Rulers on the Celestial Plain: Ecclesiastic and Secular Hegemony in Medieval Tibet. A Study of Tshal Gung-thang [Vol. 2] 9783700138280

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OSTERREICHISCHE AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN PHILOSOPHISCH-HISTORISCHEKLASSE DENKSCHRIFTEN, 36 1 . BAND

VEROFFENTLICHUNGEN ZUR SOZIALANTHROPOLOGIE BAND 10

Wien 2007

OAW

O S T E R R E I C H I S C H E A K A D E M I E DER W I S S E N S C H A F T E N PHILOSOPHISCH-HISTORISCHEKLASSE DENKSCHRIFTEN, 361. BAND -.

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TIBETAN ACADEMY O F SOCIAL SCIENCES O F THE AUTONOMOUS REGlON TIBET

Rulers on the Celestial Plain Ecclesiastic and Secular Hegemony in Medieval Tibet A Study of Tshal Gung-thang Volume 2

Per K.

Sgrensen

and Guntram Hazod

in Cooperation with Tsering Gyalbo

Wien 2007

OAW

Vorgelegt von w.M. ANDREGINGRICH in der Sitzung am 15. Dezember 2006

Gedmckl mit Unterstiitmng des Fonds zur Fordemng der wissenschafilichen Forschung

WF

Der Wissenschaftsfonds.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication data A Catalogue record of this book is available from the British Library

Front cover: Gung-thang Bla-ma Zhang (see p. 394: Fig. 5)

Die vcnvendete Papicrsorte ist aus chlorfrei gebleichtem Zcllstoff hergestcllt. frei von saurebildenden Bestandteilen und alterungsbestdndig.

Allc Kcchte vorbchalten ISBN 978-3-7001-3828-0 Copyright (02007 by Ostcrrcich~schcAkadcmie dcr Wisscnschaftcn W~en Satz. Layout. Guntrarn Ilazod Gcsamtherstellung: I . A~chfcldcrDruck (icsmbtl, 8750 Judcnburg Printed and bound in Austria

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Volume 11)

PART 11 - APPENDICES Appendix I Icons of IHa-sa Rulers: Embodied Buddhas, Political Power and Ancestral Authority: The Bla-ma Zhang and the gNyos Patriarch thangka .......................................................... 353 Per K. Ssrensen 1. The Gung-thang Bla-ma Zhang kesi Tapestry lcon of Empowerment: Transition of Power and its Investiture 1.1 Historical Presupposition and Ideological Background ..................................................... 354 1.2 The Dual Function of an lcon as Emblem of Spiritual and Political Authority ................. 359 1.3 Patronage and the Legacy of Time: In Search of its Origin and a Reappraisal of its Artistic Background .................................. 363 1.4 Tangut Interlude: Common Origin of the Zhang kesi and the Blue Acala kesi .................. 367 1.5 The Bla-ma Zhang Icon: Proto-typical Buddha Portrait and Idealized Hierarch ............... 376 1.6 lcon of a Lost Empire: An Attempted Reconstruction of its Odyssey ............................... 378 2. Ancestral Legacy: The gNyos Patriarch lcon ........................................................................... 28 1 2.1 Hybrid Lineage Construction: The Esoteric GuhyasarncTja and Vajrabhairava Transmission and their Commemoration ........................................................................... 28 1 2.2 The gNyos Scroll: Ruler in Religious Garb and his Lineage Esotenca .............................. 385 3. The Many Faces of Bla-ma Zhang ...................................................................................... 392

Appendix I1 Control over the [Ha-sa Mandala Zone: Geo-political Schemes, National Monuments, Flood Control Politics and Ideological Battlefield .................................................................................................................................. 40 1 Per K. Ssrensen 1. The Four Religious Communities (sde hzhi): Factional Strugglc for Supremacy and the Control of a National Sanctuary ................................................................................... 401 1.1 Circumscribing the Ra-sa Sanctum: The Four Local 1Ha-sa Communities as Model of Representation or the Question of Shared Custodianship ............................. 4 10 1.2 The gNyos Clan: Old Rulers of IHa-sa District and Predecessors of Bla-ma Zhang's Tshal Hegemony ................................................................................ 4 13 1.3 The Cintamani Skull ofgNyos and its Legacy: Clan Trouvaille or Victory's Trophy ........ 428 1.4 Thc IHa-pa Ruling House of the Gye-re Vallcy in sKyid-smad - Clan Loyalty and Ancestral Prestigc .......................................................................................................... 442 2. Water Monster's Wrath - Nature's Curse: IHa-sa Diluvium - Concentric Cosmology, the Birth of Flood Control Politics and the Survival of a Holy Site .................................... 449 2.1 Genesis of lHa-sa: Ocean's Drainage, Cosmos' Dramaturgy and .. thc S a n c t ~ f ~ c a t ~ofo nSpacc ................................................................................................ 45 1 2.2 Divine Forcsight: Providcnce and Prophccies of Guru Rinpoche and Pre-emptivc Strategies .............................................................................................. 456 2.3 Royal Lcgacics: The Avalokitesvara Cult and the Invention of .. Ancestral and Splr~tualGenealogies ................................................................................. 463 2.4 Taming the Naga: The Construction of the IHa-sa Embankment or Watcr Dikcs (chu rags) ............................................................................................... 471 2.5 The Tshal-pa Rulcrs: IHa-sa's First Grand Architects ........................................................ 483

2.5.1 Imperial Mongol Ancestor Cult in Gung-thang .......................................................... 484 ni: from Environmental Repair, 2.6 In the Service of Jo-bo ~ ~ k ~ a m uMerit-building Borrowed Identities and the Dialectics of Prophecics ....................................................... 486 2.7 Disputed Legacies and Political Conflict: Flood Control and Natural Disaster Management as Instrument and Cause of Sectarian Rivalry ................................................ 494 2.8 Portents and Mirabilia: IHa-sa as Ideological Battleground - Hegemonic Designs among Rival Families and Powerful Hierarchs .................................................................... 511 2.9 Chos r - cbSod-nams rgya-mtsho: The Virijpa of Tibet Master over the Waters and Architect of Alliances ............................................................. 526 2.10 Battered Hopes: Contested Embodiments and New Identities The Drama behind the Dalai Lama Succession ................................................................... 530 2.1 1 Narratives of Triumph and Submission: The Long-forgotten "Phun-tshogs" Dynasty - A Reappraisal ........................................... 533 3 . Welfare and Prosperity Programme for Tibet: Statc Rituals Staged for Nation and People ........ 542

Appendix 111 The Tshal-pa Myriarchy: Territory. Appanage Grants and Mongol Patronage Per K . Ssrensen and Guntram Hazod I . The Mongol Conquest: Tibet as Vassal undcr the Great Mongol Empire beke mongyol ulus) ... 553 2 . The Tshal-pa Myriarchy ............................................................................................................557

Appendix IV In the Garden of the White Mare . Encounters with History and Cult in Tshal Gung-thang Guntram Hazod I . Introduction ..............................................................................................................................571 2 . Grib and the 1Ha-sa Mandala Zone ...........................................................................................573 The Gung-thang Flower Offering ..... 585 2.1 Grib rDzong-btsan Marries the Gung-thang Iha-mo . 2.2 The IHa-mo Sisters .............................................................................................................594 3 . Tshal and Gung-thang ............................................................................................................. 596 3.1 The Tshal Gung-thang District: A Brief Dcscription ......................................................... 596 3.2 Traccs of Yore: Old Names of Tshal Gung-thang: 'Bum-thang, Tshal[-thang] Bye-ma-can, [Ngan-lam] Tsha-ba-gru and rTa-mo-ra .................................. 600 3.2.1 Wandering Toponyms: Ngan-lam [Ral-gsum] in 'Phan-yul and sUyid-shod and 602 the rdo ring of [Ngan-lam] Sri ......................................................................................... 3.3 Khri-srong Ide-btsan Secks Vairocana and Arrivcs at Tsha-ba-gru ........................ . . ...... 611 . . 4 . D ~ v ~ Patrons ne .........................................................................................................................615 4.1 Dar-ma gzhon-nu and the "Gung-thang Projcct" ............................................................... 615 4.2 Thc White Marc ................................................................................................................ 619 4.3 The klu Family ............................................................................................................. 625 627 5 . Thc Firc of Gung-thang ............................................................................................................. 5.1 Pehar and the Demise of Tshal-pa ...................................................................................... 627 5.2 The Gung-thang me-shor .................................................................................................. 631

Appendix V: Tables I . Thc Two Thrones of Tshal-pa: The Religious Throne of the Yang-dgon gduti .so and thc dhoti .sa-Throne of the Sccular Rulers (.vrid.~kyong,[khri] dpon) .............................. 635 1 . 1 Thc Clan Affiliations of thc Abbots of Tshal Yang-dgon .................................................. 637 1 .2 Thc Lincagc of thc dhon .su and thc Rclation to thc Yang-dgon gdun .so ......................638 2 . Thc Main Branches of the Tshal-pa School Establishcd in thc 1 2Ih and 13"' Century ............... (339 2.1 Thc gduti .so ho Lincagcs of thc Main Branchcs of thc Tshal-pa School ........................... 640 3 . The Principals of thc Collcgcs in Tshal and Gung-thang .......................................................... 644

4 . Bla-ma Zhang's Teachers ......................................................................................................... 645 5 . The Groups of Bla-ma Zhang's Disciples ................................................................................. 647 6 . Religious Settlements of the Early phyi dar Communities in dBus ......................................... 659 7 . The gNyos Clan of Central Tibet and the Abbatial Succession of thc Gye-re Iha-khang ......... 671 7.2 The G[y]c-re IHa-khang khri dpon ......................................................................................682 7.3 G[y]e-re gSang-sngags pho-brang ....................................................................................... 683 8. The Abbatial Succession of the Monastic Seats and Seminars of gSang-phu Ne'u-thog and sKyor-mo-lung ............................................................................................................... 685 8.1 The Abbatial Succession of the gSang-phu Ne'u-thog Seminar .......................................... 685 8.2 The Abbatial Succession of the sKyor-mo-lung chos .sde ................................................ 688 9 . The IHa-sa Ra-mo-che bzhi-sde 1 sde-bzhi Institution .............................................................. 704 10. The Abbatial Succession of fiya-ma Rin-chen-sgang ............................................................. 707 1 1 . The Abbatial Succession of the Monastic Main Seats: 'Bri-yng and sTag-lung .................. 717 1 1 . 1 The Abbatial Succession of 'Bri-gung dgon-pa ................................................................ 718 I 1 . 2 The Abbatial Succession of the sTag-lung dgon-pa ........................................................ 740 12. The Governor seats (sde pa) and rdzong of the Phag-mo gru-pa Rule: The sNel-pa (-sNe'u rdzong), Brag-dkar and dGa'-ldan sKyid-shod sde pu ........................... 759 12.1 The Governors of sNel-pa 1 sNe'u .................................................................................. 761 12.2 The Governors of Brag-dkar ............................................................................................. 764 12.3 The dGa'-ldan sKyid-shod-pa ...........................................................................................766 13. A Short Chronology of the History of Tshal Gung-thang ....................................................... 775

Appendix VI Gung thang dkar chag and sMon lam rdo rje rnam thar VI . I Gung thang dkar chug ( 1 b I-76b6) .......................................................................................779 VI .2 .rMon lam rdo rje rnam thar ( l b 1 -69a6) .............................................................................. 805 V1.2.1 The Collected Works of Tshal-dpon sMon-lam rdo-rje ( 128k1347) ........................... 828

BIBLIOGRAPHY Tibetan Sources ............................................................................................................................. 833 Primary Sources ........................................................................................................................833 Secondary Sources .................................................................................................................... 873 European Language Sources ......................................................................................................... 882

INDEX Tibetan Index .................................................................................................................................917 Personal Names ......................................................................................................................... 917 Place Names .............................................................................................................................. 970 Sanskrit Index .............................................................................................................................. 1007 Chinese Index .............................................................................................................................. 1009 Mongolian Index ......................................................................................................................... 1011

Note on the Illustrations .............................................................................................................

1011

PART

Appendices I-VI

APPENDIX I

I . A religious dignilary rgrhe Zhang Tshal-pa !raditiot~ Derail of Fig. 2a. p. 356

I. ICONS O F LHA-SA RULERS Embodied Buddhas, Political Power, and Ancestral Authority T h e Bla-ma Zhang and gNyos Patriarch thangka Per K. Seirensen

The way ideal lives of religious masters and the enduring triumph of lay potentates in the Tibetan world were recorded or depicted assumed myriad forms. The motive for recording or depicting these were just as many as the format such representations took: Some reflected the basic need for documenting or for providing record of authorization or representation and legitimacy - whether religious, spiritual, hegemonic or otherwise, or they met the overarching need for commemoration. Other records, both the written and the artistic forms, assumed model character intending to unfold before the very eyes of their audience the nature and form behind ideal or enlightened conduct of a saint or they sought to resuscitate and justify bygone glories and heroic feats depicted in order to exalt once-held or contemporary prerogatives of lay masters. In a Tibetan context, portraiture of rulers without a religious identity is unwarranted. Iconic representations embodying spiritual numinosity in form of statues and thangka indeed served similar purposes, but with the added quality of conveying an aesthetic, visual and communicative dimension to such representations that served as an unmediated gateway or a strongly evocative intermediary between the pious practitioner or the spectator and the divine world. Two remarkable thangka icons have fortunately survived the vicissitude of time, depictions that to a considerable extent assist us in catching a glimpse of the modus operand; of authoritative representation and of the religio-political functions of rule. Being moreover masterpieces of clerical art, these icons -which in terms of finish are different, but cognate in terms of artistic style and iconographic repertoire reflecting an early Pila-inspired, probably East lndic style (shar [blrzs [ m a ] )that dominated early deity- and monk-portraiture in Tibet - arguably were manufactured during roughly the second wave or generation that marked the spread of this particular artistic development. The paintings depict two charismatic masters and lay rulers of IHa-sa who reigned in the period between 1150 and 1200, namely the affluent gNyos spiritual master and lay ruler Grags-pa-dpal (I 106-1 16511 182 A.D.) and the contemporary Tshal Gung-thang founder Bla-ma Zhang g.Yu-brag-pa (1 123-1 193), personages that wielded both political and ecclesiastic power. Not only did they have remarkably parallel lives, their biographies are also compelling stories of ancestral commitments, religious trials, warring conflict and ultimate triumph. By fate or sheer coincidence, they were destined both to establish influential polities in the near vicinity of each other and to share the fate of succeeding one another as rulers in the very heartland of Tibet, where we find them recorded in Tibetan history as the first post-imperial rulers of lHa-sa in the sKyid-shod district; as such they shall count as true precursors of the dual rule characterizing the much later Dalai Lama institution. Based upon a wide range of sources: art-historical, biographical, literary, doctrinal and esoteric, the present essay probes into the background behind the icons and attempts to reinstall these in a proper historical, artistic and cultural context, an inquiry - by no means exhaustive - that enables us to acquire a better and deeper appreciation of the artworks; similar in-depth enquiries shall in fact prove quite feasible for a host of other masterpieces of Tibetan art.

354

PART I 1

Despite a veritable flurry of publications in the field of Tibetan art, its study and documentation is still in its infancy, since these inquiries are mostly conducted by scholars without proper mastery of Tibetan sources; however the prospects are by no means gloomy - materials related to art and not least to the documented history of innumerable pieces of religious art - due to the unbridled furor scrihendi of the Tibetan themselves - are fortunately readily at hand.

1. T H E G U N G - T H A N G B L A - M A Z H A N G K E S I T A P E S T R Y Icon o f Empowerment: Transition o f Power and its Investiture I . 1 Historical Presupposition and Ideological Background With his victory over the joint armies of the Sa-skya in the 1350's and with his subsequent reorganization of the conquered territories, the charismatic and able ta 'i . ~ rui Byang-chub rgyalmtshan (1 302-1 364) - as vividly retold in a number of unique contemporary sources (e.g. Si ru hh-a ' chems or Rlangs) - changed the political landscape of his country. Yet the changes introduced by the new regime had less impact on the inner structure that still allowed an appreciable amount of autonomy and independence to local patrimonial hegemonies. ruling houses and major monastic centres against a fair degree of loyalty sworn to the Phag-gru. The former mynarchic war1 hustructure. a Yiian invention set up in the mid- 13"' century proved to be ridden by a number of innate defects such as being all too susceptible to betrayal and disloyalty once the central power, either the Mongol empire itself or their local Statthalter and representatives in Tibet the Sa-skya-pa displayed signs of exhaustion, were ridden by political corruption or were marked by military weakness. and all these shortcomings appeared to be present in the late 1340's. In the wake of ta 'I s i tu 's victory. the Phag-gru in an attempt to strengthen the political administration and its military structure, and in order to enhance its control erected a number of strategically located rdzong-based governorships or dependencies throughout Central Tibet. In this process a number of fomier semi-independent hegemonies were compelled, either voluntarily or by sheer force, to submit themselves to the new political realities, occasionally to witness the confiscation of land or loss of prerogatives or were bound to swear allegiance or submit themselves to bygone foes. Re-[napping the many tenitones and hegemonies was a long process that lasted close to one century in order to be implemented fully. before they again were altered by new hegemonies. It was during the tenure of the 16"' Tshal dpon ch~>n dNgos-grub rgya-mtsho, so according to GT

39a-b, that the Tshal-pa were confronted with these issues. As one of the fonner myriarchies of the now moribund Sa-skya organization, and despite being at that point one of the most illustrious centers of erudition in Central Tibet. Tshal too was compelled to abandon most of its numerous ~nyriarchicmi sde territories that as landed estates and fiefships fonncrly had been donated to them through their particularly close relationship to the Yiian emperors. This divcst~nenttook place at the beginning of the 15"' centuly in the wake of the actual take-over and the transference of power to the new Phag-mo-gru-pa rulers who at that point had controlled Central Tibet and sKyid-shod since the 1350's. During the reibm of the 5Ih Phag-gru gong 1 1 1 Grags-pa ~ rgyal-mtshan (13741432) thc most powerful and efficient ruler in (Central) Tibet, in fact rcgardcd as "King of Tibet" during this spell - Tshal's last bastion, the heartland around Tshal Gung-thang. was finally rclinqi~ishedto the new rulers, probably in around 1415 A.D. The remaining confiscation of Tshill territories cvidently -

Appendi.r I: Icons O/ IHu-so Hrt1er.c.

355

had followed minor humiliations such as the sequestration of Mt. Potala[ka] or dMar-po-ri in IHa-sa which until then had been controlled by the Tshal-pa, before it was donated to the 5Ih Karma-pa Debzhin gshegs-pa in 14 10 by the same ruler (a donation incidentally reconfirming a similar donation to the 3rdKanna-pa tendered by the Tshal-pa back in 1310 and which in the I hthcentury played no small role in the embittered and prolonged fight over the hegemony of the 1Ha-sa area between the Karma-pa and the dGe-lugs-pa). During the same period, Cirags-pa rgyal-mtshan paved the way for Tsong-kha-pa's ambitious and expansive plan by establishing the important sMon lam chen mo Festival as well as by erecting the three key dGe-lugs monasteries around Lhasa, thereby initiating a political union between gDan-sa-mthil and the dGe-ldan-pa that led to the gradual rise of the latter sect as the dominating one in Tibet. Having ruled for over 45 years, the redoubtable mi dhang Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan passed away in 1432, and the demise of this both efficient and undisputed Central Tibetan ruler triggered a heated rivalry over his succession among a number of nephews who as prospective heirs laid claim to the chair. Grags-pa 'byung-gnas [rgyal-mtshan] ( 14 14- 1444/45), who as nephew earlier ( 1428-1 432) had occupied the abbatial see of rTsed-thang. eventually took over the powerful seat as the 6Ihsde sr-id or gong ma of the Phag-mo-gru-pa the following year (1433). During his brief tenure until 1444, however, he proved to have no particularly lucky hand politically. A man of deep spirituality and well-versed in manrr-ajqinabut with a parochial outlook not cut out for worldly affairs. his rule under the long shadow of his ambitious father was ridden by the internal upheavals at Phaggru while his hegemony externally remained embroiled in wearisome warfare throughout Central Tibet. His tenure heralded the gradual decline of the ruling house of the Phag-mo-gru-pa,' barely having ruled as sovereigns of Central Tibet for one fill century. and thus signalled another shift of power emblematic of the ephemeral nature of secular rule in late medieval Tibet. The tenure of the 6'" incumbent thus was marked by an investiture that can be regarded as part of the final confirmation of the new political landscape. The last major appropriation of the central heartland of Tshal Gungthang meant the end to a hegemony or a polity (but not of an influential religious institution).

' The new incumbent was son of the former throne-holder's younger brother. the ambitious Cht,su Sangs-ryas rgyalmtshan (1 389-1457). who had mamcd a lady of a governor under the Phag-gru house. the Rin-spungs line (of the sGeri dCyer clan) in the gTsang province. Chc. so initially attempted to resume power upon his brother's demise (in 1431) which led to a serious situation at sNe'u-gdong with different factions vying Tor power. In the internal politics. the long hand of the incumbent's father should be felt for many years. However, upon spmn sngu rin po (.he Mod-nams rgyalmtshan's (13861434) advice, the inexperienced Crags-pa 'byung-gnas was finally elected new sde srid. The former, before he passed away, in fact urgcd the latter to take over the seat (rrgu 'I go s a 'di kh,,ed h?i.v 'clzin dgos; 01). cir. bSod tranrs rpc11 ttrrrlratr r-nun1 rhur 70a3m). His father nevertheless repeatedly intermingled in the a t t i r s by attempting to usurp thc throne. once the authoritative sp18atrsnga had passed away. The Wood-Tiger year of 1434 was to come down in Tibetan history as the culminatio~lof a classical family contlict. this one popularly known as the "Grand Conflict of the Tigcr Year" and as the "Year of the Internal Dissolve of the Phag-gru Ruling House." For Rin-spungs. their revolt againsl the Pha-gru began the following year 1435. Upon the untimely (unnatural'?) demise of Mi-dbang (or "King." also titulatcd Chos-rgyal) Crags-pa 'byung-&mas. Sangs-rgyas rgyal-mtshan in 1448 (aHer a few years of vacancy at sNegdong) linally succeeded in installing his second son Kun-dga' legs-pa (1433-82) on the secular throne (1448-81) who prior to this point should hold the throne as abbot of rTsed-thang and later of gDan-sa-mthil. See now also Czaja 2006. Crags-pa 'byung-gnas nevertheless proved more of a liability than an asset to the Phag-gru hegemony. the Rinspuligs line (the house of the incumbent's mother) eventually should oust the ruling Phag-gru mother house from power. Sources: c.g. the 5Ih Dalai Lama. Bod h?.i deb !her 148-1 5 1 : Drh drnur.g.vur (Tucci 2 19-2 I); Deb !her lnor gscll mt, long 234-36; sNc'ri ~ ( l o t r g.vdc,.wid 5 2 4 4 ; Shakabpa. Tibrr .4 Polirical H i s r o n . 8 6 8 7 ; Ehrhard 2002c: 531..

2a. Silk Tapestry (kesi) of dPal-ldan g. Yu(64.5 x 59.9 cm)

:-pa alias Gung-(hang Bla-ma

Appendix I: Icans of 1Na-sa Rulers

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2b. The inscription on the backside of the Tapesfry Thangka

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358

PART I 1

The Inscription of the Gung-thang Tapestry Thangka*

dus gsum sangs rgyas thams cad ngo bo gro ba 'i mgon po dpaldan g.yu brag pa 'i sku 'dra brtags sku rin po che 'i drung du 11 'dzam gling sa 'i bdag po gu Sri Crags pa 'byung gnus rgyal mtshan dpal hzang pos phul pa 'i dge bas sangs rgyas thob par shog 1 rgyal ba rnams kyi dam pa 'i chos ma lus pa rgyal ba 'i dgongs pa ji lta ba bzhin 'dzin nus par gyur cig I hkra shis dung bde legs phel bar gyur cig I

[Embodying] the Essence of all Buddhas of the Three Times, The Lord of the Living Beings bagann6tha; i.e. Bla-ma Zhang] the Glorious (*s'rimat) g.Yu-brag-pa's embroidered precious image In its Presence The Lord of the World, the National Preceptor (guoshi) Grags-pa 'byung-gnas rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzang-po by virtue of the merit [acquired] from presenting [offerings] may the [lofty state of] Buddhahood be attained! The entire Sacred Doctrine of the Buddhas and The Intent of the Victor [Jina] as it really is may he prove capable of upholding [and perpetuating] it! [During his reign] may auspiciousness and happiness prosper!

* The inscription on the backside of the kesi tapestry thangka has been couched in a traditional - here somewhat sweeping and forceful - 'hru tshu zliahs ring mu calligraphy, i.e. the long-legged 'BN-tsha form, a cherished style in medieval documents. The inscription is written on a separate piece of possibly red patterned thin and slightly transparent 1 5Ih cent. matcrial and was attached at a later point to the kesi fhongku.

dpaldan = dpal ldan; hrtugs = htags

1.2 The Dual Function of an Icon as Emblem of Spiritual and Political Authority The attached inscription on the Zhang rhangka records or authorizes, in othcr words seeks to legitimize a political change in power that took place by the inauguration and enthronement of a new ruler, in this case the donations and offerings presented by the 6"' gong mu Grags-pa 'byunggnas (or on his behalf) in connection with the formal enthronement ceremony as new incumbent. We shall argue that the text was formulated concomitant with the ccrcmony and the inscription was formally issued in connection with this ruler's enthronement 1433--34 A.D. at rTsed-thang (alternatively a few years later, probably around 1437, when the new ruler visited the sKyidshod district). The text thus both marked and commemorated this conferral of authority, an act of transference and of legitimacy according to which the Phag-mo-gru-pa formally took over the secular authority and factual position of the Tshal-pa dpon chen, with the important addition that the local dpon institution continued its line but vested with very restricted or nominal power only. The inscription and the event commemorated was not the actual take-over by the Phag-mo-gru-pa that had taken place during the tenure of Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan (ca. 14 1 0 - 1 5 A.D.). The inscription instead marked the investiture ?(the new incumbent Grags-pa 'byung-gnas that officially scaled the actual transfer of power. For the now moribund supraregional Tshal hegemony, the event meant the obliteration of the effective (but as said not nominal or suzerain) local control over the position as dpon chen which had been headed by the mGar-clan for more than 200 years. It can be assumed that the narrow land around Tshal Gung-thang continued to remain under the jurisdiction of the Tshal and the independence of some of the seminars or colleges (grva rshang) remained unquestioned. It may well be argued that the content of the inscription - which in the first place is a political document, here conspicuously bereft of mantra formulae or seed syllables commonly decorating consecratory inscriptions on rhangka - thus not only intended to signal a political change in power, but should as well be understood as a sign of continuity inasmuch as the act of enthronement and investiture as dpon chen in Tshal traditionally was accompanied along ceremonious lines by presenting offerings in the presence of an image of the founding figure Bla-ma Zhang and his lineage, an act performed in order to receive the empowerment and blessing issuing from these founders and up until the Phag-gru take-over conceivably performed in front of this very rhangka (albeit we still possess precious little information on the modalities and procedure of secular enthronement in medieval Tibet). The take-over as documented in the inscription nevertheless ushered in a major turning point in the history of Tshal. With this inscription - a political document in i t s e l f the Zhang tapestry thereby assumed a new function and identity.

It is a very common phenomenon in Tibetan art history that the point between the manufacture of a painting and its fonnal consecration (often in this connection outfitted with a consecratory and benedictory inscription on the rear side) differs considerably. The icon tapestry, until its symbolism and hnction as a source of authority was renewed or rather reconfirmed in the 1430's most likely until then had not been fitted with any inscription, serving until that point as an icon restricted exclusively to the internal Tshal religious and secular hegemony. The tapestry in its primary function and in its symbolism no doubt was manufactured as a religious icon, extolling its central religious figure, here in his capacity of putting on display his status as a Buddha and as a teacher of its specific Tshal-pa lore, and in the same vein provide a record of the founder and hierarch transmission of one or more of his most prominent esoteric cycles.

3 60

PART I1

As to the wording of the investiture inscription, curious in this respect is only the appellation dpa/ Idat1 prefixed to g.Yu-brag-pa, an epithet not overly common in the indigenous Tshal tradition (currently only attested in the important 141h-centurybiography by Kun-dga' rdo- j e , d G o . ~'dod re skong nta 'i g r e l ha 532.2, 575.2 and the rare Tshal-treatise Chos kun gsal ba 'i me long (l3'I1 cent.), i.e. dPal ldan g.Yu-brag-pa).2 This epithet, in a Tshal context hitherto undocumented during the earliest history of this school and hegemony, may arguably have gained currency from the 13"l century and seems to have been preferred by the new Phag-gru rulers, obviously in an attempt to express traditional respect to the founding Tshal master. As shall be documented below the idolized tapestry before the Phag-gru take-over was already imbued with ample ritual and, by extension in a Tshal context, major religio-political authority. The subsequent 151h-centurytransfer of power from the Tshal to the Phag-gru hegemony nevertheless was important enough to ensure the formal issue of documents - not least the present inscription - followed by a concomitant solemn act of consecration, which essentially was a political act but one which had to be conducted or sanctified in a wholly ritual setting and ambience by secular leaders and religious hierarchs carrying political positions. So singular was this act, it shall be argued, that once the written investiture was attached to the tapestry the text of the authoritative document was neither changed nor replaced when in the future a new incumbent was installed on the throne as the new Phag-gru sde srid. That the present embroidered silk tapestry of Bla-ma Zhang had a long story and in medieval times (during the local Tshal hegemony) arguably may have carried considerable ritual-mythic import first of all as a religious icon for granting empowerment and blessing may indirectly be inferred from another parallel: In the biography of (gNyan-ston) Mus-chen rGyal-mtshan dpal-bzang-po ( 1 27511 287-1 347), a prominent representative of an electic blend of bKa7-brgyud-pa lines (gNyags ston gdung rubs 128f., 263ff.) - and signally a nephew of 'Gro-mgon 'Phags-pa rin p o che (1 2351280)j - we are informed that this learned scholar similarly resided in China, eventually being registered as imperial tutor (dishi) to the XIthand the XIIIh Yuan emperor Ayurbanvada Buyantu Qan (i.e. Renzong; rl. 13 1 1-1 320) and his son Gegen (Yingzong; rl. 132 1-1 323), but also as preceptor to successive emperors at the court at Dadu (Beijing), such as Toyon Temur. Upon leaving the imperial palace for Sa-skya for the first time at the age of 21 (in 1295 1 1307) and again later (after his third visit, this time as dishi, obviously in 1333), he literally was showered with costly presents, among these also embroidered and painted images (btugs .sku and hris sku; thangka), etc. types of gifts that appear to have been a very common sort of present, right from the time of the Mi-nyag rulers, an observation which corroborates that the manufacture of tapestries -

A reminiscence of the use of the later prevalent adjcctive dpal is found in the 1 2 13"' ccnt. Bla-ma Zhang writings. so thc uncommon form dpal Gung-thang, later so popular, could bc rcgistcred in one case. Sa-skya Zangs-tsha bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan (1 184-1239) had five consorts and should lineage-conscious like -

other 'Khon patriarchs - producc eight children. Among these, with thc senior consort ma c.ig Kun-skyid, Zangs-tsha fathered the famous 'Phags-pa Bla-ma (1235-1 280) and thc latter's younger brother Phyag-na rdo-rjc (1 239-1267). and with ma cig Jo-'Bro he then fathered sloh dpon Rin-chcn rgyal-mtshan ( 1238139-1 27911282) and the daughtcr .rloh dp0n ma mDo-sdel'Od-zcr-'bum (b. 1240). The latter went to the Mus district in gTsang whcrc she eventually gave birth lo

Mus-chcn rGyal-mtshan-dpal-bzang.With Zangs-tsha's third consori ma c.rg rDo-rjc-gdan, he fathcrcd Bla-ma Ye-shes 'byung-gnas (1238-1274) and with a fourth consort, thc daughter of the (iung-thang btsad-po, Iha cig mDzes-ma, he begot the sloh dpon ma bSod-nams-'bum and Nyi-ma-'bum. Finally with Jo-lcam Hor-mo, he fathcrcd slob dpon ma Rin-chen 'byung-pas. Cf. e.g. A-myes-zhabs, So .vkva gdutig rah.7 234 3 5 ; Yur lung c.11o.c.'l~vurig153.4ff; Mar lung r-nam fliur 1 2 7 b M ; TPS Tucci: Table I .

