Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870 : A City's Response to Crisis [1 ed.] 9783031412592, 9783031412608

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Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870 A City’s Response to Crisis Marina Formica · Donatella Strangio

Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870

Marina Formica · Donatella Strangio

Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870 A City’s Response to Crisis

Marina Formica Faculty of Literature and Philosophy University of Rome Tor Vergata Rome, Italy

Donatella Strangio Faculty of Economics Sapienza University of Rome Rome, Italy

ISBN 978-3-031-41259-2 ISBN 978-3-031-41260-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41260-8 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland Paper in this product is recyclable.

Acknowledgements

The book is the result of a research project carried out over the last three years and has benefited from the contribution of new trends that are enriching studies and pushing to reread archive sources in a new key, such as the crisis and resilience of a city defined as “eternal.” Although the work is the result of constant and joint collaboration, as can be seen in Chapters 1, 2, 3, and 7 are by Marina Formica while Chapters 4, 5 and 6 are by Donatella Strangio. We would like to thank the staff of the Archives for their collaboration and support; our students and colleagues from the respective universities and beyond (in particular Ivana Ait, Guido Alfani, Jean-Pascal Bassino, Luca Mocarelli, Luciano Palermo, Claudio Petrillo, Cormac O’Grada) with whom we shared the vision of our research; and the anonymous referees who believed in this project.

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Contents

1

Papal Rome: Between Crisis and Resilience Sources and References

1 13

2

Political Crisis Introduction Conquest or Liberation? The Republic of 1849 The Republic of 1798–1799 Reforming Restorations The Napoleonic City New Restorations Sources and References

17 17 18 29 33 39 43 46 50

3

Health Crisis Introduction The “Drago Pestis” The Disfiguring Monster: Smallpox The “Cholera Morbus” The Disease of Poverty Sources and References

77 77 78 97 102 104 110

4

Environmental Crisis Introduction Understanding the “Environment” Decorum and Cleanliness of the Streets

131 131 132 135 vii

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Water and Fountains The (Tiber) Tevere Wood and the “Swamp Economy” Tolfa Alum Sources and References

137 141 146 152 157

5

Food Crisis Introduction Famine as a Category of Economic Analysis Food Crisis The Roman Case Famine and Disease Responding to Crisis Agricultural Market Sources and References

165 165 166 172 175 184 190 194 202

6

Financial Crisis Introduction Institutional Climate Benedetto XIV in the Century of Reforms Finances and Budgets Republic of 1798–1799 and the First Restoration Old and New Napoleonic Period Second Restoration Sources and References

213 213 215 218 230 235 240 248 253 260

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Identity Crisis Introduction After Westphalia Astonishing with the Baroque The Grand Tour as a Resource Cosmopolitan Declinations Cultural Capital Sources and References

273 273 274 277 284 289 293 301

Index

321

List of Tables

Table 4.1 Table 5.1

Table 5.2

The most significant floods of the Tiber above 16 metres between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries Production, consumption, planting, availability, imports, population, and deaths in the city of Rome during the years of the food crisis in the eighteenth century Degree of cointegration of grain markets in the Church State

144

186 196

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CHAPTER 1

Papal Rome: Between Crisis and Resilience

The idea of a “crisis” today represents an analytical premise, a process within an organic conception of history, a turning point in a series of events, and even a linguistic bridge between different disciplines. In the case of this book, written by a historian of the modern age and an economic historian, we focus on the various crisis experienced by the city of Rome, considered eternal for its history and yet destined to be disowned after centuries, as the capital of the Church State, a state that itself has been too often considered peripheral in size and elements that is instead surprising in several respects: in fact, the city of Rome is a most effective observatory for the purposes of understanding the world—Italian, European, and global. This volume sets out to investigate the ways and levels of depth with which calamitous or exceptional phenomena modified Roman society in terms of not only its strategic direction and decision-making mechanisms but also its internal balances, its relations with classes and nationes, its economic and environmental dynamics, and its relations with the

This chapter was co-written by the Authors.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Formica and D. Strangio, Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41260-8_1

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surrounding territory.1 The core of our focus, then, is some particular moments that came to disrupt the ordinary everyday: not only natural disasters or calamitous events, such as earthquakes, eruptions, fires, and epidemics but also exceptional episodes of a political and military nature. Thus, we do not discuss all crises but rather some particular crises, carefully chosen for reasons that will be adequately explained in the individual chapters. We selected a chronology that was arbitrary—as are all periodizations. To better grasp the impact on the city by particular critical issues and to follow their repercussions in the medium and long term, we decided to focus on the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, traditionally considered less innovative than the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries, which were investigated by Prodi and his epigones as laboratories of modernity (Prodi, 1982; see also Romano, 1997; Parker, 2017) and in any case are less attended to by recent historiography and investigations aimed at verifying Rome’s permeability to the processes of so-called modernity. In particular, as terminus a quo, our choice fell on 1656, the year of the terrible plague epidemic that struck the capital and numerous other territories of the peninsula, bringing death and disease and placing institutions and society as a whole in serious crisis. As terminus ad quem, however, we opted for 1870, the year in which the city, formerly the capital of the Papal State, became the capital of Italy and was forced to reinvent its structures, traditional locations, and customs and to rethink itself and its relations with foreigners, both internally and externally, thus overturning the fiduciary dynamics that, until then, had bound it to the pontiff sovereign. These different and yet equally important types of crisis are impactful within the framework of a long chronological approach in which precise dates and moments are matched by certain more fluid critical processes (such as those related to the environment or economic fluctuations, as well as to politics, society, and public health). Our intent, we reiterate, is 1 The topic offers itself to the analysis of different disciplinary planes and, in this regard, among others, it is useful to refer to what emerged from the 5th Congress of the International Association of Urban Studies (AISU) Out of the Ordinary: the city in the face of catastrophes and exceptional events (September 8–9–10, 2011), which produced a number of interesting insights into the role of the city in this sphere, and, in light of the recent pandemic crisis, to also refer to the 10th AISU Congress entitled Adaptive cities through the post-pandemic lens/Rethinking times and challenges of the flexible city in urban history/Times and Challenges in Urban History (Turin, September 6–10, 2022), the proceedings of which will soon be released.

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to capture the closures and rigidities of the city and, at the same time, its dynamics of pliability and resilience. Keeping a firm focus on multiple levels—administrative/regulatory, social/financial, physical/health—the goal, in short, remains forming an understanding of the critical impacts that certain traumatic events had on the city. Regarding the method followed, the angle adopted aspires to be multidisciplinary and not by chance. For example, within the framework of so-called disaster studies, themes within the human and social sciences are in fact fully considered alongside issues of an environmental nature to the point that the term “disaster” now stands for, in addition to a given physical phenomenon, the complex interweaving of the manifestations of vulnerability highlighted by the affected community (Perry and Quarantelli, 2005; Paul, 2011; Cecere, 2020). That the history of words is also emblematic of certain signs and forms an eloquent clue to passages and processes marked by time, is quite well known. Therefore, although we are not linguists, we carefully considered the semantic valences of the concept of “crisis” to better focus our study objective. We thus learned how the lemma entered into historiography with Thucydides. The great Greek scholar first used it in what is considered one of the most important narrative models of antiquity, The Peloponnesian War, as a variant of its original meaning, which generally belonged to medical vocabulary. The word “Kpísis” (from kpínein, meaning to distinguish, to judge, to decide, or to sift) was in fact used to indicate a sudden moment, positive or negative, when a disease would take one course or another. In fact, according to Hippocrates, a crisis occurred when diseases increased in intensity, disappeared or turned into other diseases. Aware of the school of Kos, Thucydides adopted the term instead as a criterion of historical explanation and a logical basis for establishing the facts of a case and ordering them in a path of development in relation to decisive turning points (ridges) by emphasizing antecedents and consequences, as in a fever chart. For him, therefore, a crisis was the point of change in a process of change (Starn, 1971). This was the cultural climate out of which critical thinking was born; critical thinking can be understood literally as the thinking of krisis, that is, of rational judgement made after weighing facts and alternatives. Not surprisingly, it is precisely the etymology of the term that refers to the judgement, based on objective or subjective reasons, that is given in

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an argument. According to what takes place in a courtroom, it is typically a decision between competing these that requires discernment and therefore rational evaluation. “Putting current opinions in crisis (krisis )” means subjecting them to the court of reason to assess their truth content (Untersteiner, 2009; Fermani, 2017). Coming from this illustrious tradition, the term later made its appearance in the political sphere in the second half of the eighteenth century to indicate a period of difficulty or serious controversy experienced by a government. At the same time, it also entered economic treatises, referring to financial problems (De Luca, 2014: 23). After Antonio Genovesi employed it in his Lezioni di commercio e di economia (1765), the lemma appeared occasionally during the crisis of 1793 and 1797, as well as in relation to commodity prices in the 1800s, until, with the panic of 1825, it began to appear more frequently in various texts in different linguistic contexts. Its final meaning came with the crisis of 1837, when it became a buzzword in many titles and essentially became a slogan that remained in use until the mid-1870s, only to be replaced by the term “depression”. A crisis thus had “commercial,” occasional “monetary” and “financial,” and, even more rarely, “industrial” connotations. Following the theorizing of Juglar (1862; 1889) and other economists in the 1920s, economic historians and historians turned their attention to various crises of the preindustrial and nonindustrial ages. Between 1929 and 1948, the Annales school, against the backdrop of the severe economic downturn published several essays, articles, and monographs on the crisis of the modern age. At the centre of Lucien Febvre’s (Arnould, 1953) and Ernest Labrousse’s (1944) analysis were the agrarian crises in France at the end of the ancien régime and the beginning of the revolution, elaborated according to a “crise du type ancien” model. In this model, bad harvests were followed by rising prices, falling farm incomes, and market depression for manufactures, while recovery was induced by good harvests and lower grain prices. When François Simiand (1932), using price series and short-term statistical analysis, introduced the scheme of “phase A” rising and “phase B” falling, the idea of crises became a scientific concept with a distinct negative and dramatic connotation. It was a category in which quality and quantity were combined and which, in the historical perspective reinforced by cycle theories, took on the meaning of a turning point towards an unfavourable trend (Besoni, 2012), Therefore, Simiand developed the idea of long waves of rising and falling prices that ended up cyclically characterizing the economy, and

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Wilheim Abel (1935) took this further and constructed a crisis structure peculiar to Central Europe, marked by the price range (grains vs. manufactured goods) from the eleventh to the nineteenth century by shifting the focus to the interaction between short- and long-run fluctuations. With this hybrid connotation, the concept entered the debate initiated after World War II in British Marxist historiography on the characteristics of the transition from feudalism to capitalism. The discussion aimed to capture, as a central event, the rise of the merchant bourgeoisie at the expense of the old feudal aristocracy. Postulating the idea of a general crisis, the term was enriched with insights and meanings, and the analysis was shifted not so much to the diversion of the prevailing economic axes of the Mediterranean as to the emergence of the new English model alongside the old Dutch model, based on changed relations of production and a different colonial organization. An entire chapter of the Cambridge Economic History of Europe was devoted to the crisis, and in it, Genicot (1966: 660–742) wrote that the word “crisis” spontaneously evoked the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in the mind of the historian. In the mid-1960s, thanks to the work of Aston (1965), there was a clear marginalization of the issue of revolutionary change in favour of the problem of economic transformation. This direction was supported by the cultural climate of the time, in which economic history was pitted against traditional political history by Marxist historiography. During the 1970s, the concept of crisis was further deconstructed, along with two other interpretive pillars of Western economic history. First, the emulative model, which evaluated historical-economic reality by comparing it with the characteristics and growth patterns of the first country (England) in achieving “modern economic growth,” which had collapsed, thus fixing the canon (Pollard, 1981). However, during the crisis of the 1970s, the end of the “golden age” called into question the validity of this dominant development path. In addition, the peculiar and regional character of European industrial expansion emerged, showing what was commonly expected, simultaneous to the continent-wide circular experience in this arena (Tilly, 1975; Chittolini, 2005). More recently, the focus on the “Great Divergence between the West and the Rest,” stimulated by the spectacular assertion of the “last,” has highlighted the inherent weaknesses of classical comparisons based on the presence of an exemplifying prototype and instead led to the proposition of a more suitable global

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comparison in which different economic realities are examined to understand their interactions and specific paths of development (Pomeranz, 2000). The fact remains that the category in question has been of great help in understanding modern history—that is, the economic and social history of modernity. Moreover, it has helped highlight the close relationship between economics, politics, and society, showing how an economic crisis can have a profound impact on the social and political life of an era. In sum, despite several inherent and objective limitations, the concept of crisis has demonstrated its heuristic validity for understanding preindustrial history and its economic, social, and political dynamics (Eliot, 1963, 2005; Clark, 1985). However, the view of European societies of the modern age, considered inexorably static and trapped in diminishing returns, has now begun to be profoundly revised (Epstein 2000), and at present, although marked by a negative connotation of a state of uncertainty and difficulty—or at any rate, of transition—the term in question does not always take on the meaning of regress or an absence of creativity, initiative, or boldness. In identifying a crisis, in fact, differing cultural, political, and economic dimensions are superimposed and both homogeneous disciplinary specificities and representative variables are assumed that highlight the complexity of the concept. However, in its semantic polyvalence, the concept of “crisis” still lends itself well to being taken as a privileged point of observation of facts and processes to be reconstructed. We are thus faced with a sort of “trunk” idea, as Gilles Deleuze (1975) put it—a sort of pick that involves all disciplines interested in human systems and behaviour, provided, however, that they are never reread in an ideologically tendentious manner but rather on the basis of a rigorous comparison with the sources. For historians of all disciplinary areas and backgrounds, words and concepts can in no way replace the continuous, documentally grounded verification of events, phenomena, and processes (Malanima, 2003: 373–86; De Luca, 2014: 47). We are therefore deeply persuaded that at a time when we are going through many very great crises (of systems, of balances, of values) that challenge our capacity for judgement and management, the study of the past can offer important insights for the purpose of identifying models for the rational management of situations of fragility and imbalance. By offering the opportunity to identify distinct and divergent social and environmental patterns and trajectories, history can become an extraordinary

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laboratory for carefully testing phenomena and hypotheses, including those relevant to the present. Indeed, we can compare the drivers and constraints of societal responses in the face of spatially and chronologically differentiated shocks and, by the same token, enrich our understanding of the responses offered to today’s stresses that, unfortunately, increasingly run through our societies. By utilizing the multiplicity of available cognitive, value, and scientific positions and examining the range of solutions adopted in other historical periods, one can, in short, hopefully grasp potentialities and insights for at least attempting to overcome these transitional moments. The Roman case examined here seems to provide the most effective exemplifications of this. In questioning how a sui generis state such as the Papal State reacted in the face of crisis, our gaze rests not only on the description of the individual event but also on the mechanism that generated it and, above all, what then made it possible to cope with the emergency, on the process of adaptation that followed, and on the transformations that took place at the political and economic, social and cultural, scientific and religious levels. In short, we focus on Rome’s resilience capabilities. In models that combine interpretation and metaphor, a term increasingly abused at the level of common language, resilience has rarely been considered a problematic notion to apply in historiography. It has been used in extremely different ways in the context of the global COVID-19 pandemic. The sudden popularity of the term has fostered the perception that the term is a scientific term in English, despite numerous examples in historical literature, supported by the existence of the nonspecialized term “to resile” (to reject, give up, retreat, or contract). Such a feeling arises from the strong Anglo-Saxon tradition of science popularization and, to some extent, from the term’s early presence in newspapers (in the psychological sense of the “spirit of adaptation”).2 Indeed, in physics and engineering, resilience indicates the ability of a material to resist an impact by absorbing energy that can be released to varying degrees after deformation. Contradicting such impressions, Simona Cresti (2014) pointed out that the lemma was already present in Italian vocabulary and recalled its Latin etymology (from the verb resilire, re + salire: “to jump” “to 2 Resilience appears in the New York Independent newspaper as early as 1893: “The resilience and the elasticity of spirit which I had even ten years ago” (Oxford English Dictionary www.oed.com).

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leap back, to return quickly, suddenly, to rebound, to gush”) as well as the translational usage of “to retreat, to shrink, to contract” particularly imposed between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. After transitioning from Latin to the Italo-Romance languages, resiliens began to circulate in scientific literature—generally drafted in Latin prior to the seventeenth century—to indicate “either the bouncing of an object, or certain internal characteristics related to the elasticity of bodies, such as that of absorbing the energy of a blow by contracting, or of resuming the original form once subjected to a deformation.“ The earliest Latin occurrences of resilientia are found in Stephanus Chauvin’s Lexicon Philosophicum (1692 and 1713), as well as in a seventeenth-century Latin translation of Descartes’ Letters, “nella quale resilientia e resilire compaiono in uno scambio con Mersenne in luogo dell’originale francese rebondir, ‘rimbalzare’.”3 The much more recent extension of the term from technology to the psychological sphere of the individual has encouraged its extensive use, including to signify both a predisposition and a competence that it is possible to acquire or strengthen. Indeed, resilience is posited as a strategy that not only enables us to get through a crisis but is also useful in preventing it; it is a concept that also finds use in economics. If in the financial sphere, for example, “resilience coincides with the ability to protect oneself with insurance means with the aim of better withstanding unforeseen events,” it should not be forgotten how the optimistic degrowth ideologue, Serge Latouche, has deeply studied resilience and found examples of the ability to not succumb, indeed to

3 Descartes, 1668: 370 (letter 110 to Marin Mersenne), Cfr. Chauvin, 1967, s.v. While we have no continuations of the Latin verb resilire (unlike the French “resilier” and the English “to resile”), the earliest records of the Italian noun resilienza date back to the dictionary Voci italiane (1745) by Gian Pietro Bergantini, father of the Theatine order, in which the lexicographer reported that resilienza was “term de’ filosofi,” and that it had the meaning of “regress, or return of the body, which strikes the other.” Next, we find the adjective resilient in the treaty of Antonio Genovesi, Delle lezioni di commercio o sia d’economia civile (1765), the founder of political economy not only wrote: “Come ne’ corpi fisici, essendo tutte le parti, per esempio, della terra, attive, senza una cagione prementele e mantenentele dell’unione, ella diverrebbe un mucchio d’arena, le cui parti sarebbero corpicelli resilienti” but also used the term in relation to psychology: “That force must be not only directive, but coactive as well; for directive force alone, because of our equal ignorance, because of the reluctance of our nature, and because of the elastic and resilient force of the passions, is not sufficient to unite us and keep us in agreement, at least for a long time.”

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renew oneself in the face of certain crisis (such examples of resilience include small craftsmanship, which has survived since Neolithic times, and family-run agricultural enterprises: Latouche, 2019). Clearly, the historical study of resilience is a new and challenging field. It uses the insights of resilience science, as it has developed in recent years, to shed new light on how and why societies of the past have succumbed to or overcome existential challenges, particularly environmental and medical disasters. So far, however, it has had much less to say about how political institutions have responded. This state of affairs is now changing and the book “Resilience and Recovery at Royal Courts, 1200–1840,” edited by Fabian Persson, Munro Price, and Cinzia Recca (2023), is a contribution to this change. As Price well points out in the introduction (2023, p. 2), the book examines how over the centuries a key political institution, the monarchy, faced crisis, and catastrophes. The book focuses on the political challenges that European monarchies have faced and the factors that have enabled them to survive, recover, or even prosper by overcoming them. And it is on this path of institutions (defined as “the rules of the game” by Douglas North, 1990) that our volume on Resilience in Papal Rome. Resilience is therefore precisely the ability to transform an adverse experience into an opportunity for growth and strengthening, and it is with this meaning that we have tried to reread the crises experienced by the city of Rome between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. Herein, we travel back in time, beginning our journey by considering the historical matrices of Rome’s proclamation as the capital of Italy in order to understand how the city reacted to the end of the temporal power of the popes. Resilience is revealed as the key component of the second chapter (Political Crisis ), where, in addition to examining the wound inflicted by the Breach of Porta Pia (September 20, 1870), we will retrace the various political crisis prior to the Septuagint experienced by the city between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, with the intention of capturing Roman society’s resistance and openness to the new in late modernity. As early as the end of the eighteenth century, the Urbe was in fact subjected to repeated political stresses that forced it to exist in a state of incessant transformation, with direct repercussions for institutional structures, different social components, religiosity, and the economy, as well as for its own myth from the Roman Republic of 1798– 1799 to the Napoleonic experience of 1809–1814 and from the first and second restoration to the Republic of 1849. Was it perhaps because of the

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elective and nondynastic power of the papal government that the capital always proved able to adapt to the new? In the Chapter 3 (Sanitary Crisis ), the focus will shift instead to the times when the Urbe found itself sharing a variety of sanitary calamities with countries of the most diverse latitudes: first, the plague (1656– 1657) and then typhus, tuberculosis, catarrhal fevers, smallpox, and the cholera epidemic of 1837. Keeping in mind the particular combination of social, sanitary, and religious factors, the discussions initiated on these occasions among physicians, politicians, and scientists will be followed, the organizational processes of emergency management will be identified, and the new forms of systems of control over foreigners, on marginalized populations. Jews and beggars that developed will be examined with the intention of grasping the peculiarities of the different health crises in relation to the organization of institutions on the one hand and to identity dynamics on the other, without thereby neglecting the dynamics by which narrative temporalities became historicity. The case of the “poisoners” emblematically signals the caesura role played by the epidemic of the mid-seventeenth century. Chapter 4 (Environmental Crisis ) focuses on the pre-existing conditions and pressures that help determine the impact of hazards (and the potential disasters that might result). What different outcomes are we able to reconstruct? Mortality is an obvious variable, although precise data on the number and social profile of victims are lacking for some historical disasters, but it is not necessarily the optimal variable for all types of disasters. Although many disaster studies have looked at the effects of a disaster, the preconditions and structures that were present before the shock are potentially equally important in explaining how a hazard can turn into a disaster as the immediate and long-term responses. Hazards occur within an environmental and social context that influences or even outright determines how a disaster unfolds and how a society or social groups respond (van Bavel et al. others, 2020). These could be considered the fundamental components underlying the resilience of societies and the vulnerability of different social groups to hazards, as in the case of Rome and its territory. Cleanliness, public health, water, fountains, rivers, and forests are the topics discussed within the chapter. Some of these pressures and preconditions developed slowly and incrementally or were only basic features of a particular region, while others were shortterm pressures that arose shortly before a hazard occurred, such as wars, rebellions, or migrations, and will not be examined here because they

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have been explored in depth in other contexts. In this chapter, we distinguish not only several pre-existing pressures (climatic and environmental conditions, levels of technology, and the state of economic development), but specifically pre-existing pressures related to social organization. This includes institutional configurations and systems of social coordination and cultural aspects. Chapter 5 (Food Crisis ) will address the actual relevance of the food supply problem that has aroused the interest of historians and economic scholars, prompting them to examine the long-term role of the presence and eventual shortage specifically of grain on the market, as it was considered a unit of measurement for income in the preindustrial age, and interpret these historical situations through theoretical constructions. The historical debate in recent years has produced a number of important contributions on the subject of famine to which reference is made by including the Roman case, which has never been studied in depth from this point of view. This analysis is conducted through an in-depth study of the Roman case, which deserves special attention because of (a) the nature of its leadership (the pope was the spiritual head of the Church, but he was also the head of state); (b) the various data gathered from unpublished archival sources; and (c) how Rome responded and reacted to the food shocks and what innovations it put in place to deal with them. Chapter 6 (Financial Crisis ) will critically assess the “resilience” of Rome’s financial institutions within the proposed periodization, again supported by data and archival sources. It will start from the physiognomy of the variegated Roman curial world, which has been strengthened by the numerous studies in this area, which will be enriched by other studies that delve into the composition and fates of the Roman ruling class, the impact of foreigners on the dynamics of clientelistic relations, the factors of social mobility, and the evolution of city structures. We will critically explore the financial point of view around the theme of the capital, focusing the analysis on the set of dynamics of persistence and adaptation that take place within this structure—a financial structure that assumes a strategically important role in a city that continually crosses not only urban and regional boundaries but also national boundaries in terms of its political and economic interests, its social composition, and the origin and provenance of its ruling classes. This may be a key to understanding the extraordinary survival and vitality of Roman financial institutions. Finally, Chapter 7 (Identity Crisis ) will try to make an overall reconnaissance of the role experienced by Rome in international relations in

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the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries. With an awareness of the intrinsic ambiguity of the term “identity,” especially in relation to collective entities, we will reflect on the changes in the traditional mediating and interlocutive functions of the Pope’s city, particularly those that matured on the heels of profound geopolitical and diplomatic transformations that occurred alongside the Thirty Years’ War, when Rome was confronted by competing urban realities that differed from its reality at that time in terms of religion, culture, arrangements, and planning. Once again, the goal will be to interpret crisis as a potential factor of resilience and, following that, to understand whether and how Rome managed to safeguard its centuries-old myth and cope with the contingency. Pursued by certain popes in full awareness, the strategy was aimed at making culture the cornerstone of diplomatic and transnational relations and a viable solution even in difficult times such as the present, marked—and perhaps stifled—by the frenetic pace of globalization. It seems almost superfluous at this point to state how the thread that runs through the pages of this volume consists is a concerted effort to read crisis, past and present—with all the bewilderment that comes with them—as impactful opportunities and propitious moments for the profound rethinking of the value hierarchies that dominate our world. Far from being configured in the terms of a vague and utopian proposal, this link is confirmed, and not by chance, in the close relationship, even at the etymological level, between the notion of krisis and that of kairos. As linguists and philosophers have explained (Trédé-Boulmer, 2015: 23 ff.), the latter term has, among its multiple meanings, those of “cut” and “rupture.“ As a dividing line, kairos in fact represents the decisive instant in which the fate of an event is played out, that “crucial moment” in which one stands on the “razor’s edge,” in the critical hour during which a total reversal is possible (Fermani, 2017: 248–49). The Greeks regarded crisis, in all its facets, not only as a difficulty but also as an opportunity to be exploited. Therefore, Aristotle, (2008, I, 6, 1096 a 26–27), recalling that “each category corresponds to a good,” stated that in the category of time, “the good is given as an opportune moment” (™ν χρ´oνϖ καιρ´oς).4 In short, in a difficult period such as the one we are currently living through, it becomes urgent and crucial to break the silence, to dare to look to the future by multiplying forms of shared critical reflection and

4 The translation of the Nicomachean Ethics is by Fermani, 2008.

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opposing “all mechanisms that affirm the simplicity of reality, the ease of choices, the inevitability of processes” (Migliori, 2017: 193). Because, as has been lucidly stated, a crisis is not the collapse of reason, but, on the contrary, a way of coming to know the meaning of things below the surface and their modes of appearance but always starting from them and always again questioning them, i.e., subjecting them to a new perspective, a new representation, and a new judgement (Franzini, 2015: 61).

Sources and References Printed Sources: Bergantini, Gian Pietro. (1745). Voci italiane d’autori approvati dalla Crusca nel Vocabolario d’essa non registrate, con altre molte appartenenti per lo più ad arti e scienze che ci sono somministrate similmente da buoni autori, Venice, Bassaglia. Descartes, René. (1668). Epistolae. Partim ab Auctore Latino sermone conscriptae, partim ex Gallico translatae, vol. II, London: John Dunmore. Genovesi, Antonio. (1765). Delle lezioni di commercio o sia d’economia civile, Naples, Fratelli Simone.

References Abel, Wilhelm. (1935, trad. it. 1976). Agrakrinsen und Agrarkonjuntur. Eine Geschichte der Land—und Ernährungswirtschaft Mitteleuropas seit dem hohem Mittelalter, Amburg-Berlin, Paul Parey. Aristotle. (2008). Le tre Etiche, Arianna Fermani (ed.), Milan, Bompiani. Arnould, Maurice A. (1953). Vingt années d’histoire économique et sociale. Table analytique des “Annales” fondées par March Bloch et Lucien Fevre (1929–1949), Paris, Armand Colin: 230–32. Aston, Trevor H. (1965). Crises in Europe, 1560–1660. Essay from Past and Present. London: Routledge (trad. it. Naples, Giannini 1968). Bavel, van Bas, Curtis Daniel R., Dijkman Jessica, Hannaford Matthew, de Keyzer Maïka, Onacker, Eline van and Soens, Tim (eds.). (2020). Disaster and History. The vulnerability and Resilience of Past Society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Benadusi, Mara. (2015). Antropologia dei disastri. Ricerca, Attivismo, Applicazione, Antropologia pubblica, 1: 33–60. Besomi, Daniele. (2012). Crisies and Cycle in Economic Dictionaries and Encyclopaedias, Abingdon-New York, Routledge.

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Bimal Kanti, Paul. (2011). Environmental Hazards and Disasters. Contexts, Perspectives and Management. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. Cecere, Domenico. (2020). Dall’informazione alla gestione dell’emergenza. Una proposta per lo studio dei disastri in età moderna, Storica: 9–40. Chauvin, Stephanus. (1967). Lexicon Rationale sive Thesaurus Philosophicus, riproduzione anastatica della seconda edizione (Leeuwarden, 1713), Düsserdolf, Stern-Verlag and Janssen, s.v. Chittolini, Giorgio. (2005). La formazione dello Stato regionale e le istituzioni del contado (secoli XIV-XV), Milan, Unicopli. Clark, Peter (Ed.). (1985). Introduction, InThe European Crises of the 1590s. Essay in Comaprative History, edited by Clark, Peter, 3–22. London, Allen&Unwin. Cresti, Simona. (2014). L’elasticità di resilienza, accademiadellacrusca.it, 12/12/ 2014. De Luca, Giuseppe. (2014). Le crisi economiche in età preindustriale. Un itinerario storiografico, In Dalle crisi alle età di crisi. Un discordo di economia comparata, edited by Di Vittorio, Antonio, Turin, G. Giappichelli. Deleuze, Gilles. (1975). Logica del senso, Milan, Feltrinelli. Della Valle, Valeria. (2020). Resilienza, in CNR, Iliesi, 9/04/2020. Di Lauro, Domenico. (2012). La resilienza, Milan, Xenia Edizioni I documenti diplomatici italiani, II serie (1960). Rome, Istituto poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato. Elliot, John H. (1963). Notes and Comment, Past and Present, 25: 95–96. Elliot, John H. (2005). The General Crisis in Retrospect: A Debate without End, In Early Modern Europe. From Crisis to Stability, edited by Philip, Benedict and Gutmann, Myron P, 31–51. Newark, University Delaware Press. Epstein, Stephan R. (2000). Freedom and Growth. The Rise of States and Markets in Europe 1300–1750, London: New York, Routledge. Fermani, Arianna. (2017). Aristotele e la krisis. In Per la rinascita di un pensiero critico contemporaneo. Il contributo degli antichi, edited by Maurizio Migliori and Francesca Eustacchi, 245–59. Milan-Udine, Mimesis. Franzini, Elio. (2015). Filosofia della crisi, Milan, Guerini e Associati. Genicot, Léopold. (1966). Crisis: From Medieval to Modern Times, In The Cambridge Economic History. I. The Agrarian Life of The Middle Ages, edited by Moïssey Postan, Michael, 660–742. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Juglar, Clément. (1862; 2nd ed. 1889). Les crises commerciales et leur retour périodique en France, en Angleterre et aux États Unis, Paris, Guillaumin. Labrousse, C. Ernest. (1944). La crise de l’economie française à la fin l’Ancien régime et au début de la Révolution, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 2 volls. Latouche, Serge. (2019). La resilienza nell’Antropocene, Youtube, 1/04/2019.

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Malanima, Paolo. (2003). Le crisi in Italia e la crisi del Settecento, Società e Storia, 100-101: 373–86. Migliori, Maurizio. (2017). Platone: accettare la verità implica fatica e coscienza dei limiti, In Per la rinascita di un pensiero critico contemporaneo. Il contributo degli antichi, edited by Migliori, Maurizio and Eustacchi, Francesca, 179–94. Milan-Udine, Mimesis. North, Douglass C. (1990). Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Oliver-Smith, Anthony. (1996). Anthropological Research on Hazards and Disasters, Annual Review of Anthropology, 25: 303–28. Oliver-Smith, Anthony and Hoffmann, Susanna. (eds.). (1999). The Angry Earth. Disaster in Anthropological Perspective. London: New York, Routledge. Parker, Geoffrey. (2017). Global Crisis: War, Climate Change and Catastrophe in the Seventeenth Century. New Haven, Yale University Press. Perry, Ronald W. and Quarantelli, Enrico L. (eds.). (2005). What is a Disaster? New Answers to Old Questions, International Research Committee on Disasters, USA, Xlibris Corporation, Bloomington. Article II. Persson, Fabian, Munro, Price and Cinzia, Recca (eds.). (2023). Resilience and Recovery at Royal Courts, 1200–1840. Switzerland: PalgraveMacmillan. Pollard, Sydney. (1981). Peaceful Conquest. The Industrialization of Europe 1760.1970, Oxford, Oxford University Press (trad. it: Bologna, il Mulino 1989). Pomeranz Kenneth. (2000). The Great Divergence. China, Europe and the Making of the Modern World Economy, Oxford, Oxford University Press (trad. it.: Bologna, il Mulino 2004) Prodi, Paolo. (1982). Il sovrano pontefice. Un corpo e due anime: la monarchia papale nella prima Età moderna, Bologna, il Mulino, 1982 (Id., The Papal prince. One body and two souls: the papal monarchy in Early Europe, Cambridge, Cambridge University press, 1987). Article III Price, Munro. (2023). Resilience: An Introduction. In Resilience and Recovery at Royal Courts, edited by Persson Fabian, Munro Price and Cinzia Recca 1200–1840, 1–6. Switzerland, PalgraveMacmillan. Romano, Ruggiero. (1997). L’Europa tra due crisi. XIV-XVII secolo. Turin, Einaudi Editore. Simiand, François. (1932). Recherches anciennes et nouvelles sur le mouvement général des prix du XVI e au XIX e siècle, Paris, Domat-Montchrestien. Stacey, Jessica. (2022). Narrative, Catastrophe and Historicity in Eighteenthcentury French Literature, Oxford, Voltaire Foundation. Starn, Randolph. (1971). Historians and “Crisis”, Past and Present, 52: 3–22. Tilly, Charles. (1975). The Formation of National States in Western Europe, Princeton, Princeton University Press.

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Trédé-Boulmer, Monique. (2015). Kairos l’à-propos et l’occasion. Le mot et la notion, d’Homère à la fin du IV siècle avant J.-C., Paris, Les Belles Lettres (ch. I: Le mot. Le dossier sémantique de καιρÒς). Untersteiner, Mario. (2009). I Sofisti, Milan, Bruno Mondadori.

CHAPTER 2

Political Crisis

Introduction On 20 September 1870, the 35th Bersaglieri battalion and the 39th, 40th, and 40th infantry regiments of the Italian Army entered Rome near the Porta Pia. According to a plebiscite with a clear majority (133,681 in favour, 1,507 against), from that moment on, Rome would no longer be the “Holy City,” the city of the pope, but the capital of the Kingdom of Italy.1 Thus ended a thousand-year period. We will therefore retrace the main stages of this journey, moving quickly through better-known events and more slowly through lesserknown ones. The aim will be to capture the resistance and openness to the new in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Rome. Far from shaping up entirely as unexpected, the conquest of Rome in fact rested on a series of prior political experiences, particularly repeated traumas. Although literature and historiography have long offered a static

1 The definitive transfer from Florence to Rome, approved by Law No. 33 of 3 February 1871, would take place on 30 June of that year.

Although the work is the result of constant joint collaboration, this chapter is by Marina Formica. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Formica and D. Strangio, Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41260-8_2

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image of the nineteenth-century papal city, we find that on the contrary, history shows how the Urbe repeatedly faced profound political crisis that ultimately led to the collapse of the entire ecclesiastical apparatus. From the late eighteenth century on, Rome was in fact subjected to repeated stresses that led it to exist in a state of incessant transformation. Its institutional, state, and municipal structures, its economy, and its social networks were affected, with direct repercussions for the forms of the most traditional religiosity, for its own myth and for the modes of representation and self-representation. In less than a century, Rome was both an actor in and spectator of military occupations and profound upheavals, complex stresses to which the population reacted by welcoming the new reality by attempting to escape from it, always by communicating with powers other than those with which it had been accustomed to doing so for centuries. However, Rome was used to political discontinuities because of the elective, nondynastic nature of the papal government, and the Urbe had always managed to survive precisely because of its flexible, resilient nature. It is precisely this identity trait that will be addressed here to elucidate the ways in which the turning point of 1870 was handled through certain often unclear and convoluted paths that had long since called into question the fiduciary relations between subjects and the sovereignty of the pope-king.

Conquest or Liberation? The ambiguities with which, after the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy (March 17, 1861), the governments of the historical right tried to resolve the question of the “liberation” of Rome are well known, and this is therefore not the place to review all of the steps (Vidotto, 2020; Heyres, 2020; Formica, 2021; Anghelone et al., 2022). In particular, it was Council President Urbano Rattazzi who supported Garibaldi’s ambitious plan to attack the papal capital by moving from southern Italy, albeit almost clandestinely. If the constant presence of Napoleon III, protector of the papal territories, prevented the adoption of previously unattempted measures to support the enterprise, the Aspromonte crisis—during which Garibaldi himself had suffered a serious wound (August 1862)—bridged the distance. However, the diplomatic route, which flowed into the so-called September Convention (1864), failed to resolve the situation. While the transfer of the capital from Turin

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to Florence seemed to have formalized the renunciation of Rome (Caracciolo, 1985; Rogari, 2015), Rattazzi continued to support Garibaldi’s plans completely covertly. However, another failure of the initiative that had seen Garibaldi himself defeated at Mentana (November 3, 1867) was, however, followed by the unexpected and totally unpredictable resolution of the case (Manica, 2017). In the Franco-Prussian conflict between the French Empire and the North German Confederation, the Battle of Sedan had upset the international order, forcing the French to surrender; Giovanni Lanza’s Italian government could therefore consider itself released from the clauses of the convention that had committed it to not attack the papal territories. On September 20, 1870, Rome had either been liberated, according to some, or occupied, according to others. The problem of the secularization of the city represented one of the greatest difficulties that the ruling classes faced after the unification. For centuries, entrenched in Rome, the Curia had forged the physiognomy that it conditioned its demographic arrangements, social balances, geography, economy, and language. The copresence in the single person of the pope of both political and spiritual functions had also been reflected at the urban level in various transformations of his residency, at least until, after the sixteenth century, the Vatican/Quirinal polarity had expressed the successful stabilization of a power that was in any case anomalous with an ancipitous physiognomy. That is why, after September 20, the abrupt transition from the capital of Catholicism to a secular capital triggered sudden imbalances. While changing in character and role (formerly a universal capital, the city had become a mere national capital), Rome retained unaltered its functions as the global centre of the most powerful religious institution in existence (Vidotto, 2001, p. 5). Therefore, it was necessary to transform the “holy” city into a secular city, without denying its identity and history; to change its political and administrative structures while safeguarding Catholicism; and to adapt its myth to the new instances of the present. A number of objectives were not easy to achieve and were, moreover, complicated by the fact that the pope continued to stay in what he considered his seat, declaring himself a prisoner (Valente, 1999; Anghelone et al., 2022). Even the Guarentigie Law (May 13, 1871)—by which the Italian state had unilaterally declared that it wanted to ensure the independence of Peter’s successor—was rejected as unacceptable. Soon thereafter, the nonexpedit (1874) would further sanction the crisis in relations between the state and the Church: with it, Pius IX (1846–1878) forbade Italian Catholics (in

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fact, the clear majority of the population) from participating in elections and, in general, in Italian political life. Only with time would history prove that the breach, the disavowal of the pope’s temporal authority, and the nationalization of ecclesiastical property was actually a source of benefit for the Church and its spiritual life (Verucci, 1996, p. 65; Riccardi, 2022). Once the expectation of an apocalyptic catastrophe, sent by God as punishment for the sacrilege of the occupation of Rome, subsided, the process of a profound rethinking of the presence of the Catholic hierarchies in a secularized society, by then entirely different from the one ruled by the sovereign pontiff, was initiated (Menozzi, 2021). In the immediate term, the conflict between the two entities instead gave rise to a real clash, the direct reflections of which were felt not only in the formation of opposing groups, factions, and individualities but also in the articulation of urban spaces. The role of the spatial dimension as an observatory for decision-making processes, dynamics among elites, and symbolic valences related to power is now a fully acknowledged fact in political historiography (Lévy, 1994; Banti and Ginsborg, 2007). If squares and streets, churches and palaces can ever be considered more than mere containers of institutions, people, or functions, in the case of Rome, such an interpretation seems even more appropriate. Exceptional for its history and identity, Rome is also unique for its buildings dense with signs and meanings that bear stories of the past, its urban polycentrism, and for its variety of the spaces of religious, political, administrative, judicial, and military power, the same ones that led Humboldt to speak of the “divine anarchy” of this city (Chiarini and Hinderer, 2006, p. 37). The degree of resilience of a city can thus be measured not only by its populace but also by its stones and material artefacts. Among others, the case of the Quirinal Palace proves this. Not surprisingly, it was the first building to be occupied after September 20. The resonance amassed by what could only be assessed as a symbolic act was far broader than that which followed the occupation of the dozens of convents and monasteries identified as suitable to house offices and ministries (Manieri Elia, 1991; Tabarrini, 2011). With its extrinsic and intrinsic value, its languages and narratives, and its uses stratified over time, the use of the sumptuous building precisely coagulated the ongoing contentions between the state and the church by acting as a catalyst.

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As early as September 21, 1870, the commander of the square in Rome, Luigi Masi, arranged to have the monarchy militarily garrisoned, albeit by a single officer, in order to explicate and blatantly display the identity of Rome’s new power. Far from casual, the decision contained precise values on the symbolic, rhetorical, communicative, and cultural— in other words, political—levels (Kertzer, 1989). In fact, whereas the Vatican was configured as the undisputed seat of the spiritual authority of the head of the Catholic orb, the Quirinal was presented as a space with a far more complex physiognomy. Since the end of the sixteenth century when Gregory XIII had reigned (1572–1585), it had in fact been established as a papal residence, thus making the geography of Roman power more articulated. In fact, those popes who, wishing to better distinguish the functions of their magisterium—spiritual and temporal— had sojourned there devoted themselves to the care of state affairs and personal and family interests and reserved the handling of religious matters for their time at St. Peter’s Basilica (Sanfilippo, 1993; Menniti Ippolito, 2004, 2015). Presiding over the building of Monte Cavallo (as it was also called due to the presence of the horses among the group of marble Dioscuri) thus meant making visible the expropriation of the pope’s power in the political management of the city and state (Morelli, 1970; Formica, 2021b). This act was anything but neutral and, moreover, had highly significant precedents, given that in the last seventy years, the palace had been chosen, not by chance, as the institutional seat of powers being substituted for pontifical and unequivocally secular authority, in components as well as in purposes.2 The recent history of the Quirinal revealed, in short, the long-standing jurisdictional and political conflicts between the throne and the altar, the tensions of a theocracy that thousands of citizens believed right to defend at all costs and that many others now considered obsolete and even harmful to religion itself. This was a delicate problem, then, for Pope Pius IX—as hostile as ever towards what was designated an “invader” and the “subalpine government” (in the first months, there was even a refusal to recognize it as Italian)—and for King Victor Emmanuel II, who was himself undecided and worried about the negative repercussions that

2 It had been so in 1798–1799 and in 1849, when the Quirinale hosted the executive powers of the two republics, and then during the Napoleonic occupation of 1809–1814.

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papal excommunication might have had on the image and reputation of the House of Savoy. Without being able to go into the individual events related to the controversial occupation—or rather to the “formal possession” of the palace, as it was commonly described—let us say that the matter was dissolved in parallel with the final choice of Urbe as the Italian capital.3 Since everything in Rome, as a chamber, could be considered apostolic— from the palaces of the Chancery, Propaganda Fide or the Pontifical Academy to the St. Michael’s Hospice or the Tobacco Factory—with the exception of the Vatican, everything had to be considered state property, including the Palace of Monte Cavallo, for that matter.4 For this reason, in view of the fact that the Council of Ministers had resolved that the Quirinal Palace should “appartenere allo Stato e [essere] destinato a residenza del re”,5 when the Italian court and government were transferred to Rome, on 2 July 1871. Vittorio Emanuele took up residence in the controversial Palazzo at the culmination of the ceremony; however, he was heavily indebted by the takeover of papal properties.6 At that point, the substitution for the power of the pontiff as sovereign could be considered to be over, at least at the political and institutional, if not social, level. Urban space was thus an active creator of a shared identity.

3 The commander of the IV Army Corps, R. Cadorna, to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rome, October I, 1870 (in I documenti diplomatici italiani (1960), doc. 146, p. 116–117); The Minister of Foreign Affairs to diplomatic representatives abroad, Florence, November 16, 1870 (Ivi, vol. I, 1960, doc. 549, pp. 461–462), And again: R. Cadorna a G. Lanza, Rome, October 2, 1870, in SAR, Luogotenenza. Interni, b. 1, fasc. 7. Cfr. SAR, Luogotenenza del Re in Rome, b. 1, fasc. 12. 4 There, cc. 9v, 10r, 27v, 29v, 31 rv: the President of the Council of Ministers to H.E. the Lieutenant of the King, Florence, 27 October 1870 (confidential), And also: De Vecchi di Val Cismon, 1938, p. 412. 5 SAR, Luogotenenza del Re in Roma – Amministrazione dell’Interno. Occupazione del Palazzo del Quirinale, b. 48, fasc. 3 L, cc. 59 sgg. (confidential); CSA, Verbali delle deliberazioni del Consiglio dei Ministri, II, p. 81 e 82. The October 26, 1870, decision was reiterated the following November 5 (Minister of Finance to Card. G. Antonelli, Rome, November 7, 1870, in SAR, Luogotenenza del Re in Roma – Amministrazione dell’Interno, b. 48, fasc. 3 L). 6 CSA, Roma capitale, series T: Real Casa, b. 103; SAR, Miscellanea della Soprintendenza, cassetta 10, fascc. 13,15; There, Luogotenenza del Re in Roma - Amministrazione dell’Interno, b. 48, fasc. 3 L: Occupazione del Palazzo del Quirinale.

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The secularization of spaces paralleled that of the Roman population, fostering the civic growth of its inhabitants and accelerating the process of adapting the city to other capital realities. Unfortunately, we do not yet have analytical reconstructions of the different groups and the dynamics of their integration into Italian society (cf. Pesci, 1971, p. 158; Sanfilippo, 2005; De Nicolò, 2008); likewise, the processes of assimilation of the national ruling class into the new capital of the kingdom, not to mention the conditions of the urban populace, were also fragile. Beyond certain general frameworks or dated guesses about some particular families (Bartoccini, 1988, 1993; Pescosolido, 1979; La Marca, 2000; Nenci, 2004; Felisini, 2004), there are a lack of studies capable of considering the dynamics of social integration as the key to resilience. The time is not yet ripe to make comprehensive interpretations of the dynamism of particular figures such as the country merchants, who succeeded in occupying a place on the social scene by skilfully administering the heritages of great geniuses and works (Girelli, 2000; Bartolini, 2002). In fact, it is only very recently that questions have been asked about the motivations of those who, from managers of immense ecclesiastical or aristocratic estates, entered the cursus honorum of the state— pontifical first, then Italian—and the role they played in the dynamics of agricultural modernization (Brice, 2020). Some progress has also been made on the Roman aristocracy, and the animated discussions on the national canon (Banti, 2000) have been successfully repositioned in the broad context of the contrasts between modernity and tradition and in the national and comparative resurgent processes of state building. Since the Septuagint distinguished “black” (the conservative faction loyal to the pope who continued to maintain their positions in the papal court: the Colonnas, Sacchettis, and Orsinis) and “white” (liberals who had gone over to the king’s side, such as the Caetani, Boncompagni, and Dorias), this situation seems to constitute a new research laboratory for the analysis of mixed behaviour, that is, with different political copresences either because of personal convictions or for reasons of calculation—in order to insert themselves into the network of Italian institutions and finance—(Bartoccini, 1993; Rendina, 2006; Nenci, 2008; di Carpegna, 2021; Strangio, 2021; Salsano, 2021). The fusion between the representatives of the Roman notabilato and the national ruling groups is a major theme related to the crisis the city experienced in the years following the breach; this theme prompts questions about the substantial lack of mediating figures between the two elites, the

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objective permanence of an archaic vision of social relations and the actual misunderstanding on the part of the Italian ruling classes in grasping the peculiarities of the Roman reality (De Nicolò, 2021, pp. 188–189). However, from the most recent investigations, it is emerging how, unlike other capital realities, in Rome, entry into the ranks of national politics often ended up being a springboard vector for city politics. In short, it seems that one context does not exclude the other but rather brings the two contexts closer and strengthens them; hence, there is a need to reshape some claims about nobles projected only in the city, the province, or the national context. Until there is further research on the internal specificities of the main lineages and marriage strategies as a means of integration, the various groups within what we indiscriminately call “the people” or even the latest generation of immigrants, both Italian and foreign, remain even more in the shadows. Contrary to what was believed until recently, Rome continued to be a nucleus of attraction even in the postunification years, as demonstrated by Sanfilippo (2021).7 It was precisely because of that universalism, that cosmopolitanism favoured and promoted over the centuries by the presence of the Church, that Rome was able to establish itself as the capital and “homeland of the peoples.” In short, Rome’s supposedly weak national identity—the absence, that is, of a marked ethnic characterization, as well as of a dynasty integrated into the territory—far from constituting an element of fragility turned out, on the contrary, to be a point of strength. Even a republican federalist such as Giuseppe Ferrari had lucidly predicted this: The capitals are of various kinds: some reign because of their strength, their preponderance; the others, on the contrary, take their reason for being in their own weakness. This brief excerpt from his speech, delivered at the Parliamentary Session of 26 March 1861 testifies to, among other things, the timeliness of the political debate on the appropriateness or otherwise of electing the city of the pope as a hypothetical Italian capital. It was one of the greatest architects of the unification, Count Camillo Benso di Cavour, who stated, the day after the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy in the same room

7 In the weeks between September 20 and December 31, 1870, alone, the population increased by as much as 18,000, and the city had a total population of 155,000 in 1840 and 226,022 in 1870.

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in Turin, “Senza Rome, capitale d’Italia, l’Italia non si può costituire” (Cavour, 2010; Id., 2011, p. 47, 133, following). According to him, only the choice of that city could have succeeded in combining the composite front of Italian political cultures. But, for its part, how did the pope’s city follow the process of Italian unification? At first, the manifestations of enthusiastic participation with which in 1859 the Romans had reacted to the news of the conflict between the Austrians and Franco-Piedmontese were almost underestimated by Pius IX and his entourage. It was instead with the armistice of Villafranca that fear began to take shape of a possible and undesirable solution from below to the national problem. In addition, when Umbria and the Marche, now “free,” through popular plebiscites expressed their willingness to enter “far parte della monarchia costituzionale del re Vittorio Emanuele” (Fruci, 2007), the Curia’s initial concerns turned into panic. Deprived of its most economically vital areas, the papal dominions found itself shrunk to 12,000 square kilometres from the previous 41,000: the pope-king was left with sovereignty only over the so-called province of St. Peter, corresponding to present-day Latium. However, what geographers regard as a “residual” region (everything but Umbria, Marche, Tuscany, Abruzzo, and Molise) had poor industrial structures and backwards agriculture. As for Rome itself, with the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy on March 17, 1861, with Turin as its capital, it became clear that the centre of gravity of the peninsula had now all shifted to the north. Deprived of the most traditional networks of connection and supply, ruled by a sovereign diminished in his temporal and, to some extent, even spiritual authority, and offended by the tight presence of papal forces of order and French troops, the Urbe was then decimated by proscriptions, exiles, and emigrations often directed towards the first Italian capital. It was perhaps also thanks to these flows that the centuriesold myth of Rome, the same myth that since the end of the sixteenth century had confronted and conquered thousands of individuals from all parts of Europe, gained new momentum in the north. Only from the confrontation with Rome did it seem possible to filter and forge one’s own experience of classicism and history (Brilli, 2011, 2016). The theme, certainly not a new one, had been revived by Vincenzo Gioberti. For him, only the “Christian glory” of the papal city could have safeguarded Europe, “western and southern,” from the “new barbarians”

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(Gioberti, 1842, 1843), After the unification, however, it was no longer only the moderate Giobertian front that had looked to the Urbe as the ideal centre of the nation. If Rome had always been a great capital—of the ancient republic, of the empire, of Christianity, and of Catholicism— more recent history had shown how the Urbe could still be a capital, even without the pope. Plastic, dynamic, and interchangeable—that is, resilient—the myth of Rome thus demonstrated, once again, its astonishing pliability. Taking political-ideological positions quite different from those of individuals who identified the primacy of Rome with its identity as the centre of Catholicism, even personalities such as Mazzini had come to convergent conclusions. Convinced that he resided here “il tempio dell’umanità,” these were said sure that “da Roma escirà quando che sia la trasformazione religiosa che darà, per la terza volta, unità morale all’Europa” (Mazzini, 1986, p. 382. See also Isastia, 1981; De Luca, 2012; Monsagrati, 2012). A new Rome, the Rome of the people—the “third Rome"—should have supplanted the Rome of the Caesars and of the popes. A new universalism, secular and egalitarian, would have sprung from there. “Primacy” and “mission” were important ideas at this time. As unity was achieved, the myth of Rome seemed to constitute the thread of plurisemantic and plurivalorial resilience (Giardina Vauchez, 2008). In what has been described as “a kind of elephantiasis of the ideological dimension” (Aquarone 1972, p. 104), the axis of discourse revolved around the old ancient vs. the modern querelle. For the majority of Italian politicians, it was precisely the recourse to history—republican, imperial, and papal—that should constitute the prevailing term of comparison in the choice of the capital of Italy, the main element of legitimacy before Europe and the world. Only Rome represented the quintessence of human civilization and its main founding values.8 The political crisis brought out latent and manifest aspirations, survivals, and contradictions, leading the city and the world to question the peculiarities of what was perceived as a unique reality in the world, the heart of a millennial theocracy, perhaps obsolete and certainly anomalous. It is unnecessary to list all of these singularities. Rather, it is of interest here to understand how these traits became functional in the realization of 8 Beyond Treves (1962), see the famous chapter “L’idea di Roma” in Chabod (1965), I, pp. 225–28.

