Secrets of women: gender, generation, and the origins of human dissection 9781890951689, 9781890951672

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Secrets of Women

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Secrets of Women Gender, Generation, and the Origins of Human Dissection

Katharine Park

ZONEKF BOOKS - NEW YORK

© 2006 Katharine Park Zone Books 1226 Prospect Avenue Brooklyn, NY 11218

All rights reserved. First Paperback Edition.

No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording, or otherwise (except for that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the ULS. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the Publisher. Printed in the United States of America. Distributed by The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Park, Katharine, 1950The secrets of women : gender, generation, and the origins of human dissection / Katharine Park. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-890951-68-9 (pbk.)

1. Human dissection - Italy = History. 2. Science, Renaissance — Italy. 3. Women - Miscellanea. 4. Human anatomy - Italy — History. 5. Women - Health and hygiene — Italy - History. I. Title. QMM33.4.P37 2006 611-dc22

2006044710

Contents

Acknowledgements 9

| Introduction 13 I Holy Anatomies 39 I] Secrets of Women 77 II] The Mother’s Part 121 IV The Evidence of the Senses 161 V_ The Empire of Anatomy 207 Epilogue 261

Notes 269 Bibliography 359 Photo Credits 401

Index 403

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To Caroline Walker Bynum, Joan Cadden, and Nancy G. Siraisi

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Acknowledgments

I began the research that would eventually result in this book at the Mary Ingraham Bunting Institute at Radcliffe College in 1990,

when I was supposed to be working on quite another project; | finished writing the book at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study in 2004. In the interim the topic changed as much as Radcliffe did. I had originally planned to study the roots of human dissection in medieval Christian devotional and funerary practice, a project that resulted in two articles on the subject, “The Criminal and the Saintly Body” and “The Life of the Corpse,” neither of which foregrounded the question of gender.! It took me the four years these articles were in press to understand that the ubiquity of women and women’s bodies in my sources was more than an accident of survival. With the benefit of hindsight, I now find this delay incredible; I can explain it only as a result of my own inability to step outside the current historiography of early anatomy, which focused single-mindedly on dissection as an institutional practice performed by male masters employed by universities and

medical colleges, for the benefit of male medical students and practitioners, on the mostly male bodies of condemned criminals.* So powerful was this definition of the topic that it took me years to see what was literally before my eyes: that the opening 9

SECRETS OF WOMEN

and inspection of cadavers was a much more diverse cultural phenomenon in which women played a much larger part than I ever could have imagined.

In the process, I had to redefine my topic and ultimately the broader subject to which this book aimed to contribute. Dissection, as I explain in the Introduction, is an anachronistic category, although I have kept the term in my title as the clearest way to communicate my project to modern readers. My view of what the history of medicine is the history of also changed. While I began by embracing the description of women (wives, mothers, sisters, daughters, domestics, and female empirics) as “marginal” to the work of healing in late medieval and early modern Europe, like other informally trained or unlicensed practitioners, I can now only see women as standing at its heart, as the first line of defense against illness and as those primarily entrusted, in the normative

context of the family, with the ongoing management of health, healing, sickness, infertility, complications of childbirth (many and frequent), and death. I could never have rethought my topic in this way without the work of the three historians to whom I have dedicated this book. In the course of thirteen years of higher education, I had only two female teachers, Caroline Walker Bynum and Joan Cadden, and their influence on my topic and my methods will be obvious to anyone familiar with their writings. Although I never studied formally with Nancy G. Siraisi, her work on Italian medicine in the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance has served as the foundation of my research. Like Bynum and Cadden, she, too, has been a personal and intellectual model and a treasured friend. My debts extend far beyond these three historians, however. | am enormously grateful to Radcliffe College and the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study for providing financial support and an intellectual community in which this book could take shape. | 10

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

also owe a great deal to the community of Villa I Tatti, the Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies, where I spent a number of very happy months as a visiting professor in spring 2001 and January 2003, and to Susana, Lady Walton, for her gracious hospitality at the Giardini La Mortella, where this book took final

form in summer 2005. I am grateful to the staff at the various Florentine libraries where | did most of my Italian research — the Archivio di Stato di Firenze, the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, the Biblioteca Riccardiana, and the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze — as well as to the staffs of the Houghton, Widener, and Countway libraries at Harvard University, the Biblioteca Comunale dell’Archiginnasio di Bologna, and the National Library of Medicine in Bethesda, Maryland. I have also been fortunate to find helpful listeners and readers. I am very grateful to the many departments, seminars, and colloquiums that gave me opportunities to float ideas and prose and helped me to refine my work. In addition, this book has benefited enormously from the input of scholars who generously read and

commented on part or all of its many drafts: Monica Azzolini, Montserrat Cabré, Karen Encarncion, Mary Fissell, Monica H. Green, Jeffrey Hamburger, Cynthia Klestinec, Michael McVaugh, Vivian Nutton, Lesley Pattinson, Gianna Pomata, Lisa Pon, Charles