Appendix I : Icons ~ f l l ~ a a - sRu1er.s a

36 1

thrived under the Mongols too.4 Being the nephew of the great 'Phags-pa bla-ma, he also received an edict and rescript ('ja' .xu)' from the Mongols that bespoke extensive privileges for him and for his native districts (he and his gNyags clan received both monastic and landed estates in the gTsang province) including the obligatory tax exemption privileges, etc. He there made extensive donations to his local religious establishments. In fact, his fame and repute - being considered a manifestation of Arya Avalokitesvara - during his life-time spread so much that, as his biography informs us, a saying ran (ibd. 136.1-3, 271 .3-6):h "If [you] do not see [i.e. meet] Se-chen rgyal-po [i.e. Qubilai Qan] Look [instead] at [i.e. tum to] the "Embroidered Image oiGung-thang" (gung thang btags sku)! If you do not see 'Gro-mgon 'Phags-pa Look at Mus-chen rGyal-mtshan-dpal-bzang-po! This eulogy places Mus-chen on a par with the great 'Phags-pa bla-ma and through the accompanying analogy delivers a clue to the apparent importance attached to the embroidered tapestry rhatlgka of Gung-thang. Where the last couplet contains a strong religious equation, the first signals a political statement or point of reference. The saying explicitly purports that Mus-chen be regarded as a natural successor or representative of 'Phags-pa - on equal terms with the latter and as a 'Khon-line scion -just as it purports that - in a local Central Tibetan context - the stitched image at Gung-thang [i.e. of Qubilai Qan; emperor Shizong fiom 1271-721, here in his iconic form, as a visual symbol of Qubilai's personal supremacy or hegemony over Tshal serves as a source qf power and authoriry. Another tempting, but probably not feasible reading would suggest that it refers to the present kesi btags sku of Bla-ma Zhang. It further suggests to us that the woven image assumed this symbolic status during Qubilai's reign or later well into the early 14h century. It must not be forgotten that the Tshal Gung-thang vihcra was held in high esteem as the personal vihEra of Qubilai Qan in Tibet (GT 32b, Tshal mum, passim) and that Tshal Gung-thang stood under the special protection of the great Qan and emperor, a rapport initiated between the SthTshal dpon chen Rin-chen rgyal-mtshan (1233-1289 A.D.) and the Mongol court in 1260, but the preliminary work that paved the way for a favourable atmosphere for the Tshal-pa and their amicable relationship with the Mongols had been done by a Tshal monk carrying the name Grags-pa seng-ge (see below).

In the foreword to the Yuandai huasu~i(ed. Beijing 1964) - i.e. the "Paintings and Sculptures of the Yuan Dynasty" and an important source Tor imperial portraiture - it is specifically maintained that initially official paintings (often called small portraits or xiao~)ing)of the ruling imperial family or court members were executed before they were woven in large formatted silk tapestries. Unfortunately, none of these silk-woven emperorlempress portraits have survived to this date. These Yiian-period portraits were kept as ancestor cult objects installed in specific "Halls of Portrait (lit. Shadow, ?;ing/ang)" that were accommodated within a [Buddhist] temple. For Yuan-period imperial portraits (Yuandai di / dihou barislimnriarig) executed either by Anige. by Liu Guandao or by Li Xiaoyan in the 14' cent.. see Gugongshuhualu @ational Palace Museum Taipeh. 1965: Vol. 8) or more recently, the samples publ. in the exhibition catalogue Dshengis Khan und seine D-ben: 303-3 11: Jing 1994. See also App. 11: Chap. 2.5 below. For the wording of the numerous edicts, i.e. one called Mus lung sa bdagpa 'i ]a ' s a ; cf gN~lzagssron gdung rubs 266-86. Sec now also the extensive discussion in Everding 2006b. se chen rgi~alpo ma mthong nu / gung /hang brags sku de la 110s / 'gro mgon j~hagspa ma mthong nu 1 mus chen rgval mtshan dpal brang la 110s /

362

P A R T I1

I t must be recalled that during the reign of the 71hTshal dpotl chen, dGa'-bde-dpal (1254156-1 3 1 0 A.D.), a private Memorial Hall dedicated to Qubilai Qan was built, probably in 1304 (cf. GT 34b) in the western part of the Gung-thang temple complex - an imperial chamber (akin to an imperial j~itigrangHall and in Gung-thang appropriately denoted "the Qubilai Palace" or s e chenpho brang) that accommodated a tablet image or statue ( 'dra 'bag) ofQubilai himself(and eventually with tablet icons and images of successive Mongol rulers and emperors). The hall - resembling the Taimiao Hall in Dadu (see App. 11, Chap. 2.5 below), may go a long way in explaining the statement that Gung-thang in roto was regarded as the emperor's private chapel. dGa'-bde-dpal's son, the 9Ihruler of Tshal, sMon-lam rdo-rje (1284-1 346147), in addition had an adjacent thugs dam hall or rather chamber erected, dedicated to the Mongol ruler Gegen (Yingzong), also at Gung-thang. Sacrifices and ceremonies of worship regularly were conducted in these menlorial halls exclusively dedicated to Tshal's eastern patrons and clearly served to demonstrate Tshal's unflagging, but profitable loyalty to the eastern throne. The period referred to in the Mus-chen biography, in casu ca. 13 I& 30 represented the heydays of the Tshal-pa hegemony in Central Tibet around 1Ha-sa and we have sound reason to believe that the status and repute of the Qubilai thangka (or the present Gung-thang Bla-ma Zhang kesi) was as undisputed as the authority and influence exerted by the Tshal-pa during this spell. If the reference to the latter icon is warranted, the function of the thangka thus may have changed from conveying and embedding a purely religious to wield politico-religious authority too. Of signal importance, in 13 19, the Yiian emperor Renzong (i.e. Buyantu Qan) through the hands of his local Tibetan emissary gZhon-nu rgyal-mtshan - and at court arguably spurred by Mus-chen rGyal-mtshan dpal-bzang-po himself (?) who reportedly sojourned there - donated to Tshal-dpon sMon-lam rdo-rje a statue of Qubilai Qan - is this circumstance arguably referred to in the above stanza? It too was set up in its own private memorial chamber at Gung-thang. If so, it is not unimaginable as alluded to in the stanzic saying just cited - to assume that both icons, the kesi thangka of Bla-ma Zhang and the memorial statue (and/or a kesi thangka?) of Qubilai had been seen by Mus-chen at Tshal Gung-thang (his bonds to the site and to the local ruler sMon-lam rdo-rje, incidentally, are well documented) inspiring Mus-chen personally to formulate the above statement. On this background, Mus-chen indeed must have been the one who personally was instrumental in ensuring that the Qubilai statue (and even the Qubilai brags .sku referred to above? and/or even Gung-thang Bla-ma Zhang kesi tapestry?) waslwere donated to the site. It nevertheless was during the reibm of these powerful Tshal-pa lords in the early 14Ihcentury that an attempt was made at Tshal Gung-thang to copy a number of imperial structures at the court at Dadu. -

-

If this line of argumentation is deemed valid for the tapestry's origin, it may well be further speculated that the present Zhang kesi specimen represents an early 14"'-century Yiian-time reproduction and indeed exquisite copy of (an original or earlier) Tangut kesi or a prior Tibetan rhangko painting. Cogent argumentations for a possible Tangut link or origin, however, are mooted in details below (see Chap. 1.4). An additional point to broach is that irrespective of the tapestry's indisputable artistic quality and finish the lineage figures (and Bla-ma Zhang himself) in the transmission depicted on the kesi indeed are only imperfectly and anonymously reproduced, even to the point that the figures are hardly identifiable iconographically, a strong argument behind the assumption that the kesi is a mechanical, yet distinguished copy of an iconographically more refined and authentic Vorlage. -

-

Appendix I: I r o n s c$lHu-.FU Rulers

1.3 Patronage and the Legacy of Time: In Search of the Tapestry's Origin and a Reappraisal of its Artistic Background The finely stitched kesi silk tapestry has been reproduced several rimes and its provenance moreover has been subject to some speculation,' wherefore we shall touch upon the art-historical questions only briefly here. The so-called early thangka portraiture tradition in Tibet (it may in part have been an indigenous artistic refinement or adaptation of the East Indian para painting tradition (shar bris) with the deity or hierarch as the icon's dominating centrepiece that prevailed in Tibet before the Tibetan artists themselves developed their own schools and styles) was widespread since at least the mid-12" century, but the specific patronized tapestry tradition in particular received a major surge via Xi Xia or the Buddhist Mi-nyag empire (98211038-1 227 A.D.) and it continued later during the Mongol period and under Ming. Samples of tapestry and thangka, both proper portrayals and traditional images (such as contemporary Tangut-time kesi tapestries of Acala and s y l m l T l r l ) that display some or even substantial material resemblances with the Bla-ma Zhang tapestry both in style and artistic lay-out, have been published and discussed (see also below). Especially during the reign of emperor Renzong (1 139-1 193 A.D.) of the Great Xia (Da Xia) state, the tradition of patronized portrayals blossomed, both what concerns royal, secular or religious portrayals and images. A clue to the provenance of the masterful and idiosyncratic Blama Zhang icon points to Xia for several reasons. The Xia state, ruled by pious Buddhist m o n a r ~ h s , ~ vigorously promoted its contact to Tibet and other Buddhist centres starting from mid- 1 2Ihcentury.

' The kesi or "cut-silk" tapestry has already been reproduced in Bod T h a n g h (Xizang Tanglia) 1985: P I . 62; in Dunnell2001: P I . 6 and (the currently best copy albeit slightly retouched) in Tibe, Museum Catalogue 61. Over the years the colours of the silken threads have faded somewhat. The kesi (size 64.5 x 58.9 cm) was originally kept in the Potala Palace (Inventory: Potala Palace no. 927); presently it is kept in the Tibet Museum (Bod-ljongs rten-rdzas bshams-mdzod-khang, no. 06033). For earlier discussions of this remarkable tapestry: cf. e.g Martin 200 l b: 175-76; Dunnell 200 I: 108-10, 118-19; see also Singer 1988: 21-25; 1995: Pls. 15-17; Reynolds 1997: 123-24; and Kossak 1998 passim for comparative materials such as other early contemporary portraits displaying many similar stylistic and iconographic traits. For pertinent comparative paintings such as those depicting the sTag-lung hierarchs bKra-shis-dpal and dBon-po Bla-ma, another painting, allegedly the sNar-thang hierarch Zhang-blon Chos kyi bla-ma and their iconographic components in Singer and Denwood 1997: 5 2 4 7 . For cogent portraits (albeit using a different painting style) of g.Ya'-bzangpa and his successors. see Mignucci 2001. Strictly speaking, btags/thags sku means "woven image or tapestry" whereas the verb 'tshem for stitching or embroidery is the correct term, only the term *btserns/rshem sku (resp. tshem drub m a ) for embroidered images is fairly uncommon as terminus fechriicus. Still. Tiranitha ( 1575-1634) among others. on a few occasions does refer to executed samples of ~ s h e msku icons as well as other exemplars of silk stitched images (zab sku and si thong gsar rti.ving; where si tharig prob. is the approx. Tibetan equivalent of the term kesi tapestry), etc. see T i r a n i r h o rnarn thar 224a6-7,256b4. etc. Large-size gobelins was also calledvol [hang, thong chen or curtain thangka. Late medieval silk-thread and colourful brocade-framed thangka tapestries or silk embroidery usually were denoted gos thugs grub [= d r u b ] si'u hkras hris sku or htags sku si hu ras bris; cf. e.g. P a n cheri chos rnum thar 299. 304. The surviving terminology for such fabrics in Tibetan art- and textile history thus is fairly broad. and a survey a rewarding task to undertake. yet outside the pale of this shod cssay. For the kesi tapestry style in general. see Wan and Wardwell, 1997. For an informative documentation of selected Ming samples and its rich tradition during Yiian and early Ming. Cf. M. Henss 1997: Valrae Reynolds 1997: Kuhn 1977; Schafer 1998 and Schafer and Kuhn 2002. T h e Xia rulers or emperors e.g. in the Secret his rot?^ ofthe Mongols were commonly designated Burqan ( b u 'erhan). i.c. embodied Buddha which clearly underlines the idealized or ultimate nature of their self-pomaiture. Cf. R. Dunnell 199 1 : 169. To the rulers of the Great Xia state. the salvific and protective powers of Buddhist lore played a decisive role behind their state logic.

364

PART 11

Prior to the Tshal-pa (followed by the 'Bri-gung-pa), it was the Karma-pa and the ' B a ' - r ~ m - ~ a - but initially it was the Sa-skya-pa - who entertained close ties (as said already from early or mid-1 2Ih century) to the Xia court, not least by gradually serving as imperial preceptors and tutors in return for which they were sumptuously rewarded with gifts and donations. It can also be noted that the relationship between the leading Karma-pa and Tshal-pa remained amicable throughout this period, not least cemented through the close relationship between the founding figures Blama Zhang and Dus-gsum mkhyen-pa. Attached to the Xia court thus developed long-standing patron-tutor relationships (yon mchod), an institution and indeed a mutual beneficial arrangement which later was emulated and expanded during the ensuing classical church-state arrangement during the Sa-skya-Yiian period, from which not least the Tshal-pa benefitted.' Exchange of gifts, in the field of religion and art, between the Xia elite as benefactors and its monastic clients in Central Tibet must have been considerable and versatile, in fact much more intensive, as we shall see, than commonly realized. How and when did the Bla-ma Zhang tapestry then originate? It may initially be speculated, a point already mooted by others, that either artists went to Tibet and worked there, being commissioned by their local patrons or indeed an artistic Vorlage for the image, irrespective of whether the portrait displayed some resemblance to Zhang's facial and physiognomic features, was brought to a Minyag atelier for final reproduction. The first assumption is hardly tenable. A 1 21h-century portrait of an anonymous, evidently Tibetan Bla-ma traced in the Baisikou Sttipas at the slope of the Ala Mountain in Ningxia (outside the former Xia capital) and a thangka found in Khara Khoto displays a number of traits in common with the Zhang tapestry." The tapestry could represent an attempt to create a realistic portrayal of the Tshal founder, but far more likely we are here dealing with an anonymous portrayal or a model of a hierarch that followed standard iconographic conventions in their reproduction. Exploring the origin of the original painting (which must have served as Vorlage or model for) the later tapestry thangka, the most obvious clue is provided with the help of the story of Yar-lungpa, also called Gung-thang-pa Grags-pa seng-ge, one of the earliest recorded (early 131hcentury) Tshal-pa who was dispatched by Bla-ma Zhang to eastern Tibet and who ended up serving as chaplain at the Mi-nyag court. Our main source GT ( 2 8 b 2 9 b , 3 0 b 3 la; cf. Part I: fns. 378-379, 390 .supra) that in part drew upon genuine 14'h-century materials and in particular upon the 14'" century. Zhang-biographical commentary (dCos 'dod re skong ma 'i 'grel ha 5 6 5 . 2 4 ) chronicle that Crags-pa seng-ge, like in previous cases with other Tibetan monks and scrving dishi, was showercd with presents for his serviccs by the Mi-nyag emperor. He, in turn, repeatedly dispatched such donations to his mother seat in Tshal Gung-thang, among others gifts and presents that included "religious book[s] written in gold, golden draperies as well as unusual htugs sku (i.e. stitched tapestry)" so in a Rat year, arguably 1216 A.D., during the reign of the 2"dTshal dpon then 'Byung-gnas brtson-'grus (rl. 1215-27 A.D.) nephew of the Tshal co-foundcr Dar-ma gzhon-nu -

"

I" 'I

For a cornpetcnt treatment of this topic, sce Kucgg 1995. A good essay on the complexity oSTangul art is offered by Linrothc 1995. Reproduced in Lei Runzc, XI XIu,/i)/u 20. Cf.. Dunncll PI. 4. Further. Samossiuk 1998; M. Pjotrowskij cd. 1993:

238-39 01pu.r.virn for other comparable samples, although clearly the 12"'-cent. 'Tangut samples may gcncrally appear lo be Icss refined compared to thc Zhang kc.vi. A text of Bla-ma Zhang was cvcn translated into thc T;~ngutlanguage, cl'. L)unnell ;hid. 1 19.

Appendix I: 1con.s o/lHo-. . u ~ ~ g - g t ~ ( l . c

( I I I ~

Ilcra~lsof murals In thc Man1 Iha-khang o r Ba-Ian1 In Llpper sKy~d-shod.Phoro Ted K a t s a r g ~ r ~200 s 1

466

PART I 1

bKa ' chems Ka khol ma gTer ma. Discovery-cum-compilation in its core form ca. 1050 A.D. on the instigation or agency of AtiSa and within bKa'-gdams-pa circles (i.e. j o bo j e 'i gter ma Ka khol ma) Contents: Mythic hagiography ascribed to King Srong-btsan sgam-po. Bereft of esoteric material. Cosmogony based upon adaptation of Indic-Buddhist systems. Flood protection and dike building for the 1Ha-sa sancrum endorsed:

Transmission holders: bKa'-gdams-pa circles

rGyal po 'i hka ' 'bum / Mani hka ' 'bum gTer ma. Discovery-cum-compilation ca. 1 175 A.D. by a triumvirate of rNying-ma-pa treasurcfinders. Contents: Mythic hagiography and Avalokitesvararelated teaching materials ascribed to King Srongbtsan sgam-po. Three corpora: siirra, .ridhanu and upadeia. The teaching material strongly doctrinal and esoteric. The cosmogony exclusively Tibetan in origin. Flood protection and dike building for the IHa-sa sanctum chu hzlog rituals and precepts endorsed, transmitted and in part actively executed by the textual lineage-holders below. Transmission-holders: rNying-ma-pa/rDzogs-chcn circles

-1 chos sku: sNang-ba mtha'-yas / Amitabha

1 longs sp-vod sku: spyan-ras-gzigs / Avalokiteivara

1 s i ~ n lsku: l Srong-btsan sgam-po 1 Gu-ru Rin-po-che

J Jo-bo-rje AtiSa (982-1 054) [cum 'Brom-ston?]

1 Bang-ston Shes-rab rin-chen (- Byang-chub rgyalmtshan)

1 sTod-lungs-pa Rin-chen snying-po ( I 032-1 116)

1

rhos sku: sNang-ba mtha'-yas 1 Amitfibha

1 longs spyod sku: Avalokiteivara

J

sprul sku: Srong-btsan sgam-pol Gu-ru Rin-po-che

1

Khri-srong Ide'u-btsan

1 Myang-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer (1 136-1204) cum gter ston sakya bzang-po & grub thoh dNgos-grub J La-stod-pa Mi-bskyod rdo-rje

-1

spyan sriga ha Tshul-khrims-'bar (1038-1 103)

rJe-btsun sakya bzang-po

sNe'u-zur-pa Ye-shes-'bar (1042-1 1 1 8)

IHa-rje dGe-ba-'bum (f7. ca. 1 183- 126 I?)

1

1 'Bri-gung-pa [sic = IHa 'Bri-sgang-pa] 1 (ca. 1100-1190) rGya-ma-pa [alias? dBon-ston Rin-po-che] (1 138-1210) Rva-sgreng-pa

1

dKon-mchog bzang-po

1

rDo-rje tshul-khrims [alias Gu-ru-ba?] ( I 154-1221)

J

[Anonymous Compiler]

-1

J ICam-mo Ye-shes-mchog

-1 grub [hob Chu-sgom-pa

1 mTha'-bzhi Bya-bral-ba Cfl. ca. 1280-1 3 10)

-1 mKhas-pa bSod-nams seng-ge

1 Bla-ma bKra-shis rgyal-mtshan

1 IHa-sa'i chu rags p a Blo-gros rgyal-mtshan

1 Nor-bu bzang-po

1 bSod-nams 'od-zcr

1 dPal-ldan bzang-po (I 4 0 2 1 473)

1 Nam-mkha' rgyal-mtshan

1 gNyug-la chos rje Ngag-dbang grags-pa (14581 1515) c,ho.~ r p mKhas-pa'i dbang-po, ctc.

I t is important ro retain some measure of chronology before our eyes in assessing the development of the cult also in connection with the sire: After the erection of the .strtlc,tum in the mid-7'" century. we shall anticipate that centuries passed in fact first well into the late lothand. more likely. early 1 I"' century, at some point in time in the wake of the long civil war as the suncllim was in ruin. 111ehapless victim of sheer endless conflicts. that again the question of the site's origin. its alleged founder and its history received renewed attcntion, in the first place. so much seems clear. through Atisa and his circle of influential disciples. The compilation and the bKa'-gdams-pa-internal transmission of the hKu ' c.hen1.v Ku khol mu (see above) in its core doubtless an 1 I I h -cent. literary product was an outcome of this endeavour. -

A century later. in the latter part of rhc 12'" century. other circles of actors for the promotion and idcological fixation of the Avalokitesvara and Padmasambhava cult had entered the scene. On more than onc scorc. the new esoteric actors obviously should borrow much of the strategies that had been successti~llyimplemented by the bKa'-gdarns-pa in disseminating and personalizing the Avalokitesvara cult. I t should include religious ascetics and spiritual masters who proved quite obsessed ~vithrhc cult which they attempted to transmit or to embody: one may indeed speak about a sorr o f Guru-mania and fixation on Avalokitcsvara, often of quite personal or obsessive

468

PART I 1

dimensions. an obsession - almost on the verge of impersonation - that should grasp most of the followers and disciples of these pioneers too, not least the coming generations of Treasure-revealers, but also political and religious hierarchs such as leading 'Bri-gung-pa and Karma-pa hierarchs, and most notably crowned by the excentric Fifth Dalai Lama, who equally entertained an obsessive proclivity, spiritually, personally as much as politically for the triad Avalokitesvara, Srong-btsan sgam-po and Padmasambhava. It was in the selfsame circles that a pronounced esoterization of the founding figures took form. The deeper incentive behind this 121h-cent.undertaking or agenda is still not entirely clear and readily told, but must be seen in connection with the spiritual and eventually literary legacy related to Guru Rinpoche, at a point when the mythical hagiographies surrounding his person were being compiled and transmitted for the first time, initially by the mid1 2'h-century pioneering 1Ha-btsun sngon-mo (himself of noble or royal-imperial birth; cf. TBH S ~ r e n s e n443) and by Myang-ral himself. Another fillip doubtless centered on the issue of ancestry for the emergent treasure-finders - i.e. the attempt to reconstruct an unbroken lineage purposehlly invented for reasons of legitimation, spiritually and much as personally, etc.'I4 The rNying-mapa felt themselves as rightful and orthodox upholders of doctrines, teaching cycles and legacies associated with Guru Rin-po-che and his celebrated, albeit historically shadowry, role in imperial Tibet. In this process, it in the first place was the rNying-ma-pa who strongly contributed to the popularization of the latter's cult in Tibet. The 11-12"' centuries had seen a period of great upheavels and changes in Tibet, when a new society slowly rose from the ashes of the imperial period and its chaotic and warring aftermath. Issues focussing on cultural values acquired new content or were redefined. In the religious sphere, competing lineages claimed to uniquely transmit and uphold the word and teaching of Buddha or they vied for pre-eminence and survival on the issue of validization of their transmitted teachings and cycles. Old, hermeneutically well-documented and authoritative teachings of indisputable Indian origin that usually were transmitted and blue-printed through an lndian pundit and a Tibetan l o t . ~ ~ vnow a increasingly competed with teaching systems of more uncertain, dubious or even apocryphal origin, at least so dubbed by the latter purists. Verification of an Indian origin being the hallmark of authenticity, this yardstick was applied to almost all transmitted teachings, religious cycles and practises circulating in Tibet. Spiritual authority, just like political authority, had until then been transmitted in linear succession (within lineages of master and pupil and within clan families), but now increasingly gave preference to a new articulation of instantiating Buddhist identity and authority. A re-evaluation of the very nature of authenticity itself and the very access to authority was seriously to challenge old patterns. Innumerable esoteric, not least tantric but also exoteric cycles in the first two post-imperial centuries were brought to Tibet and translated into Tibetan. Disputes and ingrained polemics over this heated topic and over normative standards marred Tibetan discourses on authenticity and hermeneutics. Also the transmission of the Avalokitesvara teachings emerged in the midst of this heated discourse. The Treasury-revealers, in order to tinge their cycles and teachings with the hue of authenticity, too had rooted their revelations or revealed teachings in the period of the Yar-lung dynasty, as if this glorious pcriod by itsclf constituted a point of reference and a blue-print for legitimation and authenticity. In accordance with the religious or mythic interpretation of the causes behind the flooding, the 1 1 1 2Ih-century genesis behind this origin myth and behind the concept and implementation of -

'I'

Sec e.p.TRH Snrensen, pa.r.si~n;Phillips 2004: 13 I f., 388f.

Apl~cndix11: Control over rhc IHu-.vu Mundulu ZOlle

469

such ritual manuals and practical measures therefore appear to have initially been born in bKalgdams-pa circles before the transmission was expanded or funher enriched by esoteric, but also folk-religious elements and transmissions handed down by leading members in rNying-ma and rDzogs-chen grer ston circles (see e.g. Gu hkra chos 'hvung,pas.~im),in the latter case in the milieu grouped around the central figure Myang-rdl Nyi-ma 'od-zer ( 1 1361204 A.D.), Gu-ru Chosdbang and their lineages. I t should be noted that they too to a large extent drew upon the narrative and doctrinal matters contained and transmitted in the Ku khol ma cycle, as may be gathered from an appreciable number of thematic correspondences between the texts. It nevertheless was in the assertive bKa'-gdams-pa milieu that the first documented or recorded

post-imperial attempts were made to valorize a royal and political link between this milieu and the cult around Srong-btsan sgam-po. The one who invited Atisa to 1Ha-sa and to Ra-sa satlctum (which eventually led to the famously celebrated discovery (cum compilation?) of three Srongbtsan sgam-po-centered testaments, not least the Ka khol ma) was a local ruler and a scion of the selfsame former founding monarch, in other words, a direct descendant of the old Yar-lung kings (here issuing from the line of Yum-brtan), namely Bodhirgja ("king" of bSam-yas in the mid-l I t h cent.) who clearly took a strong ancestral and personal interest in perpetuating the repute and cultural prestige linked to these historic places in Central Tibet - in other words to evoke memories of yore, and evidently to establish an ancestral genealogy that linked his person and lineage and the site directly to the king's lineage. It was Bodhirija who -as a ruling "royal prelate" (Iha htsun) similar to his remote relatives on the Gu-ge throne who combined or merged religious and political authority - in 1047 "by royal order" (bka ' lung) had requested Atisa to translate into Tibetan the Pan'caskandha-prakarana, among other texts. The "command" or authority of a secular ruler would commonly remain weightier compared to any religious command. It cannot come as a surprise that almost all the initial holders of the Ka khol ma transmission after Atisa stemmed from the bKa'gdams-pa and the Indian master's milieu. Signally, within the same circles, an entire transmission line, i.e. that of the core precept line (gdams ngagpa) stemmed from a royal Yar-lung line, upheld by scions claiming descent from the former kings (the transmission line was appropriately called the yar lung chos rgyal hrgyudpa orjo bo hrgyudpa). They all were of royal descent (Iha) -being remote scions of King Srong-btsan sgam-po and Khri-srong Ide'u-btsan and clearly were both socially, politically and eventually spiritually committed to their imperial legacy. It was a line born from the teaching circles stemming from Atisa (who incidentally was considered/considered himself a manifestation of Avalokitesvara, yet the former is generally considered the inspirator or mentor, rather than the actual inventor behind the Ka khol tna discovery) and bKa'-gdams-pa.'I5 It

"' For a discussion of prevailing rNying-ma elements (if indeed there arc any. this is still not conclusively clarified) in Ka kliol ma, scc now also Davidson 2003: 77-78. The inclusion of topics like water-control and water-abating rites (chu hzlog) in order to ensure the perpetuation of the IHa-sa suncrum as part of the narrative tradition and the Avalokitesvara-

cult itself is quite old, and allegedly may go back to the late dynastic period, perhaps back to the period around Srongbtsan sgam-po). Its inclusion in the K a khol mu narrative would suggest that the theme was part of the oldest stratum of thc Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang foundation-legend and the testamentary literature as contained in a possible Urjassung of the Ku kho/ ma text widely known and articulated in the mid-l l I h cent.: it nevertheless appears that the actual implementation. cndorscmcnt or spread of rhu hzlog ritual manuals and prccepts - as indicated in our text - prominently originated with Myang-ral roughly one hundred years later; yet the mentioning of such practical precepts in K a khol rt~aitself. if anything. providcs cvidence of the interpolated nature of the Ku khol mu that was notoriously manipulated and redacted down through time when being copied from hand to hand. The three currently extant versions of this ancient grer nla

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was a narrative and visionary tradition that in the I 3'hcentury was kept alive in sNar-thang. It may come as no surprise that the first printed version of Ma ni bka ' 'bum should be manufactured under the auspices of the Mang-yul Gung-thang royal house (remote yet proud scions of Yar-lung kings, as it is stipulated in the sources), no doubt for the same reason that motivated other direct scions of royal Yar-lungs house to share the unrivalled cultural and spiritual prestige wielded and dearly treasured by this legacy. It is again worth reiterating to what extent the entire concept was embedded within or was conducive to the implementation of the overall Avalokitesvara or Great Compassionate One cult, proportionally gaining significance with the dissemination of this cult. The implementation of such early set(s) of rituals - of which we deplorably know little in terms of their actual execution as well as in terms of its social implications - ultimately was considered to be merit-accumulating means of worshipping or rendering service to the deity and to the 1Ha-sa seat. Unclear in this initial phase is what kind of relation, if any, that prevailed between Myang-ral and his circle of companions and Bla-ma Zhang, the ruler of the 1Ha-sa site in the period in question. Aside from Myang-ral, it was his principal pupil and his own son, chos q e Nam-mkha9-dpalwho, as we shall see, commonly is registered as the first dike-builder or chu rags pa (cf. e.g. Gu bkra chos 'byung 650.1-10, 976.13-14) in Tibet. It is not entirely clear whether Myang-ral and his line entertained any political ambitions for the site, aside from their well-founded and -documented ideological interest in its cultic history. The overall cognitive project with the origin of the lakelocean story of 1Ha-sa was conceived and formulated at some point in the 1 lLhcentury. It drew its inspiration from older prevalent archaic materials related to deluge myths known in Tibet, but also was modelled upon foreign, similarly legendary materials (such as the SvayambhiipurGna), and involve questions as to how and why the site was born in a watery ambience, raised upon a dried-up lake, in tandem with the overall (? - this may also be queried, since the text lacks all the marks of a treasury-text except its status of being initially grer

mu-wise "unearthed") all seem to date from a later period and thus invariably represent later interpolated versions. The ancestral interests nourished among the disciple circles grouped around Atisa would explain why the cult of the royal cosmogony and its testamentary-biographical tenor was transmitted in this milieu (cf. TBH Ssrensen 14; Ssrcnsen 1999: 179; CFS Gyalbo e! ol. 2000: 148). This crucial point is ignored by Davidson (2003, so also Davidson 2006). In discussing the origin of the Ko kholmo, he remarks (op. c;!. 78-79) that the attempt to link one of the bKa'-gdams-pa transrnitter sNe'u-zur-pa to the 'Bri-gung founder is uncompelling - true, but oversees that it, as rcmarked, evidently is a traditional scribal corruption for the bKa'-gdams-pa master IHa 'Bri-sgang-pa (pupil of sNe'u-zur-pa) who. sibmally and tellingly, too stemmed from the royal line of the former kings. In other words, he too was a remote royal scion, dircctly related by blood to Srong-btsan sgam-po. He too was harvesting cultural prestige from the ancestral capital invested in this desccnt. Thcre are more than cogcnt reason to assume that the spiritual quest and ideological interest among these scions (whose familics and noble houses often provided aMuent patronagc to the self-samc bKa'-gdams-pa settlements and thus conmbutcd grcatly to bKa'-gdams-pa's undcniable proselytic succcss and political powcr in these carly post-impcrial centuries) attachcd to leading bKa'-gdams-pa circles but here mcrgcd with personal anccstral interest. Ir cannot wonder thercforc that also the ncxt Ku khol mu transmission-holder, namely fiya-ma-pa (= fiya-ma Rin-chcn-sgang-pa u1iu.v dBon-ston rin-po-chc himsclf boasted ancestral roots or pedib~ee,narncly stemming from thc old dGyer clan which was intimately linked to Srong-btsan sgam-po and himself served as teacher to scions of the royal Jo-bo linc; see TBIi Ssrcnscn 4 7 5 7 7 ; TF Scrrcnscn and Hazod 2005: Introduc~ion),born in the fiya-ma arca of Mal-go, the birthplace of Srong-brsan sgam-po. Thc uniquc combination of' spiritual genealogy working hand in glove with pcrsonal anccstral quests is documcntcd in numcrous cases among clan-based rnastcrs such as Chag, Mar-pa. gNyos. Shud-pu, K ~ y a Rva , etc.