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an unprecedented political project that was born just over half a century prior and was far from homogeneous. In fact, not all parliamentarians shared the pro-Roman hypothesis, nor did this particular option always originate from exclusively moral or ideal assessments (Djament-Tran, 2009). Those who nurtured the conviction that a poorly cohesive institutional reality such as Italy could have benefited from such an illustrious centre were opposed by those who advanced other candidacies for the capital of the Kingdom of Naples, Florence, Perugia, and Milan; those who continued to defend Turin for political, economic, and cultural reasons; and those who believed that, precisely because it was the pope’s city, Rome would be an unwieldy burden for the young state. An authoritative interpreter of the last group, Massimo d’Azeglio, argued that Rome, with its “miasmas of 2,500 years of material violence or moral pressure,” would indeed end up corrupting the new society (d’Azeglio, 1949, p. 306). In contrast, numerous other deputies, especially southerners, advocated the idea of Rome as a capital to break free from Piedmontese hegemony. Imprisoned by its own myth and, above all, its own history, the Eternal City nevertheless had other opportunities that played more in its favour. The massive influx of French, Belgian, English, and Israelites to the capital brought about by the presence of the papal court (three quarters of the papal public debt was in foreign hands) favoured the Roman option in the eyes of those who yearned for the solid and rapid integration of the newly born kingdom in the European context (Strangio, 2011, 2012). Again, even with all its inherent limitations, Rome’s environmental physiognomy attracted real estate developers and speculators ready to start residential settlements, offices, facilities, and infrastructure that would be indispensable for the centre of a country with growth ambitions (Manieri Elia, 1991; Pavone, 2011). The facts would soon show how, Urbs par excellence, Rome was a city among cities paradoxically marked by a pronounced agrarian aspect and would quickly be able to foster lively as well as disorderly urban development. The fact that the built-up area occupied barely 40 per cent of the territory—the rest being made up of private gardens, rural hamlets, villas, and gardens—ended up translating, in short, into an element of further appeal. As for the district, its pronounced size at the territorial level (16,000 hectares per 226,022 inhabitants, whereas Paris, for example, had less than 10,000 hectares per 2,000,000 individuals) was an attractive resource for the builders and their workers and for the great

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Roman landowners who sold the lots (the eight most important families in the Papal States owned more than 10,000 hectares of land each, equal to the area of the city of Florence). However, these were not just business and speculative considerations. In an international landscape on which, even before the Paris Commune came into being in France (1871), the advance of workers’ forces was seen as a threat to Europe, the scarcity of factories and industries in and around Rome became another factor of appeal. For the entrepreneurial and industrial forces of the north, increasingly terrified of a Red Scare well before the October Revolution, the absence of an industrial proletariat represented a source of security or a guarantee. The Urbe’s candidacy as a capital city strengthened this. However, in the aftermath of the publication of Marx and Engels’ Manifesto of the Communist Party (1848), Rome produced an experience that was as singular as it was disruptive, one that had established it as an unprecedented protagonist of global scenarios. During the months when sovereigns all over Europe had watched in dismay the phenomena of collective mobilization known as the “springtime of the peoples,” the Republic had been proclaimed in a matter of weeks in the papal city, and the most democratic constitution in the world had been issued; the pope had fled, and his temporal power had collapsed. The Urbe had shown itself capable of changing its productive and economic structures as well as its habits, lifestyles, and consumption. Faced with epidemics and migratory flows, it had been able to cope with them using focused and shared strategies. Because, far from being a provincial, asphyxiated, “dead” reality, even in the nineteenth century, the capital city was alive. This was not only because its population was growing, with its peculiarities, of gender (a majority, 53 per cent, were males) and status (religious: clergymen, Jews; civil: prevalence of unmarried individuals, excluding priests), and settling at 175,000 souls. Rome lived because, even after the end of the golden season of the Grand Tour (Chaney, 1998; Brilli, 2011), it continued to manifest its particular attractiveness, so much so that conservative contemporary Giuseppe Spada spoke of “romamania” (Spada, 1868–1870, vol. III, p. 718). In the face of the most stereotyped images of nineteenth-century, Rome provided by a historiography tainted by anticlerical prejudices and taken up by mannerist cinematography (Luigi Magni’s films, Alberto Sordi’s masks), more recent studies have repeatedly emphasized this extreme dynamism, signalling the city’s particular aptitude not only to

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intercept change but also to make it its own, elaborating on it and taking it to its extreme consequences (Formica 2019a). Thus, we continue to unroll our cinematic film of history and travel to when, after a very short conclave of just forty-eight hours, Giovanni Maria Mastai Ferretti took the throne in 1846 and became Pius IX (1846– 1878).

The Republic of 1849 Fifty-four years old—and therefore very young by pontifical standards— Pius IX had focused on himself the hopes of those who believed that a change in Rome was possible, both temporally and spiritually, so much so that journalists, men of letters and onlookers from everywhere, even from the Americas, were hesitant to leave instead of remain as eyewitnesses the potential transformation of the Eternal City. Although the papacy was commonly considered an expression of tradition, of political balance, this new pontiff immediately began to demonstrate unprecedented dynamism. The proclamation of amnesty to the politically condemned, the granting of a civic guard, the permission for moderate freedom of the press, and the negotiations for the initiation of a customs league among the Italian states were thus read as premonitory signs of a new era, with unpredictable outcomes. This seemed to be confirmed, on the institutional level, by the initiatives launched for the creation of a State Council and a Council of Ministers, which were supposed to modernize the cumbersome chamber system. Similar to the latent conflict that had for centuries (Brice, 2009, p. 22), marked the relations between the municipal powers of the capitol and the temporal powers of the Quirinal, with the reform of October 1, 1847, Pope Mastai responded by delegating to the municipality several areas that until then had been the responsibility of the central bodies of the state (from the Annona to commerce and industry, from roads to construction, from public entertainment to police, from assistance to public education). The “middle” class of the bourgeoisie, hitherto prevented from holding any office, began to be involved in the management of the res publica. These were not insignificant changes and were symbolically exemplified by the pope’s willingness to finally begin work on a railroad (considered by his predecessor to be the “instrument of the devil”). Was Rome opening up to modernity?

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Thanks to these initiatives and a targeted media, pictorial and photographic campaign, promoted and supported by Mastai himself, by the spring of 1847, the myth of the reforming pope had reached its acme. Pius IX had become the “novello, e dell’antico più sapiente e glorioso, fondatore di Roma” (Dragonetti, 1847; Veca, 2018). It is not surprising, then, that many had identified him as the personification of the “civil head of Italy” hoped for by Vincenzo Gioberti’s Primato morale e civile degli italiani (1843), that is, who could have caused a decisive turn in the intricate national question (Vasale, 1994). The new pontiff seemed to present himself as the fullest embodiment of the liberal and neo-Guelfian aspirations that, in those years, were experiencing great success. For an overall moderate public opinion shocked by the new wave of revolutionarism of those years, the hypothesis of a confederation of states presided over by the pope in fact appeared to be the best way to achieve Italian unity and independence in a peaceful, quiet way. In addition, when, in Europe at war, the conflict between the Kingdom of Sardinia and Austria broke out in March 1848, there was confirmation of this: Pius IX in fact offered his paternal blessing to the cause of freedom by sending troops to support the Italian nation (“Gazzetta di Roma,” No. 19, Friday, February 11, 1848, p. 73). What appeared to be a “crusade” of oppressed peoples against oppressors soon gave way, however, to far more pragmatic considerations. Faced with a de facto alliance between the volunteers and the most extreme bands of patriots the lively opposition in the Curia and bitter dissensions in diplomatic circles linked to Rome induced Pope Mastai to disavow this strategy and withdraw the troops. In addition, when, in a politically confused context, the president of the Council Pellegrino Rossi was assassinated (November 15, 1848), the situation intensified. Frightened by a city in the grip of numerous popular demonstrations calling for a liberal and national line, Pius IX fled Rome, finding shelter in Gaeta, under the protection of the epigone of reaction, Ferdinand II of Naples, the “bomb king”.9 The myth of the reforming pope, sent by God for the salvation of Italy, thus permanently fell apart. The population felt betrayed. This is evidenced by a dispatch from Augusto de Liedekerke de Beaufort dated December 13, 1848:

9 VAA, Segreteria di Stato. Gaeta e Portici (1848–1850), Rubrica 165.

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Pas même un seul de ces Trastéverins que l’on disait avoir pour la papauté un attachement poussé jusqu’au fanatisme, ne s’est, cette fois, levé pour la défendre! (Ghisalberti, 1948, p. 57)

In the institutional vacuum that was created, the Roman municipal institutions assumed an unexpected centrality. The appointment of a Provisional Government Council (December 11, 1848) was soon succeeded by a commission charged with providing for elections for the Constituent Assembly (January 5, 1849). Romans had responded enthusiastically to the call for all male citizens of the state to vote (Armando, 2012), despite the excommunication imposed by Pius IX, the pressure of powerful locals on illiterate citizens, and the opposition of parish priests to the delivery of the States of Souls. On February 9, 1849, the assembly elected by universal male suffrage proclaimed the Roman Republic, thus declaring the pope’s temporal power “de facto and de jure” forfeited (The Assemblies of the Risorgimento, 1911). Under the new triumvirate of Mazzini, Armellini, and Saffi, the city that was already “holy” was transformed into the capital of a new political religion (Monsagrati, 2016, p. 141). Thanks to the proclamation of legal and political equality, the recognition of cults, the assimilation of Jews, the abolition of noble titles, the cancellation of the most burdensome taxes, and above all, the elimination of the death penalty, the Romans began to experience democracy even before the constitution was approved (Severini, 2011; Monsagrati, 2014, 2016). The impassioned chronicles of Margaret Fuller, a correspondent for the New York Daily Tribune who was immediately won over to the patriotic cause, participatively and effectively document those convulsive months where only the United States recognized the new institutions at the diplomatic level (Mamoli Zorzi, 1986; Antonelli - Fiorentino - Monsagrati 2000; Diddi and Sofri, 2011). However, the city was besieged and wounded by the bombardment by French troops sent by Napoleon III to defend the pope.10 The fighting on the night of June 30, 1849, when the volunteers led by Garibaldi

10 SAR, Repubblica Romana 1849, bb. 37, 89, 96–97.

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fought with the far more numerous and better equipped (stutzen carbines, vanguard guns) troops of General Oudinot,11 was particularly terrible. The yellowed photos taken by Stefano Lecchi on Villa Spada, the first known example of war reportage (Critelli, 2011), convey the intensity of those clashes. In contrast, the vicissitudes of Goffredo Mameli (the author of the Canto degli Italiani who was mortally wounded at the age of only twenty-one), as well as those of Luciano Manara, Enrico Dandolo, and Ludovico Pietramellara remind us of the intensity of an almost total involvement, in which women, Roman and foreign, of all social affiliations, were also seen on the front lines. The best-known names—those of Fuller, Anita Garibaldi, Colomba Antonietti, Cristina Trivulzio di Belgioioso, and Giulia Modena—represent only the tip of the iceberg still far from uncovered. No longer just seen as wives, mothers, and sisters, these women participated in the defence of the city as nurses, intermediaries, and fighters, contributing to the democratic cause and gaining awareness and recognition (De Longis, 2001; Taricone, 2010; Donne del Risorgimento, 2011; Betri, 2015; Soldani, 2011). On July 3, 1849, the republican experiment dramatically came to an end. However, a few hours before the dragnet of French soldiers burst into the assembly hall, the Constituent Assembly nevertheless wanted to proclaim the Constitution (Costituzione della Repubblica Romana, [1849]) as an extreme act of defiance.12 Liberal in some respects, Mazzinian and others produced what can be called the most democratic constitutional text of the nineteenth century, which set forth certain fundamental principles: freedom of thought, association and the press; popular sovereignty; political and legal equality; the secularity of the state; and religious tolerance. The same values were taken up a century later (1948) by the Constitution of the Italian Republic. Why did what happened in Rome not occur in other cities also marked by experiences of popular and revolutionary participation? How can the intensity of the Roman’s participation, traditionally and proverbially considered apathetic and indolent, be explained? In answering these questions and to understand the crisis of relational and fiduciary mechanisms between the pope and his subjects, the

11 CHA, Verbali dei Consigli generali. “Il Senato a Oudinot”; “Il Senato al popolo romano (July 5, 1849). 12 CHA, Verbali dei Consigli generali (July 7–12, 1849).

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most recent historiography has long insisted on the need to identify the deep roots of the democratic tradition in Rome (Formica 1999, 2019b; Donato 2000). Indeed, it is crucial to link the great crisis of the nineteenth century (1849, 1870) to the karst paths of a political culture that had for years not recognized itself as part of the pontiffs’ temporal power.

The Republic of 1798–1799 The consensus that distinguished the proclamation of Rome as the capital of Italy and that of the Republic of 1849 was anything but an expression of military and diplomatic contingencies, of the Roman’s instinctive— or worse, passive—acceptance of the powers that be. Exactly fifty years before these events, the city had already endowed itself with republican political-institutional bodies aimed at granting the pope exclusively spiritual prerogatives. Specifically, in 1798–1799, the signs of the politicaladministrative disintegration of the Papal States were blatantly manifested phenomena destined to then resurface in the nineteenth century before finally reaching the fracture point, no longer recomposable, of the Breach of Porta Pia. In those moments of profound crisis, when France adopted diametrically opposed strategies towards the pope and politics, Rome radically changed, transforming its physiognomy as a Catholic capital. By embracing the new and reworking it according to its own languages, Rome demonstrated its resilience. At the diplomatic level, the first major breakthrough in relations between Rome and Paris occurred in 1797. On February 19, in Tolentino, Pius VI (1775–1799) was forced to acknowledge the violation of some of his inalienable rights. Weakened by the disappearance on the Italian scene of its former allies, now ousted by the French; aggravated by very onerous conditions from an economic point of view and by imposing spoliations of precious works of art; deprived of Avignon and the Contado Venassino, the port of Ancona and the legations of Bologna, Ferrara, and Ravenna, the Roman government became a simulacrum of itself. The government also found that its recourse to the gold reserves of the Castel Sant’Angelo treasury was insufficient to cope with the conditions of a most vexatious treaty. Forced to resort to unfavourable loans and extraordinary tributes, the pontiff had to acknowledge the collapse of a consensus that his nepotism had already deeply eroded.

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Since the storming of the Bastille, plots and conspiracies had been organized against a system that put temporal aspirations before spiritual ones. The reaction of the ecclesiastical power in terms of imprisonment and exile had in any case failed to stem the spread of a dissent made up of both vague idealistic moods and municipalist claims and more definite designs for political subversion. This fact in itself was nothing new. In previous centuries, the papal system had already come under indictment. Aside from the more distant experience of Cola di Rienzo (1347), from the plots of Stefano Porcari against Nicholas V (1447–1455) to those of the Roman Academy against Paul II (1464–1471) and from the plans of Giacinto Centini against Urban VII (1590) to those against Alexander VII (1655–1667), a long chain of subversive plans had unfolded behind which were concealed different forces, generally linked to the notabilato: curial opponents, factions opposed to the families of the pontiffs on the throne, men of culture, vague political and social reforms. As for the populace, although on the whole loyal to the papal institution, there were still the virulent demonstrations that had accompanied the death of Innocent XII (1691–1700) as well as some particular manifestations of rebellion that exploded during periods of sede vacante and captured an aggressiveness not unrelated to demands for vindication.13 Regarding the actual uprisings, if in the past they had generally been oriented towards achieving specific goals (the reduction of taxes, the lowering of prices) or the restoration of usurped rights (the bread guarantee: Venturi, 1973; Strangio, 2015), those organized in the 1790s, on the other hand, were distinguished by challenging the theocratic system of power itself. In the aftermath of the French Revolution, a wide network of links between local forces of rebellion and those of democrats, both Italian and foreign, gave a voice and body to dissent. In the major (Fano, Bologna) and minor (Civitavecchia, Monteporzio, Canapina, Caprarola) centres of the state, ancient autonomist claims exasperated by the carovita and economic crisis thus became intertwined with broader political aspirations. It was precisely by virtue of this early attestation of the insurgent phenomena, documented by the trial sources, that it was possible to challenge the validity of the theses of those who 13 The riots that had occurred during the months the seat was vacant were so violent that Inquisition officials had to intervene to quell them (Nussdorfer, 1987, p. 183; Visceglia 2013, p. 83).

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evaluated the revolution solely as an armed “importation” from outside and, for that very reason, as “unrelated to the needs of the nation.” While the influence of the French model was decisive, the Roman movement was far from subordinate to that of the transalpine, as well as being socially transversal (Formica, 2004). In the conspiracy devised for Christmas night 1794, for example, side by side with members of various professions (doctors, lawyers, notaries) were the commander of Castel S. Angelo, some cardinals, even the senator of Rome, Abbondio Rezzonico, as well as shopkeepers, artisans, servants, and domestics. Republicanism thus functioned as a powerful glue between different classes and genders (among the sympathizers of the cause, there were, in fact, several women, such as Anna Maria Sciulteis Chiaveri Torlonia, Vittoria Sabucci Bischi, Candida Salvi Lepri, and Fiuseppina Mengs Filion).14 Hoping not to exacerbate the contrasts beyond measure, Pius VI reacted with paternalistic clemency and, unlike the kings of Naples or Turin, limited himself to punishing crimen laesae maiestatis with brief imprisonments and exiles rather than death sentences.15 But, from abroad, patriots had continued their anti-papal propaganda, forging contacts with numerous other republicans, Italian and otherwise. The social balances in Rome, however, did not withstand the counterrevolutionary campaign aimed at identifying the French as the architects of a grand plot hatched against the Church with the support of the Enlightenment, Jansenists, Freemasons, and Jews (Formica and Lorenzetti, 1999). The external threat became the sign of the city’s own fragility, and the bewilderment produced that impatience with diversity that is distinctive of many moments of crisis. While from the streets and churches, Marian images seemed to move their eyes in disapproval of the revolution (Cattaneo 1995), the Urbe folded in on itself, denying its very nature as a space of coexistence, dialogue, and plurality. A particular accent in language, a “Brutus-like” haircut, any attitude of moral or social transgression was enough to trigger violent and xenophobic hostilities. Likewise, the main “internal foreigners,” according to Simmel’s well-known definition (Simmel, 1890), the Jews, suddenly became “enemies” of the city. Indeed, after the Déclaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen,

14 SAR, Tribunale criminale del Governatore di Roma. Processi, b. 2069 (1794). 15 SAR, Giunta di Stato 1799–1800, b. 1, fasc. 7.

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which granted citizenship status to French Jews (September 27, 1791), it seemed that behind every “Jew” lurked a fierce Jacobin.16 The last link in a long series of uprisings aimed at the establishment of the republic in Rome17 was the armed clashes near Palazzo Corsini alla Lungara between Roman patriots, the men of Ambassador Joseph Bonaparte and papal troops. When, in the excitement of convulsive days (December 26–27, 1797), General Mathieu-Léonard Duphot was killed,18 Paris cleverly exploited, or “fabriqué” (Bély, Poumarède, 2010, p. 44), the incident, thus finding a pretext to militarily invade the Church State.19 An expeditionary force of approximately ten to twelve thousand men thus begun its march to take possession of Rome until it reached the gates of the city (Formica, 1994). Besieged, controlled on sight, the Rome occupied by the troops was disoriented and terrified. In addition, when, against the backdrop of a symbolic setting echoing classicism, on February 15, 1798, patriots made solemn readings of a document declaring the pope’s temporal power forfeited and established the government of the Roman Republic (Battaglini, 1990), some thought that a new “epoca en la historia del mundo” had begun.20 The fact remains that with the deportation of Pius VI and the dispersion of the College of Cardinals, Rome unequivocally demonstrated its inexhaustible capacity to reinvent itself, to welcome the new while knowing how to adapt to it. Even its spaces underwent a symbolically pregnant transformation. The ancient Roman Forum, now reduced to cattle pasture (“Campo Vaccino”) gained a strong image as an ideal location squares and streets were renamed with a vocabulary inferred from the language of the revolution (Formica, 2009), and the Quirinal Palace welcomed the executive power of the Republic. Already marked by a reactualizing vision of the ancient, French revolutionary political culture found its most direct points of reference in Rome. Figures, events, and 16 VAA, Segreteria di Stato. Epoca napoleonica, Italia, b. 6, fasc. 4, resolutions of November 2 and 5, 1792. 17 SAR, Tribunale criminale del Senatore di Rome, b. 570 (October 5, 1796-October 13, 1797); ANF, AF III, 77 (an VI), Plaquette 1, dossier 321. 18 ANF, AF III, 77; AMAE, Correspondance politique, Rome, 926. 19 AMV, 1 K 3: Papiers Berthier; L. Antonelli, Relazione su l’avvenuto in Rome, c. 12

r; Raccolta di documenti autentici, 1798 m p. 22. 20 José Nicolas de Azara, in von Pastor (1934), p. 631, n. 1.

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mythologies in Rome seemed to take shape in innumerable organizers of meaning. Appropriately oriented, urban space as a whole could become a vehicle of acculturation; properly educated, the population could become disciples of the foundational values of its identity heritage (Donato, 1992; Caffiero, 2005; Mény, 2021). Even the text of the Constitution assumed designations taken from the classical Roman world. In replacing the temporal dicasteries of the ecclesiastical state, the two Houses of Parliament were called the Tribunate and Senate, and there were also found the Executive, the Consulate, the city administrators, the Aediles and Great Aediles (Formica, 1994). While the entire state territory was being reset on criteria of uniformity and centralization, Rome, confirmed as the state capital, saw the amalgamation of its twelve districts—now referred to as “sections”—into just three municipalities. In a context also dominated by the military’s presence and, at times, its abuses, the Romans were able to not only adapt to but also participate actively in the new order of things, as even a critical observer such as Sala had been forced to admit: Il ceto de’ Patriotti [...] non è piccolo, mentre sebbene il loro numero fosse in principio assai scarso, pure in seguito è cresciuto grandemente. (Sala 1882, vol. I, p. 232)

Although large sections of the population read the unfolding events as unmistakable signs of the millennial catastrophe (Caffiero, 1991), the city showed, in short, that it knew how to cope with crisis. That the papal temporal government had long been in a state of disintegration—spiritual, social, economic, and political—was a common belief among many. It was necessary to “regenerate,” as they liked to say, society, and, for this, it was necessary to abolish the politico-ecclesiastical system and restore the original social order to what it had been before it was corrupted by time and the “despotism of tyrants.” The spiritual life of the city itself stood to benefit. It is emblematic that contrary to the predictions of the forces of law and order, even in this case, the sight of the pope’s carriage being driven out of town did not provoke any protests (Formica 1989a). Moreover, certain studies (Rocciolo, 1992; Armando, 2000) have shown how sacramental life continued its rhythms quite regularly. Inspired by the criteria of a “peaceful revolution,” the republican government strategically sought to avoid too drastic changes

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and direct clashes with the pope’s former subjects. While numerous convents and monasteries were suppressed, parish priests were reconfirmed in their traditional functions as mediators with the population. Moreover, the groups of religious men and women who joined the Republic were certainly not small. Whereas for many of them 1798– 1799 represented a moment of “liberation” from an imposed, unwanted condition (here, e.g., the phenomenon of “demonacations”: Ranzato, 1994), for numerous others it was a time of a deeper authenticity. Indeed, democracy appeared as the form of res publica closest to the life of early Christian communities (Giuntella, 1989; Rocciolo, 1992; Formica, 1997b; Armando, 2000; Formica 2004; Chapter 4). Despite its avowedly experimental character, however, from the beginning, reasons for friction and confrontation had pitted politically and nationally different groups against each other. An expression of a moderate, anti-Jacobin Directory, the military envoys and civil commissioners, not surprisingly, immediately marginalized the more democratic enragés elements (Russo, L’Aurora, Baccini, Lamberti, D’Alos) that demanded a truly revolutionary, radical social policy. Co-optations into the new leadership ranks were conducted among the most ideologically moderate patriots, members of the aristocracy, the “bourgeoisie” (with certain professions and those engaged in agriculture and entrepreneurship), and the clergy, for that matter. Did these events show Rome’s resilience, adaptability, flexibility in dealing with the unexpected and the resumption of the ancient art of dissimulation (Villari, 2003)? It is a fact that the process of forming new classes of small landowners, although hoped for by the forces in government, failed to take off. In a context of deep economic crisis, the sale of property formerly belonging to ecclesiastical entities, now declared state property, was instead absorbed by social actors already endowed with ample financial resources.21 Bourgeois speculators benefited. Strengthened by their purchasing power, these groups grabbed large estates, land and real estate, thus gaining the ability to influence the life of the self-styled revolutionary institutions (Strangio, 2000). It is no wonder then that in this situation of upheaval, landowners, farmers, the unemployed, clergymen, and clerks loyal to the pope chose to emigrate. Within a few months, the population of Rome, already only 175,000 souls, dwindled to a mere 153,000, with serious 21 Numerous convents (54) and monasteries (127) were auctioned off. Cfr. De Felice (1960); Battaglini (1971), pp. 109–113; Rocciolo (1990–1991); Armando (2000).

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damage to the country’s economy (Friz, 1974, Prospectus 2, p, 29). Impoverished by the exodus and aggravated by the effects of a difficult agricultural season and the excessive issuance of paper coupons, the state budget, already in a state of heavy deficit, reached the brink of collapse: a debt of some 84 million Roman escudos was coupled with inflation peaking at 170 per cent. The result of the crisis of a system such as the theocratic one, by then no longer capable either of defending its own reasons with respect to the nation-states and the empires or of fulfilling the duplicity of its mission, the Roman Republic was thus marked in turn by compromises, abuses, and frustrations, until its government finally fell, on September 29, 1799, under the blows of the second coalition (Great Britain, Russia, Austria, and the Kingdom of Naples). Pius VI, who died in exile in Valence, was succeeded by Barnabas Chiaramonti, Pius VII (1800–1823). To him and Secretary of State Cardinal Ercole Consalvi fell the difficult task of governing the city and the state and of finding a delicate balance between modernity and tradition.

Reforming Restorations Historiography has by now amply demonstrated how complex the concept of “restoration” applied to this early part of the century can be. Consalvi himself noted, little more than a year after the fall of the Republic, “la rivoluzione ha fatto nel politico e nel morale ciò che fece il diluvio nel fisico, cambiando del tutto la faccia della terra.”22 How possible, then, as well as correct, would it have been to reverse a process that even with all its contradictions had tried to create new relations between states, to equalize citizens by respecting their rights, and to enucleate fundamental laws for the state? In fact, despite undeniable ambiguities, between 1798 and 1799, Rome was able to fully participate in the political, cultural, and social renewal occurring across almost all the territories of the peninsula. In its short duration, the Republic indeed emerged as a kind of quite exceptional political laboratory. Through its new institutional bodies, both central and peripheral, new ruling groups, for the first time composed of laymen, were able to form “attraverso le lunghe prove di adattamento 22 Letter of 6 December 1800 to Annibale della Genga, nuncio to Germany, quot. in Regoli (2006), pp. 39-40.

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a un uniforme tirocinio amministrativo e nelle esperienze di una solida protesta legalitaria” (Angelini, 1965, p. 759). In addition to assigning a new role to Rome and the entire state in the international context of the time, the Republic affected local life, customs, and habits, creating a common substratum between this capital and the other capitals of the peninsula. As part of an overall redefinition of jurisdictional spheres between the state and the church, religious minorities, Jews first and foremost, saw both their civil and political rights recognized, and the ghetto gates, imposed in 1555, were finally opened. Cultural life was invested by a revolution in public communication systems, starting with newspapers (Miniero, 1984; Formica, 1989a, 1997b), and women began to carve out new spaces for public speaking, not only in theatres—where after centuries, they were finally able to play female roles, which had until then been reserved for male actors— but especially in revolutionary clubs, where they freely debated religion, freedom, and equality (Formica, 2011). It was impossible to deny everything and pretend that it had been a parenthesis without consequences. We are comforted by the circumstantial analysis of a large documentary corpus that, if properly interrogated, allows us both to critically rethink the liberalism of Consalvi, a protagonist of the early Restoration (Regoli, 2006), and to reflect on the resilience of the city of Rome. In this regard, the strategy of absorbing dissent initiated in the aftermath of the collapse of the republican government provides interesting avenues of interpretation. Unlike what had happened in those same months in places such as Naples, where hundreds of revolutionaries were ignominiously executed, in the papal capital, an attempt was made to achieve general reconciliation. The goal was not to eliminate, but to absorb, to reintegrate those who had compromised with the Republic by offering them a chance for “repentance” and inclusion. There was only one condition: they had to express willingness to recant the oaths of allegiance to the Constitution taken in the previous months. The abjuration of the constitutional oath, an obligatory step for the jealous maintenance of the work of officials and state employees, resulted in the recognition of the figure of the pontiff as the sole, legitimate depositary of sovereign majesty. It was no coincidence that the retractions had to be public, and their lists posted for all to see, as well as publicized in newspapers: the exemplary function of the

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rite was to go beyond the private dimension to assign a value of collective recognition to the government of all time.23 Resurrecting, in fact, the ancient practice of supplication, the preliminary request for pardon in written form addressed to the pontiff came implicitly to legitimize its salvific and universal character. Only in the power of the sovereign pontiff could Rome find its universal dimension and the deeper reasons for its existence (Verucci, 1968, pp. 5–51; Traniello, 1994, pp. 16–18). By restoring the circuit of the passage of sacredness from sovereign to God and from people to sovereign, the natural course of history, abruptly interrupted by the exile imposed on Pius VI, could have resumed. Additionally, the ritual of collective retraction urged by Pius VII aimed to reactivate identity and cohesive dynamics in a population stressed and disoriented by political upheavals. Forgiveness aimed to recompose the pope’s subjects in all their social affiliations. Strategically, then, the rite of public atonement involved, in symbolic form, commoners—the carriagemaker Saverio Pediconi known as “Chiavarino,” two members of the bourgeoisie of professions, former consuls De Matthaeis and Zaccaleoni, and two nobles, Prince Francesco Santacroce and Duke Pio Bonelli— all of whom had been deeply involved in the revolutionary regime but, thanks to the pope, were reintegrated into the city as “repentant” (Buzzelli Serafini, 1969, pp. 208–210; Caffiero, 1999; Cattaneo et al. 1992; Formica, 2004, Chapter 6). As for the most radical elements of the movement who were reluctant to accept the restored system, they were allowed to embark from Civitavecchia and follow the French troops.24 The papal political system thus showed a great capacity to adapt to the political stresses of the last months of the eighteenth century. In the face of persisting pockets of clandestine opposition (SAR, Giunta di Stato; Spadoni, 1904), pliant Consalvian reformism imposed itself as a powerful

23 To date, 316 retractions have been attested, adding to the 212 performed the previous spring, following knowledge of the papal briefs condemning the civic oath; the data are taken from the HAVR, Fondo clero, b. 68: Registro delle ritrattazioni dal giuramento civico 1799. Le Rirattazioni fatte, o presentate, dopo l’ingresso delle truppe in Roma seguito il dì 30 settembre 1799 si trovano dalla c. 155 and more. The original appears in HAVR, Atti della Segreteria del Tribunale del Vicariato, tt. 84–85: Memorie. 24 Galimberti (2004), October 8, 1799, p. 365); Fortunati, cc. 368 r-v (with change of date: from October 9 to October 8, 1799), e 429 v; Sala (1980), vol. III, pp. 125–126 (October 7–8,1799); [Mazio] (1799), October 2, 1799, c. 190 (in VAL, CodicI Vaticani. Latini, 10,629).

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means of absorbing tensions, an extreme attempt to adapt to the rhythms of history. On the administrative and institutional level, it is interesting to note how distancing from the revolution, while necessary did not translate into a tout court disavowal of the strategy of rationalization of public affairs initiated in 1798. In contrast, the official documentation issued in the beginning of the new century manifested an awareness of the profound limitations of the pontifical system of government prior to the Republic that was so unpredictable that it translated into a desire to reform it “in quelle parti, nelle quali o qualche abuso introdottovisi, o gli effetti di una generale rivoluzione, e sconvolgimento delle cose avessero potuto renderlo o difettoso, o non adattato alle presenti circostanze.” Overcoming the crisis by adopting and assimilating those measures and initiatives that, while of French origin, aimed to improve society was the far-sighted and unprejudiced vision of Pius VII and his Secretary, which among other things confirmed how and to what extent the democratic experience intercepted the “needs of the nation” (Guerci, 1999; Cuoco, 2014). The attenuation of collective and corporate constraints, the simplification of justice and taxation mechanisms, the administrative restructuring of the territory, the drafting of a new penal code, the regulation of public employment, and the dismantling of the system of constraints made republican Rome a veritable political laboratory, which the new governing forces could not and did not intend to deny or disperse. In the face of the restoration of the feudal order, the apostolic constitution of 30 October 1800 therefore expressed the desire to limit the scope of the baronial courts, abolish privileged forums, streamline judicial procedures, and generalize taxes. Sharing the centralist vision of the state that was characteristic of the republican government in all spheres, including the fiscal and economic ones, the Post Diuturnas not only strongly strengthened the powers of the secretary of state, by then a sort of prime minister, but also opened up spaces for laymen that had been inconceivable until a few years before: they were to be included in the top management of the army, the Annona, the post office and various sectors of the peripheral administrations (Pavan, 1997, p. 285). Rome was thus attempting to change, once again, not only its image but also its very structure, without denying its history. In contrast, it is interesting how the crisis induced a more mature awareness of the need to safeguard the city’s artistic heritage, both public and private. In fact, the problem

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of the restitution of property looted by Napoleon initiated an important debate on the matter, which later merged into the chirograph of 1802. In it, the pope referred back to the ancient Roman law principle of legatum ad patriam, explaining how the historical and cultural value of an asset should always be considered to be of public relevance, regardless of its legal ownership. An overall rethinking of the concept of protection was therefore later reaffirmed in 1819 and taken up by numerous other Italian states.

The Napoleonic City Despite the continuing opposition in the Curia from so-called zealots, critical of any modernizing innovation,25 the reform process was thus set in motion, at least for the time being. Having been returned to the papacy, the city thus tried to revive its role as an equal interlocutor with other powers. However, where the signing of a number of concordats (with France: July 15, 1801; with the Italian Republic: September 16, 1803) seemed to attest to the supremacy of the central Church over the particular churches (Ardura, 2001; Boudon, 2002), the appointment of Napoleon Bonaparte in August 1802 as consul for life threw all the balances back into play. It was, however, his controversial coronation as emperor (Paris, December 2, 1804) that was starkly foreboding regarding the extent of the crisis in the traditional relations between thrones and the altar. The annexation of Rome by the empire (May 17, 1809) sanctioned the ambitious “neo-Constantinian” plans of the man who also, until recently, had wanted to play the role of “liberator.“ Napoleon now aimed to establish himself as the supreme head of the entire Catholic-continental world (Menozzi, 1986, p. 791; Lucrezio Monticelli 2018). For the second time in ten years, Rome thus knew the shame of occupation. Little use was made of the indignant isolation with which Pius VII, whose temporal power was no longer recognized, locked himself up in protest in the Quirinal Palace: captured, probably thanks to internal

25 Already during the early Restoration, critical voices had been raised by those such as Bartholomeo Pacca, who challenged the pontificate of Pius VII, who “per salvare alcune riserve apostoliche che fruttavano, e per l’esteriorità pubbliche ha sagrificato sovente i diritti del primato pontificio, o per meglio dire non li ha sostenuti abbastanza” (VAL, CodicI Vaticani. Latini, 8480, c. 90).

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complicity, on the night of July 5–6, Pope Chiaramonti was removed from his official seat (Boutry, 2012). This event was a new military expedition, a new power vacuum, and a new crisis but certainly not a new revolution. Yet, as Donato (2000, p. 917) wrote, “l’ossequio alla religione e all’ordine, il riconoscimento di valori aristocratici e moderati non rendono meno profonde le ferite che il regime imperiale infligge con magniloquente grandezza e burocratica concretezza allo Stato Ecclesiastico.” Only the entrusting of institutions, central and peripheral, to secular forces seemed to reveal the desire to reknit the threads broken in 1799. The government of Rome was entrusted to an extraordinary Consulta, which, under the presidency of General Miollis, was supposed to dismantle the pre-existing administration to apply the régime constitutionnel.26 In the immediate aftermath, however, the division of the state’s territory into only two departments, those of the Tiber and the Trasimeno, already aroused lively resistance in the periphery (Nardi, 2005, p. 76 ff.; Brice 2002; p. 363; Cattaneo, 2013).27 The preservation of Rome’s privileges as “dominant” and guaranteed by an “administration spéciale,” coupled with exaggerated hypercentralism, led to renewed ancient independence claims. It then became apparent that the principle of geographical equality would not be implemented this time either. Moreover, the same city that had once been Caput mundi failed to escape a condition that some wanted to call “paracolonial” (Broers, 2005). The repeated plundering of the artistic, written and archival heritage, which had already begun with the Treaty of Tolentino in 1797, actually intensified with the transfer of the city’s most important relics to Paris with the view of establishing the great universal museum desired by the emperor (Andreina, 2012; Sgarbozza, 2013; Curzi-Brook-Parisi Presicce, 2016; Donato, 2020). Moreover, the declaration of Rome as the “second capital of the Empire” on February 17, 1810, formalized the city’s symbolic demotion, making it subordinate to the Ville Lumière, thus ending an ultrasecular rivalry. Although the myth of Romanity was still alive and Paris liked to call itself the “nouvelle Rome,” the “king 26 In 1811 the Extraordinary Consultation would be replaced by the Senate Consulto. 27 It is worth noting that in 1798, the area of the state was divided into eight depart-

ments, which were in turn divided into cantons and municipalities (AMV, Correspondance. Armée d’Italie et de Rome (février – mars 1798), B3 52 (15); Collezione di carte pubbliche (1798), t. I, p. 15).

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of Rome” was still Napoleon’s son, by many now considered a tyrant and a traitor to revolutionary values (Vandiver Nicassio, 2005; GiardinaVauchez, 2008, pp. 147–159; Rowell 2012; De Francesco, 2013; Parisi Presicce, 2021; Benzoni, 2022). A growing and not always suppressed dissent28 thus pitted itself against French-style, centralizing and oppressive institutions. Despite Napoleon’s grandiose urban planning projects (La Padula, 1970; Guidoni, 1987; Curzi, 2013; Garric et al. 2021), despite assurances about the absorption of the public debt by the empire and the payment of a compensatory annuity of 2,000,000 francs a year in favour of the pope, and despite the policy to combat unemployment (de Tournon, 1831), widespread dissent existed in the city that led to regrets about the papal government and its paternalistic permissiveness.29 Stendhal noted, “Nelle strade non si incontravano preti, regnava il Codice civile, ma Roma non era più Roma” (Stendhal, 1991, p. XVI). A sort of identity crisis, attributable to the marked reduction of the ecclesiastical presence and regular orders, the suppression of confraternities and congregations, and, above all, the climate of suffocating control that hung over the city emerged. Garrisoned by the military, the capital was subjected to a far heavier regime of occupation than that of 1798–1799. Repeated episodes of boycott of the new surveillance apparatuses; attempts to resist the Civil Code, Commercial Code, and Penal Code laws; and hostility towards the metric system, the revolutionary calendar, and the “French-style” timetable stood as signs of deliberate, marked resistance to a regime perceived to be foreign (Bercé, 1971–1972, pp. 421–434; Kolega, 1997). Requisitions, tax increases, compulsory conscription, and military housing amplified the trend of demographic inflection already recorded in 1798–1799. Indeed, from 136,268 inhabitants in 1808, the city’s population fell to 112,648 in 1814, thus returning to the levels of two centuries earlier (Schiavoni, 1980). To avert the paralysis of the administration, also due to the papal excommunication of the clerks serving the regime (Canonici, 2004), the 28 One Roman who had made a famous attempt on the emperor’s life was sculptor Giuseppe Ceracchi (Giuseppe Ceracchi, 1989), Cfr. VAA, Bandi sciolti, 1809; SAR, Consulta straordinaria per gli Stati romani, reg. 6, c. 95. 29 ANF, AF IV 1965, n. 198. As early as April 5, 1809, Napoleon had intimated inflexibility to Murat in the détruisir “ce foyer d’insurrection” (in Driault, 1906, p. 548).

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Consulta was forced to employ French, Tuscan and, most telling of all, Piedmontese officials. This was a professional immigration of a new kind that differed from that of the ancien regime, which had required integration between old and new ruling classes. Co-opted from among the forces of the “money aristocracy,” hitherto excluded from access to the top echelons of the state, the new immigration stemmed from the world of professionals, traders, and country merchants. While the function played by the Freemasons should be appropriately emphasized in this regard, this should not lead to the assumption that the former papal leadership was ousted from the group. Indeed, to consolidate relations with a world in decline that nevertheless continued to exert its fascination, the French did not hesitate to enter into important matrimonial alliances with the Freemasons (exemplary was the union between the emperor’s sister, Pauline Bonaparte, and Prince Camillo Borghese) and to favour its entry into the various municipal and state institutions. Even the nephew of Pope Pius VI, Duke Luigi Braschi Onesti, was appointed mayor—“maire”—of Rome, while in the Senate, increased to fifty members, the names of the Gabrielli, the Chigi, the Colonna, the Sforza Cesarini, the Boncompagni Ludovisi, and the Rospigliosi indicated the desired continuities (Bartoccini, 1988, pp. 168–169; Boutry, 2002b, p. 399; De Dominicis, 2009; Caffiero-Granata-Tosti, 2013).

New Restorations It was only after the Russian campaign and the subsequent defeat of Napoleon that Pius VII finally managed to return to Rome (May 1814). Once again, the watchword was “restoration,” just as it had been at the beginning of the century, although even this time, it could not truly be considered possible to go back in time. With his usual realism, Cardinal Consalvi commented: I giovani non hanno conosciuto il regime pontificio e se ne fanno una pessima idea; non vogliono saperne di sottomettersi ai preti; i vecchi la pensano forse diversamente, ma non contano nulla. La maggioranza della popolazione non la pensa come noi, e non ci ama affatto. (in Rinieri, 1903, p. 733)

Resistance and opposition did not prevent the crisis of 1809–1814 from changing Rome and its inhabitants, let alone all of European society.

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Moreover, strictly speaking, the watchwords “legitimacy” and the “balance” of the powers assembled in Vienna between 1814 and 1815 did not necessarily imply the outright rejection of the Napoleonic experience. Therefore, Consalvi, after successfully restoring the authority of Rome and its leader at the international level (Regoli, 2006), returned to the Urbe and tried to resume the process of reform and rationalization of institutions that had already begun at the beginning of the century, thus reversing the intransigent line set by Cardinal Pacca during his absence. Aware of the impossibility of achieving a complete restoration,30 the “Politicante"—as he was called with contempt by his detractors—began to divide the state into delegations coordinated by the Central Secretariat, according to a spirit that evidently recalled French precedents (Mombelli Castracane, 1997, 1, pp. 146–161). Nor did he fail to recognize after the intervening real estate and social settlements, the validity of the sales of national property that had taken place in 1798–1799(Motu proprio of July 6, 1816, arts. 225–228; Strangio, 1997). Thus, recent studies have attempted to revise the merciless judgements on the pontificate of the man who abruptly interrupted the continuation of this pliant and was open to the new policy. For, animated by what has been defined in the terms of a “punitive utopia” (Bonacchi, 1995, p. 198), the new pope, Leo XII (1823–1829), began his term in office by adopting strict measures against concubinage, reintroducing the practice of forced sermons to convert Jews, and prohibiting the holding of games and public demonstrations during the hours of religious services. In his view, Rome had to react to the challenges of an increasingly secularized society by over-emphasizing its purifying mission and thus emphasizing the image of a holy city that the revolutionaries had wanted to erase. Its ideal model of reference was the societas christiana of the Middle Ages, a cohesive, ordered, upright, and rigidly hierarchical reality. The widespread action of popular missions, sermons, and religious services was supposed to form subjects into obedient, faithful Catholics. For outcasts, vagabonds, and other outsiders, no room for action was provided; as for Jews, a decisive tightening of restrictions on the ghetto was initiated. In a panorama that saw an increasingly pressing association between criminal offence and sin, the new Police General Directorate, established 30 “Se è stato difficile il riavere quello che si è riavuto, più difficile, lo dico francamente, è il conservarlo. […]. Il modo di pensare è cambiato affatto. Le abitudini, gli usi, le idee, tutto è cambiato”: in Aquarone, 1955, pp. 137–138.

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in 1816, found further impetus for the constitution of a new structure that was centralized, hierarchical, and coordinated by a Congregation for the supervision of public officials (Lucrezio Monticelli, 2012). The reference model, with clear French ancestry, was thus bent towards ideals and values with a distinctly Counter-Reformation structure. Thanks to increasingly precise means of identification (civil registration, the issuing of passports, the registration of movements) and an extremely capillary network of espionage, parish priests, and policemen were called upon to collaborate both to unmask heinous crimes and, more generally, to identify a wide range of crimes against “morality,” which increased the ecclesiastical hierarchies’ spasmodic attention to sexual behaviour, especially that of females, beyond proportion. This project for the resacralization of spaces, men, and things significantly constituted the fil rouge of the encyclical Ubi primum, issued on 5 May 1824 in view of the Holy Year. Having banished all forms of tolerance and relativism and condemned liberalism, the pontiff appealed on this occasion to all Catholic sovereigns to take action to translate the papal indications into “coercive norms” and in particular to Louis XVIII of France, asking him to promote a new world order inspired by the Church of Rome (Menozzi, 1993, p. 53; Boutry 1997, pp. 317–367). After the forced pause of 1800, the Jubilee of 1825 should have marked the triumph of the papacy in a city that also saw the multiplication of subversive episodes in an antigovernment direction. According to ecclesiastical sources, approximately 120–150,000 “Romans” came to the pope’s city, which for the occasion had become a “great, unique sacred space,” a sort of “church-city,” according to D’Azeglio’s effective expression. However, in light of more detailed analyses of the data processed by the Church, what was presented as an extraordinary success for the capital was in any case characterized by the territorially limited dimension of the origins of those pilgrims, largely confined to the hinterland of the Urbe: the foreigners accommodated at the Trinità dei Pellegrini did not exceed 3,400 units (Monsagrati, 2015, pp. 127–148). Did this indicate a decline in the city’s appeal? A narrowing of horizons? Self-referentiality of a reality closed in on itself and therefore now incapable of communicating with the outside world? Certainly, the resonance aroused by the fate inflicted on two Carbonari, Angelo Targhini and Leonida Montanari, documents the intolerance with which, from the outside, an increasingly fundamentalist government was now viewed. Beheaded in the Piazza del Popolo on 13 November 1825,

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almost at the end of the jubilee of forgiveness, the two conspirators were buried near the Muro Torto, on the edge of the city, in the same area where those who had committed suicide as well as thieves, vagrants, and prostitutes were buried. Repressive intolerance and religious stubbornness failed to protect the capital from the new revolutionary wave that was sweeping Europe. In the excitement that followed the Parisian days of July 1830, during the brief pontificate of Pius VIII of Macerata (1829–1830), the news of the conspiracy hatched by Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte—the future Napoleon III—was accompanied by the discovery of the attempted occupation of Castel Sant’Angelo by forces that not only aimed to occupy the fortress but also overthrow the state. The attempt, which failed, was repeated again a few months later, coinciding with the uprisings in Modena in 1831, and it does not seem unreasonable to apply to the Roman case the explanatory scheme elaborated by Charles Tilly in his examination of the rebellions of the time and the processes of formation of national states (Tilly, 1984). New and much more organized insurrections also occurred again the day after the election of Gregory XVI (1831–1846). Amidst the resurgence of ancient autonomist claims, the cities of Bologna, Parma and Reggio Emilia, the Legations, the Marches and Umbria declared the papal power forfeited, replacing it with a single government of the insurgent provinces—the “United Italian Provinces”—with the declared aim of endowing themselves with a constitution. Even in this case, the pope’s reaction, extremely harsh, was destabilizing, both within and beyond the borders of the state, to the point that even Austria, Prussia, Russia, England, and France—powers certainly not suspected of liberal sympathies—sent their own representatives to Rome to persuade the pontiff and his secretary, Tommaso Bernetti, to initiate some reform of the state. The fear arose from the consideration that an attitude of total inflexibility could further exacerbate tensions. Never before had it happened that Protestant and schismatic powers, as well as Catholics, took it upon themselves to suggest what to do to the Vicar of Christ.31 Gregory XVI’s response was ambiguous. While the pope consolidated state institutions by centralizing and bureaucratizing the Curia and agreed to abolish several special jurisdictions as requested, he did not want to

31 The text of the Memorandum in Farini (1850), pp. 51–54.

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involve Rome in the edict of July 1831 to reform the administration. According to the pontiff, any reform of the Senate and the Capitoline Chamber would have distorted the Catholic capital; likewise, the introduction of laymen at the top of the institutions would have deprived the city of its most intimate, sacred identity.32 Rome had to be protected as the stronghold of tradition, temporal and spiritual; any opening could compromise its present and future. The pope’s well-known aversion to the railways, “an instrument of the devil,” was an eloquent indication of his deep resentment towards modernity and progress. Moreover, he reiterated in his encyclical Mirari vos (August 1832) that any attempt to reform the Church would be “absurdum ac maxime […] iniuriosus.” The dyscrasia between institutions and urban society resulted in a deep new crisis; a crisis of social penetration by a government incapable of achieving total behavioural control; a crisis of participation in the forces of power by the laity trained to manage public affairs; a crisis of legitimacy in the forms and quality of consensus; a crisis in the distribution of goods and services; and a crisis of the fiduciary mechanisms between subjects and the sovereign pontiff. This was, in short, a crisis of identity of a city not only stressed by continuous political changes but also no longer able to integrate itself into the European context for which, in the past, it had been both author and protagonist.33 Shutting itself in mean not defending itself but rather closing itself to history, suffocating its own vital energies and preventing that osmosis with the other that, over the centuries, had made Rome a truly universal reality.

Sources and References Sources from Archive Archives Ministères Des Affaires Étrangères = AMAE Correspondance politique, Rome, 926 Archives Nationales de France= ANF AF III AF IV Capitol Historic Archive = CHA

32 “L’amministrazione della città di Roma è riunita all’amministrazione governativa: Roma non è organizzata in forma di Comune,” quote, in Bocci (1995), p. 19. 33 For this classification, please refer to Rusconi (1992); Huntington (1968).

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CHA, Verbali dei Consigli generali Central State Archives = CSA CSA, Verbali delle deliberazioni del Consiglio dei Ministri, II CSA, Roma capitale, serie T: Real Casa, b. 103 National Archives of France =NAF NAF, AF III, 77 (an VI), Plaquette 1 NAF, AF III, 77 NAF, AF IV 1965, n. 198 HAVR, Fondo clero, b. 68: Registro delle ritrattazioni dal giuramento civico 1799 HAVR, Atti della Segreteria del Tribunale del Vicariato, tt. 84-85: Memorie Military Archives of Vincennes= MAV MAV, 1 K 3: Papiers Berthier MAV, Correspondance. Armée d’Italie et de Rome (février – mars 1798), B3 52 State Archives of Rome: SAR SAR, Consulta straordinaria per gli Stati romani, reg. 6 SAR, Giunta di Stato 1799–1800, b. 1 SAR, Luogotenenza del Re in Roma—Amministrazione dell’Interno, b. 48, fasc. 3L SAR, Luogotenenza del Re in Roma—Amministrazione dell’Interno. Occupazione del Palazzo del Quirinale, b. 48, fasc. 3 L SAR, Luogotenenza del Re in Rome, b. 1 SAR, Luogotenenza. Interni, b. 1, fasc. 7 SAR, Miscellanea della Soprintendenza, cassetta 10, fascc. 13,15 SAR, Repubblica Romana 1849, bb. 37,89, 96–97 SAR, Tribunale criminale del Governatore di Roma. Processi, b. 2069 (1794) SAR, Tribunale criminale del Senatore di Rome, b. 570 Descrizione dell’esercito francese a Roma il 10 febbraio 1798 [ms. anonymous preserved in VL, Fondo Falzacappa, Z 75] Vatican Apostolic Archives = VAA VAA, Bandi sciolti, 1809 VAA, Segreteria di Stato. Epoca napoleonica, Italia, b. 6 VAA, Segreteria di Stato. Gaeta e Portici (1848–1850), Rubrica 165 Vatican Apostolic Library = VAL VAL, Codici Vaticani Latini, 8480 VAL, Codici Vaticani Latini, 10629 [Fortunati, Francesco], Avvenimenti sotto li pontificati di Pio VII e Leone XII dall’anni 1800 al 1828 raccolti dalla bona memoria Francesco Fortunati, VAL, Vat. lat. 107304 [Mazio, Raffaele], Memorie da servire per il Diario di Roma in tempo della rivoluzione e di sede vacante. Altre del conclave tenuto in Venezia per l’elezione di Pio VII e del principio del Principato e permanenza del papa in Venezia (VAL, Codici Vaticani Latini, 10629, cc. 107–219)

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Printed Sources: Avvertimenti ad una giovane dama che uscendo dal monastero dell’Orsoline di Roma ove fu educata fa ritorno alla casa paterna (1825), Roma, Nella tipografia Perego-Salvioni. Baldassarri, Pietro (1840–1843), Relazione delle avversità e patimenti del glorioso papa Pio VI negli ultimi tre anni del suo pontificato, Modena, Eredi Soliani (II ed.) Bignami L. (1871), La capitale d’Italia. Guida pratica popolare di Roma ad uso specialmente degli impiegati, dei negozianti, dei capi di famiglia, e di tutti coloro che stanno per trasferirvisi, Florence, Tipografia Cavour. Codice di Napoleone il Grande. Traduzione ufficiale colle variazioni decretate il 3 settembre 1807, e colle citazioni delle leggi romane (1809), Roma, Si vende da Filippo Barbiellini al Corso, e da Carlo Mordacchini ai Cesarini. Collezione di carte pubbliche, proclami, editti, ragionamenti ed altre produzioni tendenti a consolidare la rigenerata Repubblica romana (1798–1799), Roma, Per il cittadino Luigi Perego Salvioni, 5 voll. Costituzione della Repubblica Romana, In Roma, Presso i Lazzarini stampatori nazionali, Anno VI repubblicano [1798]. Costituzione della Repubblica Romana promulgata il giorno 3 luglio 1849, Genova, Tip. di G. B. Della Piane [1849]. Descrizione delle sezioni di Roma prescritte l’anno 1. della Repubblica annessavi la pianta delle medesime, e la notizia dei tre circondari di essa comune, In Roma, Presso il cittadino Tommaso Pagliarini, anno suddetto [1798]. Dragonetti, Luigi (1847), Anniversario della fondazione di Roma celebrato con pranzo nazionale sul monte Esquilino il 21 aprile 1847. Discorsi ivi pronunziati dai sigg. Dragonetti, Orioli, Sterbini e D’Azeglio e carme di A. Poerio. Circolare del 19 aprile 1847. Riconoscenza del popolo, Italia [w.n.] Gioberti, Vincenzo (1842), Del primato morale e civile degli Italiani, Brusselle, w.e. (poi: ivi, dalle stampe di Meline, Cans e compagnia, 1843). Giovannucci, Ferdinando (1799), Analisi, e condanna del giuramento civico esatto in Roma dall’estinto governo francese, In Roma, Nella stamperia Salomoni. Il popolo di Roma a Sua Maestà. Al popolo di Roma (1798), In Roma, Nella stamperia Giunchiana. Indictio universalis jubilaei anni sancti millesimi octingentesimi vigesimi quinti (1824), Neapoli, Ex Typographia Angeli Trani. Legge sulla divisione del territorio della Repubblica Romana (1798), Roma, Presso i Lazzarini stampatori nazionali. Raccolta di documenti autentici riguardanti l’orribile attentato commesso in Roma il dì 28 dicembre 1797 (1798), In Roma, Presso il cittadino Tommaso Pagliarini, Anno I della Repubblica.