Rosenberg, Jessica Rosenberg (my sterling Radcliffe Research Partner), Nancy G. Siraisi, and Joseph Ziegler. | owe them more than I can say. The editors and staff of Zone Books, Ramona Naddaff, Meighan Gale, Gus Kiley, Amy Griffin, and Sierra Van Borst have been ideal partners, and I have greatly appreciated their competence and enthusiasm for the project and the freedom they gave me to let it develop as it would. Finally, I thank my husband, Martin Brody, who took time out from his own work as a composer and scholar to help me think through the various stages of this project and to travel with me to 11

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visit many shrines and churches and to contemplate many mummified corpses. Without his patience, support, and critical intelligence, this would have been a very different book.

12

Introduction

A nun with visions of Christ’s Passion. A blind, crippled, homeless holy woman. Four patrician wives and mothers. Two prophetesses,

one of them a married, lactating virgin. An executed criminal. These very different women had one thing in common: their bod-

ies were opened and their viscera examined after their deaths. This book uses their stories to write a history of human dissection in late medieval and Renaissance Italy. It begins in the late thirteenth century, when human dissection emerged for the first time in Western Europe as an established, though relatively infrequent, practice with roots in a variety of secular and ecclesiastical insti-

tutions. It ends in the mid-sixteenth century, when anatomical knowledge based on human dissection was generally accepted as one of the foundations of learned medicine and natural philoso-

phy and would soon be adopted by lay writers as an important way to understand the body and the self. Surprisingly, given the relative absence of documentation concerning women in other social and medical contexts, I could not have written this history in this way using male subjects, since the materials for detailed case studies are lacking for men. This is not because fewer men’s bodies were opened than women’s during the period in question, although that may in fact be the case. Rather, it reflects the special 13

SECRETS OF WOMEN

emphasis given to the opening of female bodies in late medieval Italian culture and to dissection as one of the best techniques for knowing what was most important about those bodies, as well as the way this became a model for knowing human bodies in general, regardless of their sex. The story of how and when western Europeans first began to open and inspect the insides of human bodies has been written many times.’ Although my interpretation builds on the work of earlier historians, I have tried to redefine the topic by including a wider range of practices, contexts, and people. To date, whether they have used visual or textual sources, historians have tended to focus on one type of procedure: the opening and inspection of human bodies in university medical faculties and other corporate institutions (notably colleges of physicians or surgeons) in order to teach anatomy to medical practitioners or to further anatomi-

cal research. They have concentrated on the motivations and actions of one type of knower, the learned physician or surgeon,

and on one type of human cadaver, the executed criminal, to whom this sort of dissection was limited by statute and custom. These cadavers were for the most part male, not only because so few women were executed for capital crimes, but also because anatomy was about knowing the generic human body, which was understood as male. But it was not just female bodies that were in short supply; until the years around 1500, when anatomists began to turn increasingly to local hospitals for anatomical material, dissection in the service of medical teaching and study was rare, whatever university and college regulations might have said. Relatively few criminals were executed in this period, and fewer still were eligible for dissection, which in most cities was confined to the bodies of foreigners of low standing.” Until at least the early sixteenth century, broadening the pool of cadavers was

not a priority because anatomy was not deemed an important 14

INTRODUCTION

component of medical training. The requirement of annual dissections that appears on the books of many late fourteenth- and fitteenth-century Italian medical faculties was more often ignored than observed.

