crystal, 160 pearls, and 2,334 beads made of coral. See Hebeisheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, “Hebei Dingxian,” 255–59. 168. Ma’nao is usually rendered as agate, and the colors reported range from white through shades of red to dark brown. Schafer, Golden Peaches, 228, suggests the translation “carnelian” since the prized color during the Tang was red. 169. Jiangxisheng bowuguan kaogudui, “Jiangxi Nanchang shijiao,” 195. This group of four tombs yielded eight pieces of agate; unfortunately, no illustration of the lion was supplied. 170. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing beijiao Dong Jin,” 319–20; the report includes a chemical analysis of the stone. 171. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu bowuguan and Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 14. 172. Zhejiangsheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Huangyan Xiuling,” 125. 173. For the term “capstan bead,” see Dohrenwend, “Glass in China,” 430. For an example of such a bead, see Yichang diqu bowuguan and Yiduxian wenhuaguan, “Hubei Yidu,” 723. 174. Weishu 110.2851. 175. Nan Qishu 57.986. 176. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu bowuguan and Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 1–20; Juliano and Lerner, Monks and Merchants, 98–100. Li Xian 李賢 has biographies in Zhoushu 25.413–18 and Beishi 59.2105–7.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 2 76 – 2 8 3

477

177. Wu Zhuo, “Bei Zhou Li Xian mu,” 66–76. Sun Ji, Zhongguo shenghuo, 130–34, agrees with Wu in his discussion of stylistic considerations. 178. Wu Zhuo, “Notes on the Silver Ewer,” 62–63. But see Carpino and James, “Commentary on the Li Xian Silver Ewer,” 74. 179. Marshak and Anazawa, “Hoku Shu¯ Ri Ken,” 54–55. Luo Feng agrees with Marshak’s interpretation; see his “Bei Zhou Li Xian mu,” 317. 180. Ma Yuji, “Datongshi Xiaozhancun Huagedatai,” 1–4. The facts of Feng’s life are known from the tomb epitaph recovered from his burial chamber. The body had been returned to Datong despite the imperial decree that Xianbei who died in Luoyang were to be buried there. 181. Prudence Harper, “Iranian Silver Vessel,” 51–59. 182. Xia Nai, “Bei Wei Feng Hetu,” 5–7. For speculation concerning how the plate came into Feng’s possession, see Ma Yong, “Bei Wei Feng Hetu mu,” 12. 183. Orbeli and Trever, Sasanidskii Metal, pl. 57. On the Perm material, see also Melikian-Chirvani, “Iranian Silver,” 9–15. 184. Sun Peiliang, “Luetan Datongshi nanjiao,” 68–75, 63. See also Bush, “Some Parallels,” 64. 185. Sun Ji, “Guyuan Bei Wei qiguanhua,” 38–44, 12. 186. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Datongshi bowuguan, “Datong nanjiao Bei Wei,” 10. 187. Shijiazhuang diqu geweihui wenhuaju wenwu fajuezu, “Hebei Zanhuang,” 387 and pl. 5.4. 188. Dalton, Treasure of the Oxus, item 204, pl. 33, and item 10, pl. 5; Rawson, “Central Asian Silver,” 144, item 4, and 146, fig. 9; Sun Ji, Zhongguo shenghuo, 146. 189. Suiqixian bowuguan, “Guangdong Suiqixian,” 243–45. For excellent photographs, see Guangdong Provincial Museum and Art Gallery, Archaeological Finds, 100 and 148–49. 190. Orbeli and Trever, Sasanidskii Metal, pl. 59, left. In regard to this figure, see also Tanabe, “Kushan Representation,” 58. 191. Shijiazhuang diqu geweihui wenhuaju wenwu fajuezu, “Hebei Zanhuang,” 388 and pl. 6.5. 192. Neimenggu wenwu gongzuodui and Neimenggu bowuguan, “Huhehaoteshi fujin,” 182–85 and pl. 8.5. 193. A Chinese gold ring with a small inset diamond, which is attached to a typically narrow circlet, is quite different in appearance; Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing Xiangshan,” 31 and pl. 5.2. 194. Tang Jinyu, “Xi’an xijiao,” 471–72. 195. Suishu 37.1124. This must have been the Sui version of the “Dating Game”! 196. Xiong Cunrui, “Sui Li Jingxun mu,” 77–79; Victor Xiong and Ellen Johnston Laing, “Foreign Jewelry,” 163–73. For a color photograph of this remarkable necklace, see Chu¯ ka Jimmin Kyo¯wakoku Silk Road bumbutsuten, pl. 20, or Jian Li, Glory of the Silk Road, 206. 197. See Kiss, “Byzantine Jewel,” 37–40.

478

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 8 4 –2 87

198. Luoyang qielanji, 207; Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 243. Glass is treated below. 199. Luoyang qielanji, 161; Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 220. 200. Scaglia, “Central Asians,” 9–28. See also Marshak, “Le programme iconographique,” 12–14, who sees in this funerary monument a depiction of a Sogdian ceremony celebrating victory over death. 201. Xia Mingcai, “Yidu Bei Qi shishimu,” 49–54. Much of this shrine was buried beneath a dam before the archaeologists arrived. For more recent discoveries of Sogdian burials in China and related discussion, see the translations in Doar and Dewar, eds., “Zoroastrianism in China,” 7–216; Shaanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, “Xi’an faxian di Bei Zhou,” 4–26; Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Taiyuanshi kaogu yanjiusuo, and Taiyuanshi Jinyuanqu wenwu lüyouju, “Taiyuan Suidai Yu Hong mu,” 27–52; and Han Wei, “Bei Zhou An Jia mu,” 90–101. 202. Dien, “Sa-pao Problem,” 335–46; see also Klimkeit, Gnosis on the Silk Road, 365–66. 203. Sun Ji, “Guyuan Bei Wei qiguanhua,” 40–41. 204. Ibid., 40. This important article, in slightly rewritten form, is also included in his Zhongguo shenghuo, 122–38. 205. For further discussion of this point and citations, see Dien, “New Look at the Xianbei,” 54–55. 206. For the influence of Central Asian metalware on the ceramics of the Tang and beyond, in addition to the articles by Rawson and Melikian-Chirvani mentioned above, see also Medley, “T’ang Gold and Silver,” 16–22; Rawson, “Tombs or Hoards,” 139–52; and William Watson, “Precious Metal,” 161–74. 207. Brill, Tong, and Zhang, “Chemical Composition of a Faience Bead,” 11–15. See also Brill, Vocke, Wang, and Zhang, “Note on Lead-Isotope Analyses,” 116–18. 208. Cheng Zhuhai, “Shitan woguo gudai boli,” 97. 209. Needham, Wang, and Robinson, Science and Civilisation, 4.1:102. 210. Beck and Seligman, “Barium in Ancient Glass,” 982. While the eye beads found in China appear to be modeled on imports from the West, the barium content is believed to point to domestic manufacture since that element is so rare elsewhere as a component of glass. Similar results were reported in Seligman and Beck, “Far Eastern Glass,” 1–64, especially 15ff, using spectographic analysis, and Brill, Vocke, Wang, and Zhang, “Note on Lead-Isotope Analyses,” 87–109, using wet chemical, flame photometry and atomic absorption methods as well as testing for lead isotope ratios. Due to the high lead content of these glass objects, the specific gravity is also relatively high. Bivar, “Trade between China and the Near East,” 4, suggests that the presence of barium is not necessarily evidence that the glass objects are of Chinese manufacture and that the topic requires further investigation. Brill, “Some Thoughts,” 132–33, throws open the whole question of provenance of the manufacture of glass by noting that in nonlead glass, previously used methods of analysis did not distinguish between the types of ash used in China as against those used in the West. That there is not yet a consensus on these questions

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 87–2 8 8

211.

212.

213.

214. 215. 216.

217. 218.

219.

220. 221.

222.

479

is clear from the introduction and various papers in Brill and Martin, eds., Scientific Research in Early Chinese Glass. Weishu 102.2270 and Beishi 97.3222. The word poli (ancient p’uâ-lji) is an early form of the modern boli 玻璃. Brill, “Some Thoughts,” suggests that boli, rather than deriving from Greek beryllos and Latin berullos, “beryl,” referring to transparent green gemstones such as emeralds and aquamarine, as is usually believed, derived rather from Greek bolos, “lump,” perhaps through Hebrew or Aramaic bolos or boolos, which referred to a glass lump prepared for use in casting or molding into some object. He suggests that these lumps of glass would have been more safely transported than fragile glass objects, and in China would then have been cast into more typically Chinese forms. Cheng Zhuhai, “Shitan woguo gudai boli,” 96. For further discussion of these terms, with citations to the relevant literature, as well as some speculation why there is no native term for the substance, despite its presence before the adoption of a foreign term, see Needham, Wang, and Robinson, Science and Civilisation, 4.1:105–6. I hesitate to impute modern usages to the period because, as mentioned below, vessels that were probably made of transparent glass are termed liuli in the literature of the time. See, for example, Hunansheng bowuguan, “Changsha Liang Jin,” 83, where the beads are said to be made of liuli, but on p. 101, the bead from one tomb (#20) is labeled as liao. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Jiangsu Danyang Huqiao Nanchao,” 48. Hunansheng bowuguan, “Hunan Zixing,” 347. The table in ibid., 358, maintains the distinction in terminology. In other reports, such as Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Sichuan Zhongxian Tujing,” 82, and Guangdongsheng bowuguan, “Guangdong Shixing,” 121, an earring and beads labeled liuli are described as being bantouming. Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Sichuan Zhongxian Tujing,” 82. Zhang Yanhuang and Gong Tingwan, “Sichuan Zhaohua Baolunyuan,” 30, describes the beads contained in the tombs as being made of boli, but the table, p. 27, labels them as liuli. This may be an error or simply a case of overlapping terminology. On this question, see also Schafer, Golden Peaches, 235–37, who is concerned more with Tang terminology than with modern usage. Harada, “Ancient Glass,” 57–69. Harada seems to equate all glass in the early period as being imported. See also Krykov, “The Silk Road,” 119–25, who emphasizes the importance of glass in the trade carried over the Silk Road. Sanguozhi 30.861. This is also cited in Taiping yulan 808.4a. Shishuo xinyu 1.1.26a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 41. While glass panes were in use in the West by the first century A.D., there is no material evidence that they had been introduced into China by this date. I wish to thank John Kieschnick, who called this anecdote to my attention. Dohrenwend, “Glass in China,” 426, makes the point that China never developed the craft of glass to match its accomplishments with bronze, lacquer, or ceramics,

480

223.

224. 225.

226. 227. 228. 229.

230.

231.

232.

233.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 8 8 –2 9 1

and that the material was not held in high esteem except for certain periods, one of which was the post-Han period, when it was prized as an exotic import, esteemed perhaps for its transparency, and thus incorruptibility, which would have had resonances in Buddhism. Much of this discussion is based on the authoratative study by An Jiayao, “Zhongguo de zaoqi boli qiming,” 413–48. See also the translation by Henderson, “Early Chinese Glassware,” 1–39. An, “Zhongguo de zaoqi boli qiming,” 415–16; Henderson, “Early Chinese Glassware,” 3, where the surname Wang is mistranslated as “king.” Shishuo xinyu 3.3.5a–b; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 408. See also Shishuo xinyu 3.3.44a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 479, where a glass wan bowl is paired with a gold pan basin; and Shishuo xinyu 3.3.33b; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 459, which tells of an extravagant meal served to Emperor Wu of the Jin (r. 265–89) entirely on liuli glassware dishes. These anecdotes are cited in Nanjing daxue lishixi kaoguzu, “Nanjing daxue Beiyuan,” 45. Li Yaobo, “Liaoning Beipiaoxian,” 6–7; An, “Zhongguo de zaoqi boli qiming,” 417. Zhang Ji, “Hebei Jingxian Fengshi,” 33 and pl. 10.4; An, “Zhongguo de zaoqi boli qiming,” 417–18. Much of the following is from An, “Bei Zhou Li Xian mu,” 173–81. A report on this piece has not yet been published; see the line drawing in An, “Bei Zhou Li Xian mu,” 173, fig. 1.2. Two others, much like it, have been found, one at Kashihara, Nara Profecture, Japan, An, “Zhongguo de zaoqi boli qiming,” pl. 5.1, and the other at an Eastern Jin tomb at Nanjing, Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Jiangsu Nanjing Xianheguan,”19 and 21, fig. 69. The last has some traces of lacquer on the base, perhaps from a stand required by its round bottom; Wang Zhigao, Zhou Yuxing, and Hua Guorong, “Nanjing Xianheguan,” 89. An, “Bei Zhou Li Xian mu,”173, fig. 2 and pls. 8.3–4. The original report, Beijingshi wenwu gongzuodui, “Beijing xijiao Xi Jin,” 22, listed only fragments, but the piece has since been restored. Marc Aurel Stein, Innermost Asia, 2 : 756, and pl. CX; his description (2 : 760–61, ying.III.3.06) bears repeating. “Glass tumbler; transparent greenish-white, with small flat bottom, and sides expanding in slightly convex curve to plain thickened rim. Orn[amented] with bands of hollow-ground spots; seven circular round side [sic] immediately above ground, and two bands of ellipses above. Complete, but broken and now mended. H: 2 1/4 in., diam. of bottom 7/8 in., of mouth 2 11/16 in.” See also An, “Bei Zhou Li Xian mu,” 173, fig. 1.3. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu bowuguan and Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 14, 12, fig. 26, and pl. 3.1; An, “Bei Zhou Li Xian mu,” 173–74 and fig. 1.1. Overlapping portions of this fu are found in Yiwen leiju 73.1262–63 and 84.1441– 42. The sequence of lines followed here is as found in Quan shanggu sandai: Quan Jin wen 94.3b–4a (p. 2000).

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 9 2 –2 9 3

481

234. Weishu 102.2275 and Beishi 97.3226–27. This passage is translated in Needham, Science and Civilisation, 4.1:108–9. No panes of glass have been found in China of this period, although such windows were in use in the West by the first century A.D. Cheng Zhuhai, “Shitan woguo gudai boli,” 101, cites the same passage but adds to it as part of the original text that the art of making glass had been lost and that the foreigner was from Tianzhu, or India. I do not know what source he used for his version. See also Beishi 90.2985, which says the knowledge of glassmaking was lost by the Sui and rediscovered by He Chou 何稠, whose ancestors had been Sogdian migrants to China; see An, “Zhongguo de zaoqi boli qiming,” 433, and Needham, Wang, and Robinson, Science and Civilisation, 4.1:109. Harada, “Ancient Glass,” 63, to demonstrate the high value still placed on imported glass objects, cites the Luoyang qielanji where it tells of the Northern Wei Prince Chen of Hejian, whose ostentatious display of wealth included bowls of glass (liuli wan) brought from the West; this passage has been cited above (see n. 198). 235. On soda ash, called in Chinese “natural ash,” see Schafer, Golden Peaches, 220–21. 236. Wan Zhen 萬震 (Wu), Nanzhou yiwu zhi 南州異物志, as cited in Yiwen leiju 84.1441. 237. An, “Zhongguo de zaoqi boli qiming,” 436. 238. Hebeisheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, “Hebei Dingxian,” 252–59; An, “Zhongguo de zaoqi boli qiming,” 423–24 and pls. 8.6 and 10.1. Glassblowing techniques arrived in China from the West as late as the third century, centuries after the products of this technique had been imported into China. 239. For these pieces and others of the Sui, see An, “Zhongguo de zaoqi boli qiming,” 425–46. 240. For the chemical composition of this glassware, see Qinghua daxue Jianzhu cailiao yanjiuyuan and Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, “Zhongguo zaoqi boliqi jianyan baogao,” 449–57. Earlier investigations tend to be less reliable because the dating of their samples was not secure. Thus, Seligman, Ritchie, and Beck, “Early Chinese Glass,” 721, reported that Tang glass was primarily a soda-lime silicate, with only two examples being of lead-soda-lime silicates, but no distinction was drawn between domestic and foreign glass. Ritchie, “Spectographic Studies,” 209–20, added ten samples thought to be of the period between the Han and Tang, and through spectographic analysis, fi nding half to be essentially lead-soda-lime silicates, while the remaining five were soda-lime silicates, proposed a process of development from the Han to Tang of lead-barium to leadsoda-lime to soda-lime silicates (p. 220). In fact, Qinghua daxue Jianzhu cailiao yanjiuyuan and Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo, “Zhongguo zaoqi boliqi,” 455–56, tables 1 and 2, demonstrated that while barium as a component became a trace element, lead silicates continued to be made at least through the Northern Song. The tests were run using wet-chemical and X-ray flourescence techniques.

482

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 9 3 –2 9 8

241. An, “Zhongguo de zaoqi boli qiming,” 434–35. An comments that the fragility of these pieces as noted in the contemporary sources indicates that the glassmakers had not mastered the annealing process. 242. Wang Zhigao, Zhou Yuxing, and Hua Guorong, “Nanjing Xianheguan,” 88, suggest that in the Nanjing area, at least, the strongly acidic soil was deleterious to its preservation. 243. Ibid., 89. 244. Anhuisheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Maanshanshi wenhuaju, “Anhui Maanshan,” 1. 245. The report listed and described only a selection, and so exact numbers are not available. 246. Yang Hong, “Sanguo kaogu,” 19–21. 247. Jiangxisheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Nanchangshi bowuguan, “Nanchang huochezhan,” 16–24. Zheng Yan, “Nanchang Dong Jin qipan,” 77–86. 248. Miao, Qimin yaoshu jiaoshi, 250–52; and Shi Shenghan, Qimin yaoshu xuanduben, 281–83. 249. The times designated by this phrase are not clear. 250. Liaoningsheng bowuguan wenwudui, Chaoyang diqu bowuguan wenwudui, and Chaoyangxian wenwuguan, “Chaoyang Yuantaizi,” 38–39 and fig. 34. 251. Wang Shixiang, “Zhongguo gudai qigong,” 50. 252. O’Hara, Position of Woman, 48. 253. Ibid., 230–35. 254. A report on the screen was published in Shanxisheng Datongshi bowuguan and Shanxisheng wenwu gonzuo weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Datong Shijiazhai,” 25–26; the only full report on the screen in color, with many details, is in Zhang Anzhi et al., eds., Zhongguo meishu quanji, 153–63. See also the discussion in Zhi Gong, “Luetan Bei Wei di pingfeng qihua,” 55–59; this has been abstracted in Dien, Riegel, and Price, Chinese Archaeological Abstracts, 4:1547–48. The screen is treated at length in Lim, “Northern Wei tomb.” For one discussion of how it may have come into the possession of Sima Jinlong, and its place in the cultural exchange between the north and south, see Song Xing, “Bei Wei Sima Jinlong muzang,” 273–98. 255. Anhuisheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Maanshanshi wenhuaju, “Anhui Maanshan,” 2–3 and 4, fig. 6. 256. Guyuanxian wenwu gongzuozhan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 48–50; Han Kongle and Luo Feng, “Guyuan Bei Wei mu,” 3–22; Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, Guyuan Bei Wei mu qiguanhua, pl. 1. 257. Guyuanxian wenwu gongzuozhan, “Ningxia Guyuan,” 49, fig. 9 and pls. 7.1–2; Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, Guyuan Bei Wei mu qiguanhua, pl. 2. Sun Ji, Zhongguo shenghuo, 122–38, draws attention to the similarity of the depiction of the deceased, seated on a bench with his legs dangling as he holds a goblet and a fan, to the figures in Balalyk Tepe murals and argues that this may well represent the opposition of the deceased to the pressures to sinicize. The suggestion by Lim,

N O T E S T O PAG E S 2 9 8 – 3 02

258.

259. 260. 261.

483

“Northern Wei tomb,” 169, that the artistic style of the coffi n appears to be the work of a Xianbei or Tuoba artist seems to ignore the social milieu in which the artisans worked. Yin’s father listened to calumny concerning his son from the boy’s stepmother and killed his son. Later, encountering a strange bird sitting in a mulberry tree as if mourning, he realized he had been duped and killed his wife. Cai refused to leave the side of his mother’s coffin when a fire broke out, and the fire spared the coffin in response to his virtue. Yanzi chunqiu 20b-22a. For further information on this coffi n and its significance, see Luo Feng, “Lacquer Painting on a Northern Wei Coffi n,” 18–29; Wang Long, “Guyuan qiguan caihua,” 12–16; Karetzky and Soper, “Northern Wei Painted Coffi n,” 5–20 (this article must be used with caution because of many errors); Soper, “Whose Body?” 205–16; and Owens, “Case Study.”

8. FURNITURE 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

15.

16. 17.

Shishuo xinyu A.A.15a–b; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 22; Jinshu 84.2183. Shishuo xinyu B.A.14a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 179. Jinshu 54.2197. Shishuo xinyu B.A.32a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 191. Jinshu 28.853. Jinshu 47.1322. Jinshu 44.1260 and 68.1830. Suishu 58.1423 and 76.1734. Much of the following discussion of the “bed” and canopy relies on Yi Shui, “Zhang he zhanggou,” 85–88. See also the valuable discussion in Handler, “Life on a Platform,” 4–20. Songshu 18.518. The translation is from Schafer, “Yeh chung chi,” 185–86. Jinshu 99.2596. Hong Qingyu, “Guanyu Dong Shou,” 30, figs. 5 and 6. Shanxisheng Datongshi bowuguan and Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui, “Shanxi Datong Shijiazhai,” 21 and 22, fig. 4. The recent discoveries of Sogdian coffin platforms seem to stem from another tradition. Yi Shui, “Zhang he zhanggou,” 87, figs. 2, 4, and 5. The flat-topped canopy appears to be depicted in the mural in the tomb of Gao Run. Unfortunately, the photograph included in the report is not clear; Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Bei Qi,” pl. 7. On the subject of screens through Chinese history, see Handler, “Chinese Screen,” 4–31, and especially 8–11 for the Six Dynasties period. Ji’nanshi bowuguan, “Ji’nanshi Majiazhuang,” 45, fig. 8. Note how the end panels of the screen fall onto the side walls, giving a sense of stability to the screen.

484

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 02 – 3 07

18. Shandongsheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Ji’nanshi Dongbaliwa,” 69, fig. 3. 19. Jia Shiheng, “Zhongguo shanggu shidai,” 76–77, argues that the ta was introduced from the West during the late Han. 20. Chen Zengbi, “Han Wei Jin duzuoshi,” 66–71. 21. Nanjingshi bowuguan, “Nanjing Xiangshan,” 30 and 29, fig. 8. The report identified this object as a table, but Chen Zengbi, “Han Wei Jin duzuoshi,” 66, points out that this an error. 22. Several such sitting platforms appear on the Sima Jinlong lacquer screen; see Zhang Anzhi et al., eds., Zhongguo meishu quanji, 155, 159, and 162. All three show the curiously scalloped baseboards, and the latter two have balustrades on three sides. It may be that limitations of space on the screen panel required that the platform be depicted smaller than it would have been in actuality, and that the platforms with such balustrades were meant to be chuang and not ta. 23. Wang Zengxin, “Liaoyangshi Bangtaizi,” 22, fig. 3.6. This, of course, is a funerary scene, and so may be contrived. 24. Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 53; Zhou Fagao, ed., Yanshi jiaxun huizhu, 33a–b. For the “bolsters” (yinnang 隱囊), see Sun Ji, Zhongguo shenghuo, 211. 25. This latter use of the armrest is suggested by its appearance in a statue of a kneeling bodhisattva; see Hu, “Wei Jin Nanbeichao shiqi,” 63 and 62, fig. 9. Hu claims that this was an indispensable article of furniture during this period. For an earlier study, see Li Jianzhao, “Shishuo Liuchao,” 60–61. 26. Yao and Gu, Liuchao yishu, pls. 162–63. 27. Handler, “Ubiquitous Stool,” 4. 28. Yi Shui, “Manhua huchuang,” 82–85. The discussion here of the huchuang is drawn mainly from this article. See also the literature cited by Handler, “Ubiquitous Stool,” 7. 29. As cited by Yi Shui, “Manhua huchuang,” from a Sanguozhi 1.35 commentary. 30. Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Dongchencun,” 396, fig. 6.2. 31. Xia Mingcai, “Yidu Bei Qi shishimu,” 50, fig. 2; Handler, “Ubiquitous Stool,” 5; Sun Ji, Zhongguo shenghuo, 210–11. 32. Kieschnick, Impact of Buddhism, 222–49. 33. See the elaborate table with ten curved legs, five to a side, holding a wine container, above the door in the west wall of the front chamber; in Gansusheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Jiuquan shiliuguo mubihua. 34. Chen Zengbi, “Lun Handai wuzhuo,” 91–97. 35. Sullivan, Arts of China, 100–101. More recently, Fang Wen, “Chuan Gu Kaizhi,” 87, has dated the painting to the late Southern Dynasties. 36. Jinshu 92.2405; Shih-hsiang Chen, trans., Biography of Ku K’ai-chih, 15–16. 37. Handler, “Cabinets and Shelves,” 4–5, describes some of the Han and Tang examples. 38. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Nanjing Fuguishan,” 202. The photograph is not very clear. 39. Liaoningsheng bowuguan wenwudui, Chaoyang diqu bowuguan wenwudui, and Chaoyangxian wenwuguan, “Chaoyang Yuantaizi,” 39 and 35, fig. 29.11.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 0 7 – 3 17

485

40. For a display of a number of such containers represented in a tomb mural, see Gansusheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Jiuquan shiliuguo mubihua, final plate of the volume. 41. The stepped front and fire hole are clearly depicted in the cover illustration of Tomita, “Chinese Sacrificial Stone House.” 42. Ningxia Huizu zizhiqu Guyuan bowuguan and Zhong-Ri Yuanzhou lianhe kaogudui, Yuanzhou gumu jicheng, fig. 21. 43. The image is reproduced from Tomita, “Chinese Sacrificial Stone House,” 101, fig. 5. The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, lists the work as Offering Shrine with Engraved Figures and Inscriptions, Chinese, Northern Wei, early sixth century A.D., China, limestone with engraved pictorial scenes, 138 × 200 × 97 cm (5416 –5 × 3 3 78 –4 × 3816 – in.), Anna Mitchell RIchards and Martha Silsbee Funds, 37.340.