Appendix 11: Conrrol over the /Ha-so Mundalo Zone

47 1

configuration ofthe surrounding territory, etc. and it may in part have been prompted by the necessity felt at that point to provide a viable aetiological explanation of the rationale behind the regularly occumng deluge scenario that wreaked havoc on land and people. In other words, it shall here be contended that a large part of the origin myth and the accompanying water stories surrounding the central shnne was re[tro]actively invented and developed in this sacred environmental setting and can only credibly be assessed on this particular background. The incentive spurring those individuals who actively invented, circulated or transmitted the mythically embedded precepts including the deluge scenario thus was a basic need to provide a viable and plausible account of the recumng watery disasters that kept on haunting IHa-sa, as well as a convincing account for the need of its remedial-preventative strategies. In the end, such stories and narratives catered for the basic needs of local rulers and communities in handling catastrophes. It may be concluded that whereas the impetus, rather than the formative beginnings of the origins of the cult and legacy behind the ]Ha-sa shrine was born in bKa'-gdarns-pa circles, the credit for the widespread popularization and for the practical engineering of protective means in safeguarding the 1Ha-sa site must be ascribed to the inventive rNying-ma-pa.

2.4 Taming the Niiga: The Construction of the IHa-sa Embankment or Water Dikes (chu rags) When we now turn our attention to the crucial issue concerning the practical protection of the site, we soon trace some vague references to early attempts to counter natural disasters allegedly initiated during the time of Srong-btsan sgam-po and to avert nature's tyranny. To him is ascribed, although historically still undocumented, a sa khung, "earth pit" or "earth cave" evidently considered a recluse site, dug into the ground in the upper part of the sKyid-chu bank of IHa-sa purportedly in order to "avert flooding from sKyid-chu." Assuming it was dug out after the initial erection of Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang, it must be regarded as the earliest recorded attempt to safeguard the sacred environment surrounding the sanctum, yet it may also be a later fabrication. Much later, as the shore line of sKyid-chu altered, the site accomodated a small nunnery, renamed [bTsun-dgon] mTshams-khung or "the Recluse-Pit ~ ~ n n e r y ] . Beyond ""~ this, reliable references from this early ' I h This hermitage-pit (or "earth pit." sophug) (see Fig. 12) once was situated along the bank of sKyid-chu, now after its territorial reclamation, it is part of the south-east Rab-gsal Gling-skor dishict of Bar-skor (see e.g. Larsen 2000: 88). The cave-pit itself is a 7'h-century installation (rather than assuming that it might stem from the 12Ihcent. if not actually set up during the time of Ku-cor). In former times, to the east of the mTshams-khung seat. the so-called Rab-gsal [ ?> Rags-ze or Dike Point] bTsan-khang of the Lower Dikes and to the west the so-called Rags-rgyab Dur-khrod (both also : Lhaso lnrerviews 2 (reprint Tsering Gyalbo called Rags-kha stodlsmad; cf. Chab-spel 1982; Chos-'phel 2 0 0 4 ~ 32-33; 2005: 421) calls it '0-pa-gling) cemetery were located. I t is reported that before 1959, one still could come across some Butterfly (i.e. the species Buddleius: Tib. shor /en) bushes, rcmnants of a once-desertcd dike barrier. Today, due to the circumstance that the ground level of the surrounding arca had risen considerably, the old banks have been reclaimed and become part of the Gling-skor Iho-lam urban area. Formerly. the pit-cave site once accomodated a cubit-large statue of the monarch, known as Nga-'dra-ma or "My Rcsemblancc" (lost in the 1960'sc?;now replaced by another modem statuc ofthe king, cf. Fig. 12). set up as a substitute for the absent monarch to ensure his continous protective presence. Ku-cor rrogs Idon (1386~1445A.D.), a pupil of bTsong-kha-pa, erected a small temple which eventually turned into a nunnery (hrsun dgon, u 11;). For this story and other anecdotes behind its erection, see Byams-pa dbang-mo 1986: Byarigs-pa 2003. Ku-cor allegedly also received 'Bri-gung teaching cycles; cf. 'Brigutlg chos 'h-wng 395. At the beginning of the 20* cent.. Pha-bong-kha bDe-chen snying-po. and the 90Ih dGa'-ldan throne-holder along

pcriod arc othcnvisc paltry. Aside from such activities - historic;llly slii~dowysince his status as a Huddhist ~nonarchlargely appears to be a later construct - ascribed to the Ibunding ligurc ol'thc Tibetan dynasty. we are inadequately equipped with information as to any concrete measure taken in the dynastic pcriod in the narrow !Ha-sa area to protect against flooding that mercilessly visited rhc area at regular intervals. I t must be reiterated that up until at least the 14'" century. IHa-sa barely comprised oFmorc than the lia-sa 'Phrul-snang and the Ra-mo-chc vihura (with the bZhi-sdc and tlic aqjaccnl rMc-ru sites), its "sister" temple as well as a Icw hamlcts around the central edifices. In other words, thcrc was no barrier in the form of protecting houses or walls between the two vulnerable Icmplcs and the shore-line ofsKyid-chu with its many cvcr-shifting mcandcrs.

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f;ollowing the hectic phase with the domination of thc gNyos clan and their brief rule in IHa-sa, the ensuing peace-settlement among the four commun~tiesin the area, the renovation of the site etc., it appears that the IHa-sa sdc-bzhi mediator and Jo-khang renovator himself, i.e. Dvags-po sgomtshul, was the first (post-dynastic) dike builder in IHa-sa (or thc first known from the sources). One source (scum po khri rubs 24a6f.) briefly notes that he crectcd a (IHa-sa) chu ruxs construction called chu rags dkarpo nyi .shur,an event registered for thc year 1 169 A.D. The chronologcally next chu rags pa recorded in the sources was 'gro mgon Nam-mkhal-dpal'" ( c a . 1 1 U 112 1244 A.D.), the entrcprcneurial master in the footsteps of his famous father Myang-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer,'IMwho is reported to havc initiated thc construction of' water dikcs against thc recurring floods on a more systematic scale and certainly in a spectacular way, evidently for the first time in the late 1 2Ihcentury in order to control thc hydra-like nGga inhabiting the site. At that point 1Ha-sa was, however, firmly under Zhang's formal jurisdiction. It is thus all the more surprising to find no mention of Bla-ma Zhang in his biography. If for no other reason, it may suggest to us a prevailing loose hegemonic structure in the irnplemcntation of larger ritual projects in the IHa-sa area, where thc IHa-sa sde-bzhi communities still played a major, perhaps a decisive role. In the biography of Nam-mkha'-dpal called Yid hzhin nor hu 'iphreng ha or Rosary r!f'Wi.shgranting jewel.^,''^ we are informed that he too was considered, in retrospect, a manifestation of Avalokiteivara and of Padma dBang-chen (i.e. Guru Rinpoche). The assumed or borrowed identities of his, we shall see, proved vital for the outcome of his endeavours. It is reportcd that he initially had a vision of this deity in which he was prophesied to protect Ra-sa from any watery menace by building dikes (r-namthar A: 6a1-10a4; B: 6aI-I Ob6). Set on his divine mission. thc story

"' Son of Myang-ral and his wire Jo-'bum-ma. According to his biography (Num ~ n k h udpul ' mum lhur [TCXIA] 2bl. 4a4, 33al-2. 34a3-l: [Tcxt B] 2b2-3, 4a6. partial also cited in sMra-bo-lcog 1994: 29f.; M.vurlg rul mum rhur 136.7-143.7) thc datcs of Nam-mkha'-dpal in his biography are somewhat contradictory: born in a .vpre'u ycar ( I 164. 1 176. 1 188 A.D.'?) would not seem to dovetail scamlcssly with the information that hc was twenty-three whcn the father died ( I192 or bcncr 1204 A.D.); age 56 or 63 (.sic,)drug cu phj~eddut~gdrug. drug cu dang drug ph11ed)in a shit~gpho .sprcJ'uor 1224'? or 1245 (rc~c.~c: shing shntC). he passcd away. If, on the othcr hand. we assume that thc only reliablc information is that hc was twenty-threc whcn his fathcr died ( 1 192 or. morc likely, 1204), it would suggcst that hc was born 1 170/117 1 or I 18213 and that he passed away 1232, rcsp. 1244 (Phillips 2004 suggcsts 1 17 1-1 237). In sum. as a preliminary working hypothcsis, wc thcrcfore shall opt for 1 lH1/2-1244 A.D. In his biography ( l O W 5 ) a gNyos is rercrrcd to, arguably idcntical with IHa-nang-pa gZi-brjid-dpal ( I 1661224); Nam-mkha'-dpal was alive and activc whcn thc Kashmiri ~ i i k ~ a i r i b h a d(r1a 140's-1225) visitcd Tibct (ah 1204) and it is recorded that he crcctcd sanctuaries and statues of his fathcr; cf. Jackson 1996: 85; Phillips 2004: 1471: for a dctailcd discussion ofNam-mkha'-dpal. Anyway, although his dates arc not conclusively clarified. his active /lolrrir must be situated to the early 1200's. Nam-mkha'-dpal's skull is rcporrcd 1670 A.D, whcrc it is listed as a consccratory object; cf. DL5 11 97a5. The second son oSMyang-ral was callcd Nam-mkha' 'od-zcr (other sources spcak of one La-stod-pa Mi-bskyod rdorjc; but this rclkrs to sMan-lung-pa. one oS his favouritc pupils). Prior to thc 12'l' ccntury. similar activitics in IHa-sa wcrc attested to (e.g. in the chronologically unreliable Rva 10 rnom thur 263), but sucli rcporrs mcrcly document the salnc wadition. Outside of [Ha-sa, such as in Dol-mda' and othcr placcs cmbankrncnts and dikcs against the turbulcnt gTsang-po river arc ancstcd to; in Dol-mda'. the disciple of Atisa. A-mycs Hyang-chub assistcd Jo-bo in crccting an crnbankmcnt. possibly already in mid-I I" century, later to bc known as IHa-jerags; cf: e.g. ~ I I K ~puo 'I. dgu ~ ' SIOII 684.15- 17; Deh sngorl (BA Roerich 256); Eimer 1979: 73al-2 ( Yongs grogs 163). IIN Wc havc no documentation that Nyang-ral himself was involved in the physical construction of dikes in IHa-sa. ' I q Thc diction ol'thc vcrsificd biography is sl~ghtlycormpt and archaic (anyway a diction bespeaking authcnticity). both concerns thc language and in qucstion of the rendition oftoponyms.

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PART I1

goes that Gung-thang gNyan-chen thang-lha120 manifested himself in front of him, and requested him to render service to the two IHa-sa Jo-bo Brother Statues. This was followed by a dream in which he found himself in the presence of the deity who urged him not only to safeguard the IHasa site threatened by the waters of the [subterranean] ocean, but also to motivate the local Iha 'dre - masters of the site and of the natural elements - to assist him in constructing the embankments. Tradition holds that Nam-mkhal-dpal and his team managed to bond-slave, i.e. to propitiate the local territorial 1Ha-srin spirits and then succeeded - most miraculously - in bringing large amounts of stones (see below) from Nyang-lung-yul and from dBu-stod to the bank of sKyi-chu.I2' His biography - paraphrased below - vividly recounts his activities as a thaumaturge and how the process of erecting embankments consisted of two stages, first an abortive attempt followed by a more successful one (akin to the erection of 'Phrul-snang that had also followed through trial and error). The initial attempt was initiated by transporting to the river-bank stones (rgyab rdo, i.e. foundation stones) for the dikes by way of three hundred skin coracles,'22whereupon the barricade walls were erected, being stuffed with various articles, and spanning two fathoms in diameter; this was followed by another wall made from sod (la ma), equally two fathoms in diameter. In between trunks two fathoms wide were set up, stuffed and solidified with pulverized stone-dust. Behind and between the sod-made walls, a massive mound of small pebbles (gram gseg) was made. The entire embankment finally measured eight fathoms [at the top] and over ten fathoms in diameter at the base (kha zheng rmang zheng) respectively. The embankment in fact was large enough to allow [on its top] eight horsemen to gallop upwards and downwards [in each direction at the same time] abreast.I2' At its most narrow place the dike or embankment measured "the range of an arrow-shot by an athlete." However, at one point when the dike-building was about to be continued - during the summer monsoon rains - so the biography recounts, the sKyid-chu river expanded again whereby the embankment was overflowed. However, through blessings, prayers and gtor ma offerings, Nam-mkha'-dpal succeeded in diverting the course of the water. Since however the season was growing late [i.e. no time was found to complete the dike], the remaining embankment ultimately was carried away by water.

I?" gNyen-chen thang-lha is the leading territorial or telluric god of northern Central Tibet, who among others occupied a seat at sKyid-shod dMar-po-ri (also present in the protective mountains of the "IHa-sa Mandala") and at bSam-yas Has-po-ri; cf. 'Dzam gling rgyan gcig 89; dBa ' hzhed 64,66; Nebesky-Wojkowitz 205f. The god constitutes the central indigenous or ancestral protector god in the [Ha-sa Mandala. The somewhat unusual form Gung-thang gNyen-chen Thang-lha indeed shall allow us to speculate that the embankment was constructcd after hlu mu Zhang had his hegemony and polity of Tshal and Gung-thang, i.e. post 1 I87 and possibly after 1193, yet prior to the demise of Zhig-po bdud-rtsi (d. 1199) whom he allegedly met. Further. it would suggest that Gung-thang [gNycn-chcn] thang-lha was thus named after the foundation of the Central Gung-thang Temple, and the protector deity became its key rcfcrencc point and spiritual fulcrum. "' The same transportation of stone by [Ha-rje dGe-ba-'bum from the arcas o f Zhang (= Zhang-sdcbs. cast of IHasa). Nyang, Dvags and Mal-gro; cf. DL5 I V 112b2113b2 (tr. Z. Ahrnad 1999: 192). I" The stone quarry in the vicinity of IHa-sa was used to procure stones and other building materials; cf. G T 40b; Part I: fn. 522. For an illustration of the process of quarrying and transporting stones in coracles during the erection o f Potala Palace in the 17Ihcent.; cT. the Potala murals reprod. in Lading cd. 2000: 1 0 9 1 15; Liu 1989: 190 191. I ? ' The idea of eight horsemen may make out either a mcasuremcnt or indeed may bc a mythic phrase that alludes to the rTa-bdag brgyad retinue of rNam-thos-sras; this protector or lokup~ilrrof the northern direction usually served as the model or prototype for the external protection o f a center; cf. c.g. the founding myth of Khotan (Brough 1948).

Aftcr this railure, thc IHa-sa inhabitants again requcstctl him the following ycar to erect an embankment to which he gavc his consent. The biography rcports how he subsequently went to 'Bn-gung with his retinue and whcrc he met c,ho.r rjc Rin-chen Zhig-po bdud-rtsi (sic), i.c. Rin-chcn[-dpal 'Jig-rten mgon-po ( I 143--1217) utlr/] Zhig-po bdud-rtsi ( 1 149-99 A.D.)Iz4and subsequently RasJRin-chen tshogs ( . ~ i c ) , ~ ~ V r owhom rn he received teachings. Nam-mkha'dpal made a second atlcmpt to erect an embankment. The c.ho.v t-j:le expressed his gratitudc to Nam-mkha'-dpal [and to one Chos-stengs-pa = '? mGar Chos-sdings-pa gZhon-nu rdo-rje ( 1 18&1240 A.D.), another key disciple of the 'Brigung founder] for the servicc rendered to IHa-sa hitherto. He requested for merit-dedication and transference for the part of the dike already erected and was asked to generate his mind towards the erection of the remaining part of the embankment. At that point. nltiga ' hdug requested to bccome a renunciate [in the presence of the 'Bri-gung-pa founder'?]. Still, the ['Bn-gung] chos rje stated that becoming a monk was not necessary because of the great benefit already being done by him and instead [he remained a layman] and instcad urged him to fulfil these commitments. I-

14 'Gro-mgoli R'o~n-nlXha'-dl~ul

Staruc kept

In

rhc r.Mra-bo-lcog rcrnplc

o f Illo-kha

Following the winter season, he again arrived in IHa-sa and after a detour to sKar-chung gong-ma. he levelled the ground [along the embankment]. He subsequently conducted religious practices and delivered empowerment of Hayagriva and Mahakarunika. He subsequently went to the monastery of sTag-lung-thang, where chos rje Bla-ma (= sTag-lung thang-pa?) also was requested for meritdedication for the part of the dike already erected and asked to generate his mind towards the ercction of the remaining part of the embankment.12" On the way back to IHa-sa, he made extensive offerings to the Sadaksari.'" In order to initiate I ? " We read here two names: The founding figure of 'Bn-gung und P l ~ urgc111Zhig-po bdud-rtsi was regarded a pupil of the former; 'Bri p ~ i gduti g rt~hs111 92. 106.

If our assumption is correct. ~twould suggest a strong influence and involvement during this period of the 'Bri-gungpa In the narrow Ills-sa area clearly simultaneous with the Tshal-pa. Notablc is the poss~bleinvolvement of Chossding-pa of the lntiar clan. an ascetic and associate o r IHa-nang-pa ( 1 164-1224 A.D.) oP the gNyos clan (see above). -

both leading puplls of the 't3r1-gung founder. Cf. also App. I above.

"' Hoth readlngs in his biograpliy seem corrupt: Text B merely has Ras-chen Tshogs-pa (sic.) of 'Bri-_eung, a gatherIng oP "Great C'otton-clad Ones or Rctreants." If: however. Rin-chen [phun-'']tshogs ( 1 509-1557 A.D.) 1s referred to. this anachronisni ivould ~ndicarethar [lie biography of Nam-mkha'-dpal had been reworked in the 16"' cent. at the earliest; this. howcvcr. I S not likely. As we shall see in the ensuing sectlon, the 'Bri-gung throne-holder 'Bri-gung Rin-chen phun-tshogs In Ibct \ u s actlve in promoting thc building of dikes and in participating in the flood control of IHa-sa. I", T h ~ would s appear to lndlcatc that Nam-n1kha'-dpal thereby received political support from the sTag-lung and the 'Bn-gung mlcrs li)r his endc;ivour.

I"

This may r c k r to the specific form of Avalokitcsvara ( c f Willson and Brauen no. 102). A better reading however

may bc that it refers to the inscr~ptionof the six-syllable mantra at G[y]e-re Yar-'phrang. opposlte dGa'-ldan. on the right

the construction of the embankment erected up to Yer-mda' towards the east, ~~ his helpers one S o - ~ t o n 'requested to beg for grass and firewood and [in the opposite direction'?] In order to ensure that it reached until 'Bring and Dan-'bag (i.e. Dar-'bag; cf. Part 1: fn. 574)'" towards the west, they solicited donat~ons and finally were capable of amassing immeasurable amounts of grass, wood, meat and butter, etc. Therewith they were able to fill a whole storehouse with barley-corn collected to serve as remuneration for the dtke's I S . I l i ~ o d e hours t~ urld ski11c,oruclec-tranvporrrng sronrs utid rqfirt-.c erection. Touching the embankment ulorrg rhr .sKjsrd-chu .sin~ilurro Nutn-n1kha'-dpul'.s e n d ~ u v o u r [with his hands], a great merit [in the Photo. The building of Potala. Mural in the Bar-khya~nsGallcry of form of a miracle] happened: again, thc Po~ala(Painted In sMan-[hang- style If145 4 8 ) . with the help of about three hundred skin coracles the supportive stones were transported, borne by the boats and brought in place along the bank, but this came to a halt when the stones were used. Nam-mkha'-dpal therefore went into retreat for three days, made supplications and prayers to his bla ma and yi dam and after three days a prophecy heralding the coming availability of stones occurred. The 12 brtan ma goddesses proffered a grand treasury in the form of stones: The Sha-med gangs-dkar[-ma], Kong-btsun Demo;"" gTam-lha with nine Brothers (spun dgu; var. spun hdun),"' rGyal-mtshan (cormpt for '0Ide gung-rgyal?) with three Brothers (spun gsum) and the lha srin of gNyan-chen thang-lha as well as those from Kong-po, Dvags-po, E and dMyal districts all gathered in a spectacular way both day and night to assist in the mammoth construction work. Binding the local /ha 'dre by oath, the latter obeyed and the stones now arrived without hindrance onto the bank in an orderly manner just like a shepherd is capable with his slingshot ( 'ur rdo) "to chase and keep together a flock of sheep on a me ado^.""^ The stone blocks were thus able to move all by themselves. Ordinary people, bank o f thc sKyid-chu, presenlly within 'Brom-stod distnct of sTag-rtse county (in 'Brom-stod, at 2Y044'N 9 I02S'E). It was the mythic sitc whcre the celebrated six-syllablc mantra-formula miraculously cmcrgcd on a rock d u r ~ n gthe rule o f Srong-btsan sgam-po; cf. TBH Sercnscn: 160, 163; HSI-G, op.cir.: IHu s u 'i dgon rho 1 0 7 4 X . It was considcrcd King Srong-btsan sgam-po's 11iug.v gter. Cf. also Part I, fn. 41 6. ' ? * One So-ston (hcre possibly irrelevant) was a leading monk adhering to rGyal Itla-khang (In 'Phan-yul) in thc first pan of the 13"' century. He dicd during thc infamous Mongol attack in 1240 A.D.; cf, c.g. Sog hzlog l)g>.r.stshul lo r x ~ ~ u . s

2 17.5; BA Rocrich 9 1 . I?'' Dan-'phag = Dan-'bag. 'Bring rcfers to the 'Bring settlcmcnts in thc area o f t h c estuary of sl'od-lung-chu such as Brang Ka-mo-chc and dGa3-ba-gdong (the latter ercctcd in thc 1240's). I"'

Most of the namcs arc cormpt. T w o of the hrTutl mu hcu ~ n , v i scf. ; Ncbesky-Wojkowitz 1 X I 1.. It should bc noted

that the twelvc br1sTan-ma are round in numerous contexts in thc IHa-sa Vallcy (cP. App. 1V below). Kong-btsun Ilc-mo is similarly registercd as a protrectrcss of thc Ciung-thang viliiru, alongsldc w ~ t h'Llod-khams dbang-phyug-ma. " I Var. .spun bdurt. gTam-lha s/>uti d p rcfers to thc rcprcscntativc god of [IHo-brag] gl'am-shul and his rctlnuc of acolyrcs. thc ancestral site of the Myang clan. Incidentally, gTam-shut had been one of the S I X ccntrcs o f the 10'" ccntury kllc,tig log rebellion evidently in conncction with thc dynastic Myang clan. Cf. mKhu.spu '1 d,qu ' .rrotl 432.20.

"'In othcr words to amass a heap of stones in one place. This conccpt h u n d its way into the id~omaticand narrative

Appendix 11: C'onlrol over ~ h Ilia-.YU r M o n ~ o l a%one

due to bad karmun, were not able to see this truc wonder. However, one shepherd vested with pure vision and busy hcrding his flock of sheep, proved able to see directly how the stones arrived all by themselves. Wondering whether it was a display of self-illusion, he kept on beholding thc wonder. In fact, the shepherd saw how three yogis were capablc of moving the stones [through sheer magic force]. Doubting whether it was a bad omen, [out of embarrassment and fcar] he felt unable to tell others of his sight. He finally reported a part of the story to a female dinupat;, who declared that the scenario showed an ascetic constructing water dikes in 1Ha-sa, an ascetic who was a manifestation of Padma dBang-chen. After this assurance his doubts vanished. The stone blocks now arrived unhindered, so the biography recounts, due to magical faculties at the bank of sKyid-chu. Still, Nam-mkha'-dpal being motivated by his father Myang-ral - they may be regarded as the Li Bing and his son Er Lang of Tibet - urged his pupils and patrons to undergo hardship and launch their coracles. Like the former attempt, the stones were transported in place by the boats. A huge square boulder was then created that resembled a dice. It was so huge that no-one could move it. Nam-mkhal-dpal therefore entered into contemplation in order to generate magic force, whereby the huge stone arrived all by itself at the other end of the river. The hndament for the embankment thus was laid. With their hands and feet the mud was trampled evenly. Eventually the embankment was completed, and people gathered to request from Nam-mkha'-dpal teachings and precepts. His fame as thaumaturge spread in all directions. The dike in length('?) amounted to the distance of two arrow shoots and the height as much as a horseman could hold high his spear. In terms of its diameter, it was broad enough to allow eight horsemen to gallop up and down [simultaneously]. It remained a wonder how it had been raised. The embankment was foreseen to last for many years.

Ma/). 4 Rcc~oti.rrruc~rioti of the .sKj,rd-c,hu Drkc erected hj, Nam-nlkha '-dpal i r ~rhe lore I T h c c e ~ u n . Photo (iooglc Eanh 2006

language as an be documented in proverbs like "one hundred birds can be scared away with one single slingshot: one . together by one [single] shepherd (hju h r ~ , a'ur rdo gc,ig gis 'drog I lug b r a . a hundred sheep can be chased [ ~ . ekept] lug rdzi gc.rg 'ded);cf. Ciippcrs & Ssrensen 1998. no. 6308. Sling-hurling shepherds also occur in oral narratives conccrning the transportation of so-called "long stones" (rdo ring) from Zhal district (opposite Yer-mda'). Their faculty of hurling slings employed behind the strongly symbolic imagery of lifting up. transporting or moving large stone-blocks ovcr long distances (such as from Zhang [= Zhal?]. Nyang and Mal-gro) for the erection of dikes ultimately goes back to the rablcd exploits, mirabilia or thaumaturgic activities ascribed to 1Ha-j e dGe-ba-'bum (see below); cT. DL5 11'' [= Ahmad 1921. CC somewhat differently. Gyurrnc D o j e 1991: 758.

16a. b The p h o r o ~ displyv sectiorlv of rhc B,ve-rags or Sand Durrer

rd IHu-su in /he ttorlherrt w.ction o/ IHu-sa, a nuturully created embankment which raft /iom /he Jpur o/ M I Glang-rr running ~ o u l h o/ Se-ra dgon-pa unrilrl

.-

rcuchcd Brag-rr m the we,\l

Photo H Harrer.

Memr Tther Brldcr

From this paraphrase, it is sibmal to note that Nam-mkha'-dpal too was repeatedly pleaded by the IHa-sa sde-bzhi or the four local Jo-khang custodian communities (= the entire IHa-sa population) to undertake the construction work. Howcver, this reference shall lend the entire story some credibility, and suggest to us that it was constructed prior to or in the initial years of Zhang's local rule. A pertinent question arises: is the description of the dimension and the extent of the embankment realistic'? The initial problem is that the above vague description as to its dimension does not allow us to properly assess the problem. The question is thcrefore not easy to answer. The long stretch of shallow and marshy land along thc vulnerable northern bank of sKyid-chu river where dikes were to be erected, i.e. from Yer-mda' north of IHa-sa until well below Dan-'bag (see also Part I, fn. 574) south of 1Ha-sa roughly encompasses the river-land wherefrom the sKyid-chu flood occasionally mutated into a watery Hydra monster of inundation unleashing onto the inhabitcd IHa-sa township. Many toponyms in thc narrow sKyid-shod area, along sKyid-chu riverland carry the hydronymic elcmenr -rugs in their toponyms, evidence of the import of dike-building and urban settlement in this connection."' Assuming that the embankment or mound was raiscd along the entirc strctch of land ~.

"' I1 remains a desideratum to survey the geographical and archlval matcr~alol'thc cr~tircarea in order to wrlte the hislory of llooding in Tibet In general. Cf Zhou Wei 1990: 1 0 6 19. In our present essay. further d(ia'-ldan gzliung matcrlal on flooding disasters (thal usually were recorded in written dossiers known as C'/IN.Ykb)c,rc,/iogsgo dc,h) could not be taken Into consldcration. Still, some ofllie data used by Zhou wcrc ri~kcnfrom such comparative data on Nat~onalI I c ~ ~ a r publ. ds In IYH7 ( w e Kur~g'hjwttg gnod '/.vhcVol. I ; another vol. on earth-quake was published 2003 in Itlcr-sa).

Agyenrfrx I / : CbutrtjI over the IHo-,sd Mandialu Zone

I 7 Tirrl Arcw 01 I K I . ( I I I S - ~ ~ U I IIN^ ~ -U \ ~UUI I~hug - I , ~~ c ~ J~\ II '.C ' U V I I -81 ~NU~ L - X ~ ) I ) I I u~rd ~\ g,Var.c hurrg due ,te.~fc ~ f Ilfcr-srr, t~ommorzlloodtng urrd ~rondrrt'yur-cwc ri~lrcvi\k'i*rd-c,hiro~~c~rflorccci or er (c.\ Photo Ch'lrlcs Bell 1970 Cuurtcsy l'itc River, Musculn (Oxl'ord)

C'

rurtr fr/l

from Yer-mda' until at least Dan-'bag probably well over 20 kilometers - and deeming its breadth and size, it would overstretch credibility to assume that such a long wall could be raised, perhaps even section-wise. The full length along the long river-bank would appear to be quite implausible, whereas smaller sections are more credible, such as the distance of two arrow-shots. But shorter sections indeed may have offered less or no efficient protection against flooding. Notwithstanding this, it is altogether not infeasible that by joint efforts comprising a very large number of the local population over a long period it is possible to erect sections of a protective mounded wall, of whatever length and form. Other independent clues are provided by Rva-lo whose biography reports the consecration of water dikes in IHa-sa (Rva lo rnarn thar 263), but it remains inconclusive when this was conducted by him since the chronology in the biography is notoriously unreliable and his activities may well reflect episodes to be situated in the 1 2Ih century.

-

In chronological order, the next prominent figure notably associated with water protection appears to have been an elder teacher and companion of Nam-mkha'-dpal, chos r - eZhig-po bdud-rtsi ( 1 1491199 A.D.),'" who himself is reported to have repaired the banks four times. We do not, however. ~

-

"%Also mctathctical bDud-rtsi zhig-po; born in gZad as son of Sangs-rgyas Dvags-cliung. the latter was invited by the patrons ofgZad wlicrc lie was orered scvcral monasteries (IHa-gdong. 'Ug-skad. a.0.). Zhig-po had many pupils. He himself was a pupil ol' Hla-ma Zliang; cf. dGo.r 'dod re sliot~grr~u' 1 )ye1 htr 565.5; CT IHo rotlg ch0.v 'hrutlg 205.15-20; (;I(hkro c,ho.\. 'h~.rrrrg280.17 -283.15; bDud-'joms's Hisrot? (The Niirrgnra School 653-58). See also Dung cfkur ishig rtrt/:ot/ 177(L-71. App. V , Table 5: fn. I I. Dilfcrcnt stories prevail as to his passing: Hc passed away while repairing the stone-dikes a fourth tinic; another version states that he passed away in fiya-ra GanglGad-logs monastery of gSang-phu (his remains allegedly being camcd by the water of sKyid-chu to the nearby Thang-skya monstery of gZad).

