Salish Languages and Linguistics: Theoretical and Descriptive Perspectives 9783110801255, 9783110154924

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Salish Languages and Linguistics

W G DE

Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 107

Editor

Werner Winter

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Salish Languages and Linguistics Theoretical and Descriptive Perspectives

edited by

Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins M. Dale Kinkade

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

1998

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin.

© Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication-Data Salish languages and linguistics : theoretical and descriptive perspectives / edited by Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins. M. Dale Kinkade. p. cm. - (Trends in linguistics. Studies and monographs ; 107) Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 3-11-015492-7 (cloth : acid-free paper) 1. Salishan languages. I. Czaykowska-Higgins, Ewa. II. Kinkade, M. Dale (Marvin Dale), 1933III. Series. PM2261.S35 1998 497'.9-dc21 97-40944 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek — Cataloging-in-Publication-Data Salish languages and linguistics : theoretical and descriptive perspectives / ed. by Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins. M. Dale Kinkade. — Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter, 1998 (Trends in linguistics : Studies and monographs ; 107) ISBN 3-11-015492-7

© Copyright 1997 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printed: Werner Hildebrand, Berlin. Binding: Lüderitz & Bauer, Berlin. Printed in Germany.

Preface

The Salish language family comprises 23 languages spoken over a large area in northwestern North America. Although the languages have been studied by linguists and anthropologists for over 100 years, and the first International Conference on Salish Languages (an annual forum for the discussion of these and neighboring languages) was held in 1966, no collection of papers has ever been dedicated exclusively to Salish linguistics. Furthermore, since the most recent survey of Salish linguistics (Thompson 1979b), a great deal of new linguistic research on Salish has been undertaken and it has become increasingly apparent to linguists that the Salish languages are characterized by properties which make them particularly relevant to the study of theoretical issues in phonology, morphology, morphosyntax, and syntax. In addition, on the applied side, many of today's Salish communities have, or are beginning to have, active language programs which are producing pedagogical materials and training new speakers of the languages. The present volume is intended as an overview of current work in Salish linguistics. As such it has two major goals. First, it is meant as a comprehensive introduction to Salish linguistics, explaining what we know about Salish languages, and demonstrating what research on Salish languages can and does contribute to the study of linguistics in general. The second major goal is the presentation of a collection of articles that exemplify the state of Salish linguistic studies. To this end the collection brings together work on the phonology, morphology, syntax, and ethnosemantics of languages from the different subgroups within the Salish language family, and also includes some current comparative and historical work. Our intention is to provide a broad and balanced survey of Salish studies, and the papers in the volume were accordingly commissioned to deal with specific topics and languages. Regrettably, for practical reasons, and because of the limitations imposed by the volume's format, we were unable to include papers from some significant researchers in the field. Regrettably too, for reasons of length, we have had to limit the volume to discussions of, information about, and references to, linguistic rather than pedagogical work: to do justice to the pedagogical work on Salish languages and to the vibrancy of Salish communities would require a volume in itself. Finally, several new areas of study in Salish linguistics have opened up since the volume was first conceived; to the extent that it has been possible, we discuss these new areas in the introduction and include references where relevant. Taken as a whole, then, the volume represents current directions of linguistic research on Salish languages. This volume has a synthetic introduction, entitled 'Salish languages and linguistics', a comprehensive section of references on Salish studies to 1995