9. CLOTHING 1. That is not to say that people of the time were not style conscious. Xie He 謝赫, the famous painter and authority on aesthetics during the Southern Qi dynasty (479–501), was known for his ability to keep up with court fashions in robes, makeup, and coiffures; see Soper, “South Chinese Influence,” 78. 2. Sun Ji, Zhongguo gu yufu luncong, 168. Shen Gua 沈括 (1031–95), Mengqi bitan 1.3, claimed that from the Northern Qi on, Chinese garments and headgear were entirely derived from the styles of the northern nomads. 3. Fontein and Wu, Han and T’ang Murals, 57–77; Jiayuguanshi wenwu qingli xiaozu, “Jiayuguan Han,” 38–39; Gansusheng bowuguan and Jiayuguanshi wenwu baoguansuo, “Jiayuguan Wei Jin,” 68, 70, and pls. 1, 3, and 4. 4. Gansusheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Jiuquan shiliuguo mubihua, passim; Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo Henan dier gongzuodui, “Henan Yanshi Xingyuancun,” 731, figs. 17.3, 17.5, and pl. 6.6. 5. Yang Hong, “Shilun Nanbeichao qianqi,” 335–36. For the theory that the use of drugs at this time and the resulting feverishness led to the wearing of loose robes, see Fu Jiang, “Zongrong churu,” 122. 6. Luoyang qielanji 51.1009c; Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 203, reported that southerners took to wearing the garments in imitation of a Northern Wei (more likely a Luoyang) style. 7. Sun Ji, Zhongguo gu yufu luncong, 170. 8. Echengxian bowuguan, “Hubei Echeng sizuo Wu mu,” 266 and pl. 8.6. The pair shown in Sun Ji, Zhongguo gu yufu luncong, 172, fig. 15.4, is from the tomb of Zhu Ran at Maanshan, Anhui; it was not included in the report on this tomb, Anhuisheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Maanshanshi wenhuaju, “Anhui Maanshan,” 1–15. 9. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 398, #15. 10. Kaogu yanjiusuo Anyang fajuedui, “Anyang Sui Zhang Sheng,” 545. 11. Nanshi 77.1936. This was cited by Sun Ji, Zhongguo gu yufu luncong, 176. 12. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Taiyuanshi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Taiyuanshi Bei Qi,” color plate opposite p. 16. The distinctive hood appears in

486

13. 14.

15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

20. 21.

22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

27. 28.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 17 – 3 2 3

the earliest representations of the Xianbei, on the figures from the Northern Wei tomb near Huhehot; see Dien, “New Look at the Xianbei,” 44 and n. 33. Shanxisheng bowuguan, Taiyuan Kuangpo Bei Qi Zhang, pl. 15. Especially noteworthy are the figures of a Tuoba prince and his family on a piece of embroidery, dated 487, found at Dunhuang; see Dien, “New Look at the Xianbei,” 44, and the literature cited there. Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Dongchencun Dong Wei,” 392. Gervais-Molnár, Hungarian Szür. This study was made known to me by Professor Ellen Laing. See Dien, “Six Dynasties Tomb Figurines,” 968–69. Zizhi tongjian 139.4370. Jinshu 27.826. Suishu 11.235. This was cited by Sun Ji, Zhongguo gu yufu luncong, 171. According to Wang Guowei (1877–1927), these garments were adapted from those of the northern nomads at the time that cavalry was introduced into China by King Wu of Zhao (traditionally 307 B.C.), but it was not until the late Han that the term kuxi appears; see Wang Guowei, “Hufu kao,” 22:1074–81. Wang, 1081–91, provides many citations in Six Dynasties literature to underscore the popularity of kuxi and Hu clothing in general, both north and south. Jinshu 27.823–24. The encyclopedia Beitang shuchao 129.17b has a number of examples of the occurrence in literature of the term kuxi written with the kua 夸 phonetic element, including a citation of Shishuo xinyu describing how on the occasion of a visit of Emperor Wu to the home of his son-in-law Wang Ji 王濟 (ca. 240–ca. 285), over a hundred female slaves were dressed in silk gauze kuxi, which Mather translates as trousers and blouses; cf. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 459. See Dien, “Study of Early Chinese Armor,” 28–30. Harada, [Zo¯ ho] Kanrikucho¯, and Zhou Xibao, Zhongguo gudai fushi shi. Shang Chunfang, “Luoyang Bei Wei mu,” 71–76. This list is described in chapter 6. Harada, [Zo¯ ho] Kanrikucho¯, 189, believes these two items were placed last because they were of humbler material, but, coming after the coffi n and its nails, it is more likely that they represented the shroud. The term for the second garment, jinqun 襟裙, presents a problem since a skirt could hardly have a lapel. Perhaps it was a wraparound of some sort. Harada’s suggestion that jin was related to jin 禁, which is given in the Yanshi jiaxun as a dialect word for the color purple, is not convincing. The term “linen” is used here in its broadest sense; that is, fabrics woven of hemp, ramie, or kudzu thread; cf. Schafer, Golden Peaches, 201. The term “linen” is used for bu 布 because there is no information given as to which material is involved here. Jiangxisheng bowuguan, “Jiangxi Nanchang Jin mu,” 375. For example, there was a mirror in each coffi n, but the inventory specifies only one mirror. On the other hand, the list has two combs and two stone pigs (yutun),

N O T E S T O PAG E S 32 3 – 32 7

29.

30.

31.

32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37.

487

and one of each object was found in the two coffins. Still, none of the surviving metal objects in the woman’s coffi n, such as jewelry, coins, and a needle, are listed, while ink and inkstone, entered in the inventory, were found in the man’s coffi n. A transcription is included in Duan Fang (1861–1911), Taozhai cangshiji 13.6b-7a. For a study of the preface to the list, see Asami, “Chu¯goku Nambokucho¯ jidai,” 1– 19. A photograph of the wooden tablet appears in Wenwu 1965.10:8, fig. 8. Not all inventory lists were as extensive. Another two lists, from Anhui of the Wu period, are not as legible as those listed above. Rather than specific items of clothing, the lists appear to consist mainly of yardage goods; Anhuisheng wenwu gongzuodui, “Anhui Nanlingxian Maqiao,” 978. Guojia wenwuju guwenxian yanjiushi et al., Tulufan chutu wenshu. Photographic copies of these documents together with the same transcriptions have also been published in a work of the same name, Tang Changru, chief ed., Tulufan chutu wenshu, in four volumes. Three more inventories are in the British Museum (see Maspéro, Documents chinois, 155–56, and Kumagai, “Tachibanashi sho¯rai Toroban,” 169–73); four in Japan (see Ogasawara, “Seiiki shutsudo no ensho¯,” 186–87, and Ogasawara, “Toroban shutsudo,” 254–56); and fi nally one appears in Huang Wenbi, Tulufan kaoguji, 33. However, many of the items listed in the Astana inventories are clearly imaginary; see Asami, “Chu¯goku Nambokucho¯ jidai,” 2. The following, from the Guojia wenwuju guwenxian yanjiushi edition, are the inventories analyzed here (date and gender are in parentheses): vol. 1.9 (384, F); 1.10 (384, F); 1.14 (418, F); 1.31 (399–423, F); 1.59 (425, F); 1.61 (428, F); 1.98 (436, ?); 1.111 (437, ?); 1.176 (437, ?); 1.184 (? F); 1.185 (? ?); 2.2 (482+, F); 2.31 (551, ?); 2.35 (535, F); 2.37 (557, ?); 2.60 (543, F); 2.62 (548, F); 2.64 (562, M); 2.181 (567, F); 2.215 (558, M); 2.217 (576, F); 2.310 (592, M); 2.314 (592, ?); 2.347 (548, ?); 3.9 (605, F); 3.12 (605, ?); 3.21 (607, ?); 3.59 (613, M); 3.61 (617, F); 3.66 (596, F); 3.68 (604, M); 3.69 (617, F); 4.2 (591, F); and 4.4 (597, M). The last two are at the rear of vol. 4. Gender was determined by sex-specific objects listed in the inventories. Weapons were assumed to be part of the grave goods of males, while cosmetics and scissors were those of females. Xinjiang bowuguan kaogudui, “Tulufan Halahezhuo,” 8. Ibid., 8–9. The article also cites a passage in the Liangshu 54.811 that describes cotton from Gaochang. Xia Nai, “Xinjiang xin faxian,” 66–67 and 75–76. While the motif has been said to be the result of Sassanian influences, that may not be the case. Ma Chengyuan and Yue Feng, eds., Xinjiang Weiwuer zizhiqu Silu, and Zhou Jinling, “Yuli Yingpan mudi,” 62–67. Wang Renxiang, “Gudai daigou,” 73–74. There was quite a stir created when one of the fragments found with the belt set in Zhou Chu’s tomb proved to be of aluminum, a metal otherwise not known to exist until the nineteenth century. Xia Nai, “Jin Zhou Chu mu,” 34–39, conclusively demonstrated that the fragment must have been a late intrusion into the tomb.

488

N O T E S T O PAG E S 32 7– 3 3 3

38. Sun Ji, “Xian Qin, Han, Jin yaodai,” 50–64, is a study that focuses largely on these plaques, dealing also with the Central Asian material. 39. Sun Ji, “Woguo gudai gedai,” 307. On the foreign word, see Cohen, comp., Selected Works of Peter A. Boodberg, 136–37, and the literature cited there. 40. Wang Renxiang, “Daikou luelun,” 65–75, discussing buckles from their first appearance during the Chunqiu period, divides them into six major types, with a number of subdivisions within each type. 41. Ibid., 73. 42. Yun, Zhongguo Bei Zhou zhengui wenwu, 69–70, 157–60, and fig. 149 and pl. 173. Yun includes a full account of the terminology and history of this sort of belt set, but in reference to the buckle he says only that the end of the belt was small enough to go through the buckle, demonstrating that the belt could actually have been used. 43. The major problem in determining the use to which the buckles were put is that their location in the tomb is rarely indicated. A further complication, as seen in the report of the Eastern Jin tomb at Yuantaizi, Chaoyang, Liaoningsheng bowuguan wenwudui, Chaoyang diqu bowuguan wenwudui, and Chaoyangxian wenwuguan, “Chaoyang Yuantaizi,” 37, is that the plaques and buckles, all of silver, are both termed daikou, so that one cannot make out which is indicated by that term in the tomb plan on p. 29 of the report.

10. ARMOR AND WEAPONS 1. Neimenggu wenwu gongzuodui, “Neimenggu Huhehaote,” 91: three large pieces of rusted iron may be armor; Baotoushi wenwu guanlichu, “Baotou Guyangxian,” 39: three pieces, 5 × 2.4 cm, with traces of cloth on the back side; the top edges have small iron hooks, and the lower edges have holes. 2. Li Yaobo, “Liaoning Beipiaoxian,” 8, 24, and 28. 3. Liaoningsheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Chaoyangshi bowuguan, “Chaoyang Shiertaixiang,” 21–22, and Tian Likun and Zhang Keju, “Qian Yan di jiaji,” 72–75. In addition to the chamfron, other horse gear was also recovered. 4. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo and Hebeisheng wenwu yanjuisuo Yecheng kaogu gongzuodui, “Hebei Linzhangxian Nancheng Zhumingmen,” 8. The armor probably dates from the battle between the Sui forces and Yuchi Jiong 尉遲迥 (d. 580), whose resistance to the establishment of the Sui led to the city’s destruction. 5. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo kaogu keji shiyan yanjiu zhongxin, “Yenancheng chutu,” 22–35. 6. Dien, “Study of Early Chinese Armor,” 14. 7. On the history of early Chinese armor, see Dien, “Study of Early Chinese Armor,” 5–56; Yang Hong, Zhongguo gubingqi luncong, 36–50; and Dien, “Armor in China,” 23–59.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 3 3 – 3 3 7

489

8. Chen Siwangji 陳思王集 1.51a, in Han Wei Liuchao baisanjiaji. For a discussion of the textual variants and other problems with the text, see Dien, “Study of Early Chinese Armor,” 16, n. 59. 9. Komai, Chu¯goku ko¯ kogaku, 59–60. 10. The term mingguang in this third-century text cannot refer to the cord-and-plaque type of armor that did not appear until the sixth century. Unfortunately, the use of the term to designate that later armor, introduced by Yang Hong in his writing, has become widespread in the Chinese archaeological literature. 11. Dien, “Study of Early Chinese Armor,” 26–27. 12. Ibid., 33–35. 13. Dien, “Stirrup,” 38. Hasegawa, “Hokucho¯ jidai,” 38–48, provides an exhaustive list of military figurines found in tombs from the Northern Wei to Northern Zhou and Northern Qi, and a detailed description of two types of armor: the fully armored cavalryman with barded horse and the tomb guardian with large shield. He thus traces the development of armor during these centuries. Unfortunately he uses the term mingguang for the armor with breast and rear plates, but he correctly identifies heiguang as armor covered with black lacquer. He also uses the term “scale” without clarifying that he is not dealing with scale armor. Carrying the discussion down to the early Tang, he suggests that the shift from heavy to light cavalry occurred to meet the need of countering the guerrilla warfare waged in the peasant uprisings of the early seventh century—an interesting but not necessarily convincing argument. 14. Songshu 18.506 records that from the Jin on wooden swords began to replace blade weapons as customary wear by all gentles up to and including the emperor. This would not have been true of the north. When Li Yuan 李遠 drew a sword at a conference in 556 threatening to cut down anyone who objected to the proposal put forward by Yuwen Tai that his son be named heir to the throne, it would have been farcical if that blade had been a wooden one; Zhoushu 25.421, and Dien, “Role of the Military,” 331–32. 15. Wang Kelin, “Bei Qi Shedi Huiluo mu,” 388. 16. Dien, “Study of Early Chinese Armor,” 11. 17. While this observation concerning length is generally true, in one case where length is perhaps a factor, a blade made of silver and measuring 12.5 cm × 0.7 cm is labeled as a dao but described as being shaped like a jian, with two edges; cf. Jiangxisheng lishi bowuguan, “Jiangxi Nanchangshi,” 225. In another case, a single-edged weapon, 42 cm in total length, is labeled as both jian and dao; cf. Yichangshi wenwuchu, “Yichangshi Liuchao mu,” 40. The reason for the ambivalance is not clear. On the shift from dao to jian, see Graff, Medieval Chinese Warfare, 41. 18. In one case, a long blade (116 cm) is said to have been clearly meant for military use, but others found at the site, measuring about 22 cm, were considered to have been for ordinary use; cf. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui dierdui, “Luoyang Jin mu,” 181. On the other hand, of three blades described at another

490

19.

20. 21.

22.

23. 24.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 3 7 – 3 41

site, the surviving lengths measuring 9 cm, 29 cm, and 81 cm, respectively, some were said to have been of a military nature, thus not excluding the middle-sized one; cf. Hunansheng bowuguan, “Changsha Liang Jin,” 81. The grips of dao were either made up of a prong, on which a wooden handle was fitted, or, in the case of the ring pommels, were an integral part of the blade; the division between the edge and handle was usually marked by a ge 格, or “guard,” with some sort of covering for the grip. In one case, the grip was wrapped with silk, four silver bands held this in place, and lacquer covered the exposed cloth; cf. Shen Zhongchang, “Sichuan Zhaohua Baolunzhen,” 120–21. Only two of the thirteen bronze dao were of any length, one of 50 cm and the other of 58 cm. Jiangxisheng lishi bowuguan, “Jiangxi Nanchangshi,” 220, fig. 2. The only instance of a scabbard surviving intact is from Hefei, Anhui; cf. Anhuisheng bowuguan qingli xiaozu, “Anhui Hefei dongjiao,” 31–36. In regard to a large number of weapons found in a group of tombs at Shixing, the writers of the report remarked that this was an important strategic position on the route to south China; cf. Guangdongsheng bowuguan, “Guangdong Shixing,” 133. Ibid., 119 and 120, fig. 13.1. The distribution of these weapons by period and province is noted in a chart found in Dien, “Weapons in the Six Dynasties Period.”

11. MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 1. Lawergren, “Spread of Harps,” 235–37. 2. The instruments consisted of drums of various sorts, a handbell struck with a mallet, chime bells on a stand struck with a long pole, chime stones struck with a mallet, a long flute, se zither, and yue 籥 mouth organ; see Zeng Zhaoyu, Jiang Baogeng, and Li Zhongyi, Yi’nan gu huaxiangshi mu, 18–20 and pls. 48, 85–90. For an explication of the scene, see Lawergren, “Spread of Harps,” 235–36. See also his “To Tune a String,” 5. 3. For details on the construction of the qin, see van Gulik, Lore of the Chinese Lute, 4 and fig. III; Lawergren, “To Tune a String,” passim; Lawergren, “How QinZithers Changed,” 1–2; and Lawergren, “Metamorphosis,” passim. 4. Van Gulik, Lore of the Chinese Lute, 53. See also the excellent study by DeWoskin, Song for One or Two, 101–24. 5. For a discussion and translation, see van Gulik, Hsi K’ang. 6. Ibid., 22. 7. Spiro, Contemplating the Ancients, 62 and 83, and the texts cited there. Note that the qin was placed on the lap of the player; the qin came to be placed on a table around A.D. 1200; Lawergren, “How Qin-Zithers Changed,” 5; Lawergren, “Metamorphosis,” 38. Van Gulik, Hsi K’ang, 47–48, gives a detailed description of the qin and the manner in which it was played. Reproductions of a Song copy of an

N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 41– 3 4 2

8. 9.

10.

11. 12. 13.

14.

15. 16. 17.

18.

491

Eastern Jin scroll said to be by Gu Kaizhi, entitled Zhuo Qin 斲琴 (Carving Out a Qin), which shows in detail the construction of the instrument, is found in Zhang Anzhi et al., eds., Zhongguo meishu quanji, 142–43, pl. 97. Van Gulik, Lore of the Chinese Lute, 181–89. For illustrations of the instrument in question, see Ryoichi Hayashi, Silk Road and the Shoso-in, 19, fig. 7, and 21, fig. 10. This zither had a shape similar to that of the qin but was larger. A basic difference between the qin and se was in the method of tuning the strings. The qin used pegs to adjust the strings, while the se used movable bridges; Lawergren, “To Tune a String,” 6 and fig. 5, and van Gulik, Lore of the Chinese Lute, 7 and fig. IV. The shape of the two instruments also differed; see Lawergren, “How Qin-Zithers Changed,” 1–3, and Lawergren, “Strings,” 67–79. The ruan circular lute had a round body with a narrow, straight neck, four strings, and frets. Li Wensheng, “Longmen shiku,” 46–49, says that the ruan was already in use in the Qin-Han period; other sources say it derived its name from its inventor, Ruan Xian 阮咸 (230–81). In depictions of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, Ruan is shown playing the instrument; see Yao Qian and Gu Bing, Liuchao yishu, pl. 187. Tai Jianqun has collected references to the instrument from the Eastern Han on but observes that the name did not come into use until the Tang on the basis of depictions of Ruan Xian playing it; Tai, “Dunhuang bihuazhongdi ruan,” 219. The zheng is said to have replaced the se, a rather large and clumsy instrument, because its smaller size made it easier to handle. For anecdotes concerning these instruments, see Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsinyü, passim. Pottery models of a set of twelve bells and nine lithophones were found in the tomb of the Avar princess; Cixian wenhuaguan, “Hebei Cixian Dong Wei,” 5 and figs. 6:1–2; models of one of each of these instruments were found in another tomb at Cixian, but no illustrations were made available; see Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan kaogu yanjiusuo and Hebeisheng wenwu yanjiusuo Yecheng kaogu gongzuodui, “Hebei Cixian Wanzhang,” 605–6. Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Pengyang Xinji,” 33–34 and 35, fig. 18.1. Given the small number of strings, this may be mislabeled. Another se was reported in Wenwu 1955.6:120 from a tomb in Jiangsu, but there was no description or illustration provided. See van Gulik, Lore of the Lute, 8–9, and DeWoskin, Song for One or Two, 109, on the disappearance of the se. Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Pengyang Xinji,” 35, fig. 18.4. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 458 and 465. Beitang shuchao 110.3a, which cites the introduction to a rhapsody poem on the pipa by Fu Xuan (213–78). See also Tang Changshou, “Woguo zuizao di pipa,” 70. Tang’s reference to the ruan is to the circular pipa. Li Wensheng, “Longmen shiku,” 48. Dubs, Roman City in Ancient China, 28, credits the Parthians with its importation; he calls the instrument a balloon guitar.

492

19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

25. 26.

27. 28.

29. 30. 31. 32.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 4 2 – 3 4 5

Pickens, “Origin of the Short Lute,” 33. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 316. Suishu 37.1124. Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 8. Van Gulik, Lore of the Lute, 39. Lawergren, “Spread of Harps,” 248–49. The remains of two angular harps have been reported from Zaghunluq (Zhahongluke 扎洪魯克), Cherchen (Qiemo 且 末), dated to the eighth century B.C., thus making an early introduction into China possible. See Yusufu and Hesimu, “Gulaodi yueqi,” 78–85. They point out that the Sogdian name for the instrument was cngry’ (cˇangaryâ); the Chinese name konghou (ancient k’ung γRu) would be a transcription of some Central Asian name represented also by that Sogdian form. On this fi nd, see also Wang Bo, “Xinjiang Zhagunluke,” 56–62. On the role of music in Buddhism, see Lawergren, “Buddha as a Musician,” 226–40. Shaanxisheng bowuguan, wenguanhui, “Tang Li Shou mu,” 75–76 and 85–87, figs. 31–33. The names of the instruments differ a little from the identification by Lawergren, “Spread of Harps,” 237. He believes the zheng to be a qin, and he ventures no guess about the last instrument in the first group, which the report says is a bei. The bili whistle is said to have been made from a tube of bamboo with eight holes, seven in front and one in back, introduced into China during the Northern Wei and becoming widely popular in the Tang; Li Wensheng, “Longmen shiku,” 48. Shaanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, “Xi’an faxian di Bei Zhou,” 11 and figs. 19 and 21, 17 and fig. 28, and 18 and fig. 29. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo, Taiyuanshi kaogu yanjiusuo, and Taiyuanshi Jinyuanqu wenwu lüyouju, “Taiyuan Suidai Yu Hong,” 37–38 and fig. 19. Chinese Archaic Bronzes, 1c and 1e; Juliano and Lerner, “Cultural Crossroads,” 72–78. Schafer, Golden Peaches, 21–22. Henansheng bowuguan, “Henan Anyang Bei Qi,” 49 and pl. 7. Four of these flasks were found here. Han Shunfa, “Bei Qi huangyou bianhu,” 39–41. Practically the same article also appeared in Henan wenbo tongxun 1979.3:50–53. The flask is also shown in color in Cultural Relics Unearthed in China, 91; Jian Li, ed., Glory of the Silk Road, 216; and in black-and-white in Zhonghua renmin gongheguo chutu wenwu zhanlan gongzuo weiyuanhui, Zhonghua renmin gongheguo, pl. 101. A similar dancer, accompanied only by a pipa, is shown on an inkstone from the tomb of Sima Jinlong; see Shao Wenliang, comp., Zhongguo gudai tiyu, 78, pl. 40. Chen Haitao, “Huxuanwu, hutengwu yu zhezhiwu,” 56–60, 91, based on descriptions in Tang poetry, makes the interesting but not entirely convincing attempt to identify the particular dances depicted in the art.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 4 6 – 3 5 0

493

33. Wang Ziyun, Zhongguo gudai shikehua, pl. 15. See also Juliano and Lerner, “Cultural Crossroads,” 74–76 on this piece. 34. Suishu 15.377–80. Li Wensheng, “Longmen shiku,” 48–49, identifies the foreign importations as being the bei 貝, which was a shell fashioned into a horn, pipa, both with the usual four strings and with five strings, konghou harps, bronze cymbals, bili whistles, and four types of drums. Musicians are frequently portrayed in Buddhist scenes; see, for example, the full panoply of twelve instrumentalists at Yungang, the entrance hall to caves 9 and 10; Shanxisheng wenwu gongzuo weiyuanhui and Shanxi Yungang shiku wenwu baoguansuo,Yungang shiku, pl. 50. 35. Gansusheng wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, Jiuquan shiliuguo mubihua, west wall. These scenes are also reproduced in Su Bai, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 42–43, pls. 45–47. 36. Shaanxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Xi’an nanjiao Caochangpocun,” 286– 87. The report lists a female playing the qin (pl. 3.7) and another woman clapping her hands and singing (pl. 3.1) while male figurines hit a drum and a gong (luo 鑼; pl. 3.11). Other instrumentalists are pictured in Chu¯goku to¯yo¯ no bi, 64–65, pl. 45. 37. Jiayuguanshi wenwu qingli xiaozu, “Jiayuguan Han,” 26 and pl. 7.2; Fontein and Wu, Han and T’ang Murals, figs. 45 and 53. 38. Guo Suxin, “Neimenggu Huhehaote,” 39; Chu¯goku Naimo¯ ko hoppo¯, 58, pl. 57.1. 39. Shanxisheng Datongshi bowuguan, “Shanxi Datong Shijiazhai,” 23 and 32, figs. 19 and 20. One of the figures is reproduced in color in Chu¯goku to¯yo¯ no bi, 68, pl. 51, and in black-and-white in Cultural Relics Unearthed in China, 139. 40. Chang Yimin, “Caihui di paichang,” 1. 41. Xu Xinyin, “Ankang Changling,” 64. The illustrations are on the inside front cover of that issue. 42. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, Dengxian caise huaxiangzhuan mu, 24, fig. 26; Juliano, Teng-hsien, 52 and fig. 51. 43. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, Dengxian caise huaxiangzhuan mu, 24, fig. 28, and Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 69. Inscriptions identify this as depicting the Taoist immortals Wang Ziqiao and his teacher Fouqiu Gong. Another tile in the tomb shows the same scene but without the labels. Liu Han, “Dengxian huaxiangzhuanmu,” 260, identifies the bird as the Vermilion Bird. 44. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, Dengxian caise huaxiangzhuan mu, 26, fig. 31, and Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 73. One of these worthies was shown playing the qin on the lacquer plate mentioned earlier, fig. 7.76 of this volume. The place where they sought refuge is given variously as Shangshan or Nanshan. 45. Kaogu yanjiusuo Anyang fajuedui, “Anyang Sui Zhang Sheng,” 542, 543, figs. 2.2– 3, and pls. 10.1–8; the report attempted to put an instrument into the hands of the figurine clapping. The figurines of the musicians are reproduced in black-andwhite in Zhonghua renmin gongheguo chutu wenwu zhanlan gongzuo weiyuanhui, Zhonghua renmin gongheguo, pl. 105, and in color in Ko¯ga bummeiten, 132–33, fig. 107.