I8 Flood.\ u f l l f u - r u Photo I tcnry Haydrn 1904

have detailed reports about his embankment activities nor do we have any safe chronological frame. It is, however, usually reported that he later manifested himself as IHa-j e dGe-ba-'bum, wherefore some of the activities ascribed to him are credited the next figure. IHa-j e dGe-ba-'bum,'I5 the next and probably the most prominent dike-builder in this pioneering period, certainly belonged to the first consignment of chu rags pa. As an ascetic-cum-physician, he surfaces in a number of different contexts throughout the 121hcentury, but most probably was an early 1 3Ih-cent. ascetic. He was associated with the dissemination of the physical as well as the written legacy behind the Avalokitesvara cult (himself considered a physical manifestation of the deity) such as the Mani bka ' 'bum devoting himself, just like his mentor Myang-ral Nyi-ma 'od-zer, to extensive repair-works of the IHa-sa embankment. His flood control politics or water-abating programs and, behind this, his promotion of the paramount Cult of the Great Compassionate One and its foremost edifice in 1Ha-sa ensured that he was included in the official list of pre-existences

"' It is deplorable that we so far cannot avail ourselves of a detailed biography or a testament of him. The chronological data concerning him seem somewhat contradictory, too. He (or a namesake) was registered as patron to IHa-rje scam-po-pa (i.e. prior to 1 153 A.D.). Inexplicable dates have moreover been proposcd for him ( 1 123-1 I82 A.D.?) so - more than doubthlly according to Ming mdzod 1848 (confounded here with the dates of IHa-rje Zla-ba 'od-zcr?) and only the date of his birth would appear to dovetail with his patronage of sGam-po-pa. But this dating appears to be quite spurious when we consider that his root-teacher is listcd as chos rle Lo-ras ( I 187-1 250 A.D.) and that he was also registered as pupil of Sang-rgyas-'bum (who held the see of Yang-dgon between 12 1 4 1 2 191123 1 A.D.). A later,flourir than that proposcd is altogether more plausible, since the above vacillation as to his actual datcs is also addressed in the tradition. We should finally take into account that the tradition speaks of an earlier and latcr dGe-ba-'bum. seen in the light of the assertion that Zhig-po bdud-rtsi later should have manifested himself as dGe-ba-'bum. I t would suggest that the rough dates ca. 1200-1250 A.D. for his life are more appropriate, although thcsc datcs are nowherc corroborated. Zur-chen confirms that at the point when dGe-ba-'bum rendered service to Ka-sa. Zur-chcn had rnanifesrcd himself' as Sangs-rgyas-'bum (accounting for the .sprul .sku line of thc latter, see GT45a). I t may not surprisc that in the transmission-line of the Sr-ong hr.ra11sgom po hka' 'hum (i.c. the M a ni hku' 'burn),wc find asidc from dGc-ba-'bum and Ic,ur?l Ye-shes-mchog, also one grub rhoh Chu-sgom-pa and latcr Chu-rags-pa dBus-pa Blo-gros rgyal-mtshan (c.g. DL5 ~ S O I I j . 1 ~ 11 152b3-h: 111 75b6-77b). I t carries evidence of the close bonds bctween the transmission of these texts (whcrc thc build~ngof the water dikes is endorsed) and people actually executing these as part of thcir ritual agenda. Sources on IHa-rje dGe-ba-'bum: Rin c./icrl phun rshogs r-norn rllur- 359.3-368.3; BA (Rocrich 1006); 11/11 Idor1 clkar c./li~g, pu.s.sin~;DL4 45a4-5; DL5 I V [= Ahmad 190-921; dGu ' Idan c./los 'hyurlg 167a4-5; Sog Azlog hg1,i.v !.slrirl g1.i lo r-pu.s 229-230: Zur- (,hen r.rzc~rnrhar 14.2-5; Curther. see also Shukuh/)a Guidc 18, 56: llurig dkur. r.rhig mdzod 2 3 5 6, 2149. 2168; IfSLG Vol. 6: 94-96: Nurig rig 272; Byams-pa phrin-las 2000: 169-70; R . Prats 1982: 31-32. -

which in retrospect was sanctified by thc 5"' Dalai Lama."" This circu~nstance.more than anything else. carries witness of the inestimable import attached to uzatcr-regulation in the battle for the IHasa heritage and particularly to the significance of dGe-ba-'bum in this struggle. because precisely in dGe-ba-'bum. unlike anyone else. the entire local legacy seems invested. The emanational link to Myang-ral. to dGe-ba-'bum as well as the one to Bla-ma Zhang. ho\vevcr. had initiated with the 3"' Dalai Lama. verily in a grand genealogical plan conceived by the Great Fifth. All three figures adroitly were regarded as prominent fonner reincarnations of the Dalai Lama. Long before the Great Fifth, however. it was the 'Hri-gung-pa master Rin-chen phun-tshogs who. by adopting dGe-ba'bum's protective scheme. entertained genuine sympathies both for the mythic and the pioneering role accorded to dGe-ba-'bum and for the legacy of Srong-btsan sgarn-po in general. doubtlessly in the fonner's attempt to position hi~nsclfand his sect in the struggle for supremacy in IHa-sa."There can bc little room for doubt that i t was the same 'Bri-gung master \\rho evidently here basing himself upon a prevailing. older Tshal Gung-thang tradition in this respect "invented" the subsequent comrnernrnorative cult around IHa-rje and it was his interest in the legacy of IHa-rje -

-

I"'

I t proved pol~t~cally Impofl;lnt lijr the 5'l' I)ala~Lama and Sang.;-rgyas rgya-nitslio. at the point \\,lien the sp~ntualIln-

cage of the 1i)niicr \\,a\ lirgcd. to ~ricludcin the Int~er'bl ~ s ofprc-csistcnccs t in the pt.cj-d(ic-lugs tlrncs persons and saints \r Iio h;ld

\\on a riilmc hy rcndcnng \en ~ c cto ~ l l cIt1a-sa \.utlc-rlttllor otlicn\.~scIiad perpetuated the local cult ofsP>an-ra5-

In t h ~ respect \ thc~rsccl;lrlan hackground carncd llnlc Impoflance. Wc hcrc find persons onglnally adhenng to the

/I!\.

S;~-\h!a. rNy~ng-ma i~nd hKa'-hrg!.utl-pa o 0II1cr rii;l'rtcr\ tlicrc rcccI\ cd tlic t.(1\,i11110 hkir ' 'hlrt~l(i.c. .\la 111 hkir 'III~II cycle) \vliicli became in~rncn~cly popular ;I(

'Hrl-gung: cl- tllc 15'" thronc-holtlcr Kun-dga' rin-chcn and 'Hrl-gung I . I ~'il:~tr C'lios kyi grag5-pa (i~li(~.v dHur-myon:

I

0 1659) In 111s h K i ~ 'hlo11(cd. 1)eIira Dun 1900) Vol. 7: 30.3 -39. For the legacy of Rln-chen phun-tshogb. scc hclo\c. '

482

PART 11

that more than anything else prompted the Great Fifth to place a claim on this pioneering ascetic and thaumaturge and his service to the sarlctum by including or ennobling him into his own line of former rebirths. A statue of IHa-rje has been kept in the Byams-pa mched-bzhi'i Iha khang (alias the Rva-ma rgya-mo Iha-khang; cf. Fig. 19)in Jo-khangI3"to commemorate his great and lasting service to IHa-sa. And SKU-'bum-thang - one of the IHa-sa'i thang-bzhi or "four plains" - was named after the reliquary SKU-'bum gshong-ba'i mchod-rten, purportedly erected by him (other sources suggest Rva lotsciba) and his consort lcam Ye-shes-mchog to redress the imbalance of water in his terrestrial repair or restitution (bcos) and topomantic profile of 1Ha-sa. It is reported that he passed away in near-by Nyang-bran. Like Nam-mkha'-dpal, the dike-building measures of dGe-ba-'bum routinely were accompanied by feats of wonder-working: Like in case of his predecessor, to him also is ascribed the siddhi-like faculty of lifting and hurling large amounts of stones a great distance to the bank of sKyid-chu by using a nomad's sling-shot - evidently a cherished depiction for the "miraculous" transportation of large quanta of material from one place to another. It can be assumed that dGe-ba-'bum performed such measures under the auspices of his teacher and mentor, the Tshal Yang-dgon throne-holder Sangs-rgyas-'bum.'" The gdung or bodily remains of this thaumaturge reportedly was immured in one of the stone dikes.'40It was possibly also in this period (or slightly " Y h e statue is clearly a modem replica. The 5'11Dalai Lama speaks of an old statue blessed by dGe-ba-'bum himself. See also Taring I " Floor no. 97; Shukuhpu Guide 56: The red ossuary of dGe-ba-'bum. From medieval time the so-called Jo-rags or Jo-[bo'i] rags-[kha], i.e. the Jo-bo [Statue] Dikc (erected by Myangral. his son and dGe-ba-'bum) is still called accordingly in IHa-sa today. I t stretched along the bank of sKyid-chu in the SKU-'bum-thangarca (due west of 'Khrung-lha), esp. along the northern but also southern bank at the foot of Bum-pa-ri at IHa-gdong Shan-kha (feny-station; present-day the largest bridge in IHa-sa located there called Ku-ru zam-pa 1 zamchen). It carries witness of a centuries-long initiative - crucial for the survival of IHa-sa city, the core of which was spread across a water-logged, marshy area (cf. Sinding Larsen and Larsen 2001 : 22). Another bulwark was the so-called naturally created Sand Dikc or rather Sand-dune Dike (hve rug.7) which consisted of raised heaps of sand and silting that had originated from scdimcntation and natural terrain landsliding (su rud) when the Dog-stc phu-chu overflowed or expanded. The northernly locatcd Bye-rags started at the spur of Mt. Glang-ri (or Bye-ma chu-'go; locatcd at: 29'45'N 9I003'E), ran south of Se-ra dgon-pa and then proceeded parallel to and towards sKyid-chu behind dMar-po-ri (the area there is still today called Bye-rags) running at the height of Brag-ri in the west, until it was united with sKyid-chu. Cf. sMin-skyid 1991; Richardson 1993: 49; HSLG ihd.; 11KT~hDz1491-92. For a photo ofthe Bye-rags (= Jhcrag in Sketch Map ($Lhusu; Z.J. Taring), see Fig. 20. The Bye-rags sand dunes bordering the diversion channel are registered on many Lhasa maps where it is seen running behind Potala. The Byc-rags was destroyed in 1975 and plastered. For details, cf. fn. 267 below. Formerly, two additional dike stretches in IHa-sa were the southerly (Iho) Thog-brtscgs-rags locatcd at Phyag-mdzod gling-ka along sKyid-chu (due south of Jo-khang; see Taring Map) and the westernly (nub) locatcd Chos-rgyal-rags close to rGya-mtsho-smad of sTod-lung (opposite Ka-ma-sgang); cf. Bod lo,; dn1ung.s .srol gcev h/u.v 583-84. In fact, one speaks in rot0 of Four Great Dikes of IHa-sa. For a rapport on the ovcrflowing (chu shor.) of the \Ha-sa Bye-rags in I841 and again in the 1880's, see Kurig '/02

bSod-nams rgya-mtsho himself - as Zhig-po gling-pa's younger contemporary and antagonist - had been born into the sde pa family of [sKyar-po-pa] rTse-dga'l-kha (= rTse-mkhar) Khang-gsar-gong estate of sTod-lung (located at 29'44%' 90°58'E in the present-day Yab-mda' xiang of sTod-lung-mda' - see also HSLG 3: 13; Taring Kyichu M a p C3; Fig. 27; Part 1: Map 3; located a few (ca. eleven) kilometers from sNang-rtse; on his father's side bSod-nams rgya-mtsho descended from a family that formerly had been in charge of rGya-ma khri-skor and on his mother's side descended from the old Zi-na clan, born into the Kun-bzang-rtse family. a paternal uncle line of local stewards stemming from mi dbong Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, the 5Ihsde srid of Phag-gru). He therefore was considered a Phag-gru scion and his close appenticeship under bSod-nams grags-pa and his bonds to sNe'u-gdong cemented these family bonds to the Rlangs family and the presiding Gong-ma. Most important, the rTse-dga'lmkhar gzhic kha (still mentioned in 1681; cf. DL6 320) thus located close to the sNang-rtse gzhis ko in sTod-lung-mda', which indicated a local feud that had been bequeathed to and executed by both protagonists. W e can conclude that the scene of the dispute between dGe-dKar (i.e. between

dGe-lugs-pa and the dKar-brgyud-pa, i.e. the Karma-pa and 'Bri-gung-pa) thus had been temporarily transfemed from IHa-sa to its neighbouring district (Iha sa ' I nye 'khor) of sTod-lung. For another telling example that bespoke this latent rivalry, cf. Vitali 2001. See also Gu hkra chos 'bjung 448; The Nyingma School 722-24 as cited in Akester 2000. * From a bka 'shog issued by sKyid-shod-pa bKra-shis rab-brtan (kept in the Kun-bde-gling Archive in IHa-sa) in 1584. it appears that the sNangs-rtse area at that point was under the rule of the dGa'-ldan sKyid-shod-pa house. The sde pa sNangrtse later in the 17"' cent. was registered under the jurisdiction of bKra-shis-ljongs; and later again during the dGa'-ldan phobrang period (from mid-17Ih cent.). the estate was in the hands of the noble family Byang-ngos-pa. Into most recent time. the sNang-rtse pilgrimage sites (comprising a local Mt. Potalaka or GN-'dzin ri-bo and an autogenous (i.e. natural) Jo-bo Khasarpini statue) and the local cult of Avalokiteivara attracted treasury-finders such as the grer ma revivalist mChog-gyur bde-chen Zhig-po gling-pa who e.g. in 1866 [re-]opened the pilgrimage site (cf. his Collected Writings Vol. 30: 207-222). A similar but far older AvalokiteSvara seat in sTod-lung was sKyer-sgang. sNang-rtse itself later earned some ill-repute as the locale where sde srid Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho met his tragic end in 1705. The latter's gdung rlen or ossuary in form oTa large SKU-'bum is still found there (recently repaired afler its Cultural Revolution destruction). C f Pan chen hlo bzung ye shes rnam rhur 1224b4; 'Jam dbvangs bzhod pa rnam rhur 117-18: 1)LSII 57ahf. and also Petech 1972: 12. At one point the site had been appropriated by the wife of IHa-bzang Qan, Tshe-ring bkra-shis. The exccution of the regent involved a member ofthe sTag-sna family; cf. g . Y u n g - d ~ n gsgrol-ma 1998: 1-2.

the late 1490's leading sNang-rtse members in the wake of the local strife had fallen victims to an assassination attempt perpetrated by their IHa-sa antagonists, surely an outcome of their support and unmitigated loyalty to the Karma-pa. The motivation of Zhig-po gling-pa to challenge the dGe-lugs dominance in the mid- 16'" century must be seen on this background. Sidelined Conflict

23. The Old .sNung-rtse gzh1.s ku in sTod-lung vullqv Photo: Andre Alexander 230. Num-mkhu ' /.she-hrlun hSod-nam.s rgyul-po, u1ici.s Zhig-po gling-pa, /he rivul o/rhe 3'"Dului Lumu 24. Birthpluc.c, of the 3'" Dului Lumu in sTod-lung vall~ a statue of [the wrathul k~ng]Mahibala (sTobs-po-che)]. Between g.Yas-ru and Ru-lag, at IHa-rtse rdzong (VS at the border of Ru-lag Grorn-pa rGyang) > Statues of the R~gs-gsummgon-po. n 7 At Gyer-mda' of IHa-rtse area (locatton uncenaln) > a rock-carved man-sized statue. [m7 At Rong g~ brag (?) (I. e Rong of gTsang ?) > a statue of Vajrakilaya]. [m At IHo-brag Ban-pa > restoration of the Sangs-rgyas sum-cu rtsa-lnga]. [m At 'Phyong-rgyas rdzong, In the Tshedpag-med temple > statues of Amrtakundalln and Dvangs-ma bcud-'dren n On the mountain of Shel-brag [In Lower Yar-lung] > a stone-statue n At Yum-bu gla-sgang between Yar-stod and Yar-smad > a stone-statue of U-rgyan Padma bdud-'dul. n At Yar-stod Bar-thang (place orthe FlRh Dala~Lama foundation orChos-sde-'og: see CFS Gyalbo er o l , s v ~ndex, VS SKU-'bumrnountaln of Yar-stod Bar-thang resembling a fleelng snake) > a statue of the Gamda bird. The sltes north of the gTsang-po: n At the border between [dBus and] gTsang Rong ( V S at Thob-rgyal sKarn pa-ri) > a clay statue of Avalok~ta Ctttav~srimana. I n 8 n [=Sites in the IHa-sa Valley]. At dGa'-ba-gdong In sTod-lung on the northern bank of sKyid-chu > r statues of Avaloklteivara with a retinue of two along with a chapel erected to avert any deluge or peril from water. etc ; at Shun g y ~Brag-dmar gTe'u-gdong and 'Bras-spungs k y ~mDa'-ste (two places known 1 from the IHa-sa Mandala; cf Graph I of App I V ) >two stone-carved SKU-gsumstatues (on Shun g y ~Brag- , rtse in add~tiona statue of Munindra bDud-'dul); at IHa-gdong Shan-kha'~rgyab-n (11 refers to the Bum-pa-/ I rl or rD7ong-btsan g~n oPGnb) > a statue of Gaganarija n In sKy~d-shod,at bDe-chen Kha-rab rgyab-ri (probably referring to bDe-chen-nse) > a statue of C~ttav~irimana n In sKy~d-shod,at the border between Upper and Lower dBu-ru, at mTha'-rgyas > a bDud-'dul mchod-rten. n In sKy~d-shoddGa'-ldan rgyab-n > a statue of Mahikgruniki (VS adds the erectlon of a Byang-chub rnchod-nen at the Phag-rno-'brog g~sPus-n of dBu-nl-stod, a rnountaln resernbl~nga wrathful Mongol~an) n At Rva-sgreng Sum-mdo, a statue of the wrathful V a j r a p b ~( V S statues of Rlgs-gsurn mgon po and sTobs-pa-che) [VS In Khra-'brug and the other dynast~cBorder-Suppressing Temples > restorallon of vanous statues].

,

i

Map 5 The sites of the So gnadgso thohs m dBus and gTsang

548

PART I I

and with settlements less than fifteen hundred years ago, did it become a matter of human concern and preoccupation. This naturally also held true for the neighbouring countries. Entire districts, townships and sanctuaries in numerous countries were regularly visited by the capers of nature. Tibet's neighbours lndia and China too abound in stories of natural and apocalyptic catastrophes, and up to the present day flood and drought management has remained on the political agenda. A telling case of some relevance for the Tibetan world may be the parallels encountered in China. The beginnings of water conservancy and incipient irrigation works in China are recorded to go over two millennia back in time. The engineering (and indeed pioneering) official Li Bing - China's counterpart to Tibet's Nam-mkhal-dpal - as early as 256 B.C. had initiated a water irrigation and flood control project by taming the Min River (a tributary to the Yellow River); his dams, dikes and canals, with some modifications, are still intact to this very day. In commemoration of this true marvel of yore, a "Dragon-Taming Temple" was raised in Dujiangyuan (present-day S i c h ~ a n ) . ~ ~ ' Throughout Chinese history, like later in Tibet, emperors too usually sought every means available to reduce disasters that were caused by floods. In China, the dragon or water spirit (shuishen), master and genetrix of the rivers, had to be controlled or pacified through appropriate propitiation, and just like in Tibet where the subterranean Niga was considered, this spirit was suspected to cause havoc. But the experience won by the Tibetans in dealing with flood disasters occasionally found its way to China too. This may best be exemplified by an incident in 1782, when a flood again wiped out entire villages along the Yellow River (rMa-chu; as it regularly does even today). 1Cang-skya Rol-pa'i rdo-rje was consulted.2h2The emperor was of the firm believe that Heshen, the river-god, held sway over the waters wherefore it was worshipped and propitiated. According to Chinese lore, the lord of Huanghe River, Heshen was considered capable of transforming itself into a dragon.2h3Chu-bzang Qutuytu (the brother of 1Cang-skya) was requested to make sacrifices at the river's source. Rol-pa'i rdo-je accordingly wrote a memorial to the emperor in which he stated that the source of the river was located in the direction of the glacier mountain of rMa-chen, wherefore it was suggested that the "Lord of the Soil" (gzhi hdag) of rMa-chen was to be propitiated in a proper manner in order to control the waters. An edict was issued to the effect that this gzhi hdag in a pre-emptive attempt was to be worshipped on an annual basis to be implemented upon a state e n d o ~ m e n tDevastating .~~ floods (Ch. shuizai; Hin. harh) that still haunt large areas of main>''' Its importance is indicated by the circumstancc that it today counts as a Uncsco World Hcritage Site. China

throughout two millennia of dynastic rule around thcir largcr ripian settlements and citics usually accommodated a Directorate of Waterways (dushuijion), somctimes also a dike supervisors or rccvc (jionsaoguari), responsible for dikcrepair. etc.; thcy also had a rivcr conservancy commission (hedishi). For a informative survcy of floods and droughts registered in China over the last two millennia (206 B.C.-19 1 I A.D.), scc the encyclopaedic Tu.vliu jiclierig (Sccl. IV: juon X k 9 2 ; 124-130) and thc Qingshi Goo (Chapt. 4 0 , 4 3 ) as discussed in Yao Shanyu (1942), H./AS6: 273-3 12. "'?

This is bascd upon Wang 1995: 135-36; ICang s b a m u m thar 6 0 2 4 3 . For the vcxlng problems. scc now also

K. A. Dodgen, Coritrollirig the Drogori: Confirciati E n g i n e r n und the Y~~llow River in 1,ate Imprriul China (Honolulu 2001 ). Further reading: for the training of this important watcnvay in China. scc also Klaus Flcsscl, D e r Ifuang Ifo und die histori.sche Hydrotechnik in Chino unter hesonderer Beriicksichrigung d e r niirdlichen Sung-Zcit (Tiibingcn 1974); Amelung 2000; for He.vuonzhi ("Treatise on the Sourccs of Huanghc"), c.g. reporting about the 128 I Sino-Mongol exploration conducted undcr the auspices of Qubilai Qan, see Franke 1994a: 40 1416. "'I Cf. Miinke 1976: 12&25.

'" CL c.g. Vishwas S. Kale, Flood Studies in India (Bangalorc, 1998) and M. Mirza 1.1 ol, cds., F'lood Prohlcm a n d Moriugemerir iri South A.sia (Kluwer 2003); Liu Guiwci and Wang Jingping, A Study of Extrcmc Floods in China Tor thc Past 100 years (in: L. Gortschalk, J.-C. Olivry, c1. ul., 1999); thc topic morc gcncrally, W.R. Aykroyd, The ('orryuc~.vtof Fornine (London, 1975); E.A. Bryant. Norurul H(rzard.s (Cambridge. 199 1 ); Lcwis, Thc t'loocl Mvth.~ofEorl,, ('liiria.

Apj)e~ldrx11. zong-brsan(Zhang-blon rDo-rjc bdud-'dul), bTsan-ma bcu-gnyis. ' Kong-jo's role as the wise woman and nag r/.ri.sgeomancer is an invcntion of the later Srong-btsan sgam-po vita

Appendix IV: In rhr Garden ?/the While Mare

575

are configuratively associated with several prominent parts o f the landscape on the four sides o f the valley. Grib represents the southern horizon of this "IHa-sa Mandala" Zone: which is marked by four protective mountains. In the earliest model, alongside the mountain o f Grib, Shun gyi brag to the west (rock o f Shun; a foothill o f the dGe-'phel-ri behind 'Bras-spungs),"' Dog-ste IHa-ri to the north (between Nyang-bran Pha-bong-kha and Dog-bde) and a mountain to the east, variously referred to as Ba-lam Grum-pa-ri, Ngan-lam Gron-pa-ri or Grog-po-ri. This eastern demarcation o f the field or zone is less precisely identifiable. The name Ba-lam, however, makes it clear that the fourfold field stretches as far as the core area o f the middle o f the sKyid-chu riverland and also includes the area o f Tshal Gung-thang. A number o f other toponyms are mentioned in connection with Kong-jo's instructions for the pacification o f the area, which by and large can all be located in the vicinity o f these mountains (Graph 1 ; Map 1 ).I1 literature and the position rather apply to the second Kong-jo, i.e. Kim-sheng Kong-co, the alleged consort of Mes Ag-tshoms and presumably actual founder of the Ra-mo-che temple, who arrived in IHa-sa (at the place "Deer Park of Ra-sa") in 7 10 A.D. See most recently TF Serensen and Hazod 2005: 172f. There is no evidence in the literature of the term !Ha-sa Mandala as a synonym for the IHa-sa valley but in the geomantic classification it is exactly this design that is meant. It represents something like the (concentric) extension of the IHa-sa'i dkyil 'khor mrhil/sreng, the latter a designation for the inner courtyard of the Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang. In the literature, one occasionally finds the form IHa-sa s a dpyad also used in the sense of a geographical term relating to the greater IHa-sa district (cf. App. 11: fn. 93; Hazod 2004: in. 3). l o On the Shun cave complex, namely Shel-dkar sgrub-phug, an important pilgrimage site in the Newar Buddhlst tradition of Kathmandu, see Akester 2000; see also App. I1 and Table V.7 in this volume. " The details of the various places vary in the sources. With regard to this tradition one can distinguish between two versions: the related versions ofthe Mani bko ' 'hum (MK 21 5b2-222a5). Ka khol ma (KK 2 13.2-2 15.1 1 ) and Nvang ral rhos 'bjwng (NC 234.5-235.9), and the largely identical details in the rGyal robs gsal (GS 132.3-1 33.14) and m K h a pa 'i dga 'ston (KG 221.2-222.7), on which the Fifth Dalai Lama orients himself in his Bod /yi deb rher (BD 3 8 . 2 s 39.23) ; cf. also his IHa ldan dkar chag (HD 2002 ed.. 5 . 2 M . 12; Akester. in Alexander 2005: 286f.). In addition, see the somewhat less detailed account in mKhaspa 'i Ide 'u rhos 'b-wng 277f., 28 1 . The classical description can be summarized in four sections, on which the list of toponyms in Graph I is based. A The establishment of the area as centre and periphery (= the hills of IHa-sa and the place of the Jo-khang and Ra-mo-chc in the centre. plus the four mountains on the sides; according to Kong-jo's so dpxad examination the whole area is occupied by hostile powers (sa dgra) embodied in various types of Iho srin sde brgvad. which converge here. The neutralization of these sites by means of placing particular symbols - caiyu. jewels, lotus. phallus, stone lion, 1.0.)changed them into auspicious sites (the appropriate emblems are displayed on the Jo-khang pagoda roof; cf. Richardson 1998: 235). B The geographical allocation of the as!anrurigalo. CThe identification ofthe four astrological animals ofthe Chinese tradition (as is known, the IHa-sa so dpyad(Ls) does not rollow here the Chinese model (Cm) of the four cardinal animals; Ls:grey tiger (E), turquoise dragon (S [= g.Yu-'brug sngon-mo = sKyid-chu [alias Kyi-chu sngon-mo, KK 3 13.8]), red bird (W). black turtle @); Cm: spring dragon (E). summer bird (S), autumn tiger (W). winter turtle IN]]). D The naming of the four ore-mountains around IHa-sa. The listing of Graph 1 follows the description in GS (and KG), the details of the other versions are given in brackets. It should be noted in this connection that the different names within one geomantic group do not necessarily also respect~velymean the same place. One example of these inconsistencies concerns group B of the eastern toponyms where we h by Akester (in Alexander 2005: 293) with the mountain of the Rehave thc names Mal-grong gi r ~ ~ ria (identified chundphyung-ri nunnery north-east of IHa-sa), Brag-dkar[-brag] (= presumably the site of Brag-dkar-zhol; see Part 1: fn. 542), gDos-pa'i brag (location unknown. but see Part 1: fn. 124) and Ra-ka'i brag; the latter is the northern ore-mountain and hence wrongly placed here. On the particular places. see the numerous references in TBH Serensen 253-261: see

N

-----------------7 I I

NYANG BRAN1 DOG-SDE

I

I

I I

w

SHUN1 STOD-

LHASA

I I

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - I

TSHAL G U N G - T H A N G EAST A a) Ba-lam Grum-pa-ri (war.: Ngan-lam Gron-pa-ri; Grog-po-ri) = place of hostile forces (sa dgra) resembling an upright water demon (> it should be countered by a conch shell) b) Bye-ma-lung-stod(-ri) (var.: Byang-stod Se[ng]-phug; Sros-pa'i ti), in the [S]E = genitals of a (black) srin mo (> it should be countered witldopposed by a linga of Mahesvara) C) Ban-khos Gung-bu-ri(-Bang-ba-ri, Bun-ba-ri [loc. in Shing-tshang) = mountain resembl. a caifya B Mal-grong gi [rgyabl-ri (var, gDos-pa'i brag; Brag-dkar na'i brag [sic]; Ra-ka'i brag) = [eyes of the] golden fish (gser nya; *suvarnamar.sya [= eye of Buddha; the tongue (= lotus) is placed by the sources in the western or southern places; exception NC: shar rTsibs kyi ri) C dGa'bo/mo-gdong[-'og-ma](war. Bye-ma-ri) = Grey Tiger of the East (slag skya bo) D lo-mo Ze[-ze] (var.: Dog-te sGo-phu [= the norther toponym Dog-te, hence wrongly placed here]) > iron SOUTH A a) Grib-mda' (war. [sKar-chung]) g.Yug-ma-ri =black scorpion (> opp. by a Garuda Ke-ru [sflipa]; the Ke-ru ([b]Se-ru, Ka-ru) srllpa is also ass. with the North or with the place of dGa'-ldan gyi tshal/mtsho; MK; KK; cf. note 42 of App. 11) b) Grib kyi rgyab ri (back mountain of Grib) = heap ofjewels c j Gla-ba-tshal (of sKar-chung [SISW]) =assembly of the 'dre (and rhe'u rang) B a) Grib kyi 'khyag-khrom (war. Grib Se-sgrom; Grib kyi 'Khyugs-rum; 'Phan-dar-ri; spyan-ri; IDong-btsan-ri) = [sound giving] conch (dutrg; *Sarikha) b) Grib rDzong-btsan-ri (i.e. a part of Mount Bum-pa-ri) = vase (bum pa; *kala.ia) c) rDzong-btsan-ri = lotus @adma; the latter also associated with other directions) d) [g.]Yug-ma-ri (of sKar-chung or Grib-mda' [= a mountain due west of Grib) = knot (be 'u; *vafsa) C [sKyid-]chu (var. gTsang-chulchab) = turquoise-blue dragon (g.yu 'brug sngon mo) D ICags-kha-ri > gold

WEST A

B

C

D

a) Shun gyi brag (war. Shun gyi brag Te'u[-rtse) = black demon on the guard (> opposed by a stone caifya) (var. = [mountain in the west] = black frog and black demon on the guard > mchod rfen Se-ru1Ke-ru) h) sTod-lung Brang-phu'i ri = bowl (dur~gphor) a) [sTod-lung-mda'] Bran[g]-phu'i spang (war. 'Phan-dkar (sic); HD:rMog-lcog brag ri [acc. to Akester, it refers to the mGon-po-ri mountain in sNye-thang]) = victory banner (rgyal mrshan; *dhvuja) b) sTod-lung-mda' Brang-phu'i spang = wheel ('khor lo; 'cakrn) C) mDangs-mkhar gyi brag (war. Deng(-gDomg)-mkharldkar gyi rilbrag) = tongue of the fishllotus Shun gyi brag [te'u] (Shun gyi brag-dmar rTc'u-gdong; gDong-mkhar gyi brag) = red cock (b.va dmarpo) La-gdong-ri (-brag) (vor. Shug-pa-gdong; IHo-stengs; La-stod(-rtog); Da-dong) > silver

NORTH A

B C

D

a) Mountain between Nyang-bran and Dogs-[slte (-[blslde)) = elefant in battle (> opp. by a stone lion) b) dGe-te (-Dogs-te) IHa-phu'i ri (var. Dogs-ste IHa-ri) =disclosing lotus (padma kha phye ha) Nyang-bran 'Phan-dkar gyi ri (behind Se-ra monastery) = umbrella kdugs; *chorrro) wyang-bran] Pha-bong-kha = black tortoise (rus shal nagpo) Dog-sde Ra-ga'i brag (LC.the site of the Ra-kha-brag hcrrnitage in Dog-sde) > copper

CENTRE ( ' 0 - t h a n g lake

=

heart blood of the .win m o g u n rkyal etc.)