vi Preface

(which includes the references for all the articles), as well as an appendix listing all the papers presented in the first 30 years of the Salish conference. Many of these papers have not appeared elsewhere and are not widely known, but they have been important to the development of Salish studies. We would like to thank all those who contributed to this volume by submitting papers and by serving as readers and commentators. We would also like to thank Anne Gilbody for editorial assistance, Ruth Dyck for editorial and computer assistance above and beyond the call of duty, and Violet Bianco, Shahrzad Saif, and Marie Louise Willett for help with proofreading. Wayne Suttles and the Oregon Historical Society gave us permission to adapt their map of the Native Languages of the Northwest Coast (1985) for our map of the distribution of the Salish languages (see p. 2) and we thank them for this. We are also very grateful to Robert D. Turner for undertaking the adaptation at short notice and thus for producing our map, and to Nancy J. Turner for her advice and generosity. Iain Higgins provided invaluable support and childminding. Work on the volume was partially supported by a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada Research Grant and by a University of Victoria Faculty Research Grant (both awarded to Ewa Czaykowska). Finally, we are grateful to Professor Werner Winter, Dr. Anke Beck, and Katja Huder of Mouton for their assistance. Since this is a specialized volume in linguistics, the articles rarely make explicit reference to the historical and cultural contexts of European-First Nations contact. As linguists, we are only too aware of the mixed results of this still-continuing contact (the appendix to the introduction, for instance, lists the numbers of speakers of each language as of 1995). The contributors to this volume are enormously indebted and extremely grateful to the many native speakers of Salish languages who have been our teachers and friends. Without their knowledge and their willingness to teach us and to work together with us no linguistic research on Salish languages would be possible. In the words of Nxa7amxcin, the language that both editors have studied, lämlamt. E.C.H. M.D.K.

Note on names and orthography

There exists a great deal of variation in the names by which the Salish languages have been known in the past and are known today. The variation of the present day takes two forms. First, the names by which aboriginal communities refer to their own languages may differ from the terms traditionally used in European-based discourse on the languages. Thus, for instance, the non-indigenous designation'Bella Coola' does not resemble in any way the aboriginal designation 'Nuxalk'. Second, the orthographic conventions followed in the transcription of the indigenous names differ from community to community. Thus, for instance, in the name 'Secwepemc', the symbol 'c' stands for the phonetic velar fricative [x]; whereas in 'Nxa?amxcin', it stands for the alveolar affricate [ts], while Y represents the velar fricative. We have attempted in this volume to be respectful of all traditions, to celebrate the variation which represents the fact that aboriginal and nonaboriginal communities are constantly in transition, and at the same time to keep in mind that the volume is primarily intended for a scholarly audience. Accordingly, in the map that shows the geographic distribution of the languages (p. 2) and in the lists of languages, dialects, and numbers of speakers given in the table and appendix that are included in 'Salish languages and linguistics', the introduction to this volume, we use both indigenous and non-indigenous names and follow the orthographic conventions now accepted in the individual linguistic communities. Where possible, we have also included indigenous designations in the titles of the articles in the volume. In the bodies of the articles themselves, since they are written primarily for specialists, we follow the practice of using both the nonindigenous and the indigenous names the first time a language is referred to, while all subsequent references refer to the languages by their non-indigenous designations. Every effort has been made to ensure that the indigenous names we use accurately reflect both in (orthographic) form and content the practices of individual communities. If errors have occurred, we would be grateful to have these pointed out to us, so that in future publications on Salish languages they may be corrected. The forms of the non-indigenous designations used here were determined primarily by current general usage in the scholarly literature on Salish languages and linguistics. For the most part transcriptions of names and examples in the volume make use of the North American Phonetic Alphabet, which differs in some ways from the International Phonetic Alphabet. Transcriptions and orthographies which differ from the standard in the volume are explained when necessary.

Table of Contents

Preface Note on names and orthography

ν vii

Salish languages and linguistics Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins and M. Dale Kinkade

Part I: Phonetic and phonological studies Maximality in Bella Coola (Nuxalk) Bruce Bagetnihl

71

Spokane (Npoqiniscn) syllable structure and reduplication Dawn Bates and Barry F. Carlson

99

Phonetic aspects of retraction in Interior Salish Nicola J. Bessell

125

The morphological and phonological constituent structure of words in Moses-Columbia Salish (Nxa?amxcin) Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins

153

How much does a schwa weigh? M. Dale Kinkade

197

Part II: Morphological and syntactic studies The place of Bella Coola (Nuxalk) in a typology of the relative clause Philip W. Davis and Ross Saunders