494

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 5 0 – 3 5 5

46. Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Sichuan Zhongxian Tujing,” Wenwu 1985.7:49–95. See especially p. 75, fig. 60, where a reclining person, probably the deceased, can be seen. 47. Dien, “Developments in Funerary Practices,” 527. 48. Huang Wenkun and Yao Minsu, Fojiao chuchuan, pls. 67, 71, 98, and 106. 49. Sanguozhi: Wu 59. 1371. This was cited by Kominami, “Shinteiko to To¯go,” 282. 50. Much of the following discussion is based on the excellent article by Yi Shui, “Han Wei Liuchao di junyue,” 85–89. 51. Suishu 13.309. 52. Yi Shui, “Han Wei Liuchao di junyue,” 85–89. 53. Luoyang qielanji jiaozhu, 4.203; translation, with changed transliteration and added characters, from Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 237–38. The reference to Bo Ya is to a famous musician who is said to have smashed his qin at the death of the only person he thought could understand his music; see DeWoskin, Song for One or Two, 105. 54. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, Dengxian caise huaxiangzhuan mu, 14, fig. 10; Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 43; Jian Li, ed., Glory of the Silk Road, 214. For a dramatic depiction of a horn flourish by dismounted musicians, see the depiction in the mural from Lou Rui’s tomb, Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Taiyuanshi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Taiyuanshi Bei Qi,” pl. 3.1. 55. Henansheng wenhuaju wenwu gongzuodui, Dengxian caise huaxiangzhuan mu, 17, Fig. 14; Juliano, Teng-hsien, fig. 44; Jian Li, ed., Glory of the Silk Road, 215. 56. Guangxi Zhuangzu zizhiqu wenwu gongzuodui, “Guangxi Yongfuxian,” 612, 613, figs. 3.2–3, and pl. 5.2. 57. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 158, and Beitang shuchao 110.5a. 58. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 389–90, and Beitang shuchao 110.1b. 59. Zhou Fagao, ed., Yanshi jiaxun huizhu, 131a; Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 205–6, with some changes in the translation. Yan also referred to the case of Dai Kui 戴逵 (d. 395), who managed to evade a prince’s summons to play only by breaking his instrument; Jinshu 94.2457.

12. A SPECTS OF DAILY LIFE 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 271. Ibid., 114. Ibid., 70. Ibid., 192–93. Ibid., 165, 169, 179, 182, and 208. Ibid., 224. Ibid., 172–74, 189, and 240. Ibid., 234–35. Ibid., 237–38, 316. Ibid., 112 and 239.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 5 5 – 3 6 0

11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40.

41. 42.

495

Ibid., 254. Ibid., 237. Ibid., 224. Ibid., 271. Ibid., 249. Ibid., 218. Ibid., 24–25. Ibid., 203; Yi-t’ung Wang, trans., Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 118–19. Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 201; see also Yi-t’ung Wang, trans., Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 114–15. On the “long heads,” see Knechtges, trans., Wen Xuan, 1: 472–73. Liu Shufen, Liuchao di chengshi yu shehui, 152, citing Suishu 31.887. For a recent study of the equal-fields system of the Tang, but with comments on the pre-Tang system, see Victor Cunrui Xiong, “Land-Tenure System,” 327–90. Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 127, with some changes in the translation. Ibid., 116–17, with added Chinese terms. On the Qimin yaoshu, see Miao Qiyu, Qimin yaoshu jiaoshi; Shi Shenghan, Qimin yaoshu xuanduben; Shih Sheng-han, Preliminary Survey; H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 123–24; and Knechtges, “Gradually Entering the Realm,” 231–32. Bray, Science and Civilisation, 56–59. See p. 57 for a table of contents of the Qimin yaoshu. Bray has promised a translation of the work, but it has not yet appeared. Shih Sheng-han, Preliminary Survey, 38–39. Bray, Science and Civilisation, 138. Ibid., 174. Ibid., 180. Ibid., 221–23. Ibid., 431, table 9. Ibid., 502–3; H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 25; Knechtges, “Literary Feast,” 50, n. 7. Bray, Science and Civilisation, 441–42, and Shih Sheng-han, Preliminary Survey, 42. Bray, Science and Civilisation, 443. H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 28–29. Bray, Science and Civilisation, 472 and 573. Knechtges, “Literary Feast,” 58–63. H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 465–91. Bray, Science and Civilisation, 489. H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 316. Huang, 358–61, describes three soy sauces mentioned in the Qimin yaoshu, any one of which may be the precursor of modern soy sauce. Bray, Science and Civilisation, 519–26; H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 439. Shih Sheng-han, Preliminary Survey, 54–60, and H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 43–55.

496

43. 44. 45. 46.

47. 48.

49.

50.

51.

52. 53.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 6 0 – 3 61

Bray, Science and Civilisation, 530. Ibid., 535. Ibid., 536. Shih Sheng-han, Preliminary Survey, 49, gives the scientific names. The English equivalents were derived from Quattrocchi, CRC World Dictionary. See also Bray, Science and Civilisation, 539–48. A number of these names contain the word hu as a prefix, indicating their foreign origin; see Knechtges, “Gradually Entering the Realm,” 232–33. H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 36–38. H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, is a detailed and delightful history of fermentation processes in Chinese cuisine. For a detailed review, see Knechtges, “Chinese Food Science,” 767–72. Legge, Shoo King, 260. H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 154–55, provides an excellent account of qu, which he prefers to call “ferment.” As he explains it, partially cooked grain is ground, mixed with water, pressed into cakes, and incubated in a sealed chamber to allow the growth of fungi and yeast, naturally present, thus producing the qu that could then be used to act on grains to obtain the desired products. Huang’s account is largely based on the material in the Qimin yaoshu, chapters 64 to 67; see H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 169–81. Shih Sheng-han, Preliminary Survey, 79–89. See also H. L. Wang and S. F. Fang, “History of Chinese Fermented Food,” 23–35; J. S. Chiao, “Modernization of Traditional Chinese Fermented Foods and Beverages,” 37–53; H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 333–415, goes into great detail on this and other, nonmicrobial methods. Miao, Qimin yaoshu jiaoshi, 315–17. This appears to be what the Kazakhs today call airan, or, as Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 215, n. 20, says, the Mongol urum. Shih Sheng-han, Preliminary Survey, 88, translated luo as “cheese,” and Yit’ung Wang, trans., Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 141, as goat’s milk, both of which need to be corrected. Schafer, “T’ang,” 106, summarizes the steps in the preparation of luo and further derivatives, but his translation as “kumiss” should be reserved for ma luo, the alcoholic beverage made from horse’s milk. A detailed discussion is in H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 250–57. Huang, 257, notes that the sources mention only “lactic cheeses,” not true cheeses that use rennet to curdle the milk and, secondly, the lactose in fresh milk had to be converted into lactic acid (or alcohol) because the Chinese were largely lactose malabsorbers. Shishuo xinyu 1.1.28a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 44, #26; Jinshu 54.1472–73. Luoyang qielanji, 118–19; Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 202, Yi-t’ung Wang, trans., Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 116–17. Gucai 菰菜, tares or water oat, is a species of aquatic grass. The seeds, called gumi 菰米, humi 胡米, or diaohumi 雕胡米, can be made into a gruel, while the tender parts of the stalk may be eaten. See Yi-t’ung Wang, trans., Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 116, n. 307, and Morohashi, Daikanwa jiten 9.10076.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 3 61– 3 6 4

497

54. Shishuo xinyu 3.1.30a, 3.2.29b, 3.2.32b, and 3.2.18a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 259, #2; 451, #4; 457, #8; and 431, #7. 55. Shishuo xinyu 3.2.34a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 460, #5. 56. Shishuo xinyu 3.1.26b, 3.2.46a, and 2.1.38b; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 352, #20; 482, #7; and 201, #10. For a discussion of kuai, see H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 69–70 and 74–75, who believes it refers to thin slices rather than mincing. 57. Shishuo xinyu 3.1.38a and 3.2.33b; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 374, #9 and 459, #3. On the “forbidden slice,” see Shishuo xinyu 3.2.14b–15a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 424, #60.2; Jinshu 79.2079. On the venison (zhangrou 獐肉), see Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 18. 58. Shishuo xinyu 3.2.36a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 464, #11. 59. The reason for the choice of the translation “wine” for jiu 酒, despite its being made from grains rather than grapes, is discussed by H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 149–50. 60. Shih Sheng-han, Preliminary Survey, 79–82. The basic process relies on incubating in water the mixture of the grain base with qu, the ferment, the latter containing the amylases that hydrolize the starches to sugar, as well as the yeasts that convert the sugar to ethyl alcohol; H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 154–55. 61. Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 71. 62. Taiping yulan 844.8a; H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 240–41. 63. H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 203–31. 64. Kieschnick, Impact of Buddhism, 262–75. 65. H. T. Huang, Science and Civilisation, 555–60. 66. Ibid., 457–59. 67. Kieschnick, Impact of Buddhism, 249–62. 68. O’Dea, Short History of Lighting, 2. 69. Liangshu 3.96, and Nanshi 7.222. 70. Nanshi 7.223. 71. Liangshu 39.562, and Nanshi 63.1547. 72. Nanshi 37.966. Candles may also figure in the extravagances of Emperor Wu of the Southern Qi (r. 483–93); see Nan Qishu 20.394. 73. Jinshu 33.1007; Shishuo xinyu 3.2.33b; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 459, #4. 74. Sanguozhi 10.332, and Morohashi, Daikanwajiten 9.10187 (p. 833, 31618.30); Bei Qishu 39.518, and Beishi 47.1741; and Miao, Qimin yaoshu jiaoshi, 165 and passim. 75. Dummelow, Wax Chandlers, 9. 76. Bencao gangmu, 39.19a–b. A portion of the text has been translated by Ernest Watson, Principal Articles, 144. This was cited by E-tu Zen Sun and Shiou-chuan Sun, trans., T’ien-kung k’ai-wu, 221, n. 3. 77. The first two should be distinguished from another tree with the same name, dongqing, also written 涷青 (Ilex pedunculosa Miq.). The confusion caused by similarity in appearance and thus in name was elucidated by Li Shizhen in his notes to Bencao gangmu 39.18b–19a.

498

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 6 4 – 3 6 8

78. Schafer and Wallacker, “Local Tribute,” 226. 79. Tiangong kaiwu, 218; E-tu Zen Sun and Shiou-chuan Sun, trans., T’ien-kung k’ai-wu, 220. 80. Monier-Williams, Tallow Chandlers, 1:35. 81. Jinshu 49.1365, and Shishuo xinyu, 2.1.27b; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 185, #15. Ruan Fu 阮孚 had a fetish about collecting clogs and had a large number that he kept waxed. 82. Jinshu 98.2565. 83. Chenshu 16.227, and Nanshi 58.1661. 84. Jinshu 27.826. 85. Ibid., 20.646. 86. Nanshi 80.2000. I am not clear about the exact shape of these wooden devices (mulu 木驢). 87. Ernest Watson, Principal Articles, 76–77. 88. Bray, Science and Civilisation, 519. 89. Miao, Qimin yaoshu jiaoshi, 133. 90. E-tu Zen Sun and Shiou-chuan Sun, trans., T’ien-kung k’ai-wu, 216. 91. Ibid., 217–19. 92. Needham and Wang, Science and Civilisation in China, 4.2:206–7 and figs. 462.4b and 463, discuss this type of press. 93. Jinshu 83.2177. 94. Miao, Qimin yaoshu jiaoshi, sect. 9, 90–91, and Bray, Science and Civilisation, 519. 95. E-tu Zen Sun and Shiou-chuan Sun, trans., T’ien-kung k’ai-wu, 216, and Bray, Science and Civilisation, 518–26. 96. There are apparently two names for lamps, deng and ding 錠. Lü Jing 呂靜 (Jin), in his Yunji 韻集, said that the object without a foot was deng and that with a foot was ding; see Xu Jian (659–729), Chuxueji 25.614. Shuowen jiezi, however, equated the two; Ding Fubao, Shuowen jiezi gulin 14A.6273a–b. 97. Bailey, Greek and Roman Pottery Lamps, 9. 98. Thwing, Flickering Flames, 102. 99. Robins, Story of the Lamp, 44. 100. Juliano and Lerner, Monks and Merchants, 72–73, pl. 13; height 25 cm. 101. Nanjing bowuyuan, Nanjingshi wenwu baoguan weiyuanhui, Jiangsusheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, and Jiangsusheng bowuguan, Jiangsusheng chutu wenwu, pl. 131. 102. Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui and Chongqingxian wenhuaguan, “Sichuan Chongqingxian Wudaoqu,” 47, fig. 8. 103. Schafer, “Yeh chung chi,” 183. 104. Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Taiyuanshi wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Taiyuanshi Bei Qi,” 10, fig. 25, and pl. 7.1. 105. For the interim report, see Shanxisheng kaogu yanjiusuo and Datongshi kaogu yanjiusuo, “Datongshi Bei Wei,” 19–39.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 6 8 – 3 72

499

106. Shaanxisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Xi’an nanjiao Caochangpocun,” 287 and pl. 4.6. The photograph also appears in Quanguo jiben jianshe gongchengzhong chutu wenwu zhanlanhui gongzuo weiyuanhui, Quanguo jiben jianshe, fig. 68.1. 107. Zhang Zhixin, “Jiangsu Wuxian Shizishan,” 134 and 135, fig. 10.1. It is 23 cm in height. 108. Zhang Anzhi et al., eds., Zhongguo meishu quanji, 160 and 162. 109. See, for example, Yaoshi rulai benyuanjing 藥師如來本原經 (Sanskrit Bhaishajyaguru vaiduryaprabharaja sutra), translated by Dharmagupta in 615; Taisho¯ shinshu¯ daizo¯ kyo¯ 14.401b. 110. Zhoushu 46.833, and Beishi 84.2834. The translation of the sutra to which Zhang had access must predate the earliest extant version, that by Dharmagupta. 111. Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo, Dunhuang Mogaoku, vol. 3, pl. 27. 112. Accounts of this famous event are found in Weishu 41.1170, Beishi 33.1221, Songshu 46.1398 and 59.1603, and Nanshi 32.830–31. 113. Kaogu yanjiusuo Anyang fajuedui, “Anyang Sui Zhang Sheng,” 544 and pl. 12.8. 114. Needham, Wang, and Robinson, Science and Civilisation, 4.1:79. Such lamps seem to have made it part way. A Western-style lamp, dated seventh to ninth centuries, was found at Tokuz Saray, Maralbashi, on the northern Silk Road; see Jian Li, ed., Glory of the Silk Road, 82. 115. Ibid., 70. 116. Littauer, “Early Stirrups,” 99–105; Dien, “Stirrup,” 33–56; Goodrich, “Riding Astride,” 279–306. 117. Shishuo xinyu 2.1.48a and 3.1.30a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 215, #17, and 359, #3. 118. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 494, #7.1, and Jinshu 84.3186. 119. Zhou Fagao, ed., Yanshi jiaxun huizhu, 71b; Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 116. 120. See, for example, Cohen, trans., Tales of Vengeful Souls, 75. 121. Shi Shenghan, Qimin yaoshu xuanduben, chap. 56, 319–37. 122. Shih Sheng-han, Preliminary Survey, 71–72. 123. Liu Zenggui, “Han Sui zhi jian,” 393–94. On the multiwheeled wagons, see Ma De, “Dunhuang bihuazhong,” 1–2, and Schafer, “Yeh chung chi,” 191. 124. Gansusheng bowuguan, “Wuwei Leitai,” 94 and pl. 7.2. For a clear photograph, see Qian Hao, Chen Heyi, and Ru Suichu, Out of China’s Earth, 144. 125. Zeng Zhaoyu, Jiang Baogeng, and Li Zhongyi, Yi’nan gu huaxiangshimu fajue, panel 35, pl. 48, and p. 20. See also Hayashi Minao, Kandai, 347 and figs. 7.15 and 7.16. On the date of the Yi’nan tomb, see Hsiao-yan Shih, “I-nan,” 311. 126. The principle behind the upward-curved shaft of the horse-drawn vehicle, one that relied on the horse bearing the weight on its chest, is explained in Sun Ji, “Cong xiong shixi jiafa,” 448–60. See also the English abstract in Dien, Riegel, and Price, eds., Chinese Archaeological Abstracts, 2:49–58. The model of the ox found at Wuwei has no hump, which makes it difficult to understand how the ox pulled the vehicle.

500

127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143.

144.

145.

146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 72 – 3 77

Liu Zenggui, “Han Sui zhi jian,” 396–403. Ibid., 371. Ibid., 381–94 and charts 2–12. Ibid., 394. Ningxia Guyuan bowuguan, “Pengyang Xinji,” 35–37 and figs. 27.1 and 28. On this point, note the anecdote in Shishuo xinyu 3.2.34a; Mather, trans., Shihshuo Hsin-yü, 460, #5. Zhang Anzhi, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 158. Gansusheng bowuguan, “Jiuquan, Jiayuguan,” 15, fig. 25. See also Juliano, Teng-hsien, figs. 38–39. Weishu 108:4.2811–12. See also Soper, Textual Evidence, 26, for a partial translation concerning the decor of such a vehicle, and Sun Ji, “Lu,” 9–13. Levine, Notes on Farm Animals, 33. Epstein, Domestic Animals, 1–19. Erya 10.23a. This was cited by Schafer, “Camel in China,” 287. Soper, Textual Evidence, 54. Liu Zenggui, “Han Sui zhi jian,” 416–20. Lao Gan, “Han Sui zhi jian,” 450–53. A horse-drawn vehicle is depicted in a Northern Wei mural at Dunhuang, Cave 257, and one apparently pulled by a camel in a Northern Zhou mural, Cave 296; see Dunhuang yanjiusuo, Dunhuang, 52, pl. 18, and 88, pl. 63. Another example of a camel drawing a cart is in a Jin mural from Jiayuguan; Gansusheng bowuguan, “Jiuquan, Jiayuguan,” 17, fig. 27. Huang Minglan, Luoyang Bei Wei, pl. 107. Huang’s rubbing is of a piece in the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City. The museum also has a part of another sarcophagus that even more clearly depicts the three-wheeled vehicle. Songshu 18.497. There is a short discussion of the terminology in Ma De, “Dunhuang bihuazong,” 2. Schafer, “Yeh chung chi,” 192, translates bunian as “pacing chaise.” Zhang Anzhi et al., eds., Zhongguo meishu quanji, 121 and 155. Guangxi Zhuangzu zizhiqu wenwu gongzuodui, “Guangxi Yongfuxian,” 612 and pl. 5.4. Shishuo xinyu 3.1.51a and 3.1.53a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 396, #10, and 398, #16 and #17. Jinshu 94.2462. On the “board litter,” together with illustrations, see Yang Zhisui, “Guqi congkao,” 71–74 and fig. 10. Liu Zenggui, “Han Sui zhi jian,” 420. Huang Shumei, Liuchao Taihu liuyu, 50–68, is an excellent survey of the riverine system in the Jiankang area. The itinerary is given in his Lai nan lu. Shishuo xinyu 2.1.28a–b; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 185, #18; the trip to Jiankang was from Zhang’an 章安, east of modern Linhai, Zhejiang. This might have involved a coastal merchant ship since there was a stopover at Qiantang

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 77– 3 8 2

154. 155. 156. 157.

158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164.

165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170.

171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176.

501

錢唐; that is, at Hangzhou or its vicinity. Other officials included one who took a small boat with a leaky cabin from Linchuan 臨川, modern Fuzhou in Jiangxi, probably going by way of Poyang Lake and then downriver to Jiankang (Shishuo xinyu 1.1.9a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 14, #27), and from Kuaiji, modern Suzhou, a relatively short trip (Shishuo xinyu 2.1.33a–b; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 192, #33). Jinshu 77.2043. Huanyuanji, as cited in Fayuan zhulin 32.536b-c; Cohen, trans., Tales of Vengeful Ghosts, 4–5, #2. Huanyuanji, as cited in Fayuan zhulin 78.869c; Cohen, trans., Tales of Vengeful Souls, 86–87, #52. Tiangong kaiwu, 173; the translation, with slight changes, is from E-tu Zen Sun and Shiou-chuan Sun, trans., T’ian-kung k’ai-wu, 174. Needham, Wang, and Lu, Science and Civilisation, 4.3:414, explains Huguang as the provinces of Hunan and Hubei. For a masterful analysis of all aspects of Chinese naval history and the construction of ships, see Needham, Wang, and Lu, Science and Civilisation, 4.3:379–699. For an explanation of this process, see ibid., 4.3:622. Shih-hsiang Chen, trans., Biography of Ku K’ai-chih, 13. Needham, Wang, and Lu, Science and Civilisation, 4.3:447–48 and 638. Ibid., 457. Zhang Anzhi et al., Zhongguo meishu quanji, 130, pl. 95, and 138, pl. 96. Zhou Fagao, ed., Yanshi jiaxun huizhu, 86b; Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 144. Huang Shumei’s quoted equivalent figure of 2,000 tons is a bit high; Liuchao Taihu liuyu, 80 and n. 31. Huang Shumei, Liuchao Taihu liuyu, 76–78. Sanguozhi 47.1136. Ibid., 1138. Liangshu 54.783. This and the two expeditions listed above were cited by Wang Kuanzhuo, “Cong wenwu ziliao,” 17–32. Legge, Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, 111–18. Taiping yulan 769.6a; Needham, Wang, and Lu, Science and Civilisation, 4.3:600. For some reason, Needham figures the load to have been the equivalent of 260 tons, only half what one would expect. For more on the overseas voyages, see Zhang Xun, Woguo gudai di haishang, and Li Donghua, “Tishan hanghai,” 464–72. Jinshu 42.1208–9; Needham, Wang, and Lu, Science and Civilisation, 4.3:694. Graff, Medieval Chinese Warfare, 130. Needham, Wang, and Lu, Science and Civilisation, 4.3:690 and 693; Graff, Medieval Chinese Warfare, 132. Suishu 2.43. Legge, Ch’un Ts’ew, 517. Yi was explained by Ban Gu (32–92) as being the northern name for the game; see Chen Zhixue, “Sui Tang shidai,” 21.

502

177. 178. 179. 180. 181. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194. 195.

196. 197. 198.

199. 200. 201.

202. 203.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 82 – 3 8 5

Legge, Confucian Analects, 329; Legge, Works of Mencius, 410. Li Zhaocheng, “Mantan Wei Jin shi,” 37. Chen Zhixue, “Sui Tang shidai,” 23. Fragments have been collected by Ma Guohan, Yuhan shanfang jiyishu, 3884–85. Liangshu 21.332, and Nanshi 38.989; Chen Zhixue, “Sui Tang shidai,” 21. Jinshu 79.2079; Shishuo xinyu 2.1.33a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 192, #35. Jinshu 49.1361; Shishuo xinyu 3.1.38a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 374, #9.2. Nan Qishu 34.616–7. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Jiangsu Danyang Huqiao Nanchao,” 47. Sanguozhi 65.1460–61. Shishuo xinyu 1.2.6a; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 88, #16. Nan Qishu 53.916. Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 207. Qiu, “Cong Anyang Sui muzhong,” 57. Ma Guohan cited as his source for this passage Li Shan’s (Tang) commentary to “Boyilun” 博弈論, by Wei Hongsi 韋弘嗣, Wenxuan 52.24b. Yiyang diqu wenwu gongzuodui and Yiyangxian wenhuaguan, “Hunansheng Yiyangxian,” 47. Nanjing bowuyuan, “Jiangsu Danyang Huqiao Nanchao,” 47. Kaogu yanjiusuo Anyang fajuedui, “Anyang Sui Zhang Sheng,” 545. Dong Li, “ ‘Sui liuli, ma’nao weiqi zi’ kaobian,” 72 and n. 5. This article was translated by Bruce Gordon Doar in Chinese Archaeology and Art Digest 4.4 (2002):63– 77; see 65 and note 115. Qiu, “Cong Anyang Sui muzhong,” 57. One exception is a Tang painting from Astana of women playing; see “Doar, Chinese Archaeology and Art Digest 4.4,” 69, fig. 5. Fu Juyou, “Lun Qin Han shiqi,” 32–35. Yan Zhitui had reference to these two varieties; Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 206. For a discussion of the equipment for this game, based on a complete set found in the Han tomb #3 at Mawangdui, see Zheng Yan’e, “Bosai chuyi,” 53–63. This article was abridged and translated by Bruce Gordon Doar in China Archaeology and Art Digest 4.4 (2002):79–95. This is listed by Zheng Yan’e, “Bosai chuyi,” 61, #39. Lien-sheng Yang, “Note on the So-Called TLV Mirrors,” 202–6; ibid., “Additional Note,” 124–38; Lao, “Liubo ji boju,” 15–30. Lanying Zeng, “Divining from the Game Liubo,” 61. This is a revision by the author of an article originally published in Wenwu 1999.8:62–65. For a broader discussion of this subject, see also Needham, Wang, and Robinson, Science and Civilisation, 4.1:326–28, and Ling Li, “Common Origins,” 49–52. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 615. Mather calls the game chaupar and derives its name from the Sanskrit catushpata, “four cloths,” or catushpatha, “crossroads.” Ma Rong (79–166) wrote a rhapsody on the game; Yiwen leiju 74.1278.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 8 5 – 3 87

503

204. Jinshu 42.1911. 205. Lien-sheng Yang, “Additional Note,” 132–33, and Zizhi tongjian 93.2935. Hu Sanxing’s 胡三省 commentary adds that the game was extremely popular during the Jin. 206. See, for example, Shishuo xinyu 3.1.43a–b; Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 383–84, #34. 207. Jinshu 10.258. 208. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 88, #16, and Jinshu 66.1774. The game of shuanglu 雙踛 or shuangliu 雙六, to which Dong Li, “ ‘Sui liuli, ma’nao weiqi zi’ kaobian,” 71–75, ascribes the Sui chess pieces found at Xi’an, is said by him to have been very popular in the Six Dynasties period, and he describes the game in some detail. See also Sun Ji, Zhongguo shenghuo, 206–7. I suspect that this was a variation of shupu. The occurrence of the name in Nanshi 80.2006 is the only instance in the Six Dynasties standard histories. 209. Legge, Ch’un Ts’ew, 639, under the entry for 530 B.C. 210. Montell, “T’ou Hu,” 70–83, who quotes from the Legge translation in Liki, 397–401, 211. Rudolph, “Antiquity of t’ou hu,” 175–78. 212. Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 207–8. 213. Sanguozhi 154.474 and 28.795, and Jinshu 13.1240. 214. Montell, “T’ou Hu,” 74–79. 215. Zheng Yan’e, “Bosai chuyi,” as translated by Bruce Gordon Doar in China Archaeology and Art Digest 4.4 (2002):81–84. 216. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 363, calls the game “reach-five”; Lien-sheng Yang, “Additional Note,” calling it “blocking five,” cites Hanshu 64A.2794 for the description and suggests the connection with shupu. 217. This is the only instance of this term in the histories of this period. Most likely, it refers to the game of danqi, or “pellet chess,” mentioned above. 218. Sanguozhi 52.1235.