Gt.ul)h I . The lopor1)~rn.cqf'rh~.Itfa-.so Mandala Zone

Appendix IV: In the Garden of the White Mare

also Chab-spel 1989: 197; HSLG Vol. 6. passim; on the sa dpyad system, see the anthology So dpyad phyogs sgr;g.s 1996. For a discusion of the eastern toponyms, see most recently Hazod 2004. The descriptions of the IHa-sa so dpyad chronologically precede the account of the srin mo gun r b a l border-suppressing temples, which in their classical form of twelve plus one temple are to be seen as it were as an extension of the IHa-sa mandala. These accounts certainly essentially form a product of the early post-imperial period, even if there may also be older models whose beginnings, however, are rather to be connected with the early I l l h cent. and the history of the second Kong-jo (Kim-sheng Kong-co) than with the founder phase of the Fhcent. (cf. TF Ssrensen and Hazod 2005: 171ff.). The (post-dynastic) authors of the IHa-sa sa dpyad are not known, but they are all apparently to be assigned to the circle of representatives of the Avalokitesvara (and Srong-btsan sgam-po) cult, which established itself in IHa-sa in connection with the re-occupation of the central temple. Here, the group of the IHa-sa .sde hzhi, a term that relates to four religious communities andlor institutions around the central IHa-sa temples and. according to its name, itself reflects an early representation form of the quadripartite model of the IHa-sa sa dpyad. Occasionally, IHa-sa sde-bzhi also appears as a synonym for IHa-sa or the IHa-sa Mandala zone (cf. the form Dog-te sGo-phu (a toponym of the northern cardinal area) of IHa-sa sde-bzhi; see App. 11: Chap. I of the present volume and Ssrensen 2003). The IHa-sa sde hihi repeatedly appear in the sources in connection with the political events immediately before the foundation of the Tshal-pa, among others also in allusion to their connection with the Avalokitesvara practice. As a place of spiritual practice. Grib evidently played a prime role, as did Grib rDzong-btsan who (together with dPal-ldan Iha-mo) functioned as one of the primary IHa-sa protector in this period (see fn. 26).* As far as the four cardinal territories of the IHa-sa so dpyad are concerned, there is apparently a connection here with the local political structures of the IHa-sa valley. In the I I' cent., Ba-lam (or Glag[s] Ba-lam), in the imperial period the leading district in this section of the sKyi[d]-shod, formed a settlement of the Yum-brtan brgvud. likewise in Grib. before a branch of the mGar from lower sTod-lung occupied the land (see below; above and beyond this, the lower sTod-lung is considered to be an ancient territory of the sNa-nam (later Zhang's paternal lineage), namely Brang (also known as sNa-nam Brang) and gZhong (cf. the dhang r i . ~list in KG 187), although nothing more precise is known about the local political role of the clan in the 1 I I h and 12Ihcenturies). Shun, the cardinal mountain in the west, is considered to be the ancestral mountain of the gNyos, the lineage behind the gNyos hegemony in lower sKyid-shod (see App. 11.; Table V. 7). No similar political connection is known for the north (Dog-sdeMyang-bran) in this period. It is worth mentioning, however, that the Jo-mo Ze (Zi-ze) mountain east of Dog-sde, which is geographically positioned to the north as well as to the cast, is evidently identical with the Iha (territorial god and ancestral deity) of the old pre-historic principality of sTod[-lung]-ro (see below fn. 61, 62). The geomantic selection of the IHa-sa Mandala toponyms here perhaps follows the tracks of an older political history of the country (see Hazod 2004). A later classification speaks of the IHa-sa'i Ri-chen-bzhi (or dBus kyi Ri-chen-bzhi, also 'Phags-pa'i Ri-bzhi) which to some extent refer to other mountains that serve the same function, namely the marking of an external protective zone around IHa-sa and its temples. These are sMin-drug rdza-ri (south east of Grib; it is seen as a manifestation of the Pleiades; cf. e.g. Karsten 1995: 124). Chos-rgyal Bla-ri (or Bum-pa-ri, in the south west). mount Jo-mo Zi-Zi in the east (opposite Gung-thang) and the above-mentioned dGe-'phel-ri (another tradition has Jo-mo Zi-zi [El, sMin-drug rdza-ri (S), dGe-'phel dBu-rtse (W), IHa-sa dBu-rtsc (N) (i.e. Dog 1Ha-n of Graph I); cf. e.g. HSLG Vol. 4: 1: dMangs srol 585; Hazod 2004: fn. 13). The border mountains are bla ri (rhos r e a l bla ri or also "bla ri of the Tibetan people." see Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1975: 483) and considered the abbot of bTsan-ma goddesses (companions of the Ha-sa protectress dPal-ldan Iha-mo), whose leaders (rDo-rje Grags-mo rgyal and rDo-je g.Yu-sgron-ma) were associated with the institution of the bsTan-ma oracle with its residence next to 'Bras-spungs; see Havnevik 2002 and below fn. 101). This categorization of thc four outer mountains finds its concentric continuation, so to say, in a range of topographical and architectural groups of four in the immediate and external surroundings of Jo-khang, such as the "Four plains of IHa-sa" ([IHa-sa'i] rhatig bihi) (i.e.'O-brgyal-thang [S]. SKU-'bum-thang[El), Tshes-gsum-thang [N], rKyang-thang na-kha [W]) "Four Ridges of 1Ha-sa" (IHa-sa'i sgang bihi) (Thal-spungs-sgang, g.Yul-kha-. Sa-sbog and rJe-'bum-sgang); for the latter see Alexander 2005: 259-270 "Four Springs" (chu mig hzhi) (gTun-khung chu-mig, 'Ja'-tshon chu-mig PI. Khang-dkar- and Drang-srong chu-

578

P A R T 11

One comes across an early indication for this geographical classification of the 1 1-12'h century in two well-known stories: The story of the arrival in 1Ha-sa of the princess (and "wise woman" Kong-jo), who appeared from the four points of the compass like a tetra-goddess, and the story of IHa-lung dPal-gyi rdo-rje, who after the assassination of King Glang-dar-ma magically disappeared or vanished towards the four points of the compass sim~ltaneously.'~ In these stories, the toponyms of the coming and of the flight are largely in the area of the external zone of the IHa-sa Mandala. They refer to the four "gates" through which one enters the holy field and can leave it again. One of the western toponyms that is mentioned with the arrival story of Kong-jo is the plain of Dan-'bag (Dan-'bag-thang; Mani bka ' 'bum 2 15.2ff.; it refers to the area around gNas-chung and is identical with the place where Pehar (alias rDo-rje grags-ldan), sent from Tshal, later appeared (cf. Part I: fn. 574). The above-mentioned "salutation place" rKyang-thang belongs to Dan-'bag (cf. the form Dan-'bag rKyang-thang-sgang; Part 1: sub-note of 574); it also represents one of mig (elsewhere listed as gTon-khong-( (- gTing-khung), IKugs-pa-, G y a - n a g - and Khang-dkar chu-mig) "Four Hollows" (sbug bzhi) ('0-stod.'dod-sbug [El, [g]So-ra-, sMin-drug- (or gTugs-rva-sbug) and Klu-sbug) "Four Treasurelore [Mountains] of IHa-sa" (1Ha-sa'i grer khu r a n g byung bzhi) (Dog-sde Ra-ga'i brag [copper], Dog-sde sGo-phu (near 'Phan-po sGo-la) [iron], La-dong gi ri [silver], ICags-po-ri [gold]; cf. Graph 1, D) "Four Bridges" (zam p a bzhi) (sMon-grong zam-pa, bsKal-bzang-, 'Dod-'jo- and g.Yu-thog zam-po) "Four Great Embankments of 1Ha-sa (IHa-sa'i rags chen bzhi) (Jo-bo-rags [El, Thog-btsegs-rags [S], Chos-rgyalrags [W], Bye-ma-rags [N] (see App. 11) up to "Four Willows" (five with the central willow tree in Front of the Jo-khang), "Four Flagpoles [of the Bar-skor]" (dar chen bzhi) and "Four Comers [of the Jo-khang]" (zur bzhi) and still more (see Nang rig 27Ck72; dMangs srol582f.; bsTan-pa sgron-me 1999; see also Yeh 2003: 534,passim). There are similar classifications (known from the dGa'-ldan pho-brang gzhung period) in various religious or administrative establishments (originating from different periods), such as the Rigs-gsum Iha-khang bzhi (Chos-'phel2004: 3 If.; later extended to eight shrines: cf. Alexander 2005: 91-100), the bTsan-khang bzhi (used as oacle temples; cf. bsTan-pa sgron-me 1999; Alexander 2005: 173f.) o r the Cling-bzhi monasteries (originally rounded for the Dalai Lama's tutors) and the Las-khungs bzhi (cf. bShad-sgra 1991) etc. Some of these places represent particular stations in the course of the annual IHa-sa festivals (cf. Karsten 1995; Richardson 1993). A particular form of revitalization of the IHa-sa s a dpyad is the establishment of the Bod kyi s o g n a d g s o ha 'i thabs (means (statues, mchod rren etc.) for restoring key points of Tibet), a comprchcnsive ritual and territorial-political programme from the early phase of the dGa'-ldan pho-brang gzhung period, which builds on early models, however. Within dBus, most of the known key sites relate to places in the IHa-sa Mandala Zone (such as Shun g y ~Brag-dmar, Bye-ma-ri, the mountain behind IHa-gdong Shan-kha (= rDzong-btsan gyi ri in Grib), dGa'-ldan rgyab-ri (='Brag-ri), etc.; cf. DL6 4 2 3 4 2 8 ; Vai&rya s r r p o 427; T F Ssrensen and Hazod 2005: 90-92; App. ll of the present volume). C'f. here thc story of the Shangs-pa bKa'-brgyud-pa sKyer-sgang-pa Chos kyi seng-gc (1 1 5 4 12 17 A.D.)' In Deb sngon 863.13f. and Shangspo hla robs 123f.: in the search for Avalokitcsvara instruct~ons,he comes to IHa-sa and to the IHa-sa sde hzhr (in the I 1 7 0 ' ~ who ) ~ refer him to 'Phags-pa Ice-sgom [Shes-rab scng-gel, a master of thc Thugs-rjc chcn-po practise and active in (;rib. IHis seat there was a "small hut" (spyil churig), that sKycr-sgang-pa could scc from Brag-lha Klu-phug g~ thang (the latter possibly does not refer to the well-known cave temple in Ilia-sa, but here stands for Klu-sbug, a posltion south-west olJo-khang, which is mentioned in another context with a visiblc perception ofGrib rDzong-btsan; scc bclow). Thc small hut is possibly a forcmnner of the above mentioned Grib rDzong-btsan tcmplc; or pcrhaps more prcc~sclyII refers to the anclent Grlblnda' Iha-khang mentioned as the site where a Khasarpani statue commissioned by Klu-mes was kept before i t was latcr brought to the gTsang-khang Iho-ma olios Byams-pa mched-bzhi Iha-khang), i.c. the southern princ~palchapcl ofthe \Ha-sa gtsug-lhakhang. Scc Ilfu ldun dkorc,hog 28.7-12 (2002 ed.). The samc chapel houses the Ra-~nar(;ya-mo image (scc below). ' I+e 15 named after the monastery of sKyer-sgang which was the rcsldence (and foundation'?) of 111suncle 'Bal Tshad-ma-pa, where latcr C'hos- kyi song-ge served as (the 2""'!) abbot (cl: TF Ssrcnscn and Hazod 2005: 163). The monastery is ldcntified with the place of the latcr nunnery of Rva-skor-dgon in Upper sTod-lung. Scc C'hos-'phcl 2004: 1 12. On the various vcrslons of these stories, see TBH Ssrensen 243; 4 3 1 4 3 5 and below rns. 15, 17

Appendix I V : In the Garden o//he Whire Mare

579

the IHa-sa'i thang-bzhi (i.e. the western plain rKyang-thang na-kha; fn. I I ) and thus should be listed among the groups of entrance toponyms. The southern approach area of the emanational Kong-jo was Grib," the northern was the 'Phan-po sGo-la pass (in Dog-ste). The eastern toponym, however, is less precisely identifiable.I4 Of dPal gyi rdo-rje's four escape routes, the sources unanimously give Grib as the "real" place where the hero - disguised as a black demon - disappeared.Is In Grib-mtsho (i.e. the pond of Phorog gling-kha?), he is then supposed to have removed the black dye so that horse and rider appeared in white again. The name rTa-dkar-la, "White Horse Pass," at the end of the valley is supposed to refer to the appearance of the white horse.'' As we know, the pursuers later found dPal gyi rdo-rje again in Brag Yer-pa, his meditation site north-east of 1Ha-sa, where the whole story started. It would be more likely that the escape route went through a northern or an eastern "gate" and not in the opposite (i.e. southern) direction. But here the route apparently follows a mythical geography in which Grib is ascribed to the underside and darkness, whose protection the killer of the sinful king (Glang-dar-ma) was seeking." The two manifestations of the white and black heroes are the [ha gNam-the1 dkar-po and the bdud Ya-zher-nag-po; behind these stands the bSam-yas protector Pehar,In whom 1Ha-lung dPal-gyi rdo-rje, the abbot of bSam-yas,lg brought along, as it were, for his enterprise. We will return to this Pehar presence in sKyid-shod later. Or bSe'i sgron-ma which correponds to Grib Se-sgrom of Graph I . The toponyms Mal-dro'i Zur-phug, rGya-rab-kha (rGya-mo-rab) and mKhar-sna'i-gdong are mentioned in this connection. Zur-phug is the gZi-sbug valley in eastern Mal-gro (cf. Hazod 2003): rGya-mo-rab perhaps means the site of bTsun-mo-tshal (see h.28); rnKhar-sna-gdong is mentioned in rGyol rahs gsol as the place where the mKhar-brag Iha-khang is located, a temple ascribed to Srong-btsan sgam-po's wife Mong-bza' Khri-lcam and a site which is also closely associated with King Mes Ag-tshorns and his period: its exact location in the IHa-sa valley remains uncertain; see TF Ssrensen and Hazod 2005: 18; 199; on mKhar-brag. see also TBH Ssrensen 243.592-594. " Also Grib bSe-sgrom gyi phu (fn. 13); see also HSLG Vol6: 48-50; the other sites are given as dCa'-rno-gdong (E). Shun (W) and mDongs-mkhar-gdong (N) (the latter appears to refer to gDong-rnkhar in lower sTod-lung, hence wrongly placed here; it is usually 'Phan-po sGo-la which represents the northern zone). See Map 1. There exists also the tradition which only speaks of three locations: Drang-srong Srin-po-ri'i sna, Grib bSe-sgrom gyi phu-rutphur, and the not closer identified ThanJThal-rno rdo-ring. See Hazod 2004: fn. 49. A site related to the dPal gyi rdo-rje legend in the IHa-sa valley is the 1Ha-lung ri-khrod behind gNas-chung-ri (see Chos-'phel 2004: 56f.). As already noted by Ssrensen (in TBH 433). the various names of the black and white manifestations of IHa-lung mentioned in the sources refer to Pehar. the protector of IHa-lung dPal gyi rdo- je's monastery (i.e. bSarn-yas). I h According to the local popular etymology, the name Grib also comes from this story. from disappearance into the twilight (hrih hrib). I' Here perhaps geographic circumstances are mixed with the mythographical conception of a light-dark dichotomy. A (visualized) mandala forms the framework orthe tale that significantly has its origin in Yer-pa. As the life-pole Cvas~i) of the Ra-sa'i 'Phrul-snang. it is the ideal place For the spiritual entry into the IHa-sa mandala; as argued elsewhere (Hazod 2004), the latter should also be read as a "Clang-dar-ma mandala,'' supported by the fact that in the vicinity of at least thrcc of the four refugcs there are Clang-dar-ma places (i.e. Clang-so in Brang-phu, the site rGyal-po Clang-dar-ma in IDan-ma (below fn. 90) and the Clang-dar-ma hill in lower Nyang-bran; Fig. 4a. b; App. V: Fig. 50) that may be connccted to this story. This may bc the background behind the fourfold appearance of the hero, who kills the chos r ~ u inl thc centre (i.e. in front of the Jo-khang), briefly appears on the four sides, to disappear again "unseen in the darkness" as the locals of thc four areas tell the pursuers (the version in IDe'u 2 368 mentions the "old woman" (rgan mo) here. behind whom we can supposc there is a manifestation of the (tetra-) Iha mo). See Hazos 2004: 36f. '"Cf. TBH Ssrensen 432,434; Nebcsky-Wojkowitz 1975: 97-98. TBH Sercnscn 43 1 . I?

l4

(0161 a l ~ l l a i ee~u o l o 3 uo paseq) a u u z nlorunjq n s - n ~ al y ~ d o h -

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MO(~SA

.4/)l1c,11rlrx IC' III rhc ( ; ( ] Irlr~ro/ 111cH hr~c.illrrrc.

On the return journey to Tibet. the minister mGar sTong-btsan yul-zungs and the young princess arc supposed to have fallen in love."' In Grib it is said that the Jealous king then banned his minister to (;rib for three years. The place where the minister stayed relates to a remarkable old ruin in the village above Tshe-mchog-gling. The locals call it mGar-tshang (the mGar house; below, Fig. 5). Nexl to i t (to the west) there was a second ruin, which has now disappeared. The two buildings were the summer and winter palaces of the minister's family. In the period of his banishment, a black bird regularly appeared bringing the minister gtor mu as food, which were put down on the roof ol'the Jo-khang. The still current custom of the inhabitants of Grib buying specially prepared tor-ri~a at the Jo-kliang every year, which they then take home to eat, must be seen in this context. They do this because "this is a meal blessed by hlor~po mGar." They are thereby expressing their bond to the great minister of the king, a bond considered by them to be just as close as that with their , ~ . r i lhtr l Grib rDzonp-btsan. '"

O n Illla Icgcnd. acc 1'1311 Sorcnacn 242

To our knowledge there is no reference in the sources of a relationship of the great family with Grib, and probably these associations have their origin in the post-dynastic history of the country.2' At the beginning of the 12'h century, a branch of the mGar lineage that goes back to

:'

In his function as chief administrator of Tibet proper, tong-rtsan yul-zungs (sTong-btsan yul-bzungs), a descendant of the central Tibetan branch of the mGar clan (App. V: Table 1.2), is mentioned in connection with various dynastic places: in the region of dBu-ru these include infer olio places in and around sNying-drung (sNying-grong in 'Dam-gzhung county). in Mong of Upper sTod-lung, the place 'Gor-ti (location unknown; perhaps identical with the Sho-ma-ra of dBu-ru-lung, see Introduction), or Ris-pu where the minister died (the latter probably refers to the Ris-phu opposite the dynastic residence place of Mer-k[h]e in dBu-ru-lung); see Hazod, 'King Mer-khe'). For the period of his sons. Bya-tshal of sGregs (-scrags) is mentioned as the home of the mGar, presumably one of several settlements of the clan in the imperial period (cf. Richardson 1998: 34). The BIon p o bka 'I [hang yig 436.17 gives Ba-gor [of sNyemo] as the home of the lineage of the "five mGar ministers" [of the imperial period]; it is also mentioned in the mGar gdung hrgyud representation in sMon lam rdo tje rnam fhar as the seat of a mGar descendant of the 8Ihcent. who occupied here the post of a v u l dpon (see App. V: Table 1.2). One tradition has sTod-lung Ram-pa (west of sKyor-mo-lung, Part I: fn. 369, Fig. 70a) as the birthplace and family seat of the sTong-rtsan yul-zungs, presumably a projection of later circumstances. According to GT, Ram-pa is the place where the brother line of rGyal-le settled in the 12Ihcentury. The mGar clan is first mentioned in the sources in connection with the principality of Ngas-po (later 'Phan-yul), where a minister came from this lineage. The village mGar-yul in the Ra-ma valley of Upper 'Phan-yul where ruins described by the locals as the residence and birthplace of hlon p o mGar perhaps go back to this ancient mGar presence in 'Phan-yul (Fig. 7). This mGar-yul is also locally described as the place where the minister started his mission to invite the Chinese Princess to the Tibetan Court (at that time Srong-btsan sgam-po had his residence at the neighbouring place of the later Ra[g]-ma Byams-khang; the area corresponds to the ancient Za-gad district where the 'Phan-yul Zal-mo-sgang (Za-mo-ra) is to be located, the latter known as the place where Srong-btsan sgam-po passed away; see Part I: fn.670; Hazod, 'King Mer-khe', fn. 18). There is a range of mGar places in thc local tradition of Central Tibet (m/'Gar-grong, mGar-yul, mGar-lung). Some of them are described as the birthplace and/or residence of the minister, as in 'Phan-yul, or they are describcd as former workshops of the smith (mgar) sTong-btsan. One tradition places the birth of the minister in Kha-rag, the border district of dBus-gTsang, where a mountain called Blon-po-ri is specified as the "hlon mGar gyi hla ri" (see bDe-chen sgrol-dkar and Tshe-rdor (eds.) 1988). rGyul rrse rdzong lo r g y s 52 mentions that mGar sTong-btsan was born in fiyang-ro of Myang-stod in gTsang. The latcr is known as the place of the imperial [r]Gyang-ro dPal-chad (- dPal-tshab) temple (TF Snrensen and Hazod 2005: 193,207) and most probably refers to the fiyang-bu Iha-khang situated close 10 Sa-ma-rnda' (south of Khangdmar) in southern Myang-stod. see also Myung chos 'hvung 66, passim. In Mong-chc, thc eastern section of the Uppcr Mong valley (in sTod-lung), where paths lead to 'Phan-po, therc is a lake locally described as the soul lake (hla mf.rho) of the mGar lineage (Akcstcr, pers. communication; the Upper Mong valley is also known as the home of the Mong-bza' Khri-lcam, the wifc of Srong-btsan sgam-po; the afore-mentioned royal residcnce of Ra-ma is not far from the Mong-'Phan-po bordcr). At the entrance to the Mong valley, ncar the Chu-bzang monastery, therc is the villagc of mGar-tshang (Fig. H), whcrc in the garden of a house a derelict dwelling is describcd as the former smithy o i t h c latcr m~nistcr(the anvil is supposcd to have been kept in Chu-bzang and was later destroyed). The house whcrc the minister was born was in IDing-kha (opposite Chubzang), a villagc below the Sa-skya monastery of the samc name, IDing-kha-dgon (found. by Yar-lung-pa (irags-pa rgyal-mtshan), which is locatcd on the plateau above the vallcy of IDing-kha-chu. Thc placc 1s considcrcd to be the minister's summer seat (cf. also Chos-'phcl 2004: 1 17; IHag-pa chos-'phcl 19x9); a cavc with a spring above thc monastery is supposed to be thc "Srong-btsan sgam-po cavc" (in our estimation it hcrc possibly conccrns not just a historical mGar (and Srong-btsan sgam-po'?) place, but morc gcnerally a not yct idcntlficd rcsidcncc a n d or assembly place of thc imperial period (and pcrhaps listcd undcr anothcr name in the Annuls). The ruins around IDing-kha-dgon may go back to an older building stage of thc monastery, while the castle ruin ol'rDzong-sgo on the opposite rDzong-phu-ri (seat of thc yul /ha (and god orthc IDing-kha oraclc) rTa-shug rgyal-po) is pcrhaps cvidcnce of the older history of this placc). Alongside thc sites of Mong, IIIing-kha and thc above-mcntioncd Ram-pa. the

1

8: mGar-tshong in upper sTod-lung (close to [Ding-kha dgon, blon chen mGar 's summer residence)

584

PART I1

sTong-btsan yul-zungs settled in Grib. This was during the time of the descendant rGyal-le, the father of mGar rGyal-ba 'byung-gnas, who had his seat in Grib gSer-khang. He became one of the fellows and "sons" of Bla-ma Zhang and one of his principal patrons. It is said that he called the master to Grib gSer-khang in order to carry out a ritual for his wife in order to help in the birth of an heir.z2This is mGar Sangs-rgyas dngos-grub (b. ca. 1 185), later the fourth Tshal-pa dpon then and the first from the mGar lineage (App. V: Table 1). The internal political structure of the early Tshal-pa has clear parallels to the circumstances prevailing in the 7'" century: we have a founder figure, Bla-ma Zhang, who is an incarnation of Srong-btsan sgam-po and with the take-over of IHa-sa to a certain extent also entered into the inheritance of the Chos-rgyal, and we have the clan of mGar, which assumed a ministerial position in relation to the religious throne that led to the office of a secular ruler of Tshal. It seems that Grib's living association with the old mGar family of the 7Ihcentury reflects later circumstances.

area (previously described as mGar-lung) around the present-day mGar village in lower sTod-lung is associated with the minister clan (close to this mGar village the remains of an ancient burial ground are to be found; Knut Kaiser, pcrsonal communication.) In eastern Mal-gro (in Dvags-pa xiang sit. in the Mal-gro gTsang-po valley east of Mal-gro Gung-dkar) is the village of mGar-khang, where two families live who say that they are descended from mGar, who had his smithy here. At the hill Rin-chen nor-bu behind the village there arc the remains of a former castle or dwelling that according to the locals belongs to the history of the ancient mGar-khang (Fig. 6). The historical significance of this place is also underlined by its immediate proximity to Mal-gro Ba-rab, known as one of the dBu-ru honpo 'du gnus, which is to be identified with the village of Ba-rab; it lies west of Grib-so (Srib-zur in XD / 35/2), the village behind the "mGar-khang ruins" (Ba-rab became a branch settlement of the early rGya-ma-pa of the dGyer line; it is infer alia known as the birthplace of Sangs-rgyas dBon-ston; sec App. V: Table 10). One tradition speaks of the mGar-tshang chen-po gsum (Three great mGar houses/settlements [of Ccntral Tibet]) which in IHag-pa chos-'phel 1989: 48f. arc described as major seats o f t h e mGar lineage in the period when the mGar served as minister of the ruling house of Ngas-po [Phra-sum]. The three houses are thc mGar-tshandkhang of Upper sTod-lung, the Mal-gro mGar-tshang and thc bSam-yas mGar-tshang in bSam-yas. The same article mentions the ruins of a mGar gyi pho hrang in 'Phan-yul. 'Phan-yul, sTod-lung and Mal-gro form three of the classical entry areas to central sKyid-shod and the IHa-sa valley and in the history of these mGar places one must also bear in mind that, similar to the case of (irib, there is a closer connection with the story of the legendary arrival of the Chinese Princess, even more so as "Kong-jo places" are also reputed to bc in the surroundings of these sites (in the case of 'Phan-po, this relatcs to a place north of mGar-yul, in the case of Mal-gro a place in eastcrn gZi-sbug, thc valley south-east of Ba-rab). According to our surveys there are further eastern Kong-jo places in the areas of Zho-kha rdzotig (Brag-gsum-mtsho area of fiya-mda' county) and indirectly also in Jo-mo-rdzong of Kong-po, whcrc Grib rDzong-btsan resides; here he is linkcd with the A-mo Jo-mo. after whom thc valley is named and who, as in the IHa-sa vallcy, bclongs to a sister group of thrcc Iha nlo (scc bclow). The name o r the Gar monastery (sCiar grva-tshang ulius Jo-mo-dgon) situatcd close to the ruins of Jo-mo vdzotlg is understood by the locals in the sense of a tent (sgur); possibly. however, i t is evidence of a no longer known local variant o f a mCiar rDzong-btsan story. which also cxists among othcrs in Yar-lung; cf. TF Sercnsen and Hazod 2005: 271 f.; abovc fn. 7. Thcre are a number of Kong-,jo (and mGar) places in eastern Tibct that arc linked in thc narrow scnsc with the legendary Tibet journey (in Dar-mdo county, in Nags-shod or sPo-bo; cf. Ri-dbang bstan-'dzin 2002; dMat~g.r-svol 579; Tt: Sercnsen and Hazod 2005: 53). '' Thc motif in which the relig~ousmaster hclps his patron to ensurc thc continuation o r his line with thc a ~ dof a ritual is also found among other carly local rulers. Scc the example of thc Bug-pa-can-pa in Upper Yar-lung ( U S (iyalbo c.1 ul 193). -

Appendix I V : I n the G'urdc~nqfthe Whi~l.M o r e

2.1 Grib rDzong-btsan marries the Gung-thang Iha-mo The Gung-thang Flower Offering

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The alliance between Grib and Tshal has its particular expression in the Flower Offering (Me tog mchodpa) held on the sa ga zla ha (middle of the fourth Tibetan lunar month), which supposedly goes back to Bla-ma Zhang." The ceremonial union of the god of Grib with the protective goddess of Gung-thang, dPal-ldan Iha-mo 'Dod-khams dbang-phyug-ma, forms the central part of the Gung-thang Me tog mchod pa. Here is a summary of an observation of the three-day festival in May 2001 : 1" day: Morning: The big rDzong-btsan statue is festively dressed in the Grib rDzong-btsan Iha-khang (equipped with a helmet decorated with flags, weapons, horse, horse amour, etc.). The twelve sku tshab, who function as assistants and bearers of the god during the festival, are responsible for this. Months before they had sworn an oath to adhere to particular fasting and purity rules, which are in force until the end of the festival. This is necessary "in order to be able to cany the god." Afternoon: The arrival of the four bla ma from Tshe-mchog-gling; one Iha hsangs is set fire to on the verandah and after a ritual cleansing of the men (washing of hands and drying over the embers of the lha bsangs; Fig. 13, 14), the statue is carried out to the noise of large trumpets. A device inside the horse makes it possible to carry the heavy statue and get it moving. Accompanied by drums and cymbals, a brief dance of the divinity begins before which the twelve men prostrate themselves one after another and show their reverence (Fig. 15). The statue is later placed under the roof on the north side next to the entrance, in front of which there is a small altar where a beer sacrifice was made calling on the j'ig rten gyi Iha (Fig. 16). 2"* day: In the early morning the route out of the temple is decorated as a "dkar thag." i.e. two stripes drawn on the ground with white chalk and partly decorated with flower motifs (Fig. 22). The route is additionally marked by bundles ofjuniper which are later set on fire. Bla ma from Tshe-mchog-gling recite prayers inside the Grib lha-khang. Outside, on the verandah, the lha bsangs smokes; next to it, the big gtor ma of the Grib rDzong-btsan is set up. The twelve men, now in their festival dress (Fig. 12), are served with beer by the women of the village. After a beer offering in front of the statue, the god is taken out of the temple courtyard to the sounding of the great trumpets and begins its way down to the first stopping point. As with each of the total of four major stops on the way to Gung-thang, each time a brief ceremony is performed by the bla-ma as well as a dance of the god and vast amounts of beer brought by the locals are spilt over a transportable altar. On the first stop the great gtor ma is divided by a bla ma and distributed among the twelve men. The stations en route are each surrounded by villagers, who come along in order to bring dkar thag for the god and his custodians as well as beer I' I t is supposed to have been introduced based on the tradition of the Sutra Basket Offering, one of the "Three Basket Offerings" of the dynastic period. which were distributed over the three primary temples of IHa-sa. bSam-yas

and Khra-'brug (see Part I: fn. 5 19 and TF Ssrensen and Hazod 2005: 290). bsTan-pa mkhyen-rab (1995: 43) dates the introduction of the Gung thang M r tog mchodpu only in the 14'h cent. In GT it is first mentioned in the mid-14'h cent. I1 was later incorporated in the ritual calender of the IHa-sa Central Government. There is a brief description of the festival in Richardson's Cc,wmonies oJ'rhe Lhasu Year (1993) and in bsTan-pa mkhyen-rab's article "Gung thang me tog rnchod pa'i gar 'cham sgyu rtsal" ( 1995).

offerings. The leader of the twelve deputies is responsible for the beer offerings. His attribute is a large mda ' dar arrow (Fig. 18). The "ride" to the third stopping place, near the lower village of Grib. Here a truck is waiting, onto which, after the usual prayers and offerings, the divinity is loaded (together with the twelve men, drums, etc.). The route (accompanied by drumming) leads down to the sKyid-chu past the 1Ha-gdong Shankha bridge to the road to Gung-thang. The road is lined by locals and pilgrims from IHa-sa who are walking to Gung-thang. The truck repeatedly stops so that the men can accept the numerous dkar (hagthat are handed to them (Fig. 23). In return, they hand out blessed white ribbons. There are then two longer stops in the villages of Shan-kha and ICags-grong, which belong to the immediate district of Tshal Gung-thang (see below). As with the previous stations, vast amounts of beer are spilt. [The new Pehar temple is in ICags-grong; the old one was in Tshal. Previously on this day the gNas-chung oracle priest and a delegation From 'Bras-spungs and 1Ha-sa came to the Pehar temple, which served as their quarters until the 16"' day].24 From ICags-grong the track goes on to Gung-thang, where in the meantime the village streets are full of crowds of onlookers. In the Gung-thang temple the Gung-thang Iha-mo has already been festively decorated the day before and brought out from its place in the mGon-khang and set up on the eastern side of the 'Du-khang in Front of an altar [previously its place during the festival was in the now destroyed Byams-pa-khang (in the eastern annex) in front of the great Maitreya statue]. While the Grib rDzong-btsan and its following is drawn along an intersecting road in the direction of the temple, the 1Ha-mo is taken out of the temple. They meet at the crossroads to the temple street. There is a dance of the two divinities, which in these days hold something like a holy wedding (Fig. 24). The Gung-thang Iha-mo then leads the "groom" into the temple, where the two divinities, after their dance in the courtyard (and in the 'Du-khang) are taken to their respective places, the IHa-mo in the east, her partner in the west of the 'Du-khang (previously he was housed in the Zhal Iha-khang in the western annex). 3'* day: The culmination of the sa ga zla ba used to be a masked dance in the dGe-lugs-pa tradition of IHa-sa and Tshal Gung-thang, which nowadays, however, is no longer staged. Instead, the monks stage the famous Padma 'od-'bar opera, which goes on into the afternoon (Fig. 27).25A 24

The delegation consisted of one representative and one general manager from 'Bras-spungs, the hcad discipline

officer from bDe-yangs grva-tshang and one leading hcad of the dGa'-ldan pho-brang

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a total of 30. Cf. bsTan-pa

mkhyen-rab 1995.