219

A fresh look at Tillamook (Hutyeyu) inflectional morphology Steven M. Egesdal and M. Terry Thompson

235

Topic and focus in Shuswap (Secwepemctsin) Dwight G. Gardiner

275

χ Contents

Mapping Halkomelem voice Donna B. Gerdts

305

Prepositions in Northern Straits Salish and the noun/verb question Eloise Jelinek

325

Part III: Ethnosemantic studies Foraging for patterns in Interior Salish semantic domains Gary B. Palmer

349

Secwepemc (Shuswap) tree names: Key to the past? Nancy J. Turner, Marianne Boelscher Igtiace, and Brian D. Compton

387

Part IV: Comparative and historical studies Prehistory of the Upper Chehalis (Q' w ay'äyilq') continuative aspect Paul D. Kroeber

421

CVC reduplication in Salish Jan P. van Eijk

453

Appendix: Papers from the International Conferences on Salish and Neighboring Languages, 1966-1995

477

References

497

Index

565

Salish languages and linguistics Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins and M. Dale Kinkade

1. Introduction The purpose of this article is to provide an account of some of the most salient properties of the Salish languages as well as of the current state of scholarship in Salish linguistics. Since the early 1970's a number of survey articles have appeared on Salish languages and linguistics (Thompson 1973a, 1979b; A. Mattina 1985; Thompson—Kinkade 1990; Kinkade et al., in press; Kinkade 1990a, 1992e). Our article is indebted to the earlier surveys, but attempts to provide a broader, more comprehensive, and more detailed overview of the subject than has previously been possible. We begin in section 2 with a discussion of the classification of the languages, together with a brief summary of the history of the study of Salish. In section 3 we consider the principal features of, and research on, the phonetics, phonology, and nonconcatenative morphology of the languages, and, in sections 4 and 5, the morphological structure and the properties of Salish syntax, respectively. Section 6 discusses ethnosemantics, section 7 discourse and textual studies, and section 8 comparative and diachronic studies. We conclude in section 9 with a summary of lexicographic and dictionary work.

2. Salish languages 2.1 Classification and distribution The Salish language family is a diverse family comprising 23 languages spoken in an area encompassing coastal British Columbia and Washington State (including parts of Vancouver Island, the Gulf Islands, and the San Juan Islands), the interior of British Columbia as far north as the southern Cariboo region, most of the northern interior of Washington, Idaho, and into Montana, with a pocket on the Oregon coast. The languages extend over two culture areas which roughly parallel the two main divisions in the family: the Interior Salish languages are included in the area known as the Plateau, and the other languages of the family are included in the area known as the Northwest Coast (see Kinkade et al., in press; Thompson—Kinkade 1990). The map in Figure 1 illustrates the geographic distribution of the languages. The languages themselves are listed in Table 1 according to the classification commonly accepted today. Note that although Bella Coola and Tillamook are languages,

2 Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins and Μ. Dale Kinkade

Secwepemcts'in Shuswap

("omox

ihashishalhem ^ ^chell /

mW S^wj(wu7mesh Squamish Northern Straits iäfalpsam Nooksack \

/

St'ai'imcets Lillooet

'N4e?kepmxcm Thompson·^ Halkomelem

NsxNX ay'amucan K!allam s " s > Sq"uq*ü?basq •] Twana " s \ y

Nsilxc'm Colville-Okanagan tew'äl'mas Lower Chehalis Q^ayYiyUq' s Upper2® Chehalte |\

Hutyeyu Tillamook ι

γ ψ

Dx*lasiicid Lushootseed

Nxa?amxcin Columbian SX'pulms Cowlitz

/JSnchitsu 'umshts A ψ Coeur d'Alene Spokane Kalispel-Flathead

loo RDT

1997

ioo Kilometres

Figure 1. Distribution of the Salish languages. For discussion of the language names shown on the map, see pages vii, 3-4, and 64-68. [Figure 1 is adapted by Robert D. Turner from the map 'Native languages of the northwest coast' (Cameron Suttles—Wayne Suttles; Oregon Historical Society 1985).]