Outside of colleges and universities, however, human dissection proceeded apace. Beginning around 1300, it developed quickly and spontaneously out of a set of ad hoc cultural practices

that had nothing to do with medical instruction: funerary ritual (most notably embalming by evisceration), the cult of relics of the Christian saints, autopsies in the service of criminal justice and public health, and a birth practice that eventually became known as Caesarean section. (This last, which involved extracting

a living fetus from the body of a woman who had just died in childbirth in order to allow it to be baptized, is better called by its contemporary name, sectio in mortua — cutting open a dead woman.) While all these practices required opening human bodies and were often (though not always) performed by surgeons and physicians, they had little else in common with academic dissection. Except for the occasional public display and dismemberment of a saint’s body in order to multiply its relics, these other dissectionlike practices — embalming, autopsy, fetal excision — generally took place in secluded or domestic settings. None of them involved the profound dishonor associated with the public academic dissection, in which an unnamed and naked corpse was

not only exposed in front of a group of unrelated viewers but also largely dismantled; this violated both its personhood and its social identity by rendering it unrecognizable and unsuiting it for a conventional funeral, in which the clothed body was displayed on its bier.* The other procedures, which involved opening only the abdomen, left the corpse largely intact.> Because they did not assault the honor of the person in question or of his or her family — and indeed were often performed at the initiative 15

SECRETS OF WOMEN

of family members or other close associates — they inspired little

or no resistance. On the contrary, in fact: embalming, which seems to have been both the earliest practice and the precursor of other forms of evisceration, was reserved for revered, even sacred, dead.

By paying at least as much attention to these more private, less invasive procedures as to the formal dissection of criminals by university lecturers, I aim to restore the latter to the social and

religious context of which it was a part. Even the words contemporaries used to describe the opening of human bodies reveal

the strong continuities between the world of teachers and students and the worlds of childbirth, murder trials, chronic illness, state funerals, and Christian cult. Medical writers used the Latin noun dnatomia, together with its variants — nothomia, anathomia —

and its vernacular cognates, to refer indifferently to the practices known now as dissection (the opening of a corpse to learn about human bodies in general) and autopsy (the opening of a corpse to make a determination about the state of an individual body, usually the cause of death). Both practices fell under the often-cited definition of anatomy given by the seventh-century Byzantine medical writer John of Alexandria in his influential commentary on Galen’s On the Sects (De sectis): “Anatomy is the artifical cutting and elucidation of things that are concealed in the hidden body.” But the term also occasionally appears in texts referring to embalming. The relevant verbs allowed even fewer distinctions among these various practices. Latin writers tended to use nontechnical words — incidere (“cut”), aperire (“open”), and even exenterare or eviscerare (“eviscerate’) — to describe not only dissections and autopsies but also embalming and the opening of women who had died in childbirth. These four practices were even more closely associated in Italian texts written by people who were not medical professionals, who almost always used the verb sparare (there is no 16

INTRODUCTION

corresponding noun), which referred more commonly to preparing animals for cooking, as in gutting fish or pigs.’ The various procedures involved in opening the human body were also closely linked in practice. Consider, for example, the Commentaries on the Anatomy of Mondino, a massive anatomy text-

book published by Jacopo Berengario of Carpi in 1521. Although

Berengario referred intermittently to the formal public dissections he conducted as professor of anatomy and surgery at the University of Bologna, much of his information came from casual observations made in the course of his thriving surgical practice, which included both formal autopsies and incidental ones made

when operations went wrong. (He also dissected miscarried or stillborn fetuses obtained from midwives.) One of his most detailed accounts of such an autopsy involved the sudden death of a

pregnant woman. Berengario was called to open her corpse in hopes of finding “two fetuses [ faetus] if not completely alive, then at least alive enough to be baptized.” Instead, he discovered one, outside the woman’s uterus, lodged in her intestines. “This greatly astonished me,” he wrote, “and the fetus was baptized by the women of the house.’”® Proceeding then to open the uterus, he found a large swelling (apostema), which had ruptured it and ejected the

fetus. In this case, a planned sectio in mortua turned into an impromptu autopsy as well. Embalming and autopsy were particularly linked. The two early fourteenth-century holy women whose stories form the basis of Chapter One were initially eviscerated so that their corpses

could be preserved. Only several days later were their viscera inspected and holy objects found inside. Beginning in the late fif-

teenth century, the easy association between embalming and autopsy — having extracted the abdominal organs in order to pre-

serve the corpse, why not examine them to determine cause of death? — is also demonstrated in the cases of secular notables such 17