*'bsTan-pa mkhyen-rab 1995 gives a list o r the masks of the traditional go,-

'chum, which fall Into clcven groups:

1

Zhva-nag gser-skyem bco-lnga (The Fifteen Black Hat Dancers Performing the Golden Beverage Offering).

2

Khro-bo bcu-gcig (Thc Eleven Wrathful Ones).

3

Shva-ba-bzhi (The Four Stags).

4

Zhva-nag mga-'cham bco-lnga (The Fifteen Black Hat Dancers Perforrnlng thc Drum Dance).

5

Khro-bo-bcu (The Ten Wrathful Ones).

6

Dur-bdag-bzhi (The Four Lords of the Cemetery).

7

sGo [srung-]ma-hzhi (The Four Door-Protectors). A-tsa-ra-brgyad (The Eight Atsara).

8 9

rGyal-po sku-lnga 'khor-tshogs-bcu (The rGyal-po sku-lnga and Followers, altogether tcn = thc five rmulpo [emanalions o f Pehar] plus rDo-rje dregs-ldan [Pchar's chieimin~stcr].gtiod.thyin Tsc'u dmar-pa, s g o .rrunl:

Appendix I V : In rhe Gurden of'the White Mure

587

chain of devotees with offerings (primarily butter, canisters of beer, and the dkar thug-s) streams into the temple, where there is a great crush in front of the two statucs, and where homage is paid to each of them. On the previous evening. on the western side, another, separate altar with gtor ma was set up, representing the protective deities relevant to Grib and Tshal Ciung-thang, with the three, Chos-rgyal (= chos rgwl Pehar), IHa-mo and Grib rDzong-btsan at the centre. Following the direction of the skor r-a (circuit route), the route taken by the pilgrims first goes to the Grib divinity and the altar in the west, where the 12 men arc gathered, and then to the Gung-thang Iha-mo, where the elders of Gung-thang, dressed in their festival clothes, have been grouped since the morning. In the morning, during a theatre interval as well as a1 the end of the opera, the statucs are taken into the courtyard, where the divinities dance together (this time for longer and 10 a complex choreography - a dance where the two figures alternately move towards and away from each other, in the process walking through all four compass points in a circular movement). This time the Grib divinity leads the IHa-mo into the temple. [Richardson writes that the 'cham traditionally ended with the symbolic sacrifice of a linga image and the statues are then brought in front of the large applique t a n g h (gos .sku) (a work from the 14'hcent., GT 3Ra). The appearance of the gNas-chung oracle possessed by Pehar then began, who at the end of his dance performance led the statues in a procession around the gos sku]. 4'h day:

The Gung-thang Iha-mo is brought into the mGon-khang and Grib rDzong-btsan is led out of the Gung-thang to the wailing of the village women and taken back to Grib in the truck. The last station is Pho-rog gling-kha, the above-mentioned grove with the central imgation pond in the central Grib valley, in which the above-mentioned niga Pho-rog Ici-med lives. After a brief sacrificial ceremony, the statue is taken home to the Grib Iha-khang . The festival displays several significant characteristics of a Tibetan wedding celebration. The 12 men are here reminiscent of the delegation of "clan brothers" who lead the groom to the bride's house. The sku tshab c h i e f s arrow symbolizes the male side in the Tibetan wedding ritual and is the instrument with which the bride is transferred to the patrilocal residence. At this point it should be remembered that the minister mGar journeyed to China equipped with an arrow and appeared before Kong-jo with it (cf. TBH S ~ r e n s e n227-28). The dkar thug drawn on the earth symbolizes the marital bond uniting the divine couple. At the same time, this marriage concerns the joining of two places, Grib in the west and Tshal Gung-thang in the east.

Thog-btsan and thc two A-tsa-ra acolytes of Pehar). 10 IHa-mo 'khor-tshogs bco-lnga (The Goddess and the Retinue, altogether Fifteen

=

IHa-mo dMag-zor rgyal-mo

plus the bsTan-ma bcu-gnyis and the two Mahikila assistants (lus mkhutr) Chu-snn and Sen-ge gdong-can). I 1 mGon-po 'khor-tshogs-bcu (The Lord [Mahikila] and the Retinue, altogether ten = The Raven-faced

Mahikila plus [his animal-faced] acolytes. The dancers wcrc traditionally monks from Tshal Yang-dgon. One month later the group used to appear in gNas-chung. in connection with the 5Ih Month fesival 'Dzam-gling spyi-bsangs. See the description in Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1976: 28-29: cf. also Richardson 1993: 94-95.

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I

9. The Gung-thong lha-mo 'Dod-khams dbang-phyug-ma

10, 11. Grib rDzong-brsan lha-khang, the residence ofrDzong-brsan chetr-po ( I I), the deity ofthe tnCar land of Grib

end&

W:k the Gw@kuofrke mite Men

12. Preparation of the ceremonial dress ofrDzong-btsan by a member the sku tshab bcu gsum (I2 representatives of of Grib and its yul lha Grib rDzong-btsan during the Me tog mchodpa) 13,14. Ritual cleansing before the deity is carried o u t f i m its residence

IS. Prostration ofthe statue-bearer before the statue 16. Chang offering in the evening @st day of rhe 2001festivau

PART I1

17. The 12 sku tshab of Grib on the verand~

18,19. The head of the sku tshab group escorting the deity to Gung-thang (Pdday).

he Grib Iha-khang in the morning of the Pdday

Appendix IV: In rlre Gar$@##the Whik kCmr

20.21. Prayers and ofloring ceremonies at the s~op-overson the wry to OUng-~Aong

L-

23. The deity and its conwy on a tmd is welcomed by the local people lining the streets ---

22. Flower decorarions of the mute to Qung-[hang

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--

(2""dnyl

--

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--

---

PART I1

24. In Gung-rhang: I ne uung-thang Iha-mofestively dressed meets her "groom outside the temple

25.26. The statues are taken into to the main hall of the

temple where they will1 remain the following two days

28. Dance Mthe divine coMple (Gmg-tkrys Mamu d &xm@bl#len)

lo = stopp-overs on the way from Grib rDzong-btsan Iha-mang (u)to tiung-thang (G); < K = KIU-saug-thang Map 2. From Grib to Gung-thang(based on Corona Satellite 1970)

I

2. 2 The 1Ha-mo Sisters

296 O//erlll~ 01 [he "Ra-nla rGva-mo (ha-khatlg "

(200 1)

The fate of the Gung-thang protectress, who only sees her husband for a brief period is associated with the history of the three dPal-lha sisters of 1Ha-sa. It IS said that the mother, dMag-zor-ma (1.e. dPal-ldan Ihamo dMag-zor rgyal-mo), once wanted to have her daughters married and urged them to find a husband. The mother's favourite child, the peacehl dPal-ldan Iha-mo (who is sometimes the elder and sometimes the younger of the sisters in different versions) wanted a matrimonial union with Jo-bo, whereas the other two sisters both fell in love with Gnb-rDzong-btsan and chose him as their husband. One of the two is the wrathfbl dPal-lha-mo, who lives together with the first slster in the dPal-ldan Iha-mo chapel in the south-eastem comer on the first floor of the J o - h a n g (above this, in the roof chapel, is the seat of the mother; cf. R~chardson,"The Jo-hang" 253-259).26 The third is the fierce dPal-ldan Iha-mo 'Dod-khams dbang-phyug-ma of Gung-thang. As she cannot see her husband from her place (in contrast to her aster, whose location in IHa-sa is within view of Grib) Grib rDzong-btsan is brought to her once a year.27

In the local tradition the daughters of dMag-zor-ma include another, fourth Iha mu alongside the three dPal-lha sisters; she is the youngest, who was supposedly treated In a stepmotherly way by the mother and came away empty-handed in her search for a husband. This is Ra-ma rGya-mo, an embodiment of the divine goat[s] who according to legend transported the soil from 'Phan-yul for the drainage of the 1Ha-sa Lake.lx The four Iha mu should be regarded as a unit - more precisely as a splitting of the one dPal-ldan Iha-mo, who is embodied not least in the "fourfold manifestation" of Kong-jo (see above). Ih

The dPal Iha-mo and Grib rDzong-btsan function jointly as the inv~torsof Dvags-po sCiom-tshul to IHa-sa (approx.

mid-l 150's). See App. 11: fn. 31. A possible earlier evidence is the mention of thc two in Rvu lo r-nurn rhar- 262.7-8. '' It is also maintained that because of her thoroughly fierce nature, she was locked up indoor the wholc ycar by her parents. Only on saga zla ha does she drop her wrathful mien, which allows hcr to mcct her choscn onc. This mctamorphosis relates to the opening of the veil over the face of the statue on the 14Ihday of thc month, and its vciling again on the 16Ih.bsTan-pa mkhyen-rab (op. cir., 44) speaks of three mcetings of the two deities within onc ycar. ? T f . c.g. K a khol ma 269.17-18; see also TF Ssrcnsen and Hazod 2005: 55P Ra-ma &ya-mo (also Dung-rtsc Rama rGya-mo or Ra-ma rGyal-mo, Goat Queen) has her placc of worship at the south-east corner o i t h e Jo-khang, whcrc in the .su gu zlu ha month in particular, queues of pilgrims fbrm cvcry day to prostrate themselves and to make prayers (Fig. 29b). A clay figure of the goat is in the gTsang-khang Iho-ma (or Byams-pa mchcd-bzhi Iha-khang (south side, ground-floor; Fig. 29a). The name rGya-mo (= the spelling in /Ha ldan dkar chug) perhaps rclatcs to thc eastern placc of the advent of Kong-jo (i.e. rGya-mo-rab, ford of rGya-mo), possibly identical with bTsun-mo-tshal which according to the locals is to be read as f i y a - m o bTsun-mo-tshal. "Garden of thc Chincsc Quccn." who stopped here on hcr way to IHa-sa (cf. Hazod 2002); a similar Kong-jo site is rclatcd to thc village rGya-nio situated in lowcr Ram-pa, thc mGar place at the western entrance zone to [Ha-sa (see Part 1. fn. 369 and above fn 2 1 ).

The relationship of rDzong-btsan with the Ilia-sa Ilia-mo (the second sister) is alludcd to in another festival, the dfal-lha'i ri-khrod, held in the I O t h Tibetan month (sec Richardson 1993: 1 1 0 113; dMungs srol 303f.). I t starts on the 14Ih day of the month with a presentation of dPal-lha-mo on the roof of the Jokhang, accompanied inter ulia by a specific gtor rgvug ceremony (scattering of dough cakcs, here stylized as mdo.s thread crosses) and a performance of the dPal gsol-ma (group of ladies who praisc the ]Ha-mo). Later the image of the goddess is taken to the maln temple of the ground floor, where it spcnt the night in front of the Jo-bo chapel, facing the Jo-bo Rin-po-che. Thc ncxt morning - interrupted by several halts -- the statue is taken around the Jokhang by monks from the rMe-ru tcmple." At the north-eastern of the four large flagpoles of the Bar-skor, the Karma-shag oracle previously joined in with a special trance performance."' After a half circuit, the route leads to Klu-sbug south of the Jo-khang," from where the statue is finally carried back into the temple. The halt at Klu-sbug allowed the Grib rDzong-btsan, who according to Richardson's descnption was previously always taken out of hls temple at this point, to see his beloved.'?

30 Tllc, ilcjrlli,r Jl'il1 Iilu~lIllu-mo difux-z"' 'K\uI

The sacrificial cakes scattered in this connection, perhaps relate to the above-mcntioned story according to which a raven broughtgror-ma from the Jo-khang as sustenance for the blot1 /lo mGar. Behind the raven one may see a manifestation of the (raven-headed) Mahakala. whose followers include the dPal-ldan Iha-mo. A Mahikila image is embroidered on the front on the broad cape of the IHa-mo statue (Richardson, op. cit. plate on p. 1 12). It is said that the original stone image of the wrathful dPal-ldan Iha-mo is a grer tna discovery of Bla-ma Zhang.!' who had his place of meditation in the Jo-khang (in the Chos-rgyal sgrub-phug) (i.e. one of his seven sgmh gnus; Part I: fn. 62). This union between Grib and 1Ha-sa is presumably an older (pre-Tshal-pa) story (see fn. 26); but Bla-ma Zhang's presence here is evidence of the general restructuring of the cultic relationship of

'"1.e. rMe-m rnying-pa. one of the rCiyal-po sku-lnga temples of \Ha-sa and seat ofthe gNas-chung Pehar-lcog oracle during the latter's stay in IHa-sa. On this site. see most recently Alexander 2005: 103-24: see also HSLG Vol. 6: 69: Chos-'phel 2004: 26f.. Tsering Gyalbo 2005: 395f.. and Pan I: fn. 359. '' The deity of the Karma-shag oracle priest is Bya-khri spyan (-mig)-gcig. "minister" of the skli 'i r p . u l po Monbu-putra, the eastern representative of the fiyal-po sku-lnga group (see below fn. 104). He has h ~ own s chamber In the Jo-kliang. On Karma-shag bTsan-khang. see Alexander 2005: 183-90; Rlchardson. op. crr.. 256. " One of the \Ha-sa'i sbug-bzhi (above fn. 1 I ) . On Klu-sbug[-thang]. see Karsten 1995: 122. fn. 35: Rlchardson 1993. s.v. index: sce also the sub-note of h.I 1 and Yeh 2003: 553f. I t is knoun as the point from \vhich the Glud-'gong rgyal-po (the human substitute sacrifice in the sMon-lam festival) traditionally left IHa-sa (by boat o\.er the river and then through Ra-ma-gang towards bSam-yas). Cf. e.g. HSLG Vol. 6: 129. " Richardson 1993: 1 1 1 . Here he mentions the Tshe-mchog-gling temple. \\.hich the locals of Grib do not confirm. however. " C f Richardson, 01). cir., 1 10: dMarlg.~ srol 303. In Zhurlp ~ U I Irllclr I ;it1 hrls 56bC57a6 there IS mention of the installation of a dPal-ldan Iha-mo (image) in Ra-sa 'Phml-snang by Bla-ma Zhang in the 12' cent.. perhaps a reCerence to thc dPal Iha-mo stone image.

the IHa-sa area, which followed the foundation of the new monastic centre. The removal of the dpal-lha sister to Gung-thang and the annual visit of the place by Grib rDzong-btsan (whenever this event may have been institutionalized) are an expression of this. It has its counterpart in the political marriage which was once established between the patrons of mGar from Grib and the religious throne of Tshal.

3. TSHAL AND GUNG-THANG 3.1 The Tshal Gung-thang District: A Brief Description Tshal and Gung-thang are the names of two settlements in present-day Tshal Gung-thang district (xiang; Tib. shang), with the administration office in Gung-thang village. This IHa-sa sub-district also includes the out-of-the-way settlement area of Grib, which shows that the modem rural administration has apparently taken over the ancient historical connection^.^^ Bla-ma Zhang's birthplace In Tshaba-gru, which the locals call his mother's house," is marked today by a small cairn in a field near the settlement of 1Cags-gong (Fig. 3 1 ; Map 2), a un~onof what was originally two villages, ICags-ri shar-ba and Grong-lcags byangma. The old road to 1Ha-sa (more precisely to [lHa-gdong] Shan-kha, the old feny station for crossing the sKyid-chu to 1Ha-sa) ran behind the fields of this birthplace house. (The name of the present-day Shan-kha '1 See HSI>GVol. 6: 172; Xizong Dimitigzhi I: 1 3 1 4 . The territorial unit of the two districts, (irlb and Tshal. I S also spoken of in a local oral account from Tshal. It says that the arca between Tshal and Grlb was once covered by a huge

snake with its head lying in Grib. which was overcome by Lhc Tshal-pa founder. Bla-ma Zhang beat the monslcr "by means oFthc Jo-bo [i.c. Buddha] statue from the Grib temple and divided it into a northcrn and southern part." The northcrn half is said to represent the arca north o f t h e Tsan-dan-n (Fig. 30) (= the arca of Tshal (iung-thang), the southern half the area south of the mountain, i.e, the zone of Zhal, sKam-pa-lung (fn. 36) ctc. including (irib. Zhang did the taming fom thc "Grib temple" (see sub-note of fn. 1 I), a lgct which makes it reasonable to see thc ritual related to the deity of'Grib. in other words to see the snake as a form of rDzong-btsan and the land it represents as the land of thc m(jar. Zhang's patrons. "

Not seldom with religious foundation figures one finds that the birthplace and place whcrc the future hero grcw up

are described as the house of the mothcr (see for example the casc of g.Ya'-bzang-pa, whcrc there I S mcntion o f a house (and village) of the mother and the village of the father; CFS Ciyalbo or.(11. 203). Onc may scc hcrc a reference lo a Ibnn ofuxorilocal residence rule In the generation o f l h c parents. In the casc of Hla-ma %hang, it also suggests thal 'l'sha-hagru was a scltlc~ncntarea 01 the (paternal) lineage of his mother, which one source gives as Shud-phu, known as one of the leading lineages In the IHo-kha liegion (see Part 1: fn. IS).

Appendix I V : I n /he Garden qf /he White Mare

597

village derives from this site of the ferry station, where Thang-stong rgyal-po erected the IHa-gdong Shan-kha iron bridge in the 1430's or 1440's; see Part I: h.685). Beyond rise the mountain chains of the Tsan-dan-ri and the ICags-rdo-n, which close off the valley plain in the south.'h On a rock next to the old IHa-sa road at the foot of Tsan-ldan-ri, the young Dar-ma-grags (Zhang's birthname) is supposed to have waited for his mother (previously a nun) whenever she was on a pilgrimage to IHa-sa. The stone with the imprints of the boy's foot and knee is today in front of the new fiyalkhang (Pehar house) in ICags-grong village. The simple temple contains images of Klu-btsan, Pebar, Guru Rinpoche and rDo- j e g.Yu-sgron-ma. The last of these functions alongside Pehar as the yul Iha of Tshal Gung-thang. Equally, there are images of these two in Yang-dgon, with the dMag-zor rgyal-mo additionally being placed at g.Yu-sgron-ma's side. The chief smng ma of Yang-dgon is Ts[h]e-dmar-pa (rTsi'u dmar-po), of whom it is said that he was fished out of the sKyid-chu immediately behind Tshal." The monastery lies in the northern part of the present-day Tshal village. Immediately to the north east, the ruins of the one-time Pehar Iha-khang is found. To the left of this was the hermitage of Tshal-sgang Chos-spyil (of which there is today no trace). Likewise in Tshal village is the more or less preserved dBus-gling monastery (early 141hcent.) and the derelict rGyud-smad grva-tshang (to the west) as well as the khri dpon palace, to which only a small mount of rubble still carries witness.'" The place lies approximately 200m south east of Yang-dgon. Next to it there is a small mchod rten, which the locals call the birthplace of Pehar (Pe-har 'khrungs ,wo. Behind Tshal village there are still more fields before the banks and the marsh zone of the sKyid-chu begin. On the other side of the sKyid-chu rises the Jo-mo Zi-zi mountain, one of the IHa-sa k-chen-bzhi (above h. 1 1 ). A few kilometres east of ICags-grong the Gung-thang village is located. It is the location of the once powerfil gTsug-lag-khang, of which only the central building is still to some extent preserved, the large annexes (glo 'bur) are empty or dilapidated. The present-day walls are the remainder of later building phases that followed the devastating fire of 1546 (below Chap. 5). The rooms are limited to the 'Du-khang (with the central altar of Rigs-gsum mgon-po), the Pho-brang chen-mo (with a (new) Jo-bo Byang-chub chen-po statue and new images of rGva-lo, Zhang and Dar-ma gzhon-nu) and the mGon-khang. The last of these contains the statues of the two chief protectors, mGon-

'' In the mountains behind,

in the area of the brTan-ma Iha-mo dBu-skra-ri ("mountain resembling the hair of the

brTan-ma Iha-mow) there is supposed to be one of Bla-ma Zhang's meditation caves, not more precisely given in the texts. Here, too, lies the important quarry of sKarn-po-yung (sKam-polpa-lung). a small valley east of Grib where probably the Bla-ma Zhang foundation of sKam-dgon is to be located. Cf. Part I: fn. 522. " The statue is flanked on the lefi by an image of Phyag-rdor. To the right of this are images of Zhang, ~ H k ~ a m u n i . Gu-ru sNang-srid zil-gnon, Pehar, dMag-zor rgyal-mo and rDo-je g.Yu-sgron-ma. The semi-derelict monastery (like dBus-gling) is no longer in permanent operation and is closed most of the time. The rest of the old images include. among others, paintings of the Fifih Dalai Lama (flanked by the two THrH and with r D o - j e grags-ldan (Pehar's chief minister) and dPal-ldan Iha-mo in the foreground), of Gung-thang Bla-ma Zhang (in the middle of bKa'-brgyud masters) and murals oTrDo-rjc g.Yu-sgron-ma and the srung ma dPal-ri (Pha-ri) Thog-btsan-pa to the left and right of the entrance. O n Thog-btsan-pa (also rTa-mgo (horse-headed) Thog-btsan), one of Pehar's acolytes, who like other protective deities of Tshal appears in the Gung-thang 'cham (note 24), see Nebesky-Wojkowitz 123. 132,453. Monks from rMe-ru rnying-pa call him a minister of rDo- j e grags-ldan (= Pehar) and srung ma of IHa-lung dPal gyi rdo-rje. Nebesky-Wojkowitz (op. c.11.. i h d ) notes, that this deity (and minister of the SKU-lngagroup) also was occasionally consulted by the gNas-chung Pehar-lcog oracle. ln

The rubble comes from a s/zjpa that was built on the site of the earlier "Khri-dpon khang" (see Part I : Fig. 36).

po phyag-bzhi-pa and Gung-thang Iha-mo with entouragc, including the powerful chief acolyte Bya-rog gdong-can and Kong-btsun De-mo.jq Compared with the religious site of Tshal. Gung-thang was the larger complex with the site of the SKU-'bumchen-mo and numerous other largely vanished stiipa, as well as the important colleges of sGom-sde gZirnskhang-shar, Chos-khri-lcog (or gwa-tshang) and Chos-'khorgling. Only from the last of these a few wall remains (in the garden of a private house; see Part I: Fig. 29-30). Not far to the south east is Zhal village, at the exit from a valley enclosed by the mountains Changulhari (sPyang-khu Iha-ri?) and Ri-sgo to the wesC4"and to the east by the Byangkha mountain range. Towards the end of the valley rises the sMin-drug rdza-ri, the southerly of the 1Ha-sa'i Ri-chenbzhi, which approximately forms the southern boundary of Not far to the south of JZ. Blu-mu Zho,lg.s ,s,Orle~u,nh,.clla the traditional Tshal-pa district Zhal village, a rock known as the "stone umbrella" of Zhang zh,l I,, , A , ~uc.kKrou,ld Bl.u,lg. marks the traditional route that leads from here past sMin1~kh~rm0~1lr0itl(2001) drug dza-ri to scrags (Fig. 32). In this area, in particular in Upper scrags and in the surroundings of the Byang-mkhar mountain, lie most of Bla-ma Zhang's mountain retreats (Part I: fn. 62); one of the most important of them is the Byang-mkhar ri-khrod, which the local ghzi hdag mo by the name of Jo-mo sMan gcig-ma once gave to Zhang and his companion Dar-ma g ~ h o n - n uHigh . ~ ~ up on the southern side of Byang-mkhar-ri, the monastery, later developed as a permanent monastic settlement, is now abandoned. In Zhal village there is a new Byang-mkhar ri-khrod of a later date, which is looked after by nuns. I t contains images of the "Three Jewels of Tibet" (Tsong-kha-pa, Phag-rno gru-pa and Bla-ma Zhang),43of rGva-lo, Zhang and Dar-ma gzhon-nu, and a statue of the srung ma Thog-btsan-pa (fn. 25, 37, 106). A goddess called the Badzra (*Vajra, *rDo-rje) Iha-mo functions as the yul Iha of Zhal, behind whom presumably the [rDo-rje] sMan-gcig-ma stands. '"On the (jung-thang tcmplc, sce the descriptions of G T a n d Part I: Graph 2. There arc traces of older paintings

ill

the

onc-timc Mani Iha-khang (not mentioned in G o . An older mural of rGva-lo. Zhang and Dar-ma gzhon-nu is found in an castcm niche above the altar of the Rig-gsum mgon-po (below Fig. 39). ""hc KI-sgo at the cntrancc to Zhal (see Map 2) is also simply referred to as thc "small mountain" (ri ho [.hutig) and thus could be idcntical with the Ri'u-chung mentioned in G T 2 l a as the sitc whcrc the Z l ~ a n gdisclplc Kha-rag-pa 'Dul-ba-'od was ordaincd (in thc prcscncc of Bla-ma Zhang). Thc site is probably idcntical with the othcnvisc not morc closely identified Zhal gyi Re'u-chung-dgon mcntioncd in Zhang's autobiographical writings, which again appears to be idcntical with thc sitc of Ngan-lam Ki-chu[ng] ring-mo (Ngan-lam gyi Kc-chung ring-mo) mcntioncd in other sources (el.. Illo rot^^ c.ho.s 'h-vung 6 4 1 . I I ; .sNu phu rrium rhor 17a 1-2 [= 33.1-21). On Ngan-lam, see below.

" XXi;ut~g Dimirigzhi I: 14a: 2Y033'N 9 l o 1 I'E. 4L Byang-mkhar, chronologically the first of Zhang's scvcn retreats (.rgruh gt1u.r />dun), I S the scttlng li)r the story of thc footprint of Zliabs-rjc 'Gro-don-ma, a kind of foundation stonc of thc Tshal-pa trildition. with footprints of' Ihc

enthusiastically dancing Bla-ma Zliang and his then still young assistant Dar-ma gxhon-nu; the dance was an cxprcshion o f t h c triumph over the attacks by the local hi hdug from IHa-sa and (;rib who had gathered hcrc along w ~ t hthe m

A1

x I

(B = gZi) > (C = rJe [rJe'u]) > (D = line of Sangs-rgyas snying-po) > D9 A10 (= grandson of M ) (maternal relative of Nr. lo?) > (E = mGar) >

'?I5 until ?18

1 El9

? 2 0 until E23

638

PART I1

V. 1.2 The Lineages of the dpon sa and the Relation to the Yang-dgon gdan .ra Lineage ofmGar*

A mGar Thing-na-rje Khri-sgra 'Jings-smug sTong-mes Khri-lcags sTong-btsan Yul-bzungs (blon chen mGar, 7Ih c.) hrsun po Yon-tan rgyal-bzung ( a ) mGar btsan-po Dred-po (h) bTsan-gnyan Gung-ston (c) bTsan-gnyan 1Dom-bu2 (IHa-gcig sNya IDem-bu) Khri-zangs Dong-bu (-Dum-bu) Khri-gnyen Khri-lcags sTong-mes Khri-snang Lineage of Khri-[slto-relro sTag-gzung Khri-btsan 'Phan-gzigs hlon chen Chas-pa sgo-drug rDo-rje-gzung Khri-gzung-btsan : [3 - 4 generations] mGar Thog-yang-rgyal

Lineage of Dur-mu gZhotl-nu A I I

m-11

--

[I]

-

~---7 ( a ) rGyal-leJ (h)'Phan-ne4

1

+

[Ill

1

m -Y

- . .~ .~ - .. - - - - -

[IVI [VI

Shud-phu Lineage

A I I I

m G a r f i y a l - b a 'byung-gnas

I

(b)

(0) [?I

A

rDo- j e sems-dpa' Mang-skyid A = O I fl-y_ -. _ Bla-ma Zhang

I

(a) Dar-ma gZhon-nu [ I ] (b)

Zhang s ~ a . n a m

-

'

I -

- -

- -

-

- -

- - ..

R in-rgyal-ba [5] ' 7 1

(a)[6]

PI1

(b)[7]

(c) Rin-chen dBang-phyug seng-ge

[XI1 [ X I I ] (= 1 1 ) [XI I I] [XIVI [ X V ] (= 1 6 )

--

-

I

-

( a ) [ 151

L

-1

( h ) [ l h l ( = XIV)

-

* Bascd on sMr)n Inn8 rdo r j c mum rllur (MI3 4b3C.); Bod kyi deh rher 106-107; Gung rhang dktrr c./lag; scc Par1 I: fn. 373 [I] [Ill etc. = succcsslon o f the Yang-dgon gdun so hu Sigla. [ I ] [L] etc. = succession ofthe Tshal-pa dponpo ( a ) ( h ) etc. = brothers m,v = n~chod.yonrelationship

' Desccndance from heaven.

' He funclioned as,)jul dpon of the sNye-mo district ( M D 5a5- 6). ' Ile settled down in Grib.

His lineage settled in sTod-lung Ram-pa (scc App. 1V: fn. 2 1)

V.2 The Main Branches of the Tshal-pa School Established in the 12Ihand 1 3'h Century Bla-ma Zhang IHa-n-pa

Ro-skam-pa

-

g Yu-brag. Bya-mkhar

-

Re'u-chung, sKam-dgon etc

-

Dar-ma gZhon-nu

--

TSHAL (Yang-dgon. Gung-thang) [plus later 1 3Ih cent monstenes est from Tshal Glang-lung. IHa-sd~ngsI a ]

Sangs-rgyas-'bum

Seng-ge brtson-'grus

LHA-PHYUG-MKHAR Ru-thog-pa

-

IJ IJ

-

sGom-sde gZ~ms-khang-shar

Yar-lung-pa Grags-pa-seng-ge and gTsang-pa Dung-khur-ba

monstanes In Kong-po

> In Amdo I Tsong-kha, MI-nyag, Hor-yul --

Ye-shes Blo-gros

Go-ra-dgon etc

Ba-lam-pa. etc > In MI-nyag (as court chapla~ns)

rDzam-dgon

p G E q sNang-sgom ras-pa

Nyag 'Bn-ra-ba

I u

rTag-chen

/

Nam-mkha' srng-gr Dar-ma etc.

.

dGe-tsho-ba

-

Tsa-rl-ha

RTA-SGA

ZA-LUNG

.

-

/

IJ sNa-phu Gangs-ra

IJIJ " 13 ~nonaderlr\"in Kong-pi1 KO-ha-brag lllun-gruh-sdings

-

BAR-TSHAL %la:

-

-

Zhogs-phu etc. IHa-sdings (in Tshang-'dur)

Phv~s-can

(

= founding of a (branch-) monastery / dependency o f a religious site

0 dPal-ba Me-tse Bla-shod (In Glo-bo) > In Nepal

-

= direct disciple

-

Chos-lung etc.