Salish languages and linguistics 3

they are also considered to constitute distinct subdivisons within the Salish family (for earlier classificatory schemas see Swadesh 1950; Thompson 1979b). In Table 1 the Salish languages are listed in terms of 1) the non-indigenous names most commonly used today by Salishanists and other scholars, 2) the indigenous names transcribed phonetically, and 3) the indigenous names transcribed according to the orthography used by a particular community, where this is applicable. The map in Figure 1 gives both non-indigenous and indigenous names, with the latter appearing in the orthography generally followed by the community (see Note on names and orthography, p. vii). Table 1. The Salish languages Non-indigenous name

Indigenous name (phonetic)

I II

nuxalk

III

IV V

Bella Coola Central Salish Comox Pentlatch Sechelt Squamish Halkomelem Northern Straits Klallam Nooksack Lushootseed Twana Tsamosan Quinault Lower Chehalis Upper Chehalis Cowlitz Tillamook Interior Salish Lillooet Thompson Shuswap Colville-Okanagan Columbian Spokane-KalispelFlathead Coeur d'Alene

panfc'äfc säsisätam sqwxwü?mas

Indigenous name (orthographic)

Shashishalhem Skwxwü7mesh

n3xwsX'äy'9m'uc9n isödldssm dxwlasucid sq w uq w ü?basq kwinayf faw'äl'mas q'way'äyi*q' sX'pulms hutyöyu s)t'€fc'amxc nie?kepmxcin ssxwapmaxcin nsilxcin nxa?amxcin

St'at'imcets Nlaka'pamux Secwepemctsin

snfcicu?umscn

Snchitsu'umshtsn

4 Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins and Μ. Dale Kinkade

In both Figure 1 and Table 1, there are four languages for which no indigenous name is given: Comox, Halkomelem, Northern Straits, and Spokane-Kalispel-Flathead. In each case, the linguistic unit argued for by researchers on Salish languages, and represented by the non-indigenous designation, reflects, so far as we know, no overall political or social division, and hence no indigenous name seems ever to have been used by the communities. In all four cases, however, the languages have several dialects, each of which has both an indigenous and a non-indigenous name. The dialects are listed along with their names in the appendix to this introduction. As Table 1 shows, the Salish languages fall into five major divisions of which four constitute non-Interior languages. Bella Coola on the North Coast is the most divergent of the Salish languages, showing influences of its Wakashan neighbors, as well as a number of innovations specific to it. Tillamook, which is also geographically isolated from the other Salish languages, is less divergent than Bella Coola, being more closely related to the Central division (see Elmendorf 1962c). Tsamosan languages differ phonologically, morphologically, lexically, and syntactically from the other languages, and most likely should be considered a dialect chain (see Kinkade 1993b). The Central division consists of a long chain of languages, which are characterized by no one distinguishing set of independent innovations, but in which each language shares properties with its immediate neighbors (Thompson—Kinkade 1990). The Interior languages fall into northwestern (Lillooet, Thompson, Shuswap) and southeastern (Colville-Okanagan, Columbian, Spokane-Kalispel-Flathead, Coeur d'Alene) divisions on the basis of both structural and lexical properties, but in general exhibit less diversity among themselves than is found in the Central division. Kinkade et al. (in press) suggest that this diversity is "on the order of Slavic languages within Indo-European". For discussion of the properties characterizing the different divisions and languages within Salish see Thompson—Kinkade (1990) and Kinkade et al. (in press). Several Salish languages have clear dialect subdivisions. Such dialects are distinct from the pervasive small variations that occur throughout the area from community to community, and even within a community. Comox had distinct dialects on Vancouver Island and on the mainland. Halkomelem is generally divided into at least three major dialects (Island, Downriver, Upriver), although each of these consists of recognizable subdivisions. Northern Straits consists of six recognized dialects (Saanich, Songish, Sooke, Samish, Lummi, Semiahmoo). Lushootseed has quite divergent northern and southern divisions, with further minor subdivisions recognizable within each group. Upper Chehalis had three distinct dialects (Satsop, Oakville Chehalis, Tenino Chehalis). Lower Chehalis, too, had dialect divisions, but the data are too limited to determine how many should be recognized. Siletz and Tillamook are recognized as dialects of a single language. Lillooet has two dialect groups (Lower or Mount Currie and Upper or Fountain). Shuswap has two major divisions (designated