SECRETS OF WOMEN

as Lorenzo di Piero de’ Medici, “the Magnificent,” (d. 1492) and Isabella of Aragon (d. 1533).? Surgeons called to embalm the body of an illustrious person might take advantage of the opportunity to make casual observations for their own use; for instance, Beren-

gario noted in his Commentaries that fat people tended to have quantities of fat adhering to their hearts, citing the example of Giovanni Francesco della Rovere, archbishop of Turin, whose corpse he had eviscerated and prepared." By treating all these practices together rather than looking at academic dissection in isolation, I aim to restore their cultural coherence. This is a fundamental point: assuming anachronistically that opening the human body is in the first instance a medical procedure, historians have ignored the broader phenomenon of which it was a part — or reduced these other, related proce-

dures to the status of “background” or “cultural context.” In contrast, I consider the opening of the human body as a whole. Its

variants (dissection proper in the modern sense, embalming, autopsy, fetal excision, the “recognition” or inspection of the corpses of holy women and men) are like a set of angled mirrors: each illuminates and reflects the others. No one is primary, least of all dissection, which was by any measure the most arcane. In order to emphasize their commonalities and the degree to which they were associated in the minds of contemporaries, I have for the most part used the words “dissection” and (preferably) “anat-

omy to refer to all of them, except when clarity has demanded a more precise term.

At the same time, however, I underscore the specificity of particular practices within this bundle of related activities: the different concerns that motivated them, the different spaces in which they took place, and the different moral economies of personhood that they implied. For example, as I have already mentioned, dissections for the exclusive purposes of medical research 18

INTRODUCTION

and teaching were not only relatively rare but also uniquely dishonoring, which explains their restriction to the corpses of executed foreign criminals, hospital patients, and animals. Most of

the other practices, in contrast, were associated with social and cultural elites; embalming was generally reserved for prospective saints, princes, popes, and other ecclesiastical and civic leaders, while those who were autopsied at their own or their families’ request had, by definition, access to high-level professional medical care. The actual extent of fetal excision is unknown, although there is no reason to assume it was limited to the well-to-do; when the Dominican preacher Giordano of Pisa described calling (and paying for) doctors and midwives to perform the operation on a woman who had just died in childbirth in a house attached to the Dominican convent in Pisa, he was almost certainly referring to an act of charity." Even the notorious theatricality of formal, public anatomies shows the importance of placing practices involving the opening of bodies in specific contexts and attending to their specific meanings. Displaying an unclothed corpse to a large group of un-

related people had various effects. On the one hand, the embalmed bodies of holy men and women, not to mention popes, were often stripped by their admirers while they lay in state; this trope of hagiography served to emphasize the intensity of popular

devotion inspired by a potential saint’s body and the magical power of objects that had been in contact with it.'’* The public exposure of the corpse of an executed and dissected criminal, on the other hand, was an occasion of dishonor and shame for the individual and his or her family.'’ Yet even this ritual had strongly positive associations; as an opportunity for university towns such as Bologna and Padua to flaunt their intellectual resources, it had by

the late sixteenth century become a focus of civic pride." The specificity of cultural contexts and meanings have led me 19

SECRETS OF WOMEN

to restrict this study to northern Italy, whereas most histories of anatomy have tended to adopt a universalizing, chronological approach." Ignoring linguistic and cultural boundaries obscures not only the important part played by specific lines of influence and local traditions in anatomical practices, texts, and illustrations. It also overlooks the fact that during the first two hundred years of its continuous history, from the late thirteenth to the late fifteenth century, human dissection was confined to Italy and (to a lesser extent) southern France.’ The early interest in opening human bodies sprang partially from conditions specific to Italian medicine: the long tradition of animal dissection associated with the southern Italian city of Salerno (an important center of medical teaching as early as the eleventh century), the sophistication of thirteenth-century surgical practice in the Po valley, and the inten-

sified attention devoted to the anatomically informed works of Galen on the part of medical masters at the University of Bologna in the years around 1300." But it also reflected specifically Italian

funerary practices and attitudes toward human corpses. Italians began to eviscerate their revered dead for embalming relatively early, in the second half of the thirteenth century, in connection with papal funerals and the cults of “new saints.” (The latter were contemporary holy men and women, as opposed to long-dead martyrs, whose bodies were valuable sources of civic prestige and prosperity, as well as sites of healing power.)® At the same time, however, Italians were much less inclined than inhabitants of areas with a Germanic cultural heritage to ask for their corpses to be dis-

membered for repatriation if they had died abroad, or to be divided for burial in multiple locations.” All these circumstances contribute to explaining why most of the practices that involved opening the human body and examining its contents (rather than merely dividing it) began in Italy and flourished there considerably earlier than in most other parts of Europe. 20