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CHAPTER 3

Health Crisis

Introduction Between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, despite its best efforts, the Urbe found itself sharing a variety of sanitary calamities with countries of the most diverse latitudes: in addition to the plague, typhus, tuberculosis, catarrhal fevers, smallpox, and cholera (Corradi, 1865–1895). Against the backdrop of a dynamic of complex interactions between social, sanitary, and religious factors, these conjunctures provided, on the one hand, input to studies and comparisons among savants and, on the other, accelerated organizational processes of emergency management and control systems, helping redefine administrative and judicial apparatuses. Likewise, those customary balances that had always helped the Romans coexist with outsiders and internal aliens (beggars, vagrants, marginalized communities, Jews) were profoundly disturbed. These sanitary crisis can thus be taken as an observatory for an overall revisiting of Rome, a capital that was both normal and exceptional. Normal, because it was grappling with the same problems that so many other governments faced in the same months because of the plague;

Although the work is the result of constant joint collaboration, this chapter is by Marina Formica. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Formica and D. Strangio, Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41260-8_3

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exceptional, because of the traits of its nature as the universal centre of Catholicism and the seat of a theocratic power unique in the world. For this reason, the chapter aims to initiate an analysis of the strategies adopted by doctors, politicians, and administrators, to grasp their impact on different classes and to question the transformations and forms of resilience manifested by Roman society.

The “Drago Pestis” On June 15, 1656, the city of Rome was in turmoil. The news that a hospitalized Neapolitan soldier had died suddenly in the Hospital of San Giovanni was spreading alarm among the population, sadly still mindful of the epidemic that in previous years, had claimed tens of thousands of victims throughout Europe (in Seville alone, 46% of the population had been decimated). Giacinto Gigli noted: A sailor died in St. John’s Hospital with suspected plague. They say his wife had sent him a ring with a webbing attached by which she attached the Plague to him, and he then attached it to another of his villagers. This one died in Trastevere, and in Trastevere others also died, it is not known whether it was from plague or not. (Gigli, 1994, II, p. 763).1

When, shortly thereafter, a fishmonger suffered the same fate, it did not take long for all of the pope’s subjects to succumb to genuine panic. Indeed, it was soon possible to ascertain that these were neither isolated incidents nor false reports. In turn infected by the fisherman, an entire family died in a matter of hours, and thus alarm, more than well-founded, ran through the capital and the state as a whole. The month of November marked the acme of what turned out to be a dramatic epidemic that had its last, devastating frisson only in the spring and summer of the following year. Out of a population of 120,596 souls, about 7.8% died from the disease (Fosi, 2006 and 2021; Topi, 2017)2 :

1 CoLR, Roma, 34. C. 6, ff. 14v, 37r, 49rv. 2 Girolamo Gastaldi actually reports a total of 14,500 deaths between 1656 and 1657

but does not distinguish among different causes of death (Gastaldi, 1684, pp. 111-119). Sonnino’s recent findings are more precise, putting the number of deaths from the plague at around 9,500 (Sonnino, 2006, pp. 35–74).

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this was an objectively small percentage compared to those in other urban centres, such as Naples or Genoa, but no less tragic.3 What was quickly revealed as a real crisis triggered profound changes, as we shall see, that affected the medical and health spheres, of course, but also the social, administrative, religious, and even linguistic spheres. According to the aforementioned Gigli, at the word of the alarming news many Romans had fled. Within a few days, on July I, the prefect of the Annona confirmed that “fear of plague caused half of Rome to flee” (Gigli, 1994, II). According to Eugenio Sonnino’s calculations, it seems that there was an exodus of as many as 10,000 people (Sonnino and Traina, 1982).4 The idea of flight was not in itself new. As Jean Delumeau has masterfully demonstrated, among the fears of the modern age—fears of famines, earthquakes, floods, monsters, wars—we know that the terror of plague represents an ongoing phenomenon, a true psychosis with a cyclical character, destined to resurface periodically like a kind of karst river (Delumeau, 1979; Preto, 1987). Numerous sources at the time, in their inherent heterogeneity, offer evidence of this. From the famous pages of D. Defoe’s Diary of the Plague and A. Manzoni’s Promessi sposi to the various Danze macabre that, since the Great Plague of 1348 has accompanied the progress of scourge as iconographic representations of events as tragic as these unfolding, amply justifying Jacques Revel’s lapidary statement: “To make the history of the plague is to make the history of a society as a new event reveals it” (Revel, 1970, p. 954). Therefore, a history is required that questions not only the different manifestations of the disease and the anthropological changes that ensued regarding considerations of life and death but which, reflecting on the vulnerability of individuals and society, analyses the forms and organization of systems capable of reacting to such changes in a rational and organized manner. A history, precisely, of crisis—whatever their nature—beyond their repetitiveness must be historicized in order to be understood.

3 In the same year, 150,000 (more than half the population) were reported to have died in Naples and 60,000 (about 60% of the population) died in Genoa. As for London, there were 68,500 plague deaths in 1665. 4 SAR, Prefettura dell’Annona e Grascia. Copia lettere, b. 1649.

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Thus, according to what forms and in what ways did Rome, with its theocratic, temporal, and spiritual power together, confront and overcome the plague? How was the state of collective tension managed? What were the reflections, direct and indirect, on institutions, hierarchies of knowledge, and social balances? It is from these questions that original reflections are made on the dynamics between biological and social events, the specifics of the reactions of groups and classes, and the state of medical-scientific research in the city that a few years earlier had seen Giordano Bruno burned at the stake and Galileo Galilei abjured. In years when the manifestations of Nature and the events of history were believed to be expressions of divine will and phenomenologies of a sudden nature—such as cataclysms, floods, earthquakes, comets, plague epidemics for that matter—were considered messages from the transcendent, the physicians themselves, in working out their etiological theories on ailments, could in fact also draw on astrology. The belief in the influence of the stars and their motions on human anatomy and the conviction that physical complexities were influenced by celestial bodies were reflected for a long time in the choice of curative remedies, affecting a wide spectrum of social figures connected with the care of bodies. Neoplatonic physicists and philosophers, scholars of the cabbala, and experts in the ars medendi as well as cerusicians, barbers, herbalists, charlatans, and healers were all active during this period (Casali, 2003 p. 146 ff.; Cassiani, 1994, pp. 187–215; Bonella, 1998; Quaranta, 2019, p. 29). Among this eclectic coexistence of differentiated interpretative systems, the most emblematic is perhaps the figure of Athanasius Kircher, the one, that is, who can perhaps be considered the greatest interpreter of seventeenth-century encyclopedism. In a world still alien to professional scientists even this great Jesuit linked the plague to factors of a supernatural nature. The epidemic represented God’s just punishment of the many sins of the Christian people (the abuses in customs, female immodesty, gluttony, corruption). But, in the conviction that as “flagellum et sagitta Dei ob peccata hominibus immissa” (Kircherii, 1658, Proem), the disease was impenetrable to all human understanding, he, like others (Binet, 1656), nevertheless questioned the natural, physical characteristics of the scourge. In the absence of definite etiological explanations (the plague virus, “Pasturella pestis,” would not be discovered by Yersin until 1894), the humoral miasmatic theory was certainly the most popular. For some time

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already, the idea that disease was the effect of the nefarious exhalations produced by stagnant and putrefying water, particular astral conjunctions, organic waste, earthquakes, and buried corpses (Cipolla, 1989a; Audoin-Rouzeau, 2003) had prompted a pointed focus on urban sanitation services, which had been reorganized in Rome in the late sixteenth century (Sansa, 2002). Thus, in the name of the epidemicist hypotheses of the “ancients,” scholars and administrators recommended targeted controls on exhalations, fumes, discharges into the Tiber, and garbage abandoned indiscriminately along the streets. This is confirmed by an edict issued in the spring of 1656: Per conservatione della Sanità ed obviare all’infettione dell’aria che potrebbe causarsi dalle immonditie, materie sporche et acque putrefatte che continuamente contra la fora de nostri ordini si vedono in questa città è necessario mantenerla netta e polita.5

This was not to say, however, that the Roman authorities closed themselves aprioristically to proponents of “contagionism.” Pragmatically, the theories of the “moderns”—who believed that epidemic diseases, such as the plague, were transmitted only through healthy/sick contact—were accepted, so at first, double cordons of sanitation were set up at the borders of the state and the capital. Later, as the epidemic spread, the interruption of land and sea communications—from those with Naples, the first hotbed of the disease, to those with Sardinia, Majorca, Perpignan, and Languedoc6 —were decreed, in spite of protests by those who suffered the repercussions due to interruptions to trade and commerce. How can the eclectic coexistence of these theories in emergency management be evaluated? Were they an effect of uncertainty? Were they evidence of the inability to identify an unambiguous course of action? Comparison with urban realities in cities other than Rome leads to a blunting of any automatic judgment. Far from remaining stubbornly anchored in tradition, the papal city was in fact revealed to be fully aligned with the scientific debates of the time, which, bewildered by different

5 Edict of 26 May 1656 (reported by Cassiani, 1994, p. 199); SAR, Camerale II. Sanità, b. 1, fasc. 1, November 2,1656. 6 For example the document of cardinal Sacchetti about the Sopra le guardi delle marine per causa di peste, Roma 22 maggio 1656, In Roma, Nella Stamperia della Reu. Camera Apostolica, 1656; Id., Rinovatione dei bandi del 30 giugno 1656 (There).

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and as yet unverifiable approaches, opted for a pragmatic syncretism, and tradition merged with empirical observation and sensory experience. As already noted by R. Palmer, Hippocratic–Galenic theories on the incidence of climate and corrupted air thus coexisted with those of people who, like Girolamo Fracastoro, had refuted the more traditional humoral doctrine and reworked the atomism of Democritus and Lucretius (Pastore and Peruzzi, 2006; Pennuto, 2008; Park Pennuto, 2014). Indeed, in Rome as elsewhere, the flourishing health treatises produced in the aftermath of the 1930s pestilence in the Milanese, Veneto, Sicily, England, Scotland, and Switzerland circulated widely. Far from mechanically perpetuating codified systems sedimented by tradition, the authorities activated a conscious memory dynamic in this regard. It is no coincidence that Cardinal Girolamo Gastaldi’s famous Tractatus de avertenda et profliganda peste politico-legalis collected the entire corpus of orders, edicts, notifications, and instructions issued between 1656 and 1657 precisely for the benefit of posterity (Gastaldi, 1684).7 Condensing a variety of scientific approaches that Pietro da Castro’s Pestis Neapolitana Romana had already helped expound in an almost encyclopaedic manner, that text documents the practised eclecticism of the Roman ecclesiastical authorities towards the epidemic (theory and experience) and the uses, which we might call political, of science and its evolution. Composed at the peak of the spread of the plague in Gorizia—and therefore after the Roman calamity—and published in 1684, Gastaldi’s Tractatus not only reviewed the different theories on the causes and remedies of the disease but set out, more pragmatically, the norms and measures adopted by its author when, as Rome’s commissioner of health and not yet a doctor—as a technician, we would say today—he had to deal with the sanitary crisis of 1656–1657. Contrary to the doubts of those, such as Paolo Zacchia, the father of forensic medicine, who had stubbornly refused to recognize pestilence in the first suspected cases on the basis of comparison with the auctoritas of the great masters (Donato, 2006, p. 161), Gastaldi countered the authority of his experience, which had also matured on the readings of the recentiores. Reviewing both the hypotheses about the plague as a product of the accumulation of putrid matter and corrupted air—the theories of Cirino, of Maurice of Toulon—and the theories of 7 Other collections are kept in VAA, Miscellanea, arm IV, 61, Bandi sciolti, serie I, 6–7; VAL, Borgiani Latini, 119; SAR, Bandi, b. 21.

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the most innovative scientists open to corpuscolarist medicine and Galenic atomism—Fracastoro, Marcello Malpighi, Thomas Willis, Robert Boyle— Gastaldi precisely states the approaches of his enjoyment of modern works evidently circulating in Rome despite the eyed vigilance of the Congregation of the Index. Here, then, are the reflections, in the Tractatus, of the works Alessandro Massaria and Ludovico Settala (Gastaldi himself wanted his De peste et pestiferis affectibus reprinted in Rome, and in Italian, in 1656). The geographical circularity of medical literature in Roman ecclesiastical circles is also exemplified by the presence of the Dell’informatione del pestifero, et contagioso morbo, il quale affligge et have afflitto la città di Palermo et molte altre città e terre di questo Regno di Sicilia nell’anno 1575 e 1576 by Gian Filippo Ingrassia (1576), which Gastaldi drew on for its theoretical and especially its managerial aspects. Indeed, Ingrassia had experimented with a collective, political, and no longer individual emergency management system for plague-infected people (Park, Pennuto, 2014, p. 383). For him, like numerous physicians—that is, physicians, surgeons, and hospitalists—in the capital, the anticontagionism of scholars such as Mattia Naldi or Charles Valois Dubourgdieu thus coexisted, with conflicting outcomes, with the positions of novatores such as Gregory Rossi (Roscio). Similarly, we are familiar with the passionate discussions initiated among Roman physicians and scientists on the theories of the founding father of epidemiology, Fracastorus. Despite his controversial and clear membership in the “spiritual” current, his theories on the existence of living corpuscles (“seminaria prima”) as vectors of disease transmissible from one individual to another “either per contactum or per fomitem or ad distans” constituted grounds for articulated reflections, both individual and collective, especially following detection in a boil of worms visible under a microscope (Rossi, 1665, pp. 172–173). Clearly, however, it is certainly not the simple degree of acceptance or non-acceptance of modern contagionist theories that can be taken as an absolute criterion for assessing the degree of resilience of Roman medical culture. Rather, it is of interest here to emphasize the fluidity of the dynamics between ancient and modern in the city of the pope and the coexistence of the most disparate curative systems, without aprioristic exclusions. In his solid pragmatism, Gastaldi himself did not hesitate to encourage experimental practices, even drawn from folk medicine, promising enticing rewards in case of recovery (Cassiani, 1994, pp. 187–215).

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Therefore, to what extent could scientific research in the pope’s city be said to be free? Furthermore, how much of it filtered into the government circles that prepared the management plans for the plague? The fact that, as highlighted by the work of Maria Conforti (2006), Roman literature on the plague in the 1650s-1960s was linked to printers close to the curial world—Vitale Mascardi, Francesco Moneta—stands out in this regard as an interesting clue, confirmed by the recurrent references to Alexander VII (1655–1667) or his relatives and by the dedicatory epistles of those same treatises. Indeed, we seem to be facing a kind of implicit legitimization of the authorship of emergency management and its inspiring knowledge. It is then possible to advance the hypothesis that the calamity of 1656–1657 took the shape of an instrument for the dissemination of the new science, which the pontiff sovereign also wanted to use to relaunch his figure and reorganize certain sectors of his government. With its triumphalist images—the pope and the city victorious over disease and death—art from those years provides us with further evidence of this (San Juan, 2006; Barker 2006). In those dark months and in the following years, in fact, a real strategy of communication control, of propaganda, concerted for consensus purposes, took shape. Conscious and active agents of the Roman information society, Gastaldi and his “colleagues” ended up, in short, making themselves interpreters of Botero’s words, which, half a century ahead, had already stated: Truly, public disasters are the best matter and the best opportunity that can be presented to a Prince to win the minds and the hearts of his subjects.8

In the years following the Thirty Years’ War—when, as will be seen in the last chapter, there was a downgrading of the papacy’s role in European geopolitical frameworks—Alexander VII lost no opportunity to reiterate by all possible means the validity of the Rome model and of its bon government at all levels, including health. However, even if the underlining of the effectiveness of his management of the pestilential crisis constantly surfaces, this is not to suggest that the epidemic had acted solely for the purpose of image promotion or the reestablishment of social relations. Indeed, the plague translated as a dynamic factor of transformation even on a more properly political-institutional level (Kuijpers, 8 Botero, 1948 (reproducing the Venetian edition of 1598), p. 91.

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2013, pp. 191–201). Pope Chigi was able to exploit the criticality of the moment to proceed with a more decisive reassertion of ecclesiastical power over both municipal bodies and those managed by the plurality of classes, bodies, courts, and jurisdictions that had overlapped, in the state and its capital, over the centuries. Only five days after the detection of the first death from the plague, the pope entrusted broad powers to the Congregation of Sanity, which already in the 1630s, under Urban VIII, had managed the organization of prevention from the flagellum pestis with unquestionable success and had not been subsequently dissolved. The four surviving members were joined by twelve (including his brother, Mario Chigi), individuals with predominantly technical and political rather than medical profiles coordinated by a single figure, the prefect of the Congregation of the Sacred Consultation Cardinal Giulio Sacchetti.9 It is no coincidence that Gastaldi emphasizes his role, showing how it was precisely by virtue of the centralization of power in his hands that the pope was able to avoid the institutional and social chaos that occurred in other cities, such as Genoa (Pastore, 1990; Bonella, 1998, pp. 224–225). At a time when the states were turning to a decisive reassertion of monarchical powers, the congregation was, in short, configured as a centralized body, endowed with political and administrative expertise from various curial and municipal bodies and only marginally joined by the Medical College, mostly active as a consultant to the structure.10 Emphasizing the all-ecclesiastical features of a system of control clearly marked by the values of the Tridentine Council, the congregation asked parish priests to draw up analytical lists of names of all the households within their parish and add information on the age of the members, consanguinity ties, trades exercised and geographical provenance on the basis of the experience gained from those proto-anagrafic instruments that are the Stati animarum (Sbrana-Traina-Sonnino, 1977).11 An infected

9 The minutes of the congregation’s meetings for the period 20 May to 30 July 1656 can be found in CoLR, Memorie diverse di bandi, provvedimenti, risoluzioni e congregazioni Jatte in Roma nell’anno MDCLVI in tempo che in Roma vi era il male contagioso detto di buboni, ms. 34.C.6. 10 Editto sopra la distributtione dei rioni per haver più pronta notizia di ogni accidente (June 27, 1656), In Roma, Nella Stamperia della Reuer. Camera Apostolica, 1656. 11 Instruttione, per li prelati, & altri deputati sopra Ii rioni, In Roma, Nella Stamperia della Reurenda Camera Apostolica, 1656. A detailed survey of the Campo Marzio district

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person should be compulsorily marked and made visible to all by a signpost reading “Sanity.” Any unwarranted removal of the same would have been punishable by death (Gastaldi, 1684, pp. 340–341).12 As for evaluations of a more strictly sanitary nature, it is interesting to note how the belief in the contagionist nature of the plague, already identified in the medical literature, found application in various areas. The detectors were strongly advised not to enter the homes of the Romans but to carry out their checks from the street, requiring citizens to stand at their windows to show their physical condition, and the meticulous regulations regarding the more traditional places of urban sociability, such as seminaries and colleges, inns and taverns, ended up having a profound effect on everyday behaviour. As just one example, innkeepers were forbidden to set tables with more than four covers (thus anticipating, one might say, the restrictions of COVID-19). Considered to be at high risk, even the most populous wards were systematically watched.13 However, it cannot be ignored that in several cases, vigilance arose more from social concerns than health concerns. Such is the case with the ghetto, where Jews had been living in confinement for exactly a century (1555). Divided into quadrants, it was manned by “deputies” in direct contact with the rabbi, who was supposed to report any suspected cases to the central authorities,14 despite the fact that at least until November there were hardly any deaths from plague, according to Cardinal Barbarigo

was carried out in Sansa (2014); unfortunately, however, no similar documents were found for the other city districts. 12 Announcement of 18 October 1656, 1656, In Roma, Nella Stamperia della Reurenda Camera Apostolica, 1656; Instruttione per l’oste; SAR, Tribunale Criminale del Governatore, Processi 1656, b. 478). The texts of the decrees in Gastaldi (1684) pp. 297–301, pp. 311–314; There, pp. 344–346. 13 For example, the announcement of Cardinal Bonelli of May 22, 1656, In Roma, Nella Stamperia della Reu. Camera Apostolica, 1656; and the Instruttioni per purgare le case, 1656, In Roma, Nella Stamperia della Reu. Camera Apostolica, 1656. Specific recommendations were made to butchers and peelers to immediately discard “sanguinaccio, et materia putrida” into the Tevere, with the penalty for failing to do so being 25 shields and three lengths of rope (this consisted of tying the arms behind the back with knots and forcibly pulling via a pulley until dislocation occurs): SAR, Camerale II, Sanità, b. 4/5, fol. 98. 14 Editto e prouisioni per il ghetto degli Hebrei, In Roma, Nella Stamparia della Reu. Cam. Apost., 1656.

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(Bertolaso, 1969, p. 260—November 4, 1656).15 Even the example of Trastevere supports this hypothesis. The rione was reduced to a kind of enclave almost modelled after the previous one. Devices of walled isolation (the “enclosures”) in fact delimited that portion of the territory, with serious inconvenience for the population, who were forced to carry out their few isolated commercial activities in special spaces regulated by “gates.” This did not entirely stifle the endemic state of rebellion existing there.16 The court records point to small and large episodes of transgression carried out both by sick people who were intolerant of the restrictions and by doctors who were reluctant to perform a dangerous service and, what is more, unpaid except for commissions.17 Not only was Fernando di Vincenzo, porter at the “Espurgatore brutto,” for example, arrested while giving to the “wretched” transport workers clothes taken from a cart yet to be disinfected, but Giuliano Albrizi da Cremona was sentenced to life in prison for contradicting the provisions regarding the transport of objects (clothing, mattresses, sheets, blankets, rags) lacking the necessary certifications.18 Trastevere lived in constant turmoil until the police managed to foil a politically motivated conspiracy. On the day of Sts. Peter and Paul, June 29, in fact, “as the people ran screaming, they wanted to sack the city, and take the pope, the ambassador of Portugal, and Queen [Christina] of Sweden prisoners.”19

15 This is confirmed by Cardinal Sacchetti’s Edict of 5 December 1656, In Roma, Nella Stamperia della Reu. Camera Apostolica, 1656. Only at the end of the epidemic could the high mortality rate in the ghetto be ascertained: according to Gastaldi, 1684, pp. 111–119, at the end of the epidemic in Trastevere, 1500 deaths were recorded, and in the ghetto, there were 1600 (Sforza Pallavicino, 1837, p. 6; Sonnino, 2006, p. 39). 16 Announcement of June 28, 1656.SAR, Tribunale Criminale del Governatore. Processi 1656, b. 478; C. Gastaldi, 1684, cit., pp. 317–318. 17 In Cardinal Sacchetti’s Edict of 29 July 1656 (In Roma, Nella Stamparia della Reu. Cam. Apost., 1656) it was specified that doctors should examine patients free of charge, as they should already be considered “completely satisfied with the provision assigned to them by the order of Our Lord”. Even stricter prescriptions were also imposed in an order of 6 October later reiterated by the governor C. Bonelli (SAR, Camerale II, Sanità, b. 1, fasc. 2). CoLR, 34. C. 6, c. 91v; Gastaldi, 1684, p. 303. 18 SAR, Tribunale Criminale del Governatore. Relazioni dei birri, b. 115, report of 19 October 1656; SAR, Tribunale Criminale del Senatore, b. 239; SAR, Tribunale Criminale del Governatore, Processi 1656, b. 488. Cfr. Pastore, (1991), pp. 190–195. 19 Gigli, (1994), pp. 764–765 (June 1656) And there, p. 771, footnote 17.

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It was not only with similar cases of crimina laesae maiestatis, however, that the reaction of the ecclesiastical authorities was extremely harsh. As Gigli noted, “no reason was held in any court, every day justice was meted out to those who contravened the orders given for sanity. In a single year, more than twenty were the death sentences, duly executed with sought-after spectacularity” (Gigli, 1994, vol. II, p. 775 (Jenuary 1657); Belardelli, 1987, p. 68, footnote n. 61). Assimilated into the category of the most serious offences, crimes such as escaping from lazarettos, stealing from plague-ridden houses and failing to report suspicious deaths were punished by public hanging, a capital punishment far more infamous than beheading (Cantarella, 2000). In a society increasingly focused on the value of the senses, particularly sight and hearing, torture and executions became the object of careful direction, of “sought-after spectacularity” towards which curious crowds flocked, at least until Gastaldi directly intervened to prevent the possible consequences of the gatherings (Paglia, 1982; Fosi, 2009; Benedetti, 2010). The epidemic also disrupted the urban geography of the places of punishment. Whereas previously the sentences were carried out in welldetermined points of the city, in 1656–1657 mazzolations, quarterings, beheadings, and hangings took place close to the offender’s home, in order to better involve the neighbourhood community, which was, moreover, called to account personally for any form of omertà. In Trastevere, a hanged man, guilty of having engineered the burning of the “gates,” was left hanging from the beam for several days; another, accused of having stolen objects in infected houses, was quartered and deprived of his upper and lower limbs (Paglia, 1982, p. 129; Pastore, 1991, p. 189).20 “Smorbare,” “risanare,” “spurgare” (to muffle; to heal; to purge)—the verbs that populate the pages of the medical treatises seem to come alive in the public hygiene measures adopted in those months, as well as in the lines of regulation of urban mobility. Houses, streets, and hospitals were subjected to periodic intensive cleaning, while in special purging centres (the “fulloniche” and “valche”: Gastaldi, 1684, p. 257), the disinfestation of clothing belonging to plague victims was carried out. A metaphor for the body, the city was divided into parts intended for the healthy, physically and morally, and parts reserved for the sick, that is, those who were

20 SAR, Tribunale Criminale del Governatore. Processi 1656, b. 478.

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different and transgressive in terms of their faith and origin. Society had to be protected from all physical, social, and moral pollution. Profoundly affecting social life, the sanitary crisis, in short, disrupted customs and habits. It was, however, when the central authorities promulgated regulations forbidding outsiders from infected or suspected infected countries to enter the city that Rome seemed to become estranged from itself. Always a space for the coexistence of pluralities (“Rome is the city with the most cosmopolitan character in the world; it is the one where one cares the least if one is a foreigner and from a different nation”: Montaigne, 1991, p. 211; cfr. Cabibbo-Serra, 2017; Pagano, 2020), Rome was no longer Rome. After preventing jobless immigrants from accessing the city in May– June 1656,21 the Congregation of Health and the governor in fact extended the ban to all non-Romans, even those in good standing and in possession of the obligatory certificate issued by the Conservator of Capitol Hill (the sanitary licence). This line having been adopted, the defensive policy was then extended to all other bodies outside the city community. In fact, in addition to expelling foreigners, it was also decided to expel all expressions of diversity and marginality. For centuries the privileged destination of hospitality and welcome for the universalism of Christian values, the patria communis, Rome, risked changing its identity because of the crisis. Evaluations that we might call proto-sociological and proto-anthropological then joined medical and theological considerations, generating animated discussions on the very concept of poverty. In reality, the issue of the recognition and necessary distinction between “true” and “false” poor was far from original (Pullan, 2005; Todeschini, 2007), certainly not only because thirty years earlier, in compliance with the Tridentine decrees of 1566, Roman parish priests had had to provide their superiors with detailed information about the presence of the poor in church and the inconveniences caused by their presence (Fedi, 1625); this also occurred because the issue had ignited lively debates since mediaeval times that came with different solutions, sometimes arbitrary but were in any case united by the demonstration of the absolute inability to enjoy work due to involuntary circumstances (Jütte, 1994; Zamagni, 2000; Geremek, 2001; Garbellotti, 2013). In

21 SAR, Camerale II, Sanità, b. 1, fasc. 2, c. 125.

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1656, however, entirely new was the intensity of the debate, the outcomes of which would continue to reverberate into the next century (Broomhall, 2004). Different than in the past was the political will to solve the problem once and for all: to eradicate mendicancy from Rome. Based on epidemiological considerations, the Congregation of Health drew up a number of isolationist and concentrationist projects to the detriment of the poor and vagrants. Based on a wholly subjective and indiscriminate association of the pauperism/sudiciume/malnutrition/ dishonesty nexus, those who had emanated stench “with their bad habiti” would in fact be removed from Rome (Pullan, 1995; Zamagni, 2000). In agreement with the congregation, the governor of Rome, Carlo Bonelli, subjected the incoming flows to strict controls by applying similar identification criteria, which were entirely discretionary. After entry was prohibited to “vagabondi, pezzenti, zingari, hebrei, e mendicanti,” an edict dated June 22 made it compulsory to register individually and by name all of the destitute people, male and female, in the Roman territory and then subject them to forced labour in public utilities.22 Only those who could prove a true inability to work would be allowed to beg. Thus, in the same year that the Hôpital Général for beggars was founded in Paris—that is, the main institution of what continues to be called “Le Grand Enfermement” (Foucault, 1985; but cf. Henderson, 2019),23 in Rome, Alexander VII ordered that from that moment on, those who were unfit for work would be locked up in the monastery of St. Saba, “with administration of necessary food, to prevent them from wandering,” and poor, inactive women would have been brought into the Hospice of St. James of the Incurables.24 In short, a model of a city finally disciplined and ordered could have arisen from the drama of the plague: “À chacun sa place, à chacun son corps, à chacun sa maladie et sa mort, à chacun son bien” (Foucault, 1985, p. 199).

22 Editto sopra i mendicanti, In Roma, Nella Stamperia della Rev. Camera Apostolica, MDCLVI; Gastaldi (1684), pp. 29, 301–303. CoLR, 34. C. 6, cc. 7v-8r; CLR, Vol. miscellaneo 199, c. 3r. The Relatione del principio del contagio et delle diligenze usate in Roma reported in the Appendix by Fosi (2022) (p. 213 particularly). 23 The Parisian institution followed the experiments of London, Hamburg, Amsterdam, and Lyon, which in turn were modelled on the Roman example of 1561. 24 Bonelli, Editto contro i mendicanti, 19 agosto 1656, In Roma, Nella Stamparia della Reuer. Camera apostolica, 1656. Groppi (1994).

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However, this segregationist project, marked by the control and reeducation of deviants, failed to take off. The macroscopic dimension of the poverty phenomenon, resistance and boycott attempts, and the very characteristics of papal welfare prevented its implementation. The epidemic severely undermined the system that had also, until then, ensured higher standards of living than elsewhere and significantly higher protein rates than in other urban areas (Friz, 1980). Sanitary “cordons” hindered the transport of grains from the countryside and this, combined with pressure to obtain the credits necessary for the hoarding of the Annona and Grascia and the ambiguous behaviour of many commissioners in setting prices, placed the political and social balances of Rome at serious risk (D’Amelia, 1990).25 For, as noted for foreigners, the presence of the poor here also had quite peculiar characteristics compared to that of the poor in other major European centres. The number of indigents in the city was so high that they were almost a structural element of the city. An assessment by default regarding the presence of the undocumented in the seventeenth century has led to the hypothesis that the percentage of panhandlers ranged between 4 and 8% of the population; a figure that is objectively disturbing and which also increased dramatically during the months of the plague. In fact, the epidemic dramatically caused de-skilled and socially degraded immigration to take off. Transhumant shepherds, woodcutters, charcoal burners, and labourers without employment left the mountains and countryside and flocked to Rome, where, as was well known, there was nonetheless the certainty of not dying of starvation, since assistance to the needy constituted the “essential, as well as foundational item of papal sovereignty” (Groppi, 2010, p. 30). Objectively impossible, the realization of the restraining mechanism would have ended up calling into question the very identity of the capital of Catholicism, which made welfare and helping the weakest the core of its existence. Widespread throughout the city, institutes, monasteries, and convents served as a pendant for individual mercy activities. Just as 25 Editto con nuoua regola sopra l’introduttione delle grascie nella città di Roma, In Roma, Nella Stamparia della Reu. Cam. Apost., 1656; Editto sospensiuo de’ mercati di Nauona, e del non far piazze in loco alcuno se non di robbe commestibili da vitto, There, 1656 (both issued by C. Bonelli); Editto per li grascieri (a firma del cardinale Sacchetti), 8 ottobre 1656, There; Id., Instruttione sopra il modo di riceuere la Grascia a’ confini colle necessarie cautele, There; Instruttione per li commissari alli cancelli delle porte di Roma, There, 1657.

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it would have been difficult to prevent uncontrollable masses of illegal immigrants from entering the city, it would have been equally impossible to completely subvert such an entrenched system. Thus, people ended up desisting and tacitly tolerating the begging, both illicit, so to speak, and licit, and allowed to those unfit for work to be equipped with a begging “license.” Entirely different, however, was the impact of the plague on health care. Although Rome was already ahead of other European capitals in terms of the quantity of hospital facilities for the sick, the epidemic produced an overall improvement in the system. From Cipolla’s (1985, p. 287) calculations, we learn that the ratio of doctors to inhabitants in Rome, already very high in 1656 (11.6%), would reach peaks of 12.6% twenty years later. As for places of hospitalization and treatment, the initial idea of concentrating the plague victims in isolated lazarettos outside the walls—of San Pancrazio and the Casaletto di Pio V (Balestra, 1657; Bindi, 1658)—was discarded to focus on the creation of circumscribed reception spaces adjacent to the inhabited centre, in order to avoid the long and dangerous transportation of the sick (Sbrana, Traina and Sonnino, 1977, pp. 438–439; Belardelli, 1987, pp. 59–61; Boiteux, 2006, pp. 182–183). After careful evaluation, the choice fell on the convent of San Bartolomeo all’Isola Tiberina—the Hospital of St. John of God of the Congregation of Fatebenefratelli—close to an important communication route such as the Tiber and yet separated from the built-up area.26 The celebration of this choice and of its creators, the “Most Holy Father,” his brother, Prince Mario Chigi, and health commissioner Monsignor Gastaldi runs through almost all the pages of Gli accidenti più gravi del mal contagioso osservati nel lazzaretto all’Isola by Giuseppe Balestra, chief surgeon of what became the main hospital for plague victims.27 No great fan of the Hippocratic-Galenic theses, the contagionist paradigm of “Fra’ Castorio” (Fracastoro), or the first tentative statements of corpuscolarism, Balestra said it was necessary to move on the basis of pragmatic experiential assessments (“But the authority of Authors, though great, must recoil before experience and sense!”: Balestra, 1657, p. 34)

26 VAA, Bandi sciolti, serie I, b. 6; CoLR, 34. C. 6, c. 42r. 27 The copy ms. in VAL, Chigi, F.IV.63—with slight differences to the printed text.

Tables and plans on the location of the different lazarettos in Gastaldi, 1684.

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and mocked those astrologers who aimed to research “the cause of the plague in the stars.” Without, therefore, entering into scientific disputes— that, as a surgeon, neither interested nor pertained to him—he composed that text rather to counter antigovernment rumours about wards for plague victims, which some described as sinister places of confinement and suffering. On the contrary, from its pages the Fatebenefratelli lazaret emerged rather as a “well-regulated republic,” where there was “no fright; witness the many hundreds of sick people, who were not only here willingly, but spontaneously stayed at this service, because they saw the charity with which the work was being done” (Balestra, 1657, pp. 8, 16). We are thus confronted with the intentional action of overturning fictitious and often conflicting narratives that animates a large part of what is written in times of crisis, forming a genre through which recent historiography has tried to interrogate itself by highlighting patterns in the exaltation of governance (Delogu, 2022). There was a veritable counterinformation campaign, a somewhat consolatory literature, “an effort to explain, an effort to control” as Paul Slack (1985) put it. The political intentions were matched by a reassuring purpose, almost anticipatory of modern psychosomatics. Indeed, Balestra pointed out to his readers the capacity of emotional factors in provoking organic disorders: fear and “imaginatione” could not only induce the onset of illness but even cause death (cf. Barbarigo, in Bertolaso, 1969, p. 345; Preto, 1987, p. 75). The motif, present in several treatises of the era, even runs through papal legislation on the plague, with clear political-social intentions. In those difficult times of struggle against evil, proclamations, and edicts were issued with the aim of reassuring the populace of the government’s vigilant presence and concern for their well-being. Additionally, from the assurance of the survival of his own “flock,” the pope ended up obtaining the further legitimization of his own existence, almost anticipating, indirectly, the Foucauldian category of “pastoral power” (Foucault, 2004). For, truly, Rome was locked in a grip of terror: terror of the plague and its course, terror of isolation, terror of the quarantines spent at the lazaret of San Pancrazio and the Carceri Nuove in Via Giulia, terror of finding one’s home locked with the sign “Sanità” posted on the door, terror of being hospitalized, terror of finding one’s possessions burned or of being robbed, and terror of loneliness. It is not surprising, then, that such a climate of dismay resulted in the phenomenon of hunting for the untore or, rather, the poisoner. Although

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the Roman authorities distinguished themselves in terms of the severity with which they treated those who claimed the intentional origin of the plague, even among the proponents of the more realistic theses on the contamination of bodies sometimes seemed to creep in evaluations on the possible manifestation of diabolic agents or, in any case, links to satanic circles. One need only scroll through the pages of the treatises of Pietro Castro or Pietro Castelli, convinced supporters of the idea that the plague was artificially triggered, for proof of this. Bringing to the surface ancient beliefs and superstitions, the draco pestis also affected the religious sphere. Already exploring new forms of spirituality that were called “baroque,” the city of processions and pompous religious ceremonies found itself abruptly brought back to an intimate dimension of its relationship with God, especially after Gastaldi banned the practices of group participation in aggregating events such as processions, group devotional rites, and executions. In the name of health and social reasons, even the communal veneration of the image of the Blessed Virgin at the Church of Santa Maria in Portico, considered miraculous against the plague, was banned. A strongly managed pastorality from above did not hesitate to call an extraordinary jubilee to implore divine help, without also authorizing collective ceremonies. Ceremonies in the streets were prohibited, as were sermons in the squares, itinerant demonstrations, and visits to the Seven Churches and the Holy Staircase, and the Quarantores; specific isolation rules were issued for women and courtesans “even though honest.” In churches, the confessional grates were covered with vellum, the stoups emptied (Gigli, 1994, p. 764). In opposition to the dictates of conversionist pedagogy focused on emotionality and physical corporeality, in 1656–1657 only cults of an intimate or, at most, familial nature were allowed. A religion of sight and hearing was succeeded by a religion of the heart, forming a certain precursor to eighteenth-century devotionality (Rosa, 1999; Rocciolo, 2006). When the conveying the plague-ridden dead to a mass grave and deconsecrated place unleashed new anxieties among those who feared for the otherworldly fate of their loved ones, the veneration of the dead also ended up being subject to severe restrictions and the pope was forced to extend the benefit of suffrages. Bent by the epidemic, Rome was, in short, no longer the same. On the timing and means of the return to normalcy, it is once again Gastaldi’s Tractatus that provides us with valuable keys for interpretation. From its pages, cross-referenced with other contemporary sources,

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we learn how the grip of controls had begun to loosen as early as March 1657. Those who had fled Rome the year before were allowed to return, while commerce gradually resumed its earlier pace, religious rites resumed, and magistracies began to again review cases and trials that had been interrupted.28 While the epidemic could be said to have died out by the summer, this did not mean that the state of alert had been fully dismissed at either the health or social level. To reach a real recovery, Rome would still have to wait a long time, and in many ways, the process started with economic aspects. Some 181,000 scudi had been spent on public health alone.29 The Apostolic Chamber was forced to disburse as much as 54,547.46 scudi to compensate for the sums advanced, as well as to repay the salaries of all personnel involved (Donato, 2006, p. 167).30 Moreover, even in the gradual demobilization of contumacious houses and lazarettos, the climate of suspicion and vigilance continued to loom darkly over Roman society for a long time, especially over marginal and potentially dangerous individuals such as those deemed wretches, vagrants, outsiders, and irregulars. Out of ignorance about the root causes of the plague, rumours about who might have purposefully spread the plague continued to circulate persistently. Despite the prohibitions of the Tridentine Church, the city was, moreover, teeming with alchemists, who, if in possession of the appropriate licence issued by the College of Physicians and Apothecaries, could regularly practice their medicinal arts (Gentilcore, 2006a, 2006b; Kolega, 1998; Troncarelli, 1986, p. 140, 142). Suspicions about them, though avowedly forbidden, remained high: perhaps certain mixtures could actually facilitate contagions, making people more or less vulnerable to the disease? In a context of continuing alertness, controls over charlatans and devotees of “white magic” were intensified (Vasoli, 1975). Furthermore, it

28 Rivocatione del bando fatto per le persone partite da Roma, 21 marzo 1657, In Roma, Nella Stamperia della Reu. Camera Apostolica, 1657; Editto per la contrattatione de gl’Ebrei, March 17, 1657, In Roma, Nella Stamperia della Reurenda Camera Apostolica, 1657. 29 It should be noted that the pope had also made a loan of no less than 30,000 scudi to the university of the Jews to assist the less well-off members of the community: Belardinelli, 1987, p. 70, footnote 64; p. 78, footnote 95. 30 SAR, Camerale II : Sanità, b. 8, fascc. 1–2.

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was in the aftermath of the plague that the case of the so-called “poisoners” exploded, a case whose media clamour immediately transcended the boundaries of the Church State. Accused of having propagated “a kind of new contagion” through massive administrations of a poisonous potion, a number of women, most of them foreigners, in fact ended up caught in the judicial machinery (Ascione, 1696; Feci, 2020). Sometime before the annus horribilis, several Roman women from different walks of life, eager to rid themselves of violent and demented husbands, boyfriends, and sons-in-law had turned to a singular enterprise of dealers of a lethal mixture composed of arsenic, antimony, and lead. The potion—later dubbed “Tofana water” after the creator, the Sicilian Giulia Tofana—had caused the deaths of hundreds if not thousands of men, according to the allegations (Bodiou, Chauvaud and Soria, 2015). Despite the measures taken by the government since the beginning of the epidemic to avoid rumours about the intentional nature of the spread of the contagion, the ancient nightmare about the dark power of women, always and everywhere believed to be the custodians of magical-religious knowledge capable of unleashing the forces of evil, reappeared (Angelozzi—Casanova, 2014). Five of those accused of using the “viricides” were hanged in Campo de’ Fiori on Sunday, July 5, 1659; these were later joined by a sixth, and others would eventually manage to gain impunity thanks to their testimonies of being “repentant.”31 It is difficult to speculate whether at another time in history the same would have happened. As has been rightly pointed out, the case in fact appears entirely “eccentric from the perimeter of generic female crime” and “out of scale with respect to the use of poison by men or women acting una tantum to get rid of spouses or family members” (Feci, 2020).32 It remains a fact that, as the crisis unfolded, this affair helped accelerate the process of developing new investigative methods on the causes of deaths and activate more fruitful synergies among the judiciary, medicine, and pharmacopoeia. While taking tougher measures 31 SAR, Tribunale criminale del Governatore. Processi, sec. XVII, b. 530. 32 The same author, in footnote 45 of her work, specifies that “between 1535 and 1630,

the Governor’s Criminal Court held 29 vengeance trials, of which only 11, all within 1544 and 1613, saw women charged with the crime […]. The book of condemned persons assisted by the Roman confraternity of S. Giovanni Decollato reports—in addition to the condemnation of the women involved in the 1659 events—only one other poisoner, executed in 1624”; “1624, Giovanna, di Regno, hanged in Ponte for giving poison to her husband” (SAR, Inventario 285/II, Nomi dei giustiziati).

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on the propagation of pernicious substances, government authorities still felt the need to reaffirm their function as guarantors of public health and social order. A Notificatione à publica utilità stampata dopo l’esecuzione delle avvelenatrici of 1659 reassured the Romans that an antidote capable of counteracting the lethal effects of the toxic “acquetta” of the poison-women had been discovered.33 The city could return to peace.

The Disfiguring Monster: Smallpox For a long time, the plague was considered a periodizing, caesura event. After 1656, time now passed from a “before” to an “after.” Transcending the boundaries of celebratory treatises, the memory of the event invested a wide range of adaptive and preventive behaviours and fostered an ex post facto reworking of experiences gained in the midseventeenth century (Muratori, 1714). A novel “culture of risk” was thus taking shape (Kruger, 2015; Bjork, 2019; Cecere, 2020). Significantly, at the first hints of a resurgence of the disease in Apulia in 1690, law enforcement agencies immediately set up strict control measures on those who wanted to enter the pope’s states. Borders, ports, and passes were manned by military contingents; as for the sanitary sphere, special wards for plague victims were restored. Fortunately, however, the alarm proved unfounded. There would be no more plague epidemics, at least of that magnitude, until the early decades of the nineteenth century (Corradi, 1865–1895). Even then, however, as new manifestations of the epidemic arose, health authorities continued their uncertain oscillation between the imposition of public hygiene measures to safeguard the “physical constitution of the air” and recommendations on distancing, especially in those spaces designated for the coexistence of communities (convents, schools, barracks, prisons).34 At the central level, the Sacra Consulta (reinstated by Pius VII in 1814, after the Napoleonic suppressions) was not, however, able to adopt anti-epidemic strategies aimed at or traceable to the deployment of forces and apparatuses put

33 “The Antidote is the juice of limoncello, or vinegar taken in the quantity of about three ounces, to be repeated in case of continuation of the above-mentioned accidents thanking the Divine Majesty” (Notificatione à publica utilità stampata dopo l’esecuzione delle avvelenatrici, In Roma, Nella Stamparia della Rev. Camera Apostolica, 1659). 34 SAR, Congregazione speciale di Sanità, b. 90.

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in place between 1656 and 1657. Eclecticism still remained the dominant feature of health policy. Both the military cordon of two hundred men made ready by Consalvi to prevent illegal landings from Dalmatia, bent by the calamity, and the increasing capillary controls on the seas, beaches, and ports, confirm this. Already transposed at the level of public administration, the concept of a sanitary police specifically directed to the protection of hygiene and public health would result shortly thereafter, in 1818, in the development of proper regulations for maritime police.35 Compared to the new jolts of plague, far more dramatic was another emergency in those same years: that of smallpox. Again, awareness of the disease was far from new. Always present in its endemic state, it resulted in true epidemics at various intervals, as soon as a sufficiently large unimmunized population was reconstituted. But, since most of the adult population was already immunized from previous waves, the disease mostly affected children and had lighter demographic consequences than the plague. Yet, among the many “fluctuating” epidemics with which virtually all ancient societies had had to contend (intermittent fevers, petechial typhoid, pneumonia, gastrointestinal diseases), smallpox emerged as a real tragedy in the eighteenth century, when it ended up being the leading cause of death in the world. Rough estimates report about 60 million victims then caused by Variola in its different variants (Hays, 2005). These are frightening numbers, to which should be added the many millions more infected and then disfigured for life by the scars left by the pustules, of which the portraiture of the time has left merciless traces (but see also Shuttleton, 2007). The exotic origin lent an aura of mystery to the infection, and the transformation of the victims into grotesque caricatures made it quite different from other epidemics. Although it is difficult to assess its quantitative dimensions, we know that even Rome did not escape the distressing trend. It seems that in the very early years of the eighteenth century, the disease decimated a very considerable number of children and adolescents, causing significant demographic damage in the medium as well as in the long term. Doctors,

35 Motu-proprio […] in data de’ 25. novembre 1818, su la sanità marittima de’ porti e lidi della Stato Pontificio, Roma, Stamperia della Rev. Camera apostolica, 1818. Cfr. Bonella, (1997), pp. 228–229, 233–234. The de facto acceptance of contagionist theories did not, however, prevent 6731 people from dying of cholera in the pontifical dominions between 1835–1837, a mortality rate of 2.5 per thousand (There, p. 437).

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philosophers, and politicians repeatedly tried to propose analyses, remedies, and cures to their rulers, but failed to stem the phenomenon (Targioni Tozzetti, 1757; Ponticelli, 1761; Gatti, 1768; Tissot, 1779; Lapi, 1791). In the late eighteenth century (Fadda, 1983; Williamson, 2007), lively diatribes between those in favour of and against vaccines experienced renewed vigour with the development of Edward Jenner’s smallpox vaccine in 1798. The newly developed system proposed to replace the Eastern system of “variolization,” popularized in Europe by Lady Montagu. Unlike the method of inoculating a small amount of the content of the pustules of a sick person with human smallpox to a healthy person in order to cause a mild form of smallpox intended to protect against future contagion, Jenner’s vaccination involved an inoculation of the vaccine smallpox, cowpox, taken from the pustules of cows. The system, certainly revolutionary, provoked widespread controversy, and when, in the wake of what was happening in other urban centres on the Italian peninsula (Livorno, Verona, Bologna, Florence, Palermo), the papal territories also found themselves experiencing a dangerous resurgence of the disease, Rome was fully invested in the querelle. The discussion, closely linked to debates on the nature of infectious diseases and the different mechanisms of spread, expanded beyond academic circles to wider public opinion, taking on obvious political connotations in the Urbe as elsewhere. In a phase overwhelmingly transformed by the political and military crisis, in a reality disrupted by wars and the passage of troops, both French and Neapolitan, the sides for and against the vaccine were immediately conditioned by other arguments. Indeed, the sharing of the Napoleonic vaccinist line by Pius VII (1800–1823) and Secretary of State Cardinal Consalvi, who had returned to Rome following the experience of the Roman Republic (see ch. II), irked many Romans, who were reluctant to follow a practice that in the eyes of many, appeared disruptive to the laws of nature and which, moreover, many indiscriminately identified with revolution (Vitale, 1803). Adherence to the vaccination campaign was thus very low. Not even during the French occupation of 1809–1814 did the Extraordinary Council, which was supposed to enforce the régime constitutionnel, succeed in forcing consensual adherence to the strongly opposed measure. Accessions went slowly. While only 2051 people were inoculated in Rome in 1810, the following year, the number reached 3577 and then, in 1812, another 3548 were vaccinated (Omes, 2021). Even

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more discouraging results were recorded in the territories surrounding the capital and in rural areas. Additionally, after Napoleon’s defeat, when Pius VII and his entourage were able to return to Rome, the situation proved to be highly critical not only politically, socially, and demographically but also in terms of health. It would be futile, however, as well as overly simplistic, to attempt to identify a clear line of demarcation between the conservative adversaries of the Jenner method and the more enlightened individuals who were favourably inclined towards it. The picture was far more complex, and the case of Monaldo Leopardi, Giacomo’s father, stands as a clear indication of this (Sordoni, 2020). Less uncertain, on the other hand, was the international geopolitical picture, from which the papal government seemed to have derived greater centrality externally and, consequently, new authority internally. On the strength of the consensus gained as a result of his achievements at the Congress of Vienna, upon a new outbreak of smallpox cases, Consalvi succeeded in imposing a decisionist line that left little margin for defaulters. In the edict of June 20, 1822, the Secretary of State explained that only vaccination could definitively defeat the “vajuolo arabo” that “malignantly undermines man from the beginning of life […] and comes upon the human species almost to destroy it in its birth.” Far from thwarting the laws of nature—and thus God’s wishes—the new health care provision presented itself as a remedy “energetic put by divine Providence as at the disposal of Fatherly Love for the salvation of the offspring on the tree of life when it most forms the object of his affectionate care, and in assurance of the hopes of family and country”; for this Consalvi said he was confident that it would be “propagated everywhere with the greatest rapidity.”36 Hence the measures for the Central Vaccination Commission “for the propagation of vaccine inoculation throughout the territories of the Papal States” according to the Jenner method would ensure the sufficient availability of vaccines “to make its free distribution to all those doctors and surgeons who need it.”

36 Editto, Dalla Segreteria di Stato li 20 giugno 1822, Roma, Presso Vincenzo Poggioli stampatore, 1822 (anche in “Diary of Rome”, nn. 50–51, 22 e 26 giugno 1822). See also Omelia, 1804.

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Finally on the way to the full recognition of their professionalism, health personnel had thus taken the place of parish priests as mediators between the Roman population and the organs of the Secretariat of State in matters of public health. Less political and much more technical than the sanitary commissions of previous years, the Central Commission of Vaccination created by the papal government was now made up of the best doctors from the universities of Rome and Bologna; it was flanked by the Provincial Commissions of Vaccination for the administration of the praesidium in the countryside and in the peripheries of the state. Compared to the seventeenth century, the physician was, in short, no longer called upon only to identify and explain pathologies but also to treat them (French, 2003). In this case, the results were not long in coming. The authority of a power recognized in all its political and religious magisterium, combined with the adoption of various incentive measures, infused the ongoing campaign with strength: in the absence of a certificate of vaccination, moreover, it would be impossible to access subsidies and benefits. As many as 88,788 inoculations were thus recorded in 1823 (Omes, 2021, p. 287). The state was successful in persuading people to obey it; science helped the state voice in being listened to. The Medical College was establishing itself as the guarantor of prevention and cure (Cohn Jr., 2010). Such acquisitions were marred, however, by successive pontificates. Indeed, the frequent changes of leadership in an elective, nondynastic system of power such as the Roman one implied a kind of automatic spoil system. Since time immemorial, the succession to the throne of personalities with a different origin, background, and vision from their predecessor entailed a concomitant turnover of apexes, courts, familiars, and personnel: this was one among several causes of Rome’s profoundly resilient attitude, with both positive and negative outcomes. For a while this constituted a structural element of Roman society and its political structures and facilitated its ability to adapt to the new, it could also prove to be a destabilizing factor. Upon the death of Pope Pius VII in August 1823, the internal power relations within the Curia resulted in the ascension to the throne of some representatives of the “zealous” and, for that matter, intransigent rigorist wing. Thus, even in health matters there was a change in the line followed in those early years of the nineteenth century. Concerns about social consensus and evaluations of an economic nature in fact induced both

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Leo XII (1823–1829) and Gregory XVI (1831–1846) to suppress the supervisory bodies on vaccinations. Proud opponents of the scientists’ congresses, as well as of Romanticism, these pontiffs preferred to take positions of declared neutrality on the issue. However, the fact that even if not openly opposing inoculations, the subjects, free to decide whether or not to be vaccinated, still had to bear the burden of independently seeking out the vaccinating physician and dealing with the subsequent symptoms and costs slowed down vaccination practice enormously.