Salish languages and linguistics 5

simply as Eastern and Western). Colville-Okanagan has several dialect divisions, although the lack of a systematic study makes it difficult to identify how many significant ones there are. Spokane-Kalispel-Flathead has three major divisions, often referred to as if they were individual languages, although the differences are largely based on the degree of truncation of words and a difference between r in Spokane and / in Kalispel and Flathead. The dialects are listed in their non-indigenous and indigenous designations in the appendix to this introduction, along with approximate numbers of speakers of each language and/or dialect at the time of publication.

2.2. The study of Salish languages Euro-American interest in Salish languages can be divided into roughly four periods. The first period dates back to 1793, when Sir Alexander Mackenzie recorded two short word lists from Shuswap and Bella Coola while on his overland journey to the Pacific (see Mackenzie 1970), and is characterized initially by the sporadic collection of vocabulary lists by explorers, traders, missionaries, or settlers. Somewhat more systematic data collection began in the 1830's, spurred on throughout by the desire to begin classifying North American languages; in the nineteenth century active data collectors include George Dawson, Myron Eells, George Gibbs, Horatio Hale, and William F. Tolmie. John Wesley Powell (1891) provides a summary of the early classifications, and recognizes Salish as a language family in the northwest of North America. During this period as well, missionaries began to be active among the Salish people; they often produced translations of religious materials and occasionally prepared grammars and dictionaries (e.g., Good 1880; Crosby—Tate—Barraclough 1898; Eells 1877, 1889; Giorda 1877-1879; Mengarini 1861). Some of the materials from northwest mission sites are archived in Spokane, Washington. Kinkade (1990a) provides a detailed report of the history of research into languages of the northwest, including nonInterior Salish languages; no such report has been prepared for Interior Salish languages. See also Pilling (1893) for a bibliography of nineteenth century material on Salish, and Murdock (1960) for some later materials. The second period is dominated by the field work and the classificatory, analytical, and comparative work of Franz Boas and those he influenced (e.g., Hill-Tout 1897, 1900a, 1900b, 1903, 1904a, 1904b, 1905, 1907; Sapir 1915; Farrand 1902; Teit 1916-1917,1917a, 1917b). Boas—Haeberlin (1927), the first comparative Salish work, distinguishes 20 "dialects" (languages) of Salish, and provides evidence for the division between the Interior and the Coast languages. J.P. Harrington collected a great deal of material from various languages in the family, most of which is unpublished (see Kinkade—Seaburg 1991 and the list of Harrington's fieldnotes in the bibliography). T.T.