13. BUDDHISM AND TAOISM 1. On Taoism, see Rolf Stein, “Religious Taoism,” 53–81. On Buddhism during this period, see Kenneth Chen, Buddhism in China; Tsukumoto, History of Early Chinese Buddhism; and Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest. Kieschnick, Impact of Buddhism, is an excellent treatment of the many ways in which Chinese society and culture were influenced by Buddhism. For Buddhism in the pre–Six Dynasties period, see Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 5–95. 2. Weishu 114.3044–45; Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 70. 3. Chang Xuzheng and Li Shaonan, “Shandongsheng Boxingxian,” 42; Hebei Linzhangxian wenwu baoguansuo, “Hebei Ye’nancheng,” 65. 4. Shufen Liu, “Art, Ritual, and Society,” 45–47. This is an extremely valuable study of this subject.

504

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 8 8 – 3 9 3

5. On this topic, see Rowland, “Note on the Invention of the Buddha Image,” 181– 86. On the various scriptural inducements to make iconic images, see Soper, Literary Evidence, 259–61; Lancaster, “Early Mahayana Sermon,” 287–91. Huntington, “Early Buddhist Art,” 401–7, argues that there were pre-Kushanperiod images and that the scenes with symbols but no image of the Buddha were meant to represent foci of worship of those very objects and places and were not surrogates for the Buddha. See also Kieschnick, Impact of Buddhism, 73, n. 147, for further discussion of this point. 6. Griswold, “Prolegomena to the Study of the Buddha’s Dress,” 85–131. 7. Ibid., 87–88 and 115. Soothill and Hodous, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, refer to the sanghati or kashaya as the assembly robe (p. 76a), the assembly cassock (p. 222b), or the great robe (dayi 大衣, p. 420c). See Kieschnick, Impact of Buddhism, 87–107, for a discussion of the symbolism of the clerical apparel. 8. Tang Yongtong, Han Wei Liang Jin Nanbeichao Fojiao shi, 234–38, and Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, 1 : 12. See, for example, Liu Ying, prince of Chu, who combined an interest in Huang-lao and the Buddha, Hou Hanshu 42.1428, and the emperor Huandi (r. 147–67), who sacrificed to the Buddha and Laozi, Hou Hanshu 7.317 and 320, and 88.2922. 9. He Zhiguo, “Sichuan Mianyang Hejiashan,” 5, figs. 19–20, and pls. 1.1–2. For a discussion of the structure and symbolism of the money tree, found most frequently in Sichuan, but also in Guizhou, Yunnan, Shaanxi, Gansu, and Qinghai, see Zhao Dianzeng and Yuan Shuguang, “Sichuan Zhongxian,” 57–58. Chen Xiandan sees the designation “money tree” to be a misnomer and prefers “divine tree” (shenshu 神樹); “On the Designation ‘Money Tree’ ” 67–71. See also Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 56. 10. He Zhiguo, “Sichuan Mianyang Hejiashan,”16 and fig. 29.4. 11. These observations and much of what follows are based on the trenchant article by Wu Zhuo, “Sichuan zaoqi Fojiao,” 40–42. See also Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 56–58. 12. Zhao Dianzeng and Yuan Shuguang, “Sichuan Zhongxian,” 55–57. See also Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 59–61 and 127. 13. For details on its location within this tomb complex, and a short description, as well as assigning it to the Shu-Han period, see Leshanshi wenhuaju, “Sichuan Leshan Mahao,” 114–15 and figs. 1 and 2. There is a more complete discussion of the implications of the image in E. D. Edwards, “Cave Reliefs,” 47–53. The photograph in Wu Zhuo, “Sichuan zaoqi Fojiao,” 41, fig. 3, appears to be reversed. The term “cliff tomb” may create the image of a tomb carved into a sheer cliff, much like the site of the so-called hanging coffi ns along the Yangzi, but in fact, at least at the Mahao tomb, there is a terrace in front and a pleasant path through a wooded area leading to it. For a survey of these cliff tombs, see Luo Erhu, “Sichuan yamu di chubu,” 133–67. He identifies twenty-eight such tombs as belonging to the Shu-Han period; p. 149. 14. Tang Changshou, “Leshan Mahao,” 69–74.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 9 7– 3 9 7

15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

22. 23. 24. 25.

26.

27. 28. 29.

30. 31. 32.

505

E. D. Edwards, “Cave Reliefs,” 116. Wu Zhuo, “Sichuan zaoqi Fojiao,” 45. E. D. Edwards, “Cave Reliefs,” 122. Xie Zhicheng, “Sichuan Handai,” 62–64. See also Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 61–64. Wu Zhuo, “Sichuan zaoqi Fojiao,” 40, and the photograph, p. 41, fig. 4. No information is supplied concerning the source of the figurine. Sichuansheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Sichuan Zhongxian Tujing,” 65–72. This figurine is identified as a woman in the original report; see ibid., 66 and 67, fig. 33. Another figurine, fig. 50 in the report, was originally described as a woman holding a mirror. Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 132, sees it as having some Buddha-like elements, but this is not convincing. Wu Zhuo, “Sichuan zaoqi Fojiao,” 43–44. On this route, see E. D. Edwards, “Cave Reliefs,” 107–10, and especially n. 58, and the literature cited there. Ruan Rongchun, “Zaoqi Fojiao,” 33–45 and 163–77. Wu Zhuo, “Sichuan zaoqi Fojiao,” 46–49; Tang Changru, Wei Jin Nanbeichao, 179–89; and Luo Shiping, “Handi zaoqi,” 94–99. See also Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 54–55. For the Ping’an report, see Xu Xinguo, “Qinghai Ping’anxian,” 76–84. He Zhiguo, “Sichuan Mianyang Hejiashan,” n. 9, cites Tong Enzheng, “Shitan gudai Sichuan,” 73–81, especially p. 79. One might also have cited Pelliot, “Deux itinéraires,” 143, which Tong, the careful scholar that he was, cited in its Chinese translation. He Zhiguo, “Sichuan zaoqi Fojiao,” 107–17. Zeng Zhaoyu, Jiang Baogeng, and Li Zhongyi, Yi’nan gu huaxiangshimu, 66–67 and pl. 67, fig. 56. Zhang Zong, “Zhongguo zaoqi Fojiao,” 80–87. The sharira are not mentioned in Neimenggu zizhiqu wenwu gongzuodui, Helinge’er but are cited from the excavator’s notes by Yu Weichao, “Dong Han Fojiao,” 68–69. The reference to Yu in Hung Wu, “Buddhist Elements,” 314, is in error. In the same tomb, another figure seated on an elephant seems to resemble the figure of a Buddha; see Neimenggu zizhiqu wenwu gongzuodui, Helinge’er, 26 and fig. 40. Zhang reserves judgment on the Buddhist images at Kongwangshan, in Jiangsu, which have been dated as Han but about which there is some uncertainty; see 81 and n. 6, and the literature cited there. Hung Wu, “Buddhist Elements,” 292–303, believes their date is late second to third centuries, and that they represent Buddhist elements in Taoist art and thus parallel the early history of Buddhism in China, but see Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 44–45, for another opinion. Xiong Shouchang and Xiong Yayun, “Lun zaoqi Fojiao,” 119. Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, 1:47. Hubeisheng wenwu guanli weiyuanhui, “Wuchang Lianxisi,” 190 and pl. 7.8; Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 127–30.

506

N O T E S T O PAG E S 3 9 7– 4 0 0

33. Cheng Xinren, “Wuchang Dong Wu,” 3, suggests it may have been a drawer pull or ornament. 34. In the original tomb report, Echengxian bowuguan, “Echeng Dong Wu Sun,” 166, the figure is said to be that of a dwarf! Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 113–19, discusses the appearance of Buddha figures on ceramic vessels of the time. 35. Hung Wu, “Buddhist Elements,” 275–83, treats this topic in detail, and much of the following discussion relies on his work. For an overview of mirrors in this period, see the section on mirrors in chapter 7 of this volume. See also the extensive discussion in Rhie, Early Buddhist Art, 119–26. 36. This mirror is shown in color in He Yun’ao, Fojiao chuchuan, pl. 17, and in blackand-white in Osaka shiritsu bijutsukan, Rikucho¯ no bijutsu, fig. 175. For a recent find of thirty-three such mirrors in a third-century Japanese tomb in the Yamato region in central Japan, see the report by Walter Edwards, “Mirrors to Japanese History,” 20–21. 37. For a detailed description, see Wu Hung, “Buddhist Elements,” 278 and figs. 29– 33. For a clearer ilustration, see Osaka shiritsu bijutsukan, Rikucho¯ no bijutsu, pl. 176. See also He Yun’ao, Fojiao chuchuan, pls. 26–30. 38. Wang Zhongshu, “Guanyu Riben,” 634 and pls. 12.2–3. 39. For a close description of the Echeng mirror and a comparison with mirrors found in Japan, see Wu Hung, “Buddhist Elements,” 278–81 and figs. 34 and 35, which reproduce those of Wang’s article. They are not clear enough to make out many of the details listed by Wu. For other examples, see He Yun’ao, Fojiao chuchuan, pls. 21–25. 40. On this subject, see Wang Zhongshu, “Guanyu Riben,” 635; Xu Pingfang, “Sanguo Liang Jin Nanbeichao di tongjing,” 559; and Hung Wu, “Buddhist Elements,” 282–83. 41. Wu Hung, “Buddhist Elements,” 267–73 and especially the summary on p. 273. See also Sun Guozhang, “Zhongguo Fojiao,” 26, and Ding Mingyi, “Zhongguo zaoqi Fojiao,” 149. 42. For a summary discussion of the hunping, see the section on ceramics in chapter 7 of this volume. 43. Yang Hong, “Wu, Dong Jin,” 566, and the literature cited there. For a discussion of the impact of Buddhist motifs on the traditional crafts, see Fan Shuying, “Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shiqi Fojiao,” 339–46. 44. He Zhongxiang and Yu Shaoying, “Echeng Liuchao wenwu di Foxiang,” 60–67. 45. On the inherent significance of the icons in Buddhism, see Kieschnick, Impact of Buddhism, 52–82. 46. Lidai sanbaoji 4.49a. 47. Luoyang qielanji, 201. Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 235, and Yi-t’ung Wang, trans., Record of Buddhist Monasteries, 179, translate xiang as “picture” or “portraits,” respectively, but graven images could be meant here. Tanmoluo, also known as Zhu Fahu 竺法護, has a biography in the Gaosengzhuan 1.326c; there is some discrepency about his origins. See Hurvitz, trans., Wei Shou, 47–48, n. 4.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 4 0 0 – 4 0 4

507

48. Sanguozhi 49.1185: yi tong wei ren, huang jin tu shen 以銅為人 黃金塗身. Ding Mingyi, “Zhongguo zaoqi Fojiao,” 149, and Zhang Zong, “Zhongguo zaoqi Fojiao,” 80, who dates this event in 193, seem to accept this entry as the earliest record of the casting of the image of the Buddha in China. 49. Fozu tongji 36.338b. Soper, Literary Evidence, 7–8. 50. Soper, Literary Evidence, 61, citing Gaosengzhuan 10.393b. 51. Ibid., 30–32, citing Gaosengzhuan 6.358c. 52. Ibid., 78–79, citing Guang Hongmingji 16.210b. 53. On the coinage problem in the south, see Kawakatsu, “La décadence de l’aristocratie,” 34. 54. Soper, Literary Evidence, 41, citing Gaosengzhuan 13.411a. 55. Ibid., 54, citing Gaosengzhuan 13.412c. 56. Ibid., 66–67, citing Gaosengzhuan 13.412c. 57. Ibid., 96, citing Weishu 114.3036, and pp. 98–99, citing Weishu 114.3037–38. 58. Ibid., 53, citing Fayuan zhulin 14.388c, and p. 58, citing Fayuan zhulin 79.874b-c. 59. Ibid., 69, citing Nanshi 52.1291. 60. Ibid., 50–51 and n. 65. 61. Ibid., 45. The passage is from the Fayuan zhulin 39.598a. 62. Ibid., 78–79, citing Guang Hongmingji 16.210b. 63. Xiao Muzhi 蕭摹之 in 435 requested a prohibition on the use of bronze to make votive figurines because of this very problem; see Songshu 97.2386, and Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, 1:261 and 2:415, n. 37, for further references, and Soper, Literary Evidence, 46. For the 478 action, see Soper, Literary Evidence, 56, citing Nan Qishu 1.14; there were others as well. 64. Soper, Literary Evidence, 116; Ji gujin Fodao lunheng B.374a. Is it possible that the wealth confiscated from the church in 574 enabled the Northern Zhou to expand its military strength and conquer the Northern Qi, ending the stalemate between the northern states dating back to 534? As mentioned above, an image of the Buddha was found in his tomb! 65. For a discussion of the intent of the commissioning of images, see Kamitsuka, “Lao-tzu,” 77–81. She makes the interesting point that in India the seven generations of parents often cited in the inscriptions had originally meant the parents of seven previous lives, not one’s direct patrilineal ancestors as she claims they came to mean in China. On the question of merit to be gained from a wide array of religious observances, see Kieschnick, Impact of Buddhism, 157–219. 66. The entry in Fayuan zhulin 79.874b–c, cited above, specifically says that the thieves stole four bags full of miniature bronze Buddhas from temples. 67. Zhang Zhongquan and Hao Jianjun, “Yulin faxian,” 93, 96, and Chang Qing, “Ji Yulin faxian,” 92–95, 89, reported on a bronze statuette with the date 435, which would have made it the earliest known southern bronze, but Jin Shen, “Yulin faxian di Liu Song,” 61–64, raises a number of points that suggest it is a forgery and associates it with other forgeries, including the piece that features a row of

508

68. 69.

70. 71. 72.

73.

74.

75.

76.

77.

78.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 4 0 4 – 4 0 9

three Maitreya Buddhas, on which see Lin Shuzhong, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 105, no. 87. These Liu Song examples were all found in Ningxia. Soper, “Literary Evidence,” 62, citing Bianzhenglun 3.503a. This is in the Avery Brundage Collection, Asian Art Museum, San Francisco; it is illustrated in Smith and Weng, China, 93. What may have been a similar piece, also of the Later Zhao, and dated 340, was reported found in 437; Soper, Literary Evidence, 85, citing Ji shenzhou sanbao gantonglu 2.418b. Pei Shulan and Ji Yankun, “Hebeisheng zhengji,” 67. Lin Shuzhong, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 122, pl. 101. Qi Xin and Hu Yuheng, “Da Dai liujin tongzaoxiang,” 92–93. The right hand is described as being in a preaching mudra, though it looks more like the abhaya mudra to me. The words “Da Dai” indicate the Northern Wei, but the precise date is no longer legible. A very similar piece was found in Inner Mongolia in 1956 and is dated 484; Lin Shuzhong, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 111, pl. 92. The two are almost exactly alike, but the Hebei piece has a slight tilt of the head, and the staves, as Griswold terms them, the mass of cloth that falls from the left shoulder, are also slightly different. Zheng Shaozong, “Bei Wei Taihe,” 62. This piece, front and back, is also illustrated in Lin Shuzhong, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 112–13, pl. 93. On the siwei bodhisattva, see Lee, “Origins and Development,” 311–57, and Leidy, “Ssu-wei Figure,” 21–37. Gao Ciruo, “Bei Zhou dasima,” 102–3. Zhoushu 6.105 has the notice that, as a result of the conquest of the state of Qi, Yang was made zongguan 總管, or area commander in chief of South Yanzhou in the twelfth month of 577; sometime between that date and the second month of 579, the place name was changed to Bozhou 亳州, as it appears in a list in Zhoushu 7.119. It is for that reason that Suishu 1.2 places him at Bozhou. This is modern Boxian in Anhui. Zhengzhoushi bowuguan, “Zhengzhou chutu yipi,” 14–18. A particularly ornate piece, even baroque in style, and dated 524, is in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum, New York; see Lin Shuzhong, Zhongguo meishu quanji, 120, pl. 99. A group of seven images, dated from 544 to 567, was found in an urn at Wuxiangxian, and it is surmised that they were buried during the persecution of Buddhism; see Li Yong and Liu Jun, “Shanxisheng Wuxiangxian Dangchengcun,” 57–59. Finds at Boxing, Shandong, and Shouyang, Shaanxi, are said to represent the result of the disturbances at the end of the Sui; see Shandongsheng Boxingxian wenwu guanlisuo, “Shandongsheng Boxing Longhuasi,” 813–21, and Jin Hua and Wu Jianguo, “Shanxi Shouyang,” 1–3. The latest dated piece in the latter group is 607. Li Shaonan, “Shandong Boxing,” 21–31, and especially 30–31, from which the following discussion is derived. See also Ding Mingyi, “Tan Shandong Boxing,” 32–43. Bao Quan, “Xi’an wenguan suocang,” 84–85; Jian Li, ed., Glory of the Silk Road, 152; Béguin and Laureillard, eds., Chine, 278–81.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 4 0 9 – 414

79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87.

88. 89.

90. 91. 92. 93. 94.

95. 96.

97. 98. 99.

509

Luoyang qielanji, 205–6; Jenner, trans., Memories of Loyang, 240–41. Soper, Literary Evidence, 58. Kieschnick, Impact of Buddhism, 69–80. This defi nition was offered by Zhang Tongbiao, “Huaian Dong Wei,” 129. He cites Wang Ziyun, Zhongguo diaosu yishu shi, 164–71, as his authority. Dorothy Wong, Chinese Steles, 1. The following discussion draws heavily on her work. On the yi, see Gernet, Buddhism in Chinese Society, 260–63 and passim; Shufen Liu, “Art, Ritual, and Society,” 34–37. Shufen Liu, “Art, Ritual, and Society,” 24–26. On this topic, see the discussion at the end of this chapter. A stela from Yanshi, near Luoyang, dated 523 contains a number of Xianbei names, an indication that Emperor Xiaowen’s edict about adopting Chinese surnames had not been as effective as is often believed, even in the Luoyang area. See Li Xianqi, “Bei Wei zhengguang sinian,” 23. In one case, the marble is said to resemble that of Quyang, in Hebei; see Wang Ximin and Chen Jinhui, “Jiangsu Huaian,” 128. Dorothy Wong, Chinese Steles, 178–79. An exception to this, as anyone who has visited the Beilin in Xi’an can testify, is the representations of famous paintings and the like rendered onto stone. Su Bai, “Qingzhou Longxingsi,” 44. An abstract of this article appears in the China Archaeology and Art Digest 3.1 (April 1999):11–12. For a useful survey of the present status of archaeological work on temple sites, see Zhao Yonghong, “Jinbainian Han Tang,” 628–81. Yang Boda, “Quyang Xiudesi,” 43–52. Ibid., 50. Shandongsheng Qingzhoushi bowuguan, “Qingzhou Longxingsi,” 4–15. A number of essays and abstracts of articles dealing with the Qingzhou discovery appear in the China Archaeology and Art Digest 3.1 (April 1999):5–54. See also Mingcai Xia, “Discovery of a Large Cache of Buddhist Images,” 41–49; Wang Ruixia and Shou Linlin, “Typological Analysis of Northern Qi Buddhist Statues,” 41–49; Sun Xinsheng, “Time and Cause,” 50–53, offers the suggestion that the burial was the result of the Buddhist persecution under the Song emperor Huizong (r. 1101–25). Su Bai, ed., Shandong Qingzhou Longxingsi, 114–15; see also Wenwu 1998, no. 2, inside back cover, and Orientations, June 1998, 46, figs. 8a–b. Zhuchengshi bowuguan, “Shandong Zhucheng,” 717–26; on pp. 725–26 is a list of sixty-six of the over two hundred pieces found; Du Zaizhong and Han Gang, “Shandong Zhucheng Fojiao,” 231–62. Feng Yi, “Shandong Linyi,” 96. Fang Daoguo, “Ji’nanshi chutu,” 571, 568; this is a four-sided piece with a niche and a seated Buddha on each side, perhaps a part of a pagoda or sutra column. Shandongsheng Boxingxian wenwu guanlisuo, “Shandongsheng Boxing Longhuasi,” 813–21. The statuary, including objects of stone and bronze, has no

510

100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109.

110. 111. 112.

113. 114. 115.

116. 117. 118. 119. 120.

121.

N O T E S T O P A G E S 414 – 419

Tang pieces, so it is believed the temple was destroyed in the disturbances at the end of the Sui. Huimin diqu wenwu guanlizu, “Shandong Wudi,” 45–47. Shi Guishan, “Qingdao di sizun,” 65–66. Weixian bowuguan, “Hebei Weixian,” 807–10. Guo Nan, “Shanxi Taiyuan,” 79–80. Zhai and Yang, “Shanxi Xiyang,” 38–41. Wang Rui and Lü Jishu, “Shanxi Yuanquxian Songcun,” 84–86. He has a biography in Zhoushu 34.590–93. The ranks and titles listed in the inscription almost all accord with the information in his biography. Illegible or missing words are marked with an X. Luoyang gudai yishu guan, “Luoyang Wei Tang,” 46. See also Hou and Li, “Luoyang xinfaxian di shike,” 61–62. Zhengzhoushi bowuguan, “Zhengzhoushi,” 16–19. Similar examples of Eastern Wei and Northern Qi altar pieces were found across the Yellow River from Zhengzhou; see Zhang Xinmin and Feng Guangbin, “Henan Xinxiangxian,” 26–29. The first of these, with a long inscription on the back, was donated by a kinsman of Gao Huan, the de facto ruler of the Eastern Wei. Li Chengjing and Wang Lingjun, “Shaanxisheng bowuguan,” 73–74. Spiro, “Hybrid Vigor,” 125–48. Yuan Shuguang, “Chengdu Wanfosi,” 27–32; Liu Zhiyuan and Liu Tingbi, Chengdu Wanfosi; Li Yuqun, “Shilun Chengdu,” 64–76; and Chengdushi wenwu kaogu gongzuodui and Chengdushi wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Chengdushi Xi’anlu,” 4–20. Chengdushi wenwu kaogu gongzuodui and Chengdushi wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Chengdushi Xi’anlu,” 5. Li Yuqun, “Shilun Chengdu,” 67–74. For a convenient map of the more important of these, see Su Bai, Zhongguo shikusi yanjiu, 12–13. See also the partial list in Nagahiro, “Zhongguo di shikusi,” 6. A number of papers on the numerous cave chapels of Shanxi, Henan, and the Gansu Corridor are included in Hung Wu, ed., Between Han and Tang. Klimkeit, “Donor at Turfan,” 177–96. Liu Huida, “Bei Wei shiku,” 337–52. Su Bai, introduction to Xinjiang Weiwuer zizhiqu wenwu guanli weiyuanhui et al., Kezier shiku, 10–23, and his “Xinjiang Baicheng Kezier,” 21–38. Howard, “In Support of a New Chronology,” 68–83. Zhang Xuerong, “Maijishan shiku,” 14–17; Dong Yuxiang, “Maijishan shiku di fenqi,” 18–30; and Fu Xinian, “Maijishan shikuzhong,” 156–83. For a survey of these cave sites across the Tarim and the Northeast, see Chang Qing, “Han Wei Liang Jin Nanbeichao shiqi,” 42, 58–65. The most complete survey of this site is Mizuno and Nagahiro, Unko¯ sekkutsu. See also Su Bai, “ ‘Da Jin Xijing Wuzhoushan,’ ” 29–49; Soper, “Imperial CaveChapels,” 241–45; and Caswell, Written and Unwritten.

N O T E S T O PAG E S 4 2 0 – 4 2 3

511

122. Hurvitz, trans., Wei Shou, 72. 123. Li Yuqun, “Tianlongshan,” 32–55. 124. Mizuno and Nagahiro, Kyo¯ do¯zan sekkutsu; Soper, “Imperial Cave-Chapels,” 258–68. 125. Mizuno and Nagahiro, Kanan Rakuyo¯ Ryu¯mon sekkutsu; Soper, “Imperial CaveChapels,” 246–55. 126. Li Yatai, “Gansu Gangu Daxiangshan,” 56–60; Jin Zhilin, “Shaanbei faxian yipi,” 60–66, 83; and Li Qingquan, “Ji’nan diqu shiku,” 329–44. 127. Shao Lei, “Nanjing Qixiashan Qianfoya,” 50–62. 128. Spiro, “Cave Temple Fever.” 129. Su Bai, “Nanchao kanxiang,” 389. 130. Yin, Bei Liang shita yanjiu, and his “Dunhuangshi bowuguan cang sanjian,” 76–83, 64; Eugene Wang, “What do Trigrams,” 70–91. 131. Kamitsuka, “Lao-tzu,” 63, says that Taoist sculpture in its widest sense would include all images of holy figures, even those of the stars and mountains, worshipped in Chinese religion. 132. Hung Wu, “Mapping Early Taoist Art,” 77–93. 133. On the Five Pecks of Rice sect, see Kleeman, Great Perfection. 134. Concepts such as yin and yang are loosely associated with Taoism in general, and the paired dragon and tiger were taken to be a symbol of those cosmic forces. A dramatic example is shown on the sides of a sarcophagus dated to the Northern Wei that was shown in the Taoist exhibit organized by Stephen Little. The animals appear in a swirl of clouds and accompanied by immortals; cf. Little and Eichman, eds., Taoism, pl. 10. 135. Hung Wu, “Mapping Early Taoist Art,” 83, figs. 7–9. 136. Ibid., 85, fig. 15. 137. Ibid., 86, figs. 16a–b. 138. Ibid., 87; Kamitsuka, “Lao-tzu,” 65. 139. Little and Eichman, eds., Taoism, 165; Kamitsuka, “Lao-tzu,” 66, estimates that there are only about fifty known Taoist works featuring Laozi, as against over twenty-five hundred Buddhist images. Her list of the Taoist statuary is on pp. 68– 69. Of the forty-nine she lists, seven are known only from literary sources and five from rubbings. 140. Little and Eichman, eds., Taoism, 167–68. 141. Ibid., 171 and pl. 33. This piece was reported on earlier by Shi Fu, “Jieshao liangjian,” 54–55. 142. Shi Fu, “Jieshao liangjian,” 55. 143. Kamitsuka says there are six such hybrid pieces in the Yaoxian collection; cf. “Laotzu,” 66–67. 144. Abe, “Heterological Visions,” 69–83. 145. Kamitsuka, “Lao-tzu,” 67. 146. Bokenkamp, “Yao Boduo Stele,” 55–67. The inscription on this stela is also treated at some length by Kamitsuka, “Lao-tzu,” 72–77.

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147. Schipper, “Purity and Strangers,” 61–81. 148. Chengdushi wenwu kaogu gongzuodui and Chengdushi wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo, “Chengdushi Xi’anlu,” 11–13, fig. 21 and pl. 4.2.