640

PART I1

V.2.1 The gdan sa ba Lineages of the Main Branches of the Tshal-pa School'

A IHa-phyug-mkhar dgon-pa (in Ba-lam [shar])

:2

Sangs-rgyas-skyabs (of the gZi clan in Lo-ro Dol)

A

A

O

A IHa-phyug-mkhar-pa Nyi-zla-'od (I 145-1 2 15) = I gdan so ha of IHa-phyug-mkhar (found. 1193 A.D.) 11 Bla-ma spyan-snga-ba (rl. 7 years, ca. 12 15-1 22 1) 111 Rin-po-che sTon-nam (rl. 3 years; in 1224 throne was vacant) IV Bla-ma Ba-lam-pa (sojourn in Mi-nyag in 1224) V Sangs-rgyas Jo-sras VI Sangs-rgyas sTon-pa VI1 Bla-ma Za-lung-pa bSod-nams dbang-phyug (ah ca. 1257) Vlll Za-lung-pa Bla-ma mJos-pa bzang-po IX Ru-thog-pa S%kyargyal-mtshan X Bla-ma 'Ju-phu-ba Shes-rab-'phel Vl. I " half of 14Ihcent; the latter three were also active in (or served as abbots of) the Bar Tshal institutions of Za-lung. Ru-thog and 'Ju-phu, respectively)

B Kha-rag dgon-pa (in Kha-rag)

(of the sKyi clan in sKyi[d]-ru of Grva) -

1

I--

A bSod-nams bla-ma

A

A

bZod-ldan bla-ma

Kha-rag-pa chen-po 'Dul-ba-'od (aliases rtogs ldan Nyag-po-seng-ge, dge l lo rig dNgos-grub bla-ma) = I

A slob dpon

Jo-sras

I gdan so ha of Kha-rag dgon (found. in 1 193'?) I1 dhon po Seng-ge brtson-'grus I11 chos v/e rGyal[-ba] gZhon[-nu], IV mKhas-pa Crags[-pa] rgyal[-polmtshan] V bla ma sGang-kha-ba Blo-gros bzang-po VI dBu-rtse-ba Grags-pa rdo-rje VII 'Jam-dbyangs Shes-rab bzang-po Vlll dge hshes Kun-dga' rgyal-mtshan 1X 'Od-zer 1Ha-tho-ba X hla ma gZhon-nu rgyal-mtshan (reg~steredfor the period orthe 9"' Tshal-pa dpon po sMon-lam rdo-rjc [rl. M 128.6-13) [I] [2] [3] [4] [5] [h] [7]

Gling Ras-pa Padma-rdo-rje (GT, etc.) 'Gro mgon gTsang-pa rgya-ras (= I.D.1) G r u b thoh Ti-shi ras-pa (alias Sangs-rgyas ras-chen; GT. HR) Gu-shri rTogs-pa yongs-su gsal-ba (= hlu ma Yar-lung-pa Grags-pa seng-ge alias Gung-thang-pa [ = I.A.9 '?I) rnDo[-ba] ras-pa ( B A Roerich 518; i.e. bla ma Do-ba'? GT; from mDo-bo o f mTshur-phu'? c f . ZhK) Zhig-po bdud-rtsi (HR 205.15; B A Roerich 139; GK 280.17-283.15; ZhK 565.5)" 'Brug gi spa-ri-ba (sPafl'a-ri-ba o f 'Brug [in sKyid-smad];established thc spa-ri Byang-chub-gling monastery; BA Roerich 670; KC 70a7-bl . Also known as rJe mKhyen-pa'i mnga'-bdag)

Appendix V: Tables 4-5

[8] [9] [lo] [I I] [ 121 [ 131 [I 41 [ 151

gTsang-pa Jo-btsun Bla-ma bSe-phrang-pa (ZhK 565.6) Kharns-ston rDo-rje blo-gros ( - Blo-gros rdo-rje) Sum-ston rDo-rje snying-po (= V.7?) Mal dBu-dkar-po Kharns-pa mGon-ston dge bshrs Dvags-po gZhon-ras

B The Great Sons (bu chen) Residing infEstablishing Foundations (gzhir /a bzhugs) (DM 128.I & I 5) 1 Chos kyi rgyal-tshab rnNyarn-rned &kya ye-shes (the I" Yang-dgon gdan .TO ha) (GT. etc.)12 2 rnKhan-chen bSod-pa (- gZad-pa)

C The Four Great Sons (bu chen bzhi) (DM 128.15-1 8) 1 2 3 4

Kha-rag gi grva pa Rin-po-che 'Dul-ba-'od (= I.B.4; I.C.4) dPal-ldan IHa-phyug-rnkhar-pa Nyi-zla-'od (= I.C.2) IHa-n-pa chen-po Narn-rnkha'-'od (= I.B.1; see Table 2.1, ELI) Ro-skarn-pa Lo-sgorn Nyi-ma shes-rab (see Table 2.1, F-I)

D The Disciples that were Ascetics and Yogi (rrogs ldan bya btang gi rnaI 'byorpo) (DM 128.18-2 I )

[I] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7]

Mar-sgorn (HR 204.1 1; = I.A.6; 1I.C. 18 ?) Ri-sgorn (HR 204.18; ZhK 460.10) rTogs-ldan sPra [= sBra?]-sgorn (HR 202.9; BA Roer-ch 716) gTsang-ston Blo-ldan 'Ja'-sgorn Byang-chub snying-po (= Mar-pa 'Ja'-sgom alias Mar-sgom Byang-chub seng-ge (I.A.6)? HR 62a3) Shang[s]-pa Rol-pa'i rdo- q e (Rol-pa'i rdo-je, the One from Shangs [in gTsang]) Byang-chub-shing gdan-'dren Mi Bya-'dzin

E The Great Sons Executing [karmic Enlightening] Activity ( 'Phrin lax grub p a 'I bu cheti) (DM 128.22-129.1 1)

[I] [2] (31 [4] [5] (61 [7]

[XI [9] [ 101 [I I ] [ I 21

Dar-ma gzhon-nu (= 1.C.1) /Ha htsun dBung-seng of 'Phreng-po

(= I.A.4 ? dBung-seng[-gel = 'Bum-chung seng-ge of dBus kyi shod where 'Phreng-po is locatcd; dBang-seng) Khri-rtse, Prince (btsan po) of bSarn-yas (= I.A.7'?); also called Brag-dmar bSam-yas rgyal-po) gNas hrrari dGe-seng of bZang-yul [Mon-gdong] (= I.A.1 I?) gNas hrtuti Seng-ge-grags of Gru-gu-sgang (in Chu-shul district; = I.A.13) rDor [i.e. rDo-rje] dBang, the nephew of the King of Kha-rag gNas hrtan Grub-thob of sGa-'dra (= Yar-'brog sGa[ng]-'dra)

sgom pa dKon-rnchog seng-ge gNas hrtatl of rnTsho-sna in Mon (also called sPungs-pa) gNas hrtmn of 'Brug-rndo gNas hrran rnGon-po Dar-bsod (= rtox.y ldatr Dar-bsod?; see Table 2.1. G-11)

650 [I 31 [I41 [ I 51 [I61 [ I 71 [ I R] [I91 [20] [2 11 [22] [23] [24] [25] [26]

PART 11 'Gar [= mGar] fiyal-ba 'byung-gnas (of Grib. rather of the 4IhTshal-pa dponpo; GT, etc.) Phyag Khri-mchog Nag-po dBon-ston of Kun-dga' ra-ba Dam-pa Srabs-sman of gZhung[-phu] (also IHa-rje Srabs-sman Grags-seng; = II.A.4?) 'Bum-yag of sGre-mkhar Hril-chung, the dkon gnyer of Gung-thang. /Ha bzo dpon Pho-rog (= hm bo dpon Pho-rog Seng-ge rgyal? KR 11 27.2) Mar-pa IHa-dkar shing mkhan Phag IHa-bzo IHa Nyi-ma shes-rab (= olia.ses Ro-skam-pa chen-po Lo-sgom Nyi-ma shes-rab, sGom-pa Lo-sgorn, Lo-gom; founder of Ro-skam monastery; GT, DM, HR 204.5; Table 2.1, F-l ) Phyag dpe ba [s]Na-mo rJe-btsun dkon gnyer Hral-mo sGom pa bZod-ldan gNas hrtan mChog-lha

111. The L i s t of Disciples a c c o r d i n g t o dCus 'dud re skong ma 'i grel ba (ZhK 564.1-568.4) A Principal S o n s (sras kyi thu bo) (ZhK 564.1-566. I )

[ I ] Grub thob Gling-chen Ras-pa [2] Chos rje gTsang-pa ras-pa [3] Grub thoh Ti-shri ras-pa [4] Blu ma rGya Yar-lung-pa (= II.A.4) [5] Bla ma mDo-lo ras-pa Shes-rab seng-ge [6] Bla ma Zhig-po bdud-rtsi (= ll.A.6) [7] Se-brag gNyos-ston (= V.H'?) [R] IHa-sa [= pa] Rin-chen rgyal-pol1 [9] Bla ma Sc-'phrang (= ll.A.9) [I 01 Khams-ston Blo-gros rdo-rje (= 1I.A. 10) [I I ] Sum-ston rDo-rje snying-po (= 11.A.I I ) [I21 Mal dBu-dkar (= ll.A.12) [I 31 Kharns-pa mGon-ston (= 1l.A.13) [I41 d G r hshes Dvags-po (= 11.A.14)

(=

II.A.5 or IV.4?)

B T h e All-Peerless S o n s w h o established a F ~ u n d a t i o n ' ~ (ZhK 566.1-2; corresponding with list 1I.B in DM) [ I ] Cho.c kyi rg-yul /.shah mNyam-rned rin po che sakya yc-shes [2] .sDc .vnod 'dzin pu then po mKhan-chcn bzang-pa (= II.B.2)

C The F o u r G r e a t S o n s (ZhK 566.2-3) 1 Kha-rag gi Cirva-pa rin po chc 'Dul-ba-'od 2 dPul IHa-phyug-mkhar-pa Nyi-zla-'od 3 Ilia-ri-pa chcn-po Narn-rnkha'-'od

4 Ro-skam-pa Lo-sgom Nyi-ma shes-rab

(= 1I.B. I )

Appendix V: Tahles 4-5

D The Disciples that were Ascetic Yogi (rtogs ldan hyo hang gi rnal

'hyorpa)

(ZhK 5 6 6 . 3 4 )

[ I ] rTogs ldan bya blung gi rnal 'hyorpa rGyal-ba Lo-zhig (ZB 67a1-2) [2] Mar-sgorn [3] Ri-sgorn (HR 204) [4] gTsang-ston Blo-ldan [5] rTogs ldan sPre [= sBra] [6] 'Ja'-sgorn Byang-chub snying-po [7] Shangs-pa Rol-pa'i rdo- j e [8] Byang-chub kyi shing gdan-'dren-mi bya btang rGya-gar-ba [9] Ral-sgorn [lo] rTag-sgorn (- sTag-sgom) [I I] rGya-sgom (= rGya-ston; HR 204) [ I 21 dBang-brtson [I31 gZhon-nu-dpal (HR 205) [I41 gZhon-nu shes-rab (HR 204)

E Minor Disciples (huphran) (ZhK 566.4-567.5) [I] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [g] [9] [I 01 [I I] [ 121 [I 31 [I41 [ 151 [ 161 [I71 [I R] [I91 [20] [2 1 ] [22] [23] 1241 [25] [26]

Zhang Nyag 'Bri-ra-ba of Gra-tshal gyi Ding-ma (i.e.Tshal gyi Ding-ma o f Gr[v]a?) Tshul-khrims snying-po Zhabs-khung-pa Chu-pa IHa-rje'" Gang-'or-ba Grub-thob chen-po Tha'i gnas Gor-ta Mi-mnyam rdo- j e Grva-phu'i Sa-sTon Khri-dga'I6 Nya-steng gi grva pa Mig-drnar dGe hshes Sha-mi (= Sha-mi sMon-lam'bar?)" dGon-rtse'i Khu-sgorn chen-po Khro-chu Lung-pa chen-po dByar-sgorn of sTod-lung Ne'u-seng rnGar-sgom Dar-ma sgang-pa Zhag-po Da-re Thod-lo-ba chen-po rGyal-ba-ston Bla ma Pha-daIn dGe hshes Sher-'byung (= Shes-rab 'byung-pas = dhon o f the 'Bri-gung founder 'Jig-rten mgon-pol'?) gTsang-pa Ya-so dGe hshes IHun-po (also pupil o f Zhig-po) Y on-tan scng-ge Bla ma gTsang-pa Dung-khur-ba (= V . 1 ) sGom-bde'i [=-sde] dPal-ldan gdan-sa[-ba] Sang[-rgyas-]'burn'v Yar-'brog Brag-nag-pa chen-po gYa'-bzang gi sNubs 'dul ha 'dzinpa (= Chos kyi smon-lam. the founder o f g.Ya'-bzang dgon) Pho-rog mDo-sde-mgon Chos rjc. rGyal-ba Yang-dgon-pa

652

PART I I

F The Great Sons Executing [karmic Enlightening] Activity ( )hrin

las sgruh pa

'I

hu chun)

(ZhK 567.5-568.4; corresponding roughly with list 1I.E in DM above)

[I ] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [HI [9] [I 01 [I I ] [I21 [I 31 [I 41 [I 51 [ 161 [I 71 [ 1111 [ 19) [20] [2 I] [22] [23] [24]

Dar-ma gZhon-nu 'Phrang-po'i IHa-btsun dBang-seng bSam-yas kyi brlsadpo Khri-rtsi bZang-yul gyi gnas hrlan dGe-seng Gru-gu-sgang gi gnas hrlarl Seng-ge-grags Kha-rag gi rgyal-po rDor-dbang sGa-'dra'i p a s hrtan grub thoh .sgorn pa dKon-mchog seng-ge Mon mTsho-sna'i gnus hrfan 'Brug-mdo'i gtras hrtari gNus brlan rnGon-po Dar-bsod mGar fiyal-ba 'byung gnas Chag Khri-rnchog Nag-mo dpon-ston of Kun-dga' ra-ba Dam-pa Srabs-sman of gZhung (= 1I.E.16) 'Bul-yags of sGrc-mkhar Hral-chung, the Gung-thang dkon gnyer IHa-bzo-dpon Phog-ro Shing mkhari Phag-lha-bzo IHa Nyi-ma shes-rab Phyag dpe ba Na-rno rje btsun dKon gryrr Hral-mo .scornpa bZod-ldan gNas hrtan mChog-lha

1V. The Zhang Disciples as listed in HR (1 3 1, 197-207) [ I ] Rin po chr Sangs-rgyas-'bum (the 4"' Yang-dgon grlurl .sa ha) (GT. ctc.) [2] rTog.r Idati sPra-sgom (or: sBra-sgom, tcacher of Brag-dkar-ha; liR 202.9, = 1I.B.101) 131 r7i)gs Idan Ru-thog-pa (also rTogs ldan bDe-ha gzhon-nu. Zhig-po sTon-hdc (MZ 1617); founder of Ru-lhog monastery; see Table 2.1. C'-I) [4] ICc-sgo~nShcs-rab scng-gc (ZB 5Ha2-l; IIR 204.2; Ma1 YL'I.P(I hu t.tiun1 /11(1r 9a2-3) 69-70) [5] r(jya-ston (= I.D.3?;HR 204.X = ? d(;c h.rllesrCiya in M I Y I I I( ~. ~ o s'1)j)un~ [h] Shangs-ston gZhon-nu shcs-rab (IjR 204.2 1 ) 171 Jo-sras gZhon-nu-dpal (NR 205.2) [HI Mc-sgorn (IIR 205.12; Mu1 Yer.p~hrr rrluttl rhnr 13h9) 191 Zhig-po bdud-rtsi (llR 205.15; II.A.6) [ 101 DharaSri

-

Appendix V: Tuhles 4-5

653

V. Further Disciples (mentioned in GT, DM.DS.GK and in Zhang's writings, etc.. and not included in one of the lists above)

[I] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6]

gTsang-pa Dung-khur-ba dBang-phyug bkra-shis (= 2.C.8?) Brag-dkar She-yes [i.e. Shes-rab ye-shes] (BA Roerich 7 1 5 ) bSod-nams bla-ma (elder brother of 1.8.4) bZod-ldan bla-ma ( G o Nam-mkha-'od (probably not identical with I.B.1; BA Roerich 522; see fn. 6) Zhang lo f s i i ha Phur-pa-skyabs (o1iose.v Ras-pa Byang-chub, Grub-pa-dpal ( I 177-1237 A.D.); Zhang lo rsi hu rriam rhar. l b3.2a4.3al-2; BA Roerich 445)

[7] [8] [9] [lo] [I I] [I21 [I 31 [I 41 [I 51 [I61 [ I 71 [ I 81 [ I 91 [20] [2 1 ] [22] [23] [24] [25] 1261 [27] [2R]

Sum-ston ras-pa (alioses Byams-pa, bSod-nams shes-rab or Dharrnavajra; BA Roerich 990-91) dCe bshes mKha'-ru-ba sGom chert Jo-sras Dar-ma seng-ge Khro-phu lo t s ~ha i Byams-pa-dpal (BA Roerich 1065f.) rGya 'Pho-ba lung-pa Yon-tan-grags (HR 154-59; BA Roerich 1065: cf. Pan I: fn. 92) Brom-mda' ras-pa (recipient of a Mahikila-cycle from Zhang; cC Bu sron p u n jzig 16a3) dCe slong bSod-nams-grags (mentioned in Zhang's writings) sPrangpo Nyang-khol Bla-ma ICags-ri-pa sikya'i dge r.rhul Bla-ma Ye-shes dCe hshes g.Yar (or dByar-sgom) sGom pa Khyung-sgom of 'Bras-khud dCe slor~gShes-rab grub-pa (biographer and scribe of Bla-ma Zhang) gNas brtan Dar-ma bsod-nams of lHa-sa rGya-grong Blu ma Pa-ta gNas hrtan dGa'-dra [= sGa-'dra] Nyi-'bum (BA Roerich 194) Zhang-ston skar-mda' ( Z B 69a6, passim) g.YU-brag rdo-rje (zhcrl sloh of Bla-ma Zhang; cf. Los phro glirrg rnam rhur 1 3 4 a 6 b I ) Sras Nyi-ma-'bum (in the A-ro transmission, GK 2 0 5 4 6 = V. 25?) Ye-shes blo-gros (GD 75bl-2; 1s' 202; he founded the IHa-sa-sdcngs/stengs seat of rDzam in Dvags-po) Rab-'byams chos-rje (the founder orthe Ne-chung(- -phyung)-ri hermitage north-east of IHa-sa is mentioned in

HSLG Vol. 6: 65 as a disciple of Zhang g.Yu-brag-pa (cf. also Chos-'phel 2004: 77); hc is perhaps identical with the Nc-chung ri-pa registcrcd in /Ha ldurr dkor chag (2002 ed.) 15). [29] spa-ri-pa (listed as Zhang's g/org,vhornspu or "Votive Cake Prepare?)

------- ---

Notes to Table V. 5

' The Sollowing - admittedly inchoate - list merely attempts to register so-called direct or personal

disciples (dngos .\-/oh)of Hla-ma Zhang, thc plethora of second- and third-generation studcnts and pupils O J U I sloh I ~ and rq-irigslob) has not bccn registcrcd. Yet it cannot be excluded that the lists of first generation disciples do contain. unwittingly, nanics or second-generation pupils.

ML dcsipates the disciplcs o f thc Father (i.e. phn g.Yu-brag mTshal-pa

=

Bla-ma Zhang) as white heels (hr [= lu

&w 1 lug? i.c. o f a lamb] rring dkur) that follow in the trail o r thc Father. Zhang himself is also listed as a disciple (I.A.1).

a circumstance possibly indicative of the Inany inconsistencies in ML.The text also speaks, among his pupils. o r the six bTsan-po (Kings [sic,])o f Upper [m]Tshal, six Great Ones of Lower [m]Tshal and the six Great Ones of Middle [m]Tshal. The so-called six sTod-Tshal htsari po are also discussed further ahead in ML 174a4-5 (see Vitali 1996: 397 h.648): sTod: Chos-lung and Gon (C'hos-dzom) gn!>is

654

PART 11

Bar: [Yang-]Brag and bSam[-gtan-rdzong] gnyis [= Glo-bo] sMad: Mar[-lung] and rTa[-sga] gn.vi.7. Cf. also YT 10b2-3 (where the text speaks of the rTa-sga-pa being the s ~ ~ , j Tshal gyi dpon). Thus. as discussed by Vitali, the Upper district comprises Byang and Pra-dum district, the Middle district constitutes Mustang and the Lower area comprises the easternmost area towards Mang-yul Gung-thang. These six brsan po evidently thus refer to the six major sTod-Tshal monastic establishments in gTsang of Western Tibet, wherefore we, rather than expecting that they constitute petty kingships. shall expect that the scribe of ML falsely wrote hrsan po for htsunpa. We should similarly assume that behind the six Great Ones of Bar-sTshal (referring to the foundations of the so-called 'Od-disciples plus Ro-skam and Ru-thog) and sMad-Tshal, foundations and establishments of Tshal in Central and Eastern Tibet respectively are referred to. The ML is an unusual, yet quite authentic (although at places distorted) source, with some parts redactionally fabricated, having been compiled, evidently, from different biographical sketches. Being corrupt, the most salient problem on that score is the dating of the 1" person in the biography, the Zhang-disciple Mar-lung Byang-chub seng-ge alias bla mu Mar-sgom (I.A.6). His creed was a merging of rNying-ma (rdzogs chen) (transmitted through his father) and bKa'-brgyud @hyag chen) teachings (transmitted from Bla-ma Zhang but also from rNgog). For the chronological problems, see the discussions already delivered by Vitali 1996: 291-93 and Everding 2000: 213-216. His dates (with an age o i 8 9 ) as presented by Vitali, i. e. 1 1 53-1241 A.D. are rejected by Everding who suggests that the memo glang, the year of his demise. should be situated to 1277 (born ca. 1189). Now, ML 89a2-4 suggests that Mar-sgom passed away 48 years after Zhang (I 193+48 = 1241 A.D.). The dates of Mar-lung are still not conclusively clarified. ZhK 354-59 reports on the /Ha su ma 'i dbang bzhi of Zhang written down by Mar-sgom in an male Earth-Dragon year (i.e. 1208?). I t cannot be excluded that under the name Mar-sgom reported in ML, we possibly must see biographical data of Marlung's father too, i.e. Mar-lung Se-bo, mixed with data from the eventful life of the I" person narrator. According to ML ( 5 9 b 2 4 ) , the latter (prob. referring to the son) in around 1 171 met Zhang (just before the person (father?) had followed for two years dge hshes Bya-yul-ba [gZhon-nu-'od, 1075-1 1381). Finally, in a prophecy (in ZhK 23 1a5) Bla-ma Zhang states that Mar-sgom will pass away seven or eight years after Zhang's passing into Nirvina, i.e. ca. I200 A.D. Until Zhang's death, Mar-sgom adhered to the inner circlcs of the master, before he finally withdrew to western Tibet and est. a monastery in his own homeland. Whatever the true identity of Mar-sgom, he appears to be identical with the Zhangdisciple Mar-sgom mentioned in rCyul hlon ma as well as identical with the Mar-sgom of other lists, which acc. to HR 204 may be none else than the famous sculpture-maker Mar-pa IHa-dkar (= also Mar-pa IHa-dga', HR 197.20, the dpon Mar-pa 1Ha-dkar in G o . He was in charge of manufacturing images of (and indeed for) Bla-ma Zhang, inclusive the key statue IHa-chcn dpal-'bar ulius Jo-bo Byang-chub chen-po, the principal support (rten gtso) of the Gung-thang temple erected in 1189 A.D. acc. to ML (80b2f.). In this capacity, he appears in the 'Phrin-las grub-pa'i bu-chen list (= 1I.C). a decisively important group which executed the hegemonic objectives of Zhang, using belligerent, wrathful means (khro tshuf) (under the protection of Mahikila forms like Pho-rog [gdong-can]) and thus attempted to Fulfil Zhang's quest for 'dul ha; i.c. the active conversion of proselytes (cf. ML 88a2f.). Confusingly, ML also reports Mar-sgorn in another group (II.B.8), and hence also differentiates the two names. Notwithstanding such discrepancics, a comparison of the lists allow us to conclude that the names in the ML lo an appreciable extent correspond with other sources. Irrespective of the shaky identification of Mar-sgorn and thc protagonist of ML, the data in the biography as a whole must be deemed authentic. I t cannot, however, be excluded that the inclusion of Zhang's name in thc list is also authentic, in which casc the depicted father ("surpasscd" by his disciples incl. Bla-ma Zhang) may accordingly refer to a paramount mastcr. the position of which had been occupied by Zhang. Hcrc we must call into mind dPal Gva-lo, the principal yogic teacher of Zhang g.Yu-brag-pa and his group. 'Thc discipleship division listed here in AIBIC groups in ML is most unusual and the full implication ofthis rcmarkablc enumeration remains somewhat puzzling. The thrce slob-ma-g~oups,rcsp. thosc being more "superior" (Ihag), more "noble" (bzatig) and morc "venerablclpious" (htsun) than Bla-ma Zhang is uncommon to say the Icast. yct may carry some reminiscence of the triple division known alrcady from the 12"' ccntury in Tibct: mkhas htsun hzang gsum, the three hallmarks of a learned scholar: crudition, piousncss and nobleness; a classification initially popular in Sa-skya circles; scc Sangs rgvus chos gzhung 78. If the list merely represents a variation of this division, it would imply that the pupils of group A were meant to surpass the master in the field of erudition. That we are dealing with a corruption of the wcll-known mkhas btsun bzang gsum-frame may bc undcrscored further by another group in MI,, namely the thrce 'odDisciples (1.B. 1-3) where the MI2-compilers,singularly, designates thc group 'odgsal. which would seem to bc another

Appendix V: Tahles 4-5

65 5

attempt to emulate another cherished concept, here the yogic technical term prabhisvara. These "designations" thus may allow US to assume that they are artificially coined labels, constructed by the ML compilers. bcundgCung[-pa] (also Cung-ba-sa) of La-stod (divided into hyang and Iho from the 14Ihcent. with their own prince lineages and ruling seats; i.e. La-stod Byang and La-stod IHo covering a large part ofgTsang). It is to be differentiated from Thang-cung, also of La-stod in gTsang (see below). Cung-ba[-sa] was located in the area where later Thang-stong rgyaI-po erected the gCung Ri-po-the Stipa (of La-stod Byang; completed between 1449-56 where the workers of cung-ba actively assisted in erecting the sanctuary). It is an ancient toponym repeatedly mentioned in medieval literature and famous as a site and as a hub of activities of sundry masters, such as 'Brog-mi (b. 993), Rva-lo and Dus-gsum mkhyen-pa, etc. La-stod bCung-pa is mentioned already in Padma bka ' rhang. Canto 92: 559. It was the birth-place of one of his leading disciples d h n - m c h o g seng-ge. and of Zangs-ri ras-pa dBang-phyug rdo-rje. a pupil of Ras-chung, etc.; cf. Rva lo rnam rhar 56, 90; Ras chung rnam rhar 3 6 2 4 4 , 558; Gu hkrn chos 'hyung 501; gTer srott lo r p s 102al-2. A site Dril-chen of La-stod gCung-pa is mentioned. Also rJe Sum-pa, a pupil of Ras-chung, descended from the lower pan of La-stod Cung-pa; cf. dKar h r w d c h o ~ 'byung 350.4-5; BA Roerich 440. Even earlier, in this area. a branch of the (Kha-rag or mKha'-reg) gNyos clan senled down (i.e. the La-stod [g]Cung gNyos line), wherefore the site was also associated with the 1 0 - 1 I* cent. gNyos lo r s i ba Yon-tan-grags and his activities, whose son rDo-rje bla-ma (1008-86?) was born here; cf. Kha raggnyo.r gdung rahs 4r. 10, 17.3. From here also originated rGya-ston Zhang-khrom rDo- rje 'od-'bar; cf. gTersron lo rgMls 38a4-5; GK 366-67. 0-rgyan Seng-ge-dpal(1230-1309) refers to a Drod-lung dgon-pa: cf. U rgyan rnam rhar 1222-23. For the site, see also DN 227; and especially Everding 2000: 2 8 6 8 8 and Tafel5. For an ode to rJe &kya seng-ge of the local La-stod Cungpa'i dgon-pa, see Bla-ma Zhang's Phag mu ra lugs rgyudpa 'i gsol 'dehs in his writings and ZhK 11(KA) 22.1. Cf. also 'Bri gung gling pa rnam rhar 2 1 a3. The area of Thang-chung monastery of La-stod evidently was located in the area of sNye-lam or sNye-[glnang (present-day sNye-lam). A student of the sTag-lung founder was Rin-po-che dBus-pa a l i a ~dGe bshes Thang-chung-pa: cf. Mangga la i r i ' i rnam rhar 284-88; sTag lung chos 'hyung I 244; lHo rong chos ' b p n g 479. During the Mongol rule in Tibet, La-stod Thang-cung later came under the patronage of prince Monke - Qubilai's half-brother. One option is grub [hub Seng-ge grags-pa, pupil of 'Bri-gung-pa ( 1143-1 2 17), but also of dBon Rin-po-che ( 12 1 11279); cf. HR 409, 413-14. Therefore a better option is. as indicated in the writings of Bla-ma Zhang, one gnus brran Crags-pa seng-ge, the metathesis here possibly due to the fact that he is confounded with the rGya Yar-lungs-pa or Cung-thang-pa Crags-pa seng-ge who sojourned over many years in the Eastern borderland (Mi-nyag and in Mongolia) or he was confounded with IHa-rje Srabs-sman Grags-seng (see II.F.15) to whom Bla-ma Zhang gave teachings; see his Zhang bka ' 'hum 11, IV. Also Dus-gsum mkhyen-pa had four 'od-named nve gnus; cf. e.g. Karma sku phreng 1, 24b5-6; mTshurphu dkar chug 7 17-2 1 . ' He may or may not be identical with the namesake, a pupil of Dus-gsum mkhyen-pa; cf. e.g. Karma sku phreng I 24b5; K G 872; MN 253-54, although Nam-mkha'-'od (I 133-99, also known as Gra 'Jad-pa Sangs-rgyas ras-pa) in the line of Tshul-!&rims-dpal ( 1 0 9 6 1 132) who similarly received teachings from Bla-ma Zhang, allegedly was born in the vicinity of Ru-mtsharns. In 1168 A.D. Nam-mkha'-'od, as said, est. IHa-ri spang-gshong (or IHa-ri-kha) monastery (hKa ' ) . p a ma 1 164.67) which we assume is to be located in the IHa-ri county. See Part 1: fn. 267; see also Table 2). He cannot naturally be identical with the celebrated Kha-rag sgom-chung alias dBang-phyug blo-gros of Dung-zhur in gTsang whose dates are approx. 1040145-1 115/20 A.D. Cf. Ssrensen, A / I f h cenrun Asceric. More likely, it is a lapsus calami made by the M L biographers, and due to the celebrity of Kha-rag sgom-chung, they listed his name instead of Kha-rag-pa 'Dul-ba-'od (= I.B.4, II.B.4). See previous note. 'I' He introduced Zhig-po bdud-rtsi (see next note) to Bla-ma Zhang (NCH). It is reported that he arrived at Zhigpo's residence in Chos-sding on his way to the Ti-se (Kailasa) (ca. I 180; cf. GK 282; BA Roerich 139). He is probably identical with gTsang-ston Hral-chung mentioned in 'Bri gungglingpa rnam rhar 43.4. For the practise at Mt Ti-se in the context of the early bKa'-brgyud-pa, see Part I: fn. 271; for an even earlier (i.e. pre-12b cent.) context of the practise o f Buddhist pilgrimage to Ti-se, see e.g. Kapstein 2006b: 10-12. " This extraordinary ascetic was born in IHa-gdong of gZad (gZad Chu-shul), born to the rNying-ma-pa Sangs-rgyas Dvags-chung (named after the teacher Dvags-po rGya-ras) and Jo-mo dBang-mo; the latter possibly a daughter from

one of the local ruling houses o f gZad who arc chronicled to have invitcd Dvags-chung from his rcsidcncc in 11 lo-brag (i.e. Phur-mong-sgang) to gZad whcrc they offcrcd him IHa-gdong. 'Ug-skad and other hermitages in gZad. 'Ug-&d also bccamc a chicfresidence o f the son gZhig-po bDud-rtsi (1 149-99). one o f thc most influential rNying-ma masters of 12"' century Central Tibet. His bonds with Bla-ma Zhang (the latter rcplacing here Itla-khang-pa Yon-tan-gzungs, gzhig-po's Ibrmcr teacher) are to bc set in ( , a . I I80 A.D. Among his chicfactivitics, lic e.g. worked for the repair of the stonc-dikes protecting the Jo-bo temple in Itla-sa (see App. I 1 abovc). Zhig-po died in rGya-ra Gang-logs of gSang-phu, his remains have been enshrined in Thang-skya in lowcr gZad (sec Table 6). For dctails, scc the biographical accounts in Gu hkru ' I c.1ro.s 'hyung 280.17-283.15 and Deb sngon (BA Roerich 13 1-1 4 1 ); see also Nyingmu School I1 653456. Chos kyi rgyal-tshab as cpithet "the Dhanna-representative," indicates a successor, h k y a ye-shcs was reprcscntativc or successor o f Bla-ma Zhang. This is corroborated since also Dvags-po sGom-tshul was dcsignatcd Chos kyi rgyaltshab: cf. dGos 'dod re .skotig ma 'i 'grel hu 548.34. In the same vein, Bla-ma Zhang was designated rGyal-tshab, i.e, successor o f sGom-tshul in IHa-sa whcn he was charged with the care o f Ra-sa 'Phrul-snang. I f he is identical with IHa [= IHa-pa] Rin-chcn rgyal-po (1201-1270 A.D.) (cf. App. 11 and Tablcs V.7 bclow), he

I'

cvidcntly cannot have becn a direct (or first-gcncration) disciplc o f Bla-ma Zhang, merely a second-generation. This is actually the best option. but sce howcver also Drh .stlgon

=

B A Roerich 41 3.

dGos 'dod re skotig rnu 'i 'grcl hu (ZhK 566.1) appears to say: "the sons who residcd [in] the residencc/foundation

l4

established by gTsang-pa Tho-btsun (= rJe-btsun) sku mched gZho-ro (sic)" (grsungpa [mltho hrsun sku mchedgzho r0.y

gzhi la hzhugs pa 'i s r u . ~ )This . enigmatic scntcnce (DM merely rcads: gz/iis l a ) is evidently compt and hencc in need o f further clarification. Thc gTsang-pa rJe/Jo-btsun sku-mchcd cvidcntly wcrc pupils o f Bla-ma Zhang from whom they received teachings such as gNad k y i man t ~ g a gcf. ; Zhang hka ' 'hum 11 (GA) 5 7 . M 2 . 1 . Here wc arc informed that the two brothers, otherwise unknown, were active in gTsang province such as at sTag-ris o f La-stod. I'

Cf. ZhK 29: hlo ,no Chu-pa was active 1 168 A.D. at IHa-sa Ngar-khu-lung (sic).