The “Cholera Morbus” So it was in a context that insisted on reading the adherence to the vaccination campaign as a kind of thermometer of consent towards the authorities at the top that the first warnings of a deadly new epidemic appeared. The “Cholera Morbus,” an evil as mysterious as it was implacable, was radiating from India to England, the Arab world, Russia, the Scandinavian countries, Prussia, Austria, and France, and in 1837 it was penetrating the pope’s lands as well (Forti Messina, 1984). It is likely that Rome was then facing one of the many consequences of the ongoing globalization. Industrial revolutions, combined with those in transportation (steamships, railroads), were perhaps behind the spread of what in the region between the Ganges and Brahmaputra was an endemic disease facilitated its inexorable planetary extension (Baldwin, 1999; Williams, 2010; Bennett, 2020; Pouget, 2020; Morris, 2022). Even this time, however, the church government did not come unprepared. Thanks to the dense network of apostolic nuncios, capillary in many countries, and the efficiency of the Roman postal system, information about the impending threat had been coming in since the early 1930s, and the state leadership had remained on the alert. In the overlapping of etiological hypotheses and possible remedies for the cure of the disease, the old diatribes between epidemicists and contagionists exploded once again, failing to find agreed-upon solutions except in terms of the very vague concept of “susceptibility” (Williamson, 2007; Cadet, 2022). The circulation of medical treatises and popular pamphlets among Italian and European states documents public alarm on the one hand and the emergence of new modes of therapeutic approaches on the other (Ghirelli, L. 1831; Grimaldi, 1832; Carpi, 1835; Poggioli, 1836; Dietz, 1835, 1837).

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Faced with a potential but imminent danger that seemed to elude all attempts at analysis and prediction—the mode of transmission of the disease remained unknown—the government could do no more than activate the traditional systems of epidemic prevention previously adopted in times of plague. However, as would happen two centuries later, authorities continued to oscillate among different approaches. Inspired by the principles of epidemic theories, special sanitary commissions tried to enforce compliance with the usual measures of public hygiene on the citizenry, from the control of water and sewage to waste disposal. All the more necessary in times of environmental pollution and structural and infrastructural deficiencies in sanitation (sewers, aqueducts, roads; private homes, public buildings), however, the undertaking was far from simple. To be at all effective, the work would have required a radical overhaul of urban conditions, an action to counter, that is, destitution and the innumerable forms of housing dilapidation among the poorest classes, with an economic commitment and political will entirely alien to the socialpolitical vision of the pope and his entourage. Instead, greater decisionism marked the adoption of the measures invoked by the contagionists. In contemplation of the eventual provision of the isolation of the infected or presumed infected, seizures of contaminated goods and, in some cases, hospitalization in lazarettos, ports were closed, sanitary cordons were restored, presumably infected goods seized, and possible “anointers” were isolated. A highly authoritarian line, then, was drawn, but heedless of the opposition of wholesalers, merchants, and entrepreneurs—as well as hawkers and retailers—in fact, this nevertheless failed to fully counter the recurrence of transgression (Forti Messina, 1984, p. 435). Once again, however, it would be futile to reintroduce the distinct camps of epidemicists (liberals) and contagionists-vitalists (reactionaries) (Vovelle, 1962) to the present obsolete and scarcely convincing studies. In fact, the situation is far more complex and suffers from a lack of rigorous and focused studies. It was, however, within the framework of feverish if haphazard activism that what has been considered “the first manifesto of public hygiene ever to appear in the lands of the pope” (Bonella, 1997, p. 234) was published. Immediately thereafter, a widespread and increasingly organized sanitary network was established under the coordination of a central Congregation of Health. The body, chaired by the secretary of state and prefect of the Consulta, was composed of ten members closely linked to the government, with responsibilities extended to the administration of smallpox vaccines. The Papal State thus aligned itself

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with what was happening in other countries, where territorially based health commissions were concerned with setting up more or less capillary systems of public cleansing and providing shelters for the cholera stricken. At a time of such severe crisis, Gregory XVI’s political intransigentism and his ideological closure to so-called modernity did not entirely prevent confrontation. As early as 1832, the pope had sent a commission to France to ascertain the causes and means of spreading of the cholera epidemic that was already circulating there. The results of the work were published the following year, at government expense (Cappello and Lupi, 1833). In any case, the suggestions of one of the most prestigious members of this commission, Doctor Agostino Cappello, were not even considered, at least for the time being. Despite the fact that he was one of the most accredited authors on epidemics and cholera in particular (Cappello, 1831a, b, 1838, 1847), the rumours, albeit later denied, about his irreligiousness and Carbonara-influenced liberalism somewhat overshadowed his professionalism and his deeply held contagionist convictions. In a widely disseminated practical medical pamphlet that Secretary of State Cardinal Bernetti addressed to parish priests, the causes of cholera were rather anchored in vague principles of dampness, dirt, and hygienic deficiency (Kevin Siena, 2019). Traditional in content, the Norme e cautele da osservarsi onde prevenire qualunque emergenza contagiosa was as reassuring as ever: cholera would always be kept away thanks to the “vigorous dispositions” adopted by the “provident governments” of the peninsula. If docile and respectful of the authorities’ dispositions, the Romans could therefore remain tranquil.37

The Disease of Poverty Nevertheless, public peace was far from stable, and not only from a sanitary point of view. In the face of the provinces’ hostility to the central government (the Bologna Revolution of 1831 had erupted only three days after Pope Cappellari’s accession to the throne), the special attention given to the capital even in terms of health and sanitation proved to be

37 In Raccolta delle leggi e disposizioni di pubblica amministrazione nello Stato Pontificio, Roma, Nella stamperia della R.C.A., vol. 6, 1835, p. 62. Autor of Istruzione popolare. Mezzi per preservarsi dal cholera (Roma, Stamperia della rev. Camera apostolica, 1832) He was the Secretary of Consulta Niccolò Grimaldi.

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a further trigger of dissension, both political and social. The establishment of a specific Central Commission of Sanity for Rome (April 1832) and, later, of an Extraordinary Commission of Public Safety in Rome (September 1836) stood to demonstrate the privileges enjoyed by those who were called, not surprisingly, the “Dominant”.38 Just as in the past, during the plague epidemic, the disease thus brought about one of the greatest problems of the Papal State: synergy with the peripheries. Burdened by the centuries-old annonaria policy that favoured the capital, the papal provinces were indeed directly affected by an emergency policy aimed at offloading the costs of sanitary measures onto individual local communities. Heavy tax burdens, exacerbated by rising prices of some basic necessities, such as salt and mince, exacerbated the nefarious effects of the “cordons” on local commerce, driving large sections of the population into economic ruin and starvation. Even the option of travelling to Rome in search of food and work—a typical option for the unemployed—was blocked and the regnicoli repatriated. The epidemic crisis was serving as a “stress test” that indicated the ongoing unlinking of the bonds of trust between subjects and the sovereign pontiff. And when, in June 1836, Gamberini, on behalf of the commission of which he was a member, suspended the Senigallia Fair, one of the main fairs in the state, only the recourse to public force succeeded in restoring order among the rebels who were inciting uprisings against “the infamous court of Rome.”39 The break between population and government no longer seemed repairable. Even in the capital, the situation was no better. This can be better perceived in the fact that when close to collapse, the traditional pontifical welfare system began to rely increasingly on private support to subsidize the incipient crisis as well as on the “pity of the citizens” and the “largesse of private persons and “mirrored citizens” such as ladies, knights, shopkeepers and shopkeepers (Ordinamento, 1836, p. 35). 38 SAR, Congregazione speciale di Sanità, b. 90 (“Provvedimenti speciali per Roma”). Composed of the heads of the hospital institutions and exponents of the most notable families of the aristocracy (the Borghese princes and Clement Altieri, Pietro Odescalchi), the Extraordinary Commission of Public Safety, set up in September 1836, was not, however, directly linked to the government, to the displeasure of the Camerlengo, who, in theory, had the authority to deal with health matters: SAR, Segreteria di Stato per gli affari interni, b. 1072 (Notification of 20 September 1836). 39 Regolamento e metodo per l’attivazione dei cordoni sanitari, s.n.t prepared in August 1835.

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Faced with a budget deficit of about 40,000,000 scudi, however, appeals to the “philanthropy of the good” in favour of the less well-off, charitable funds, lotteries, or societies created “in relief of the poor orphans for cholera” could serve little purpose.40 Cholera morbus was spreading everywhere, although for months the official papal government newspaper, the “Diary of Rome,” avoided any reference to the problem. In the minute accounts of what was happening in the city, a paradigm of denial, a mute censorship burdened what was now clearly understood to be an epidemic indifferent to status and age as well as to economic, social, and physical condition. When the newspaper began to cover it—in August 1837 the crisis reached its acme, and it became unthinkable to ignore it—it was with articles denying the alarming rumours about what the Romans now called “er còllera morribus,” as if to trace that tragedy back to divine wrath, just as in the past. In fatalistic anticipation of the disease and its course, the only way forward was an incessant plea for protection from the Almighty (Preghiere, 1835). As assemblages, however, processions, prayers, and masses often ended up fostering the contagion. By August 16, 94 deaths were already counted (Corradi, vol. IV, 1880, p. 1080), although a targeted disinformation strategy nevertheless led to the discontinuation of the publication of the usual bulletins of births and deaths and the underestimation of deaths and infected41 with the hope of thus being able to somehow stem the wave of panic, individual and collective, that was invading the city. Literature of the time testifies to the climate of profound suffering of those moments, and the circulation of crude images of suffering and death it became the bearer of ended up accentuating the bewilderment of its readers (Pelagalli, 2018; Höll, 2021). Not surprisingly, there was also a revival of prophecy, following a phenomenology found in other 40 Relazione dell’opera di assistenza prestata dai Padri e Fratelli del Collegio Romano durante il colera del 1837 , Roma, PGUA, Collegio Romano, Ms. 531–4; Ordinamento per la Pia Società in soccorso dei poveri orfani pel colera, Roma, s.n.t, 1837; Report on the assets and liabilities of the Cholera Relief Society for Poor Orphans’ Relief Fund, Roma, Contedini, Tipografia Contedini,1838, 1840. Lotteria a beneficio de poveri orfani per il colera fatta in Roma nella Villa Borghese, 1838, Etching. 41 Compare the official data then published in the Statistica di coloro che furono presi dal cholera asiatico in Roma nell’anno (1837), umiliata alla Santità di Papa Gregorio XVI dalla Commissione Straordinaria di pubblica incolumità, Roma, Rev. Camera apostolica, 1838.

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periods of profound crisis—sanitary crisis in the 1750s and political crisis in the 1790s. Indeed, the cholera epidemic was presented as a just, divine scourge, heralded by superficially ignored signs. Furthermore, ominous predictions about possible impending earthquakes, floods and rains of fire ended up intensifying manifestations of collective hysteria. Where several witnesses claimed to have seen Marian images on certain roadside shrines move their eyes, some commoners began targeting doctors and foreigners, accusing them of maliciously spreading the disease (“Diary of Rome,” August 14, 19 and 22, 1837). Moreover, the almost unknown symptoms of cholera and the almost instantaneous death that sometimes followed infections (Bourdelais–Raulot, 1987) made the scientists themselves, who were incapable either of identifying the pathogens of the epidemic or of implementing targeted and, above all, effective therapies, feel inadequate. Perhaps this distrust of physicians, who were supposed to represent the health authorities par excellence but were identified with a hostile power, can be traced to the sudden interest in homoeopathy that appeared in the summer of 1837, when the first cholera deaths occurred. Ongoing research that sheds light on the subject from a social and comparative perspective, as well as a scientific-cultural perspective; it should in any case be emphasized how, before the disease reached the peak of 5400 deaths (thus the Statistic, 1838; cf. Corradi, vol. IV, 1880, p. 998), the Fatebenefratelli pharmacy was visited by clients from different walks of life interested in the alternative remedies against cholera developed by Samuel Hahnemann (Pinet, 2020). At the same time, the remedies of folk medicine, which even the governments of the early nineteenth century tried to combat, were also coming back into vogue (Bartoccini, 1985, p. 205). In that period of fear and uncertainty, which saw normal kinship and neighbourly relations shattered by fear of disease, quacks, and magicians in fact found new acceptance and massive followings. The proposal of simple healing systems and experimental potions (olive oil, camphorates, purgatives, sedatives, vinegar, lemon) originated from economic evaluations, such as the near-zero costs of some panaceas (from the application of coins on the body to physical contact with cows and oxen). Whereas physicians seemed to represent power, the law, coming from the same social circles as the people, speaking the same language as the plebs, not only garnered greater trust from the patients but also offered the assurance that they would not denounce the people, contrary to what the papal authorities prescribed. The hope of recovery was thus joined by the

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certainty of being able to evade the lazarettos, about which, Belli wrote “escheno morti / Tutti quelli che cc’entrano ammalati” (Belli, 1754). Repeatedly, the government tried to impose the laws, also banning all alarmist or seditious rumours, of whatever nature, and all opportunities for assembly (Delogu, 2022). While some were incited to join untore hunts, especially against those in the ghetto, and some did not hesitate to spread false news against the government (“Diary of Rome”, July 29, 1837; Sept. 19, 1837; Chigi, 1966, p. 115, 117–August 1837), the fear that uncontrollable messianic expectations could be stoked or, on the contrary, trigger new phenomena of collective psychosis was nevertheless combined with concerns about the possibility of politically motivated unrest. How destabilizing the presence of the crowd could prove to be is evidenced by the numerous proclamations issued on the necessary distancing, such as the prohibitive ones during Carnival.42 Covered by masks and disguises, forms of contestation against power could hardly have been better staged. A note signed by Cardinal Secretary of State Lambruschini addressed to the heads of the provinces in February 1837 proves most eloquent regarding this state of alarm: From various and not despicable sources I hear the announcement of a new political attempt at upheaval, which the liberals want to make in various parts of Europe, and especially throughout Italy. In order to set about such a detestable undertaking with the hope of succeeding, I am told that they sought news of the elements needed for the purpose, in order to proceed on the basis of calculated probability to achieve the intent. The general convenors, so far as we are told, would have approached the leaders of the covens of ‘Italy, to be informed by them, of the state and number of people on whom they can count, how many will take up arms, and how many will cooperate by other means in the revolution; whether there are enough of the said persons equipped with weapons or if these are lacking how many have the means to obtain them. […] Notes emerge from these reports, in which are given the names of six individuals for each city of the most determined to liberalism, chosen from the class of nobles and citizens, fit to lead the government of a country and a province.

42 Regarding protest signs against this prohibition, see Chigi, 1966, pp. 107–111 (January–February, May, July 1837).

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However, looting, lynching, and assaults on stores and bakeries were not the exclusive preserve of politically “hot” and distant cities such as Paris or Madrid. On the heels of the most intense outbreaks of cholera, in the late summer of 1837, Rome, too, ended up becoming the scene of raids on bakeries, weapons thefts, protests, and demonstrations by wool workers and the Stamperia Camerale. In an exchange of mutual accusations, the rebels accused the authorities of laxity, if not even of complicity, towards the disease, and the latter replied by attributing the disease to the action of liberals and Mazzinians. In public discourse, the line between sanitary and political contagion soon became increasingly blurred. Furthermore, amid the overlap of confusing news about alleged poisoners and convict uprisings, between August and September the dense network of spies and informers in the pope’s service discovered a plot to seize the fortress of Castel S. Angelo (Chigi, 1966, August 24, 1837). Abbot Coppi noted that among other bewilderments produced by cholera, some miserable sectarians deluded themselves that they could easily bring down the government. They sought followers among the lost, always willing to riot, but the scarcity of means and the intensity of the disease prevented them from finding many. Twenty were arrested at the end of August, who were sentenced to jail for some time afterwards. Others, willing to add to the tumult when it broke out, remained hidden and unpunished. Among them was one Angelo Brunetti fienaiuolo, carter and bettoliere, vulgarly known as Ciceruacchio (Chigi, 1966, p. 118, September I, 1837). After the crisis of an entirely different nature, which would feature, among others, Ciceruacchio himself, in 1854–1855 there was another wave of cholera: in August, in less than fifteen days, about twenty thousand people would leave the Urbe in a panic (Forti Messina, 1984, pp. 440–456, with tables; Sorcinelli, 1984, p. 508). The general mobilization of the previous years, aimed at launching a broad public hygiene program (“Report on the Sanitary Conditions of the Laboring Population”) to which the great European powers—including the Papal States—had adhered, was insufficient to defeat the disease, whose aetiology remained unknown. A ship from India brought cholera to England and from there, it radiated to the Continent. The spectre—one of many— of the nineteenth century had not yet been defeated. Furthermore, if medical science continued to attribute it to the most diverse causes (from the “impurity” of water and air to the “filthiness” of the poor,

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from housing promiscuity to assemblages, from poor nutrition to fear: Sorcinelli, 1984, pp. 497–499), the new pontiff Pius IX (1846–1878), for his part, advanced an equally unlikely hypotheses. The children of darkness, who in their generation are more cautious than the children of light, from day to day are striving more and more, by every deception, art and preparation, to wage a most bitter war against the Catholic Church and her saving doctrine; to distort and destroy the authority of every legitimate power; to induce to evil and corrupt the minds and souls of all; to propagate the deadly poison of indifferentism (Encyclical Apostolicae nostrae, August I, 1854). A dense calendar of religious celebrations marked those months, during which, before the dogma of the Immaculate Conception was proclaimed on December 8, 1854 (Utro, 1989; Menozzi, 2022), a museum was also set up in the Lateran Palace to house the testimonies of the Christian community of the early centuries, the Pius Christian Museum. However, in the hot years of the struggle for Italian independence, the desperate revival of Rome’s image as a Holy City seemed unconvincing or, at least, no longer credible. The pope’s dual-pronged system was no longer responding to the rhythms of history. There were now new issues and crisis looming, and Rome would have to provide new answers to these as well.

Sources and References Sources from Archive Vatican Apostolic Library = VAL VAL, Borgiani Latini, 119. VAL, Chigi, F.IV.63. Vatican Apostolic Archive = VAA VAA, Bandi sciolti, serie I, bb. 6, 7. VAA, Miscellanea, arm IV, 61. State Archive of Rome: SAR SAR, Bandi, b. 21. SAR, Camerale II, Sanità, b. 1, fascc. 1, 2. SAR, Camerale II, Sanità, bb. 4, 5. SAR, Camerale II : Sanità, b. 8, fascc. 1–2. SAR, Congregazione speciale di Sanità, b. 90. SAR, Inventario 285/II, Nomi dei giustiziati. SAR, Prefettura dell’Annona e Grascia. Copia lettere, b. 1649.

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SAR, Segreteria di Stato per gli affari interni, b. 1072 SAR, Tribunale criminale del Governatore, Processi, sec. XVII, b. 530. SAR, Tribunale Criminale del Governatore, Relazioni dei birri, b. 115. SAR, Tribunale Criminale del Governatore. Processi 1656, bb. 478, 488. SAR, Tribunale Criminale del Senatore, b. 239. Corsiniana Library, Memorie diverse di bandi, provvedimenti, risoluzioni e congregazioni Jatte in Roma nell’anno MDCLVI in tempo che in Roma vi era il male contagioso detto di buboni, ms. 34.C.6. CL, 34. C. 6. Casanatense Library, Vol. misc. 199. Pontifical Gregorian University Archives, Collegio Romano, Ms. 531–4.

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CHAPTER 4

Environmental Crisis

Introduction Why does this work include a chapter on the environment? How does the environment relate to crisis, resilience, tradition, innovation, and the interweaving of the old and new in the “Urbe”? Can we speak of crisis and resilience in this context? Did pandemics, such as the mid-seventeenthcentury plague, bring innovations and greater attention to environmental issues? The study of the environment, its history, and the relationships that humans have always built with it represents the centre of interest of a new field of contemporary historiography that saw its greatest development in the last decades of the twentieth century and led to a growing literature, including literature on Rome and its state, on epochs prior to Italian Unification. Uses of the forest, energy, specific crops such as olives, the maintenance of riverbeds such as that of the Tiber, the role of water, city decorum and cleanliness, technology and innovation, economic aspects, crisis, and responses represent a heritage and a kind of cultural baggage

Although the work is the result of constant joint collaboration, this chapter is by Donatella Strangio. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Formica and D. Strangio, Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41260-8_4

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that are important for understanding a city such as Rome, which is still one of the greenest cities in Europe. Moreover, in this chapter, we aim to understand, in order to subsequently evaluate, the extent to which an environmental problem was perceived and internalized in a city like Rome within the historical temporal context of this work, using the capacity to anticipate these kinds of issues as an indicator of the willingness to solve them. In this case, crisis is understood not only as a turning point or a particular event but also as a problem to be addressed and resolved over time.

Understanding the “Environment” It is necessary, before delving in, to frame the historiographical aspects of this field to grasp its main aspects and connections to our calendoscopic analysis of the reactions put in place by this “eternal” city. There is a historiographical heritage that inspired new studies in environmental history: from the geographical school of Vidal de la Blanche to the studies of Lucien Febvre and Marc Bloch, from the innovations of Fernand Braudel in what he called “geohistory” to the studies on climate by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie—and all this just within the field of French historiography. Undoubtedly, on a strictly historiographical level, these are the most relevant precedents that anticipated and opened up new horizons in environmental history. On a more broadly cultural level, however, one should not forget the contributions of American culture, which have not always come in the form of historiographical contributions but certainly introduce themes that will find ample development in subsequent historical research. Among these contributions were the studies and debates on wilderness, which was to be protected in the face of the advancement of urbanization and industrialization, and these discussions led to the creation of the first US national parks in history in the second half of the nineteenth century; additionally, there were the writings of pioneering figures such as George Perkins Marsh, author of the text Men and Nature (1864), rediscovered in the second half of the twentieth century. From an urban point of view, reference is made to Lewis Mumford, author of The City in the History (1961). On a strictly historiographical level, an important starting point is Marc Bloch’s work Les Caractères originaux de l’histoire rurale française (1931). As is well known, this text is universally recognized as the founding document of agricultural history, a new area in historical

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research, especially in regards to the agricultural landscape: this work inspired Emilio Sereni’s Storia del paesaggio agrario italiano (1961). In the case of Rome, among the many recent works, we note the collective volume edited by Morelli, Sonnino, and Travaglini, I territori di Roma (2002), which critically examines the environmental aspects of the Roman territory as a whole. It is also important to remember Lucien Febvre’s contributions, La Terre et l’Évolution Humaine (1922), which constitutes a sharp critique of German geographical determinism, all oriented towards restoring to men the freedom and responsibility to decide their own destiny beyond the adversities of the natural environment. Febvre also wrote a book in 1935, Le Rhin: Problèmes d’Histoire et d’Économie, making this great watercourse that crosses northern Europe a historical subject that is considered a significant novelty in the long Western historiographical tradition. As for Rome and its river, a number of new studies are contained in volumes that collect contributions from previous conferences, including the one edited by Carlo Maria Travaglini, La città e il fiume (secoli XIII–XIX) (2008) and among the most recent, Roma, Tevere, litorale—Ricerche tra passato e presente edited by Caneva, Travaglini, and Virlouvet (2017). An important innovation in the field of rivers and water, at a general level, is represented by the first edition of Fernand Braudel’s The Mediterranean (1949), a masterpiece of twentieth-century historiography that depicts the great inland sea of southern Europe as the centre of a fascinating fresco of peoples, economies, commerce, and landscapes. Last, it is worth remembering the pioneering study by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Histoire du climat depuis l’an mil (1967), which reconstructs the climate trends of some agricultural regions in France based on grape harvests over many years. This is a very original way of using archival sources that is useful for reconstructing agricultural history in order to analyze the events of a new historical subject: the climate. Of course, in the decades that followed, the climate history has benefited from much more sophisticated and systematic scientific systems than those used by Le Roy Ladurie, drawn from French monastic archives. The French Annales school of historiography, referenced in the introductory chapter of the present book, has made significant contributions to the advancement of research by uncovering previously uncharted territories and promoting a novel sensitivity towards the territories, spaces, and geographies in which human history unfolds. However, upon careful reflection on these authors today, it becomes apparent that prior to its

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establishment, they were preoccupied not with environmental history but rather with economic history. Their analysis scrutinized rivers, lands, seas, and mountains as integral components of the economic process, with humans and their productive needs, exchanges, and lifestyles remaining the primary agents. This represents a considerable step forward from the historiography of yesteryear, yet it falls short of environmental history, which examines nature independently of its economic value and utilization. Recently, Piero Bevilacqua, an eminent scholar in this field in Italy, has provided a retrospective analysis of the most pivotal stages of nature’s and the environment’s alteration in his seminal work, La terra è finita. Breve storia dell’ambiente (2006; also see 1996). His inquiry commences with the premise that the present-day environmental deterioration has far-flung, underlying causes that have led to the current situation. These causes can be traced to the ethical and religious foundations of humans’ dominion over nature, the ultimate outcome of science and technology’s dominion over nature, or more tangible and measurable factors such as the world’s population growth relative to available resources and the industrial revolution and capitalist system’s exploitation of natural resources. Therefore, there is no natural or immediate transition from Bloch and Braudel to environmental history. In between lies a profound cultural and theoretical revision, an immersion in international ecological literature, the works of Rachel Carson (1962) and Barry Commoner (1972, 1976), the philosophical thoughts of Edgar Morin (1977), the historicaltheoretical research of Hans Immler (1996), and the investigations of biodynamic agriculture that exposed the limitations of industrial agriculture. As with other areas of historical research, such as social history, the emergence of environmental history has introduced new subjects to the historical discourse, often neglected or inadequately examined. To cite a few examples, these new subjects include animals, rivers, lakes, forests, landscapes and their transformations; climate and its fluctuations; and the products and conditions of land pollution (Biasillo and Bonan, 2021, pp. 67–75). The events of these subjects must primarily be addressed within the dimension of local history, with reconstructions that privilege the relationship between populations and these fundamental elements of their habitat: lakes, forests, and lands.

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Within this framework, using such methodological references, an environmental history of Rome and its countryside as well as its river, the Tiber, helps us better understand this Urbe and how the territory and its crisis, or lack thereof, have changed, transformed, and enriched it over the centuries and are closely linked to the other areas we explore in this volume.

Decorum and Cleanliness of the Streets The starting point of this analysis is the city of Rome, the centre of the Catholic faith, which had to appear “clean” (especially during jubilees) and act as an optimal scenic backdrop for Catholicism. The need for the decorum of the city coincided with concerns of hygiene, but at the same time, it carved out a dimension of autonomous subsistence from sanitary urgencies. Literature and archival documentation highlight a slow but significant evolution present in the pontifical administration, a precise will to intervene, fuelled also by the 1656 pandemic (examined in the second chapter of this book), in the difficult sanitary conditions of Rome (Sansa, 1991, 2006a, 2006b, 2012, 2022). As Sansa (1991, p. 160) affirms, this will presupposed a perception and an awareness of the problems related to the cleanliness of the streets; to such abilities corresponded a certain faculty of foresight without which interventions in the city could not have occurred (Caracciolo, 1988, p. 29). The Presidency of the Streets was the institution responsible for these activities, and the relevant documentation is kept in the State Archive of Rome. Since the thirteenth century, there have been traces of a magistracy that dealt with the conditions of the streets, but its interventions, even in the following century, were essentially directed towards the restoration and rehabilitation of the streets and buildings. Statutes, edicts, and regulations issued by Sisto IV (1471–1484) onwards defined further competences and brought order to this area, culminating in the assertion of pontifical absolutism through the Papal Bull Immensa aeterni Dei of 1588, which defined the congregations, including the Presidency of the Streets, as permanent organs. Rome became an increasingly important centre of representation of the Catholic faith, and precise urban redevelopment projects were put into action. The draining of water from the cellars, which caused unbearable miasmas, and waste that abounded in the streets without being removed created ever-increasing criticalities, causing further problems, including

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stagnant water, and consequently creating instability in the structure of the buildings. During the seventeenth century, a series of regulations were developed, and some taxes on street cleaning were made mandatory since, in order to enforce obligations and make the service efficient, the cleaning work was contracted out to private individuals. Some professions deemed “harmful” to street cleaning, such as greengrocers and butchers, were also regulated (Sansa, 1991; about other institutions monitored by the Pontifical State, see Sansa, 1998). This also led to changes in the habits of the citizens and stray animals in Rome. In short, rather than a real crisis, we see an ever-increasing awareness of keeping the city and its people clean for a better quality of life. These repeated ordinances and legislative enactments were a constant in the years to come, a clear sign of the continuity of problems the city faced, as well as of the mutual continuity of the methods through which solutions were intended to be implemented. The increasing frequency of issuances of ordinances by the Presidency of the Streets in the last thirty years of the seventeenth century was a symptom of greater and more intense attention directed towards the capital city. The increased production of legislative instruments does not prove an increase in infringements of the prescribed norms but rather a willingness to intervene more effectively where necessary. The evolution towards a more organic and less contingent and limited practice of governance would be achieved in the eighteenth century. Two documents studied by Renato Sansa, one from 1718 and the other from 1743, highlight this change. They represent two very detailed lists that report the names of the streets, the indication of the nearby palaces where the waste collector was located, and for each of these collection points, the number of households that benefited from it. This is evidence of a change in working methods. Unfortunately, the participation of citizens, constantly sought from the first edicts, was impossible, not only in fact but also in theoretical premises. The Romans regarded the decrees of central power with suspicion. As Sansa (1991, p. 156) writes: One should have rather tried to stimulate a more spontaneous and conscious interest, less linked to the coercion of the norm. But in line with the rulers’ desire to maintain a compact and peaceful social reality in Rome,

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any hypothesis that envisaged the disintegration of this homogeneity into a myriad of self-aware individuals was perceived as a danger.

Overall, there remain other issues to be analyzed, including the assessment of the impact that an event such as the plague of 1656 may have had on the organization and action of the Presidency of the Streets, which had to provide for the hygiene of the city. As the plague spread (a period widely examined in Chapter 3) and in the immediate aftermath, the energies of the governmental structure were directed towards the creation of a new magistracy, the Congregation of Health, tasked with addressing the most pressing needs imposed by the situation. Therefore, it was not the Presidency of the Streets that was most solicited by the new health emergencies but a new office that acted to prevent the spread of contagion, adopting the medical knowledge of the time (see Chapter 3).

Water and Fountains The management of water resources posed a significant engineering challenge in the context of Rome’s challenging geographic terrain. When an aqueduct was being designed, the quality of the water was examined first, followed by an evaluation of the obstacles along the route. It is rather doubtful that the lead pipes poisoned people, as they were soon covered with insulating calcareous deposits, and the water never stagnated inside them. Special attention was needed regarding calcareous deposits, a problem that the Romans never fully resolved. What was unique about Rome’s water supply was the specialization of the numerous aqueducts that the popes inherited from imperial Rome. In addition to the numerous springs that continued to be used, as Paolo Buonora (2008, p. 327) wrote, the Appia Claudia and Anio Novus aqueducts were the backbone of the water supply to the ancient city, being the major suppliers of both private and public water services. The various aqueducts showed marked specialization in both function and space. Some waters had a broad distribution, such as Marcia for drinking water and Tepula and Julia for more general purposes, while others made concentrated distributions to a smaller number of users, particularly public waters, such as Vergine and Anio Vetus . Regarding the situation of the water supply in Rome before the restoration of the Renaissance aqueducts, we first note the continuity with the

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ancient system (Frontini, 2014). Only the Vergine aqueduct continued to partially function, mainly because its conduit was buried and not subject to damage from the elevated structures above it and because it carried noncalcified water, therefore requiring less intense maintenance. There is also a purely literary myth about the drinkability and healthiness of the waters of the Tiber that arose due to the need of Julius III (1550–1555) to absolve himself from reproach for having diverted part of the Vergine water for private purposes (Antinori, 2008, pp. 227–230). However, the restoration of the Vergine aqueduct made sense as part of an urban project to build monumental fountains and distribute water in the central neighbourhoods of Rome. The Felice aqueduct, which captured the springs of Alessandrina water, was also wholly new and not built from earlier Roman constructions. Another original aspect of the modern network was the preservation of the new conduits through a systematic paving of streets and squares, organically integrated with the ancient network of sewers and drains from ancient times. In summary, it can be said that modern-age popes restored more sewers than aqueducts of ancient Rome. The Acqua Paola hydraulic system was developed gradually over time, as reported by Buonora (2008, p. 332), but the original purpose of the project was clear: to shift the centre of gravity of milling activity from the Marrana and river mills to the Acqua Paola mills and from the ancient guilds to a new state-protected enterprise. This was only achieved in the second half of the eighteenth century, but the purpose of the enterprise was to provide energy, not to ‘quench the thirst’ of the people of Trastevere. One element that the Paola hydraulic system had in common with the ancient system was the drop distribution involving successive ‘castles’ and delivery by calibrated mouths, measured according to the calibre of the fistulas, without the velocity parameter, which was not measurable at the time (Maffioli, 1994; Buonora, 2001, pp. 103–123). It was not until the nineteenth century that a reliable evaluation was carried out, which showed that the fistulas of the Acque Felice and Acque Paola had a higher flow rate at the same cross section than the Acqua Vergine. An equal distribution between users was thus ensured by compensating for the difference in flow with a difference in the calibre of the fistulas or the price per ounce of water. In practice, an ounce of Vergine cost half that of an ounce of Felice or Paola. Regarding the long-term persistence of the system, consider that a modern assessment gave Frontin’s Roman quinaria a value of 0.48 litres

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per second, an amount of water surprisingly similar to that of the modern Roman ounce. As Buonora (2008, p. 333) wrote: Judging whether it is restoration or innovation is a problem that reappears later, at the time of Rome’s capital, regarding the Pia/Marcia water, since the structure and operation of the new plant were completely different from the ancient ones.

The new Marcio aqueduct, built at the end of the nineteenth century, was the first to use cast iron pressure pipes to overcome elevation differences. It was only in the twentieth century, when the papal aqueducts came under municipal management and were downgraded to irrigation or nonpotable water use, that the city of Rome regained the water supply source that had allowed the birth of the “ancient Mediterranean metropolis” and that now enables the demographic growth of the capital of Italy. From the Apennines then came to Rome, after Pia/Marcia water, Peschiera water, and then that of Capore (Libertati Silverio and Pisani Sartorio, 1986, pp. 296–304; Buonora and Vaquero Piñeiro, 2008, p. 167). The restoration of the aqueducts carried out by the popes was characterized by the abandonment of the karst mountain: the popes were content with the springs along the Collatina road (Acqua Vergine), the smaller mountain groups of the Castelli Romani (Acqua Felice), and the large volcanic reservoir of Bracciano (Acqua Paola). Regarding the importance of energy supply for the mills, although some ancient ones existed in the same places where the popes rebuilt new ones, only in the mediaeval and modern cities did a true system of hydraulic factories appear, and only in the city of the popes did the mills play a primary role in the origins and development of a hydraulic system. As we will see in the next paragraph concerning the Tiber River as it ran through Rome, in the first half of the nineteenth century, there were attempts to find new sources of hydraulic energy, old and new conflicts among guilds, and, ultimately, the inevitable but belated and inadequate recourse to steam power. Rome never made the leap in quality that would have allowed it, by working all the large amount of wool produced in the Roman countryside, to gain a prominent place in the textile industry of central Italy (Buonora and Vaquero Piñeiro, 2008, p. 164). Moreover, by calculating the available power of all existing plants at the time based on data provided at the end of the century by the Hydrographic Map

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of the Italian Ministry of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce (1892, pp. 28–73), a scenario compatible with the orders of magnitude presented by Malanima for water wheels in modern times is obtained (Malanima, 1996, p. 108; see also Caracciolo and Morelli, 1996; Pagnotta, 2020). Therefore, Rome’s “blocked development” from an industrial perspective is not simply a matter of the availability of hydraulic energy. The close connection among domestic, irrigation, and energy water supply was maintained even when Rome, as we will also see in the next paragraph, regained an abundance of water from the Apennine Mountains, first with the Marcia-Pia water and then with the Peschiera aqueduct. As Buonora (2008) argues, in the long run, the Roman case would essentially fall within the typology of cities linked to the Mediterranean karst mountains described by Crouch (1993). Episodes of water emergency also show that in Rome’s case, it was sometimes necessary to resort to directly using Tiber water. However, these episodes were related to moments of crisis, which were later overcome. The construction of public fountains, which were connected by a network of flowing water pipes, allowed for a process of development largely dependent on the ineliminable function of water in its various uses, from public and semipublic ones that characterized key spaces of the urban fabric to private uses (Palmerio, 2008, pp. 373–393; Di Marco, 2008, p. 293). Over 150 years after the Sistine project, in September 1748, Knight Filippo Raguzzini, an architect of the Roman people, designed a plan for the distribution of the Felice water of the Capitoline Hill to the public fountains of the Capitoline Camera, with detailed descriptions of the installations and their uses (Pasquali, 1991, pp. 301–311; Di Marco, 2008, p. 293). Raguzzini, in addition to designing the distribution of Felice water to public fountains, also took care of the maintenance of the municipal water network. Between 1745 and 1748, he directed important cleaning and replacement works of the terracotta pipes with lead, which was more resistant and durable than the materials previously used. However, despite these actions, water pressure continued to be a problem, and frequent drops in pressure were recorded (Di Marco, 2008, p. 295). In 1736, Raguzzini carried out measurements in Pantano, which highlighted the loss of over 400 ounces of water caused by the precariousness of the walls of the cameral barrel and the loss of water through the seal (Di Marco, 2008, p. 297). The administration was therefore forced to focus on the maintenance of the urban network and to identify radical solutions

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to be implemented at the source in collaboration with state authorities. In 1748, as mentioned, Raguzzini drew up a plan to rationalize maintenance operations and to develop a synthetic tool to understand all the ramifications of the water network and contribute to avoiding waste and disputes. Buonora (2008, p. 334) has written how the case of the water supply in Rome represents a late adaptation to the general model of the hydraulic system of central Italy (Buonora, 1994). This delay can be attributed to several factors: the limited population, the character of the centre being oriented mainly towards political and financial functions rather than manufacturing, the geographical complexity of the context, and the compensation in terms of the location of productive settlements that were separated and distant from the urban form but, in their functions, closely integrated with the economic life of the city.

The (Tiber) Tevere The regulation of river transport was entrusted to the Presidency of the Ripe, a magistracy created in the mid-sixteenth century to replace the remote institution of the Comites riparum (Nardi, 1979; Comune di Roma Ufficio speciale Tevere e litorale, 1986), together with other primary attributions, including extensive civil and criminal powers such as causes arising from and connected to the commerce exercised on the Tiber. In the past, Rome was frequently flooded; often, only low-lying areas of the city were submerged, causing limited damage. The frequency of these floods, almost ordinary, was essentially due to deficiencies in the sewer system (which we will not discuss in this book) and the large inflow of groundwater into the city, for example, due to the impressive presence of ancient thermal baths and, still today, to the large number of fountains (as described above). Floods caused by the river overflowing its banks, on the other hand, were a different matter; they were violent and often caused significant damage to people and buildings (see Enzi, 2006, pp. 13–20). As for the natural causes of these floods, their seasonal distribution shows the characteristics of forcing factors: the months of highest recurrence were November and December due to thaw and increased precipitation. In the sixteenth century, the incessant occurrence of extreme events, not only in the Tiber area, indicated the incipient

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climatic change towards a colder period, which generally ended at the beginning of the nineteenth century. How were these crisis or the “continual” critical situations addressed? Natural factors were accompanied by anthropic risk factors, highlighted by technicians as early as the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. One of the conditions that favoured flooding was the presence of obstacles that the floodwaters encountered along their course in Rome (as described in the preceding paragraph). In different centuries, the river was obstructed to varying degrees by the debris of buildings and bridges, as well as the densification of buildings along the banks, piled up on previous foundations. The narrowing of the riverbed to build the parks of sixteenth-century patrician villas also altered the hydrological regime of the Tiber as it passed through the city. Debris accumulated against the bridges and, to a greater extent, during exceptional floods, would become trapped, creating ‘natural’ dams that blocked the flow (Aristone and Palazzo, 2012, pp. 346–362). In the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries, the bridges located along the course of the river from upstream to downstream were Milvio, Sant’Angelo, Sisto, and the two on Tiber Island (as well as the Ponte Rotto, already in ruins). When Sisto IV (1471–1484) decided to build the bridge that bears his name (where previously there was a Roman bridge, the Aurelian or Valentinian bridge) in anticipation of the Jubilee of 1475, only three “grain mills” were usable, a testament to the degradation and contraction of urbanization that Rome had undergone. Even in the mid-eighteenth century, the course of the river was slowed down by the ruins of the Trionfale and Sublicio bridges, both from imperial times, which engineers Andrea Chiesa and Bernardo Gambarini suggested the removal of (1746). In the mid-seventeenth century, there were twelve grain mills along the urban stretch of the river: Ripetta, Santo Spirito, S. Angelo, S. Giuliano and Stella (Trastevere); Annunziata and S. Maria (Isola Tiberina); S. Giuseppe, S. Francesco, and S. Giacomo (Ponte Rotto); and S. Andrea and S. Pietro (Ghetto). Three mills were swept away in the flood of 1647, and others were swept away in that of 1660. In 1744, Bernardino Bernardini, in a description of the Roman districts reorganized by Pope Benedict XIV (1740–1758), cites fourteen mills on the river, mostly the same as those in the past century: one was missing in the Ghetto, while there were two at Ponte Sisto and three on Isola Tiberina. Only two were left on Ponte Rotto, and three were left between Ponte Sisto and

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Ponte Quattro Capi. Despite being recognized as dangerous in the event of a flood, their importance in the Roman economy and the influence of the Corporation of Millers1 (see Chapter 5 for the importance of grain) were such that they were allowed to be rebuilt and even new mills were constructed (Buonora and Vaquero, 2008, pp. 160–161). At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the traditional monopoly of river mills and the Marrana, along with the Corporation of Millers, was not yet in crisis. Water emergencies led to seeking external sources of energy, such as Tivoli, as in the past.2 However, from the mid-century on, the development process became clearly perceptible, so that starting in 1747, the manoeuvres of the miller and baker corporations were blocked by the granting in perpetuity of the Gianicolo mill to the nobleman Sampieri, who immediately also installed a paper mill and a wire mill there, the latter of which, over the years, remained the only metallurgical plant in the city.3 This marked the beginning of a process of development of private plants that over the next fifty years, definitively displaced the monopoly of the old land and river mills. By the early nineteenth century, the presence of mills on the river was now secondary. Not insignificant, speaking of encumbrances, was the centuries-old use, although repeatedly prohibited by authorities, of dumping any kind of waste into the river. The problem of having to clean the riverbed of debris and ruins has always been a constant in the history of the Tiber (Tevere). Table 4.1 reports the times the Tiber flooded with a flow rate higher than 16 metres from the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, the serious consequences of which were partly due to the debris in the riverbed. Extraordinary floods occurred in 1702, 1742, 1750, 1772, and 1780 (Enzi, 2006, p. 18; see also Canevari, 1872; Carcani, 1875; Celani, 1895; Brioschi, 1876; Frosini, 1997; Grifi, 1837, 1838). The first three, below 16 metres in Ripetta, only caused flooding in the low-lying areas of Rome. There is no record of the level of the other floods. In 1706, after the

1 There exists a wide-ranging literature on the economic and social function of corpo-

rations, and for deeper analysis, Travaglini (1999) (specifically with regard to Rome) is recommended. For a more general understanding, Mocarelli, 2008 (including the reference list), Epstein and Prak (2008), Ogilvie (2011), and Cerrito (2015, pp. 225–249), are also useful resources. 2 SAR, Presidenza dell’Annona, b. 1980, fasc.1. 3 SAR, Camerale II, Commercio and Industria, b. 9 and Camerale II, Molini, b. 35.

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Table 4.1 The most significant floods of the Tiber above 16 metres between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries Day, month, and year of the floods

Flood height

23 January 1606 22 February 1637 7 December 1647 5 November 1660

18,27 17,55 16,41 17,11

2 February 1805 10 December 1846

16,42 16,41

28 December 1870

17,22

Notes

The flood is mentioned in the book “Il Tevere Incatenato,” written by Abbot Filippo Maria Bonini, who witnessed it This flood occurred a few months after the election of Pius IX. It is interesting to note that in the year of his death, 1878, Rome was again hit by a flood—this time, of 15.37 metres Following this flood, King Vittorio Emanuele II arrived in Rome by train from Florence on December 31, 1870, visiting the city for the first time. This flood is memorialized by the greatest number of plaques

three floods in the preceding years, Clement XI (1700–1721) commissioned Engineer Bordoni to regulate the waters of the Tresa, which fed into the Chiana.4 In 1744, following the 1742 event, the river was levelled from the mouth of the Nera to the sea, and the altitude of the riverbed was surveyed by the engineers Chiesa and Gambarini. In this case, experts also identified the cause of the overflow as the obstacles encountered by the river along its urban stretch. They suggested solutions such as moving the “mills” upstream of Rome, eliminating the remains of destroyed bridges and repairing the others, and “removing other obstacles, and mainly the islet at the beginning of the two branches that form the island of San Bartolomeo.” They considered other solutions such as embankments, arranging the chutes, and diverting the water, even if that meant rendering it useless. These proposals were also not implemented. The sandbar (indicated in some ancient maps) was visible upstream, especially during low water periods, until 1788 when a flood eliminated it (Buonora, 2001). In 1763, Clement XIII (1758–1769) had the Tiber 4 The measured level refers to the “Ripetta zero,” which corresponds (with some approximation) to sea level.

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riverbed cleaned to facilitate navigation. Nine years later, in 1772, under Clement XIV (1769–1774), the river overflowed again in low-lying areas; the flood of 1780 was even more serious. Pius VI (1775–1799) provided aid to the poor with boats. In 1781, daily measurements began under the supervision of the Observatory of the Collegio Romano, always at Ripetta; the levels of the floods were marked on the two columns of travertine that adorned the port. This function was later passed on to a real hydrometer, placed under the direction of the engineer Linotte in 1821. In 1791, under the pontificate of Pius VI (1775–1799), a subterranean canal of the Tiber was dug according to the design of the architect Natale Marini; the work previously considered impractical due to the presence of ancient building remains underground. The causes of the floods were essentially known: in addition to meteorological factors, essentially intense rainfall during periods of underground water saturation, the anthropic factors analyzed here were also impactful. However, despite the variety and number of expert reports on ‘remedies’, it seems that until the construction of the embankments, begun in 1870, very few of these remedies were implemented, at least in the urban area; interventions were indeed carried out in the hydrography of the river basin, but in the city, there seemed to be too many conflicting interests at play. Interfering with the urban fabric of Rome to dig canals or simply widen the riverbed was a very delicate and costly enterprise that often infringed on the interests of powerful families. The most significant works undertaken by the popes over the centuries examined were the restructuring of the ports of Ripa Grande and Ripetta and the widening of the moats of the Castel S. Angelo. Additionally, works were carried out to improve the banks and bridges, interventions that were sometimes significant from an urbanistic and architectural point of view but irrelevant from a hydraulic perspective. Reading numerous chronicle sources and various contemporary reports reveals that the opinions of experts were almost always conflicting and assigned no guarantee of the actual usefulness of committing massive sums of money and implementing significant urban revolutions. Even in the case of seemingly more trivial interventions, such as the removal or relocation of mills, the theories that attributed to them a precise and strong responsibility for floods did not prevail for centuries over corporate interests or the real fear that a reduction in milling activity would create problems for the city’s economy.

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What emerges is that the most recurrent measure taken by the competent authorities was to decree the cleaning of debris and waste from the riverbed, letting the river follow its course, both literally and figuratively. The resilience of the city is evident, given its response with cautious policies that accommodate Roman tradition and popular superstitions, which are tolerated by the papal government precisely to maintain the balance between old and new, between privileges and necessities in response to crisis and critical situations and to maintain systematic social peace.

Wood and the “Swamp Economy” Braudel wrote that forest wealth does not exist unless it is incorporated into the economy through the presence of a crowd of intermediaries: shepherds who bring their flocks there (not just herds of pigs to search for acorns), woodcutters, charcoal makers, transporters, and an entire wild and free population whose profession consists of the exploitation, use, and long-term destruction of the forest (Braudel, 1993, p. 334). In this regard, Sansa’s work (2003) outlines a historical economic framework for Rome and its state, highlighting that the forest appeared to be a resource in rapid decline. What critical issues, resilience, and responses have been put in place regarding this delicate and strategic sector for Rome? The consciousness of an environmental urgency manifested in its various aspects, hydrogeological balance, and supply of fuel and material for construction, quickly established itself in various sectors of Roman society. How did the social actors involved in the use of this strategic economic resource at the time react? The behaviours put into action by forest users in the face of attempts at interference by the government organs of the Urbe tried to impose more organic methods of supply, in accordance with the indications coming from the nascent science of forestry. From the dialectic between state authorities, timber merchants, and local communities arises a social picture of extreme liveliness, marked by a climate of profound conflict. The social and economic tensions underlying the use of the resource, the intense confrontation between conservation and protection demands and the request for freer use for commercial purposes give a historical and social picture of Rome as very active, in line with the major cities of the time.

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The current approach aims to integrate the economic and environmental values of natural resources in order to ensure their sustainable use for the benefit of present and future generations. This rethinking has also developed thanks to the consideration that the use of forest resources has not always been indiscriminate and destructive but has often been regulated by customary and institutional norms that have favoured the sustainable use of the forest. For example, in many traditional societies, the use of forest resources was regulated by customs that involved respect for certain harvesting cycles, the use of low-impact harvesting techniques, and the limitation of harvesting to the needs of the local community. In addition, in many regions, access to forest resources was regulated by common use rights (e.g., the right to firewood) that prevented the private appropriation of resources and favoured the sustainable use of the forest. Before the Unification, Rome and its state attempted to plan the exploitation of forest resources compatible with their renewal (Sansa, 1994, pp. 133–149; 1995, pp. 24–28; 1996, pp. 141–162; 2019); moreover, the exploitation of forest resources is not simply the result of a logic of indiscriminate exploitation but rather the result of a complex interweaving of social, economic, political, and environmental factors that have acted in a synergistic way. However, as demonstrated by the more recent studies of Van Bath (1972) and Abel (1976), it remains relevant today (Malanima, 2000, pp. 193–196) that the sustainable use of forest resources is not only possible but also desirable and can be promoted by policies of integrated natural resource management and agrarian reform that promote the participation of local communities in resource management and decision-making processes. In recent years, the forest has been the focus of intense studies, such as the Datinian Week of 1995 and the two monographic issues of Quaderni Storici (Moreno et al., 1982; Moreno, 1986), which presented a series of contributions with a marked inclination to experiment with new investigation technologies, attentive to valorising specific case studies and breaking away from the usual generalizations of political and economic historiography. However, between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it does not appear that the efforts made by the papal authorities to achieve the optimal use of the forest resource were successful. The complex dynamics at play among legislators, merchants, and local communities dragged on without a solution until the area’s annexation by the Kingdom of Italy, to

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the detriment of the integrity of the forests subjected to intense erosion (Sansa, 2003, 2004). In terms of what is relevant for this book, the peculiar legislation of the civic uses, which will not be discussed in this context, highlights the centrality of the forest and its importance for the various uses and sources necessary for the life of the capital; however, Rome had to mediate the use of this resource, existing a crossroads of different interests among the communities, contractors, and all actors involved between the criticality and fragility of these relationships that, once again, highlighted the resilience of a city accustomed to finding the necessary equilibria to survive. The fuel supply for the city of Rome represented one of the most important aspects of the capital’s trade, so much so that attentive legislation reserved the forests located within 12 miles from the Tiber for the city’s supply as early as the seventeenth century. The purpose of such legislation was twofold: on the one hand, it aimed to ensure a constant availability of firewood and charcoal, and on the other hand, it aimed to guarantee that logging did not cause hydrogeological disturbances in the Tiber basin. Additionally, as the conversion of woods into crops within 12 miles was prohibited, except in exceptional cases, the capital’s supply system also served as a regulator of the Tiber hydrogeological basin, on which the barges carrying firewood, faggots, and charcoal travelled to the city. The link between fuel supply and the protection of hydrogeological balances was emphasized by the fact that only one institution, the Presidency of the Riverbanks, had competence over both the issues concerning the river and those concerning the timber trade. The owners of the papal woods were required to cut them on a nine-year cycle, providing the presidency with an allocation of the cut and an indication of the amount of timber obtained. With this system, it was hoped to keep the supply of the capital under control by directly acting on the intended use of a vast portion of territory in direct contact with the river. The eighteenth century was escaped the exceptional floods that had characterized the previous centuries, as mentioned in the preceding section. Although it is not possible to establish any strict causal relationship, it does not seem unreasonable to hypothesize a connection between the greater control exercised over the territory through the system of “assegne,” which, from the end of the seventeenth century, became a containment regime for the Tiber’s torrents (Sansa, 2001, 2006c; Colzi, 2006; D’Errico and Palazzo, 2008).