6 Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins and Μ. Dale Kinkade

Waterman and A.C. Ballard collected material in the Puget Sound area, with Waterman focusing on place names (Waterman 1920, 1922; Ballard 1927, 1929). The 1930's and 40's saw the production of a number of grammars and grammatical sketches (Boas 1934; Edel 1939; Newman 1947; Reichard 1938; Vogt 1940a, 1940b; Tweddell 1950), and included the publication in 1950 of Swadesh's glottochronological work on the internal relationships between Salish languages (Swadesh 1950). See Thompson (1979b) and Adler (1961) for surveys of the comparative work of this period. Comparatively little work was done in the 1950's, although a great deal of linguistic material, much of it still unpublished, was collected by W. W. Elmendorf (particularly on Twana) and by W. Suttles (particularly on Halkomelem). W. Snyder also did field work at this time on Southern Puget Sound Salish (published as Snyder 1968a,b). In the third period, the 1960's and 1970's, there was a great deal of work done on Salish languages, some of it under the auspices of the Northwest survey conducted by L.C. Thompson and his associates (see Thompson 1973a, 1979b for a summary). The work in this period resulted in the production of grammars and grammatical sketches for many of the remaining languages, including Carlson (1972a), Drachman (1969); Galloway (1977; published in 1993b), Gibson (1973), Kinkade (1963-1964); Kuipers (1967b, 1969,1974a), A. Mattina (1973), Nicodemus (1975a), Thompson—Thompson (1971). This period also saw the production of an unprecedented number of unpublished M.A. theses and Ph.D. dissertations (dissertations include Efrat 1969, H.R. Harris 1977, Hess 1967a, Johnson 1975, Leslie 1979, Raffo 1972, Sloat 1966, and Watkins 1970; for theses see References). Some dictionaries were also produced at this time (see section 9). More detailed analytical and theoretical work on Salish languages was begun in this period as well, much of it remaining unpublished (see the appendix to this volume for a list of papers presented at the International Conference on Salish and Neighboring Languages, and the References). In addition, this period saw the production of a number of extensive classified word lists (mostly unpublished), based on a model prepared by R. Bouchard and D. Kennedy, and filled out by both linguists and native speakers of various languages (see, for example, Timmers 1977; Kuipers 1975). The fourth, and most recent period has continued to see the production of dictionaries (see section 9 for references), descriptive grammatical work (Beaumont 1985, Galloway 1990, Hagege 1981, H6bert 1982b, Hess—Hilbert 1980, Montier 1986, Nater 1984, Thompson—Thompson 1992, van Eijk 1985), as well as an increase in analytical and theoretical work on specific topics including the phonetics of Salish languages, stress systems, nonconcatenative morphology and syntax (e.g., recent Ph.D. dissertations include Bessell 1992, Gardiner 1993, Gerdts 1981a [published as 1988a], Kim 1995, Kroeber 1991; other work is discussed in relevant sections below). Data have been collected on all the Salish languages except Pentlatch since the 1960's, and linguists are

Salish languages and linguistics 7

currently trying to work with as much of the collected data as possible, and to continue to add to the data files. In addition, as the appendix to the introduction makes clear, many of the Salish languages are losing their most fluent speakers; in an important and exciting response to this fact, most Salish communities (sometimes using the services of linguists) are developing language programs aimed at school-age children as well as at adults.

3. Phonology and nonconcatenative morphology Salish languages are characterized by rich segmental inventories, complex morphologically-based stress systems, large consonant clusters but apparently simple syllables, and complex nonconcatenative morphology. These properties are discussed in turn below.

3.1. Consonants and vowels Salish languages are well-known for having large consonant inventories and small vowel inventories. In this section we discuss briefly the types of inventories that occur in the Salish family as well as the phonetic work which has been done on synchronic Salish consonants and vowels (see section 8.1 for discussion of diachronic studies).

3.1.1. Consonant inventories Table 2 illustrates a generalized consonant inventory for Salish (only those segments found in several languages of the family are included in the chart). Table 2. Generalized Salish consonant inventory Ρ Ρ' m m'

t t' s η η'

c c' r r'

i 1 Γ

V

y y'