INTRODUCTION

As my emphasis on saints’ cults and funerary practices suggests, [ argue that social and, especially, religious practices were far more central to the early history of dissection than many other histories of anatomy would lead one to believe. A long historiographic tradition, dating back to at least the middle of the nineteenth century,

presents religion and science as diametrically opposed cultural enterprises and the Church as deeply hostile to dissection.*° This

misconception is still widespread. Generations of Italian tour guides, not to mention playwrights, journalists, and historical novelists, have waxed eloquent over the supposed moral and intel-

lectual courage of such late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century heroes as Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, and Andreas Vesalius,

author of On the Fabric of the Human Body, published in 1543, whose famous title page celebrated the study of anatomy based on dissection rather than on ancient texts (figure I.1). These men, the story goes, defied religious superstition and braved persecution and censure in the service of art or science, pursuing their intellectual passion in dark cellars and back rooms with trapdoors in the

tloor for the quick disposal of corpses when the police (or the Inquisition, or whoever) arrived. Like the familiar story associated with Christopher Columbus, whose courageous voyage of 1492 purportedly proved to a doubting public that the earth was round, this story has been debunked repeatedly by medievalists to no avail.*! The power of such fic-

tions to weather frequent and detailed disproof testifies to the important cultural work they perform by supplying foundation stories that confirm deep-seated Western intuitions about the scientific origins of modernity — intuitions that continue to inform the writing of even specialists in the field.?? Equally deep-seated is the unwarranted assumption that, just because twentieth- and

twenty-first-century Western understandings of the body are dominated by medical models and medical discourses, this was 21

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HOLY ANATOMIES

a very beautiful baby in her arms, and she was greatly amazed at the

sight. Her first thought was that the baby was Chiara’s child. She began to think how this could be if Chiara had been a virgin. And Chiara immediately responded to her thought by saying, with great fervor of spirit: “Love has made me conceive him, love has made me give birth to him, and love has made me possess him forever.”>®

In this, as in other aspects of the story of Chiara of Montefalco,

it is difficult to differentiate the voice of the male recorder from the voice of the female witness and to determine whether the identification of Chiara with Mary originated with Béranger or with Sister Giovanna and the other nuns in Chiara’s monastery, or whether it evolved in the course of what was obviously a long collaboration between the two parties in the service of Chiara’s canonization. There is nothing specific to suggest that Chiara saw herself in this way, despite the currency of the idea of the pious heart as uterus, and there are other cases in which male interpreters of female religious experience read female role models such as Mary into women’s more Christ-centered accounts.°? We have no direct access to the thoughts and experiences of Sister Francesca and her companions during those hot days in August when they repeatedly opened their abbess’s corpse and internal organs; their testimony was taken a decade after the events in question, in the course of what was obviously a highly orchestrated set of hearings, and their Italian responses were translated into scribal Latin, yielding a highly mediated account. Nevertheless, if they did in fact entertain the idea that Chiara had conceived

Christ in her heart — whether this occurred to them immediately after her death or at some later point in their manipulations of her body — it suggests yet another way of understanding the opening of her corpse: not merely as an anatomy, in which her internal

organs were examined, but also as related to a contemporary 63

SECRETS OF WOMEN

birthing practice in which women who had died during childbirth might be cut open to extract the baby for the purposes of baptism. This operation, which had been occasionally practiced before 1300, began to be performed with some frequency in southern

France and northern Italy in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries.©° (The first known description in a medieval medical textbook dates from 1305.)°! The procedure figured prominently in the vernacular histories of the Roman Empire that were circulating in France and Italy in this period, including the extraordinarily influential Deeds of the Romans (ca. 12131214), which begins with the extraction of Julius Caesar from his mother’s body — the eponymous Caesarean section (figure 1.9).° More immediately relevant to the case of Chiara of Montefalco, this procedure was strongly promoted by the Church in the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, in connection with the salvation of infant souls.°? Word of it was certainly circulating in lay and ecclesiastical circles in early fourteenth-century Tuscany, as is clear from a public sermon delivered in the Florentine church of Santa Maria Novella by the Dominican friar Giordano of Pisa in April 1305, only three years before Chiara’s death. Speaking on the theme of baptism, Brother Giordano discussed the conditions under which laypeople, rather than priests, might christen a child. According to the scribe reporting on the sermon, he then spoke of women who die in childbirth, with their fetus [criatura] alive in their belly. He sternly criticized people who bury

, them thus, and he said that it was a great sin. He told of a woman who was in Pisa, in their place [presumably a house attached to the Dominican convent], who died in childbirth and had a living fetus in her belly, so that he had her opened [isparare]. And he said: I sent for four doctors [medici] and midwives [balie], and ] paid them very well. And in this way we opened her and drew the boy from her belly, and

64

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