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Robert Allen argues that energy supply crisis was a local crisis linked to the availability of raw materials near urban markets and transportation costs (Allen, 2003, p. 471). According to his thesis, in certain rapidly expanding urban markets, such as London, price increases occurred due to the removal of supply areas (Allen, 2003, p. 473). The price increase, driven by urban demand, simply demonstrated that the price system was functioning as expected, not that there was a general environmental crisis (Allen, 2003, p. 474). For instance, the “wood crisis,” which was also significant for Rome, particularly its thriving business in Allumiere, as we will see below, was too broad a category that included various situations that were very different from one another, as shown by Winfried Schenk’s analysis (1996) of the different historical-vegetational types present in Germany in the mid-eighteenth century. In the Roman territory, the regulation of the cutting of tall trees dates back to the eighteenth century, with the edict of Cardinal Boncompagni Ludovisi in 1789, which limited the jus lignandi and subjected the cutting of forests to papal authorization. Subsequently, in 1805, an edict of Cardinal Consalvi reiterated the previous regulations and was considered the law pertaining forests. The provisions focused on regulating the quantity of wood to be put on the market and on prohibiting cutting in favour of cereal crops, wood, fascines, and charcoal. These regulations were very detailed regarding production, transportation, storage, and commercialization. Between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the demands of urban markets gradually replaced those of local uses in terms of the exploitation of forest resources. However, urban consumption was not the only factor affecting the environmental balance of forests (Friz, 1972; 1980; Allen, 2003; Alfani and Mocarelli, 2012). The pressure exerted by local communities also played an important role in the transformation of the ecological framework (Pagnotta, 2020). In the Papal State during the nineteenth century, there did not seem to be widespread fires, resulting in a reduction of crisis in this area. However, there is evidence of practices regarding the conscious use of fire to allow the cultivation of cereals within the forest itself. These were peasant practices known by the authorities, who tolerated the practices by subjecting them to certain controls (Sansa, 2003, pp. 141–163; 2000, 2009). In the case of fires that completely destroyed the forest canopy, the authorities sold the remains of the combustion (Sansa, 2003, p. 152). This is a

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sign of the high value achieved by forest products on the markets, which discouraged nonremunerative uses of the forest. The situation was therefore one of unstable balances. During the nineteenth century, the pressure on forest resources in the territory of the Roman state continued to increase, particularly due to population growth and the unauthorized cultivation of forestland. This led to a gradual erosion of forest cover and an increased risk of hydrogeological instability. However, in some areas, such as the forests of the Bolognese Apennines, the balance between commercial interests and customary practices managed to endure thanks to continuous negotiation. In any case, the management of forest resources remained a topic of great relevance for the Pontifical authorities until the annexation of the Pontifical State by the Kingdom of Italy (Sansa, 2003, pp. 266–267). Fragile relationships are also found in environments adjacent to the forest, the “macchia” of Terracina, a territory south of Rome. It is interesting to note how the “macchia” of Terracina represented an important economic resource for the local community of the time, which was able to exploit it in various activities such as the production of timber and coal, the renting of pastures, and fishing in the lakes (Palermo, 1995). This demonstrates how the relationship between humans and nature was very different from that today, where natural resources are often excessively exploited without taking into account the long-term consequences. Furthermore, it is interesting to note how the local community used the revenues from the “macchia” to support its own economy, demonstrating a prudent management of the available resources (Pagnotta, 2012). The management of the “macchia” of Terracina was regulated through specific regulations starting in the eighteenth century. Furthermore, the link between the “macchia” and the economic activities of the region up to Rome, such as livestock farming and herding, was so strong that maintenance and protection were fundamental to ensure the long-term sustainability of these activities (Pagnotta, 2001, 2006, 2012). The Community Statute guaranteed the right to purchase land in the “lestre” in proportion to the amount of livestock owned.5 As with all other pontifical forests that were important for locals or for the state, their

5 SAR, Camerale III, Comunità di Terracina b. 2311 sd.

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maintenance and protection were well defined. Several regulations were issued in the eighteenth century to regulate the uses of the “macchia”.6 If we analyze the community contracts, we note an increase in revenues throughout the eighteenth century; it was, therefore, an economy with a positive trend. As is known, local communities did not collect revenues directly but rented them to contractors who advanced them a defined sum that they paid to the governing body of the State of Rome, the Reverenda Camera Apostolica, which was reimbursed by the proceeds. Similarly, for Terracina, these sources of income were typical of the local communities of the time, classified into patrimonial revenues (forests, lands, estates, mills), concessions of licences, tolls, and fiscal and judicial collections. The latter were low, unlike patrimonial revenues, which were the most substantial, such as those of licences. In both of these categories, the items related to the “macchia” were significant; this situation was a driving factor in the local economy of the marsh (Palermo, 1995; Strangio, 1999). The local inhabitants did not have the economic or cultural capacity to modify the intervention plans of central authorities but expressed their hostility and practised boycotts. This led to the failure of reclamation attempts, not only for technical reasons but also due to the opposition of local residents, including that of Pio VI at the end of the eighteenth century (Rocci, 1995). However, despite efforts to protect the territory, the “macchia” of Terracina has often been hit by fires, frequently caused by agricultural cultivation activities in the San Vito area. These events can be considered a manifestation of the difficult balance between human activity and the natural environment of the region. Terracina mainly communicated with the world by sea. For timber, also transported by ships, there were two collection points on the beach where it was stacked, counted, and then shipped: one in front of Lake Caprolace and the other beyond the Circeo promontory in Badino.7 According to archival documents, there were no destinations for the commercialized wood other than Rome at this time, but it is known that most of the wood was sold to the Kingdom of Naples, which, despite

6 SAR, Camerale III, Comunità di Terracina b. 2309; SAR, Bandi bb. 53, 92. 7 SAR, Buon Governo, series I, b. 158.

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owning many forests in its territories, saved on transportation costs by buying from the Pontine area (Gregorovius, 1995, p. 172). The care of the forest also involved checking the situation of the water present beneath its vegetation. If a damp area was considered detrimental, it was purified of stagnant water and used for cultivation with a lease contract that included provisions to maintain the small plot of land for a certain number of years.8 However, this model led to the destruction of the natural environment and loss of biodiversity. According to Luciano Palermo, the problem of the Pontine marshes was solved in the twentieth century thanks to the centralized and totalitarian state model of the fascist government (Palermo, 1995: 445–448). Since then, the place’s name has changed from Pontine Marshes to Agro Pontino.

Tolfa Alum Alum discovered in the Tolfa Mountains was a great source of wealth for the Papal State for three centuries. It was useful in the textile industry of Western Europe (especially as a mordant to fix colours, particularly in wool dyeing and leather tanning but also for glass production and miniature painting on parchment). Ait and Didier (2021, p. 423) wrote that it became the paradigm of a raw material around which a commercial monopoly was organized at the end of the Middle Ages. In the Middle Ages, alum was mainly produced in Asia Minor, where large deposits of alunite were found. The conquest of Asia Minor by the Turks under Mehmed II in the mid-fifteenth century created difficulties in supplying alum to the first European textile companies. Among the merchant entrepreneurs involved in this sector, a certain Giovanni di Paolo di Castro (Caravale, 1979, p. 225) was forced to abandon his alum industry in Asia Minor. He returned to his mother’s homeland, northwest of Rome, near the Tolfa Mountains, and observed that the soil had mineral characteristics similar to those from which alum was extracted in Turkey. Giovanni di Paolo di Castro extracted the mineral, had it analyzed, conducted extraction tests, and observed that it was possible to obtain good quality alum. He then proposed to the pope that an industry to compete with the Turks be established. Pius II (1458–1464) immediately understood the importance of the enterprise and entrusted him

8 SAR, Bandi, Editti b. 147.

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with a monopoly of production and trade, reserving a tax on the alum produced. The only major competitor for Rome was the Kingdom of Naples, which produced alum by recovering crystals from the Pozzuoli solfatara. In 1470, Pope Paolo II (1464–1471) and Ferdinand II of Naples signed an agreement to regulate the production and sale of alum for 25 years, creating a true “monopolistic multinational.” Subsequently, the popes managed to secure the closure of the Pozzuoli mine in order to operate in Tolfa under conditions of absolute monopoly. In April 1465, Paul II imposed a requirement upon Christians throughout Europe, under the penalty of excommunication, to use only papal alum. The underlying motivation was that the revenues from alum taxes would be used to finance a major crusade against the Turks. With this export tax on a raw material obtained under a monopoly, the popes obtained profits through more or less the same logic as today’s oilexporting countries. However, there was soon a political and economic reaction from some countries in Northern Europe, especially England and the Netherlands, as they were strong consumers of alum who did not want to submit to this monopoly and sought alternative sources. This monopoly was considered so important by the popes that the “sin” of using other alum than that of the pope excluded those who could be forgiven in exchange for payment, provided by the indulgence of 1517 by Leo X (1513–1521). Meanwhile, the Chigi family succeeded the Di Castro family in the management of the mines and collection of taxes on behalf of the pope. Among them, Agostino Chigi reorganized the production of alum with more modern industrial criteria. In Tolfa, workers and technicians were attracted and forgiven for crimes they had committed, and soon the population of the town increased. To avoid continuous conflicts between immigrant workers and Tolfa residents, the Chigi built a “new town,” a modern-style industrial city, a few kilometres away (Ait and Modigliani, 2022a, pp. 1–60 and 2022b).9 9 In Renaissance Rome, the capital of Christianity and a centre of international economy, a Sienese merchant-banker accredited at the papal court showed a spirit of industrial capitalism previously unknown. As the sole person responsible for granting the production and commercialization of Tolfa alum, he implemented a centralized managerial system whose strengths lay in its sense of responsibility, attention to the production process, and desire for perfection. As a demanding and determined master, he imposed specific work times and sought new mines to increase the productive capacity of the alum mines and maximize profits, showing keen attention and care in managing the workforce (Ait and Modigliani, 2022, p. vii; see also Ait, 2014). Between the centre of Tolfa and the

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Tolfa was not the only production site, and approximately a dozen alum mines along the Tyrrhenian coast, from Tuscany to Sicily, were active; however, it should be noted that they were not exploited with the same intensity and results as the papal quarries. The management of the mines, the production of alum, the transportation of the raw material to the loading ports, and trade represent the main stages of a chain, essentially driven by business companies, namely, industrial and commercial companies. The activity of these companies depended largely on the policies implemented in the various states, primarily by the popes. However, the number and variety of actors involved highlight the existence of an alum commercial network. Despite some attempts, it appears that it was difficult to control all phases of the chain so that the raw materials could reach the markets. The description of the technology used for the extraction and processing of Tolfa alum between 1530 and 1765 suggests substantial technological stagnation (Delumeau, 1962). However, this view may be influenced by stereotypes and secondary sources that do not take into account some significant innovations, such as the introduction of gunpowder and the use of a hydraulic machine. Moreover, it is possible that the contractors developed strategies and tactics to deal with the difficulties that arose in managing the quarries and furnaces. It is interesting to note how even in a sector considered traditional and conservative, such as the extraction and processing of alum, there were attempts at innovation and responding to difficulties. The case studied by Morelli (1996a, pp. 3–20) regarding a contractor named Fortunato Gangalandi demonstrates how innovation was linked not only to technological progress but also to the ability to think creatively and find effective organizational solutions. Approximately forty years before Agostino Chigi’s intervention, the area between the current towns of Allumiere and Tolfa already had a couple of alum extraction sites equipped with initial processing equipment. These sites were located near the old road to Tolfa and a short distance from the water sources and forests that were essential natural resources for the production process. The site of La Bianca, where one of the first settlements for alum processing was

present-day hamlet of La Bianca, an old road connection was already in use, which can be identified as the modern-day Via Annibal Caro 7. Along this route, between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Sughera and Cibona churches were built with their adjacent convents (Passigli, 2022, p. 22).

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established, is located south of the current town of Allumiere on a slope where traces of the first quarries and some wall remains dating back to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are still visible at an altitude of 633 metres. Another site was that of the Trinità quarries, which were located a mile from Allumiere: as reported by the cartography of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, there were three quarries depicted with their respective names, Cavetta, Cava Grande, Cava Vecchia, with the equipment for stone firing and areas for crystallization. Small settlements arose near Cavetta and Cava Grande. The site enjoyed an abundant water supply from a nearby ditch and from a nearby stretch of ancient aqueduct that directed water from the hills of Allumiere to Civitavecchia. Precisely at the site of the facilities, a few decades later, the water would be channelled to form an artificial basin depicted in an eighteenth-century plan signed by architect Francesco Navone (Passigli, 2022, p. 76). In Cingolani’s presentation, as well as in the clauses of the fifth- and sixth-century contracts, the prohibition of the contractor of the alum company cutting firewood in the woods of the estate remained in force, as this resource was reserved for building construction. This is precisely why the forest of Sbroccati had to remain intact for a long time. The nineteenth-century cadastral registration included in the Gregorian Cadastre accounted for the land use of the particles of the forest, mostly consisting of strong coppice woodland, i.e., species of hard wood belonging to the Quercus genus. There were also modest areas of pasture and cultivation on both sides of the road that connected Tolfa and Allumiere and, furthermore, cultivated land, wooded pasture, and shrubbery in the southern part (Passigli, 2022, p. 77). The growth of commerce and new states on the international scene reduced the papal profits in the alum trade, although it remained an important source of income for the Papal State. The transformation plants (the so-called alum factories ) were moved to a production facility. Civitavecchia also benefited from this, as a significant amount of alum was shipped from its port to areas in northern Europe, particularly France and Flanders. Starting in the second half of the 1700s, the Allumiere quarries lost their exclusivity in production due to the discovery of alumite deposits in Spain and the discovery of artificial alum in 1788. This “crisis” led to the reopening of the Cava Grande (though little exploited to limit the costs of contracts), which in 1725 inaugurated a system for exploiting the mineral resources inspired by the most rational principles that paid great attention to the outflow of water from the excavation area (Morelli, 1996a; see also Morelli, 1980, 1996b).

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It is interesting to note how the energy issue represented a crucial factor in the management and organization of alum production (Cavallini, 2000, pp. 109–116). In fact, the use of firewood as the main energy source for furnaces and boilers required the availability of low-cost material, which was often compromised by the excessive demand for wood by other productive sectors. This energy limitation created a crisis because it forced contractors to seek new technical solutions to optimize the use of available energy sources, such as the introduction of pyric powder to speed up the mineral extraction process or the use of a hydraulic machine to lift the mother liquor from the crystallization tanks. These interventions, although they did not represent a real technological revolution, helped in overcoming the obstacles due to the limited availability of wood and in maintaining a certain level of production efficiency. As Sansa (2013, p. 15) emphasizes, the energy issue did not arise as an absolute scarcity but rather as a lower availability of wood at a good price (see previous paragraph, Allen, 2003). The critical rethinking of the absolute scarcity paradigm leads to various conclusions, including the recognition of the relativity of thermal scarcity, which intertwines with other important connections. The first of these connections may be the dissemination of innovative processing techniques (Sansa, 2013, p. 17; 2000; for the general problem, see Zifferero, 1996). Furthermore, the evaluation of the production of alum as an uncontrolled energy-consuming enterprise seems exaggerated, as only the construction on the Mignone River, with the reach of the wooded areas located near Corneto (modern Tarquinia), allowed an inescapable situation to be resolved (Sansa, 2013, p. 16). In 1815, in an attempt to recover competitiveness by containing costs, tunnelling began. This method presented significant advantages, as it allowed for the exploitation of alumite veins but with less waste and no winter-time meteorological constraints. After 1870, with the territory’s transfer to the Italian state, the management of mining activity was entrusted to the Societé Financiére de Paris. Later, the transformation of the mineral was transferred to Civitavecchia and entrusted to the Montecatini Company, which ended alum production in 1941, as it was no longer economical.

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CHAPTER 5

Food Crisis

Introduction The actual importance of the issue of food supply has piqued the interest of historians and economists, leading them to identify the role of grain and its possible scarcity in the market and to interpret these historical situations through their theoretical constructs. For centuries, this problem has engaged numerous political and intellectual efforts, scrutinizing the bureaucratic apparatus and organizational capabilities of European states. Based on these foundations, a reassessment of what occurred in certain European states and their capitals (which represent their primary markets) during a preindustrial phase has been initiated. In light of the described phenomena, it can be observed that famines were connected to the development of grain policies. From this perspective, any drops in production levels constituted only one aspect, and perhaps not the most significant, of the conditions that facilitated famines. It is critical to consider the existing power structures within a state as well as their ability, or lack thereof, to guide the economy in general and the agricultural sector in particular.

Although the work is the result of constant joint collaboration, this chapter is by Donatella Strangio. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Formica and D. Strangio, Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41260-8_5

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Therefore, what is the objective of this chapter? Why examine an “anomalous” state such as Rome and its capital? The aim of these pages will be to understand how Rome responded and was reactive to food shocks and what innovations it put in place to cope with them, as well as to contribute to the debate that has produced a series of important contributions on the topic of famine in recent years. This analysis will be conducted through an in-depth examination of the Roman case, which deserves particular attention because it is little known in international historiography due to (a) the nature of its leadership (the pope was the spiritual leader of the Catholic church but also the head of state, as emphasized in Chapter 2 of this book); (b) the collection of unpublished archival sources of a number of similar factors and events comparable to those of larger states; and (c) the peculiarity of the Ecclesiastical State, especially in the eighteenth century.

Famine as a Category of Economic Analysis The reasons phases of more or less acute shortages of foodstuffs have often appeared as dramatic exceptions to the achievement of the goals of grain economic policies can be found in the use made by the historiography of the economic concept of famine. Historians have usually used this term in its most generic meaning of the absence of food, avoiding an essential process of clarification. However, the limits of historicaleconomic analysis are normally parallel to those of economic elaboration; each of these two models of interpretation of reality feeds on the conceptualizations of the other, and this relationship emerges particularly clearly in the history of the analysis of the causes and effects of food scarcity. In the various definitions of famine, a clear conceptualization emerged as a phenomenon largely characterized by a lack of foodstuffs and normally accompanied by hunger and the death of individuals deprived of nourishment and prey to diseases. However, these definitions do not offer the possibility of identifying the real contours of the specific phenomenon. The theoretical elaboration of the concept of famine is a much more complex fact that has developed over time, accompanying the growth of the general capacity to analyse the functioning of grain markets. This led to a transition from a generic image of famine as a looming spectre of deprivation of nourishment to the study of the connections that link this concept to various and important aspects of economic theory and the processes of demographic transformations (Desay, 1990; Ravallion, 1987,

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1997). From the first analyses of medieval and early modern observers to the elaborations of classical economists, in particular from Smith to Malthus. The latter used the concept of famine mainly as a function of his arguments in the field of historical demography; Smith made the first fundamental contribution to the elaboration of an economic definition of famine. From his arguments has emerged a precise difference between the concepts of famine and hunger. One situation is that of expensive grain prices, while another is the total absence of grain from the market. The issue involves not just the description of a series of events linked together and progressively becoming more serious and dangerous but also situations endowed with distinct economic values that appear in history with different triggering causes and different consequences for populations. Smith’s proposed line of inquiry did not actually find much success among those who subsequently tried to identify the historical and economic contours of famine phenomena. This fact emerges very clearly from the investigations of Amartya Sen (1981) regarding the definitions of famine that have been used in recent times. Surveying the formulas that scholars have offered regarding this problem, from the 1920s onwards, Sen highlights the common superficiality of definitions that only highlight certain aspects of a phenomenon that is actually very complex (Sen, 1981, p. 39). These are the definitions that generally identify famine as a situation of food absence accompanied by mortality. Sen writes, “The traditional approach to the study of famines refers to the reduction in the availability of food: in any particular geographic location, a sudden and rapid reduction in food supply has generally been the cause of the spread of hunger and famine” (Sen, 1981, p. 278; see also Brown, 1975). However, any definition of famine as a generic absence of food cannot reflect historical or contemporary economic realities because both history and economics continuously present examples of famine and mortality spreading even in the presence of substantial food production. Sen captures this contradiction appropriately, quoting Bernard Shaw’s words on the Great Irish Famine of 1847 (Sen, 1981, p. 40) and clarifying how widespread mortality by starvation can occur even in the presence of almost normal levels of agricultural production. The awareness of these contradictions in historical events has led Sen to identify and distinguish two levels of possible situations. When a situation of food absence develops, the first level of the phenomenon is characterized by the existence of a widespread state of undernourishment (starvation in Sen’s terminology) that can be endemic and can lead to the death of those

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involved; another level is the onset of actual famine that is instead a much more virulent and generalized manifestation of the same phenomenon, accompanied by an increase in the number of deaths (Sen, 1981, p. 40). Based on these premises, Sen outlines three possible forms and consequences of the food intake of a population. There can be a lowering over time of the average level of food consumption; a progressive trend of declining levels of food consumption can occur; finally, there can be a sudden collapse of food consumption levels. Only regarding this third hypothesis does Sen believe that one can speak of famine as a situation of widespread and generalized “hunger” (Sen, 1981, pp. 40–41). The analytical originality of Sen’s observations does not lie in the classifications generated by empirical observation. Rather, this approach reveals the author’s original interest in analysing the social effects of lower levels of food consumption. It is no coincidence that he devotes several pages to the analysis of the relationship between famine and poverty, citing authors such as Smith and Marx to demonstrate that the concept of a “sufficient level of consumption” is not objectively evaluatable but rather corresponds to various quantitative levels depending on the cultures and lifestyles of each society (Sen, 1981, p. 18; Osmani, 1993). On the other hand, the immediate social consequences of rising food prices or their complete absence from the market are quite evident, and many historical studies have been devoted to the conflicts triggered by these critical situations (Tilly, 1984, pp. 227–296; 1987). The innovative aspect of Sen’s approach lies, rather, in basing his analysis on the distinction that must exist between the occurrence of famine and data relating to food availability. The onset of famine and the level of food availability can be interdependent phenomena, but they are not necessarily so, and in fact, they are usually not. From this perspective, Sen’s observations are clarifying. By focusing primarily on famines in the contemporary era, Sen observes and describes, with the help of necessary quantitative data, the lack of coincidence between the development of agricultural production capacities and the elimination of famines in thirdworld countries, to the point that he notes that many of the worst famines have occurred without a significant decline in the per capita availability of food (Sen, 1981, p. 7). It can be inferred from this that situations of nutritional deficiencies do not depend on the absolute supply of food but rather on how it is distributed. This is an analytical principle of definite interest, but it also refers to another problem, that of establishing the best criteria for

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distributing food among different national communities or among the various social strata of the same community (Sen, 1981, p. 7). In light of these observations, Sen enters into an analysis model that is certainly useful for historical research. The attempt to explain famines is based on the assumption that, even if it is true that a phase of undernutrition arises when a population does not have enough food, this does not mean that there is not enough food in that economic system. In other words, a lack of food production can cause famine, but it is not true that a famine can be caused only by such a production shortage: the real problem in understanding the reasons for a famine is therefore knowing not only how much food has been produced but also, and above all, how it has been distributed and marketed (Devereux, 2001). It is possible to have good overall food production, but if it is not adequately distributed or traded, the situation can still devolve into famine. Therefore, from the examination of many serious food shortages recorded in contemporary times, Sen deduces that a situation of famine can also arise in a very advanced economic system and despite there being good availability of food. What Sen does not sufficiently highlight from a theoretical point of view, because the matter is implicit in many of his arguments, is the opposite possibility: the possibility, that is, that in a situation of food production shortages, the famine event may not be experienced equally because the level of food supply is supported by imports from other markets and productive regions. Not surprisingly, both Smith and Malthus, often cited by Sen, defended the principle that the movement and trade of food was the best defence against famine. Therefore, famine is almost always the product of an economic will, not simply the inevitable consequence of a phase of poor foodstuffs production. Behind a famine, in most cases, there are errors in economic policy (in historical terms: specific economic policy projects) and not simply sudden natural shortages; from this point of view, famine reveals its essential nature as a moment in the economic process, whether observed from the point of view of those who caused it or judged from the point of view of those who, not having consumer goods or an income that allows them to access the market, had to suffer it. Based on these observations, it is evident that there is a need for the clearer use of economic terminology, particularly in the context of historical reconstruction, as conceptual precision is a prerequisite for defining and understanding phenomena. The principles articulated by Smith and adopted by Sen, therefore, merit exploration and being taken to their

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analytical extremes. From a historical-economic perspective, famine always and necessarily means a general absence of food or widespread mortality due to hunger. In an economic system in which there is even an embryonic form of mercantile exchange and prices are regulated, measured in terms of money or any other commodity, famine simply refers to the transition, in the literal sense of the term, of a phase of “expensive” prices for basic food items, primarily wheat and, consequently, goods such as flour and bread. Obviously, we are talking about relative prices. Since prices are expressed in terms of money or other exchangeable goods, for famine to be a possibility, it is necessary for the price of wheat or any other basic food item to increase relative to the prices of most other goods. It is not without significance, therefore, that famine as an economic phenomenon that is independently conceived as a separate concept is often absent from general economic theorizations. The phenomenon itself must be understood within the broader problem of identifying the forces that determine price levels. Every attempt to understand the economic and social mechanisms at work must be traced back to these and their formation. Indeed, phases of expensive prices of strategic foods, such as wheat in the preindustrial era, have always produced various chains of events that are often very painful on a social level. For this reason, they have always appeared to have very broad historical significance. However, from the perspective of historical-economic analysis, the starting point of the reasoning can only focus on prices and the process of their formation. The same problem also relates to Sen’s assumption regarding the definition of famine as an incorrect distribution of food goods. An economic definition of incorrect distribution is inevitable: regardless of the form of product distribution and its social consequences, in an economic system with even a modest level of division of labour and therefore minimal use of the exchange function, the fundamental criterion that largely regulates the forms of the same distribution is constituted by prices and their levels. Therefore, the reasons for the historical appearance of famine, that is, relative growth in the exchange value of food goods, are present in the formation processes of food prices. Considering the structure of demand, which is essentially inelastic for the obvious reason that, faced with the need to acquire a primary good, an upwards variation in the price level cannot constitute an absolute deterrent for the purchaser, the economic reasons for famine, therefore, lie mostly in the structure of supply. However, even on this side, the examination of famine as an

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economic category cannot be confined to the study of the trends of food production structures, and therefore, it is very simplistic to see famine only as a shortage in agricultural production. Certainly, even the quantitative variations of agricultural production levels have always been largely responsible for changes in price levels; it is known that, especially in a medieval and preindustrial production system, the quantitative values of agricultural goods produced tended to influence, in the short term, even the seasonal trends of prices (Palermo, 1997). Even in the economic systems of these eras, supply levels did not depend only on the functioning of local production structures, and equally, consumption levels did not necessarily coincide with local production levels. Strategic consumer goods could be more or less easily transported and marketed, contributing decisively to the overall structure of supply. Therefore, even variations in the prices of basic necessities leading to famine were ultimately conditioned, that is, depleted by the local production stocks, by the modes and phases of commercialization. When a decrease in productivity combined with a shortage of commercially marketed grain supplies, the push on prices became inevitable and “healthy,” as Alessandro Manzoni wrote,1 borrowing from the ideas of Adam Smith. This in itself constituted a phase of famine, that is, of high prices for foodstuffs, and periodically and definitively pushed out those who did not possess sufficient income to access foodstuffs from the market. Therefore, famine is not necessarily characterized by the spread of mortality, but its onset has almost always been beneficial in many respects for preventing the spread of mortality. In fact, in many historically determined situations, the periodic expulsion from the market of individuals who would otherwise, in the presence of lower prices, have more constantly exercised the function of demand has generated a lowering of consumption levels and, consequently, extended the resistance times of reserves until the arrival of the new harvest or commercially marketed supplies. The definitive expulsion from the market, on the other hand, coincided with the expansion of mortality data and obviously concerned the

1 In the book The Betrothed, chapter XII, describing the conditions of Milan during the famine of 1628, Manzoni argued that as a result of the fall in production and the wastage of reserves, scarcity was immediately felt and “with scarcity came its painful but salutary and inevitable effect, the rise in prices.”

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segments of the population with insufficient incomes. In a situation characterized by the extreme seasonal or annual variability of production, such as that of medieval agriculture and, in general, of the preindustrial age, the maintenance of an adequate level of supply crucially depended on the availability of adequate reserves, to be made to last as long as possible through price manoeuvres, or by resorting to grain purchased on international markets, also resold at retail at relatively higher prices. Therefore, a periodic famine, that is, a habitual rise in prices, was inherent to the very logic of the annual or seasonal cycle of production and consumption of agricultural goods, particularly wheat, in the preindustrial world. The analysis of the various forms of supply, and the reasons for their presence or absence, must be primarily addressed by historical analysis that wants to capture, even in the wider context of overall economic structures, the elements largely and, in most cases, wholly responsible for determining the level of prices and therefore the degree of famine.

Food Crisis The typical and periodic fluctuations of harvests that characterized eighteenth-century Europe began to weaken, thus modifying the acute patterns that in previous centuries had led to serious famines, almost always followed by epidemics. It is not that epidemics disappeared in the eighteenth century—just think of the plagues in Marseille in 1720, in Ukraine in 1737, and in Messina in 1743, which spread to the Papal States, as well as that in Moscow in 1789 and the following years (see Chapter 3 of this book). Typhus was quite common in wartime, and typhoid fever could be contracted in any season (Alfani and Melegaro, 2010). In 1761, a violent illness shook Europe: a disease that is easily curable today, pertussis, killed many children—in Sweden alone, between 1749 and 1764, it killed 40,000 people. There were other epidemics, although the list would be too long to include here. For a long time, the only defence against epidemics was police measures, such as cordoning off infected areas and imposing quarantines on suspected cases. In the eighteenth century, thanks to better administrative practices and better medical knowledge, the measures adopted became more effective. Furthermore, other areas of research related to famine, on which there is significant literature (Chevet and O’ Grada, 2002; Mokyr and Ó Grada, 2002; O’ Grada, 2009; Béaur et al., 2011; Vanhaute, 2011; Alfani

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and O’Grada, 2017; Snowden, 2019; Malanima, 2021), have focused on investigating the relationship between famine and demographics, health, and epidemiological phenomena caused or exacerbated by malnutrition, with specific references to social classes and, consequently, the levels of food consumption of those affected and spared by diseases. However, a large number of food crises were recorded in various European countries, and only a few of these affected most of Europe, particularly in 1709, 1740, 1749, 1770, and 1797. Many of these crises occurred at a local level, and historiography draws a clear distinction between famine and food crises. Studies on famine concern the internal dynamics of some societies, while food crises are due to the collapse of production, distribution, and consumption systems (O’ Grada, 2009). Garnsey (1988) distinguishes between a simple shortage of food and a real famine. A shortage of food is not always severe, while a famine is a catastrophe. The literature often mistakes every shortage of food for a famine, as argued earlier, even though the boundary between the two is blurred. Therefore, a significant and sudden reduction in grain supplies in a particular geographic area has always resulted in hunger and famine. However, famine has also always been the result of factors not directly related to crop conditions but to disasters such as wars, revolutions (such as the French Revolution of 1789), insufficiently innovative cultivation methods, ineffective commercialization, and harsh and unsafe transportation. Brown’s (1975) thoughts can be summarized by his statement that a sudden drop in food supply in a particular geographical area has always led to the spread of hunger and famine. The issue of food supply examined by Tilly (1984, pp. 227–296) in comparing the cases of England and France, two of the most emblematic and important European states, is very interesting in this regard. In both countries, although England had previously solved its production problem by promoting agricultural development through a policy of freer export that gave more space to the mercantile class, attention was focused on the security of contracts “for military and urban elements.” Additionally, wheat substitutes such as potatoes and maize were not produced on a large scale, even though they were known. In France, although potatoes had been known since the early eighteenth century, they were considered poisonous and carriers of plague and other serious diseases. Only with the Enlightenment would potatoes overcome mistrust and become part of the nutritional system. In Italy, for example, Piedmont adopted a policy of low domestic wheat consumption, despite

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its remarkable production throughout the eighteenth century, instead encouraging wheat exports and the domestic consumption of substitutes such as maize (Mocarelli and Panjek, 2020). In this way, landowners and merchants made enormous profits from the famine of 1764, which hit several European areas. However, as Bonelli points out, even in Piedmont, the effects of the restrictions on food supply policy manifested themselves, in particular, in the budget deficit, the numerous attempts by authorities to contain market prices, and attempts to control speculative activities involving consumers, thus triggering a vicious circle of production declines to increase grain prices and, consequently, income. In other words, in the eighteenth century, famines were not particularly severe; rather, they had a local and generally limited impact. To this end, in identifying six cycles of this type in France, Kaplan (1984) emphasized that the causes of these famines were natural (meteorological conditions, production decline) but were most often accompanied by strong price speculation that could also have been “designed and supported by the Government” (see also Drèze and Sen, 1989). Palermo (1997), in turn, notes that famine is an “economic phenomenon” and as such “should be placed in its proper context within the trend of grain prices” caused by the economic cycle. In commenting on Labrousse’s Esquisse du Movement des Prix (1933), Landes (1950, pp. 195–211) wrote that the problem of the economic cycle was already difficult enough in the twentieth century, for which we have the widest and most detailed figures at our disposal. The scarcity and high prices of grain were indicators of an event that affected scholars of the eighteenth century, whose sources simply would not allow for any very refined deductions. Therefore, scarcity and high prices were proxies for this event, both signalling the decline in supply that causes the market price of grain to rise. Paradoxically, such a decline could also occur in a situation of stable production. Labrousse (1944) defined this phenomenon as a typical “crisis of the ancient type,” whose effects impacted consumption, the income of agricultural producers, and prices in other sectors “not directly related to agriculture in the economy of the time” (Vilar, 1974). As noted by Palop (1978, pp. 57–74), classical analysis of the “crisis of the ancient type” shows distinct factors that led to price increases, such as higher taxes, monopoly practices, and market speculation, as well as local paternalistic policies aimed at protecting consumers. Furthermore, food scarcity resulting from adverse weather conditions exacerbates social conflicts and increases incidents of banditry and popular revolt. Thus, based on Labrousse’s interpretation,

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Van der Wee (1963, pp. 209–225) highlighted the relationship between grain prices and prices of nonagricultural products because even the prices of such products were regulated by the fundamental need to purchase grain, identifying famine (understood as an increase in grain prices) as the main triggering factor of the crisis due to the consequences it had on general prices and wages. On the mechanisms of famine, “it was not difficult to find, from a chronological point of view, the crucial year and the complete framework of each crisis.”2 The impact of crisis caused by fluctuations in grain prices was different for merchant and manufacturing cities. Although traders were not significantly influenced by price fluctuations, especially traders dealing in rare, luxury, or internationally traded goods, nonagricultural producers and manufacturers were heavily affected because wages were linked to grain prices (Braudel and Spooner, 1975, pp. 436–562). To this end, Abel (1976) argued that, with few exceptions, wages increased less than grain prices in Central Europe between 1740 and 1800.

The Roman Case It is difficult to examine the fragmentation and complexity of this particular territory; Rome and the Papal State from 1300 to 1700 were defined as follows. The Papal State was divided into various provinces, including Rome and its district. The Districtus Urbis had its own character and specific features in terms of taxation and grain policies, representing a useful fiscal division for the imposition of certain taxes and tolls. As early as the fourteenth century, “the Districtus included the Roman countryside but went well beyond it, venturing into the hilly and mountainous regions that surrounded it on all sides” (Palermo, 1990, p. 67; Volpi, 1983, pp. 64–65; Strangio, 1998, pp. 161–192; 1999: ch. 2). The provinces included Campagna, Marittima and Lazio, Umbria, Sabina, Duchy of Spoleto, Patrimony, Marche, the Legation of Bologna, Romagna, the Legation of Ferrara with Comacchio, the State of Urbino, Montefeltro, the State of Benevento, Avignon, and Venassino. The provinces of Campagna, Marittima, and Lazio stretched along the southern coast and included Anagni, Alatri, Frosinone, Priverno, Sezze, Terracina, and Veroli. The most important cities in the province of 2 It was not difficult to find, from a chronological point of view, the key year and the complete picture of each crisis.

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Umbria were Perugia, Amelia, Bevagna, Città della Pieve, Nocera, and Montefalco. The province of Sabina included the dioceses of Aspra (Casperia), Calvi, Cicignano (Ciciliano), Ottonella, Scandriglia, and Tarano. The cities included in the Duchy of Spoleto were Spoleto, Gubbio, Foligno, Terni, and Narni. The province of Patrimony included Viterbo, Civitavecchia, Tuscanella (Tuscania), Civitacastellana, Montefiascone, Orvieto, and Vetralla. The Marche included Ancona, Fermo, Jesi, Osimo, Macerata, Recanati, Loreto, Caldarola, Montalto, and Tolentino. The province of Romagna included the cities of Ravenna, Cesena, Bertinoro, Forlì, Forlimpopoli, Imola, Rimini, Sarzana, Cervia, and Faenza. The Duchy of Urbino (annexed to the Papal State in 1621) included Urbino, Fano, Senigallia, and Pesaro. Montefeltro included Civita Feltrana, San Leo, and Lenna. The Duchy of Ferrara was a fiefdom of the church granted to the Estensi and finally recovered through war in 1598. The State of Benevento included Pontecorvo and Benevento, which were located in the Kingdom of Naples. They were residual and concrete evidence of situations that arose in the Middle Ages. Finally, Avignon and the Venassino district included Vaisson, Corpentras, and Cavaillon, which were located in Provence and were reconquered by France with the decree of the Constituent Assembly of September 14, 1791, which was made definitive by the Treaty of Tolentino on February 19, 1797 (Monaco, I, 1971, pp. 57–58; II, 1978, p. 72). Due to the different composition of the aforementioned territories, climatic conditions, natural resources, and preceding historical developments, the state presented a varied physiognomy. The internal fragmentation made each province of the state a separate and distinct entity, including even customs barriers that hindered internal trade, its own currency, and its own system of weights and measures, which also complicated exchanges (Caravale and Caracciolo, 1978, pp. 525–536). The centralization of the Annona administration, in the ecclesiastical state, under the joint authority of the Prefect and the Camerlengo, was virtual and did not mask the existing disconnection among the provinces, especially the Legations, which enjoyed particular privileges and did not fall under the Annona jurisdiction of Rome. In the Pontifical State, there was no other Annona system comparable to the institution of Rome, if by Annona we mean the set of magistrates, competences, and structures designed to constantly regulate the trade of grains. For example, in a large city such as Bologna, local political powers had adopted a control and orientation system for the urban market to ensure the highest possible

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guarantee to city consumers; no public granary was ever built, and the Annona system adopted price manoeuvring and the regulation of the urban market as tools (Guenzi, 1978, pp. 370–397; 1981, p. 153; 1982a, pp. 333–344; 1982b, p. 295). Various communities, large or small, administered their own “abbondanza,” which was used as a deposit for reserves to be kept in times of crisis. In the more organized communities, frumentarii mountains were established. The municipal councils elected one or more abbondanzieri and assigned them the task of the custody and management, especially during famines, of the accumulated wheat so that the community could always rely on the same level of consumption.3 However, in all municipalities, the S. Congregazione del Buon Governo acted as the supreme court in any matter, including wheat-related matters. The Annona (Reinhardt, 1991; Strangio, 1999), especially in times of crisis, enjoyed undeniable prerogatives and a very wide field of action, precisely through the intermediation of the Congregation of Good Government (Lodolini, 1919; Tuccimei, 1930, pp. 266–267; 1943, pp. 64–66; Lodolini, 1953, pp. 41– 45; 1956; Tabacchi, 2007. See over in this book Chapter 6, para 5). It constituted a reference point for all communities in the Roman state and acted as a link between these and the government of Rome. The Prefect of the Annona was the head of the Congregation and had the title of General Supervisor of the Ecclesiastical State, that is, equivalent to the prime minister of the temporal state. The Annona administration was part of the central governing bodies of the state (for information on the administrative and financial organization of the Roman state, see Stumpo, 1985; Carocci, 1961, pp. 57–102; Pastura Ruggiero, 1984). Annona officials were responsible for preventing the hoarding of production and removing any obstacles that could prevent the concentration of essential goods in Rome. The implementation of these primary interests was established through Annona legislation characterized by legal constraints, prohibitions, restrictions, and inhibitions. In addition to enacting laws on seeding, one of the main tasks of the Annona was to purchase large quantities of wheat directly from producers at prices set by the administration, based on scarcity and the distance of the places where it was harvested. The wheat was stored in 3 SAR, S. Congregazione del Buon Governo, serie V, Registro delle lettere b.179; Camerale II, Annona, b.16; Camerale I, Registro dei chirografi, nn. 171,178; Luoghi di Monte, Giustificazioni, bb. 3188–3191.

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numerous granaries while maintaining large reserves. This represented one of the most important public functions of the state, reflecting the religious, moral, and political concept of the “absolutism” attributed to the prince (Dal Pane, 1932, p. 106). These reserves were maintained to fulfil several functions, first and foremost, to instil a sense of tranquillity among the population, always alarmed by a fear of famine; second, by releasing or withholding appropriate quantities of wheat in the market to maintain prices at a level accessible even to the less affluent social strata; and finally, to directly provide for the supply of city ovens. The psychological function played by the Annona grain reserves was of considerable importance in an era when popular riots due to food shortages lay latent and sometimes erupted with uncontrollable violence. To this end, buildings were constructed with specific parameters to guarantee the correct preservation of the goods (Da Gai, 1994, pp. 165–166). Moreover, as in the case of the construction of the Civitavecchia granary by Benedict XIV (1740–1758), they helped reinforce the image of the pope by making visible to the people the measures taken “for the renewal and modernization of the State’s productive and commercial structures” (Dal Pane, 1932, p. 169). Various grain deposits were listed year by year in the Annona’s budgets among its properties, such as those at the ports of Civitavecchia and Ripetta.4 Large granaries were built, as early as 1575, on the initiative of Pope Gregory XIII (1572–1585) (at the Baths of Diocletian in Rome); Urban VIII (1623–1644) had them enlarged, while Clement XI (1700– 1721) ordered the construction of another warehouse. In October 1765, Clement XIII (1758–1769) ordered the construction of warehouses for the conservation of oil of the Annona Oleary near the church of the Angels of the Carthusian Fathers at the Baths of Diocletian to provide the capital with a permanent oil depot (Da Gai, 1994, p. 165). The costs incurred by the administration for the preservation of grain were also significant, both because it could not be kept for more than two years and because of the damage caused by humidity and the purchasing of batches that were not in perfect condition (see Sigaut, 1979, pp. 15–40; Beutler, 1979, pp. 95–112; 1981, pp. 19–43 for preservation techniques, particularly in the eighteenth century). Thus, with the

4 SAR, Presidenza Annona e Grascia, bb. 1962–1976; Camerale II, Annona, Bilanci bb. 110–115.

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bull of October 15, 1725,5 Benedetto XIII (1724–1730) ordered that 30,000 rubbia of grain (equivalent to 61,500 quintals)6 be stored in the public granaries of the Annona after the harvest and a greater quantity in years of abundance. He also decreed that Annona officials should not buy or sell beyond this threshold and that the wheat supply kept in the Annona granaries should be made available to bakers and, in case of shortages in supplies, redistributed among them at the discretion of the Annona prefect. In normal times, the renewal of the 30,000 rubbia reserve was to be made by the bakers at a rate of one quarter every three months, as already prescribed by Pope Alexander VIII (1689–1691); officials were to monitor the state of that grain weekly and report any partial deterioration to the prefect, who would order its renewal. Furthermore, a Commission for Annona affairs was established to propose appropriate measures to the pontiff, and the governors and presidents of the state’s provinces were to obey it entirely. The Annona budgets are very valuable in this case because they report what portion of the grain was used as a reserve and what was necessary to replenish the reserves to maintain a constant level.7 Stocks represented the remaining grain in the Annona depots on July 1 of each year because the Annona budget year coincided with seasonal production rhythms, which ran from July 1 to the following June 30.8 However, to maintain reserves and ensure a constant supply, the Annona also had to take responsibility for controlling hoarding: this phenomenon was attributed to the wickedness of humans rather than the inefficiency of the Annona laws, and investigations were conducted to identify those responsible for such actions, with penalties imposed on the guilty.

5 SAR, Camerale I, Registro dei chirografi, tomo XI. 6 The rubbio was a measure of capacity. It was equal to 64 decine, or 640 Roman

pounds (the pound system, in use until January 10, 1835, established that one pound was equal to 12 ounces, which was exactly 339.071850 grains, equivalent to 217 kg). Up to this point, the Annona purchased grains with the “quarta camerale” and sold them with the measure of the “rubbiatella rasa” (SAR, Bandi b. 58 and SAR, Camerale II, Annona, b.1 contains a file related to the Scandaglio per regolare il prezzo dei grani che si danno a Fornari fatto dal fu Virgilio Spada l’anno 1648). 7 The budgets are kept at the State Archives of Rome in two collections: Camerale II, Annona, Bilanci, bb. 110–115, which covers the years 1744–1797, and the Presidency Annona and Grascia bb. 1962–1976, covering the years 1710 and 1713–1797. 8 Ibidem.

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As early as the late seventeenth century, those writing about economics believed that greater freedom in grain trade would lead to a natural adjustment of the market without sudden intervention by the authorities. With the chirograph of Alexander VIII in 1689, which many popes subsequently referred to, the requests of farmers were accepted to grant the ability to sell grain directly to bakers without intermediaries.9 In 1710, an edict titled On the Free Trade of Grains, Cereals, Vegetables and Other Produce was issued, clearly expressing the intention to continue to grant freedom of internal commerce, as provided for by Clement XI’s predecessors (1700–1721).10 However, the freedom to transport produce from one place to another, even if baronial and varying from province to province within the Ecclesiastical State, was limited to the period between October and May of the following year. This was because the harvest took place in June and July, and in August and September, it was necessary to ensure a timely supply to urban centres (especially Rome) and the Annona, which could only be effectively realized through strict control over the movement of goods in the early months of abundance. Revel (1972, p. 253) highlights how, at least for the city of Rome, approximately half of the grain that was introduced throughout the year entered between August and September. However, some areas of the state were excluded. The reasons for this were diverse. The District of Rome and the governments of Viterbo and Civitavecchia constituted too important and decisive a territory for the grain needs of the capital to benefit from the provision of free trade, if only because of the risk that the goods would take a different route than that of Rome. Allowing trade without the obligation of particular controls in Civitavecchia meant implicitly authorizing the movement of goods by sea through the main Tyrrhenian port of the Ecclesiastical State. The Legations of Bologna, Ferrara, and Benevento had a peculiar legal-administrative regime that often exempted them from general provisions. In this regard, the chirograph of Innocent XIII (1724–1730) of 1721 was innovative, seeking to give a more general approach to the problem of internal movements from province to province, in contrast to the sporadic

9 SAR, Bandi b. 30 Constitutiones cum Sanctissimus Dominus Noster november, 26, 1689. 10 SAR, Bandi b. 49, Editto 24 december 1710.

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concessions of routes previously granted, by authorizing the granting of additional rubbia of grain for every cultivated rubbio. Among the first acts issued by Benedict XIV, just after his elevation to the pontifical throne, was the bull of March 30, 1741, In coena Domini,11 in which ecclesiastical censures were instigated against anyone who hindered the transport of grain to Rome. This pontiff, in the early years of his pontificate, continued the policy adopted by his predecessors by annually issuing rules allowing the trade of grain during a certain period of the year but always within the state. However, in 1748, as part of a general economic-financial reform policy, he published an act that can be considered an essential step towards the beginning of the internal free trade of grain: the constitution of June 29, 1748, Benedicti Divina Providentia Papae XIV Constitutio Super Libero et mutuo Commercio inter Provincias, Civitates, et Loca Ditionis Temporalis Sanctae Sedis , later confirmed by the bull of July 8th (Dal Pane, 1954–55; 1959, pp. 149–157 and 239–250; 1965, pp. 371–418; Venturi, 1963, pp. 76– 79).12 This act represents a perfect osmosis between reformist thought and the political activity of the pontiffs and provides a careful analysis of the restrictive apparatus of grain commerce. With the aforementioned constitution, the pontiff launched a harsh attack against those (“Subaltern Officers and Ministers” of the “Legates, Presidents and Governors of Provinces”) who had sabotaged the implementation of measures on free trade previously issued to preserve the advantages that the prohibitive system brought them.13 The pontiff stressed how freedom of trade was consistent with a civil society that united everyone under a single principality: there was a clear intention to consider the law uniformly throughout the state and, from an economic standpoint, to achieve market unity no longer divided territorially. Despite the aim of legally unifying the state, the pope practically divided the country into two by adopting a different regime for the northern and southern provinces. Therefore, internal free trade was granted to the Provinces and Legations of Bologna, Ferrara, Romagna, Urbino, the Government of the Marche, and Umbria. Such trade was

11 Vatican Apostolic Archive, Bolle e Bandi, serie III, anno 1741. 12 SAR, Bandi, bb. 85 457. 13 SAR, Bandi, b. 85, Constitution of 29 june 1748, cc. IV–V.

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forbidden in the State and Legation of Avignon, the Duchy of Benevento, the District of Rome, the Province of Sabina, the Government of Viterbo, and the Government of Civitavecchia and with the places that depended on the Annona and Grascia of Rome.14 This distinction was due to a different productive situation of the two areas and to the lack, in the northern provinces, of a food consumption centre on the scale of Rome: moreover, this rule was already present in all the previous acts of concession regarding free trade. It was not until the edict of March 11, 1766, issued by Clement XIII (1758–1769),15 that the extension of freedom of trade was seen even in previously forbidden territories, but it was immediately revoked due to the consequences that arose.16 In fact, those who had more financial means concluded agreements directly with farmers, securing the wheat before the harvest; thus, grain hoarding impoverished the market and favoured an increase in prices. Freedom of trade remained subordinate to the policy of supplies; that is, all centres had to have laws requiring the introduction of sufficient supplies to satisfy the population’s consumption levels for at least one year. In this regard, it was established that in June, July, and August of each year, no grain could be brought out of the provinces and legations. From the first day of September to the last day of May, commercial activities were entirely free, but in those three months of suspension, it was forbidden for anyone to extract any amount of grain by land or sea. Furthermore, the pope expressed his intention to eliminate as many exclusives and privileges as possible, which hindered free trade and were granted too easily, but recognized the inevitability of keeping some alive. Exports of goods to foreign countries were generally prohibited in this act. The rare concessions that were issued could only be granted by the pope: the constitution also listed in detail the administrative terms and actions that those who requested a licence should carry out. An important obstacle to the realization of the declared freedom came from the hoarding that had always been consummated to the detriment of agriculture and the community and that gained strength under liberal regimes.

14 Ibidem. 15 Casanatense Library, Coll. Bandi, anno 1766, n.77. 16 SAR, Bandi, b. 457.

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Pope Clement XIV (1769–1774) reintroduced with the edict of July 25, 1772, a system of strict control over the movement of grains in the areas designated for the supply of Rome. On August 10, 1774, another decree was issued on the allocation of grains, fodder, and other cereals, which provided that all the harvested grain in the Roman countryside, excluding the seed and grain necessary for private consumption, had to be transported to Rome by September.17 In addition, with the edict of August 26, 1773, the free trade of grains was authorized again.18 This caused a rise in the rental price of the estates due to strong demand from country merchants.19 Consequently, the selling price of grain increased, as the merchants had to recoup the costs of cultivation and rent. Despite Benedetto XIV’s inability to completely dismantle the system of tariffs and privileges that had existed in the state for centuries, he was able to make some compromises and limit the abuses that they fostered. His and his successors’ measures were, however, innovative and demonstrated the proud will of the popes to give a radical turn to the country’s agricultural and commercial situation (see Chapter 5 in this book for details on Benedetto XIV’s reforming work). Other edicts were subsequently issued, such as the one of August 22, 1788, which recalled another similar provision issued on August 26, 1773, by Clement XIV, by which, under strict control, the extraction benefit was extended to the area surrounding Rome as well.20 With a further edict, of August 9, 1793, the prohibition on extractions outside the Papal States was reiterated.21 On June 19, 1797, Pio VI (1775–1799) insisted on the principle of free internal trade in grains, which had been

17 SAR, Bandi, b. 459. 18 SAR, Camerale II, Annona, b. 22. It seems that similar measures were taken in

the Kingdom of Naples in 1778 with the establishment of the Giunta delle Annone del Regno, which implemented provisions that had already been issued in 1759 but had not been followed (Alifano, 1996, p. 246). 19 This category includes those who rented estates from the nobility and ecclesiastical entities, sometimes even resorting to subletting, in order to trade their products wholesale and retail and exploit their forests and quarries. In addition, owners of large flocks concentrated their economic efforts on sheep farming. For literature on this subject, see Piscitelli (1958a, pp. 119–173; 1968, pp. 446–457), De Felice (1965, pp. 22–23 and 191–205), Caracciolo (1982), and Girelli (1996, pp. 179–217; 1998, pp. 340–371). 20 SAR, Bandi, bb. 459–460. 21 SAR, Bandi, b. 460.

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previously proclaimed by Benedetto XIV, and tried to repair the “enormous disadvantages suffered, and that the Annona fund still suffers from [during] the repeated scarce seasons…forced as it is to provide wheat to bakers at a discounted price.”22 Of course, the grant of the tracts was not automatic but was issued after sufficient provision had been made in the individual communities to meet the food needs for one year. At the end of all these phases, on September 2, 1800, Pio VII (1800– 1823) announced a reform project in which the traditional system of constraints would be globally reviewed, the principle of free trade would be set as an objective to be fully implemented, and the ancient annonario system would be abolished (Formica, 2000, pp. 191–211; Bonelli, 1961, pp. 57–61).