AFTERWORD 1. Jiu Tangshu 45.1951; Mengqi bitan 1 : 3; Li Xitao, “Beichao shiqi,” 363–66. In 610 members of imperial corteges were instructed to wear rongyi 戎衣; that is, styles of clothing derived from the nomadic peoples; see Jiu Tangshu 45.1952. 2. Yan, Quan shanggu sandai: Quan Hou Han wen 47.1a-8a; Ebrey, “Estate and Family,” 195–96. Hsu, Han Agriculture, has no entry for milk products. 3. For details, see chapter 12. 4. Zhou Fagao, ed., Yanshi jiaxun huizhu, 12b; Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 19. 5. Youyang zazu, addendum 4.16a; this was cited by Li Xitao, “Beichao shiqi,” 374. 6. Li Xitao, “Beichao shiqi,” 370–75, cites some isolated wedding and funeral customs, but these are not as convincing. 7. Jiu Tangshu 45.1958. 8. Graff, Medieval Chinese Warfare, is an excellent study of this subject. 9. The presence of these Hu in China during the Six Dynasties period and the Tang has attracted much scholarly attention. See, for example, de la Vaissière, Histoire des marchands, 125–53, and Doar and Dewar, eds., “Zoroastrianism in China.” 10. Jiu Tangshu 112.3335; Doar and Dewar, eds., “Zoroastrianism in China,” 147. 11. Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest, 1:32. Luo Shiping, “Handi zaoqi,” is an exhaustive study of the earliest evidence of these Hu in China and their relationship with Buddhism; see especially pp. 94–99. 12. Schipper, “Taoism,” 40–46. 13. Dien, “Yen Chih-t’ui,” 63–64. 14. Zhou Fagao, ed., Yanshi jiaxun huizhu, 119b-120a; Teng, trans., Family Instructions, 189; Mather, “Note on the Dialects,” 247–56. 15. Chang Yimin, “Caihui di paichang,” 1. 16. Hung Wu, “Case of Cultural Interaction,” 41. 17. Rudenko, Frozen Tombs. 18. Umehara, Studies of Noin-Ula. 19. Especially noteworthy is the tomb of Feng Sufu, who was Chinese and of the ruling house of the Northern Yan, but the grave goods indicate a Xianbei identity; Li Yaobo, “Liaoning Beipiaoxian,” 2–28. The point being addressed here is not the almost universal belief that the tomb represents a new home for the deceased but the specific inclusion within the tomb of a vault shaped like a building in which the coffin is placed. 20. Bei Qishu 45.614. 21. Zhang Anzhi et al., eds., Zhongguo meishu quanji, 170–71, pl. 104. The scroll now in the Boston Museum of Fine Art has been studied by Jin Weinuo, “Fangwen Boshidun,” 81–82.

GL O S S A RY

an 案 Anyang 安陽 baoyi bodai 褒衣博帶 bei 杯 Beijing 北京 Beipiao 北票 Benqi 本溪 bi 璧 bo 缽 boshan 博山 bozang 博葬 Cao Cao 曹操 Cao Pei 曹丕 Cao Zhi 曹植 Chang’an 長安 Changhe 閶闔 Changsha 長沙 Chaoyang 朝陽 Chen 陳 Chen Baxian 陳霸先 Cheng 成 Chengdu 成都 chi 尺 Chiluo Xie 叱羅協 chuang 床 Cixian 磁縣 Chongqing 重慶 cun 寸 Datong 大同 Dayu 大余 Dengxian 鄧縣 Deqing 德清 di 笛

die 凸 Dingxian 定縣 Dongwanggong 東王公 dou 斗 duisuguan 堆塑鑵 Dunhuang 敦煌 Echeng 鄂城 erbei 耳杯 Fan Cui 范粹 Fangshan 方山 Feishui 淝水 Feng 馮 Fenghua 奉化 Feng Sufu 馮素弗 fu 釜 kettle fu 賦 rhapsody Fu Jian 苻堅 fudou 覆斗 Fuxi 伏犧 Ganjiang 贛江 Ganjiaxiang 甘家巷 Gao Huan 高歡 Gao Run 高潤 Gaochang 高昌 Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 guan 罐 Guangling 廣陵 Guanzhong 關中 gucang 穀倉 guohe 果盒 Guyang 古陽 Guyuan 固原 Han 漢

513

514

Hangzhou 杭州 he 盒 He Xun 賀循 Helian Bobo 赫連勃勃 Hou Jing 侯景 hu 壺 hu 胡 huafo 化佛 Hualin 華林 Huan Wen 桓溫 Huhehot 呼和浩特 hunping 魂瓶 huzi 虎子 Jia Sixie 賈思勰 jian 劍 Jian River 澗水 Jiangling 江陵 Jiangning 江寧 Jiankang 建康 Jianye 建業 jiaodou 鐎斗 Jiayuguan 嘉峪關 Jin 晉 jin 錦 Ji’nan 濟南 Jingxian 景縣 Jingzhou 荊州 Jinhua 金華 Jinling 金陵 Jintan 金壇 Jinyang 晉陽 Jinyongcheng 金墉城 Jiuquan 酒川 juan 絹 Jurong 句容 Kuaiji 會稽 kui 夔 Leshan 樂山 li 里 Li Jingxun 李靜訓 Li Xian 李賢 lian 奩

G L O S S A RY

Liang 梁 liangdang 兩當 Liangzhou 涼州 Liaoyang 遼陽 Lingtai 靈臺 Linyi 臨沂 Linzhang 臨漳 Linzi 臨淄 Liu Bei 劉備 Liu Yao 劉曜 Liu Yu 劉裕 liubo 六博 longguan 籠冠 Longmen 龍門 Lou Rui 婁叡 luocheng 羅城 Luoyang 洛陽 Luoyang qielanji 洛陽伽藍記 Maanshan 馬鞍山 Maijishan 麥積山 Mangshan 邙山 mantou 饅頭 Meidaicun 美岱村 Min 岷 Ming 明 Ming Tang 明堂 mingqi 明器 Murong 慕容 muzhi 墓誌 Nanchang 南昌 Nanjing 南京 Ning Mao 寧懋 Nüwa 女媧 pan 盤 pen 盆 ping 瓶 Pingba 平埧 Pingcheng 平城 pingji 憑几 pingshangze 平上幘 pipa 琵琶 Qi 齊

G L O S S A RY

Qimin yaoshu 齊民要術 qin 琴 qing 頃 Qinhuai 秦淮 Qin Shihuang 秦始皇 Qingzhou 青州 Qu 麴 que 闕 Quyang 曲陽 San Wu 三吳 Shangyu 上虞 Shaoxing 紹興 Shedi Huiluo 庫狄迴洛 sheng 笙 mouth organ Shengle 盛樂 shenshou 神獸 Shi Hu 石虎 Shishuo xinyu 世說新語 Shu 蜀 shupu 樗蒲 Sima 司馬 Sima Jinlong 司馬金龍 Sima Yan 司馬炎 Sima Yue 司馬悅 Sima Zhao 司馬昭 simian jieding 四面結頂 Song 宋 Song Shaozu 宋紹祖 Sui 隋 Sun Quan 孫權 ta 榻 Taichu 太初 Taihang 太行 Taihu 太湖 Taiji 太極 taishou 太守 Taiyuan 太原 Tang 唐 Tanyao 曇曜 Tao Kan 陶侃 Tiangong kaiwu 天工開物 Tianlongshan 天龍山

Tong Shou 佟壽 Tongwancheng 統萬城 Tuchengzi 土城子 Tujing 涂井 Tuoba 拓跋 wan 碗 Wang Dao 王導 Wei 魏 weiqi 圍棋 Wen 文 Wu 武 emperor Wu 吳 state wu hu luan hua 五胡亂華 Wuchang 武昌 Wuchuan 武川 Wuhan 武漢 Wuhuan 烏桓 wuzhu 五銖 xi 洗 Xi’an 西安 Xianbei 鮮卑 Xiangjiang 湘江 Xianyang 咸陽 xiao 簫 Xiao Dan 蕭誕 Xiao Xiu 蕭秀 Xiao Yan 蕭衍 Xiao Yi 蕭繹 Xiaoming 孝明 Xiaomintun 孝民屯 Xiaowen 孝文 Xiaowu 孝武 Xiaozhuang 孝莊 Xie An 謝安 Xiongnu 匈奴 Xiwangmu 西王母 Xuanwu 宣武 Xuzhou 徐州 Yan 燕 Yan Zhitui 顏之推 Yangzhou 揚州 Yanshi 偃師

515

516

Yanshi jiaxun 顏氏家訓 Yaohuamen 堯化門 Ye 鄴 Yezhongji 鄴中記 Yidu 宜都 Yi’nan 沂南 Yixing 義興 Yongan 永安 Palace yongdao 俑道 Yongguling 永固陵 Yongning 永寧 Yuan 元 Yuan Zhao 元邵 Yuantaizi 袁臺子 yudou 熨斗 Yuhang 余杭 Yungang 雲崗 zeng 甑

G L O S S A RY

Zhaili 寨里 zhang 丈 Zhang 漳 Zhang Sheng 張盛 Zhao 趙 Zhaohua 昭化 zheng 箏 Zhengzhou 鄭州 Zhenjiang 鎮江 zhenmushou 鎮墓獸 Zhongxian 忠縣 zhongzhi 終制 Zhou 周 Zhou Chu 周處 Zhu Ran 朱然 Zhucheng 諸城 zun 尊

BIBLIOGR APH Y

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INDEX

Page numbers in italics refer to maps and illustrations. Abe, Stanley, 422 Admonitions of the Instructress to the Court Ladies (Gu Kaizhi), 261, 306, 376 Agate, 274 Agriculture and agricultural equipment, 8, 229–32, 357–63 Altars: canopies for, 203–5, 204, 205; in tombs, 117, 119, 127, 140, 203–5, 204 Amber ornaments, 274, 275 An Jia: tomb of, 345 An Lushan, 425 An table, 295, 303 Ancestor worship, 165–66 Anhui: altars in tombs in, 203; bronze objects in, 255; Buddhist images in, 410, 412; ceramics in, 250; coffi ns in, 195, 196; lacquerware in, 293–94; tomb figurines and models in, 228, 230; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 209, 212. See also specific cities and towns Animals: animal-shaped ceramics, 240–44; on bronze objects, 252–54, 253, 254; on bronze oven, 308, 309; chicken-headed ewers, 242, 243–44, 250, 251; chimera figures, 191; in coffi n designs, 200; on figured jars, 215; on jewelry, 267, 274, 275; kuifeng (beast and phoenix) mirror design, 264, 398; on lacquer coffi n, 296– 97, 297; on mirrors, 262–63, 263, 264, 266; models of, in tombs, 92, 156–57, 165, 187, 229–32; shenshou (deity-animal) mirror, 263, 264, 398; shizi (lion) figure, 191; and spirit ways, 171, 176; and Taoist

iconography, 421; as tomb figures, 157, 165, 176, 178; in tomb murals, 96, 97–98, 127; turtle lamp, 255, 255, 367; turtle shape of muzhi (tomb records), 206; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts), 188. See also Birds; Dragon images; Fish Ankang, 348 Annam, 380 Anshan kilns, 235, 236 Anyang: candleholder in, 370; ceramics in, 248, 249, 250; clothing in, 328; music in, 345, 348, 350; tomb figurines in, 228; tomb in, 90, 91; weiqi game in, 383, 384 Apotropaic and symbolic objects in tombs, 207–16 Apsaras, 343, 391, 408, 418 Archers, 334, 335, 381 Architecture: bracketing, 47, 54, 59, 67, 68, 70; and Buddhism, 60, 60–62, 69, 70–75, 70, 72, 73, 75; “camel hump” bearing blocks, 59; cantilever arm, 68; chuandou (through-joint) construction, 51, 51; classification schemes for, 47; columnar bracing types (eave columns, lintels, and purlins), 56–58, 58, 63; of compounds, 47–49, 48; conservative nature of, 46; fudou (truncated pyramid shape), 60, 87, 151, 182; gableroofed building, 54–55, 55; “Golden Winged Bird” in, 59, 60; in Guyang Cave stone reliefs, 58–60, 60; house as part of tomb complex (Pengyang), 49–50; inverted V struts, 59, 59, 60, 67;

585

586

INDE X

Architecture (continued) in Maijishan cave chapels and murals, 46, 53–58, 54–58, 65–67, 66, 67; nonliterary sources on, 46–47; of pagodas, 47, 70, 71–74, 72, 73, 75, 183; of palaces, 64–68, 65–67; of pavilions, 69– 70; pitched roof support, 50–51; roof types, 47, 48; storehouse, 50, 50; tailiang (beam-column) construction, 51, 52; of temples, 47, 56, 58, 70–75, 72, 73, 75; timber-frame construction, 47, 50–51, 54–55, 62–65, 63–65; truss-andcrossbeam construction, 54, 55; of watchtowers, 68–69, 69; weight-bearing walls, 47, 49. See also Roofs; Royal tombs; Tomb architecture Armor and weapons: crossbow mechanisms in tombs, 214; horse armor, 331, 332, 333, 334–36, 336, 425; iron weapons, 256–57, 259, 337–38; liangdang armor, 224; military tomb figurines, 223, 224, 225, 226–27, 227; swords and other bladed weapons, 257, 274, 337–38, 337; on tomb guardian figures, 207–8, 208; in tombs, 156, 188; types of armor, 331–36, 332–36. See also Military Armrests, 294, 303, 305. See also Furniture Army. See Armor and weapons; Military; Wars Arrowheads, 338 Arts. See Material culture and the arts; Paintings Ashina (consort of Emperor Wu): tomb of, 188 Ashoka, King, 400 Astana: clothing in, 323, 326; tomb furnishings in, 217; tombs in, 107, 327 Avar princess: tomb of, 95–96, 97, 210, 211, 228 Baichengzi, 18 Baidaocheng, 17 Baimasi, 70–71 Baiyue aboriginal peoples, 215 Bakouzicun, 17 Balalyk Tepe murals, 285, 286 Ban (consort), 296 Ban Gu, 382

Bangtaizi: tombs in, 100 Bao Zhao, 35–36 Baoding, 404–5 Baoji, 406–8 Baoyi bodai style of clothing, 315, 356 Barbarians, 4, 6, 88, 424 Barrel vault: in roofs, 79; in tombs, 126–27, 129, 131, 137, 140, 151, 160, 161, 165, 176 Bastions in cities, 26–27, 27 Battles, 2, 106, 335, 336, 381–83. See also Armor and weapons; Military Beam-column (tailiang) construction, 51, 52 Beds, 306. See also Furniture Begram, 289 Bei cups, 245, 288 Bei horn, 344 Beijing: Forbidden City, 22 Beijing area: glass in, 290; tombs in, 87–88, 87, 88 Beipiao: armor in, 331, 332; gold objects in, 267; tombs in, 102, 104–5 Belt buckles (daikou), 327–28, 328, 329, 330 Belt hooks (daigou), 327, 327 Bencao gangmu, 364 Benches (ta), 302, 303, 305, 406, 406, 427 Benqi: gilded bronze in, 271; tombs in, 101 Bhaishajya-guru sutra, 368 Bianhu (flattened flask), 248, 248 Bielenstein, Hans, 137 Bili whistle, 344, 346 Biliuli (glass), 287 Birds: on bronze objects, 254, 254; on figured jars, 215; “Golden Winged Bird,” 59, 60; on lacquer coffin, 296–97, 297; on mirrors, 262. See also Animals Bishou (dagger), 338 Black ware, 249 Bo bowls, 245, 288, 293 Bo Ya, 353 Boat burial (coffi n carved from single log), 195 Boat-awning (chuanpeng) tombs, 140–41, 162 Boats. See Water transport Bodhisattvas: and Buddhist cave chapels, 419; clothing of, 298; defi nition of, 391; images of, 60, 306, 391, 392, 392, 405,

INDE X

406, 408, 409, 414, 418; and music, 343; in Northern Wei temples, 414 Bofengban (boards under gable roof), 54 Bokenkamp, Stephen, 422–23 Boli (beads), 287–88 Boots and shoes, 315, 317, 318 Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 92, 201 Bowls: bo bowls, 245, 288, 293; eight-lobed bowl, 278–79, 279; silver bowl, 280, 280; wan bowls, 241, 242, 244, 246, 247, 288, 289–90, 290, 293, 299 Boxes: he boxes, 293, 295, 307; lacquer boxes, 293, 294, 295, 299, 307; lianhe toilet boxes, 293, 294; pottery boxes, 307; wooden boxes, 307 Boxian, 412 Boxing: Buddhist images in, 406, 408, 414 Bozang (simple burials). See Burials Bracelets. See Jewelry Bracketing in architecture, 47, 54, 59, 67, 68, 70 Bray, Francesca, 358, 365 Braziers, 242, 250, 303 Brick decor in tombs, 108–9, 109, 116, 119, 127, 128, 137, 138, 223 Brickwork: jade-belt brickwork (yudai), 77, 78, 84, 114, 129, 137, 147, 162, 165, 183; in Jinling walls, 36–37; in tombs, 77–79, 78, 81, 84–87, 92, 95, 114, 129, 137, 140, 147, 151, 160, 162, 165, 181, 183 Bronze: Buddhist bronze images, 252, 401–9, 404–7; casting process, 401–2, 408; coins, 251, 252, 401; gilded bronze, 271–73, 272, 279, 279, 327, 327, 406, 409; lamps, 254–55, 255, 367, 368; mirrors, 252, 261; money trees, 392–93, 392, 393; objects, 251–56, 253–56, 266, 327, 327, 338, 367 Bu cloth, 360 Buckles, 272, 273, 273, 327–28, 328, 330 Buddha, 375, 388, 391, 396, 403. See also Buddhism; Buddhist images Buddhism: and architecture, 60, 60–62, 69, 70–75, 70, 72, 73, 75; and cave chapels, 46, 54–58, 54–58, 59, 59, 62, 62, 419–20; and chairs used in meditation, 306; and coffi ns, 200, 201; as compatible with Confucianism, 426; and figured jars in

587

tombs, 216; Mahayana Buddhism, 388; and miracles, 401, 409; and monks, 228, 388–91, 389, 390, 400, 402–3, 415, 426; and music, 343; and Northern Liang rule, 107; and pagodas, 47, 70, 71–74, 72, 73, 75, 183; persecutions of Buddhists, 188, 403, 408, 413; in Pingcheng, 25; Pure Land Buddhism, 343, 414; and reliquaries, 74, 201; route of transmission, 394–97, 397, 398, 426; temples, 70–75, 72, 73, 75, 387, 402–3, 414; and watchtowers, 69, 70; and Yungang caves, 17, 25. See also Bodhisattvas; Buddha; Buddhist images Buddhist images: of bodhisattvas, 60, 298, 306, 391, 392, 392, 405, 406, 408, 409, 414, 418; in bronze, 252, 401–9, 404–7; and Buddha niche, 69, 70; in buildings, 60, 61, 62, 73, 74; in cave chapels, 419–20; clothing of, 388–91, 389, 390, 405–6, 408–9, 413–14, 416, 418–19; early Buddhist images in China, 391–94, 392–96; and figurines, 228, 394, 394, 395, 399; on gold rings, 267; of Guanyin, 406, 408, 409, 411; in India, 388–91, 389, 390; literary sources for, 400–403; lotus motif, 60, 63, 240, 243, 394, 399, 406, 409, 419; in Luoyang, 355; on miniature stone stupas, 420, 421; on mirrors, 262, 263, 265, 265, 397–400; mixed Taoist and Buddhist images, 420–23; nimbus, 406, 407, 409, 413, 415; route of transmission, 394–97, 397, 398, 426; statuary, 413–19, 415; on stelae, 410–13, 411, 412, 418; in stone, 409–10; in tombs, 188, 215, 228. See also Bodhisattvas; Buddhism Buff ware (qingci), 233–34, 239–44, 246–48, 250, 252, 293 Buqu (retainers), 152–53, 153 Burials: boat burial (coffi n carved from single log), 195; bozang (simple burials), 85, 164, 166–67, 189–90, 267; catacomb graves, 93; of commoners, 84, 92–93; fuzang (common burial), 82–83; hezang (joint burials), 83, 110; houzang (extravagant burials), 84–85, 350, 355; peizang (accompanying burial), 83;

588

INDE X

Burials (continued) preservation of organic materials in tombs, 113–14; stone crypts, 147; types of, 82–83; vertical pit burials, 84, 93, 102, 147; and zhongzhi (fi nal arrangements), 164; zuzang (family or clan cemeteries), 83, 110, 110, 114, 121. See also Royal tombs; Tomb architecture; Tomb furnishings Buzigucheng, 15–16 Cai Shun, 298 Cai Xi, 300–301 Candles, 363–65, 370 Canopies: for altars, 203–5, 204, 205; for sitting platform, 301–2, 303; for vehicles, 372–73 Cantilever arm, 68 Cao Cao: on austere burials, 164; burial and tomb of, 164, 166; and camp stool, 306; and capital of Ye, 19; and coinage, 217; death of, 20, 25; government of, 2; iron mirrors as gift by, 265; military campaigns of, 2, 20, 25 Cao Pei: on austere burials, 164, 166, 189; brother of, 165; burial and tomb of, 164; as emperor, 2, 20, 25; on sacrifices in ancestral temple, 166; and spirit way, 189 Cao Wei, 28, 82 Cao Zhi, 334; tomb of, 165, 165 Caochangpo tomb, 333, 368 Caojing (caisson), 108 Capitals. See Cities and outposts; and specific cities Cavalry, 334–36, 336, 338, 425. See also Horsemen; Military Cave chapels, 46, 54–58, 54–58, 59, 59, 62, 62, 419–20 Caves. See Dunhuang cave murals; Guyang Cave; Longmen Caves; Ludong Cave; Yungang caves Ceramics: animal-shaped ceramics, 240–44; bianhu (flattened flask), 248, 248; black ware, 249; boxes, 307; Buddhist images on, 397, 398; buff ware (qingci), 233–34, 239–44, 246–48, 250, 252, 293; categories of, 231; chickenheaded ewers, 242, 243–44, 250, 251;

decorative elements on, 237, 240, 241, 243; and Deqing kilns, 237, 239; dragonheaded ewers, 243–44; figured jars, 214–16, 214; gang crock, 248–49, 249; glazes for, 234, 237, 238, 240, 243, 245, 246, 248, 249; guan jugs, 110, 214–15, 231, 241–47, 250; hu jars, 241, 242, 243, 245, 246, 247, 250, 254, 270, 271; incense burner, 397, 398; kilns for, 37, 234–39, 236, 238, 244, 246, 247, 249, 250; lamps, 367–68, 367; lead-glazed pottery, 247–49; map of kiln sites, 238; northern ceramics, 233, 244–47, 245, 249–50; northern pottery types, 247; protoceladon (yuanshi qingci), 233, 240; in royal tombs, 165, 185, 187; southern ceramics, 233–34, 241–44; southern pottery types, 242; statistics on, as grave goods, 231; in tombs, 90, 95, 99, 101–5, 110–13, 160, 165, 185, 187, 214–16, 214, 239, 245; wan bowls, 241, 242, 244, 246, 247; white ware, 249, 251; Wuzhou ware, 238–39; zun jars, 240, 246, 247, 248 Chairs, 305–6, 306, 311. See also Furniture; Sitting Chang’an: Buddhist images in and near, 401, 410, 411, 418; grave goods in, 251–52, 274; history of, 31; jade objects in, 274; tombs in, 89, 94, 345 Changchuan, 17 Changde: tombs in, 128, 129 Changsha: gold objects in, 268; tomb figurines and models in, 220, 221, 222, 231; tombs in, 128, 129, 130; vaults in tombs in, 201–2 Chaoyang: armor in, 332, 333; gilded bronze in, 271; lacquerware in, 295; tombs in, 102–5, 103–6, 204 Che Yun, 366 Chen Baxian, 45; tomb of, 173, 179 Chen Dingrong, 216 Chen dynasty: conquest of, by Sui, 45, 381–82; death of Emperor Wu, 365; history of, 45; music of, 350; royal tombs of, 179, 181, 181, 190; tombs of, 115, 119 Chen Qian: tomb of, 173, 179 Chen Qingzhi, 355–56 Chen Xu: tomb of, 173, 179, 181

INDE X

Cheng, Duke, 84 Cheng, Emperor (Eastern Jin), 39, 41 Cheng, Emperor (Han), 296, 376 Chengdu: Buddist images in, 418, 419, 423; gate depicted on brick in, 69, 70; kilns in, 240; Taoist iconography in, 423; tombs in, 155, 160–61, 160, 161; water transport in, 379, 379 Chengkulue, 17 Chenxian, 128 Chicken-headed ewers, 242, 243–44, 250 Chiluo Xie: tomb of, 95, 188, 189 Chimera, 191 Chiwei. See “Owl tails” roof decorations Chiwen. See “Owl jaws” roof decoration Chongqing, 154 Chopsticks, 270 Chosroes I, 17 Chu (chest), 306–7 Chuandou (through-joint) construction, 51, 51 Chuang (sitting platform), 301–2, 303, 306 Chuanpeng (boat-awning) tombs, 140–41, 162 Cicadas, 287 Cities and outposts: bastions in, 26–27, 27; citadel in, 32; daily life in, 354–57; double-walled cities, 31–32; early cities in the north, 19–24; fires in, 43, 45; fortifications for, 36–37; map of, 16; in northern frontier, 15–19; northern Wei capitals, 24–32; palaces in, 20, 28, 38–39, 40–41, 43, 45; southern cities, 32–45; T plan of, 20–21; three consecutive walled enclosures (Jinyongcheng), 27–28. See also specific cities Cixian: kilns in, 245; musical instruments in, 342; tombs in, 95, 186–87, 187; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 210, 211, 211, 212 Clan ancestors, 11 Clan cemeteries. See Family or clan cemeteries Cliff or rock tombs, 52–53, 53, 155–61, 155–61 Clothing: of attendants, 312–13, 314; baoyi bodai style, 315, 356; belt buckles (daikou), 327–28, 328, 329, 330; of