kw strong root > variable root > variable suffix > weak root > weak suffix) (see, for example, Kinkade 1973a; Thompson—Thompson 1992; A. Mattina 1973,1993b; Carlson 1972a, 1972b, 1989; variable roots are not postulated for all languages). Generative analyses have been proposed in a number of different theoretical frameworks. All of them attempt to derive the stress hierarchy from the interaction of simple stress rules with morphemes marked with a few lexicallyspecified diacritics: for example, cyclicity and accent (Czaykowska-Higgins 1993a), boundary placement (Idsardi 1991a, 1991b, 1992), and features such as [+/- stressable], [+/- strong] (Bates—Carlson 1989), and [+/- extrametrical], [+/- unstressed] (Stonham 1990). In addition, Czaykowska-Higgins (1993a) argues that the number of morphological stress classes is greater than proposed in traditional analyses: in Columbian, for instance, there are four classes of roots, and five of suffixes. Demers—Horn (1978) and S. Davis (1984a, 1984b) also propose simple stress rules combined with ways of preventing stress clash to account for Squamish patterns. Smith (1991) discusses word stress in Montana Salish. Roberts (1993) suggests that Lillooet stress involves a cluster of properties including unbounded and bounded stress assignment, while Roberts—Shaw (1994) pay particular attention to weight restrictions and the properties of schwa in Lillooet stress assignment.

3.4. Syllable structure In considering the syllable structure of Salish languages a number of general tendencies can be observed. First, most Salish languages have long and complex underlying and surface consonant clusters. This tendency is most extreme in Bella Coola, which not only has vowelless words, but also has words consisting only of obstruents (e.g., t ^ t k x ^ 'you spat on me'; Hoard 1978), and is least extreme in several Central languages. Sliammon, for instance, disfavors word-initial clusters, and allows no more than three consonants per cluster word-internally or word-finally (Blake 1992). Second, in all the languages resonants have syllabic variants, although these syllabic variants do not seem to constitute the sole syllabic nucleus in words of most of the Salish languages (except Bella Coola) and rarely surface as stressed. The surface forms of the variants are language- and position-dependent. To take one representative example, in Thompson /m, η, 1, y, w, m', η', 1', y', w'/ become syllabic, or vocalized, or they are preceded by [β], when they occur between other consonants and when they are word-final after a consonant. Word-initially before a consonant the nasals and liquids may be syllabic or may be followed by a brief central vowel, and glides are always followed by a central vowel; between a consonant and vowel a resonant has a brief syllabic phase followed

Salish languages and linguistics 17 by its regular consonantal value, suggesting that it is ambisyllabic at least on the phonetic level (Thompson—Thompson 1992:42). Jimmie, a native speaker of TTiompson, claims that in Thompson nasals in initial position are not in fact syllabic (Jimmie 1994); this raises the interesting question of whether the syllabification provided by native speakers resembles the syllable structure hypothesized by linguists (see Kinkade 1994a). Third, although glides alternate with vowels, they function phonologicallyas consonants in morpheme structure constraints on roots and in reduplication (see, for instance, Jimmie 1994 on Thompson). Finally, schwas tend to be constrained as to the types of syllables they can occur in, with unstressed schwas for the most part favoring closed rather than open syllables (see Kinkade, this volume). Since syllabic nasals, liquids, and glides do occur in Salish words, most researchers have assumed that vowels, nasals, and liquids can serve as syllable peaks, and that other consonants must belong either to onsets or to codas; thus the Spokane word sökwkwk'kwk'us.tn 'little eyes' would be divided into two w w w surface syllables — s£k k k'k k'tis.tn, while f s(isitxw would consist of only one syllable (examples from Bates—Carlson 1992a). Researchers working on Bella Coola have proposed several alternate hypotheses. Newman (1947), for instance, suggests that Bella Coola has no syllables at all, while Hoard (1978) suggests that all segments can be syllabic in Bella Coola (see Bagemihl 1991 for discussion of accounts of Bella Coola syllables and for other references). These analyses all postulate syllable types for Salish languages that are highly marked cross-linguistically. Recently, however, Bagemihl (1991) has argued, on the basis of evidence from reduplication patterns, vowel-glide alternations, and other allophonic variation, that Bella Coola has relatively ordinary phonological syllables with the maximal (bimoraic) shape C R W C (R=sonorant consonant, V=vowel). All consonants which do not fit this template are left syllabically unaffiliated but do not get deleted (Bagemihl claims that they are licensed by mora structure, but see Cook 1994, who argues instead that Stray Erasure does not occur in Bella Coola). Several generative studies of syllable structure in Salish languages have appeared since Bagemihl (1991). From these studies it seems that Bagemihl's Simple Syllable Hypothesis also applies to languages other than Bella Coola, and that phonological syllables in Salish languages tend to be maximally bimoraic. Bates—Carlson (1992a, this volume) argue that syllables in Spokane are even simpler than those in Bella Coola, being maximally of the shape c v c (where v=vowel), and that syllabic resonants occur only in phonetic syllables but not in lexical syllables. They also suggest that syllables in Spokane may be of the form cc. Jimmie (1994) argues that Thompson syllables have a canonical c v c shape, and, in addition, provides the first detailed investigation of the phonotactics of consonant clusters in a Salish language, showing that there are place of articulation constraints on clusters. Blake (1992) claims that Sliammon syllables have maximally bimoraic CVC shapes; she also argues that