Famine and Disease If we start with O’Gráda’s definition of famine, we find a clear identification of what should be considered the main indicator of a “famine”: that is, an increase in mortality that is above the “normal” level and is caused by hunger or diseases induced by hunger, such as typhus. A simple shortage may cause hunger, but it does not kill people, while a full-fledged famine is a deadly event—and as such, requires a period of acute and prolonged hunger to kill people, since the human body can resist nutritional deficits. The human body must be severely deprived of food for long periods (Livi Bacci, 1987, pp. 105–110) or at least must be weakened enough to facilitate the spread of diseases after a famine that causes high mortality. The link between famine and disease is particularly complex and has been developed in detail elsewhere (Alfani, 2013, pp. 408–430), including with specific reference to the Italian case. Here it suffices to remember that what interests us is the result of famine in terms of deaths, and not so much the way in which such deaths were “produced,” which should simply be considered part of the description of specific events or an element to be considered in order to provide causal explanations for the occurrence of such events. The method followed by Del Panta and Livi Bacci (1977), which focuses on the mortality trends to identify crisis periods, seems to fit very well for our Roman case. Compared to other methods, it only requires the

22 SAR, Bandi, b. 460.

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application of time series of deaths (burials)—a type of information that is very abundant throughout Europe from the early modern period, since fairly systematic burial parish registers exist from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The Roman Catholic Church made them compulsory for all parishes with the Romanum ritual introduced in 1614, and similar sources exist for most Protestant areas around the same period. However, burial parish books are rare before 1600 and almost nonexistent before 1550, even in an area particularly rich in this type of documentation such as Italy. Before 1600, there are other sources, including the city of the dead books, which have similar characteristics to parish burial books and are sometimes available from the fifteenth century. However, these can only be found in large urban settlements, and consequently, any method based on historical series of deaths or burials cannot be systematically applied before the mid-sixteenth century. In the Roman case, famine was the economic indicator that highlighted the inefficiencies of an “obsolete” grain supply system: the lack of an adequate agricultural policy and measures dictated by a need for a comprehensive grain policy, which, almost always, were issued conjuncturally in order to provide an immediate response to severe and sudden shortages. Based on these considerations, a series of data has been collected (Table 5.1) covering various economic indicators. The common elements mainly include (a) an increase in grain prices; (b) the government’s response through the intervention of competent authorities with targeted grain policies; and (c) low overall mortality. Other details seem to indicate different situations. Before proceeding to an examination of this, it is important to note that during the eighteenth century, in particular, Rome experienced a rather irregular population trend, which constituted an additional cause for concern for the government. At the beginning of the century, the population numbered 149,417 individuals; there was a nearly constant decrease for the following five years, a slight recovery for the next three years (1706–1708), and an inconsistent trend until 1725, the year of the jubilee, during which a peak of 147,040 inhabitants was recorded. Other peaks occurred during the Holy Years of 1700, 1750, and 1775, as well as in 1764, the year of the terrible famine, during which a positive migration balance of 7,341 units was recorded (Friz, 1974; Sbrana et al., 1977; Schiavoni, 1982, pp. 413, 423–427; Fiocca, 1982; Strangio, 1999, p. 119). In 1732, the population reached the same level as at the beginning of the century (149,673). From 1730, in general, the

296,603 158,888 228,142 386,755 403,484 435,788 370,903 327,476 378,411 281,259 219,666 310,788 253,121 341,623 371,769

Production of annona provinces in rubbia

Source Strangio (1999, p. 119)

1708 1721 1728 1735 1743 1744 1745 1748 1749 1764 1765 1766 1767 1779 1780 1797

Years of major food crisis

117,484 119,005 129,869 123,905 131,326 136,341 130,202 131,662 146,025 131,767 130,577 139,167 130,485 135,196

52,122 25,716 45,800 51,997 49,290 50,500 60,499 59,210 60,587 57,048 54,891 53,318 54,468 42,043

Consumption Rubbia of of milled land sown to wheat in Rome wheat in the in rubbia Agro Romano and districts in rubbia

10.51 8.22 10

11.03

7.05

6.15 6.71

6.51 6.52

6.11

Wheat purchase prices in the squares of Rome in scudi

43,205 34,433 65,621 54,989 38,142 75,613 43,902 8,055 57,369 76,314 149,069 45,056 144,055 89,540 94,692

Availability of grain in the granaries of the Annona of Rome in rubbia

157,008 108,822 130,242 132,539 145,681 182,232 94,506 130,265 170,488 219,281 142,206 278,468 112,003 159,093 110,030

Grain imported from the Annona of Rome in rubbia

134,562 134,284 143,990 150,665 147,476 147,433 149,396 151,713 152,872 161,849 158,095 157,868 157,760 162,242 163,423 166,280

Population of Rome

4,808 6,785 5,427 4,890 7,722 6,967 6,358 6,702 5,983 7,361 8,375 7,322 7,528 7,863 7,096 8,851

Deaths

Table 5.1 Production, consumption, planting, availability, imports, population, and deaths in the city of Rome during the years of the food crisis in the eighteenth century

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population began to increase, albeit in a rather modest and irregular manner (except for the period 1735–1741, during which there was a slight decrease). However, from 1748, the population remained above 150,000 individuals (except in 1799, when it was 147,026). This trend was primarily due to constant migratory changes from the capital to the province and vice versa (Sanfilippo, 2007, 2011, pp. 239–252; Sonnino, 2009; Caribbo and Serra, 2017), especially during periods of famine, as in such circumstances, efforts were made to ensure adequate supplies to the capital. Second, there was a prevalence of deaths over births for almost the entire century. In conclusion, the population of Rome only increased by 3,557 individuals over a century. Moreover, according to D’Amelia (1975, pp. 495–496), no city had such an extensive set of policies and organizations for assistance as Rome, which guaranteed good levels of nutrition for the entire population while also serving a public order and containment function in the labour market. Alongside public structures that provided assistance and offered opportunities to lift the needy out of difficult situations, such as the San Michele Hospice (Toscano, 1996; Strangio, 2022) and the Holy Spirit, small brotherhoods, religious orders, and private citizens operated, using their own resources and efforts to ensure the survival of all (Piccialuti, 1993, pp. 199–231; 1994). In the eighteenth-century Ecclesiastical State, a series of food crises, particularly related to grain, occurred with some frequency. From the sources, the significant famines were those of 1708, 1721, 1728, 1735, 1743–1745, 1748–1749, 1764–1767, 1779–1780, and 1797, averaging approximately one famine every eight years. Revel identifies the years 1719, 1724, 1744, 1747, and those from 1762 to 1779 (defined as “le grand cycle de crise”) as periods of significant negative variations in wheat production yields (Revel, 1982, p. 229).23 The analysis of annual variations in cereal prices (Strangio, 1999, pp. 81–92 and 118) highlights peaks that correspond to price increases coinciding with periods of famine. In particular, the famines of 1735, 1764–1767, and 1779–1780 are noteworthy for exhibiting some common elements, along with specificities found in individual episodes: a considerable increase in the price of grain and the establishment of the New Abundance Fund of the Communities, aimed at intervening in situations of greater local shortages.

23 SAR, Camerale II, Annona, bb. 2-3-4–5-16-17-22-23-39; SAR, Congregazioni particolari deputate, bb. 25 and 78.

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In 1735, there was no decrease in production, but rather, as will be seen later, the produced wheat was compulsorily sent to occupying armies. In the case of the famine of 1764–1765 (Venturi, 1973a, 1973b, 1976), there was a slight increase in the number of deaths compared to the secular average, which, however, also emerged in other years. More importantly, in 1735, 1763, and 1779, the authorities chose to intervene by issuing public debt securities, which was a strategic choice to counteract the recorded grain shortages. All indicators, however, unequivocally highlight that the hardest famine was that of 1764–1767, and among all the elements of comparison, the 12,305 securities issued on the Roman market (equivalent to more than 1,203,500 scudi) stand out in supporting communities in need of financing for the purchase of grain, necessary for a financial situation that was becoming increasingly disastrous due to an ever greater recourse to imports. In this way, pushed by necessity, the pontifical government authorities went against the attitude that had been followed up to that moment. The massive use of imports was initiated late, primarily because state officials knew little about the mechanisms of the international market, and second, because the Papal State had started later than the major European powers in adopting a mercantilist system. Already in the early eighteenth century, Leone Pascoli (1733), an economist of the time, was a convinced proponent that the state could and should rely on its own forces, making the most of all internal resources and reducing the balance of payments through fewer imports. The productive declines, predominantly caused by adverse weather conditions (Rotberg and Rabb, 1991; Appleby, 1991; Post, 1977, 1991), were the starting point for unscrupulous economic operations carried out by food commodity holders, namely, large landowners whose economic role naturally increased, as well as by members of the traditional nobility, including a segment of the middle class who had managed to gain control over grain production and sometimes its commercialization. An emblematic example is the famine of 1772–1773, limited to the regions of Umbria and Patrimonio, which is well documented and attested to by various letters sent to the central state authorities by the authorities of different communities in the two provinces requesting aid for the sudden shortage of grain (Strangio, 1999).24 In reality, there were abundant grain

24 SAR, Camerale II, Annona, b.22.

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stocks, but significant quantities were clandestinely exported to neighbouring Tuscany, where due to the liberalizations implemented by Pietro Leopoldo, a price more than double (12, 14, 16 scudi per rubbio) the price imposed within was paid. Thus, it was a combination of circumstances and not the overall scarcity of production that drove up prices (Scrofani, 1967, pp. 331–414). Not everyone, in fact, obtained their grain by purchasing it. The dominant classes consumed the grain produced on their own land and turned it into bread in private ovens, tenants and labourers consumed the amount that the agricultural contracts provided was their share, and the indigent consumed what was provided by charitable institutions. In essence, using Sen’s terminology, the famine could be attributed not necessarily to a decline in production but, in most cases, to the insufficiency of income that caused the lack of a “valid entitlement,” as already mentioned. The decline of “valid entitlement,” or purchasing power, also affected rent and profit, namely, land ownership and the category of agricultural entrepreneurs, especially in the case of small holdings, as limited production accentuated the decrease in income. Moreover, Fogel (1986) points out how a sharp increase in grain prices was differently perceived if one was a landlord or a farmer. As owners of surpluses, the rise in prices increased the income of landlords and farmers, while as consumers, it reduced their income. Since the producer’s effect is stronger than the consumer’s effect, the income component of the price elasticity is negative and offsets the income-adjusted elasticity, making the price elasticities of these two classes quite close to zero. In the case of labourers, however, only the consumption effect operated (Fogel, 1986, pp. 257–259). For this reason, large landowners were often affected by annona legislative measures that aimed primarily to cap the price of grain to make it accessible to everyone and mainly to the Roman market. It was precisely the coercion of the annona measures that provoked the reaction of that social class, which, to oppose the low political prices of foodstuffs and maintain high incomes, had the effective weapon of falling production levels (Dal Pane, 1959, p. 598). In this way, the said social class could spark the compression of supply and therefore the tendency for prices to rise. Moreover, a scholar of the time named Nicolai had already highlighted that: A landlord or farmer will always use the type of crop that allows them to obtain the same rent with lower expenses, inconvenience, and risks.

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And if they can make a profit from their land without risking expenses for wheat, grain, and vegetable seeds, subjecting themselves to the whims of the seasons, they will leave it uncultivated for pasture, requiring a firm commitment from the shepherds, or use it for their own livestock. This is one of the main reasons why most of the land in the Roman countryside is uncultivated.25

Responding to Crisis The periodic occurrence of famines triggered a series of effects that disrupted normal economic dynamics, leading to the implementation of protective measures aimed at containing the consequences. Despite the growing financial difficulties throughout the century, the offices of the annona demonstrated a good capacity for intervention during various food crises. For this reason, the popes and the ruling groups of the state did not consider abandoning this centuries-old system. In contrast, their problem, as the century progressed and the annona deficit grew, was to implement economic policies that would promote the growth of food supplies and thus alleviate the annona’s financial burden. The ultimate goal of these policies was to increase agricultural production, with incentives coming from directives in the field of agriculture, a fiscal policy aimed at increasing resources for the treasury to cover the annona’s deficit, and finally, the structuring of a public debt system to finance abundance. The agricultural measures encountered various problems in their full implementation. It was much easier to invest in livestock breeding than to use capital for the unlikely growth of agricultural crops. The cost/ revenue ratio for growing wheat on a piece of land was unsatisfactory for producers, while leaving land for grazing represented a profitable and entirely competitive activity. The annona authorities were aware of the situation and had made estimates in this regard.26 If the power of merchants was undoubtedly great, one might wonder what the role of landowners was and, above all, what their bargaining

25 SAR, Ministero del commercio, belle arti, industria, agricoltura, b. 573, Nobil collegio dei Commercianti di Roma: estratto del verbale 19 novembre 1862. 26 SAR, Ministero del commercio, belle arti, industria, agricoltura e lavori pubblici, b. 571, Previdenza sulle circostanze che possono influenzare i risultati del prossimo raccolto.

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power was over small farmers, particularly in areas subject to annona jurisdiction. Rome and the annona provinces experienced a gradual depopulation of rural areas and the compression of small landholdings, which gave way to large secular and ecclesiastical estates. In particular, in the Roman countryside in 1783, 113 families owned 61% of the land, and 64 ecclesiastical institutions owned another 37%, while in the Legations, the predominance of privileged classes was somewhat less pronounced. However, as of 1784, on the plain of Bologna, the nobility owned 70% of the land, and in the Legation of Urbino, there was a progressive expansion of ecclesiastical properties along the Adriatic coast. According to the 1783 census of Pius VI, 357 estates of varying sizes were found in the Roman countryside and were distributed among different classes (D’Alessandro, 1969a, pp. 27–37). Among ecclesiastical owners, the Apostolic Chamber owned approximately 2.03% of the properties in the Roman countryside, acquired mainly through insolvent debtors (D’Alessandro, 1969b, pp. 366–381). The owners of large estates did not pay much attention to the productivity of their land but preferred to live off rents in the city without administrative worries. They leased their estates to “country merchants” or invested their resources in “Monte places” that yielded safe and continual returns (Nuzzi, 1702, p. 142). Therefore, land turned out to be less attractive than financial investment in credit securities. The same tenants showed little interest in production, as they often sublet the land to farmers. Furthermore, large landowners granted uncultivated land to noble families from the capital under specific conditions, such as the widespread practice of stabilizing the duration of the concession for three generations, which was customarily renewed (Carocci, 1959: also see Carocci, 2010). These large tracts of land acquired by the nobility through fief or emphyteusis were leased to people of lesser economic status on a seasonal basis and for an annual rent (pensio). Thus, the concession, known as enphyteusis subalternata, was made by those who utilized the land rather than those who owned it (D’Alessandro, 1968, pp. 257–260). Other types of contracts existed, such as the colonia parziaria. Estate owners often entered into verbal agreements granting small tracts of land and occasionally even providing the means to cultivate them, given the extreme poverty of the concessionaires (Ago, 1981, pp. 60–87).

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In this context, several measures were enacted throughout the century that characterized papal agricultural policy. This policy, operating in a sort of periodization for the first forty years of the century, from the rule of Pope Clement XI (1700–1721) to that of Pope Clement XII (1730– 1740), was an integral part of the annonaria, particularly for the regions under the jurisdiction of the annona (considered the safest way to obtain an increase in production). Benedict XIV took on a reformist commitment that encompassed all activities, and in the agricultural field, pursued the liberalization of internal trade more decisively. From 1774 to 1800, instead, Pius VI’s agricultural policy followed two directives: on the one hand, an increase in agricultural production and, on the other hand, the abolition of the binding annonario system (Piscitelli, 1958b, pp. 38–42). Until approximately the mid-century, the papal strategy in agricultural matters was mainly based on measures aimed at regulating the consumption of agricultural products, which primarily occurred through price regulations that enjoyed easy consensus among the masses, especially in a city such as Rome. Compressing the prices of grain and other foodstuffs was the simplest attempt to achieve positive results in the short term, along with a policy of the accumulation and conservation of grain hoarded by the authorities. However, at the same time, such interventions were accompanied by supply manoeuvres, such as importing grain from abroad. This, however, caused a reaction from landowners, including those of noble birth, the clergy, and country merchants, who, in an effort to counter the low prices, especially of grain, sought in every way to restrict supply in order to increase prices. In particular, the difficulties of the wheat market forced the government to persist in enacting contingent measures aimed at facilitating the supply of public grain and thus also the supply of the city of Rome to avoid hoarding and clandestine extractions. For this reason, all measures taken in the past against hoarders were repeatedly renewed, with the intention not of limiting legitimate trade but of preventing merchants from buying from farmers even before the harvest and in quantities greater than their personal needs.27 Every other letter, proclamation, edict, or notification aimed at imposing limits as well as prohibitions and directives had as their ultimate goal the increase of production.28

27 SAR, Bandi b. 85, Conistitution of 29 june 1748, cc. VIII–IX. 28 SAR, Bandi, b. 457.

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It was under Benedetto XIV that the annona consolidated its position not only in the provinces subject to it but also in the remaining provinces of the state through the systematic use of the offices of some commissioners who had the task of hoarding grain (also anticipating their own capital) in their respective territories and sending it to Rome. This system, while allowing the annona to achieve savings, granted the opportunity for speculation to those who were both merchants and state officials. The freedom of trade was invested in not only the sphere of agricultural products but also that of any movable and marketable thing.29 However, since the fundamental commercial problem related to the availability of wheat in various state communities, greater attention was focused on foodstuffs than on other goods. Total and unlimited freedom was not yet being discussed, and it could not have been otherwise given that to achieve it would have been necessary to break down privileges and prohibitions deeply rooted in society and long integrated into the customs and legislation of the state. The following year, Benedetto XIV restored all the privileges of the people and families in the state. For example, the Bentivoglio family of Ferrara was granted the enjoyment of all the prerogatives, exemptions, privileges and comforts, franchises, favours and honours (Zucchini, 1968, p. 187). The importance of privileges, especially at the local level, was, according to Casanova (1984), a determining factor in the failure to achieve real reform of the state (on the conservatism of the Roman ruling class in the eighteenth century, see La Marca, 1998, pp. 157–181). Economists believed that an increase in production depended on greater freedom of trade. However, these liberalizing attempts were registered as failures, either because they were promptly revoked in case the grain availability of the annona and the entire state was in danger or because state officials, who were often loyal allies of powerful speculators, did not implement them. However, the undoubted willingness on the part of the popes, albeit initially limited to the state, to introduce freedom of trade permanently, considering it one of the necessary means to revitalize agriculture, cannot be ignored. Despite a certain evolution of the themes that animated eighteenthcentury agricultural politics in the Ecclesiastical State, the basic means remained the same. Periodic sworn censuses or “assegne,” as they were

29 SAR, Bandi, b. 85, Conistitution of 29 june 1748, c. VI.

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called, remained the only means by which the central government could learn about annual agricultural production.30 In addition to loosening the constraints of the grain distribution system, the legislative work of Pius VI pursued liberal goals by abandoning the policy of leasing state-owned land and adopting the use of emphyteusis and subemphyteusis contracts instead. Since it was the lessees who rented out the land, the abolition of leases reflected a political directive unfavourable to rents and aimed at the formation of small agricultural properties. In other words, the state, not having the strength to prohibit the rental system, sought to initiate new directives by granting its own assets, namely, cameral goods, in emphyteusis. The conditions and privileges that determined the increase in large estates were naturally not cancelled by Pius VI’s measures: in the Roman countryside, the irrational and traditional system of land exploitation was growing, but the need for a new system and a new development was perceived to be fundamental and urgent.

Agricultural Market Certainly, today’s markets are undoubtedly more efficient than those in the past, as demonstrated by their growing integration. It was Cournot who, in the nineteenth century, emphasized the importance of market integration in view of their efficiency (Cournot, 1838 [1971]). He defined an integrated market as an entire territory whose parts are so united by unrestricted trade relationships that prices assume the same level quickly and easily. In other words, the law of a single price must apply, and prices must easily and quickly return to their normal level after a shock. Samuelson (1952) defined perfect integration in terms of an optimal distribution of goods among markets, given local demand and supply, and attributed only a marginal role to prices in achieving this optimal allocation. In this regard, recent economic literature has presented a series of studies and offered different approaches that historical economics has recently begun to employ through the use of increasingly sophisticated analytical methodologies to analyse the degree of market integration (Uebele, 2011; Federico, 2012; Jacks et al., 2011; Hynes et al., 2012). The Papal State, due to its particular situation of grain production and consumption, was an ideal field for examining various experiences,

30 SAR, Bandi, b. 460.

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without neglecting the interests of producers because the state did not have valid alternatives to agriculture. Therefore, it was of general interest to allow a certain freedom to producers in years of abundance. In the Roman territory, in the eighteenth century, there was a system of procurement, distribution, price control, and grain consumption that had originated in the late Middle Ages (Palermo, 1997). Fiscal reasons first of all but also reasons of public order, guarantees in payment systems, and regularity and certainty in supplies helped in pushing for the structuring and maintenance of a system of political and administrative controls. Constructing a series of grain prices presented considerable difficulties because it was necessary to distinguish whether they were the maximum prices at which transactions had to take place, average prices of transactions that had taken place on a given date, or purchase prices by a citizen who bought from a public office (such as the Office of Abundance in Viterbo) or from a private individual. Sometimes prices for a locality of the state indicated maximum prices, while those used for Rome were average prices found in the Campo de’ Fiori market (an official market where purchases necessary for family provisioning were made), with respect to which the annona fixed its purchase price from private individuals and, on other occasions, the prices were demanded or imposed by private individuals, probably on other private individuals. The trend recorded for the eighteenth century shows a substantial stability of the price of approximately 6/7 Roman scudi for Rome, registering a certain increase towards the end of the century. However, Rome enjoyed conditions of absolute privilege thanks to the annona. These conditions, however, ultimately led to such financial disarray of the Roman grain system, as widely demonstrated by Revel, to force Pius VII to liquidate it (Revel, 1972, 1975). For example, regarding Viterbo, an important location in the province of Patrimonio north of Rome, the large landowners who constituted the largest grain producers limited the city’s bargaining power so much that it was often the sellers who imposed the price rather than the city of Viterbo itself. Through more sophisticated calculations using a stochastic method, the series of sales prices imposed by the Annona frumentaria at Campo de’ Fiori from 1700 to 1797, preserved at the State Archive of Rome, and the prices of purchase and those of the main centres of the state (Montalto, Civitavecchia, Corneto, Viterbo) have been elaborated. This has highlighted (Table 5.2) the lack of cointegration of individual markets,

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particularly through the Pedroni cointegration tests, which examine two hypotheses. With the first (within-dimension) hypothesis, we find a stochastic common trend that reveals that 4 out of 7 tests show an integration between markets (due to the nature of their trend, in particular between Montalto, Corneto, Civitavecchia and Viterbo), while the second (between-dimension) hypothesis reveals no deterministic trend. In summary, there appears to be a weak cointegration between these markets that will need to be further tested through a refinement of the data by interrogating other archive sources. In view of this, however, it must also be taken into account whether the price was quoted in contemporary currency (scudi per rubbio, carlini/ giuli/paoli or bolognini/baiocchi per rubbio), because then one would have to take into account the indices of devaluation of the currencies used over time: if a rubbio of wheat was purchased for 5 scudi in the sixteenth century and 6 scudi in the seventeenth century, if the scudo had lost value in the meantime (because the amount of precious metal that it was composed of had decreased), the price increase would not only be the nominal one (from 5 to 6 scudi, i.e., 20% more) but the real one, which is given by the nominal increase plus the devaluation that had occurred Table 5.2 Degree of cointegration of grain markets in the Church State (Pedroni cointegration tests. Null hypothesis: No cointegration) Alternative hypothesis: common AR coefs. (within dimension) Statistic 4,384,178 −3,72,397 −1,7528 0,297

Panel v-Statistic Panel rho-Statistic Panel PP-Statistic Panel ADF-Statistic Alternative hypothesis: individual AR coefs. (between dimension) Statistic Group rho-Statistic −2,55,456 Group PP-Statistic −2,41,241 Group ADF-Statistic −0,31,414

Prob 0,0000 0,0001 0,0398 0,6168

Weighted Statistic 0,859,061 −3,517,391 −2,710,091 −0,836,378

Prob 0,1952 0,0002 0,0034 0,2015

Prob 0,0053 0,0079 0,3767

Source Elaborating data from State Archive of Rome, Camerale II, Annona b. 22 fasc. 60; Annona, Bilanci bb. 110–115; Presidenza Annona e Grascia, bb. 1963–1976; Bandi b. 460

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in the meantime. Another question is that of being able to relate prices to wages. Based on these factors, the following can be generally concluded: – During the sixteenth century, the price of grain fluctuated from 2.5/ 3.5 Roman scudi in the first half of the century to 4/4.5 scudi in the second half, with extreme peaks reaching over 11 scudi per rubbio in 1591–1593. – The seventeenth century initially experienced turbulent and rising prices that stabilized after the mid-century, with an average between 7/8 Roman scudi in the first half and 5/6 in the second half. – Finally, during the eighteenth century, the price remained relatively stable at approximately 6/7 Roman scudi, with a slight increase towards the end of the century. Figure 5.1 depicts the correlation index between the purchase prices of the annona at the Campo de’ Fiori market, the purchase and sale prices of wheat between the annona and the bakers, the annona’s purchases in the main markets of the Papal State, and the purchase prices in the Viterbo square. The figure clearly shows a certain disintegration of markets and their divergence. Starting from the seventeenth century and throughout the following century, prices in Viterbo were more favourable than those in Rome. It is true that data for a large part of this period related to Viterbo are missing, but the available data that allows for comparison, at least for the eighteenth century, largely confirms this conclusion. The causes of the phenomenon remain unexplained because in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the regulating hand of the annona continued to be felt heavily in Rome, which should have produced an imbalance of prices in favour of Rome, but it does not seem that things went in that direction. One possible explanation is that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the production of grain in the Viterbo area increased more than the population and consumption, thus depressing prices, while the opposite was happening in Rome (another explanation could be that the transportation costs to the former were lower). The imposed price or calmiere had the purpose of converging the conflicting interests of farmers, merchants, bakers, and consumers. Essentially, it was an official indication that the government imposed on the market, around which

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16 14

y = 0.5586x + 2.6625 R² = 0.2564

12 10 8 6 4 2 0

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

Fig. 5.1 Correlation index between the purchase and sale prices of the annona in the main markets of the Papal State and in the Viterbo market (Source Elaborazione dati da State Archives of Rome, Presidenza Annona e Grascia, bb. 1962–1976; 2212–2249: Camerale II, Annona b. 22 fasc. 60; Annona, Bilanci bb. 110–115)

real prices were framed. This expressed the intention of the annona (not only the wheat one) to stabilize the market by setting a maximum price annually: this was generally established in September by the annona court and theoretically applied throughout the state. Ensuring bread for everyone at a low cost, however, penalized producers, as controlled and imposed prices did not allow for fair compensation for their work in the fields. Merchants were unhappy because, the annona itself being the most powerful mediator, they could not derive sufficient profit from their activity to justify the risks taken. Finally, bakers and distributors in general were excessively conditioned, as taxes on bread production and predetermined annona prices allowed them to provide a public service but prevented sufficient profit (Reinhardt, 1990, pp. 104–134). This is why exceptions to these impositions were frequent, as previously mentioned and as sources testify. Against the long-standing experience of the prohibitive regime as a means of ensuring the supply of the state and Rome in particular, Dal

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Pane (1959, p. 607) notes that a movement of opposition and reform had been felt throughout the eighteenth century, which had fought against the existing institutions. The movement had highlighted the damage that such a system would cause to production, the injustices and intolerable abuses that were inherent to it, concluding its action, as already mentioned, at the dawn of the nineteenth century with the reforms of Pius VII. In fact, with the Motu Proprio of November 4, 1801, several measures were prescribed to favour and increase agriculture in the Papal State31 ; they were inspired by the mechanisms of determining import permits or bans, granting rewards, and imposing duties according to the level reached in the domestic market for cereal prices (Bonelli, 1961, p. 57). This duty regime was called “scale mobile” or “graduated,” i.e., the price limit of all cereals for extractions from the state was fixed.32 Subsequently, the tariff was revised with the Edict of February 15, 1823 (Bonelli, 1961, pp. 60, 113–120), while with that of December 1, 1846, it was established that the price limit of wheat, maize, and flours should be reduced by two scudi to adjust them to the current prices, which were showing a pronounced downward trend in those years.33 The decrease in prices was due to general trends and the growing competition of foreign grains (Bonelli, 1961, p. 60) due to increased efficiency in transport and the spread of liberal policies.34 However, despite everything, the attitude of state authorities had not changed. Despite attempts to liberalize the market through the well-known provisions of 1801 and 1823, the idea that it was the government’s prerogative to exercise public control over the grain trade in opposition to producers or merchants and their supposed price manipulation was still deeply ingrained in pontifical culture and practice. This is why in 1847, with political concerns and the fear of popular riots

31 SAR, bandi b. 460. 32 SAR, Ministero del commercio, belle arti, industria, agricoltura e lavori pubblici, b.

573, Rapporto della Commissione per la coltura dell’Agro romano, Roma 1862. 33 SAR, Ministero del commercio, belle arti, industria, agricoltura e lavori pubblici, b. 571, Circolare sulla formazione dei quadri annuali dimostranti la situazione annonaria. See Slicher Van Bath (1972, pp. 307–333). On the trend of the prices in individual European regions in the XIX century, see also Romano (1967). 34 SAR, Ministero del commercio, belle arti, industria, agricoltura e lavori pubblici, b. 573, Rapporto della Commissione per la coltura dell’Agro romano, Rome, 1862.

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becoming dominant, a fluctuating grain policy was adopted, consisting of temporary bans or permissions for export that would remain in force until the early 1860s.35 The edict of September 11, 1861, marked a return to the general prohibition of grain exports, considered the most suitable way to protect domestic needs. Furthermore, in line with this principle, it was established that the importation of grains and other staple goods would be exempt from duties.36 This return to the past was due to the fact that cereal production in the Roman countryside had been decreasing in recent years. From the height of 68,044 rubbia of wheat produced in 1855, production dropped to 52,000 in 1858 and 45,052 in 1859. This was to the detriment of the capital’s needs, which, according to the 1859 surveys, amounted to 180,000 rubbia of wheat (Ministero di Agricoltura, Industria e Commercio, Direzione della Statistica Generale, 1878). Therefore, several solutions were pursued. First, continuing the previous policy through provisions aimed at increasing the surface area of land for wheat cultivation; even the organs of the “Commission for the cultivation of the Roman countryside” affirmed that it was necessary to “firstly return to agriculture all the land taken away by grazing.”37 Second, freeing properties from legislative constraints that hindered them, dividing large estates into smaller ones, encouraging a spirit of work association, improving agricultural methods and practices, draining stagnant waters and regulate and utilize flowing ones, and combatting malaria were considered the areas in which the action of the state should be exercised. However, due to the chronic problems affecting the sector, exacerbated by historical and political events, the state lacked the strength and consistency to develop and implement the insightful ideas of Pius VII.38 In this regard, the influence and stimulating action of agricultural societies and academies established from 1847 to 1870 cannot be denied,

35 SAR, Ministero del commercio, belle arti, industria, agricoltura e lavori pubblici, b.

579. 36 SAR, Ministero del commercio, belle arti, industria, agricoltura e lavori pubblici, b.

578. 37 SAR, Ministero del commercio, belle arti, industria, agricoltura e lavori pubblici, b. 573, Rapporto della Commissione per la coltura dell’Agro romano, Rome, 1862. 38 Travaglini (1981, pp. 63–71, 225 and 231).

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despite the somewhat disappointing concrete results obtained in the short term.39 The social and psychological effects of famines were no less significant. Grain was a symbol of order, prosperity, and tranquillity for the future. On the other hand, the lack of grain and other basic necessities, with its implications of the disorder and disruption of natural balances, was a sign of social malaise fuelled by unemployment and crime. It is interesting to note how this cultural and psychological conditioning remained essentially unchanged throughout the various centuries of the preindustrial age. Furthermore, crisis in food production and unemployment were closely related because the abandonment of crops due to rents considered inadequate by large landowners released workers who, in turn, had nowhere else to go but to the cities in search of something to do to survive, placing their hopes in the charitable and welfare apparatus of the available public structures; in our case, Rome was the salvation. As Pane observed, “the constant fluctuations of crops and frequent transitions from abundance to famine and vice versa, different and opposing interests, different aspirations, founded and imaginary fears combined and fought each other.” Rome and its state, given its particular situation of production and consumption of grain, was an ideal ground for the most disparate experiences. However, the interests of producers could not be excessively neglected because the state had no valid alternative to agriculture; therefore, it was in the general interest to give free rein in years of abundance. Overall, Rome was able to control the situation in various cases, especially for crises that occurred before the mid-century. However, from 1763 onwards, difficulties increased, and the system of leases proved inadequate for the new situations that had arisen, especially from a financial point of view. A new approach to the policy of food supply and distribution was necessary, and the demands for greater freedom in the circulation of food increasingly strengthened. Attempts at change, combined with strong internal resistance, must still be examined within a reality such as that of Rome, which is distinct from other European and Italian contexts and, for this reason, is particular or even atypical. According to Bartoccini, even after 1860, despite the worsening of internal conditions and the “encirclement of the new Italy…a process of improved awareness and difficult adjustment began

39 Travaglini (1981, pp. 150–162 and 200–220).

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to manifest itself” (Bartoccini, 1985, p. 215). The process of Italianization (Bartoccinini, 1971, 1972), which is identified within the interests, consumption patterns, and mentalities of various social levels, affected Rome and spread through the slowly developed infrastructure within the region, which was intended to facilitate osmosis with the adjacent Italian territory. After the declarations of principle by Pius IX (1846–1878) contained in the Syllabus and the encyclical Quanta Cura (1864): It will be necessary to distinguish, within the pontifical policy, behind the facade of the rejection of reconciliation and the claim for the lost territory, the tendency towards a realistic acceptance of the accomplished fact, the reached awareness of the solidity and vitality of the Italian Kingdom, the search for a modus vivendi aimed, if not at integration, at a tolerable form of coexistence, the tacit premise of the life of the last remnant of the Pontifical State, the guarantee of the possession of Rome. (Caravale and Caracciolo, 1978, p. 718)

Sources and References Sources from Archive State Archive of Rome = SAR SAR, Bandi bb. 30; 49; 58; 85; 457; 459; 460 SAR, Camerale II, Annona, bb. bb.1, 2-3-4-5-16-17-22-23-39 SAR, Camerale II, Annona, Bilanci, bb. 110–115 SAR, Camerale I, Registro dei chirografi, tomo XI; nn. 171,178; SAR, Congregazione del Buon Governo, serie V, Registro delle lettere b.179; SAR, Congregazioni particolari deputate, bb. 25 e 78 SAR, Luoghi di Monte, Giustificazioni, bb. 3188–3191 SAR, Ministero del commercio, belle arti, industria, agricoltura, bb. 571, 573, 578, 579 SAR, Presidenza Annona e Grascia, bb. 1962–1976 SAR, S. Congregazione del Buon Governo, serie V, Registro delle lettere b.179 Vatican Apostolic Archive=VAA: Bolle e Bandi, serie III, anno 1741 Casanatense Library: Collezione Bandi, anno 1766, n.77

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Printed Sources Cournot, Augustin. (1897). Researches into the Mathematical Principles of the Theory of Wealth by Augustin Cournot 1838. Translated by Nathaniel T. Bacon with a Bibliography of Mathematical Economics by Irving Fisher. New YorkLondon: The MacMillan Company Malthus, Thomas R. (1800). An Investigation of the Cause of Present High Price of Provisions. London: St. Paul’s-Church-Yard, by Davis, Taylor, and Wilks, Chancery-Lane Ministero di Agricoltura, Industria e Commercio, Direzione della Statistica Generale (edited by). (1878). Monografia Statistica di Roma e campagna romana. Rome: Tip. Elzeviriana Nuzzi, Ferdinando. (1702). Discorso di Monsignor Ferdinando Nuzzi Chierico di Camera e Prefetto dell’Annona intorno alla coltivazione e popolazione della Campagna Romana. Alla Santità di Nostro Signore Papa Clemente Undecimo. Rome: Rev. Camera Apostolica Pascoli, Leone. (1733). Testamento politico di un accademico fiorentino, in cui con nuovi e ben fondati principi si fanno vari e diversi progetti per stabilire un ben regolato commercio nello Stato della Chiesa e per aumentare notabilmente le entrate della Camera. Colonia: Per gli Eredi di Cornelio Egmond

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CHAPTER 6

Financial Crisis

Introduction Rome has dominated the historiographic debate in recent years as a bureaucratic centre of civil and ecclesiastical government and even more so as the hub of complex relationships revolving around the Curia, cardinal courts, and their respective clients, capable of determining political directions and diplomatic choices, concentrations of capital and economic interests, brilliant careers and family strategies. Our knowledge of the varied curial world of Rome between the end of the fifteenth and into the seventeenth century has grown thanks to the studies of Peter Partner (1990) and Renata Ago (1990); other studies delve into the composition and destinies of the Roman ruling class, the impact of foreigners on it, the dynamics of patronage relationships, the factors of social mobility, and the evolution of city structures. Around the theme of the capital, the need for a critical deepening of the city structures on which the evolutionary processes of creating a modern state from the fifteenth century onwards (Palermo, 1997) are beginning to take shape. Equally important is the strand of study that, from the analysis of

*Although the work is the result of constant joint collaboration, this chapter is by Donatella Strangio. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Formica and D. Strangio, Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41260-8_6

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government structures, municipal institutions, social relations, economic dynamics, and bonds of solidarity, takes shape within the dialectic of statesociety, the role played by the structures of the Capitoline administration as a tool of social integration. That role is of strategic importance in a city that continuously transcends not only urban and regional but even national boundaries for political and economic interests, social composition, and origin and provenance of its ruling classes. This information could be a key to understanding the extraordinary survival and vitality of municipal institutions, as Paola Pavan (1996, p. 314) asserts, but also of regional ones that, as they had been emerging during the Middle Ages and crystallizing during the sixteenth century, survived unchanged not only through the constitution of the absolute monarchy of the Papal State but also the rationalization attempts resulting from the French experience and the cautious reformism of the first and second Restorations. Hence the need, as Mario Caravale writes (1992, pp. 7–9), to overcome the historiographic commonplace according to which: “unitary authority, by its very nature, always tends to reduce the sphere of competence of particular and local orders, while the latter, for their part, are led by their very essence to aspire to complete independence,” and to rethink the relationship between centre and periphery and between central and local power, considering that institutional arrangements arise from the concrete needs of communities and do not derive from a constitutional engineering project developed by some higher authority. Rome, the city that is still often defined as “the city of the pope,” privileging this seemingly immobile dimension over all other aspects and moments of its appearance, as Marina Caffiero aptly writes (2001, p. 9), underwent two unprecedented—at least for the modern age— phases between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries during which the forced physical absence of the pope and the disappearance of the peculiar mixture of temporal and spiritual powers that constituted Rome as a “normal” city, no longer characterized solely or predominantly by the fact of being the “holy city” and the centre of Catholicism, as well as of theocratic power, but rather as a “revolutionary” city, deeply affected Rome’s financial structure.

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Institutional Climate After the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748) and the end of the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), the period of balance-of-power wars between the great European dynasties came to an end. A peaceful period in Europe began and lasted until the French Revolution, during which wars took on a broader and different meaning than the dynastic wars of the European courts during the age of absolutism. During this long period of peace, important changes took place in all sectors of economic and social life in Europe. Everywhere, there was a need to emancipate human action from mediaeval constraints and to economically equalize social classes and increase the welfare of peoples. This was the era of the triumphant diffusion of a great movement of thought, namely, the Enlightenment, and a grandiose process of “reforms” within the various European states. These renewing ideas clashed with the power of privileged orders, the nobility, and the clergy and led to the abandonment of the mercantilist constraints that European society had remained entwined with for centuries. It is worth noting that in eighteenth-century Europe, many changes took place towards the end of the 1750s and the beginning of the 1760s, so the century can be divided into two parts with different social and political features. The first, although entirely occupied by dynastic and colonial wars, was characterized in Western Europe by a fairly continuous social evolution, while the second half saw events that strongly affected its historical development, such as the first phase of the Industrial Revolution in England, demographic explosion, the economic crisis of 1763–1764, the growing challenge of the middle classes to the aristocracy, substantial administrative reforms, and growing popular protests, which some have judged to be a generalized prologue to the revolutionary events of France. Ultimately, in the second half of the eighteenth century, the pace of political and social transformations in Europe received a formidable boost that did not leave Rome or its state behind. The wave of reforms led by philosopher kings and their ministers was sweeping across every country in Europe and every field of human activity. There was a growing demand for rationalizing the bureaucratic machine and the tax structure, subjecting the clergy to state control, destroying the bonds of serfdom in the countryside, making criminal and judicial systems less “barbaric,” establishing a new economic policy, and promoting public works and reclamation projects everywhere—from

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Charles III of Bourbon in Spain, Joseph I Marquis of Pombal in Portugal, Frederick II of Prussia, Maria Theresa of Austria and her son Joseph II, to George III’s England, where attempts at reforms initiated in other European regions were fully realized, thus becoming the ideal model of the modern state. British trade was growing significantly, strengthening England’s maritime and colonial primacy at the expense of France and Spain. The great development of industry had repercussions on agriculture, and the increase in population and its standard of living, as well as the ever-increasing needs of cities, provided incentives to intensify agricultural production and employ new mechanical and chemical methods to increase land productivity. In Italian states, reformist ideas were also developing, but the intellectual vivacity and the reforms and innovations of those states shaken by the advent of Austrian rule or by new dynasties of transalpine origin were contrasted with the immobility and gradual decline of those states that had maintained their traditional political structures, such as the Republics of Venice, Genoa, and Lucca. The meeting between princely initiative and the intellectual movement that characterized Enlightenment reformism manifested with full efficiency in Italy only in Tuscany under Peter Leopold of Habsburg. In Rome and its state, the negative effects of economic decline that had been going on for approximately two centuries were evident. From an economic and financial standpoint, the tax system of Rome and its state appeared inadequate; it was based entirely on consumption taxes, which mainly affected the less affluent classes and provided numerous exemptions for the privileged classes that already benefitted from the absence of direct taxes (Nina, 1908; Gardi, 1986; Girelli, 1992; Tabacchi, 2007; De Luca, 2015). The structure of the ecclesiastical system, which placed the city of Rome at the centre of the state’s needs, was similar to that of some of the most important European kingdoms, such as Spain. In this regard, De Luca (2015, p. 36) writes that: The structure of the ducal tax system, on which the new needs impacted, was ’cascading’ or top-down; according to this scheme, the general burden of the State (the contingent) was decided based on the needs of Madrid and the local government and then divided among the nine provinces based on their population or wealth or both; but over the decades, the criteria became increasingly complex both due to the stratification of new taxes and the many changes introduced by the central power. The quota assigned to each province was then divided among the cities and their

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districts, i.e., the rural districts subject to urban jurisdiction, according to parameters often disputed by the inhabitants of the latter because they contained traces of ancient privileges of city property owners, which had accumulated during the territorial aggregation process. The most opposed of these was the different treatment of land owned by rural residents (and taxed as rural land) and those owned by citizens, who as members of the city enjoyed exemptions and lighter quotas.

The lack of liquid capital was due to the fact that landowners were accustomed to indulging in luxury consumption with their incomes or at least investing in real estate or government securities that did not entail significant risks. Monetary circulation was slow and flawed due to the diversity of coins produced by the numerous mints of the Papal States. Undoubtedly, the most prosperous part of the Roman state was that which included, as already seen in the fourth chapter, the legations of Bologna, Ferrara, and Romagna, where revolutionary aspirations and aversion to papal power were the most vibrant and palpable (Casanova, 1984). This makes it clear that the papacy was facing one of the most challenging periods of its existence, surrounded on all sides by the emergence of Enlightenment reformist tendencies and, in the religious field, by the issues raised by Jansenism and other nationalist religious movements. All of this led some economists of the time to recognize the urgent need for valid reforms that would improve the social and economic conditions of Rome and its state, without questioning the authority of the pope and his government. The Republic of 1798–1799 and the Roman Republic of 1849 represent the most original political—and one could also say economic and financial—laboratories of modern Italy, if only for the absolutely peculiar transformation from a theocratic to a secular and, moreover, democratic state and for the epochal turning point, perhaps still inadequately evaluated, represented by the expulsion of the pope. Furthermore, these phenomena were entirely analogous to those that would occur when liberal united Italy found itself confronting the force of traditional religious symbols, seeking to oppose them with other symbols, borrowed or invented, that aimed to be equally effective. As Marina Caffiero (2001, p. 10) underlines, with regard to these two experiences, it must not be underestimated that although wanting to leave aside their assigned role as “antecedents,” that is, crucial moments of the “national discourse” of the Risorgimento in many respects, these phenomena contributed to the

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construction of both the Italian national identity and the “Roman question” that dominated the nineteenth century as well as of that ideal of Rome as the capital and symbol of the unity of the Italian people that was attempted to be realized during and after the fateful day of September 20, 1870. In the Rome of 1798–1799, the inevitable loans from the past regime, which were intended to be erased and overthrown, were made within a new situation that was yet to be invented and developed. Despite the undoubted influence of the French model, which was not applicable to the specific and unique reality of Rome, this did not result in subordination or prevent the search for a political and cultural alternative. Despite every temptation to emphasize continuity with the past, what emerged was the deep rupture with the secular Roman-papal tradition, repeated again in 1849. This rupture was not represented mainly by urban or administrative reorganization and modernization, nor by a radical anticlericalism parallel to another phenomenon widespread in all Italian historical phases characterized by profound political-religious changes, that of numerous secularizations of ecclesiastics and their high participation in patriotic movements. “The fracture,” as Marina Caffiero (2001, p.14) writes: rather is found in the birth – or at least in the attempt to construct – new languages and practices of politics capable of deeply investing, and in the long term, behaviors and ideas, in the city as well as in the province.

Benedetto XIV in the Century of Reforms Financial problems stemmed from a series of causes mainly related to war expenses, beautification works in the city, lavish gifts that popes gave to their families and, to some extent, a decrease in ecclesiastical incomes. The financial crisis was part of a decidedly negative economic context, and the very fabric of the economy of the Pontifical State was structurally deficient: agriculture, the prevalent activity, did not allow the accumulation of capital necessary for investment in more productive sectors, relying mainly on natural fertility and human labour. Manufacturing activity was still carried out according to artisanal processes, and the market was depressed by a series of negative circumstances (Gross, 1990, pp. 97–98). Agricultural production was unable to reach high levels, constrained within

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limits determined by the course of the seasons and by the favourable or unfavourable events of natural elements. An evident sign of such backwardness was the miserable conditions of the peasants, often forced to live as serfs (La Marca, 1969, p. 13). Other problems were related to patrician families who held enormous estates and were indifferent to the land, satisfied with the revenues provided by grazing and cereal crops and by the difficult trade of agricultural products. Large landowners were discouraged from investing in crops because of the duties and taxes that prevented trade abroad; these duties and taxes were only rarely tempered by “tratte,” which were exceptional permits for export (Strangio, 2003, p. 128) limited in time and space and were granted when production was abundant relative to Rome’s needs. “Tratte,” in fact, were a breach in the severe Annona legislation designed to protect producers from excessive price reductions in years of abundance. The system was based on the direct determination of production through sworn declarations of producers or even on the calculation of the index of the price of wheat, which varied by crop (De Cupis, 1911; see also La Marca, 1984). There was no category of citizens possessing movable wealth, but only a nobility dedicated to living off their rent and squandering money on luxuries. The only positive exception was represented by the figure of the “country merchant,”1 that is, the well-off tenants of estates of Roman nobility. These were true entrepreneurs, since the management of the estates was usually only one of the activities they managed, and in some cases not even the main one. Their activity consisted more in subletting, selling pastures, producing charcoal, and numerous other activities that made their role in the economy of Rome important. The real limit of this productive reality was the low ratio between their number and the overall population; there were only 138 in the countryside around Rome at the beginning of the eighteenth century (La Marca, 1969, p. 19). Contributing to this situation was the existence of numerous tolls and taxes that every community and individual feudal lord could still demand based on titles, for the most part pretexts, on goods in transit within the Roman domains (Dal Pane, 1959, p. 69). The tolls and taxes theoretically fell within the complex tax system, although, due to privileges and 1 Regarding the views and roles of country merchants, see Piscitelli (1958b, pp. 119– 173; 1968, pp. 446–457). De Tournon (1855, pp. 309–324), Girelli (1998, pp. 211–250; 1999, pp. 504–532), Sansa (2009, pp. 1008–1024), Sanfilippo (2009, pp. 73–85, in particular 74–80), and Brice (2020).

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administrative inefficiencies, very little actually reached the state’s coffers. The tax system was mainly based on consumption taxes that affected the less affluent classes; in some cases, exemptions for privileged classes were even provided, although such classes already benefitted from the absence of direct taxes and taxes on property. The meagre financial revenue that was obtainable was further reduced by entrusting the most enterprising exponents of the privileged class with contracts for collecting taxes in the various territories and provinces of the state, which inevitably resulted in the diversion to the advantage of private individuals of a significant portion of public revenues (Caravale and Caracciolo, 1978, pp. 392– 393). The persistence of these conditions stimulated the flourishing of a copious pseudoeconomic literature on the remedies to be put in place to solve the crisis situation (Gross, 1990, pp. 112–113); the intellectual ferment invested the pontiffs and the governing bodies that, despite the great resistance of the conservative class, attempted to develop reforms capable of reviving the economy of the state. The fate of these reforms was uncertain and, in most cases, resulted in actual failures. They focused on agricultural reforms to eliminate the Annona constraint, on the establishment of a “state” manufacturing industry, on tax reform, and on customs reform. Throughout the century, the debate was kept alive by the writings of thinkers, administrators, and merchants and continued within the congregations that, in various capacities, were established by the pontiffs and culminated at the end of the century with the customs reform of Pius VI (1775–1799), which, however, was never definitively completed. According to Gardi (1986), the fifteenth century marked the transition from a feudal tax system to a modern tax system. Although taxes owed to the papacy were still collected based on political sovereignty, the originally extraordinary taxes established with the consent of the subjects that allowed communities to send modest surpluses to Rome were stabilized. In this phase, the state was composed of various territorial entities identified in the treasuries, each autonomous from the others but subordinate to Rome, the city that provided the pope with the basis of its territorial, fiscal, and social power. Through the sale of offices, a form of public debt studied by Fausto Piola Caselli (1973; see also De Luca, 1698), the personnel of the Roman Curia were tied to the fate of the state. Each province comprised a series of municipalities over which the hegemony of the Urbe was gradually extended, both militarily and by seeking alliances with the ruling classes and capitalizing on their financial resources. This process was completed in the mid-sixteenth century when

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the internal powers of the state were completely subjugated to its territory and a stable position was found at the international level. During this period, a dual financial action was undertaken: on the one hand, a series of general distribution taxes were enacted and extended to all subjects and to the entire territory; on the other hand, this revenue was used not only to finance state expenses but also to guarantee security to subscribers of public debt erected on impositions. The function of these measures was both financial and political since such a structured fiscal policy helped complete the integration of municipalities into the state, limiting their autonomy and strengthening state leadership, including that part of the municipal leadership favourable to the strengthening and permanence of the papal monarchy. In this way, the papacy became involved in the game of high politics and completed a series of administrative reforms that centralize the bureaucratic apparatus of the state with the creation of stable Cardinal Congregations. The beginning of the seventeenth century marked the end of the financially structured policy, as the crisis was determined by the inability to cope with the deficit caused by the burdens associated with taxation and, above all, the growing public debt (Gardi, 1986, p. 552). This led to a lack of political determination on the part of the popes during this period, a loss of international prestige, and the consequent reduction of the Papal State to a spiritual role. Conversely, the spiritual role within the state became stronger and penetrated through the Congregations, courts, and offices in all activities carried out locally (Gardi, 1986, p. 553). Gardi’s (1986) work demonstrates how institutional changes also follow the evolution of fiscal instruments. In particular, he tends to underline the connection between the evolution of the tax system and the progressive centralization of the state. The transition from a mediaeval type of taxation to a more modern one marked the moment when the state, thanks to a solid political and administrative structure, imposed its hegemony over the whole territory, limiting local autonomy. However, the situation was different for the mediate and immediate subiectae lands that would otherwise have opposed such fiscal exploitation. The tradition of autonomy in peripheral areas often prevented the destruction of old local orders, which often maintained their full administrative, fiscal, and jurisdictional functions due to the impossibility of alternatives or to deliberate political choices. This aspect, a legacy of a marked feudal particularism, was highlighted by the submission of cities or lands subject to the Holy See. In fact, it is customary to distinguish between those that

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were directly subject (immediate subiectae) and those placed under the dominion of a secular or ecclesiastical lord who maintained a direct relationship with the papacy (mediate subiectae), the deepening of which would be useful for understanding the relationships and privileges of certain territories (see, in particular, Carocci, 2012, pp. 69–89; Tabacchi, 2007; Volpi, 1983; Armando, 2004, pp. 751–784; 2017, pp. 1–28). Andrea Gardi (1986) refrains from expressing an opinion regarding the supremacy of the development of pontifical absolutism compared to that of other European states but rather limits himself to providing an outline of how the centralizing process in the Roman state began and developed until the end of the eighteenth century, with the difficulties and delays that were characteristic of the Italian situation. Among the economic congregations, the Congregation of Good Government, established in 1592 by Clement VIII (1592–1605) with the bull De Bono Regime, laid the groundwork for a unified regulation for the local administration of the Pontifical State and its norms and comprised thirty-one articles that remained valid for approximately two and a half centuries (Ministry of the Treasury, 1961, p. 52; Tabacchi, 2007). The policies of restoring local finances clashed with an increasingly deteriorating economic and financial situation. The origins of this crisis are mainly found in the international weakness of the papacy: for example, during the wars of succession, the pontifical territory was open for the transit of French, Austrian, and Spanish armies, which depleted local resources and coerced communities to provide goods and services (so much so that in that year there was a shortage of basic necessities, particularly of wheat, in some areas of the state, which led to famine and a consequent increase in prices). These events led to the implementation of reforms: the interconnections between reforms and crisis in the War of 1708–1709, which, together with the Austrian War of Succession, had a great impact on the eighteenth-century pontifical territories, are well evident. The Economic Congregation was established by Clement XI (1700– 1721) in 1708 with the aim of finding the funds necessary to face this unfortunate and expensive war (Tabacchi, 2007, pp. 374–384) on the occasion of the “million tax,”2 which was supposed to finance the defence of the state. It was set up as a tax commission to which memorials and 2 About tasse del 1708–1709, see SAR, Buon Governo, serie I, b. 33 Memorie di ciò che fu praticato in occasione dei passaggi delle truppe alemanne del 1707 and b. 77;

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supplications were addressed in opposition to the burdens of taxes. It was refounded and stabilized by Benedict XIV (1740–1758)3 in 1746 and was tasked with studying and developing proposals to improve public finance and commerce in close correlation with another institution that would be reformed, the General Computer, which sought to bring order to the state’s accounts (Spagnolo, 1966, pp. 80–84). The reform movement that swept across all of Europe in the eighteenth century also touched Rome and its state. Franchini (1950a, 1950b, pp. 1–25) and La Marca (1969) identified in the pontifical chirograph of February 1, 1701, and the establishment of the Congregation of Relief, the birth of this movement, even within the Roman state. In this act, in fact, there was a new will and a new interest in economic issues emphasized by a new intervention procedure. Thus, the pontificate of Pope Lambertini, Benedict XIV, was characterized by a financial accounting reform that was necessary due to the economic conditions of a state that had been facing growing difficulties, particularly financial and economic ones, since the end of the seventeenth century. The institutions governing the state machinery were as far from modern European models as it was possible to be. The internal balance of the Papal State, in terms of production, activities, and civic life, was extremely unstable, and international political isolation was increasing. On the other hand, the disinterest of European powers in the affairs of the ecclesiastical state was significant (Caravale and Caracciolo, 1978, pp. 491–492). In the second half of the eighteenth century, there was a reversal of the trend in the conduct of government, characterized by a moderately reformist imprint that also brought some significant successes in the administrative field (Dal Pane, 1959; Gross, 1990; Strangio, 1994, pp. 179–180, note n.2). Between the pontificate of Pope Lambertini and the last years of the “reign” of Pius VI (1775–1799), there was a greater awareness of the gravity of the problems arising from civil administration. Due to its particular nature, the State of the Church was unable to solve the serious problems that plagued it, but the imprint given to the period by these

Nina (1908), Tabacchi (1999, pp. 51–85; 2007, pp. 374–384), and Travaglini (1995, pp. 31–62). 3 SAR Camerale II, Vol. 1434.