589

bodhisattvas, 298; of Buddhist images, 388–91, 389, 390, 405–6, 408–9, 413–14, 416, 418–19; Buddhist monk’s robes, 388–91, 389, 390; of commoners, 312, 313; crotch-length (quekua) jackets, 317–18, 318; fabrics for, 325–26; hood and cape ensemble, 318–19, 319; of Hu (Sogdians), 425; in inventories, 231, 322–26; jacket and skirt (ruqun), 321–22, 322; jumper (liangdang), 320–21, 320; longguan (basket hat), 224, 226, 313, 321; non-Han northern influences on, 424; political significance of, 319; of sages, 315, 315–17; shoes and boots, 315, 317, 318; of tomb figurines, 220–21, 220–22, 226; trousers and jacket (kuxi), 319, 320; of Xianbei, 222, 284, 285, 297–98, 298, 317–19, 318, 319, 328, 427. See also Men’s clothing; Women Coffi n platforms, 114, 117, 119, 121, 127, 140, 157, 184, 187, 202–3 Coffi ns: construction and types of, 194–201, 195–200; lacquer coffi ns, 110, 195, 197, 198, 200, 285, 286, 296–99, 297, 298; log coffi ns, 196; in northwest tombs, 113; in royal tombs in Three Kingdoms era, 165; shape of, 105, 201, 425; stone coffi ns (sarcophagi), 92, 198–201, 199, 200, 428; surface decor on, 110, 197–98, 199–200, 199, 200; wood coffi ns, 196, 201 Coins: bronze coins, 251, 252, 401; Sassanian coins, 280–82; silver coins, 270; in tombs, 155–56, 159, 160, 216–18 Columns: columnar bracing types (eave columns, lintels, and purlins), 56–58, 58, 63; and spirit ways, 191; tailiang (beamcolumn) construction, 51, 52 Confucianism: and arrangement of royal tombs, 185; as compatible with Buddhist or Taoist observances, 426; Confucius on games, 382; and fi lial piety, 232, 285–86, 298–99, 375; and “five agents” (wuxing), 207; and fudou-lidded muzhi (tomb records), 206–7; and mirrors, 265, 265; and Northern Liang rule, 107; in Pingcheng, 25; and Rong Qiqi, 341;

590

INDE X

Confucianism (continued) and spirits of the dead, 89; and stone monuments, 412–13; and Yan Zhitui, 286; and yin and yang, 207 Convict labor, 257 Copper, 265, 266 Corbel bracketry, 47, 68, 70 Corvée laborers, 257 Cotton, 360 Couches, 302–3. See also Furniture Criminals, 9, 257 Crossbow mechanisms, 214 Cross-joint dome (siyuxuanjinshi), 79 Cui family, 95 Cui Shi, 424–25 Cui Yu: tomb of, 103, 104 Cups: bei cups, 245, 288; erbei eared cups, 293, 294, 295, 299, 303; silver cups, 279–80, 280, 281, 281 Cushions, 300–301 Dabaotai: royal tombs of, 164 Dai Kui, 401 Dai Yong, 401 Daigou (belt hooks), 327, 327 Daikou (belt buckles), 327–28, 328, 330 Daily life: entertainment, 382–86; foods and farm products, 359–63; horseback riding, 371, 425; lighting, 363–70; rural life, 357–59; transportation, 371–82; urban life, 354–57 Dancers, 345–46, 348, 349. See also Music and musical instruments Danqi game, 386 Danyang: royal tombs in, 171, 176, 191 Dao (blade), 337–38 Daochang (sacred areas), 410 Datong: altars and canopies in tombs in, 203–4; bronze objects in, 254; as capital, 223, 355; ceramics in, 367–68; clothing in, 328; daily life in, 355; gilded bronze in, 271, 272; lacquer screen in, 295–96, 302; pagoda in, 72; silver objects in, 277–79; tomb figurines in, 223, 223; tombs in area of, 91–93, 92, 102, 277–78, 428; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 209, 209. See also Pingcheng Dayu, 252

Death: Confucian beliefs on, 89; Xianbei belief on, 102–3, 212, 428; Zoroastrian disposal of the dead, 426. See also Burials; Royal tombs; Tomb architecture Dengfeng, 74, 75 Dengxian: music in, 348, 349, 352, 352; pictorial bricks in, 429; sedan chair in, 376, 376; tomb figurines in, 228 Deqing, 237, 239, 249, 379 Di flute, 342, 346, 353 Die plates, 242 Diet. See Foods and farm products Die-type (single-chambered) tombs, 115, 117, 119–21, 124, 126–29, 132, 135, 137, 140, 162, 175 Dingxian, 270–71, 283, 293 Divination, 206 Domes: cross-joint dome (siyuxuanjinshi), 79, 126; diese as, 79; qionglong (dome or cloister vault), 79; of tombs, 79–80, 82, 94, 95, 108, 117, 118, 126, 162, 171, 183 Dong Zhuo, 217 Donga: royal tomb in, 165 Dongtiao River, 239 Dongwanggong. See King Sire of the East Dragon images: and Buddhist images, 392, 395; dragon-handled hu jar, 250, 251; dragon-headed ewers, 243–44, 250; on lamp, 368, 368; on mirrors, 266; on muzhi (tomb records), 205–6; and Taoist iconography, 421 Dragon kiln. See Kilns Drainage systems of tombs, 114, 116–17, 119, 124, 127, 132, 151 Droughts, 6 Drum, 350, 351–53, 352 Duan Chengshi, 425 Duisuguan (figured jars), 214–16, 214, 350, 394. See also Hunping Dunhuang: coffi ns in, 196; tombs in, 110–11, 111, 114 Dunhuang cave chapel, 419 Dunhuang cave murals: architecture in, 53, 60, 63, 63, 64, 70, 70; bastions in, 26–27, 27; colors in, 62; lamps in, 368, 369; musical performances in, 343; pagodas in, 71, 72; palaces in, 64–65, 65, 68, 69; temples in, 71, 72, 89

INDE X

Eastern Han period: Buddhism of, 392; ceramics of, 237, 240, 249; Confucianism in, 412; figured jars in, 215; furniture of, 305; mirrors of, 262–63, 263; tombs of, 81, 82, 125, 126, 155; weiqi game of, 383 Eastern Jin period: bronze objects of, 253; Buddhism of, 399; canopy stands in, 204; ceramics of, 242, 243, 249; coffi ns of, 195–96; crossbow mechanisms in, 214; furniture of, 302; glass of, 288; gold objects of, 267, 268; history of, 4, 5; iron production in, 257; jade of, 274; kilns of, 237; lacquerware of, 293, 294, 295; mirrors of, 261, 266; royal tombs of, 170, 171, 174–76, 174, 175; silver objects of, 267; tomb figurines and models in, 224, 226, 230; tombs of, 115, 117–19, 121, 123, 125, 127, 128, 137; wooden boxes of, 307 Eastern Wei period: beginning of, 21; Buddhism of, 408, 416; capitals of, 19, 23; ceramics of, 249; clothing of, 314; history of, 9, 94; royal tombs of, 186–87, 187; silver objects of, 280; tomb figurines in, 223–24, 225, 226, 228, 229; tombs of, 95–96 Eastern Zhou period, 305 Eating habits. See Foods and farm products Echeng: architecture of, 53; Buddhist images in, 396–97, 398, 399; as capital, 396; glass in, 290; mirrors in, 265; temple in, 396–97; tomb figurines in, 218; tombs in, 125–26, 127. See also Wuchang Education, 31 Edwards, E. D., 393 Emperors. See Rulers; and specific emperors Emperors’ tombs. See Royal tombs Entertainment, 382–86 Equestrian figures, 225, 226, 227, 336 Erbei eared cups, 293, 294, 295, 299, 303 Erya, 375 Erzhu Rong, 94 Eunuchs, 5 Ewers: chicken-headed ewers, 242, 243–44, 251; dragon-headed ewers, 243–44, 250; silver ewer, 276–77, 276, 277 Exotica: eight-lobed bowl, 278–79, 279; foreign goods, 280–84; gilded bronze

591

goblets, 279, 279; gold platters, 275; jewelry, 281–83, 282, 283; Sassanian-type plates, 277–78, 278; silver bowl, 280, 280; silver cups, 279–80, 280, 281, 281; silver ewer, 276–77, 276, 277; and Xianbei rulers, 284–86 Fagui (monk), 400 Family Instructions. See Yanshi jiaxun Family or clan cemeteries, 83, 110, 110, 114, 121 Fan Cui: tomb of, 249 Fan Wenlan, 13 Fang container, 254 Fangshan: royal tombs in, 182–83, 183, 184; Yongguling Mausoleum at, 91, 182, 183 Fangxiang (exorciser), 200 Farm products and food, 359–63, 424–25 Farming. See Agriculture and agricultural equipment Faxian, 380–81 Fayunsi Monastery, 400 Feishui, battle of, 106, 382 Feng, Dowager Empress: tomb of, 182–83, 183 Feng family, 104; tombs of, 210, 246, 289–90 Feng Hetu: tomb of, 277–78 Feng Sufu: tomb of, 104–5, 182, 266, 267, 288–89, 331, 332, 335 Fenghua, 215, 237 Fengsu tongyi, 342 Feudalization, 11 Figured jars (duisuguan or hunping), 214–16, 214, 240, 242, 243, 394 Figurines: with Buddhist iconography, 228, 394, 394, 395, 399; Buddhist monk figurines, 228, 415; categories of human figurines, 218, 224, 225; clothing of tomb figurines, 220–21, 220–22, 226; equestrian figurines, 225, 226, 227, 336; guardian figures, 207–8, 208; liubo player figurines, 384, 385; military tomb figurines, 223, 224, 225, 226–27, 227; musician figurines, 223, 223, 224, 348, 350, 353; in royal tombs, 165, 187, 188, 189; shaman figurines, 228, 229;

592

INDE X

Figurines (continued) in tombs, 92, 110, 113, 156–57, 157, 160, 188, 215, 218–29, 219–23, 225–27, 229, 329, 336, 353, 394, 395, 396; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beast) figures, 188, 208–12, 209–12. See also Buddhist images Filial piety, 232, 285–86, 298–99, 375 Fires, 43, 45, 63, 67, 72, 74 Fish: on bronze objects, 254, 254; fishshaped glass object, 289; on lacquer coffi n, 296, 297. See also Animals “Five agents” (wuxing), 207 Flooding, 20, 23, 31, 43 Flowers. See Lotus design Flush gable roof, 47, 48, 49, 49 Flute, 342, 346, 350–51, 353, 394 Foguoji (Faxian), 380–81 Food preparation. See Kitchens Foods and farm products, 359–63, 424–25 Forbidden City, 22 Fortresses, 6–7 Four Hoary Sages of Shangshan, 294, 348 Four Hoary Sages of the Southern Mountains, 348, 349 Frontier, northern, 15–19 Fu Jian, 21, 106, 382 Fu kettles, 252, 253, 253, 308 Fu (rhapsody), 291 Fu Xuan, 301 Fubing (centralized military system), 9 Fudou (truncated pyramid shape), 60, 87, 151, 182 Fudou-lidded muzhi (tomb records), 206 Fujian: altars in tombs in, 203; ceramics in, 237, 240, 250; coffi n platforms in, 203; figured jars in, 215; tombs in, 136–39, 138, 139. See also specific cities and towns Fuming, 16 Funerals. See Burials Funerary objects. See Tomb furnishings Funerary shrine, 284 Furniture: armrests, 294, 303, 305; baskets, 306; beds, 306; benches (ta), 302, 303, 305, 406, 406, 427; canopy for sitting platform, 301–2, 303; chairs, 305–6, 306, 311; chests, 306–7; couches, 302–3; in

domestic scene, 310; folding chairs, 305, 306; in kitchens, 307–8, 307–9; mats or cushions for sitting, 300–301; sitting platform, 301–2; stools, 305–6; stoves, 307–8, 307–9; tables, 204, 204, 294, 295, 303, 306, 311; in tomb murals, 302, 303, 304; wardrobes, 306 Fuzang (common burial). See Burials Gable-and-hip roof, 47, 48, 53–54, 55, 59–60, 60, 66, 67 Gable-roofed building, 54–55, 55 Gambling, 384, 385 Games, 382–86, 384, 385 Ganjiaxiang: tombs in, 176 Gansu: bronze objects in, 255; Buddhist cave chapel in, 419; Buddhist images in, 405, 405, 409; coffi ns in, 196–98, 198; coins in, 217; crossbow mechanisms in, 214; gold objects in, 267; history of, 6; rural life in, 359; stone pigs as tomb furnishings in, 213; tomb figurines and models in, 70, 220, 230; tombs in, 108–11; transportation in, 372; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 208. See also specific cities and towns Gansu Corridor: Buddhist cave chapels in, 419; Buddhist stone stupas in, 420; northwest as, 105; tombs in, 80–81, 105–14, 108–13 Ganxian: tombs in, 135, 137 Gao Huan, 9, 21 Gao Lan, 217–18 Gao Rong: tomb of, 195 Gao Run: tomb of, 95–96, 211, 329 Gao Yang: tomb of, 187 Gaochang, 107, 112 Gaochun: tombs in, 121 Gaotang, 210 Gaozong, 402 Ge (dagger-axe heads), 338 Ge Hong, 385 Gewu game, 386 Gilded bronze, 271–73, 272, 279, 279, 327, 327, 406, 409 Glass and glassware, 287–93, 289–91 Glazes for ceramics. See Ceramics

INDE X

Gobi Desert, 107 Gold, 266–69, 268, 275, 283–84, 400 “Golden Winged Bird,” 59, 60 Gong, Emperor, 174 Gongan, 268, 386 Gongsun, 380 Gongxian: tombs in, 84 Graff, David A., 337, 381 Grave goods. See Tomb furnishings Grave robbing, 110, 164, 168, 174, 187, 188, 216, 271, 275, 276, 278, 409 Graves. See Burials; Tomb architecture Griswold, A. B., 388–91, 415 Gu Kaizhi, 261, 306–7, 376, 378, 379–80, 380, 429 Gu Rong: tomb of, 190 Gu Yong, 300 Gua pattern on coffi n, 198, 198 Guan jugs, 110, 214–15, 231, 241–47, 250 Guandong, 6 Guandu, battle of, 2 Guangang (steel production method), 258–59 Guangdong: altars in tombs in, 203; coffi ns in, 195; figured jars in, 215; gold objects in, 267; lacquer in, 293; stone pigs as tomb furnishings in, 213; tombs in, 139–45, 140–46; vaults in, 201; water transport in, 379; weapons in, 338. See also specific cities and towns Guangling, 34 Guangxi: ceramics in, 250; lacquer in, 293; model of sedan chair in, 376; tomb figurines in, 224, 226–27, 353; tombs in, 145, 147, 147–49. See also specific cities and towns Guangzhaisi, 402 Guangzhou: clothing in, 327; double burial in, 267; figured jars in, 214; as port, 380; tombs in, 140–41, 140, 141 Guanyin, 406, 408, 409, 411 Guanzhong, 6–7 Guardian figures: and spirit ways, 192, 192; in tombs, 207–8, 208 Gucang (storage jar), 215, 399 Guchui (military band), 351 Gudai Yishuguan, 417 Guixian: tombs in, 147

593

Guizhou: bronze objects in, 253; gold objects in, 267; tombs in, 147, 149–50, 149, 150. See also specific cities and towns Guo (vaults), 201–2, 202 Guo Ju, 298 Guo Pu, 375 Guo wok, 308 Guohe compartmentalized trays, 293, 294 Guojiashan, 267 Guyang, 253 Guyang Cave, 58–60, 60, 417 Guyuan: bronze objects in, 254; coffi n in, 198, 199, 200, 285, 285, 296–99, 297, 298; glass in, 290; silver objects in, 276–77, 276, 277; stove in, 308, 309; tomb figurines in, 224, 226, 227; tombs in, 94, 276 Guzang, 106 Hachima shrine, 66 Hairdo frames, 255–56, 256 Hairpins and hair clasps, 29, 255, 267, 269, 269, 270 Hairstyles, 276, 277, 298, 298, 312, 313, 314, 322, 365 Han dynasty: architecture of, 51, 52, 54, 55, 68–69; armor of, 333, 334; Buddhist images of, 400; ceramics of, 247; cities of, 28, 37; clothing of, 328; coffi ns of, 428; coinage of, 216, 217; divinations during, 206; documents buried in tombs during, 207; end of, 2, 81; figured jars in, 214–15; games of, 382, 384, 386; glass of, 287; history of, 1, 2, 11, 13, 14; household equipment of, 231; mats or cushions for sitting during, 300–301; mirrors of, 262; music of, 339–41; naval architecture of, 378–79, 379; royal tombs of, 163–64; tea during, 362; tombs of, 80, 155; transportation of, 371, 372; wine during, 362; Yuan family in Ye during, 20; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) of, 208 Han River, 32, 125 Hancheng, 34, 257 Handan Chun, 382, 383 Hangzhou: tombs in, 123

594

INDE X

Hanjiang, 198 Hanzhong, 211, 212 Harada Yoshito, 321 Harp, 343, 346, 350, 427 Harper, Prudence, 278 Hat decorations, 267 Hats, 224, 226, 313, 314, 321, 321 He boxes, 293, 295, 307 He Xun: grave goods for, 193, 194, 229–30 He Zhiguo, 396 Hebei: armor in, 334; Buddhist images in, 387, 404–6, 409, 410, 415–16, 415; crossbow mechanisms in, 214; glass in, 289–90, 293; gold objects in, 267; history of, 6; kilns in, 245, 247; lotus-flower zun jars in, 246; silver objects in, 270–71, 283; tomb figurines and models in, 220, 223, 230; tombs in, 87, 87; weiqi game in, 383; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 209, 210, 211. See also specific cities and towns Heiguang (armor), 333 Hejiashan, 392 Helen and Paris, 277 Helian Bobo, 17, 257 Hemp, 360 Henan: beads in, 287; Buddhist images in, 409, 411; ceramics in, 247, 249; clothing in, 328; crossbow mechanisms in, 214; iron production in, 257–58; music in, 345; stone pigs as tomb furnishings in, 213; tomb figurines and models in, 218, 223, 224, 228, 230; tombs in, 84, 85, 91, 94, 94; weiqi game in, 384; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 212. See also specific cities and towns Hengchui (military band), 351–52 Hexian: tombs in, 147 Hezang (joint burials). See Burials Hip-and-gable roof. See Gable-and-hip roof Hipped roof, 47, 48, 50, 50, 55–59, 56, 57, 59, 64, 69 Ho, Wai-kam, 216 Holingol, 396 Honeysuckle design, 279, 279 Hong Kong, 139 Hong Tingyan, 13–14

Horse armor, 331, 332, 333, 334–36, 336, 425 Horse gear, 103, 104, 104, 259, 260, 271, 272, 273, 328, 371 Horseback riding, 371, 425 Horsemen, 97, 98, 101. See also Cavalry Hou Jing, 10, 43, 45, 72, 317, 365 Household equipment and utensils: bronze objects, 252–55, 253–55; iron objects, 257, 259, 259–60; models of, in tombs, 229–32; in royal tombs, 187, 188; tools, 259, 260. See also Bowls; Cups; Furniture; Jars and jugs; Plates Houzang (extravagant funeral). See Burials Hu jars, 241, 242, 243, 245, 247, 250, 254, 270, 271, 280 Huai River, 34, 257 Huaishuo, 17 Huan, Duke, 20 Huan, Emperor, 400 Huan Wen, 7, 34, 301, 302 Huan Xuan, 41 Huan Yi, 353 Huang Minglan, 199–200 Huangniu (ox), 374 Huangyan: tombs in, 124 Huaxiang (genre or iconic) mirror, 263 Hubei: altars in tombs in, 203; ceramics in, 250; coffi n platforms in, 203; coffi ns in, 195; crossbow mechanisms in, 214; glass in, 290; gold objects in, 268; lacquer in, 293; tomb figurines and models in, 218, 224, 228, 230; tombs in, 83, 126, 127; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 208, 212. See also specific cities and towns Huhehot: jewelry in, 281–82; music in, 348; tomb figurines in, 222, 222 Huiyuan (monk), 401, 426 Huizong, Emperor, 254 Hujue (horn), 351 Hukuang, 378 Hunan: altars in tombs in, 203; ceramics in, 250; coffi n platforms in, 203; crossbow mechanisms in, 214; gold objects in, 267; lacquer in, 293; stone pigs as tomb furnishings in, 213; tomb figurines in, 218, 220, 221, 222, 228; tombs in area of,

INDE X

127, 128–31, 129–32; weiqi game in, 383. See also specific cities and towns Hunping (figured jars), 214–16, 214, 240, 242, 243. See also Duisuguan Hunting scene, 278, 278 Huo Qubing: tomb of, 189 Huqiao: royal tombs in, 176 Huteng dance, 345 Huzhou kilns, 237 Huzi (tiger-shaped urinal), 242 Iconography. See Buddhist images; Taoism Imperial tombs. See Royal tombs Incense burner, 397, 398 India: Buddhism and Buddhist images in, 201, 388–91, 389, 390, 395; games in, 384–85; Gupta dynasty in, 10; influence of, on spirit ways, 191; jewelry in, 283; Maurya dynasty in, 10; monks’ clothing in, 388–91, 389, 390; music of, 346; stupas in, 71, 74 Inner Mongolia: Buddhist images in, 405–6, 406; coffi ns in, 196, 197; jewelry in, 281–82; music in, 348; tomb figures in, 222, 222; tombs in, 91. See also specific cities and towns Iranian communities, 284, 425 Iron: iron-working techniques, 258–59; objects, 259, 260, 262, 265, 266, 332, 333, 338, 367; production of, 256–58; utensils, 257; weapons, 256–57, 259, 337–38 Jade objects, 164, 165, 213, 273–74, 273, 328, 329 Jade shoats, 213, 273 Jade-belt brickwork (yudai), 77, 78, 84, 114, 129, 137, 147, 162, 165, 183 Japan: armor in, 332; clothing in, 327; house furnishings in, 311; mirrors in, 398; Sassanian glass in, 290; trade with, 380 Jars and jugs: figured jars (duisuguan or hunping), 214–16, 214, 240, 242, 243, 350, 394; guan jugs, 110, 214–15, 231, 241–47, 250; gucang (storage jar), 215, 399; hu jars, 110, 241, 242, 243, 245, 246, 247, 250, 254, 270, 271, 280; yu wide-

595

mouthed jars, 399; zun jars, 240, 246, 247, 248 Jenner, W. F. J., 25, 355 Jewelry: bronze jewelry, 255–56, 256; exotic jewelry, 281–83, 282, 283; glass jewelry, 288; gold jewelry, 267–69, 269; precious and semiprecious jewelry, 274–75, 275; silver jewelry, 270 Jewish synagogue, 74 Ji (wooden clogs), 315 Jia flute, 350 Jia Sixie, 294–95, 358, 360, 361, 365–66, 371 Jiabicun: kilns in, 245 Jian (sword), 337 Jiang Zanchu, 175–76 Jiangling, 34, 402–3 Jiangning: tombs in, 120, 171 Jiangsu: altars in tombs in, 203; Buddhist images in, 410, 411; ceramics in, 239–40, 250; clothing in, 327; coffi ns in, 198; coins in, 217; figured jars in, 215; lacquer in, 293; lamps in, 368, 368; tomb figurines and models in, 218, 224, 226, 228, 230; tombs in, 122, 123; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 208, 212. See also specific cities and towns Jiangu drum, 350 Jiangxi: bronze objects in, 252; ceramics in, 250; clothing in, 323; coffi n platforms in, 203; coffi ns in, 195, 195; gold objects in, 267, 268; grave goods in, 213, 214, 231; lacquer in, 293; lacquerware in, 294; tombs in, 127, 131–36, 133–37, 195, 195; water transport in, 378. See also specific cities and towns Jiankang: attack against, 365; Buddhist images in, 401, 419; as capital, 34, 36, 356, 377; daily life of, 356–57; description of, 39–45; plans of, 40, 42, 44; rivers and canals in, 377; temples in, 71. See also Jianye; Nanjing Jiankang shilu, 356 Jian’ou: tombs in, 138, 138 Jianwen, Emperor, 403 Jianye, 37–39, 38, 115. See also Jiankang; Nanjing Jiaodou wine warmer, 252–53, 253, 280

596

INDE X

Jiaohe, 107 Jiayuguan: coffi ns in, 196; liubo game in, 384; rural life in, 359; tombs in, 107–10, 108, 109, 114, 223, 373 Jieyang: tombs in, 139, 141, 146 Jilin: tomb in, 101 Jilongshan: tombs in, 171 Jin dynasty: agriculture of, 358, 359; Buddhism in, 400; ceramics of, 245; clothing of, 323; gilded bronze of, 271; gold objects of, 267, 268; Jin dynasty (continued) history of, 3–4, 7, 23; household equipment of, 231; jade of, 274; lacquer of, 293; music of, 341; naval campaign against Wu by, 381; stelae prohibited as grave markers during, 205; tomb figures in, 220–21, 220–22; tombs of, 24, 129, 147, 201, 251–52; weapons of, 338; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 208 Ji’nan: Buddhist images in, 414; ceramics in, 250; tombs in, 96 Jing’an: tombs in, 132, 134 Jingchu kilns, 240 Jingchuanxian, 405, 405 Jingxian, 210, 246, 289–90 Jingzhou rebellion, 363 Jinhua: kilns in, 237, 238; mirrors in, 265, 265; tombs in, 123 Jinling, 36–37, 36, 186 Jinlouzi (Emperor Yuan), 85 Jintan: tombs in, 120 Jinyang, 23, 23 Jiuquan: tomb mural in, 346, 348 Juexi (mats), 301 Jug-type tombs, 95, 121, 122, 128, 129, 171, 176, 178 Jugs. See Jars and jugs Junshan kilns, 237 Juntian system (equal fields system), 8 Junyangling cemetery, 169 Jurong: tombs in, 120, 171 Kaifeng, 74 Kamitsuka, Yoshiko, 422 Karakhoja, 107, 323 Kashgar, 346 Kawakatsu Yoshiro, 217

Kieschnick, John, 306 Kilns, 37, 234–39, 236, 238, 244, 246, 247, 249, 250; dragon kilns, 234–35, 236; mantou (round kilns), 234, 244. See also Ceramics King Sire of the East (Dongwanggong), 110, 197, 263, 294, 296, 398–99 Kitchens, 307–8, 307–9 Klimkeit, Hans-Joachim, 419 Knife-type tombs, 77, 87–88, 88, 115, 121, 124, 127, 137 Koguryo state, 101 Konche Darya River, 290 Konghou (harp), 343, 346, 350 Korea: armor in, 332; hat in, 313; head ornaments in, 267; trade with, 380. See also North Korea Kuaiji: kilns in, 235, 237, 239; mirrors in, 265 Kuaiji Commandery, 237 Kucha, 106, 343, 346, 401, 419 Kuifeng (beast and phoenix) mirror design, 264, 398 Kumarajiva, 401 Kushan Empire, 289, 426 Kuxi (trousers and jacket), 319, 320 Kyzyl cave chapel, 419 Lacquer coffins, 195, 197, 198, 200, 285, 286, 296–99, 297, 298 Lacquer screen, 92, 295–96, 302, 429 Lacquerware, 92, 104, 105, 110, 111, 293–99, 297, 298 Lamps: with bear-shaped base, 231, 242; bronze lamps, 254–55, 255, 367, 368; ceramic lamps, 367–68, 367; in daily life, 365–70; iron lamps, 259, 367; in murals, 368, 369; oil for, 365–66; in tombs, 160, 187, 203; turtle lamp, 255, 255, 367 Language, 427 Lao Gan, 375 Laozi, 375, 385, 408, 422 Lawergren, Bo, 343 Lei Tianyi, 410 Leshan, 393, 393, 394 Lezun, 419 Li Ao, 377 Li Daoyuan, 20