I"

To him at Gra-thang-nangBla-ma Zhang dclivercd discourses on .somodhi as contained in Bla-ma Zhang's writings.

SY I1 9 la6 rcads Grva-phul Pa-ston Khri-kha ( s i c ) . I'

Sha-mi 'dul 'dzin also called sgom sMon (thc hermit sMon[-lam-'bar] I 0 8 4 1 17 1 A.D.) hardly should be counted

as the pupil o f Bla-ma Zhang. He counts among the chief disciples o f rGya 'dul 'dzin dBang-phyug Tshul-khrims-'bar ( 1047-1 13 1 ) o f the Vinaya school o f Klu-mcs. C f Part I : fn. 102.

IXInthe esotcric writings o f Zhang, this enigmatic disciple is also callcd hla mu Pha-ti, who wcrc to reccivc tcachings delivcrcd at the g.Yu-brag hermitage.

"' The 4''' throne-holder o f the abbatial sec at Tshal Yang-dgon. dGos

'dod re .skong mu 'i grel ha purports that Sangs-

rgyas-'bum ncvcr met Bla-ma Zhang. G T 1 5 b 16a, convcrscly, confirms that the former camc to Bla-ma Zhang, whcn he was 5 ycars oragc.

3. /Blu-mu Zhurig] g . Yu-hrug-1x1, l J - r g y u ~ ~ / -Sctig-gc-c/l)ul'~], pu /Mar-lrrrrg-~)c~] R\,trt~g-c~/irrh .vc,ng-gc,clrrd r(;od-r.vlrung in u .~vlogru/)hic~ul tnitiiu/ur.c, (Irlrowing / t i rho Mtrr lutig /,tr r11c11t1 /hot.

"'a

4a, 6. Two of Bla-ma Zhang F.' roof-teachers: Ngam-shod gShen-pa rDo-rje seng-ge (4a) and Grub-chen dNgul-chu Be-ro-tsa-na (siddha Vairocana-vartula) Miniature Drawing from a gSer phreng Ms

4c. Sangs-was ras-pa

It either refrs to /Ha-npa chen-po Nam-mkha '-'od (alias Songs-rgyas ras-chen) or - more likely - to Ti-shri

658

PART I1

5. Dvags-po sGom-tshul (right) and Bla-ma Zhang (the latter captioned in this thangka as Zhang Tshal-pa chen-po) Detail from a bKa'-brgyud Lineage rhangh

6. Zhang's root-lama rGva lo eB ba gZhon-nu-dpal Detail from a Four-armed Mahikila Father-Mother thangka

10. Miniature drawings offour masters closely related to Gung-thong Bla-ma Zhang: The Zhang teacher '01-&ha-ba Rin-chen brtson- 'grus (7) and the disciples Kha-rag-pa 'Dul-ba-'od (8). [Ha-ri-pa chen-po Nam-mkhaS-'od (9) and I/vyagJ 'Bri-ra-ba~cikya-b d

V.6 Religious Settlements of the Early phyi dar Communities in dBus Based upon Primary Sources: Nel-pa's chronicle [= MTP Uebach 137f.1;m K h u po 'i dgo ' ston (KG 473r.):Bu sron rhos 'hvung (B(3 [Szerb 1990: 59f.l; Yor lung rhos 'hvung ( Y L ) ;sDe pa 'i gvc's tndo (DG 2971.);rG)lu hod rhos 'hyung (GB);drG'~ohod.~igtrhang (GY);Deh sngotl (DN = BA {Roerich]);'Dul bo 'i ch0.y 'hjwng I -11 (DC-I;DC-11 ); hKo 'gdams chos '/,nung (KI))-1-16 Ngor rhos 'hyung ( N G O ;Nvong rol chos 'bjung (NC 40f.); M,vung chos 'hrung ( M Y I2Rf.);V a i. d t-i n ~ .serpcl( VS) Secondary Sources:

Dung dkor tshrg mdzod ( D K ) Sigla: I. 11. etc. = generalions ofmkhan hu (abbot and ["sons"] or dlsciple5); T = taking over a former rcmple;

F = rounding a new ~emple

The succession in this enumeration of foundations of the fourtfive communities (rshn, sdc ha, skor) and their sub-groups are in accordance with the chronology regarding the arrival of thc kcy persons that at the beginning ofthe 1 1 l h century returned from Eastern Tibet (cf. most recently Stoddard 2004). Their activities in Central Tibet initiated with a visit or a sojourn in bSam-yas. The Central Tibetan foundations (primarily in IHo-kha), which go back to the members of the gTsang communities, arc not listed individually here. In question of the identification and the localization of the distinct sites and toponyms, see in particular Uebach (1987). See also Dung-dkar 1991: 32ff.

A T h e Religious Settlements and Dependencies o f the Klu-mes Groups (Ia) Klu-mes Tshul-khrims shes-rab (a.k.a. Glags Ba-lam-pa): Kva-chu (T) gTsang-thang (T) (DC-125; bTsan-thang in Yar-lung?: VS 216: rTses-thang Iha-khang ( F ) in Yar-lung) La-rno (F; 1009 A.D.) (Chag-de'u:Phya-re'u (NGC);sGyel (DN;KG474.2-3 speaks o f t w o La-mo sites: Larno Chag-de'u ( c f . TDD 2 1 1.4) and 'Gyel in La-mo erected in so h.va I009 [so byo lo mor 'me1 brrsigs])

Tsher-seb (F) (see e.g. IHo so 'i dgon tho 1 10; sit. in the upper La-mo valley) Crib-rnda' Iha-khang (in lower Grib; see IHo Ida11dkar chug (2002 ed.) 28) Yer-pa Ba-rang (-renglring) (TI F) ( B A :in 101 1 : GY. BC. DCH-I: est. by rNgog Byang-chub 'byung-gnas) Ba-lam Sha-tsha (-za) (F) (found.together with his younger brother. Klu-rnes 'Brom[-chung];in Ba-lam) dBas kyi g.Yu-sgro Iha-khang drnar-po (in Ba-lam?; DN. GY. BC: est. by Sum-pa [togetherwith rNgog]) Tshong-'dus-gnas (F) (east o f Grva) [Residence in] Se-ra-phug in Tshe-spong (Tshe-spong in Yar-stod?; he died on the way [from Tshespong] to Thang[-po-che];BA Roerich 75; NC 453: on the way to India) Thang-skya [of Mal-gro] (T) (VS 169: it was originally erected by Srong-btsan sgam-po as mTha'-'dul temple and later renovated by Klu-rnes; it became a Jo-nang seat and was later a dGe-lugs-pa monastery from the time of Sems-dpa' Blo-gros rgyal-mtshan; c f . dGa ' /do11chos 'hjung 152b3f.

(Ib) Sum-pa Yc-shes blo-gros: rMe-ru (F) of 'Bre (- 'Bro) Sa-thang g.Yu-sgro khang-dmar [of dBas] (F) (BA. GY, BC (64):in sKyid-shod: see above) (Ila) rNgog Byang-chub 'byung-gnas (mkhati hu o f Klu-mes, i.e. one o f the ko ha bzhi): Ba-rang of Yer-pa (F) (see above) Brag-rgyab ( F ) (in 'Phan-yul; var.: ['Phags kyi] Brag-rgyab. i.e. Brag-rgyab o f sPrds. Part I : fn. 405. Here under rNgog. Po-to-ba was ordained; Pu ro ha rtlanl rhor 14b54.11 2b2-3)

Rlung-shod 'Phan-yul (DC-126;i.e sites in Klung-shod [and]'Phan-yul?; see also B A Roerich 61) 1l)ing-pa'i gnas (F) ( o fbZad [= b1gZad in Chu-shul ( c f . the .vul dpon !shot1 o f gZad Chu-shul); GY 460: bZad gi IDing-ba; B A Roerich 75: IHing-pa o f gZad); followed by the establishments o f

dBu[s]-sde ITo-gong (sPu-sde/sBus-sdc 1110-gong, also sDc-gong; BC' 03; sPus-te ITo-gong; NGC; d ~ ~ - ~ d refers to the imperial districl of dBul-sde in sKyid.smad (see App. IV); also given as sRud-dc o[g&d) Kha-rag Labs-so (in Kha-rag); KG 474 lists: Lab-so [of Kha-rag], Grol-ma-thang [of Kha-rag'?], ~ h ~ rag So-cig [cC also BC.641): from here: Tsha-chung-'gur gYag-sde'i Sog-po dgon-pa (in Shangs or sNye-mo; MTP fn. H40) rGyags-mda' lha-khang Chu-shul Na-bo (- sNa'o) (BC 63; KG 474); succeeding foundations: Gru-gu-sgang La-rno Ze-sna Yol-thang Chags Ra-sgang (var.: Cha Ra-sga) dBus-sde gNas-gsar (on dBus-sde. see above) Tsha-rags Gong-po-kha (var.: Tsha-brag Gong-po'i Iha-khang) Rog-dom (in llpper bZad) Furthcr foundations belonging to the IDing-pa school: Nc'u'i gnas (= bZad Ne'u-kha ? BA Rocrich 956) = sKyid-smad Ne'u [DC-I 55]'?) Byang-thang Val-gnas Rah-btsun-gnas (probably identical with the later Tshal-pa 1111 .vdc of Kab-btsun-pa) Gan-pa'i She-btsun-gnas gZhug-gnas o f g T s a n g 'Bre (RA 75: 'Bre in south-wcstcm IHa-nido bclonged to the school of rNgog; located in Myang-stod; cf. Part I: Fn. 142; MY 37, 39. 105) Kun-dga' ra-ha ( F ) (in gZhu of sNyc-mo; Sound. by rNgog; KG 474; DC [BA Roerich 761) Tsh[v]a (-m/'Tshal)-rnig ( F ) (BC 64; GY 460; DCH-I 26; IS ' 229; KG: Tshe-mig). I t formed thc basis of a nurnhcr oTestablishments and dependencies in thc arca of sNye-mo and neighbouring '0-yug; a 'Brung Kun-dga' ra-ba counts among the Kyi-community of the gTsang rsho ha: BC 72 (Illa) Ra-mangs Shes-rab rgyal-mtshan (rnkhcl~~ hu ofrNgog): Foundations in Ilio-brag and \Tarn-shul ([in IHo-brag there arc also foundations of the "gTsang communities" which go back to Lo-ston rDo-r.jc dbang-phyug; MTP 135, ctc.] ( I l l b ) Zhang-ston bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan: sTc-dkyus o f bsNyur (- sDur) ( T ) (in gTam-sliul'?) Gyang-ra Iha-khang ( F ) (rn gTam-shul); from hcrc Shol-rno'i gnas ( F ) (var.: Rol-mo Iha-kha~lg) (IVa) Nya-ston Khams-gsum (Nyang-ston Khams-'bum) (mkhurl hrr o f Zhang-ston): Srad-thang-gnas ( F ) (in Yar-'hrog sTag-lung) (IIlc) [']Be-so Kcr-ba (Bhc-po skor-ba; the Ahhidl~ur~r~c~ cycle transn~ission)(11lhht111hu ofrNgog): Khra-rna'i gNyan-po-gnas ( F ) Cral-ma-thang o f Nyang-khol ( F ) (in NIMyang ol'gTsang: Ij('64; MY 37 -3X) ( I V b ) Gr[v]a-pa mNgon-shes (student of 'Be-so and Yam-shud rgyal-ha-'od: Ilc): Grva-thang vilirira ( F ) (KG 470.4: crcclcd bctwccn tlic sN;l[-narn] and Shud[-phu] [tcrr~torics]) Furthcr foundations / rcsidcnccs: sKyid/dKyil-ru tcmplc (in Upper ( h a ) (F), spyan-g.yas (F). Ma-hkod (F). Phug-PO-C~C (T), ctc. (on the lattcr sites, see TF S ~ r c n s c nand tlazod 2005)

hu o f (.;ma-pa: ( V a ) rr~khtrt~ Foundation o f 'Chad-mangs (in Nyang-stod); La-yag Mon-mda' (MY 3X; M 7 P fn. 870); C l ~ a - n ~ d a ' o f sTag-lung (in Yar-'brog); sNar-mda' o f R o n g (in gTsang); [r]Doli 'Cbims-mds' (MTI' fn. 873); sNa-gor of' . . .,. ..;. ,j';' ,

;

;

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I 72. The twin hills of bDe-chen-rtsefrom north-east (PKS 2006)

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73. The stamp of the sKyor-mo-tung bdag po -_..-. ---.--. - -.---*-- - .- . .A

774

PART I1

74. The ruins of old Bye-ri sTag-rtse (2007)

76. The muralfrom La-mo dgon (opposite Bye-ri sTag-rtse) is said to represent the sTag-rtse mi dbang [Ha-rgyal rub-brtan during the reception of a foreign delegation. He wasfrom the sKyid-shod sTag-rtse-ba, the successor house of the dGa '-idan sKyid-shod-pa (1997)

V. 13 A Short Chronology of the History of Tshal Gung-thang anre 1175 ~stablishmentof the ri khrod of Bya[ng]-mkhar, Tshal-sgang chos-spyil ctc. and of the sgom g w a of g.Yu-brag in sGrags. 1160's Dvags-po Tsh~l-khrimssnying-po entrusts the two temples of IHa-sa to Bla-ma Zhang, 1 168 Foundation of \Ha-ri-kha (\Ha-ri spang-gshong) by the Zhang disciple Nam-mha'-'od, Foundation of the Monastery of Tshal Yang-dgon. 1175 1 175-1 187 Phase of extension of the sphere of religious influcncc of thc T ~ h a l i -n ~Central ~ Tibet. 1 181? Founding of Kha-rag monastery in Kha-rag by the Zhang disciple Kha-rag-pa 'Dul-ba-'od. Founding of Ro-skam monastery (in Ba-lam area) by the Zhang disciple R o - ~ k ~ chen-po. m-~~ 1183 Foundation of the Gung-thang gTsug-lag-hang and the SKU-'bumchen-mo of Gung-thang. 1187 1 189 Consecration of the Jo-bo Byang-chub chen-po statue (a.k.a. IHa-chen dPal-'bar dbang-phpg) in Gung-thang (Zhang retires; Dar-ma gzhon-nu and ~ ~ k y a - y e - s h become es the first holders of the religious and secular throne of Tshal Gung-thang. Beginning of the post-Zhang era of the Tshal-pa hegemony). Ordination of gTsang-pa rgya-ras in Tshal. Death of Bla-ma Zhang. 1193 Founding of IHa-phyug-mkhar monastery in eastern Ba-lam by the Zhang disciple [Ha-phpgmkhar Nyi-zla-'od, consolidating the presence of Tshal schools in Central Tibet (Bar-tshal). 1190's Founding of Ru-thog (in eastern Mal-gro) by the Nyi-zla-'od disciple rtogs ldan Ru-thog-pa. Ti-shri Ras-pa (disciple of Zhang and 'Ba'-rom Dar-ma dbang-phyug) came to Mi-nyag / Xixia: 1196 court chaplain of the Mi-nyag emperors until 1227, later known as the eastward spread of the school (sMad Tshal). ca. 1200 Founding of rTa-sga, the key institution of the sTod Tshal school by the IHa-phyug-mkhar disciple sNang-sgom ras-pa alias Sangs-rgyas Tshal-pa, thus heralding a westward spread of the school (sTod Tshal). 1209110 Arrival of the Zhang disciple gTsang-pa Dung-khur-ba and his group in Eastern Tibet and Mongolia. Alleged contacts with Cinggis Qan; activities in Mi-nyagixia. Yar-lung-pa Gragspa seng-ge est. the Go-ra monastery in Tsong-kha (date uncertain); in the 1230'ies he becomes teacher of the Tolui widow mother Sayin-eka and the princes Monke and Qubilai. 1225-30 Conquest of the area of "Srid Ma-bzhi bu-brgyad" in sKyid-smad under the 3" Tshal-pa dpon then Ye-shes 'byung-gnas (d. 1230). The latter date marks the end of the first phase of the post Zhang-era of Tshal-pa dominated by the ruling lineage of Dar-ma gzhon-nu. Within this period the greater part of the Tshal-pa territory (and later khri skor) as well as the key institutes of the Tshal-pa school (sTod Tshal, Bar Tshal) have been established. It is called the period of the introduction of the [Tshal-pa] doctrine (bstan p a 'i dbu brnves pa). mGar Sangs-rgyas dngos-grub is appointed dpon chm. Beginning of the period of the mGar rule 1230131 in Tshal. Exile of the 4' Yang-dgon gdan s a ba Sangs-rgyas-'bum. 1232 lnthronisation of the 6h Yang-dgon abbot Sangs-rgyas snying-po. (His lineage provided also the following two gdan s a ha; the candidates of the religious throne from now on use to come on the formal invitation of the dpon clten). 1232133 Dcath of Dar-ma gzhon-nu. Found. of the sGom-sde gZims-khang shar-ba in Gung-thang by the former Yang-dgon g d a r ~s a 1242 ha Sangs-rgyas-'bum. mChod-yon union with the 5'h dpon chert Rin-rgyal-ba. ca. 1260 Emperor Qubilai granted dpon chen Rin-rgyal-ba the edict confirming the Tshal-pa mi sde settlements in Central Tibet as a myriarchy (khri skor) within the Yiian/Sa-skya state. 1261 First greater extansion of the building complex of Gung-thang after dpotl chen hn-rgyal-ba's return From China (The extension later continued especially under dpon cher~dGa'-bde-dpal). dGa7-bde-dpal became dpon chef1 (rl. 47 years; seven journeys to China. Official endorsement 1267 of the Tshal-pa as reprcscntatives of the IHa-sa sanctuaries, etc.). 1291 Exccution of dGa'-bde-dpal's "rival" Sang-go (Zam-kha). Invitation of 'Jam-dpal-dbyangs b k y a gzhon-nu from gSang-phu Ne'u-thog who established 1308 thc Chos-'khor-gling College in Gung-thang and the dBus-gling Mantra College and Monastery in Tshal. Invitation of Do-pa Don-grub dpal-ldan from the Sa-skya shar-ba school.

776

PART I 1

lnthonisation of the 1 I"' Yang-dgon gdar~su ha Byang-chub bzang-po (rl. until 1354/56), ~~~i~~ his tenure: foundation of the Chos-khri Iha-khang in Gung-thang. ca. 1304-36 Tcnure of the Tshal dpon c h m sMon-lam rdo-rjc. At Tshal a compilation of the bKa'-'gyur is completed. 1347-51 1323-1351 Tcnure of Kun-dga' rdo-rje (alias dGe-ba'i blo-gros). Ordination in dBus-gling in 1350/51 , Invitation of Bu-ston Rin-po-che, Kar-ma-pa Rol-ba'i rdo-rje, ctc.; initial compilation of Zhang Wrirings etc. (the "heydays of Tshal"). post 1355 dPon chen Ta'i si-tu dGe-legs bzang-po: re-confirmation of the Tshal-pa territory (and khriskor) by emperor Toyan Temiir. According to GT, this date heralds the end of the "Tshal supremacy" in dBus-gTsang (= 140 1371 years after the appointment of the first mGar ruler in 1230131 ; it corresponds to the installation of the Phag-mo gru-pa rule in Ccntral Tibet. The Phag-gru rdzong in the area of sKyid-shod: sNe'u rdzong, Chu-shul IHun-grub-rtse. Brag-dkar, bDe-chen-rtse Bye-ri sTag-rtse. Tsong-kha-pa sojourns at Tshal Gung-thang (further visits: between 1381 and 1385). 1373 The 16Ihd i ~ o nchen dNgos-grub rgyal-mtshan compelled to hand over the Tshal-pa tcmtory to c.0. 1415 the Phag-mo gru-pa ruler Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan. (In the 15"' cent. sKyid-shod is mainly go"emed from the Phag-gru outpost of sNe'u-rdzong, i.e. the "heydays of sNe'u-s.") post 1415 The monastic residence of Tshal dBus-gling becomes a dGe-lugs institution; connected with the Ser-Byes College of Se-ra. Issue of investiture confirming the 6Ih sde srid of Phag-gru Crags-pa 'byung-gnas as ruler of ca. 1433 Tshal. Confirmed by the Kesi Tapestry of Bla-ma Zhang. 1503-1 8 Parts of Tshal Gung-thang under Karma-pa and Rin-spungs control (the latter invaded several times sKyid-shod. Transfer of Pehar from Tshal to 'Bras-spungs (tenure of the 2"'Dalai Lama with the sKyor-mo1529 lung hdug mo Sangs-rgyas-dpal-'dzoms-ma from the sNc'u house (rl. ca. 152&1553) and the sKyid-shod-pa as his chief patrons in the [Ha-sa valley). mid-1 500's The dGa'-ldan sKyid-shod-pa established their residence in the arca of Tshal Gung-thang, called Tshal Zur-khang. 1546 Fire of Gung-thang. Renovation of the temple under the sKyid-shod zhubs drung. 1550'sTshal Gung-thang controlled by successive dGa'-ldan sKyid-shod-pa rulers (zhahs drutlg Don1630 'grub rab-brtan dpal-bzang-po, mi dhung bKra-shis rab-brtan and zhahs drung g.Yul-rgyal-ba - Period of the Third and Fourth Dalai Lama). 1633-50 Zur-chen Chos-dbyings rang-grol (tantric teacher of thc Fifth Dalai Lama) arrives in Gungthang (1633 A.D.); Tshal Gung-thang fell under the jurisdiction of the dGa'-ldan pho-brang and IHa-sa government. Specific religious traditions such as the Me tog mchodpa were incorporated into the "IHa-sa State Rituals." ca. 1715 The management of the "Gung-thang bla-brang" as mchodgzhis is entrusted to the 50'" throneholder of dGa'-ldan dGc-'dun phun-tshogs, prcscnted to him by thc QoSot rulcr IHa-bzang Qan. cu. 1729135 sNgags-rams-pa bSam-gtan rgyal-mtshan (d. 1740), the maternal unclc of the 7"' Dalai Lama bccomes abbot of Gung-thang bla-brang as monastic estate. 1738 The latter's nephew Dar ha11mkhutl po bsKal-bzang yon-tan inherited the monastic estate. ca. 1764 Gung-thang bla-brang became the latter's private estate. It remains in the hand of thc 7"' Dalai Lama's zhang [shun family up until mid-2011'century. 1782 Completion of the Gung thong dkar chug by Ngag-dbang bstan-'dzin 'phrin-las mam-rgyal. 1890'ies A family bond is est. between thc Khc-smad (or Kun-bzang-rtsc) aristocratic housc and the Gung-thang bla-brang estate-holders. 1959 Thc last cstatc-holder Khe-smad bSod-nams dbang-'dus ( 190 1 - 1972) leaves for India. Gungthang cstate and the Kun-bzang-rtse mansion in IHa-sa confiscated by the govcrnmcnt. The Cling-skor mansion renovated 2002-03. 1310

[bold refers to

the key cvcnts In thc Tshal-pa history]

APPENDIX VI

Gung thang dkar chug and

sMon lam rdo r j e rnam thar

I . The procession oJihe dPal-/don Ihu-rno or the Bar- 'khor in /Ha-su during ihe dPa-/ha 'i ri-khrod~fesiivul(cc App. IV: Chup. 2.2) Photo after H . Harrer. Meine Tiherhilder

V1.1 The Gung thang dkar chug ( 1 b-76b)

I Oa. b Ir

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abbreviations AOH BA Roerich BJ Bod Map

BP BST von Schroeder Buddhist Iconography Buston chos 'byung Szerb CFS Gyalbo el 01. Code CTZhZh brDa dkrol DMB Drepung Catalogue 1-11 DKTshDz IDe 'u-I 1De 'u-2 DL1 DL2 DL3 DL4 DL5 DL6 DL 7 DL8 DL9 DL10 DL11 DL12 DL13 D TH ESCA Gengshen GT GY m Gar rtsc IfJAS HSLG Vol. 1 9 :

Arru Orientalia Ifungaricae Rocrich, G. N. 1995 ( 1949), Blur Annals Bod bongs nang hstan Bod kyi .sa ming dpyud gzhi 'i yig rigs hsdus hsgrigs. IHa-sa 1 989 See Bla .rprul deb gzhung Von Schroeder, U . 2001 Chandra, L. 199 1 Szerb, J. 1990 Gyalbo, Tscring et a/., 2000 Paul Ratchnevsky, Uri Code des Yuan. I-1V. 1972-85 ICugs stag zhih gzhung (The Governrnen~alIron-Tiger [Year] [I830 A.D.] Lund and Tax Survey); ed. Beijing 1989 bTsan-lha 1997, hrDa dkrol gser gyi me long Goodrich and Fang, Dictionary v f M i n g Biography. 1976 bsTan-'dzin phun-tshogs (ed.), 'Bras spung.r dgon du hzhug.s su gsol ho 'i dpe rnyirig dkar chug. Vol. 1-11. Beijing 2004 [Hag-pa phun-tshogs (ed.), Dung d h r [shig mdzod chen rno IDe 'u Jo sras chos 'hyung mKhas pa IDe 'u char 'bvurig rJe dGe 'dun grub rnam thar rJe dGe 'dun rgva mtsho rnam thar bSod nums rgya mtsho rnum rhar Yon ran rgva mtsho rnam thar Ngag dhang hlo hzang rgva m ~ s h ornom rhar: DL5-A: DL5 I. 11, 111; [DL5 IV: see Ahmad 19991; DL5-B Tsharigs dhyangs rgya mtsho rnam thar sKal hzang rgva mrsho rnam thar Yam dpal rgva mtsho rnam rhar Lung rtog.r rgya mtsho rnam thur Tshul khrims rgva mtsho rnam thar mKhas grub rgva mtsho rnam rhar 'Phrin las rgva mrsho rnarn thur Tliuh h s ~ a nrgva mtsho rnam rhar Bacot, J . et 01. 1940 Encvclopedia yfSocial arid Cultural Anlhropologv, see A . Barnard and J . Spencer (ed.) Gengshen npaishi. See H . Schulte-Uffelage 1963 Gurig [hang dkar chug [translated in the present volume] rGva hod jig tshang Tshul-blo et 01.. mGar rtse tsho bco b r e a d kyi lo rgyus Harvard Journal o f Asiatic Studies /Ha sa 'i lo rX1,u.r [Grong khyer /Ha sa 'i lo r p u s rig gnus. A Collection of Reference Muterial.s.fbr the Political and Cultural Histon. of lHa-sa C i p ] . Vol. 1: sTag rrse r d i ~ n g Vol. . 2: dGa' ldan dgon pu ciarig Brag verpa 'i lo rgvus. Vol. 3: sTod lung hDe chen rdzong. Vol. 4: lHun rtse rdzong. Vol. 5: Ma1 gro gurig dkar rdzong. Vol. 6: Khreng kon chus [= 1Ha-sa City District]. Vol. 7: 'Dam gzhung rdzong. Vol. 8: Chu shur rdzorig. Vol. 9: sNye mo rdzong. Ed. by Grong-khyer IHa-sa srid-gros lo-rgyus rig-gnas dpyad-yig rgyu-cha rtsorn-'bri u-yon Ihan-khang. 3 998- 1999 See gShin rje gshed chos ' h ~ ~ u I1 ng

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JIA BS JNRC IHa sa dgon tho IHa sa gnus yig hKa ' hrgvud chos mdiod hKa ' thor hu hKa ' 'hum I and 11 Lhasa Interview Li and S. Coblin Ll RI LTWA Mi sria Ming mdzod

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"

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Pan-chen bSod-nams grags-pa, hKa ' gdams gsar rnying g i chos 'byung Yid kyi mdzes rgyan. [A] Ms 1 b 1-1 03a6 = 1-206. N.pl n. d. [B] Gangs can r i g mdzod 36. 1Ha-sa: Bod-ljongs bod-yig dpe-mying dpe-shn-khang. [B used here]. bKa ' gdams chos 'hyung 111

Ngag-dbang kun-dga' bSod-nams grags-pa rgyal-mtshan, dGe ha ' I hshes gnyen hka 'gdamspa rnams kyi dam pa 'i tshul legspar bshadpa ngo mfshar rgya mtsho. Xining: mTsho-sngon mi-rigs dpe-skrunkhang. 1995. bKa 'gdams chos 'hvung IV s%kya3idge slong bSod-nams IHa'i dbang-po (1423-1496), bKa ' gdams rin po che'i chos 'hyung rnam thar Nyin mor byedpa 'i 'od stong. Ms. l bl-93a4 = 206-393. N. pl. n.d. bKo ' blon t-togs brjod mDo-mkhar zhohs drung Tshe-dbang mam-rgyal (1 697-1 763), D i r g h i yu rindra dzi nu '1 byung ha hrjodpa Zol med ngaggi rol mo. [A]: Xyl. l b 1 4 7 b 6 a [= 228-3611 Delhi 1974. [B] id. Chengdu 1981.

[A used herc] sKal hzang rgya mtsho rnam fhar

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Yon-tan rgya-mtsho, sKyid shod sde pa 'i skor. 1-63. Phuntsholing: KTM Press 200 I . .sKyid shod c,hos t j e rnam thatsKal-ldan rgya-mtsho, rJe ht.sun tham.s cad mkhyen pa hsfun 'dzin blo hzang rgya mtsho 'i zhal snga nus kyi rtiam par thar pa Dad pa 'i sgo 'hyed. 18G255. In: The Collected Works ?f'.sKal-Idan r p a mfsho. Vol. Ka. Lanzhou: Kan-su'u mi-rigs dpe-skrun-khang 1999. sK-vor lung chos 'hj~ung

Hor-spml Blo-bzang rab-brtan rgya-mtsho, sKyor lung chos 'hyung mkhan rubs rtogs hriod ngo mtshar nor phroig. First Part: Handwritten copy 1-1 04 [bascd upon a Ms l bl-5 1 a]. IHa-sa. [Colophon is missing but it may be identical with the sKyor- lung chos 'hyung writtcn by Hor sprul sku Rab-brtan rgya-mtsho ( 1 697.- 1763) [= TH Martin no. 297; for an edition of the text, sec Sorcnsen 2007bl. Kha rag gNvos kyi gdung rubs

Anon.,Thrce vcrsions are available, all identical. A: Khu rag gNvo.s kyi hrgyudpa hyor~tshul mdor h.sdu.v. MS l b 1 -33a6.Toyo Bunko no. 504-3047. B: Khu rag gtiyos kyi gdirng rahs khyad par phog.~ pa U/IO.Y Kha rug gnyo.s hyi hvon tshul mdor h.sdus. 1.1-96.3 Dolanji. In: The I l i . ~ t o t yof'thc~ Litieugc of'Kha-rag and a Version qfthe R1uti.s Po-ti hse-ru Conruining the Gcnealo~vof the Rlaris Liticuge. Dolanji 1978. C: Kha rug gNyo.s kyi gdurig rubs kh-vodpar phag.r pa. Ms l b I- 16b7. MS B kept in Dharamsala (Copy of B). Text written 143 1 A.D. [TH Martin no. 1141.

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Kah-thog Rig-'dzin Tshe-dbang nor-bu (1698-1 7 5 9 , Bod rje Iha htsad po 'i gdung rubs mnga ' ris smad mang yul gung hang du ji ltar hyung ha 'i tshul Deb gter dvangs she1 phrul gyi me long. [A] In: NLJ'U gyi gram me log giphreng ha. Dharamsala 1985. 6 2 7 4 6 9 . [B] In: Bod kyi lo rgyus deb /her khag sngu. Gangs can rig mdzod 9. IHa-sa: Bod-ljongs bod-yig dpe-rnying dpe-skrung-khang. 1990.89-148 [TH Martin no. 290; cf. Everding, K-H., Das Konigreich Mang-yul Gung-!hang. Bonn 20001. Gung thong rnam thur

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