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popes, who could be defined as “progressive,” remained worthy of attention, creating a division between the two halves of the century (Caravale and Caracciolo, 1978, p. 492). The stabilization of the international political scene played a crucial role in promoting this reformist drive. Despite the continuance of the passage of belligerent armies from north to south between 1742 and 1746, with the ascent of Benedict XIV to the papal throne in the Italian peninsula, a situation of stability and peace was reached that can be considered the basis of all the political and civil awakening observable in the second half of the eighteenth century and consequently also in the Papal State (Venturi, 1963, 1969). Given the continuous overturning of sovereigns and the destruction, requisitions, and material losses that inevitably followed and without the restoration of normal circulation of people, goods, and ideas, possible only in times of peace, it would have been unthinkable that a significant effort of innovation could have been affirmed. It is important to note, in the specific case of Rome and the Papal State, two substantially contrasting facts: on the one hand, there was a stagnation of the state within its traditional structures; on the other hand, there was a constant emergence of new developments and initiatives involving the entire civil society, from memoirists to high prelates, from humble citizens to men of letters. These developments, in most cases, remained mere enunciations of principles within the state and rarely translated into concrete progress; nevertheless, they constitute evidence of a certain animation that was spreading throughout all social strata (Caravale and Caracciolo, 1978, p. 493). Decisive factors for the emergence of the reform movement in the ecclesiastical state were the long tenures of the various pontiffs in office and their geographical origins. The possibility of governing for a long period of time allows for better and more accurate planning of government activities and therefore greater attention from public administration. The popes who succeeded to their post between 1740, the year of the election of Benedict XIV, and the end of the century, did not come from among the ranks of the Roman aristocracy, traditionally closely linked to the environments of the Curia, but from the northern provinces of the state or from Venice, as in the case of Carlo Rezzonico, who rose to the papal throne as Clement XIII (1758–1769). Those who came from the regions of Emilia and Romagna were well aware of the deep differences between the more advanced Europe and the conservative ecclesiastical

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state. In their eyes, the serious damage caused to the social and economic fabric by centuries of temporal papal rule was very evident, and they were more aware than their predecessors of the need to modernize existing structures to make public administration more efficient. It would be excessive to compare the “papal reformism” with the work of the most audacious and enlightened reforming governments, but this particular phase was characterized by an activity and awareness of practical problems that had no equal in the history of the State of the Church. From 1740 onwards, measures aimed at changing and modifying the ancient ecclesiastical state intensified; these measures included accounting reform, the liberalization of the wheat trade within state borders, the introduction of incentives to improve production in the Roman countryside, various attempts to reclaim the Pontine marshes, the project of general land surveying, and customs unification. The restructuring of the customs system consisted of abolishing internal customs and establishing a single customs boundary at the state borders (Dal Pane, 1959, pp. 144 and 207–238). This reform was part of a larger project that envisaged an agricultural reform with the abolition of the grain monopoly, the extension of free trade in agricultural products, and the establishment of favourable tax treatments for farmers to encourage production. The measures also included a tax reform that aimed to replace numerous indirect taxes and internal customs duties, which were difficult to collect, with two types of taxes: the “estimo” and the “testatico.” As a logical consequence of these measures, a customs reform inspired by the models of European states should have been introduced. On the one hand, this would have discouraged the import of foreign goods, and on the other hand, it would have encouraged the export of manufactured goods from the Papal State. Among the intellectuals of the time involved in this reform, Abbot Leone Pascoli (1733) and Girolamo Belloni (1750, 1965) were the most important interlocutors. Pascoli’s goal was to identify remedies to promote the economic development of the state and Rome while maintaining continuous contact with the reality on the ground. Belloni highlighted the union of interests between the aristocracy and government authorities, leading the Papal government to be more aristocratic than monarchic.

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With the completion of the Constitution of April 18, 1746, Apostolicae sedis aerarium, the structure of the Papal budgets was completely revolutionized (Caracciolo, 1973a, pp. 99–103). The first significant change was to the name of the register containing the financial situation of the Apostolic Chamber, which became known as the “Bilanci” instead of the “Stato generale.” This was considered fundamental to bring transparency to public administration. The conclusions of the congregation were included in the papal bull Quo die of July 8, 1748, which proclaimed the freedom of the grain trade within the state.4 It is worth noting the efforts of the pontiff to achieve certainty, generality, and uniformity in the law throughout the territory. It was also stipulated that the bull would apply to all the territories in the northern part of the state, while the Legations of Avignon, the duchy of Benevento and Rome, and the territory subject to grain constraints were excluded, as the city relied on these resources to support its population (La Marca, 1969, p. 75). Notably, Dal Pane (1959) has pointed out that the pontiff’s declared desire to unify the national market through the freedom of trade encountered difficulties due to the total abolition of the old legislation in some areas of the state. The document highlights that the distinction between southern and northern provinces corresponded to a concrete difference in cereal production and trade (Dal Pane, 1959, p. 343). This provision was supported by a more significant census, requesting information from treasurers and cameral contractors. For missing information regarding duties for communities or private individuals, a circular was issued to gather information. However, the collected data were imprecise or very generic, demonstrating the desire to boycott such an initiative. It is worth emphasizing that it was not the intention of the administration to abolish all duties immediately but rather to eliminate those that were requested without a legitimate title. Despite this, measures were implemented on tariff matters, albeit not decisive ones. In particular, duties on imported foreign goods were reaffirmed, and exemptions from customs duties were granted for textile manufactures produced in the Papal State and for all manufactures produced in Rome. As a result, while the rest of Europe was making progress towards rationalizing customs and taxation, in the Papal State,

4 Casanatense Library, Collezione Bandi, anno 1748.

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all privileges legitimized by some form of title remained in effect for many years until the papacy of Pius VI. After Benedict XIV, during the midcentury reigns of the two pontiffs who followed him, there were setbacks in the reform process in general and the customs system in particular. However, literary studies (such as Dal Pane, 1959; La Marca, 1969) have demonstrated that even under Pope Clement XIII and Clement XIV (1769–1774), work continued on the project to reform customs, focusing on the collection of information regarding the extent and distribution of toll collection in the territory. Rome was still not affected, in order to avoid upsetting the most powerful and influential families, as well as the Legations of Bologna and Ferrara. Furthermore, the serious budget crisis meant that all reforms in the customs system led to the opening of new financial emergencies. Therefore, reforms had to be implemented through a coordinated series of innovative measures to avoid the economic collapse of the state. For these reasons, the actions of the two popes in favour of trade resulted in isolated and partial interventions in favour of specific products, rather than implementing a decisive measure of a global nature. Thanks to the realization (albeit tormented and partial) of the general estimate, taxation lost some of its “subjective” character, gradually shifting towards goods; the proportion reserved for direct taxation also increased, while for the first time, trade was called upon to participate significantly in bearing part of the overall tax burden. Recent evidence also indicates that the increase in tax pressure was not dramatic and penalizing; the wages in the construction and textile sectors, as well as the prices of consumer goods, remained stable in the seventeenth century and were therefore not responsible for the loss of competitiveness of the local economy, as claimed in the past (Rota and Weisdorf, 2020, pp. 931–960). Even the traditional fiscal dominance of cities over rural districts was, if not entirely overcome, certainly affected as a consequence of the transformation of the political and economic context, implementing a more balanced equilibrium and therefore a situation that was more favourable, according to the Smithian model of growth, towards economic development. As a whole, the organizational structure of the pontifical financial system, which effectively transferred wealth from taxpayers to holders of debt, fostered the evolution of modern entrepreneurial practices and attitudes. These two categories of operators were in fact protagonists of a cultural accumulation process that led to capitalist modernization, nurturing behaviours that were more risk-oriented and economically

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rational than those informed mainly by distributive justice mechanisms. In the second half of the seventeenth century, when the economic centre of gravity was settling on a less dynamic agricultural-mercantile equilibrium, debt allowed the state to support public demand and allowed the ruling groups—who derived a good income from the alienated revenues that was protected from inflation and tax-free—considerable conspicuous consumption, but this could not last long, especially since, as mentioned, the Roman state began to lose politically, increasingly becoming only a partial and spiritual reference (see Chapter 2 and 7). The middle classes as well as cities, villages, and communities that received interest from public debt, along with the patrician class, merchants, bankers, and religious and civil institutions, had nothing to gain from rebelling against a government towards which they had claimed and from which they received revenues. The incomes secured by credit towards the state constituted a substantial portion of the assets of the main families, ecclesiastical and lay institutions, and local communities; the dependencies established thanks to public debt also implied the possibility of weaving relational plots that fuelled political and social power, highlighting its importance in the management of trust and consensus relationships and in the construction of a sociosymbolic imaginary. Public debt ended up being one of the most important factors for the preservation of social and political stability.5 Through such debt and a tax system that transferred wealth from taxpayers to debt holders, Rome involved the ruling elites and local intermediate bodies in a mechanism of income redistribution, aimed at their progressive integration into central political choices that, however could not last long, as just mentioned. Alessandro VI (1655–1667) had already started the process of reordering a situation that had become chaotic through the consolidation of the mountainous regions. The pope established three Monti with a total value of 12,138,200 scudi and an interest rate of 4% and used this sum to extinguish the mountainous regions that had been previously built up by his predecessors and were burdened with higher interest rates (regarding Roman coin, see Balbi De Caro and Londei, 1984; Londei, 1990). During the pontificates of Clement IX (1667–1669) and Clement X (1670–1676), there were a series of worrying budget deficits that forced Innocent XI (1676–1689) to adopt some measures to mark 5 A similar trend can be observed in seventeenth-century Milan, as examined by Giuseppe de Luca (2015, pp. 65–66).

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a provisional turning point in the history of Roman finance. Without resorting to significant increases in taxation, Innocent XI moved, especially through the abolition of positions and sinecures for the benefit of the popes’ relatives (Teodori, 2001), in the direction of savings on the expenses of the papal civil list and central administration. The effect of these measures was immediately seen, as in 1678, the deficit decreased by almost one hundred thousand scudi, and revenue increased by a greater figure. Nevertheless, the tendency for interest payments to expand rapidly continued. This meant that if the balance of the budget did not change, deficits greater than those just faced would reappear within a few years. It was probably this threat that induced Innocent XI to implement the project of lowering the general rate on places of deposit. He carried out a complex operation: he consolidated the system of deposits and simultaneously converted them to 3% interest rates by creating the Monte di San Pietro, composed of 209,271 places worth 100 scudi; the holders of the deposits were offered two options: they could accept either the cash refund of the securities held or the conversion of the old deposits at higher interest rates with the new securities of Monte San Pietro at lower interest rates. The sharp reduction in interest payments yielded very substantial budget surpluses in the following years (on the papal finances of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Reinhard, 1982). However, this favourable situation did not last long: in 1722, the capital invested in deposits had grown by another 12,216,915 scudi, with an obvious deterioration in the debt situation. All the popes of the eighteenth century were forced to use this method of raising cash to meet the continuing demands that arose. For example, Benedict XIV used the money raised through the issuance of new debt securities to repair the Acquedotto dell’Acqua Vergine (see also Chapter 4). Although they did not always directly affect the central governing body, namely, the Apostolic Camera, these financial burdens significantly exacerbated the already growing public debt of the state. In some cases, the deposits were simple instruments for settling previous liabilities and thus left the total amount of debt unchanged. However, during the eighteenth century, the debt increased by 15,141,561.87 scudi, a very high amount for the time (the debt grew an average of approximately 151,000 scudi per year (Caravale and Caracciolo, 1978, pp. 452–453; Strangio, 1994).

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Finances and Budgets At first, the “monti” system appeared very practical to the papal government, but soon its negative aspects became apparent. The most significant of these concerns was the enormous drain on the state’s financial resources, primarily in the form of capital outflow from the country. Indeed, very often, the buyers of the entire issue of a “monte” were not predominantly Roman. The most significant item among the “camerali” expenses was constituted by the interest paid precisely for the service of the public debt on the “monti” and the “vacabili.” The burden of interest on the “monti” had an irregular trend, but it ranged between 1,200,000 and 1,300,000 scudi until 1790, with the exception of the years around 1739–1740, and began to grow from 1791 onwards (Gross, 1990, pp. 152–153; Strangio, 2013).6 Part of the public debt was constituted by the “vacabili” offices, which, born in the fifteenth century, had developed under the impulse of more or less episodic spending needs (Piola Caselli, 1973, pp. 101 and 131; 2008, 2012) and therefore had been conceived as an autonomous instrument within the framework of the policy of indebtedness. Regarded as a public debt of essentially irredeemable nature, the “vacabili” was destined for an investment market that, if it could not be said to be popular, possessed qualities that facilitated interchanges, such as ensuring the real circulation of the securities (Piola Caselli, 1973, p. 156). From 1706 to 1744, the weight of interest for the “vacabili” offices oscillated approximately 7% of the total expenses and 12% of the interest payments. Following the initiative of Benedict XIV, who had reimbursed a large number of “vacabili” in 1746 (Piola Caselli, 1973, p. 124), the share of interest paid fell to approximately 4% of the total “camerali” expenses and 7% of the total interest payments (Strangio, 1994, p. 186). The situation regarding the system of government bonds was quite different. The weight of the interest paid by the camera on the bonds issued for the mountainous areas (Monti) hovered around 87% of the total interest payments and generally stood above 50% of the total expenditure (Strangio, 1994, p. 186). This situation placed serious financial constraints on the state’s economic policy since a significant portion of the revenue was already pledged before reaching the public treasury. To 6 SAR, Camerale II, Conti di entrata e di uscita della Reverenda Camera Apostolica, bb. 4–15.

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ensure the regular payment of interests on the bonds to the creditors, the Camera Apostolica, which was the highest governing body of the state and of Rome, mortgaged its movable and immovable assets. The same applied to the assets of the individual cameral organs that directly benefited from the capital obtained from the subscription of bonds. The interest rate, which was set at 3% annually, was applied to the face value of the bonds—the par value of the bonds, for the eighteenth century, was maintained at 100 scudi per place. It should be noted that the nominal interest rate rarely corresponded to the actual interest received by the subscribers. This only happened when the bond was purchased directly from the camera at the time of issuance or when it was purchased at par on the market. By the eighteenth century, it had become customary to divide the issuance of bonds for the mountainous areas between the two most important banks in Rome: the Monte di Pietà and the Banco di Santo Spirito (Tosi, 1937). Public banks were often used due to the distrust caused by the numerous failures of private bankers in the seventeenth century (Piola Caselli, 1991, pp. 463–495; Travaglini, 1991, pp. 617– 639) resulting from excessive speculation and the immobilization of their own capital and depositors’ savings in loans to the state. On the other hand, it was an undeniable necessity for the state to have a reliable source of financial resources to make frequent and substantial cash advances or to provide for payments with simple credit openings. The need of the seventeenth-century popes for change was motivated mainly by the need to overcome financial hardship and a real awareness of the economic weakness of the state relative to other European powers. It was precisely the need to support the significant military expenses caused by the war against Napoleon that induced Clement XI to establish an economic congregation, as already mentioned, in 1708 (Franchini, 1950a, pp. 101–115 and 127), although the most important was the one established by Benedict XIV on April 18, 1746. The main archival source from which to obtain an idea of the state’s financial movements is that of the “Accounts of revenue and expenditure of the Apostolic Chamber”7 : these accounts offer regular and rich data for approximately two centuries. However, these balances give a partial view of the true condition of papal finances, as they represented the consumptive accounts of the state

7 SAR, Camerale II, Conti di entrata e di uscita della Camera Apostolica, bb. 4–15.

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as a whole but more limitedly of the Apostolic Chamber. The other institutions through which central power branched out, such as the Annona, the administration responsible for roads and water, and the administrations of the Legations of Bologna and Ferrara, to cite the most important, had their own balances that were approved by congregations set up for such work. To gain a complete picture of public revenues and expenditures, one should consider the balances of all state administrations, together with ecclesiastical revenues and expenditures. In addition to these limitations, the balances were the result of imprecise accounting: for example, not all theoretical revenue of the Apostolic Chamber was recorded. Significant sums were held locally in various provinces by tax contractors (who were called provincial treasurers) and other local bodies and were therefore not accounted for. Moreover, many of these contractors were “foreigners,” often Florentines or Genoese, so a significant portion of the funds collected flowed outside the borders of the Papal State. Indeed, the economic policy of the Roman state depended on a large number of variables represented by the international political balance at the time, the personal temperament of the current pontiff, the influence of the cardinal families, and the pressure exerted by the attempts of the cities at securing their autonomy. However, through public debt, the possibility was given to numerous private and nonprivate operators to invest in cameral places with full autonomy and a taste for risk (Piola Caselli, 1988, p. 215). Through the “public debate,” which became livelier during the pontificate of Pius VI, a financial reorganization was called for, the main lines of which concerned bookkeeping; administrative order; the management of provincial treasuries; the clarity of accounting records, cameral contracts, accounts; and the merger of the three Computisterie of the camera into one (Dal Pane, 1965, p. 372). Furthermore, it was required that breaks and barriers be gradually overcome, the growth of internal exchanges with foreign countries be halted, and balance be achieved in the overall commercial activity of the state. Another reform was called for, this one aimed at achieving a better redistribution of income through taxation (which affected more than just the less affluent classes and municipalities, which were already oppressed by the increase in consumption taxes) following the provisions issued by Maria Theresa of Austria to favour the development of agriculture in Lombardy. On the other hand,

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as mentioned regarding the Roman state since the end of the seventeenth century, a “modern patrimonial” conception of the state had been spreading, where land was no longer considered the personal property of the sovereign but a common good to be administered even if in an authoritarian way (Piola Caselli, 1993, p. 462). Most of the proposals and requests for reforms arose from the exponents of Roman economic reform, who proved to be very active on these issues. Pascoli, cited several times, calculated the total public debt at approximately 60 million scudi in the first half of the eighteenth century (Pascoli, 1733, p. 141). Of the 60 million, two-thirds were composed of monti vacabili (public securities), and the remaining were composed of venal offices and coupons. Pascoli asserted that the monti vacabili were established with capital provided partly by foreigners and partly by Roman subjects and paid various taxes and duties in addition to other burdens to maintain the sustainability of the debt. As a solution, Pascoli (1733, pp. 141–144) suggested reducing the burden by paying half of the nominal interest due while keeping the yield to be paid to foreigners unchanged and in line with what was promised (3% annually). He also proposed taxing the securities because the interest is collected without effort and without risk, unlike for those who invest in agriculture. Moreover, he recommended taking measures to encourage foreigners to invest their capital obtained from public security interests in the Roman territory and reiterated the need to reinvest the capital drained from the security subscriptions for the benefit of the state (Pascoli, 1733, p. 142). Nuzzi (1702, p. 34) had already emphasized the scarcity of productive investments and the decreased interest in land in favour of subscriptions to monti vacabili, which guaranteed a safe return. Belloni, in his main work on commerce (1750) and in other writings, presented the forms of intervention to be implemented, identified the continuous issuances of securities and the resulting increase in public debt, and hoped for a better redistribution of the state’s assets. He noted that half of it was mortgaged to guarantee the payment of interest on public securities subscribed to by foreigners, and the other half was owned by ecclesiastical entities and pious places, which were largely exempt from public taxes (Belloni, 1750, pp. 35, 51,106, and 236). These considerations were taken up in the following years by other reform economists such as Todeschi (1770, p. 94), whose work reflected the ideas of Nuzzi (1702), Pascoli (1733), and Venuti (1750) and can

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also be linked to other thinkers of the time, such as Genovesi (1765– 1767; see also 2005), showing that Rome was open to new ideas that were spreading throughout Europe. With the establishment of the S. Congregazione del Buon Governo, modern control of the Papal State over the periphery was born (Piola Caselli, 1988, p. 3). In addition, communities were required to annually compile and send “tables,” which were called municipal budgets, to the central government, indicating the portion of the cameral levy and the local jurisdiction (Girelli, 1992). In the context of financial reorganization, public debt undoubtedly played an important, albeit less conspicuous, role. It represented a deliberate choice by the government to prioritize debt management as a tool of financial policy over taxation, which was relegated to a supportive role, constrained and aimed at raising funds for debt servicing (Gardi, 1986). Debt played a significant role in the centralization of power desired by the state organs and, not by chance, despite the privileges that existed within it (Monaco, 1971, pp. 57–58; 1978, p. 72; see also Monaco, 1960), new Monti institutions and new bond issues required the approval of the pope through pontifical chirographs. However, it should be noted that the instrument of public debt intervened in favour of the communities during times of financial difficulty (e.g., famines such as those in 1764 and 1779 and the passage of foreign troops through the state, as in the year 1735), preventing them from further exacerbating their situation by borrowing from private lenders at higher interest rates (a loan was burdened on average by 7% interest, in contrast to 3% for public debt).8 According to Pascoli (1733), the debt of the communities (of which there were 2700) in the mid-eighteenth century amounted to 1 million scudi, for which interest payments had to be made (Pascoli, 1733, pp. 147–148). The growth of debt was inevitable given the constant increase in bonds issued and subscribed since 1764, and this growth produced considerable interest payments on bonds, financed, among other things, through further indebtedness (Palermo, 1974, p. 303). On the other hand, it was a deliberate choice by the government to finance public spending through borrowing, as this signalled the intention not to further burden consumption taxes, which nonetheless hit the

8 SAR Camerale II, Annona, bb. 16–22.

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weakest part of the population, even though this constituted an undeniable constraint on the budget and limited autonomy in the choice of instruments of overall economic policy of the state. In conclusion, not all the capital drained from public debt among private investors remained sterilized; such capital was largely reintroduced into the economic cycle, except for the interest in the capital of foreign investors, which was inevitably lost (Felloni, 1971, pp. 161–203), although this happened within the framework of public works and the efficiency of the state structure rather than in directly productive sectors (Piola Caselli, 1988, p. 216). In any case, public debt was managed with great intelligence in the long term (except for the situation that occurred at the end of the eighteenth century) and represented a point of reference and strength for the government of Rome and the stabilization of a heterogeneous market. This situation also helped unite the state and the communities through the government’s interest in the needs of the communities, thanks to the activity of the Holy Congregation of Good Government, seeking to give breathing space to their finances through the financial support provided by the sale of bonds.

Republic of 1798–1799 and the First Restoration While most other European areas invaded by the French were content to move forwards and accept past commercial transactions as a done deal, the papacy was less willing to do so, and this decision had rather significant (long-term) financial implications. Instead of taking on all the responsibility itself, the papacy delegated responsibility to individual institutions, producing in the process a sort of laissez-faire policy during the Restoration. These conditions created a rather divisive competition among the various entities and a dependence on a system of privileges and personal, as well as financial, ties where with luck—or providence, as it was interpreted at the time—the effect was to produce many individual attempts at restoration (small “restoration”), in contrast to a general “restoration” observed in most other areas of Europe (Korten, 2018, p. 235). While the uniqueness of the Papal State reveals itself in matters related to land, almost all states after 1814 experienced problems related to public debt. This was followed by a period characterized by attention to debt that resulted in a large reduction throughout Napoleonic Europe, thanks to the adoption of stricter economic policies, especially in taxation. In the

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case of the Papal State, the recourse to local restorations somewhat alleviated the problem of deficits, that is, until the inefficiency of the fiscal system reached a deficit by the end of the 1820s, requiring large temporary loans thereafter. In general, the areas of Europe that maintained the French system of taxation and centralization had fewer problems of indebtedness and budget imbalances until insurrection and its threats cancelled out the progress that had been made (Korten, 2018). Starting in 1850, the papal budget received much-needed supplements from charitable donations, referred to as the Peter’s Pence (Obolo di San Pietro).9 This strategy of global munificence—a precursor to crowdfunding —was based on a spiritual or moral deposit not available to other European states. This allowed the Papal State to maintain financial integrity in the face of a politically ruinous situation (Korten, 2018). The financial and administrative policy adopted by Napoleonic France was formed in reaction to the experiences of the previous revolution. Its emphasis on eliminating debt was intended to avoid the problems that plagued the governments of Louis XVI and those that followed throughout the 1790s. The practice of selling church lands was a feature of the economic policy initiated in the early 1790s. With a relatively small tax base, difficulty borrowing at reasonable rates, and a National Assembly reluctant to raise taxes, the French government chose to seize church properties starting in 1789 (Bordo and White, 1991, p. 309). When Napoleon became emperor in November 1799, efficient and uniform tax collection became a hallmark of his fiscal policy. He sought to lighten France’s burden and instead relied on the local resources of newly conquered areas to finance his wars. Invariably, a solid tax system required a strong government to end inefficiency, privilege, and corruption. This centralization, according to Dincecco (2009, p. 58), was thus rooted in “fiscal systems.” Essential to successful financial policy in Europe was the need to reduce and eliminate public debt in areas occupied or governed by the French. This was achieved through measures originally introduced in France. As most of the remaining debt was tied up in government bonds, these were repaid, thus eliminating many of France’s financial obligations at once; the bonds were then exchanged for coupons, redeemable for the 9 The financial aid that the faithful offer to the Holy Father as a sign of adherence to the concern of the successor of Peter for the multiple needs of the universal Church is called “Peter’s Pence” (Obolo di San Pietro).

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purchase at auction of state and ecclesiastical properties (Strangio, 2001, pp. 99–101). The last aspect of French economic policy was the implementation of a fair and comprehensive tax system, albeit a burdensome one. The privatization of land broadened the tax base and increased revenue, enabling not only a self-sufficient government but also a rather sizeable military budget. Taxes were based on the value of the land and applied uniformly to all. The most dramatic effect of these policies was initially seen in Italian lands. The Cisalpine Republic (1797–1802) emerged following Napoleon’s victories in 1796 and 1797 and occupied an area with Pesaro to north, Milan to the east, the Alps to the south, and Verona to the west. By 1801, the Republic’s debt was 64 million scudi (Felisini, 1990, p. 18). Religious entities accounted for half of it in the form of “old bonds” (ancient locations for Monte). These were summarily cancelled (Korten, 2018, p. 237). The rest was converted into a life annuity and registered in the Great Book of Monte Napoleone with interest calculated on the amount of the originally deposited capital. The remaining debt, approximately 13 million scudi, was converted into coupons that could be used to purchase properties looted and auctioned off by the state. In total, such national assets, as they were locally known, generated almost 50 million scudi (Grab, 1998, p. 137). These sales helped to cancel the debt and balance annual budgets, which invariably included a generous military allowance. A similar financial restructuring occurred in Tuscany. Church land was sold off to reduce the deficit, although the process was less new due to the Josephine policies of the 1780s. In Naples, the financial transformation was slightly less effective at the beginning of French rule in 1806. The new government found a lack of control over public revenues and an oversized debt relative to the annual budget (Sabatini, 2008, p. 103). However, approximately onethird of the public debt (35 out of 100 million ducats) was eliminated following the closure of religious orders. The economic situation in Rome and the Papal mirrored that of Naples and its kingdom. Debt levels were further reduced between 1806 and 1812 after the French issued devalued public shares in the remaining bonds, worth approximately 60 million ducats. Investors had two options: register for a rent and receive 5% of the amount (later reduced to 3%) or purchase property from the state to settle their debts. The government preferred creditors to buy “state” properties at auction, although

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this was often the least preferred option. During this period, 1300 religious houses were sold (Davis, 2013, p. 56). Privately owned land and property were now subject to rather heavy taxation, similar to that in the Kingdom of Italy. In both cases, at least some of the funds went towards supporting French military campaigns (Pezzolo, 2012, p. 284), amounting to 60 million scudi per year between 1801 and 1812. In general, the annual budget was 70 million scudi in 1802, and this rose to 124 million in 1811. Since the seventeenth century, the Papal States have been largely supported by state bonds (luoghi di monte) and, to a lesser extent, by taxation (Piola Caselli, 2012, pp. 105–108). The papal bond market was highly regarded by investors throughout Europe for its reliability, having never defaulted (until the French Revolution); Spanish and French bonds, in comparison, were less secure (Strangio, 2001). In the meantime, this created a stable, albeit somewhat stagnant, economy. The Apostolic Chamber, which had financial control of the papal budget, maintained the government’s liquidity, providing for reimbursements. This ensured a growing investor market from which to launch the next bond: in this sense, Rome was considered a reliable financial centre in Europe, as its bond market was characterized by “safety, long-term profitability, transparency, and proportional yield rates to risk” (Piola Caselli, 2008, p. 108; Strangio, 2001). According to Peter Partner (1980, p. 43), it was an underdeveloped economy with weak industrial production and tended to be controlled by small oligarchic groups, among which bankers were prominent. The economic policy of deficits and debts had served the papacy well until the late eighteenth century. However, a convergence of events after 1750, as seen in this and the preceding chapters of this volume, produced a rather precipitous decline, resulting in a large deficit by 1790 and requiring more than simple loans to remain solvent. A series of famines in the mid-1760s, as seen in the fourth chapter of this book, contributed to a constant decline in revenues for the state, which were later used recklessly and generously by Pius VI in public works and by Cardinal Nepote (Teodori, 2001). By 1798, the debt was 80 million scudi, with interest absorbing more than 50% of annual revenues (Harvey, 1993, p. 75; Gross, 1990; Strangio, 1994). The French policy in the Papal State and its effects highlight the unique (or almost unique) position of the papacy in Europe. Rome— along with the Veneto region—experienced suppression on two different occasions: the end of the 1790s and 1809–1814. Administratively, the

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court of Rome was one of the most centralized and antiquated governments in Europe. Carla Nardi (1989, p. 39) notes the difficulty the French encountered in reforming this structure, which, contrary to experiences in the rest of Europe, actually required decentralization. This was due to Rome’s inefficient and antiquated system of government, infused with privileged office holders. Additionally, key administrative positions were held by various competent (and corrupt) clerics who were generally much less qualified than their secular counterparts. In fact, there were two responses to the short-lived Napoleonic fiscal reforms in Rome following the collapse of the Roman Republic, creating a sense of great economic unpredictability. Initially, the Neapolitan King Ferdinand IV occupied the city for a period of months starting on September 20, 1799. He issued an edict that annulled the purchases of all-ecclesiastical property during the republican period (Cogan, 1862, pp. 233–234). Later, he modified that edict; the purchasers would be able to remain in their properties as tenants of the (Neapolitan) government. Elected in March 1800 in Venice, Pope Pius VII returned shortly thereafter to Rome and reinstated Ferdinand’s original policy, annulling all land sales—the Roman transactions did not go through (De Felice, 1960, p. 9; 1965). The Papal State was the only territory occupied by the French to reject such land transactions as a matter of general policy. Most of the ecclesiastical properties sold during the previous period were eventually returned, except for approximately 30 structures razed to the ground before power was restored by the papacy (Martin and O’Reilly, 1994, p. 20). However, things were not so simple, as the new buyers represented a crucial political class for the stability and well-being of the Papal State. Randomly, some of the transactions were allowed to remain, but the new owners were required to compensate those expropriated at 25% of the property value (Strangio, 2001, p. 102; Zaghi, 1975). This compensation was to occur within a five-year period, although it often took much longer. Ferdinand also imposed a considerable tax on all suppressed ecclesiastical properties (luoghi pii soppressi) before they could be redeemed, a kind of double jeopardy for those affected. Ironically, between 1803 and 1807, Pius VII adopted the practice of his political predecessors (i.e., Pius VI and Napoleon) and confiscated a percentage of church property to be sold to save the papal budget. This was necessary due to a faulty tax system and thus insufficient public revenue and a generally weak economy (Korten, 2018, p. 240).

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Old and New Following the fall of the Roman Republic, a transitional phase occurred. On October 3, 1799, the general in commander of the Neapolitan troops stationed in Rome, Emanuele De Bouchard, was notified that until the new pontiff was re-elected and reinstated, the administration of the Papal State would be managed by King Ferdinand IV of Naples (the Neapolitan troops entered Rome on September 29, 1799, to prepare for the return of the future pontiff).10 Between October 1799 and June 22, 1800,11 the exercise of political power in the Roman state was entrusted to the Supreme Government Council established by King Ferdinand IV of Naples. On February 14, 1800, Pius VII ascended to the papal throne, but his installation as head of the state did not occur until June 22, 1800, when the papal government was reinstated. The republican biennium was an important event; as Marina Formica (1994, p. 8; see also 2020) writes: Placing this in a broader perspective allows us to not view the Republic as a mere parenthesis, but rather as a catalyst, a strong moment for the realization of needs already present in 18th-century society.

It was, in fact, an acceleration of phenomena that had previously been set in motion by papal politics. Ideas of civil liberty had spread, constitutional systems had been experimented with, and a parliament had been created (Giuntella, 1950, p. 4). The majority of historiography has highlighted the tensions between the capital, Rome, and the departments as one of the reasons for the instability of the republican biennium. These tensions were caused by the centralizing logic of the French-inspired system applied in complete opposition to the one in force in the Papal State (Dufourcq, 1900, p. 217; Garavani, 1910; Giuntella, 1950, p. 25).12

10 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 20/6. 11 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 23/1. 12 As for the debate on the formation of the ecclesiastical state, which still, at the end

of the eighteenth century, saw the persistence of autonomies, privileges, and particular regimes, reference is made to the bibliography of notes 28 and 29 of Chapter I. See also Visceglia (1995 [1]: 11–55).

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As Maria Pia Donato (2000, pp. 163 and 165; see also Donato, Armando, Cattaneo and Chauvard, 2013) highlights, the administrative system prescribed by the Roman constitution proved “incongruous,” and the republican institutions appear to have exacerbated all the weaknesses of the Pontifical State that were no longer mitigated and mediated by the interweaving of society and the church. The clash between the new and the old thus assumed complex characteristics in ecclesiastical territories, in a “picture of opaque stasis, alternating with situations of greater permeability or violent rejection, which can be considered in terms of a rejection opposed to the Capital Rome, its men and directives, its withdrawals of money and goods” (Donato, 2000, p. 165); it is “on the ground of social practices, personal freedom, and the relationship with religion that the Restoration encounters its most serious obstacle, in that ‘somewhat bewildered custom following the freedom and relaxation of the past government’ that bishops and vicars denounce in the aftermath of the Republic’s fall” (Donato, 2000, p. 177). With the return of the pope, the renewal of the economic-administrative structures of the state, initiated before the establishment of the Republic by the reformism of Pius VI, continued (Piscitelli, 1958a). The edict of July 9, 1800 (Spagnolo, 1966)13 establishing the Economic Congregation was the first official act of the restored government to give new impetus and strength to the state through the implementation of simpler and more economical systems. Within a few months, a series of measures were presented for the implementation of concrete administrative reforms.14 As Korten (2018, p. 235) wrote, Rome and its state, unique in its composition, maintained a symbiotic relationship with the interested ecclesiastical institutions and their religious orders, which included “the Church” as well as the state. Since a cornerstone of Napoleon’s economic policy was based on the revenues derived from the plundering of ecclesiastical and demesne assets, the Papal State found itself in the right position to magnify not only the aspects of the policy 13 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 23/20, edict of the Secretary of State Ercole Consalvi. With this edict, three othqer congregations were also established, and these congregations in turn subdivided their tasks into smaller committees. 14 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 23/60, Motu Proprio of Pope Pius VII on October 30, 1800. Among the innovative aspects, noteworthy in the judiciary field were the abolition of numerous forum privileges, the limitation of powers of baronial and military tribunals, and the elimination of almost all immunities in criminal cases; other provisions concerned civil procedures, prison regime, and police.

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itself but, above all, the response, that is, the financial strategies of the restoration, which the European area gave birth to after Napoleon’s defeat. Gradually, the apostolic delegates were readmitted to the government of the provinces (Ruffilli, 1968, pp. 42–45). Controls at the municipal finance level were perfected by entrusting independent administrators with the task, thus abolishing the old provincial treasurers. The Congregation for Good Government was given more penetrating powers over territorial entities (Caravale and Caracciolo, 1978, p. 580).15 Other secular institutions were renewed or abolished, challenging the resistance of those who wanted to maintain privileges or thought that the restoration of papal government could restore them. Several guilds of crafts and trades16 were abolished, and the Annona and the Grascia Institute were replaced with the Deputation of Annona and Grascia, which adhered to more liberal principles by allowing the exportation of grain.17 The “oversight” controls required as part of granting greater freedom were exerted over the price of wheat, “the most reliable gauge for judging accurately the abundance or scarcity of the product intended for commerce, as well as the knowledge of the rise or

15 The birth of the Buon Governo can be traced back to Clement VIII in 1592. The congregation was suppressed in February 1798 following the proclamation of the Roman Republic. It resumed its activities in 1800 until the French occupation. During this period, its competences increased, as it was entrusted with the administration of roads and community debts. After the Napoleonic period and subsequent events in 1809– 1814, the functions of the congregation were reduced and, from 1831 onwards, were exclusively judicial. It ceased completely on January 1, 1848, following the establishment of ministries. For a few more years, a section of the former Buon Governo Congregation continued to function as an office within the Ministry of the Interior (Lodolini, 1956, pp. VII–CLXXVI). 16 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 25/72, editto del 18 dicembre 1801. 17 Bonelli (1961). Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi, n. 22/19 and n. 24/20 regarding the Motu Proprio of February 2, 1800, and the Motu Proprio of March 11, 1801, both issued by Pius VII. Freedom of commerce was first approved for the city of Rome and its adjacent territories (Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 23/37, Motu Proprio of September 2, 1800); then it was extended to the entire Papal States (Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 24/28, edict of the camerlengo Romualdo Braschi-Onesti of April 9, 1801).

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fall of the price that commerce freely assigns it” (as stated in the Motu Proprio of Pius VII (1800–1823) of November 4, 1801).18 The measures implemented aimed to achieve the dual objectives of issuing acts that would promote improvement and development in the agricultural19 and industrial fields20 and implementing a tax reform that could produce a tax system based on more modern contribution criteria. The tax reform involved the abolition of thirty-two revenue items and the introduction of two taxes, the “dativa reale” and the “dativa personale,” with the aim of establishing a tax system based on more modern and equitable criteria.21 The tax reform provided for the abolition of thirty-two revenue items and introduced only two taxes, the “dativa reale” and the “dativa personale.” The former affected various sources of income, namely, those from rural properties, houses, borrowed money, successions, and bequests, while the latter taxed salt and milled grains. As Travaglini (2000, p. 257, note 71) notes, “the concept of dativa personale applied to consumption duties on primary goods ideally refers to the traditional practices of sharing the tax burden by contingents, according to parameters mainly linked to the size of the population of the various communities, and is therefore far from referring to the income produced by individual subjects.” The “dativa reale” was the most innovative part of the reform, although over time, it merged with the pontifical legislation on land, that is, with the tax on rural properties. As explained by Travaglini (2000, pp. 258–259), this happened because: the revenue from other direct taxes on urban and financial income proved to be... very disappointing, both because various taxes on productive activities at the local level were maintained, and because the most relevant tax on 18 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 25/53. 19 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 27/20, Motu Proprio by Pio

VII on September 18, 1802. Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 28/ 66. It is important to highlight that there were significant differences compared to the 1783 land registry; in the 1803 registry, there was a 1% growth in noble properties, while ecclesiastical properties decreased from 42.8 to 36.2% (this was certainly influenced by the effect of confiscations that occurred before and during the Jacobin republic). 20 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 25/72, editto del pro camerlengo G. Doria Pamphili del 18 dicembre 1801. 21 SAR, Congregazione economica, b. 68, fasc. 5, Motu Proprio di Pio VII del 19 marzo 1801.

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financial income was in practice constituted by the only partial reactivation of interest payments on public debt.

The implementation, although not yet definitive, of a new land registry and the decision to assign the task of tax collection to the same peripheral administrations, rather than private contractors, were a valid starting point to finally achieve a functional tax system.22 The taxation system, as conceived, met modern criteria for equitable contributions since it also imposed taxes on properties owned or leased by the Apostolic Chamber and eliminated exemptions for citizens of Rome. The decision to end tax immunities for the clergy towards municipal taxes and the sale of state-owned properties was also innovative, as it aimed to alleviate the significant public debt.23 Of course, the path to achieving a more modern structure of the state was still long and made difficult by political and military complications, as repeatedly emphasized. Rome and the entire State barely had time to witness the results of this innovation, as on February 2, 1808, French troops re-entered Italy, extending Napoleon’s hegemony to the Papal State as well. With the Motu Proprio of March 19, 1801,24 the payment of interest on government securities was reinstated from the November to December 1801 bimonthly period, payable from January 1802 “without any hope of being able to anticipate payment” because the depository’s coffers could not dispose of the necessary resources before that date. This resulted in sharp losses for subscribers due to the nonpayment of past interests and the fact that the rate was reduced by 60% (based on 1.25% of the nominal capital)25 for securities in the upper bracket, by 20% for vacant offices (4%), and by 60% (3%) for gold and silver. An additional deduction was linked to the fact that the interest was paid in fractional currency (small, copper coins) valued at legal tender.26 Only from January 1, 1803, was the reduced interest paid in silver

22 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi n. 29/10. 23 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi 29/10; e del 30 dicembre del

1801 Modern and Contemporary History Library, Bandi 25/78. 24 SAR, Congregazione economica, b. 68, fasc. 5. 25 SAR, Camerale II, Debito pubblico, b. 2 fasc. 2. 26 Coppi (1855, p. 38) and Londei (1990, pp. 316–318).

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coinage.27 On July 23, 1803, the regular payment of interest on securities belonging to the Monte di Pietà (which had in the meantime been reopened by papal will on August 26, 1801) was restored starting from the May to June 1803 bimonthly period. Furthermore, the government committed to also paying the arrears for the previous two bimonthly periods (January–February and March–April) through monthly instalments of a variable amount depending on the availability of the treasury. Despite the restoration of papal power, the treasury continued to be seriously compromised by the repeated financial demands of the French invaders, making it increasingly difficult to regularly pay the reduced interest to subscribers. Therefore, with Article 34 of the Motu Proprio of 1801, the “vallimento”28 tax on the sixth part was reinstated (taking up the edict of August 11, 1797, which imposed the vallimento on the fifth part of the property of foreigners and nondomiciled subjects in the state) “on all incomes from capital belonging to absent natural and civil persons of any kind existing in our State, including the very fruits of securities in the upper bracket, vacant offices, and other Treasury credits, through which additional capital could be drained for the payment of interest on the debt” (see also D’Errico, 2000).29 Despite the aforementioned difficulties, the General Treasurer of the Apostolic Chamber, Alessandro Lante, with the prior approval of the pope, introduced on November 10, 1804, an initial series of measures aimed at bringing order to the administration of the debt.30 First, it was necessary to define not only the exact amount but also, above all, the items that made up the debt burdening the Apostolic Chamber’s treasury. The composition of the public debt was varied and included not only the mountainous areas but also the chamber’s assignment of vacabili; the profitable debts contracted in bonds; the jewels, gold, silver, and money taken for the purchase of some properties and to increase the cash in the surplus of the bonds; the “exchanges created for various reasons”; “life annuities created by the apostolic hospice to the charge of the Apostolic Chamber”; “annuities imposed to expand a marriage in Civitavecchia for the convenience of that conservatory”;

27 Felloni (1971, p. 173). 28 The term ‘Vallimento’ is properly understood to mean currency or price. 29 SAR, Congregazione economica, b. 68 fasc. 5. 30 SAR, Camerale I, Tesorierato e Camerlengato, b. 20, fasc.16.

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the vacant offices called the Alabardierati of the government; the “debts of the Vivaldi estate”; and the “bills of the late Colonel Tartaglioni [as] compensation for the ceased expeditions in the kingdoms of Spain.”31 It was necessary to establish a new fund dedicated exclusively to the payment of interest on the mountainous areas, starting from the July to August 1804 bimonthly period. Another fund was to be used to pay for the colleges of the still active vacant offices and to satisfy the interest on the profitable debts contracted in bonds; the price of the jewels, gold, and silver seized; the money borrowed to purchase the estate of Mesola as well as to increase the cash reserves; and some life annuities created by the Apostolic Hospice. The total payments, both for the mountainous areas and for vacant offices, were made at the general depository on predetermined days and for a set number of hours.32 In this way, the Monte di Pietà became the custodian of the Apostolic Chamber. The tasks and persons in charge of the management were established, and the General Treasurer was given the power to increase the number of employees over the years if circumstances required (Evangelista, 1767, ch. I, 1–2), where the reform acts demonstrate how this was the first of the financial reform measures implemented by Benedict XIV.33 The immense public debt, coupled with a growing budget deficit (estimated at 1,135,264 scudi for the year 1807), represented a heavy financial burden for paying the related interest payments, and therefore necessitated measures that would postpone the payment for as long as possible.34 For the same reasons, the central government was forced to constantly revise the amortization plans, so much so that in 1809, at the time of the annexation of the Pontifical State to the French Empire, the papal government still had to pay the interest for the first two months of 1807.35 The

31 SAR, Camerale I, Tesorierato e Camerlengato, b. 20, fasc.16. 32 SAR, Camerale I, Registro dei chirografi, b. 173, tomo xxa: 273–281. 33 SAR, Camerale II, Depositeria generale, b. 1; see Tosi (1937, p. 145). 34 SAR, Camerale II, Tesorierato e Camerlengato, b. 20, fasc. 18 Memoria del Tesoriere Generale, c. 5; SAR, Camerale I, Conti dell’entrata e dell’uscita della R.C.A., b. 16. See also Ministero del Tesoro (1961, p. 191) and Pastura Ruggiero (1981). 35 SAR, Camerale II, Tesorierato e Camerlengato, b. 20, fasc. 18 Memoria del Tesoriere Generale. SAR, Bandi Tesoriere b. 398.

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problem of bonds was a heavy legacy of the previous papal administration. Pius VI tried, through the issuance of the Motu Proprio of June 18, 1796, to find a solution to the growing need to find sources of financing. The Motu Proprio imposed the auction sale of funds belonging to charitable institutions, whose value amounted to about one million scudi; in exchange, bonds were issued.36 The financial results of this operation were disappointing; the proceeds were modest (95,845 scudi) due to the difficulties encountered in its full implementation, as for the first time, the interests of the clergy were affected. A third provision was then resorted to, constituted by the Motu Proprio of November 15, 1797. This provision established that instead of the loan of one-sixth of the value of all properties, the option to sell one-fifth of the “sole rustic properties of the secular and regular clergy, including confraternities, lay chaplaincies and any other pious work” should be made freely available.37 After the parenthesis of the Roman Republic and the restoration of the papal government, all the religious institutions and owners of the lands sold requested that the Chamber to pay them the credits they were entitled to.38 After the parenthesis of the Roman Republic and the restoration of the papal government, all the pious places and owners of the alienated funds requested that the creditors of the “sixth-part” loan be paid their respective credits by the camera. The restored government had to find a balance between the needs of those who wanted to respect the commitments made by Pius VI and the needs of the state, but it was very difficult to make a decision that did not further affect the scarce (and uncertain) financial resources. All these measures, from the reduction of interest on public securities to the extinction of municipal and state debt, were just some of the many signs of change. Despite these changes being expressed by the restoration of the old government, the latter could not ignore the real conditions of the country, which had also changed due to the republican regime. The French influence in the financial field had been such

36 SAR, Camerale II, Debito Pubblico, b. 2, fasc. 2. 37 SAR, Congregazione economica, b. 68 fasc. 5. 38 SAR, Camerale II, Debito Pubblico, b. 2, fasc. 2. SAR, Camerale II, Debito pubblico b. 2 fasc. 4.

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that Pius VII himself, with the Constitution Post diuturnas ,39 initiated the process of reorganizing the state (whose principles were first implemented in the Motu Proprio of March 19, 1801) and admitted the desire to achieve a reconciliation—albeit a cautious one—of modern institutions with the ancient orders of the ecclesiastical state.

Napoleonic Period On May 17, 1809, Napoleon annexed the Papal States to the French Empire and proclaimed Rome an “imperial and free city.” The same decree established the extraordinary Consulta of the Roman States. The consulta was responsible for organizing and administering the Roman state, with the power to dispose of the necessary measures for the entry into force of the new “constitutional regime” from January 1, 1810, as Carla Nardi writes (1989, p. 12). Thus, the consulta constituted an extraordinary “council”-type government. With the annexation of Rome to the other provinces of the French Empire in 1809, the Roman public debt was declared a debt of the empire.40 The number of mortmain properties and vacant offices amounted to 539,300.72 and 2875, respectively.41 The French validated the eliminations of the mortmain properties carried out by the pontifical government and, indeed, with the decree of August 5, 1810,42 they decided to liquidate all the properties owned by the subjects of the empire through the issuance, as reimbursement, of an equivalent quantity of “rescritions” that could be used to purchase the real estate of suppressed religious institutions. By means of that decree, a definitive character was given to the reduction of the nominal value of the bonds, which was fixed at 24 scudi per bond, resulting in a net loss of 76%, whereas the interest rate was set at 5%.43

39 Constitutio Sanctissimi Domini nostri Pii PP. VII super restauratione regiminis pontificii, Romae 1800. 40 SAR, Bandi b. 151, Decreto del 17 maj 1809, Dal campo imperiale di Vienna, art. 4. SAR, Consulta straordinaria per gli Stati romani, vol. 3, 28 august 1809 n. 625. 41 SAR, Camerale II, Dataria e vacabili, b. 3. 42 SAR, Bandi b. 151. 43 SAR, Camerale II, Debito pubblico b. 7.

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As Sylla and Homer (1995, p. 231) emphasize, the 5% “seemed to be the magical rate for most of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries” for French rentes. By the end of the old regime in 1789, the volume of rentes in circulation had increased enormously, but there is no documentation of rates exceeding 5%. In 1795, the government legally established a maximum limit of 5% for credits secured by real estate. This was followed in 1797 by the two-thirds bankruptcy, and as part of Napoleon’s financial reforms, the entire public debt was forcibly consolidated into 5% rentes. These were nominal interest rates in the revolutionary decade. It is important to note that “despite wars and revolutions, during the eighteenth century the inclination to invest in securities developed clearly in England, France, and most of Europe. In the nineteenth century, a more peaceful Europe would bring its industrial capitalism to a condition of high productivity through the same methods used by governments to finance themselves, namely through the use of long-term negotiable bonds in the securities market to channel savings into investments. While the eighteenth century focused most of its negotiable savings on public debt, the nineteenth century spread its financial resources across a wider range of securities” (Sylla and Homer, 1995, pp. 233–234). The market value of the bonds, due to the loss of credibility of the remaining guarantees, plummeted to below 76% of their original capital. At the end of the eighteenth century, a bond was worth on average 88 scudi, while during the period 1800–1809, it was quoted at 10 scudi.44 Similarly, other public debts of territories invaded by Napoleon suffered a similar fate. For example, in February 1810, the Piedmontese debt “while maintaining the same income and increasing the interest rate from 3.5 to 5%, decreased the capital by about a third” (Notario, 1993, p. 47). As for the debt of the city of Naples, Giuseppe Bonaparte proceeded to reorganize, along with the kingdom’s customs system, the public debt including precisely the credits of assignees and lessees of leases assumed as income from capital gains. The same income was considered to have been calculated at a rate of 5%, thus reducing the base of the calculation, i.e., the amount of public debt. In short, Giuseppe Bonaparte’s decree, at the very moment he established the public debt, carried out a real conversion of income. While seeming to increase the rate of 44 SAR, Luoghi di monte, bb. 2460–2463; SAR, Camerale II, Debito pubblico, b. 7, fasc. 2 Fatto informativo sull’estinzione del debito pubblico cc. 49–50; SAR, Camerale III, b. 2086, fasc. 29.

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return, it actually cut the national and civic debt considerably (De Rosa, 1958; 1959, pp. 192–206; see also Calabria, 1991). What had been for over two and a half centuries the most effective financial instrument for the Roman state and the safest investment for its savers, began in the nineteenth century to lose all those guarantees of security that had decreed its success (Strangio, 1999, pp. 277–314). The French government, with the decree of August 5, 1810, proposed extinguishing the debt of the public securities and with that of February 2, 1811, ordered the reimbursement of the price of vacant offices to their respective holders. The majority of holders hastened to obtain from the French government the liquidation and reimbursement of the price through the awarding of ecclesiastical funds; in total, there were 1857 holders. Following this operation, all the offices were suppressed, if not by law at least in fact, and “they should at least be considered null.”45 The installation of the consulta not only within the political structure but, above all, within the social fabric and the internal mechanisms of the central and peripheral bureaucracy, represented a profound innovation that marked the establishment as being of the “modern bureaucratic” type. It is important to emphasize that, from archival documentation, it is evident that the French administration exercised constant control over every decision made by members of the extraordinary government of Rome (Nardi, 2005, p. 22). The difficulties encountered by the new French administrators essentially stemmed from the resistance encountered in changing Rome’s bureaucratic structure and organization, which was rigidly hierarchized and characterized by, in Nardi’s words, a “centripetal” tendency, into a more streamlined, Napoleonic structure aimed at modern decentralization (Nardi, 2005, p. 39).46 The French encountered problems in annexed areas that they did not face in other regions, such as in the nearby Tuscany, where the main operations were the suppression of convents and the liquidation of the public debt, in which the “modern regime,” as Lefebvre (1941, p. 436) defined it, probably did not encounter obstacles thanks to the enlightened despotism of some of its most advanced representatives. Despite the limited time frame, many changes were introduced thanks to a feverish activity 45 SAR, Camerale II, Dateria e vacabili b. 3, Manoscritto Intorno al debito de’ vacabili ed alla liquidazione ed estinzione del medesimo fatta dal governo francese, p. 17. 46 For a complete and concise overview of the Papal administrative and financial organization of the Ancien Régime, please refer to Stumpo (1985).

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that led, among other things, to the introduction of the Napoleonic codes of commerce and penal law and the reorganization of courts, hospitals, conservatories, and hospices. Organs and magistracies of the former papal government, such as the Apostolic Chamber, the Inquisition and Holy Office, the Good Government, the General Computisteria, and the Treasury, were suppressed. Convents and religious organs were also suppressed. The abolition of feudal rights and noble titles was decreed. In this regard, Zaghi (1975, pp. 136–138) highlights that the nobility and bourgeoisie no longer operated in open conflict with each other but within a process of levelling and coexistence united “under the sign of property, solidarity, and the preservation of economic and political power against the Jacobin fury,” and, as Nardi affirms, the question of which class was the strongest supporter of the French occupation in the Roman environment remains open, even if there were no particular reversals and the Roman aristocracy gained significant advantages at the expense of the bourgeoisie, who were less favoured than the northern bourgeoisie (Nardi, 2005, pp. 146–147). For tax impositions, it was decided to maintain the old tax system for the 1809 exercise, and it was strictly forbidden to impose new taxes and extraordinary expenses that had not been previously authorized. Furthermore, in a notification of June 28, 1809, all taxpayers were invited to pay the amount of taxes punctually into the hands of authorized administrators and contractors who, in case of default, would have had to intervene by applying the “royal hand.”47 The 1810 financial year was regulated according to the laws of the empire, and for local accounting, the consulta imposed a series of instructions on the old administrators to present their balance sheets to their successors. Among the proposed objectives, the prioritized objectives of restoring the public treasury, administrative territorial division, and judicial organization were partially achieved. The assimilation of the major financial and judicial sectors of the state into the French model, although producing positive effects, was not immune to generating conditions and resistance in the city and departments (Nardi, 2005, p. 191). With the aforementioned imperial decree of August 5, 1810, the consulta (which, according to the same decree, was to complete its functions on January 1, 1811) was tasked with drawing up, by September 1, 1810, a list of “national assets,” valued at 50 million francs, which were to

47 SAR, Bandi b. 508.

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be allocated to the repayment of the public debt of the Roman states, to identify their nature, extent, cultivation type, and product. Repayment of inherited mortgages and collectible credits from the former government and dissolved corporations would only proceed after individual liquidation statements had been drawn up and approved by the finance minister. Reimbursement orders would be issued to the “treasury payer” by the “Maitre des Requetes,” president of the liquidation council, following other formalities that regulated such repayments. Failure to restore the public debt, despite the appropriation of assets from dissolved religious corporations, nullified the promised tax relief. Finally, the defeat of Napoleon and the subsequent return of Pius VII to Rome interrupted this process. As previously mentioned, the French government, through the decree of August 5, 1810, decided on the liquidation and extinction of public debt through so-called national fixed assets.48 The decree established that a portion equivalent to 14 million Roman scudi be transferred to an administration designated by the creditors themselves, even though the debt to be extinguished actually amounted, according to the calculations of the French administration, to the nominal values, in Roman scudi,49 of the individual items that made up the public debt established before the traumatic events of the end of the century, that is, to the enormous sum of 160 million scudi.50 A liquidation council was to manage the debts51 ; it was responsible for sending the rescriptions52 to the creditors (which represented the total of their liquidated credit), as these rescriptions had to be presented for the purchase of assets destined for the extinction of the public debt, subject to periodic approval by the French government of the “states of liquidated debts.”53

48 SAR, Debito pubblico, bb. 488–489; SAR, Debito pubblico, b. 2499. On the modalities

of the liquidation of French public debt see Bosher (1970, pp. 41–42 and 303–304), Bruguière (1992, pp. 97–102), Pinaud (1991, pp. 145–158). 49 Of the fourteen million ceded in July 1814, around three million in national assets remained unsold. (SAR, Camerale II, Debito pubblico b. 2 Brevi riflessioni sopra l’estinzione del debito pubblico). 50 SAR, Camerale II, Debito pubblico b. 2 Brevi riflessioni, cit. 51 Just as had happened in the aftermath of the French Revolution when the General

Directorate for the Liquidation of the Public Debt was established. 52 SAR, Camerale II, Debito pubblico, b. 2, fasc. 24. 53 SAR, Camerale II, Debito pubblico b. 7, fasc. 2.