INDE X

Li He: sarcophagus of, 200–201 Li Jingxun: tomb of, 268, 282–83, 293 Li Min, 342–43 Li Xian, 282; tomb of, 95, 224, 274, 276–77, 281, 285, 290–91 Li Xizong: tomb of, 281 Liang dynasty: Buddhist images of, 418; and candles for lighting, 363; royal family of, 5, 10, 190–91; royal tombs of, 176, 178–79, 180; and spirit ways, 190; tombs of, 115, 119 Liangdang armor, 224, 334, 335 Liangdang jumper (garment), 320–21, 320 Liangzhou, 401, 413, 419 Lianhe toilet boxes, 293, 294 Liao (glass), 287 Liao River, 81, 98–105, 99, 100, 103–6 Liaodongcheng, 19, 19 Liaoning: armor in, 332, 333; clothing in, 327, 328; coffi n in, 197; coffi n platforms in, 203; gilded bronze in, 271; glass in, 288–89; gold objects in, 267; graves of elite in, 428; iron objects in, 259; lacquerware in, 204, 204, 295; tombs in, 99, 100, 103–6; wooden boxes in, 307. See also specific cities and towns Liaoqi (glassy substance), 287 Liaoyang: tombs in, 98, 99, 100–101 Lienüzhuan, 296 Lighting, 363–70 Liji, 385 Ling, Empress Dowager, 72 Ling (pottery vessel), 216 Lingkou: royal tomb in, 191 Linhai kilns, 237 Linyi: bronze objects in, 256; Buddhist images in, 414; kilns in, 244 Linzi: clothing in, 323; tombs in, 95, 96 Lishuixian kilns, 237 Liu Bei, 2; tomb of, 166 Liu Fengjun, 206 Liu Jianguo, 217–18 Liu Kun, 23 Liu Shao, 356 Liu Sheng, Prince, 334 Liu Shufen, 356 Liu Song dynasty. See Song dynasty (420–79)

597

Liu Xiulong, 356 Liu Yao, 39; tomb of, 181–82 Liu Yilong: tomb of, 173 Liu Yu, 5, 168–69; tomb of, 173, 176, 191 Liu Yun, 382 Liu Zenggui, 372, 375 Liubo game, 384, 385, 386 Liuli (glass), 287–93 Liusu (pennants), 302 Liyang: tombs in, 120 Longcheng, 98 Longguan (basket hat), 224, 226, 313, 321 Longmen Caves: architecture depicted in, 53, 58–60, 60, 63, 64; Buddhist images in, 414, 417, 420; pagoda in, 72; scene of Northern Wei emperor and his spouse in, 428 Longquansi, 414 Longxing Temple, 414 Lotus design, 60, 63, 151, 240, 243, 246, 247, 394, 399, 406, 409, 419 Lotus-flower zun, 246, 247, 248 Lou Rui, 367; tomb of, 96–98, 97, 98, 202, 202, 268 Lü (shoes), 315 Lü Guang, 106 Lu Hui, 21 Lubu (regulations on processions), 372 Ludong Cave, 63, 64 Luo River, 30, 31 Luoshenfu (Gu Kaizhi), 379–80, 380 Luoyang: architecture in, 63; Buddhism in, 387, 400; as capital, 1, 8, 20, 21, 24, 25–31, 37, 183, 206, 319, 354, 355; ceramics in, 245; clothing in, 327; coffi ns from area of, 198, 199, 201; daily life in, 354–56; description of, 25–31, 45, 354–55; destruction of (311), 6, 8; fires in, 63; foreigners in, 284, 355; mirrors in, 262, 263; pagodas in, 72; plan of, 26; population of, 355; royal tombs in area of, 167–69, 183–84; temples in, 72–74, 73, 417, 423; tomb figurines in, 220; tombs in, 81, 82, 82, 83, 90, 93–94, 93, 95; transportation in, 373–74, 375; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 208, 210, 210

598

INDE X

Luoyang qielanji, 28, 31, 64, 72, 201, 283–84, 351–52, 354–56, 423, 429 Lute, 342–45, 358, 427 Ma Rong, 382 Maanshan: coffi ns in, 195, 196; tombs in, 121, 124, 195, 293–94 Mahao tomb, 393, 396 Maijishan cave chapels and murals, 46, 53–58, 54–58, 62, 62, 65–67, 66, 67 Man Fen, 288 Man tribesmen, 401 Ma’nao (agate), 274 Mancheng: armor in, 334; clothes in, 328; royal tombs of, 164 Manichaean officiants, 284 Mantou (round kiln), 234, 244 Mao spearheads, 338 Marriage, 7 Marshak, B., 277 Material culture and the arts: bronze, 251–56; ceramics, 233–51; exotica, 275–86; gilded bronze, 271–73; glass, 287–93; gold, 266–69; iron, 256–60; jade, 273–74; jewelry, 274–75; lacquer, 293–99; mirrors, 261–66; silver, 269–71 Mather, Richard B., 384–85, 427 Mats, 300–301 Mausoleums. See Royal tombs Mawangdui, 231 Meidaicun: coffi n in, 196; tombs in, 24, 91, 91 Meixian: tombs in, 139, 142, 143 Mencius, 382 Menfa dazu (clans), 228 Mengxian: tombs in, 94, 94 Men’s clothing, 276, 277, 312–13, 313, 314, 317–21, 318–21, 323, 325, 326–27, 427, 428, 429 Meritocracy, 2–3 Mianchi, 257–58 Mianyang, 392, 392, 393 Mica, 274 Military: cavalry, 334–36, 336, 338, 425; fubing (centralized military system), 9; naval base in Wuchang, 33–34; in Northern and Southern Dynasties, 4–5; Sima princes with personal armies, 3–4;

in Six Dynasties period, 3–5, 9–10, 12–13; as tomb figurines, 223, 224, 225, 226–27, 227, 229; of Western Wei/ Northern Zhou, 9–10. See also Armor and weapons; Battles; Wars Military band, 350–53, 351, 352 Min River, 396 Ming (elegy on tomb records), 207 Ming, Emperor (Song), 401 Ming, Emperor (Southern Qi), 383, 404 Ming dynasty, 234, 418 Mingguang (armor), 333 Mingqi (replicas for placement in tomb), 216 Minhou: tombs in, 137, 138 Miran, 332 Mirrors: animals and birds on, 262–63, 263, 264, 266; bronze mirrors, 252, 261; Buddhist images on, 262, 263, 265, 265, 397–400; and Confucianism, 265, 265; convex surface of, 261, 261; decorative motifs on, 262–66, 263–65, 384; huaxiang (genre or iconic) mirror, 263; iron mirrors, 259, 266; kuifeng (beast and phoenix) mirror design, 398, 399; and lighting, 370; shenshou (deityanimal) mirror, 263, 264, 398; symbolic function of, 261–62; and Taoism, 262, 421; in tombs, 216, 262 Miyazaki Ichisada, 31 Models in tombs, 92, 156–57, 165, 187, 229–32, 376, 384, 385 Money. See Coins Money trees (qianshu), 392–93, 392, 393, 421 Monks. See Buddhism Mortuary practices. See Royal tombs; Tomb architecture; Tomb furnishings Mosques, 74 Mourning ceremony, 301 Mouth organ, 342, 344, 346, 348, 349 Murals: at Balalyk Tepe, 285, 286; battle scene in, 335, 336; furniture in, 302; jade in, 274; kitchen scenes in, 307, 307; lamps in, 368, 369; musicians in, 339, 343, 346, 348, 350; in royal tombs, 176, 187; Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove murals, 176, 429; in tombs, 95–102, 98, 100, 104, 105,

INDE X

109–10, 127, 151–53, 153, 154, 176, 187, 223, 302, 303, 304; transportation depicted in, 373; of Xu Xianxiu, 427–28. See also Dunhuang cave murals Murong Huang, 99 Murong Jun, 21 Murong Xianbei, 98, 101–5, 428 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 92, 201 Music and musical instruments: and Buddhism, 343; on ceramics, 248; and dancers, 345–46, 348, 349; drum, 350, 351–53, 352; on figured jars, 350; flute, 342, 346, 350–51, 353, 394; foreign music in China, 343, 346; and funerals, 350; of Han dynasty, 339–41, 340; harp, 343, 346, 350, 427; lute, 342–46, 358, 427; military band, 350–53, 351, 352; in murals, 339, 343, 346, 348, 350; orchestras, 339, 340, 343–46, 344; performances at gatherings and parties, 342; professional musicians, 342; qin lute (zither), 294, 339, 341, 341, 342, 345, 346, 348, 349, 353; social status of musicians, 342, 353; and Sogdians, 345; tomb figurines depicted as musicians, 223, 223, 224, 339, 348, 350, 353; types of musical instruments, 339–46, 348, 349, 350–51, 352; and Xianbei, 343, 348; zither, 294, 339, 341, 341, 342–43, 346, 348, 349, 353, 428 Muzhi. See Tomb records Nails, 259 Nan qishu, 25, 355 Nanchang: clothing in, 323; coffi ns in, 195; gold objects in, 267, 268; grave goods in, 231, 267; lacquerware in, 294; tombs in, 132, 133, 135, 135, 136, 195, 195 Nanjing: Buddhist cave chapel in, 420; as capital, 1, 36, 124, 125, 170, 190, 213; clothing in, 314; glass in, 288; gold objects in, 267; grave goods in, 239; jade objects in, 273, 274; lamps in, 367; language at court in, 427; mirrors in, 261; music in, 341; rise and decline of, 37, 120; royal tombs in area of, 170–71, 174, 174; Taoism in, 422; tomb figurines in, 220, 222, 224; tombs in area of, 115–19,

599

116–19, 123, 190, 239. See also Jiankang; Jianye Nanshan kilns, 237 Nanxuehai Tomb, 99 Nara, 66, 341 Necklaces. See Jewelry Needham, Joseph, 370, 379 Ningbo kilns, 237 Ningxia: amber in, 274; bronze objects in, 253, 254; Buddhist images in, 409; clothing in, 328; coffi n in, 198, 199, 296–99, 297, 298; glass in, 290; musical instruments in, 342; tomb figurines in, 224, 226, 227; tomb in, 89; transportation in, 373; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 209. See also specific cities and towns Niya, 326, 332 Noin Ula, 428 Nomad statelets, 7 Non-Han population, 1–2, 6, 13, 424, 425. See also Xianbei North: cities and outposts in northern frontier, 15–19; cities of, 19–24; tomb architecture of north, 80–114; tomb architecture of northeast, 81, 98–105, 99, 100, 103–6; tomb architecture of northern heartland, 80, 81–98, 82, 83, 85–89, 91–98; tomb architecture of northwest, 80–81, 105–14, 108–13; transmission of Buddhism from, 394–97, 397, 398, 426. See also specific cities and provinces North Korea, 19; tombs in, 99–101, 100. See also Korea Northern Dynasties period: army of, 4–5; ceramics of, 244–45, 249; clothing of, 318; disunity of, 10, 181; tombs of, 88–90, 89, 96 Northern Liang, 326, 413 Northern Qi dynasty: Buddhism of, 387, 403, 414, 416; capital of, 23; ceramics of, 248, 249, 251, 367; cities in, 19, 21, 23; clothing of, 329; funerary shrine of, 284; history of, 9, 10, 94; iron production of, 256; mural in tomb of, 427–28; music of, 345; royal tombs of, 186–87, 187; tomb figurines in, 223–24, 225;

600

INDE X

Northern Qi dynasty (continued) tombs of, 95–97; transportation of, 373; vaults of tombs of, 202; weapons of, 337 Northern Wei period: armor of, 331, 334; bronze objects of, 254; Buddhism of, 402, 405–6, 413, 414, 418, 420; capitals of, 21, 24–32, 206; ceramics of, 248, 367–68; cities of, 28; clothing of, 313, 314, 321–22; coffi ns of, 198, 285, 296–99, 297, 298; end of, 43, 94; gilded bronze of, 271; glass of, 289–90, 292, 293; history of, 7–8, 21, 43, 94, 107; iron production of, 256–58; lacquerware of, 295; music of, 341, 342, 346, 348; royal tombs of, 182–86, 183–86; rural life of, 357; Taoism of, 422; tomb figurines of, 223, 223, 226; tombs of, 90–95, 93, 94, 105, 106; transportation in, 373–74; and zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts), 210, 425 Northern Yan dynasty, 196, 328 Northern Zhou dynasty: amber of, 274; army of, 9–10; and Buddhism, 387, 403, 408; cities of, 21; clothing of, 329; history of, 9, 94; music of, 345–46, 347; royal tombs of, 188–89; silver objects of, 270; tomb figurines in, 228; tombs of, 94–95, 95; transportation in, 372 Oil for lamps, 365–66 Ou kilns, 237 Outposts. See Cities and outposts Overhanging gable roof, 47, 48 “Owl jaws” (chiwen) roof decoration, 50 “Owl tails” (chiwei) roof decorations, 50 Oxcarts, 372, 373–75, 374 Pagodas, 47, 70, 71–74, 72, 73, 75, 183 Paintings: on Buddha, 414; by Gu Kaizhi, 306–7, 379–80, 380, 429; on lacquer screen, 295–96; on lacquerware, 294; of scholars collating texts, 428–29; of water transport, 379–80, 380 Paixiao. See Panpipes Palaces: architecture of, 64–68, 65–67; in Dunhuang cave murals, 64–65, 65; in Jiankang, 40–41, 43, 45; in Jianye, 38–39;

in Luoyang, 28; Southern Qi palace, 67–68; in Ye, 20 Pan Ni, 291 Pan plates, 244–45, 246, 250, 293, 294, 299, 303 Panjikent murals, 285 Panpipes, 342, 344, 346, 350 Paris and Helen, 277 Parthia, 346, 426 Pavilions, 69–70 Pazyryk, 428 Pei belt ornament, 274, 274 Pei family, 82, 83 Peizang. See Burials Pen basin, 245 Pengshan, 392, 392 Pengyang, 49–50 Piers or pillars in tombs, 114, 127, 131, 132, 138, 140, 147, 160 Piety. See Filial piety Pilgrim’s bottle, 248, 248 Pillars or piers: and spirit ways, 189–92, 190; in tombs, 114, 127, 131, 132, 138, 140, 147, 160 Ping vases, 246, 247, 248, 250, 288, 293 Ping’an, 396 Pingba, 267; tombs in, 147, 149, 150 Pingcheng, 24–25, 91, 107, 275, 292, 419. See also Datong Pingfeng (screen), 302 Pingji (armrest), 294, 303, 305 Pingshangze (cap), 313, 314, 321 Pipa lute, 342–46, 348, 427 Plates: die plates, 242; lacquerware plates, 294; pan plates, 244–45, 246, 250, 293, 294, 299, 303; Sassanian-type plates, 277–78, 278 Platforms. See Coffi n platforms; Sitting Poetry, 291–92 Pottery. See Ceramics; Kilns Protoceladon (yuanshi qingci), 233, 240 Qi Dongfang, 82–83 Qi dynasty: tombs of, 115, 119, 176, 177–79 Qiankou Ironworks, 257 Qianshu. See Money trees Qijing, 383–84 Qilinmen: tombs in, 176

INDE X

Qimin yaoshu (Jia Sixie), 294–95, 358–63, 365–66, 371, 424–25 Qin lute (zither), 294, 339, 341, 341, 342, 345, 346, 348, 349, 353 Qin period, 11, 12, 342, 372 Qin Shihuang: and burial site marked by tree, 164; and naval expedition, 380; pottery horses of, 328; tomb of, 182, 192 Qingci. See Buff ware Qingdao museum, 414 Qinghai, 396 Qingjiang: tombs in, 132, 134, 135, 136 Qingzhen: tombs in, 147, 149, 149 Qingzhou: Longxing Temple in, 414; tombs in, 92 Qinhuai River, 39, 43 Qionglai kilns, 240 Qionglong (dome or cloister vault of tomb), 79 Qiongqi (creature with body of ox and bristles of hedgehog), 209 Qipin (Liu Yun), 382 Qixiashan cave chapel, 420 Qu family, 107, 112, 113 Quanti (stools), 306 Que (gate towers), 189, 191 Queen Mother of the West (Xiwangmu), 110, 197, 263, 294, 296–97, 392, 398–99, 421 Quekua (crotch-length jackets), 317–18, 318 Qufu, 50 Qujiang, 139 Quotidian objects in tombs, 216–32 Quxian: tombs in, 123 Quyang, 209, 210, 413 Ramped tombs, 112–13, 114 Reliquaries, 201 “Rhapsody on a Glass Bowl” (Pan Ni), 291–92 Rings. See Jewelry Robbing of graves. See Grave robbing Rock or cliff tombs, 52–53, 53, 155–61, 155–61 Roman glass, 288–90, 289, 290 Rong Qiqi, 316, 341 Rongan: tombs in, 147, 148 Roofs: barrel or radial vault in, 79; bofengban (boards under gable roof), 54;

601

flush gable roof, 47, 48, 49, 49; gableand-hip roof, 47, 48, 53–54, 55, 59–60, 60, 66, 67; hipped roof, 47, 48, 50, 50, 55–56, 56, 57, 58–59, 59, 64, 69; Mshaped roof, 66; on Maijishan cave mural, 53–54, 55; overhanging gable roof, 47, 48; “owl jaws” (chiwen) decoration for, 50; “owl tails” (chiwei) decorations for, 50; of pavilions, 70, 70; and roof tiles, 50; of Sichuan cliff tombs, 52–53, 53; tile ends (wadang), 52, 53; in tomb architecture, 78–79, 87, 160; types of, 47, 48; of watchtowers, 69; xuanyu (fishtail-like appendage) for, 54. See also Architecture Rouxuan, 16 Royal tombs: and ancestor worship, 165–66; arrangement of, 185–86; barrel vault in, 165, 176; brickwork in, 165, 181, 183; Buddha image in, 188; carved stone door blocks in, 183, 184; chambers in, 165; characteristics of, 171, 175–76; of Chen, 179, 181, 181; coffi n platforms in, 184, 187; domes in, 171, 183; of Eastern Jin, 170, 171, 174–76, 174, 175; of Eastern Wei and Northern Qi, 186–87, 187; grave goods in, 165, 184–85, 188–89; Han origins of, 163–64; of Liang, 176, 178–79, 180; map of, 172; murals in, 176, 187; in north, 181–82; of Northern Wei, 182–86, 183–86; and policy of austere burials, 164, 166–67, 189–90; of Qi, 176, 177–79; retaining walls at front of, 179, 181; of Song, 176; of Southern Dynasties, 170–71, 172–73; and spirit ways, 171, 176, 189–92, 190, 192, 400; stone door of, 178, 180; of Sui dynasty, 189; of Three Kingdoms era, 164–66, 165; of Western Jin, 166–70, 168–70; of Western Wei and Northern Zhou, 188–89; Yongguling Mausoleum, 91. See also Tomb architecture; Tomb furnishings; and specific emperors and locations Ru (cushions), 300 Ruan (circular lute), 342 Ruan Ji, 316, 382 Ruan Rongchun, 395 Ruanruan tribesmen, 15, 107

602

INDE X

Rulers: Confucian precept of loyalty to, 13; hereditary rulers, 11; Japanese emperors, 11; and Mandate of Heaven, 11, 13; power of, 12. See also specific emperors Ruogan Yun: tomb of, 329 Ruqun (jacket and skirt), 321–22, 322 Rural life, 357–59, 359 Saixi game, 386 Samarkand, 346 San Wu area: tombs in, 120–21, 120 Sanyuan, 410 Sarcophagi (stone coffi ns), 92, 198–201, 199, 200, 428 Sassanian glass, 290–91, 291 Sassanian-type plates, 277–78, 278 Schafer, Edward, 364 Scissors, 259, 259, 270, 271 Screens: lacquer screens, 295–96, 302; lamp on, 368, 369; sedan chair on, 376; Sima Jinlong screen, 373, 376, 429; on tomb murals, 302, 304, 305 Sculptures: Buddhist statuary, 401–10, 413–19, 415; and spirit ways, 189–92, 190, 192; and tombs, 92, 189 Se zither, 342 Seal of the governor (taishou), 158–59 Sedan chairs, 376–77, 376 Segmented tombs, 126, 126, 137, 139–40, 160–61, 162 Sengyou (monk), 402 Setaria millet, 359–60 Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, 176, 294, 302, 305, 315, 315–17, 341, 429 Shaanxi: beads in, 287; Buddhism in, 404, 406–10; coffi n platforms in, 203; history of, 6; iron foundry in, 257; music in, 348; tomb figurines and models in, 224, 230; tomb in, 95; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 209, 211, 212. See also specific cities and towns Shaman figurines, 228, 229 Shandong: beads in, 287; Buddhist images in, 387, 396, 397, 404, 406, 408, 409, 410, 414; clothing in, 314, 323; history of, 6; kilns in, 244, 246; tomb figurines and models in, 223, 230; tombs in, 85–87, 86, 92; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts)

in, 208, 210. See also specific cities and towns Shangyu kilns, 235, 237, 239 Shanmian (wall), 54 Shanxi: Buddhism in, 404, 409, 416–17; Buddhist cave chapel in, 420; clothing in, 328; coins in, 217; history of, 6; lacquer screen in, 295–96, 302; tomb figurines and models in, 220, 221, 223, 223, 230; tombs in, 92, 97, 98; vault of tomb in, 202, 202; zhenmushou (tombquelling beasts) in, 209, 209, 212. See also specific cities and towns Shanyin, 265 Shanyin, Princess, 356 Shao ladle, 252 Shaoguan, 139 Shaohezhen: tombs in, 145 Shaoxing, 237, 265 Sharira (holy relic), 271 Shedi Huiluo: tomb of, 96–98, 337 Shen Yuzhi, 363–64 Sheng mouth organ, 342, 344, 346, 348, 349 Shengle, 24, 91 Shengxian: tombs in, 124, 124 Shenshou (deity-animal) mirror, 263, 264, 398 Shenyang area: tombs in, 101 Shi Chong, 364 Shi family, 296 Shi Hu, 21, 301–2, 354, 367 Shi Shenghan, 371 Shichengshan, 420 Shifang, 393–94 Shih Sheng-han, 361 Shiming, 342 Shipbuilding, 378. See also Water transport Shishuo xinyu, 288, 300–301, 315, 361–62, 371, 376, 377, 385 Shita (miniature stone stupas), 420, 421 Shixing: tombs in, 143, 144 Shizhu (stone pig), 213, 213. See also Yutun Shizi (lion), 191 Shiziwan, 16–17, 393 Shoes and boots, 315, 317, 318 Shouyang: tombs in, 96–98, 97, 98 Shu state, 3, 166 Shuangliu, 160–61

INDE X

Shuijingzhu (Li Daoyuan), 20 Shujing, 361 Shun, Emperor, 296, 298 Shuowen, 216 Shupu game, 384–85, 386 Sichang: tombs in, 160 Sichuan: bronze objects in, 253–54, 253–55; Buddhist images in, 391–92, 392–95, 410, 419; ceramics in, 239, 240, 250; coffi ns in, 200, 428; foreigners in, 396; and lacquer, 293; tomb figurines and models in, 218, 219, 219, 230; tombs in, 52–53, 53, 151, 154–61, 155–61, 252; water transport in, 379; weapons in, 338. See also specific cities and towns Silk Road, 395, 425, 426 Silver: bowl, 280, 280; Buddhist images, 400; coins of, 218; cups, 279–81, 280, 281; ewer, 276–77, 276, 277; exotic objects, 276–81, 276–81, 283–84; jewelry, 269–70, 269; objects of, 269–71, 269–71; in tombs generally, 160, 267 Sima Chu, 296 Sima Dan: tomb of, 171, 173, 174, 175 Sima Daozi, 41 Sima Dewen: tomb of, 173, 174, 175 Sima family, 3–4 Sima Guang, 386 Sima Jinlong: screen from tomb of, 295–96, 368, 373, 376, 429; son of, 94; tomb of, 91–92, 92, 203–4, 209, 210, 223, 254, 295–96, 302 Sima Rui, 39 Sima Shi: tomb of, 166 Sima Yan: consort of, 167–68; as emperor, 3; tomb of, 166–67 Sima Yi: tomb of, 166, 167 Sima Yue: tomb of, 94, 95 Sima Zhao: on spirit ways, 189–90; tomb of, 166, 167 Sima Zhong, 166 Simin yueling (Cui Shi), 424–25 Sitting: on mats or cushions, 300–301; on platform, 301–2. See also Furniture Six Dynasties period: architecture of, 46–75; armor and weapons of, 331–38; army of, 3–5, 9–10, 12–13; capitals during, 19–21, 24–32, 45; chart of, ix;

603

cities and outposts of, 15–45; clothing of, 312–30; conclusion on, 424–29; differences between north and south during, 426–29; furniture of, 300–311; government during, 11–12; history of, 1–14, 88, 106–7; hybridization of cultures during, 427–29; leadership during, 11; local leaders and local government of, 11–12; map of cities and outposts during, 16; music and musical instruments of, 339–53; royal tombs of, 163–92; ruler’s power during, 12; sixteen states by area, x; as tumultuous age, 6, 13, 88, 424, 425. See also Buddhism; Daily life; Material culture and the arts; Taoism; Tomb architecture; Tomb furnishings Siyuxuanjinshi (cross-joint dome), 79 Sky wells (tianjing), 80, 107 Sogdia and Sogdians, 284, 285, 345, 355, 425–26 Somers, Robert, 12 Song dynasty (420–79): Buddhism of, 402, 404; ceramics of, 239; cities and outposts of, 34, 41; figured jars in, 215; history of, 5, 23; iron production of, 257; mirrors of, 266; royal tombs of, 176, 190, 191; sedan chair of, 377; tombs of, 117–19, 128, 137, 190 Song dynasty (920–1279): Buddhism of, 414; ceramics of, 234; oil press during, 365 Song Shaozu, 92, 367–68 Songshu, 190, 376 Songyue Pagoda, 74, 75 Soper, Alexander, 74–75, 400, 402 Soul urns. See Hunping South: cities of, 32–45; tomb architecture of south, 114–61; tomb architecture of southeast, 136–39, 138, 139; tomb architecture of southern coast, 136–39, 138, 139; transmission of Buddhism from, 394–97, 397, 398, 426. See also specific cities and provinces Southern Dynasties period: army of, 4–5; Buddhist images of, 418; ceramics of, 240, 242; clothing of, 314; coffi ns of, 198; disunity of, 10; gold objects of, 267;