18 Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins and Μ. Dale Kinkade

deletion of a moraic coda consonant leads to compensatory lengthening of vowels in Sliammon. Matthewson (1994) analyzes Lillooet syllable structure within Optimality Theory, focusing in particular on the special status of schwa. Willett—Czaykowska-Higgins (1995) argue that Columbian syllables are maximally of the shape CVC. Finally, Idsardi (1991a, 1991b, 1992) and Czaykowska-Higgins (1993b) provide brief discussions of syllable structure in Shuswap and Columbian, respectively.

3.5. Nonconcatenative morphology One of the most striking characteristics of Salish languages is their extensive use of various reduplication patterns to signal grammatical or lexical morphemes. In addition, in several languages there are cases of infixation and what has been called metathesis. This section focusses on reduplication, providing a brief survey of the basic reduplication types (exceptional patterns and exceptions to patterns are not discussed; for these the reader is referred to the individual grammars and analyses of reduplication) and presenting the type of work that has been done on reduplication patterns.

3.5.1. Reduplication types Three types of reduplication are found in some form in almost all languages of the Salish family. The first and most pervasive of these is a prefixal cvcreduplication, which copies the first and second consonants of a root morpheme; this reduplication usually refers to plural number and repeated, distributed, or frequent action, and is called "distributive", "augmentative", or "plural" in the literature. The vowel found in the reduplicative morpheme varies. In most cases it is a schwa; more rarely it is a copy of the full vowel situated between the first and second root consonants or is deleted. Van Eijk (this volume) provides a detailed discussion of the forms and meanings of cvcreduplication. The second type of reduplication copies the first consonant of a root morpheme, with or without a vowel. The vowel may be a copy of the first root vowel, or may be a different vowel, and languages differ as to whether it surfaces as stressed or not. In some languages the root vowel is usually deleted so that only the vowel in the reduplicative prefix surfaces. In many languages this reduplicative pattern expresses "diminutiveness", but other meanings are also found; in Squamish, for instance, reduplication of the first root consonant and vowel occurs in durative, frequentative, or intensive verb-derivatives (e.g., c'H-sic'ui-um 'be cold'), while DIMINUTIVE is signalled by an unproductive reduplication of the form CJI-CJVC (e.g., Ci-'s/lam? 'little house'). DIMINUTIVE

Salish languages and linguistics 19

reduplication is often accompanied by sonorant glottalization (see section 3.2.4 above). In Thompson, Shuswap, and Lillooet cv-reduplication copies the first consonant and vowel of a base, but the base, instead of being the root morpheme, is the stressed syllable of the word, even if this syllable occurs in a suffix (e.g., Thompson: s-\fpz'ü[z'u]7 (s-y/ρζύ?) '(small) bird', sflatx=dfy(a)]n's '[baby or animal] eats'). Cowlitz and Upper Chehalis have a nonconcatenative means of representing DIMINUTIVE which involves lengthening and lowering of the stressed vowel (e.g., Upper Chehalis latä:m (Vlatäm) 'little table'). The third type of reduplication copies the second consonant of the root morpheme (e.g., Lushootseed \f?ib[ib]ss (