604

INDE X

Southern Dynasties period (continued) jade of, 274; kilns of, 235, 237; lacquer of, 293; music of, 348, 353; royal tombs of, 170–71, 172–73; tomb figurines of, 224, 226–27; tombs of, 128–29, 131, 137–39, 147 Southern Qi dynasty, 41, 43, 418 Spirit urns. See Hunping Spirit ways (shendao), 171, 176, 189–92, 190, 192, 400 Spittoons, 242, 243, 246, 247, 250, 270, 270, 399 Stein, Aurel, 290 Stelae: Buddhist stelae, 409, 410–13, 411, 412, 418; and figured jars in tombs, 215; as grave markers, 205; and spirit ways, 189–92, 190; Taoist iconography on, 422; as tomb records (muzhi), 205–6 Stepped tombs, 137, 138, 162 Stone: Buddhist images, 409–10; carvings on tomb doors, 160, 161, 183, 184; door of royal tomb, 178, 180; pig (shizhu), 213, 213 Stone coffi ns. See Sarcophagi Stone tombs, 99–105, 103, 147, 149, 149, 150, 151 Stone-slab tombs, 99–105, 103 Stools, 305–6 Stoves, 307–8, 307–9 Stupas, 71, 393–94, 420, 421. See also Pagodas Su Bai, 185–86, 420 Su Jun, 39 Sui dynasty: architecture of, 58, 59, 68; armor of, 334, 336; Buddhism of, 401, 403, 414; ceramics of, 245, 247, 249, 250, 251; cities and outposts of, 22, 23, 31; coffi ns of, 200–201; coins in, 217; conquest of Chen by, 45, 381–82; furniture of, 306; games of, 384; glass of, 293; history of, 10, 13; jade of, 274; music of, 342–43, 346, 348, 350; royal tombs of, 189; and spirit ways, 190; tomb figurines in, 218, 227–30; tombs of, 129; and unification of China, 10, 429; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) of, 211–12, 212 Sui pendant, 274, 274

Suishu, 346, 384 Sui-Tang period, 80 Sun, General, 53 Sun He, 383 Sun Ji, 256, 280, 285–86, 312 Sun Quan: and city of Jiankang, 34; and city of Jianye, 37–39; and city of Wuchang, 32; as emperor, 2; and naval expedition, 380; palaces of, 34, 38–39; son of, 131; tomb of, 166; on weiqi game, 383 Sun Shilan, 85 Sunzi suanjing, 384 Swords, 257, 274, 337–38, 337. See also Armor and weapons Symbolic and apotropaic objects in tombs, 207–16 Ta (bench), 302, 303, 305, 406, 406, 427 Tables, 204, 204, 294, 295, 303, 306, 311 Tailiang (beam-column) construction, 51, 52 Taishou (seal of the governor), 158–59 Taiyuan: Buddhist cave chapel near, 420; Buddhist images in, 416; tombs in, 94, 96, 96–98, 97, 98, 202, 202, 268, 345; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) in, 212; Zoroastrian practice of disposal of dead in, 426 Tang Changru, 396 Tang dynasty: architecture of, 46, 54, 58, 59; armor of, 334; and Buddhism, 401, 413; capital of, 25; ceramics of, 235, 237, 238, 239, 240, 245, 247, 248, 250, 251; cotton production of, 360; figured jars in, 215; foreign motifs in crafts of, 275; furniture of, 306, 311; games of, 382, 384; gold and silver vessels of, 283; history of, 1, 10, 13, 14, 75; jade in, 273–74; music of, 341, 343–45, 344, 350; tea during, 362; temples of, 74; tomb figurines in, 228; and unification of China, 429; warfare of, 425; wine during, 362; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts) of, 425 Tanmoluo (monk), 400 Tanyao, 419, 420 Tao Hongjing, 259

INDE X

Tao Kan, 383, 385 Tao Yuanming, 376 Taoism: and Buddhist stelae, 410; and Buddhist stone stupas, 420; as compatible with Confucianism, 246; description of, 420–21; and Emperor Yuan, 5; and figured jars in tombs, 216; iconography of, 400, 420–23, 421; and Laozi, 375, 385, 408, 422; and mirrors, 262; mixed Taoist and Buddhist images, 420–23; and music, 341; and native traditions, 387; and Taoist uprisings, 4; Wudoumi Dao sect, 421, 422 Tarim Basin area, 420 Tea, 362 Temples: architecture of, 47, 56, 58, 70–75, 72, 73, 75; Buddhist temples, 70–75, 72, 73, 75, 387, 402–3, 414, 417, 423; stone used in, 56; Zoroastrian temples, 426 Tengxian, 396 Thimbles, 270, 270 Three Kingdoms era: Buddhist images of, 393, 395; ceramics of, 238, 242, 243–44; games of, 382; history of, 2–3, 125, 154; household equipment of, 231; map of, 3; royal tombs of, 164–66, 165; tomb figurines in, 218–19, 219; tombs of, 252; weapons of, 338; zhenmushou (tombquelling beasts) in, 208 Through-joint (chuandou) construction, 51, 51 Tiangong kaiwu, 365, 366 Tianhui: tombs in, 155 Tianjing. See Sky wells Tianlongshan cave chapel, 46, 59, 59, 420 Tianmen (entrance to paradise above), 200 Tibetans, 6 Tie qi (iron utensils), 257 Tiles: drip tiles (dishui), 53; glazing of, 53; in Maijishan cave mural, 53–54; roof tiles, 50; tile ends (wadang), 52, 53 Timber-frame construction, 47, 50–51, 54–55, 62–65, 63–65 Timu (central cushion beam), 54 Tomb architecture: barrel vault, 126–27, 129, 131, 137, 140, 151, 160, 161, 165, 176; boat-awning (chuanpeng) tombs, 140–41, 162; brick decor, 108–9, 109, 116, 119,

605

127, 128, 137, 138, 223; brick tombs, 160; brickwork, 77–79, 78, 81, 84, 85–87, 92, 95, 114, 129, 137, 140, 147, 151, 160, 162, 165, 181, 183; caisson (caojing) in, 108; carved stone doors, 160, 161, 183; chambers, 76–77, 78, 80, 81–83, 85–86, 94, 98, 113, 114, 123, 125–27, 155, 165; and common burials (fuzang), 82–83; construction terms and techniques, 76–80, 162; die-type (single-chambered) tombs, 115, 117, 119–21, 124, 126–29, 132, 135, 137, 140, 162, 175; dome or cloister vault (qionglong), 79; domes, 79–80, 82, 94, 95, 108, 117, 118, 126, 162, 171, 183; double-chambered tombs, 115, 117, 121, 123, 124, 128; and drainage systems, 114, 116–17, 119, 124, 127, 132, 151; entryways, 77, 87, 95, 114, 117, 127, 137; in Guangdong, 139–45, 140–46; in Guangxi, 145, 147, 147–49; in Guizhou, 147, 149–50, 149, 150; in heartland of north, 80, 81–98, 82, 83, 85–89, 91–98; house as part of tomb complex (Pengyang), 49–50; in Hunan area, 128–31, 129–32; injunctions against excessive expenditures in, 84–85; internal pillars or piers, 114, 127, 131, 132, 138, 140, 147, 160; in Jiangxi, 131–36, 133–37, 195, 195; knife-type tombs, 77, 87–88, 88, 115, 121, 124, 127, 137; linked or paired tombs, 141, 143, 145; in lower Yangzi area, 115–25; at Meidaicun, 24; in middle Yangzi area, 125–28, 126; multilevel floors, 114, 119, 119, 121, 132, 138, 140, 147; and murals, 95–102, 98, 100, 104, 105, 109–10, 127, 152–54, 153, 154, 176, 187, 223; in northeast, 81, 98–105, 99, 100, 103–6; northern tombs, 80–114; in northwest, 80–81, 105–14, 108–13; passageways, 77, 81, 84, 88, 92, 93, 94–96, 107, 115; ramped tombs, 112–13, 114; rock or cliff tombs, 52–53, 53, 155–61, 155–61; roofs, 78–79, 87, 160; rounded structures (jug type), 95, 121, 122, 128, 129, 171, 176, 178; royal tombs, 163–92; segmented tombs, 126, 126, 137, 139–40, 160–61, 162;

606

INDE X

Tomb architecture (continued) in Sichuan, 52–53, 53, 154–61, 155–61; sky wells (tianjing), for tomb construction, 80, 107; in southeast and southern coasts, 136–39, 138, 139; southern tombs, 114–61; stepped tombs, 137, 138, 162; stone cist graves, 149, 149, 150; stone-slab tombs, 99–105, 103; stone vaults simulating buildings, 92, 428; truncated pyramid-shaped ceilings, 87, 151; and types of burial, 83; in Yunnan, 150–53, 151–54. See also Architecture; Burials; Royal tombs; Tomb furnishings; and specific locations Tomb furnishings: altars and canopies, 117, 119, 127, 140, 203–5, 204, 205; apotropaic and symbolic objects, 207–16; categories of, 193; coffin platforms, 114, 117, 119, 121, 127, 140, 157, 184, 187, 202–3; coffi ns, 110, 113, 165, 194–201, 195–200; coins, 155–56, 159, 160, 216–18; figured jars (duisuguan or hunping), 214–16, 214, 243, 394; figurines, 92, 110, 113, 156–57, 157, 160, 165, 187, 188, 189, 218–29, 219–23, 225–27, 229, 329, 336, 353, 394, 394, 395; and fi lial piety, 232; glass in, 288; gold objects, 267–68, 283; guardian figures, 192, 192, 207–8, 208; household and agricultural equipment, 187, 188, 229–32; jade items, 164, 165, 213, 273; jade shoats (yutun) and stone pig (shizhu), 213, 273; lacquer screen, 92, 295–96, 302; lacquerware, 92, 104, 105, 110, 111, 293–94, 299; lamps, 160, 187, 203; lists of, 193, 194, 230–31; models of animals and equipment, 92, 156–57, 165, 187, 229–32, 376, 384, 385; in northern tombs, 90, 93, 99, 101–5, 110–12; pottery, 90, 95, 99, 101–5, 110–13, 160, 165, 185, 187, 239, 241, 245; quotidian objects, 216–32; in royal tombs, 165, 184–85, 188–89; silver objects, 160, 267, 283; in southern tombs, 114–61, 140, 149, 155–57; tomb furniture, 194–207; tomb records (muzhi), 167, 188, 189, 205–7; vaults (guo), 201–2, 202; weapons, 214, 338; zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts),

188, 208–12, 209–12, 425. See also specific grave goods Tomb pilfering. See Grave robbing Tomb records (muzhi), 167, 188, 189, 205–7 Tong Shou, 373; tomb of, 99–100, 100, 223, 302, 350, 372 Tongtaisi pagoda, 72 Tongwancheng, 17–19, 18, 26 Tongxi (sharing of a mat), 301 Tools. See Household equipment and utensils Touhu game, 385–86 Towns. See Cities and outposts Toynbee, Arnold, 4 Trade, 380–81, 425 Transoxiana, 284 Transportation: horse-drawn vehicles, 372; horseback riding, 371, 425; oxcarts, 372, 373–75, 374; sedan chairs, 376–77, 376; vehicles, 371–75, 373, 374; water transport, 377–82, 379, 380 Truss-and-crossbeam construction, 54, 55 Tuchengliang, 15–16 Tuchengzi, 15–16, 17 Tujing: tombs in, 155–57, 156, 157, 394 Tuoba: capitals of, 24–25; culture of, 427; history of, 7–8, 9, 10, 19; and tombs, 90–91 Tuoba Dao (Northern Wei emperor), 19 Turfan: clothing from area of, 323, 326; coins in, 217; and grave goods inventories, 193; independence of, 107; tombs in, 111–13, 112, 113 Turks, 6 Udyana, King, 401 Urban planning. See Cities and outposts Urinals, 242 Van Gulik, Robert, 341 Vases, 246, 247, 248, 250, 288, 293 Vaults (guo), 201–2, 202 Vehicles, 371–75, 373, 374 Wadang (tile ends), 52, 53 Wallacker, Benjamin, 364 Wan bowls, 241, 242, 244, 246, 247, 288, 289–90, 290, 293, 299

INDE X

Wang Chen, 300 Wang Dao, 288 Wang Dun, 125, 365 Wang Fu, 371 Wang Gong, 300, 371 Wang Ji, 361 Wang Rong, 305 Wang Sengbian, 45 Wang Ying, General, 67 Wang Zhongshu, 45 Wangdu, 383 Wangzifenshan: tombs in, 102 Warring States period, 11, 26, 206, 287, 288 Wars: defense expenditure for, 13; and Guandong and Guanzhong, 6; naval warfare, 381, 425; in Six Dynasties period, 425. See also Armor and weapons; Battles; Cavalry; Military Watchtowers, 68–69, 69 Water transport, 377–82, 379, 380 Wax, 364–65 Wealth. See Coins; Gold; Silver Weapons. See Armor and weapons Wedding rituals, 425 Wei period, 2, 3, 25, 28, 341, 380, 382 Wei Yao, 383 Weigang: tomb in, 239 Weight-bearing walls, 47, 49 Wei-Jin period, 28, 85–88, 101, 108–9 Weilue (Yu Huan), 288 Weiqi game, 288, 382–84, 384, 386 Weishu, 182 Weixian, 415–16, 415 Wen, Duke, 84–85 Wen, Emperor (Song), 41 Wen, Emperor (Wei), 189 Wen, King, 296 Wencheng, Emperor (Northern Wei), 91 Wenxuan, 5, 167 Wenxuan, Emperor (Northern Qi): tomb of, 187 Wenzhou kilns, 237 Western Han dynasty: agriculture of, 358; figured jars in, 214 Western Jin dynasty: bronze objects of, 252; Buddhist images of, 395, 397, 399; ceramics of, 240, 242, 243; clothing of, 319; glass of, 290; grave goods of, 214,

607

215, 230, 231, 239; history of, 4; iron objects of, 259; lamps of, 368, 368; mirrors of, 262; royal tombs of, 166–70, 168–70; tombs of, 82, 83, 88, 109–10, 115, 117, 126–27, 128, 132, 139–40; weiqi game of, 383 Western Liang, 346 Western Wei dynasty: army of, 9, 10; Buddhism of, 416; history of, 94, 154; iron foundry in, 257; royal tombs of, 188–89; tomb figurines in, 224; and zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts), 211, 212 Western Zhou dynasty, 287 White ware, 249, 251 Wine, 362 Women: clothing of, 276, 277, 312–13, 313, 314, 318, 321–22, 322, 323, 324, 427; as musicians, 342, 346, 348, 350; role of, in the north, 425 Wong, Dorothy, 411 Wu, Emperor (Chen), 365 Wu, Emperor (Jin), 288 Wu, Emperor (Liang), 5, 10, 43, 72, 363, 382, 402, 403 Wu, Emperor (Northern Zhou): tomb of, 188–89, 228 Wu, Emperor (Song), 356 Wu, Hung, 191, 216, 398, 399, 420–22 Wu, King, 296 Wu dynasty: Buddhism in, 399; capital of, 32; ceramics of, 234, 240; coffi ns in, 195; figured jars in, 215; kilns in, 237; mirrors of, 263, 265; naval campaign against Jin by, 381; royal tombs in, 166; tomb figurines in, 218; tombs of, 115, 117, 125, 126, 128, 132, 147, 166 Wu hu luan hua (“Five Barbarians bringing disorder to China”), 6, 88, 424 Wu-Jin period, 396–97 Wu Ying: tomb of, 134–35, 135 Wu Zhuo, 277, 393, 394, 395–96 Wuchang (modern Echeng): Buddhist images in, 396–97, 401; as capital, 396; mirrors in, 265; naval base in, 33–34; plan of, 32–34, 33; temple in, 396–97; tomb figurines in, 224; tombs in, 125–26. See also Echeng

608

INDE X

Wuchuan, 16 Wudaoqu: tombs in, 159–60, 160 Wudi (place-name), 414 Wuhan, 250 Wuhouci: tomb in, 166 Wuhuan tribe, 102–3, 212 Wuwei, 208, 372 Wuxian, 368, 368 Wuxian (five-stringed instrument), 342 Wuxing (“five agents”), 207 Wuxing kilns, 239 Wuzhou: tombs in, 147, 147, 148 Wuzhou ware, 238–39 Wuzhu (coin), 217 Xi basins, 241, 252, 253–54, 254 Xi Kang, 341, 341, 353 Xi mats, 300 Xia dynasty, 17, 192, 257 Xia Nai, 278 Xiakou, 34 Xian (screen or awning), 372–73 Xi’an area: armor in, 333; Buddhist images in, 409, 419; ceramics in, 250; gold objects in, 268; lamps in, 368; music in, 346; tomb figurines in, 224; tombs in, 88–90, 89, 94, 94–95, 95 Xianbei: banquets of, 275; belief of, about death, 102–3, 212, 428; clothing of, 222, 284, 285, 297–98, 298, 317–19, 318, 319, 328, 427; depicted in tomb figurines, 222; and exotica, 284–86; friction between Chinese subjects and, 286; graves of, 90, 91, 93; history of, 5–10, 98; language of, 427; Murong Xianbei, 98, 101–5, 428; and music, 343, 348; palace of, 278; tombs of, 91, 91, 101–5, 286, 428; and Tuoba, 24; and women’s role, 425; and zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts), 212 Xiang (Buddhist images), 400 Xiang, Duke, 382 Xiang Xiu, 316 Xiangshan tomb, 78 Xiangtangshan, 414, 420 Xiangyang, 224, 402 Xiangyin, 128 Xiangzhou, 257

Xianwen, Emperor (Northern Wei), 402 Xiao (flute), 342, 346, 350–51 Xiao (scraper), 338 Xiao Baojuan: tomb of, 173 Xiao Changzhi: tomb of, 173 Xiao Dan, 34–35; tomb of, 173 Xiao Daocheng: tomb of, 173 Xiao Fu: tomb of, 173 Xiao Gang: tomb of, 173 Xiao Hong: tomb of, 173 Xiao Hui: tomb of, 173 Xiao Ji: tomb of, 173 Xiao Jing: tomb of, 173 Xiao Luan: tomb of, 173 Xiao Ni: tomb of, 173 Xiao Shunzhi: tomb of, 173 Xiao Tong: tomb of, 173 Xiao Wei: tomb of, 173, 178 Xiao Xiang: tomb of, 178–79, 180 Xiao Xiu: tomb of, 173, 176, 190–91, 190 Xiao Yan, 190, 382, 402; tomb of, 173 Xiao Yi, 45 Xiao Ying: tomb of, 173 Xiao Yingzhou: tomb of, 173 Xiao Ze: tomb of, 173 Xiao Zhaowen: tomb of, 173 Xiao Zhaoye: tomb of, 173 Xiao Zhengli: tomb of, 173 Xiaoling mausoleum, 188 Xiaoming, Emperor (Northern Zhou), 403; tomb of, 184 Xiaomintun: tombs in, 90, 91 Xiaoshan kilns, 237 Xiaowen, Emperor (Northern Wei), 8, 27, 93, 183–84, 284, 319; tomb of, 184 Xiaowu, Emperor (Song), 34, 402 Xiaozhuang, Emperor (Northern Wei): tomb of, 184, 192 Xiayang, 257 Xie An, 34, 41, 382 Xie Shang, 342 Xie Wan, 301 Xinchang, 420 Xinfan: tombs in, 160, 161 Xin’gan: tombs in, 132, 134 Xingfusi, 414

INDE X

Xining, 396 Xiniu (rhinoceros), 109 Xinjiang: armor in, 332; Buddhist cave chapels in, 419; clothing in, 326, 326–27; glass in, 290; jade in, 273; pottery in, 245; tombs in, 80–81, 105–14, 108–13, 245 Xiongnu, 5–6, 17, 23, 39, 428 Xiudesi, 413 Xiwangmu. See Queen Mother of the West Xiyang, 416 Xu Song, 356 Xu Xianxiu, 427–28 Xuanwu, Emperor (Northern Wei): tomb of, 184–85, 185, 192 Xuanyu (fishtail-like appendage), 54 Xun Xu, 400 Xunyang, 23–24 Xuzhou, 224, 226 Yan Dan, 317 Yan Zhitui: on clothing, 315; on differences between north and south during Six Dynasties period, 426–27; on disturbed times of Six Dynasties period, 13; on games, 383, 384, 386; on horseback riding, 371; on language, 427; on music, 343, 353; on rural life, 357–58; on tomb furnishings, 193; on water transport, 380; on wine, 362; on women’s role in the north, 425; on Xianbei influence, 286 Yang, Emperor (Sui), 346; tomb of, 189 Yang Biao, 416–17 Yang Guang: tomb of, 189 Yang Hong, 399 Yang Jian, 31, 406–7 Yang Kan, 363 Yang Xuanzhi, 355–56 Yang Yuanshen, 356, 429 Yangzhou: Buddhist images in, 401; description of, 34–36; map of, 35; pagoda in area of, 71; tombs in, 121, 189 Yangzi River: altars in tombs near, 203; cities along, 32, 34, 37–38; figured jars in tombs along lower Yangzi, 215; as main

609

thoroughfare, 377, 378; and naval battles, 381; tombs in lower Yangzi area, 115–25; tombs in middle Yangzi area, 125–28, 126; tributaries of, 377 Yangzishan: tombs in, 160, 161 Yanshi: Buddhist images in, 417; tombs in, 84, 85, 94 Yanshi jiaxun (Yan Zhitui), 193, 362, 426–27 Yanzi, 298 Yao, Emperor, 296 Yao, Mrs. (née Zhao), 210, 211 Yao Jun: tomb of, 211 Yaoan: tombs in, 150–51, 151 Yaoche (chariot-type vehicle), 371–72, 373, 373 Yaolu (sculling oar process), 378 Yaowangshan Beilin, 410 Yaoxian, 410, 422 Ye: account of, 21, 301–2, 354; armor in, 332, 334, 335, 335; as capital, 63; compared with other cities, 25, 27, 28; description of, 19–22; plan of, 20, 21; tombs in, 95–96 Yellow River: cities along, 20; tomb architecture along, 81–98 Yezhongji, 21, 301–2, 354 Yi River, 31 Yidu, 208 Yijing (Handan Chun), 382, 383 Yin and yang, 207 Yin Boqi, 298 Yin Xi, 422 Yin Xian, 377 Yin Zhongkan, 300 Yi’nan shrine, 368, 369, 372, 396, 397 Yingde, 139 Yingpan, 290, 326–27 Yinping Commandery, 158–59 Yinxian kilns, 237 Yiqi (game), 382 Yixing: clothing in, 327; kilns in, 237; tombs in, 121, 122 Yiyang: tombs in, 128, 130; weiqi game in, 383 Yizhou, 257 Yongguling Mausoleum, 91, 182, 183 Yongjia Disorders, 4

610

INDE X

Yongning Monastery/Temple, 64, 72–74, 73 Youwang zazu (Duan Chengshi), 425 Yu Hong: tomb of, 345 Yu Huan, 288 Yu mouth organ, 342 Yuan, Emperor (Liang), 5, 45, 85 Yuan Chen, prince, 283–84 Yuan dynasty, 234, 364 Yuan family, 20 Yuan Shao, 2 Yuan Wei, 94; tomb of, 93 Yuan Zhao: tomb of, 94, 210 Yuanqu, 416–17 Yuanshi qingci. See Protoceladon Yuantaizi: lacquerware in, 295; tombs in, 104, 204 Yubao (tassels), 302 Yuchi Jiong, 22 Yudai (jade-belt brickwork), 77, 78, 84, 114, 129, 137, 147, 162, 165, 183 Yudou iron, 252, 254, 255 Yuhang kilns, 237, 239 Yuli, 326–27 Yungang caves: architecture depicted in, 53, 59; and Buddhism, 17, 25, 414, 419–20; construction of, 107; pagoda in, 72 Yunnan: tombs in, 150–53, 151–54. See also specific cities and towns Yutun (jade shoats), 213, 273 Yuyao kilns, 237 Zaozhuang kilns, 244 Ze Rong, 400 Zeng, Marquis of: tomb of, 346 Zeng steamer, 308 Zhaili kilns, 244, 246, 248 Zhalainuoer, 197 Zhang (canopy), 301–2 Zhang Daoling, 422 Zhang Gui, 106 Zhang Mao, 106 Zhang Qian, 395 Zhang River, 20 Zhang Sheng: tomb of, 348, 350, 370, 383 Zhang Shi, 106 Zhang Yan, 294

Zhang Yuan, 368 Zhanghuai, Crown Prince: tomb of, 95 Zhangming: tombs in, 159 Zhao Chao, 206–7 Zhao Gui, 67 Zhaoguan: tombs in, 142, 144 Zhaohua: tombs in, 157–59, 158, 159 Zhaotong: tombs in, 151–53, 152–54 Zhejiang: altars in tombs in, 203; Buddhist cave chapel in, 420; ceramics of, 238–39; figured jars in, 215; kilns in, 236, 237, 238, 239–40; mirrors in, 265, 265; tomb in, 124. See also specific cities and towns Zheng zither, 342, 346, 353 Zhenghe: tombs in, 138–39, 138, 139 Zhengjuesi, 418 Zhengzhou: Buddhist images in, 411, 418; tombs in, 84 Zhenjiang: tombs in, 121, 123, 125 Zhenmushou (tomb-quelling beasts), 188, 208–12, 209–12, 425 Zhentoushan cemetery, 168 Zhongchenhebei kilns, 244 Zhongji (cavalry), 335–36, 336, 338, 425 Zhongshan: tombs in, 171 Zhongxian: Buddhist images in, 392–93, 393, 394; tomb figurines in, 219, 219, 394, 395; tombs in, 151 Zhongzhi (fi nal arrangements), 164 Zhou, 25, 68, 287, 296 Zhou Chu: tomb of, 121, 327 Zhou empresses, 296 Zhou family tombs, 121, 122, 125 Zhou Xibao, 321 Zhouli, 185 Zhu Dawei, 31 Zhu Ran: coffi n of, 296; tomb of, 124, 195, 293–94 Zhuchen kilns, 244 Zhucheng: Buddhist images in, 414; tombs in, 85–87, 86 Zhuge Rong, 386 Zhuozi (tables), 306 Zhuqu Mengsun, 106–7 Zhuzhou: tombs in, 130 Zibo kilns, 244 Zichuan, 414–15

INDE X

Ziping (covered cart), 371, 372 Zither, 294, 339, 341, 341, 342–43, 346, 348, 349, 353, 428 Zixing: tombs in, 128, 129, 131, 131, 132 Zoroastrianism, 284, 426 Zun jars, 240, 246, 247, 248

Zuo Fen, 167–68 Zuo Rong, 71 Zuo Si, 168 Zuozhuan, 84–85, 382, 385 Zuzang (family or clan cemeteries). See Burials

611