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Second Restoration The Restoration has been described as “the result of fatigue, caused by a long period of audacity and innovation in the political and moral field,” a retreat of forces upon themselves, a lively counterattack against rationalist positions, and a general movement of reaction to the individualism of the eighteenth century. In Rome and the Papal State, the ancient balance had been disturbed by new experiences that had projected it towards the search for mediation between modern institutions and ancient orders. Municipal laws, fideicommissa (testamentary dispositions that oblige the heir or legatee to preserve and transmit the inheritance in whole or in part at a predetermined time), noble privileges, regalia rights, and reserves of fishing, hunting, quarries, and mines were abolished (except for exceptions or modifications). It has been emphasized how the previous revolutionary Napoleonic movement made stimulating contributions and created more favourable opportunities that materialized during the age of Restoration and Risorgimento (Caracciolo, 1973b, p. 556). In some cases, part of the Napoleonic legislation was maintained: on the other hand, “the administrative system that Napoleon had built, summarizing and concluding a slow but no less tenacious process towards the centralization of power, was preserved in various Italian states in its essential lines” (Castracane, 1975–1976, pp. 108–156; 1979–1980, pp. 111–240). It is also interesting to take into account the process of revision, operated by more recent historiography, of traditional interpretative models and to consider the specific reality of the Papal State (Caffiero, 1997, pp. 137–161; Santoncini, 1994, pp. 158–185). The Restoration period (1815–1830) was not the only time when financial decentralization occurred and when market forces determined local politics. In many ways, papal loans between 1830 and 1870 reflected this inability to control finances, as clarified by the terms of Rothschild loans (Felisini, 1990, pp. 50–52 and 204). In 1827, loans were necessary to compensate for the budget deficit. Pius VII (1800–1823) blamed the arduous and widespread task of restoring religious orders on the deterioration of the financial situation of his government (Strangio, 2001, p. 175). An important anonymous memorandum on the pontifical public debt found in the sources of the State Archive of Rome provides good insight into the present and past state of affairs. If the interest is public, a state must meet a whole series of needs, which can be many and varied. For example, the Pontifical State resorted to the instrument of debt on

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different occasions, from war to food supply, using it, in the latter case, as a measure of prudence that was not only political and economic but, above all, social.54 As highlighted in a memoir, public debt became a burden and constraint imposed by past generations on future generations. Therefore, it was hoped that greater control over expenditure, coupled with knowledge of certain revenues, would secure adequate autonomy for the state to manoeuvre, reducing the rigidity of future spending pressures stemming from public debt interests. It was under the reign of Leo XII (1823–1829) that the public debt amortization service was carried out by the Amortization Fund, established by a notification on January 24, 1825, and endowed with a special provision (Pinchera, 1961; Rossi Ragazzi, 1956; Strangio, 1997, pp. 427– 450). The Amortization Fund was envisaged in Article 246 of the Motu Proprio of 1816, following the example of similar institutions established in other regions of Italy, such as the Kingdom of Naples (Ostuni, 1992, pp. 48–49), with specific duties to amortize the obligations of the old and new consolidated debt. Under Pope Leo XII, the fund was endowed with money exclusively intended to achieve the progressive extinction of the debt.55 The individual assets endowed to the Cassa included the estate of Nettuno, the Allumiere, the pine forests of Ravenna, the Mesola, S. Felice, Scavolino, and the income from life annuities.56 Alongside these funds, a sum of 50,000 scudi was allocated to guarantee the extinction of the new consolidated debt, taken from the revenues of the monopoly on salt and tobacco production, which was one of the most profitable activities.57 This institution was supposed to remain independent and, unlike other amortization funds, over time it became part of the Treasury Ministry.58 Moreover, a particular congregation of the major state creditors took over the administration of the assets.59 The fund was 54 SAR, Camerale II, Debito Pubblico b. 7, fasc. 3, Memoria, c.1; SAR, Camerale II, Debito Pubblico b.7 fasc. 2, Fatto informativo sull’estinzione del debito pubblico. 55 Raccolta delle leggi e disposizioni di pubblica amministrazione nello Stato pontificio, I, Stamperia della RCA, Roma (1834, pp. 282–283). 56 SAR, Camerale II, Debito Pubblico, b. 14. 57 The same source, Volume 3. On the tobacco monopoly, see Capalbo (1995, pp. 173–

199; 1999). 58 SAR Tesorierato generale, titolo I, Affari generali, b. 279; SAR, Camerale II, Debito Pubblico, b. 14, fasc. 3. 59 Raccolta delle leggi, cit., p. 6 e 7.

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required to provide for the annual extinction of the old consolidated debt through the net income of the assigned fund assets and the new debt created by the Motu Proprio of 1831 with the 50,000 scudi that, by law, the salt and tobacco monopoly was obliged to pay annually for this purpose, as previously mentioned. In this regard, the first instalment of 50,000 scudi was to be deducted from the “income of the salt and tobacco monopoly, which remains specifically designated to guarantee the extinction of the new consolidated debt within a decade.”60 As a consequence, every month the cashier of the “regalia” was required to deposit the instalment of 4166 scudi and 66 denari in the Banco del Sacro Monte di Pietà in Rome “to the account and credit of the amortization fund for the aforementioned redemption.”61 Actually, the state, facing pressing financial needs, violated the independence of this institution, which was not able to operate according to its original criteria. The Cassa had a more organized structure in the following years, particularly after 1831, when it was endowed with rural funds, especially forests detached from the chamber’s assets, the sale of which was exclusively destined to contribute to the progressive extinction of the public debt. The restoration of religious orders, far from being resolved,62 remained a constant in the state’s restoration policy and actually increased the public deficit.63 The ecclesiastical government, once again, leveraged its bifrontal nature and positioned itself as a defender of the reorganization of public morality, deemed an indispensable goal for any legitimately restored government, while also advocating for the welfare state whose activities necessarily required the restructuring of numerous ecclesiastical institutions.64 With this in mind, through various agreements with private individuals, the government sought to regain control of as many assets as possible. As it needed to provide for a mass of clergymen who had been impoverished by the expropriations, the government sought to use its financial resources more effectively to provide the necessary capital, as in

60 SAR Camerale II, Debito pubblico, b. 14, fasc. 3. 61 Ibid. 62 VAA, Segreteria di Stato, Epoca moderna, S. Congregazione Deputata per la ripristinazione degli ordini regolari (1814–1820), reg. 9, b. 256. 63 SAR, Bandi b. 312, Motu Proprio 10 december 1817 emanato da Pio VII. 64 SAR, Congregazione deputata per il ripristino dei monasteri (Marche) 1817–1825,

b. 1, Rapporto per il papa Leone XII july, 3, 1824.

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the case of the old mountain locations owned by major state institutions that had not been reimbursed by the French government.65 Such properties, converted into securities of the new consolidated system, would have produced the income necessary not only for the ecclesiastics to continue their charitable work but also to enable their survival. In 1832, Secretary of State Bernetti observed that the revolution “paralyzed industrial commerce” (Felisini, 1990, p. 39). More serious for the budget was the cost of maintaining not only an Austrian regiment present in the Legations between 1831 and 1836 but also internal forces, such as the civil guard and the militia (Reinerman, 1989, ch. 3; Felisini, 1990, p. 40 and ch. 3, especially p. 64). A half dozen loans from the Rothschild bank, often led by Alessandro Torlonia, supported papal finances (Barbagallo, 2001, p. 302; Strangio, 2001, p. 151, note 20; Cameron, 1957, p. 133; Felisini, 2017, p. 10). Under Gregory XVI (1831–1846), there was a greater awareness of the reasons papal finances were generally in disorder: unqualified churchmen in key government positions, a lack of responsibility, and a naively trusting pope. In fact, between 1833 and 1846, the treasury, coordinated by treasurer Tosti, never published an annual report (Felisini, 1990, pp. 71–72). According to Cameron, at the time of the election of Pius IX (1846–1878) in 1846, the funded debt amounted to more than 200 million francs (approximately 35 million scudi), and the floating debt amounted to between 40 and 50 million francs, the latter constituting an amount equivalent to the annual budget. Overall, the loans under Gregory XVI (1831–1846) amounted to approximately 150 million francs (Cameron, 1957, p. 133). Difficulties in implementing necessary reforms, persistent unrest, and the temporary Roman Republic in 1849 pushed the papacy to become increasingly indebted and on the brink of financial collapse (Pollard, 2004, pp. 27– 29). Secretary of State Rossi, before he was assassinated, imposed a land tax on ecclesiastical institutions to finance Italian troops in the north in an attempt to drive out the Austrians. The controversial Antonelli, a trusted confidant of Pius IX, began the restructuring of the public debt in the 1850s, as it had risen to almost 9 million scudi. This created an annual deficit of 2.5 million scudi due to the high-interest rates on the debt. He consolidated the debt into a long-term payment, obtained another Rothschild loan, and raised taxes again to achieve a balanced budget in 65 SAR, Congregazione deputata per il ripristino dei monasteri (Marche) 1817–1825, b. 1, Rapporto del 18 august 1821.

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1857. However, the subsequent Italian unification in 1861 undermined Antonelli’s reform efforts because, for example, as the richest and most populous tax base, the Legations were taken away from them. This was somewhat reflected in the internationalization of papal finances, in the form of loans, led by Torlonia in the early 1830s and 1840s (Felisini, 2017). It is not surprising that the revolutions of 1848 shook Europe and produced a serious financial crisis. The Neapolitan monarchy had discovered this a decade earlier, when its own revolutions had almost bankrupted it (Davis, 2000, p. 246). Like the Papal State, Tuscany sought Rothschild loans in the late 1840s and 1850s to finance Austrian garrisons (Dincecco, Federico and Vindigni, 2011, p. 902). The directives adopted by the ecclesiastical government encapsulate both the gravity of the crisis experienced by the state during the Restoration period and the backwardness of its political and economic organization. It is likely that the directives were accentuated by the inadequacy of the response given by the class of large landowners to this crisis. For example, the Borghese family’s response was symptomatic not only of a stance of substantial renunciation of any form of productive investment in sectors other than the primary one but also of renunciation within this sector of any attempt at serious productive increase through technical-qualitative modifications (Pescosolido, 1979, p. 199). However, as Pescosolido highlights, in the case of the Borghese, one of the most prominent noble families in the state, the level of income from the estates rented under traditional systems from 1810 to 1838 saw a modest increase (Pescosolido, 1994, p. 95), while from the 1840s onwards, it surged due to a more pronounced economic dynamism (Pescosolido, 1981, pp. 385–403 especially 397). Therefore, it was the result of the “progressive recovery of noble incomes in an era of normalization and restoration, not only on an institutional and political level but also in terms of the relationships between classes” (Pescosolido, 1981, p. 214). Valeriani (as reported in Colapietra, 1966, p. xv) stated that all the ideas were influenced by an exclusively agricultural conception of economic life. This was also evident in tax policy, which aimed to preserve the interests of property owners and, generally, the agrarian classes. As Pescosolido (1979, p. 48) rightly points out, the slow and laborious growth of the bourgeoisie, the almost total disappearance of the Apostolic Chamber from the ranks of property owners due also to the slow but marked decline of ecclesiastical property ownership compared to that of the nobility during the nineteenth century, was connected to the significant degree of technological backwardness in which agriculture

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remained due to its traditional forms of extensive cultivation, exacerbated by the servitudes not abolished and by the malaria prevalent in some areas of the territory (as seen in Chapter Four) and the impossibility of investing in other sectors (Pescosolido, 1979, p. 50; see also Bartoccini, 1971). The nobility had long since transformed into a court nobility “and even the jurisdictional prerogatives over vassals had been greatly reduced and were in any case such in the second half of the eighteenth century as to be undoubtedly less important than they retained in other states where they also produced a net income markedly higher than that provided in the State of the Church. The nobles themselves were not overly concerned about the reduction of these powers because in reality their true strength lay in the impressive extent of their landed estates” (Pescosolido, 1979, p. 50).66 The deficit was becoming increasingly severe, despite the “heroic” attempt, as defined by Franchini (1950b, pp. 12–32), to establish a consultative commission for the financial and administrative reform of the state. This was also due to the growth of the public debt and the execution of the political conventions of Milan and Paris established after the Congress of Vienna, as well as the outstanding old debt.67 The official budgets, between 1814 and 1827, showed positive balances, but as highlighted in some contemporary accounts, this could not lead to misjudgement since these results were inflated “by credits whose necessity was very doubtful” (Felisini, 1990, pp. 23–24 and 30–31).68 From 1828 onwards, continuous deficits were recorded (Pinchera, 1961, p. 35; Felisini, 1990, pp. 75–97). The reasons for these financial difficulties were to be found in various directions (Pepoli Napoleone, 1858, pp. 120–125), and it was the same congregation of revision established by the pope 66 On the topic of Roman nobility, see Bartoccini (1993, pp. 240–255) and La Marca (2000, I, pp. 459–593 and II pp. 679–811). 67 SAR, Camerale II, Public Debt 8, file 5, Report on the Public Debt of the Papal States as of the end of the year 1823. The conventions referred to are those of Milan on June 1, 1816, and Paris on April 25, 1818 (see Moroni, 1846, XL, p. 162). 68 SAR Tesorierato generale, titolo I, affari generali, b. 279, Sullo stato delle finanze

pontificie e de’ modi di migliorarle - Rapporto di Monsignor Carlo Luigi Morichini Arcivescovo di Nisibi, Protesoriere generale della RCA presentato alla Santità di nostro Signore papa Pio IX il 20 novembre 1847 , c. 2. SAR, Computisteria generale R.C.A., Bilanci, bb. 222–224 e 227; SAR, Camerale I, Conti dell’entrata e dell’uscita della Reverenda Camera Apostolica, b. 16.

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that did not hesitate to highlight the excesses and damages of a government defined as a “false system of charity” (Pepoli Napoleone, 1858, p. 121). First, the state could no longer rely on the financial support of Catholic nations, especially after recent events. In this regard, it should be noted that already during the Counter-Reformation, there had been a trend reversal since the church had to take note of the secularization that was spreading and that did not recognize in the pope the religious authority that had previously justified financial support from Christian countries. Despite the lack of this financial support, the bodies responsible for managing public finances subsequently managed to find a certain balance in their accounts, so much so that Marchetti (1800) stated that throughout the eighteenth century, there were extrapapal financial flows amounting to approximately 800,000 scudi. Furthermore, French domination had not managed to eliminate privileges in favour of certain classes and to limit the extension of “dead hands” that were inalienable and untouchable for a weak and poorly organized treasury. Over the years, the following contributed to this deficit: the numerous and useless military apparatuses; contingent factors such as the Asian cholera that forced the state to incur considerable health expenses69 ; and the damage caused by the flooding of rivers and streams in some provinces of the state, such as the flooding of the Tiber in December 1846 and the famines of 1816 and 1837.70 Although the government was aware that new issuances would cause further financial turmoil, it was necessary to resort to redeemable debt, which was placed partly internally and partly through the involvement of important banking institutions in granting loans, on European markets (Felisini, 1990, pp. 73–74).71 In fact, the state resorted to various means of international financing, particularly by signing agreements with the Rothschilds: up until 1846, seven contracts had been concluded to obtain loans from abroad, of which, six were signed with the Rothschild 69 In the beginning, Prince Torlonia’s bank was supposed to lend the state one million scudi (25 March 1837), but due to the cholera epidemic, the amount was increased by another two million (Quacquarelli, 1940, p. 7; Moroni, 1855, LXXIV, p. 334). 70 Diario di Roma n. 23 del 18/3/1847. SAR. Tesorierato generale, titolo I, affari generali, b. 279, Sullo stato cit. Morichini reported a total deficit of approximately 41 million scudi in 1847 (see Pepoli Napoleoni, 1858, p. 125; Quacquarelli, 1940, p. 2). It should be noted that the public debt also included all pensions and salaries of the administrative bureaucracy, as well as other debts from loans separately stipulated with wealthy families such as the Leichterberg debt (see Morandi, 1933, p. 503). 71 SAR Camerale II, Debito pubblico, b. 14, fasc. 4.

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house (Morandi, 1933, pp. 502–503). However, unlike other European states that knew how to resort to indebtedness as a tool for development, the Papal State was almost strangled by the need to finance increasingly significant current and unproductive expenses, reducing the margin to be devoted to investments in infrastructure and other areas. The Obolo di Pietro, like papal loans, provided fundamental financial assistance to avoid financial collapse following the loss of the Legations. The problem was serious, since the tax revenues had been withdrawn, but the debt, amounting to two-thirds of the total papal debt, was assumed by the Italian state only in 1868 (Pollard, 2004, pp. 30, 33; see also, Strangio, 2022). In 1864, 1 million scudi in contributions were collected, and in 1870, 6 million were collected. Thus, once again, as in 1815, faced with onerous financial conditions, the papacy was forced to place its collective well-being in the hands of others, in this case, the international Catholic community (Korten, 2018, p. 250). It was at this point that the Papal State itself essentially transformed into a global ecclesiastical organization after 1870. The Obolo di Pietro, although a critical financial instrument without precedent at the time for this European state, was, more than anything else, proof of the intrinsic spirituality of the nature of the papacy.

Sources and References Sources from Archive State Archive of Rome = SAR SAR, Bandi, b. 312; b. 151; 508. SAR, Bandi Tesoriere, b. 398. SAR, Buon Governo, serie I, b. 33. SAR, Camerale I, Registro dei chirografi, b. 173. SAR, Camerale I, Tesorierato e Camerlengato, b. 20, fasc.16. SAR, Camerale II, vol. 1434. SAR, Camerale II, Annona, bb. 16–22. SAR, Camerale II, Computisteria generale, bb. 1–2. SAR, Camerale II, Conti di entrata e dell’uscita della Revedrenda Camera Apostolica, bb. 4–15. SAR, Camerale II, Dataria e vacabili, b. 3. SAR, Camerale II, Debito pubblico, b. 2 fasc. 2; b. 7, fasc. 2and 3; b.8, fasc.5; b. 14, fasc. 3 and 4. SAR, Camerale II, Depositeria generale, b. 1. SAR, Camerale II, Camerlengato e Tesorierato, b. 17, fascc. 1 and 7.

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Strangio, Donatella. (2003). L’approvvigionamento della città di Roma nell’età moderna. In Nourrir les cités de Méditerranée. Antiquité – Temps modernes, sous la direction de Brigitte Marin and Catherine Virlouvet, 125–47. Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose. Strangio, Donatella. (2013). Papal Debt in the papal State, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Century, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, XLIII (4) (Spring): 511–37. Strangio, Donatella. (2022). The Roman Stock Exchange Between the 19th and 20th Centuries: A History of the Italian Stock Market. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan. Stumpo, Enrico. (1985). Il capitale finanziario a Roma fra Cinque e Seicento. Contributo alla storia della fiscalità pontificia in età moderna (1570–1660). Milan: Giuffré. Sylla, Richard E. and Sidney Homer. (1995). Storia dei tassi di interesse. Rome: Laterza. Tabacchi, Stefano. (1999). Tra riforma e crisi: il «buon governo» delle comunità dello Stato della Chiesa durante il pontificato di Clemente XI. In Papes et papauté au XVIIIe siècle, edited by Philippe Koeppel, 51–85. Paris. Tabacchi, Stefano. (2007). Il Buon Governo. Le finanze locali nello Stato della Chiesa (Secoli XVI–XVIII). Rome: Viella. Teodori, Marco. (2001). Nepotismo pontificio e formazione del patrimonio Chigi nella Roma barocca. Rome: Cedam Tosi, Mario. (1937). Cassa di Risparmio di Roma. Il Monte di Pietà di Roma e le sue amministrazioni. Rome: Libreria dello Stato. Travaglini, Carlo Maria. (1991). Il ruolo del banco di S. Spirito e del Monte di pietà nel mercato finanziario romano del settecento. In Banchi pubblici, banchi privati e monti di pietà nell’Europa preindustriale. Amministrazione tecniche operative e ruoli economici, Atti del Convegno (Genova 1–6 ottobre 1990), vol. 1, 617–39. Genova: Società ligure di Storia Patria. Travaglini, Carlo Maria. (1995). Poveri. La proprietà immobiliare a Roma agli inizi del Settecento, Archivi e Cultura, 28: 31–62. Travaglini, Carlo Maria. (2000). Aspetti della modernizzazione economica tra fine settecento e inizi ottocento. La politica fiscal. In Roma negli anni di influenza e dominio francese. 1798–1814. Rotture continuità, innovazioni tra fine Settecento e inizi Ottocento, edited by Boutry Philippe, Pitocco Franco, and Carlo Maria Travaglini, 233–72. Napoli: Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane. Venturi, Franco. (1963). Elementi e tentativi di riforme nello Stato pontificio del Settecento, Rivista Storica Italiana, LXXV (fasc. IV): 778–817. Venturi, Franco. (1969). Settecento riformatore, I, Da Muratori a Beccaria. Turin: Einaudi Giulio. Visceglia, Maria Antonietta. (1995). Burocrazia, mobilità sociale e patronage alla Corte di Roma tra Cinque e Seicento. Alcuni aspetti del recente dibattito

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storiografico e prospettive di ricerca, Roma moderna e contemporanea, III (1): 11–55. Volpi, Roberto. (1983). Le regioni introvabili. Bologna: il Mulino. Zaghi, Carlo. (1975). Proprietà e classe dirigente nell’Italia giacobina e napoleonica. In Annuario dell’Istituto storico italiano per l’età moderna e contemporanea, XXIII–XXIV (1971–1972), 105–220. Rome.

CHAPTER 7

Identity Crisis

Introduction As ambiguous as it is elusive, the term “identity” referring to collective entities appeared in the social sciences only relatively recently. However, its wide reception and diffusion in even common parlance has not always been matched by an adequate theoretical and conceptual exploration. Stifled by a plurality of perspectives and approaches, its often indiscriminate use generally makes no contributions on an analytical level. Taking note of this indeterminacy and the related indeterminacy of “national character,” here we refer to an almost empirical meaning of Rome’s identity understood as a social construction and, at the same time, as a historical product. The aim will be to understand how the mediating and interlocutory function of the city of the pope changed as a result of the crisis of traditional geopolitical relations that followed the Thirty Years’ War. Better yet, we examine whether, as a result of the redefinition of transnational relations, Rome has proven to have some trait of resilience or, on the contrary, has been crushed by it, imprisoned by its secular myth.

* Although the work is the result of constant joint collaboration, this chapter is by Marina Formica. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Formica and D. Strangio, Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41260-8_7

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After Westphalia From time immemorial, culture has often been employed by power for the purpose of lustre and legitimation or justification of itself and its apparatuses, using a formula that is as dubious and perhaps dangerous as ever to construct identity. In particular, this use seems to have been consolidated with the gradual establishment of public opinion and its role as the “court of the world” (Habermas, 1962). Indeed, it was between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that states increasingly refined the tools with which to validate their actions before civil society (Taylor 2003; Landi, 2011), and this was paradoxically at a time when public spirit itself, as it was then called, claimed its own autonomy from a power that it actually aspired to control. It is useless to examine questions that have already been answered by a broad and solid historiography (Weakliem, 2020) and that, moreover, would require precise fine-tuning of the very concepts in question, of the actors, both institutional and social, linked to them, and of the instruments honed by the parties (gazettes, scholarly periodicals, academies, spaces of sociability). Rather, here, we interrogate the different ways in which Rome, cultural capital par excellence, tried to interrelate with its traditional European partners in particularly critical historical-diplomatic moments, such as those following the Thirty Years’ War. That this long conflict entailed profound changes in the politicaleconomic arrangements of the Old Continent is a well-known fact. Equally well known are the remote causes of the clash, dating back to the rise of Protestantism after the Peace of Augsburg (1555) and the political, religious, and constitutional tensions that manifested both within the empire and externally, especially those related to the anti-Protestant attitude of the Catholic Church and Catholic princes after the Council of Trent (Wedgwood, 2018; Pantle, 2020). Instead, what we emphasize is how the Peace of Westphalia that ended the War (1648) unequivocally sealed the demotion of the Holy See to be a mediator between states. What Rome wished to call, significantly, the “infamous peace of Münster,” in fact, came to consecrate the irreparable European religious schism, sanctioning the equally undeniable retreat of the Holy See and its leadership from the new rising powers in deference to new interlocutors: Sweden, Holland, England, Prussia, Russia, Protestant, or otherwise non-Catholic countries (Greengrass, 2020). What was understood to be a profound crisis could depend not only on the political and institutional

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destinies of Rome but also, to some extent, on the spiritual leadership connected to those destinies. It was a disturbing scenario that could easily have led the city to retreat in on itself and to a collapse of its appeal in cultural, artistic, economic, and diplomatic terms. If for centuries the centre of Catholicism had been recognized as the regulator of a “conduct of negotiations” in international relations, 1648 began a new phase in the history of diplomacy (Romano, 1992). After the decision to hold peace negotiations in no less than two cities in Westphalia since the pope’s representatives could not meet with the Protestant legates,1 the papal nuncio in Cologne, Fabio Chigi,2 noting the failure to meet his demands in favour of Catholic interests, therefore refused to sign the treaty. By consecrating religious schism, the principle of territorial churches, and the spoliation of ecclesiastical property, those at the negotiation table clearly ignored Rome’s demands. They were clearly heavy defeats for the Holy See, especially since it was obvious to all how that phase was decisive in the redefinition of future geopolitical frameworks. From the decisions made in those months, a new political and religious geography would emerge in Europe. One would have to wait until the Congress of Vienna (1815) to perceive any change. However, the pope, through his representatives, had always been a protagonist in transnational diplomatic negotiations. It would suffice to recall the constitution of the Italic League after the Peace of Lodi in 1454: it was thanks to the “most holy league” orchestrated by the pontiff including all the states of the Italian peninsula that the long phase of equilibrium—or presumed equilibrium—about which recent research has continued to question, was achieved; certainly, there was the further assertion of ecclesiastical power, a power sui generis that nevertheless had to be protected in both branches of its competences (Fubini, 1993; Pellegrini, 2002, 2010, 2013). Going beyond the borders of the “Boot,” as evidence of the centrality and authority of the pontiff sovereign in the global, as well as European, balances of the early Modern Age, the most emblematic reference remains the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494). The agreement to settle the dispute over expansion zones in the overseas lands between Spain and Portugal was in fact signed, as is well

1 At Münster the Emperor negotiated with envoys of the Catholic powers and those of the Protestant powers at Osnabrück. 2 Fabio Chigi would later become pope, taking the name Alexander VII (1655–1667).

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known, by Alexander VI (1492–1503) in 1506, after which, Julius II (1503–1513) was called upon to specify it more precisely (Balard and Ducellier. 1998; Bown, 2012). In a framework in which territorial more or less extensive orders, had begun to provision themselves with their own diplomatic apparatuses (Péquignot, 2009), the papacy, as has been previously pointed out, then pursued “una diplomatizzazione sistematica dei rapporti internazionali,” imprinting on them “il tono prevalente del negoziato e dell’interlocuzione” (Visceglia, 2019, p. XIX). Fascinated by the dimension of Rome as a centre of international diplomacy, historiography has therefore focused its analysis mainly on the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when, in fact, the papal city found itself playing a central function in mediating between state and protostate entities both on a peninsular or Italian scale and on the broader European and world scenarios. This was demonstrated by the inspiring centrality of its ceremonial rules, which were taken as a model by other European courts (Matheson-Pollock, Paul and Fletcher, 2018). That is, there was an original development of Paolo Prodi’s insights into the innovative character of the Church State and its capital and the precursory features of the permanent papal nunciatures in their relations with states and local churches (Prodi, 1982; Visceglia, 2013, pp. 17–62; Lazzarini, 2015; Fletcher, 2015). By placing the acquisitions of more traditional diplomatic history in dialogue with the suggestions of the “new diplomatic history” (Schweizer and Schumann, 2008; Frigo, 2011; Weisbrode, 2014; Alloul and Auwers, 2018; Holmes and Rofe, 2018), somewhat preexisting areas of research have been revitalized by new comparisons with sources. Similarly, studies have been launched on the correspondences and lexicon of the actors of mediation, the support personnel of the protagonists of diplomacy (secretaries, merchants, consuls, clerics but also ladies, artists), ceremonial precedences, and the geographical networks of the countries involved in the action in question (Fara and Plebani, 2019), with all the implications this has for the nature of modern states and their origins (Chittolini et al., 1994). Less success, on the other hand, has been credited to the later developments of the diplomatic structure of the Church State, that is, subsequent to the full emergence of the Protestant Reformation, which, with all its confessional and territorial ramifications, contributed to drastically reducing the papacy’s range of influence. Important research on the reach of propaganda fide is excluded (Pizzorusso, 2022), but the long-term effects of the religious crisis remain, in short, still too weakly explored

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at the institutional and state levels as well as at the social and cultural levels. However, work on the history of the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries in terms of the crisis of Roman diplomatic leadership could be valuable in highlighting not only new aspects but also new problems. These include those related to the very conceptions of cultural politics and cultural diplomacy, with their respective channels of communication. One can understand diplomacy, following the Oxford English Dictionary, both as a “method” through which relations between states are rebalanced thanks to the action of professionally qualified personnel (nuncios, ambassadors, envoys) and pragmatically as the “negotiating conduct” of international relations itself, the history of late modern Rome indeed offers an extremely interesting observatory capable of generating stimulating questions. These include, for example, the existing differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, with all the reflections that both spheres can have on the strategies of individual pontificates and relations with states, on forms of communication, and on the dynamics of mediation. For a long time before the Congress of Vienna, Roman diplomacy was already experimenting with its transnational vocations.

Astonishing with the Baroque From an artistic point of view, it is well known how Rome was an undisputed protagonist in the Baroque age (Portoghesi, 1998; Fagiolo, 2013). Reinvigorated by a now territorially extensive and institutionally wellstructured dominion and recognized as the absolute capital of Antiquity, in the century that also saw the sanctioning of its diplomatic dean, the Urbe became a model of experimentation—in terms of art, architecture, and welfare—that was modern, that is to say, avant-garde, albeit with all the contradictions and facets of so-called modernity. The focus of this model has certainly helped corroborate the historiographical revision of the seventeenth century as an age of “decadence.” Indeed, archival research has cleared the field of stereotypes and, to those who lamented the monetary and commercial depression caused by the Iberian presence in the peninsula, has countered data showing, at least until the middle of the seventeenth century, not only how the gross domestic product of several states was growing but how much ample confirmation this positive trend found in Rome itself. Favoured by the flexibility and low costs of its labour market, this was not only perfectly integrated

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into the interregional economic system (Palermo, 1997; Visceglia, 2007; Malanima, 2009; Strangio, 2021) but also capable of imposing itself as an active engine of the Tridentine political programme. Art, architecture, and beauty were the major fields of investment of the Roman pontiffs in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The exemplifications were at risk of being lengthy. However, one cannot help but recall how, among others, Innocent X (1644–1655), though busy re-establishing a frightening budget deficit (48,000,000 scudi), nevertheless continued to invest in the city in terms of its visibility, magnificence, and pageantry. To maintain Rome’s prestige as a capital among capitals, a court among courts, this pope did not hesitate to erect grandiose constructions, as admirably witnessed by what became a kind of “Piazza Pamphilj”: the Piazza Navona. Work began on the great palace for the pope’s family and its chapel, the Borrominian church of S. Agnese in Agone, in 1647 with the erection of an obelisk found at the Circus of Maxentius and then continued with the restoration of the original form of the Circus Agonal and the displacement of the pre-existing markets and small dwellings. In the centre, the Fountain of the Four Rivers was erected. Designed by Bernini under the advice of Kirchner, the majestic work included depictions of protagonists, such as water, the natural element prince of Baroque scenography, and of the power of the sovereign pontiff, visualized in its spiritual (the dove of the Holy Spirit towering over the colossal figures of the Nile, the Ganges, the Danube, and the Rio de la Plata) and temporal (a dove with an olive branch in its beak, the Pamphilj’s coat of arms: Zuccari and Macioce, 2001; Bernard, 2014) motifs. Not even the devastating plague epidemic that struck the city (see Ch. III) interrupted the project. To ensure that the superb setting was aligned with the axis of the Sistine obelisk and the Borgo Nuovo, even Pope Pamphilj’s successor, Alexander VII (1655– 1667), did not hesitate to have entire blocks torn down. It was the largest demolition ever carried out in modern Rome. Having acquired the character of a city-court of a tendentially centralized monarchy, the Urbe then became an experimental centre of new ceremonials according to a defined order functional to the exaltation of power and the universality of the papacy (the sacred/profane dialectic) but nevertheless usable and mouldable outside. This was done in the wake of intense publicity aimed at defining the diplomatic procedures to be followed so as not to offend the susceptibilities of governments, ambassadors, sovereigns, and princes from all over the world who would

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precisely look to the pope’s city to elaborate their own codes of behaviour (Visceglia and Brice, 1997; Visceglia, 2002b). One need only recall the requests made in 1718 by the king of Spain to his ambassador to find the etiquette of precedence preserved among the papers of the apostolic archives to realize the performative force of “los estilos de Roma” in ceremonial matters (Visceglia, 1997, p. 126). The hegemony of the past was thus being replaced by a new form of domination, more subtle but no less effective and pervasive; a supremacy made up of ostentatious visibility and marked by constant attempts at emulation, internally as well as externally. “Great theater of the world,” the Urbe converted those traits of mediation and dialogue that had already made it a protagonist of diplomatic networks into a centripetal process aimed at attracting the greatest artists of the century—Velázquez, Ribera, Poussin, Lorrain, Van Dyck, Rubens; Bernini, Borromini, Pietro da Cortona. Thanks to the courts of the various pontiffs and those of the many cardinals present, they were able to obtain enticing commissions and bring to life figurative and architectural expressions in which the taste for the ancient could merge admirably with the most modern sensibilities (Merolla, 1995; Oberli, 2005; Fumaroli, 2005; Engelhardt, 2017). A propeller of fast careers, the centre of Catholicism then became synonymous with “wonder, spectacle, [and] continuous invention,” as well as the seemingly minor creations of the ephemeral apparatuses of festivals, carnival machines, funeral catafalques, decorations for banquets and dissemination and the consumption of voluptuous goods that the various social classes of the city sought to acquire, albeit in different forms (Fagiolo Dell’Arco, 1997; Matitti, 1997). By emulating the wealthy and flaunting these goods, lawyers, merchants, clerks, artisans, and wealthy men and women seemed almost to want to identify themselves with their most coveted objects (clothes, furniture, furnishings: books, musical instruments, paintings), whereas the plebs, unable to share in these delights, were content to enjoy them obliquely, indirectly, participating in the innumerable attractions that Rome offered to the entire population. In the vicinity of the markets, charlatans, jesters, buffoons, musicians, and wandering singers frequently staged puppet shows featuring chariots, Judas, and the Roma, while storytellers recounted exploits and heroes of ancient Rome, thus indirectly providing historical and mythological rudiments to the urban plebs as well. Thus, it was not only the elites who enjoyed the far more accurate pieces staged in the many theatres of aristocratic palaces, embassies, and

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colleges (the Roman Seminary, the Collegio Romano, the Germanic or English colleges). At different levels, a broader audience, geographically and socially differentiated and, like the previous one, curious to participate in the staging of dramas, tragedies, and operas in music, sacred and profane, could also somehow enjoy them. Particular success was also enjoyed by the “commedie ridicolose,” all-Roman inventions in which amateur actors resorted to dialect and the repertoires of the Commedia dell’arte to blend predefined plots for moralizing purposes with improvisation (Mariti, 1980; Carandini, 1997; Staffieri, 1995). In Baroque Rome, everything was spectacular. As seen in Chapter III, even justice could acquire traits of manifest grandeur, albeit for avowedly exemplary purposes. The rituals of corporal punishment were preferably staged on the days of greatest city traffic, especially during the Wednesday and Saturday markets; a packed auditorium was then called upon to learn from the humiliating donkey parades of the offenders, the floggings, the mocking, and the punishments of the three stretches of rope. However, the tension reached its acme during executions: at the places designated for beheadings and hangings, Romans were even willing to pay to secure the best seats (Paglia, 1982; Bastien, 2006; Benedetti, 2010; Fosi, 2011). This was seen when the grandiose pyre set up in Campo de’ Fiori on February 17, 1600, was used to burn the body of Giordano Bruno, the philosopher who had identified God with the universe and refused to recant his ideas. This admittedly egregious case was far from isolated, given the long list of trials and burnings that marked the entire century among both Romans and non-Romans, Catholics and Protestants. What is rather striking is the fact that in that same year in which as many as 32 death sentences were executed, Rome had held jubilee celebrations dedicated to the theme of forgiveness with great abundance of means, on the religious and devotional as well as on the artistic and architectural levels (Zuccari, 1999). Evidently, plenary indulgence was not about earthly justice. On the occasion of the Holy Year of 1600, some 536,000 “Romans” had come to the city to receive absolution from their sins and to visit Peter’s tomb. With its dense network of welfare institutions, convents, and monasteries; its granaries and its Mounts of Piety; its confraternities; and its innumerable forms of charity, Rome then confirmed itself as a city in the vanguard of welcoming sorrowful humanity, made up of the poor, vagrants, and prostitutes in search of mercy: that same humanity that Caravaggio had portrayed in the

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Madonna of the Pilgrims in the church of St. Augustine by dressing Mary as a Roman commoner. However, it was not only in the Jubilee Years that the capital teemed with the destitute. Paternalistically, the pontiffs of the time aimed to guarantee bread and shelter to the greatest number of people. Rome was to be the city of good governance and welcome, even at the cost of infringing on market rules. Analyses of this period have eloquently shown that the population of Rome had significantly higher protein rates than the inhabitants of other cities, Italian and non-Italian alike (Friz, 1980). Such characteristics, founded on a diversified structure of relief in which the public and private coexisted harmoniously, endorsed the image of an opulent reality that was prodigal towards the poor and needy and has been shared with us by sources of the time and the memories of travellers. In turn, such a depiction presumably played a significant role in corroborating the stereotype of the lazy, indolent, parasitic Roman alive to this day. However, historiography has long since dismantled, on the basis of accurate documentary evidence, the soundness of these prejudices, bringing out a situation far more varied and complex than that handed down by tradition. If the publication in Rome of the first treatise on modern commercial law, Sigismondo Sciacca’s Tractatus de commerciis et cambio (1619), can be taken as evidence of the economic dynamism of the city, whose markets were constantly monitored so that the prices and weight set for bread, sheep, beef, and pork as well as pizzicheria products were respected, it is, however, to the overall physiognomy of the Urbe that one must look to realize how the Urbe was teeming with services, businesses, and personnel specialized precisely in the various branches of assistance (Ago, 1998, p. 8). The concentration of productive activities related to food, commerce, textiles, and mutual medical assistance and the presence of workshops and businesses in Rome were certainly of greater proportions than in other areas, such as Florence: at the beginning of the seventeenth century, there were as many as 71 Roman trade guilds with approximately 24,000 members including both masters and workers. At least 21% of the urban population was also employed in crafts, a multifaceted sector marked by a wide range of trades. The more typical and established activities, as well as the specialized ones related, for example, to goldsmithing and silversmithing, carving, pottery, embroidery, printing, and bookshops, made Rome an attractive centre for skilled workers, both local and foreign. Likewise, the economic and social impact brought about by the equally

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multifaceted array of street trades should not be underestimated: documented research reveals a total of more than 260 forms of open-air sales. When properly examined, archival sources also offer valuable information on the dislocation of businesses and the range of trades practised, as well as on gender, household members, kinship and/or cohabitation relationships, and the average age of Romans. In particular, from the analytical records of households made annually by parish priests before Easter and in 1614 regulated according to Tridentine prescriptions, the States of Souls, we know that, at the turn of the century, the pope’s subjects, approximately 104,000 individuals, were predominantly young and male, as has already been noted, and not only because of the high concentration of clergymen, which is in any case undeniable (5000 clergymen—7.4% of the total number of males—were matched by approximately 5000 female clergy—5.3%: Sonnino, 1999; Nussdorfer, 2014), but also because of the presence of large pockets of immigrant workers, which confirms the high fluctuation of the population stationed in Rome, both because of seasonal work cycles and the rhythms of the religious calendar, which, with its many festivals and, above all, its jubilees, ordinary and extraordinary, made the city a much sought-after pilgrimage destination. All this made Rome an immense open-air construction site with countless job opportunities. For example, consider the splendid suburban villa built, in those same years, by Cardinal Scipione Borghese—currently known as the Villa Borghese—a perfect fusion of the representative dimension of a household destined to remain throughout the entire nineteenth century one of the most important in Roman society (Toscano, 2005; Forclaz, 2006; Frommel, 2011). Alternatively, consider the spasmodic care that Paul V wanted to give to the offices of the Vatican and the Quirinal Palace. While the latter underwent significant expansions to accommodate the sumptuous apartments of the pope-king, it was the Vatican that made the grandest achievement. Having answered once and for all the long-standing question of the preservation or demolition of the original nave and atrium of St. Peter’s Basilica, opting for the latter, the architect Carlo Maderno concluded the work on both the façade (1612) and the nave (1614), thanks to the ability to employ numerous workers. In this regard, it is interesting to note that recent studies have managed to show that, at least until the seventeenth century, such workers not only received the highest daily wages in Europe but also enjoyed numerous forms of assistance: paid vacation and sick days, health care, disability,

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and old-age pensions, a thirteenth month’s pay, and career steps based on merit. Labourers, moreover, were mixed and included women among the bricklayers, glaziers, crystal workers, gilders, mosaicists, carters, and kiln workers (Di Sante and Turriziani, 2016). However, it was not only for craftspeople that the city was a popular destination. Thanks also to the Dataria—the body that controlled the staffing of important offices—the ecclesiastical capital seemed in fact to be somehow guaranteed from the inflationary pressures that were affecting the countries of the Mediterranean basin (Stumpo, 1985; Giannini, 2003) and, with its numerous aristocratic and cardinal courts and embassies, Rome presented itself as generous, with opportunities for careers and professional advancement. It was a place where jurists, notaries, and lawyers from various parts of the world yearned to reside, with the hope of being able to initiate enticing cursus honorum in the curia; bankers and entrepreneurs coveted it for the specificities of its tax system, the stability of its exchange rates, and the confidence its public debt inspired. However, unquestionably, the fact remains that at the tables of diplomacy, neither the city nor its ruler enjoyed the authority they had possessed a century earlier. One writer pointed this out mercilessly and with a hint of smugness: “La Cour de Rome n’a plus la même influence sur les affaires temporelles de l’Europe qu’elle s’arrogeoit autrefois. Elle semble restrainte aux functions spirituelles qui apartiennent au souverain pontife” (Venturi, 1969, p. 11). By the mid-seventeenth century, the Urbe existed in a condition of marginality that isolated it from European geopolitical negotiations. The humiliating failure to recognize Passionei as a plenipotentiary diplomat in the delicate phase of the War of the Spanish Succession would confirm this. On that occasion, the subalternity of the papal representatives to the great powers would also have been sealed by the assignment of Sicily to the Duke of Savoy. On that occasion, despite boasting ancient feudal rights over the island, the pope was not even consulted. However, as they said in the face of this retreat, this crisis, Rome nevertheless remained an international and cosmopolitan city. For those who wanted to undertake an important educational experience and those who wanted to know, to meet the world, a stay in the Urbe was now a necessity. The investments the popes lavished with unquestionable breadth on culture, charm, and beauty not only succeeded in protecting the city from political-diplomatic regression but also made it a crucial destination, a

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centre of attraction without comparison. This was directly reflected in the economy, mentality, and identity of the city.

The Grand Tour as a Resource Indeed, the acquired awareness of the irrevocability of the power relations now in force in the European geopolitical framework resulted in a kind of transference. The more traditional diplomatic action was replaced by new strategies aimed at guaranteeing Rome a position that was in any case hegemonic with respect to other interlocutors. Continuing on the trajectory already outlined by the popes of the Baroque age, but now purged, after Innocent XI, of the most nefarious characterizations of nepotism, the pontiffs of the eighteenth century tried to set up less personalistic and familial policies and placed the capital of the state, with all its autonomy, at the centre. Increasingly “dominant” over the other papal territories, the Urbe thus emerged as the absolute protagonist of the project of the Catholic reconquest in the world. Whereas the foreign policy of the first pope of the eighteenth century, Clement XI (1700–1721), was punctuated by a series of failures, his cultural policy efforts achieved quite different results. The direction of overall urban redevelopment already began in the seventeenth century found in this pontiff a mature artificer, a true patron, willing to employ every means to present the Urbe as the absolute heir of classicism. Rome was to represent and be recognized as an unparalleled resource for the renewal of all European society. It was therefore necessary to implement its image as the capital of Antiquity and to offer the experience of travelling to Rome as the most authentic chance a traveller had to come into direct contact with history, civilization, and the founding values of civilization (De Seta, 1992; Brilli, 1995, 2008; Chaney, 1998). Already coveted and sought-after by travellers from all over the continent, Rome was, in short, to become the indispensable destination of the Grand Tour. Arising in the Elizabethan age as a central experience in the apprenticeship of the English ruling class and rapidly spreading to the whole continent, the tour of Europe that the young scions of the English, French, Flemish, Dutch, German, Russian, and Swedish aristocracy undertook to complete their education found its highest fulfilment in the Eternal City. Reaching Rome was the last goal of a fully successful voyage, as it was for Johann Joachim Winckelmann, among others, who became the greatest mid-eighteenthcentury interpreter. His invitation to solidify his greatness by imitating

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the ancients came from Pope Albani, the most conscious artificer, long before Goethe declared, “I can say that only in Rome did I feel what it means to be a man. I have never again returned to such a high state of mind, nor to such a happiness of feeling” (Goethe, 1965, p. 192). The classical legacy thus became the fruit of a lucid strategy, then pursued throughout the eighteenth century through a wide spectrum of different, thoughtful solutions, often flanked by sought-after mitigation of political and confessional tensions. Ambitious goals were set that were part of the plans for countering the fierce competitiveness of those from Paris who, well before the emergence of the ambitious Napoleonic projects, had proposed the Ville lumière as the nouvelle Rome, trying to insist on the motif of Italic decadence, which that was by then inescapable. Taking note of what already existed, strengthening it, renewing it, propagating it—these were the objectives of Clement XI that were shared by most of the more or less “enlightened” pontiffs of the century, from Clement XII (1730–1740) and Benedict XIV (1740–1758) to Clement XIII (1758–1769), Clement XIV (1769–1774), and Pius VI (1775– 1799). This line led to an increase in numerous initiatives, including private ones, aimed at creating new spaces for meeting, studying, and observing reality marked by Galilean experimentalism. In the first part of the century, the acquisition of concrete and verifiable evidence came to constitute the indispensable condition of all kinds of knowledge, humanistic and scientific. As a matter of fact, in light of the most recent studies, the more traditional image of Rome as an almost exclusive citadel of philology, theology, and antiquarianism was now totally dismantled and replaced by far more fluid representations, marked by an openness to all disciplines, including philosophy and science (Romano, 2008). Indeed, the ascertained presence of schools, academies, astronomical specula, and even gardens that served as observatories of exotic plants and animals confirms the richness and multiplicity of eighteenth-century lieux du savoir (Donato, 2000). A staunch supporter of the value of interlocution with the most dynamic forces in the world of science and letters, the pope who had begun by establishing a Congregation for the University in order to reform the University—Clement XI—put in place a targeted series of incentives that favoured research institutions and associations specializing in the various branches of cultural activities and open to the training of a well-prepared ecclesiastic staff, a grandiose programme aimed at achieving a kind of centralized monopoly over the world of culture, but one that

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remains to be explored in depth by, for example, questioning the different representations of power and the degree of autonomy and engagement of outsiders (Ferrone, 1982). It was primarily academies that emerged as the most prestigious and attractive associative spaces. In his youth, directly linked to the experiences promoted by Giustino Ciampini and Christina of Sweden, Pope Albani in fact made a vehicular model based on the Paris of Louis XI for members from diverse territorial backgrounds. The case of the Accademia di San Luca, the association of artists founded by Federico Zuccari in 1593, is proof of this. By virtue of the facilities granted by the pope—a kind of protectionism over artistic production, conspicuous allowances, and tax privileges—combined with the promotion of annual competitions and opportunities for masters to teach nude models, painters, and sculptors from various backgrounds began to flock to Rome, electing it the ideal home for the most complete and authentic apprenticeship in history and art. Enticed by the wealth of the collections of antiquities and the great masters of the Renaissance and the seventeenth century, as well as by the growing work potential offered by the patronage of the cardinal courts, French, German, Ticino, Flemish, Spanish, Portuguese, and Greek artists with different religious beliefs began to intensify their travels to the Urbe, residing there for increasingly longer periods of time and eventually moving there permanently (Barroero, 1993; Brook et al., 2016). Only here, in fact, did it seem possible to draw on the ideals of “modern classicism” already proposed by Giovanni Pietro Bellori and then to surpass them with original and future-oriented content (Peters Bowron and Rishel, 2000; Bacchi et al., 2020; Osborne, 2020). In a short time, Rome managed to counter the competitive prominence of the Académie de France and establish itself as a world centre of creativity, painting, and sculpture (Brook, 2016; Quondam, 2017). In the context of the great European capitals, it appeared the only reality capable of stimulating the creation of wide-ranging projects, anchored in the ancient but nevertheless free from any form of passive subservience. Far from resolving themselves to virtuosity as an end in itself, creative minds viewed monuments and relics as spaces that offered creativity and experimentalism. It is then natural to connect this with the views signed, in later years, by artists such as Van Wittel and Panini and to closely examine this explosion of visions, painted or imagined, as precursors of Goethe’s famous remarks (in Rome, “every fragment is venerable, and from the

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chaos of the ruins the original norm shines through, reappearing in the new, grandiose forms of churches and palaces,” 1787). Whereas diplomacy was showing signs of failure, art, in all its manifestations, was in full splendour. Emblematic of these deviations was the life of Alessandro Albani, nephew of Clement XI: although almost inconsequential in terms of the restitution of Comacchio (occupied by the imperialists in 1708), his ambassadorships to Vienna resulted in encounters that were quite fruitful on a personal and cultural level (from Prince Eugene of Savoy to Empress Maria Theresa). Intensive relations and even important commercial negotiations ensued regarding the purchase of paintings, ancient coins, and works of art (Borchia, 2019, pp. 80– 88), albeit sometimes clouded by ambitions for profit. For example, much discussed, even at the time, was the sale en bloc in 1728 of thirty statues that were among the best in his collection of antiquities to King Augustus II of Poland. However, when a similar bargain was about to be repeated, in 1733, his uncle, Chamberlain Annibale Albani, responded with an edict to safeguard the cultural heritage that has since become emblematic of Rome: not only was this exchange strictly forbidden but the safeguarding of artistic goods was justified by an original concept of utilitas publica. A passionate scholar, however, the pope did not limit himself only to banning the export of artistic and ancient artefacts, from statues and paintings to archival documents. Remarkable, too, was his commitment to increasing the city’s artistic heritage. To him can be attributed, for example, the founding of an important eastern section of the Vatican Library, where numerous valuable manuscripts found a worthy home. His well-known patronage and his equally lively ability to identify influential collaborators (such as Francesco Bianchini, Marcantonio Boldetti) also imparted a renewed impetus to archaeological excavations and the restoration of churches and monuments. Abandoning the path of monumental urbanistic achievements, such as marking the city by tying it to the name of a pope, Clement XI encouraged restoration work on what already existed, calling on, in particular, Carlo Maratti, the “new Raphael,” to rearrange the Vatican Stanze and Annibale Carracci’s Gallery at the Palazzo Farnese. It was thanks to the construction sites started under his pontificate that the Antonine Column and interesting portions of the catacombs in Santa Maria Antiqua in Domitian’s palace on Palatine Hill were unearthed. The unearthed artefacts were brought to a museum of architectural, pictorial and sculptural models at the Vatican Belvedere and one of the Christian antiquities was placed in the portico of the

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Basilica of Santa Maria in Trastevere, specially set up for the purpose. Rome thus put itself on display with all its realities, religious and secular. However, the renovatio urbis project was not limited to artistic and antiquarian components alone. In fact, the pontiff aimed to enhance the capital’s attractiveness by putting its scientific soul on display as well. At the beginning of the century, he established a congregation on the calendar, again under the leadership of Bianchini—an astronomer as well as a historian and chronographer—to proceed with a reform of the Gregorian calendar, still considered by many to be inaccurate from a mathematical point of view. To visibly and blatantly manifest this dimension of the city, Clement XI had a technically impeccable and artistically appealing astronomical measuring instrument built—the grandiose sundial at the church of Santa Maria degli Angeli (Formica, 2016). As for poetry and literature, it is well known how the phase of revival experienced by the Academy of Arcadia coincided, and not by chance, with the primacy recognized by the Roman “colony” (Alfonzetti, 2017a). Sharing the auspices (1703) of Ludovico Antonio Muratori (Rosa and Al Kalak, 2018), Clement XI was in fact aiming to establish a kind of national academy, the “republic of the literati of Italy,” whose first archon was to be, not coincidentally, a Roman designated by the pontiff himself, as if to sanction a hegemony that aimed to make the centrality of the capital coincide with religion, ethics, and reason. The fulcrum of a network of colonies scattered across the peninsula, Rome would thus be able to impose itself as a place for the selection and promotion of savants. The biographies of some of the protagonists recently revisited by critics (for example, the aforementioned Bianchini, Bernardo Ramazzini) bear clear traces of this far-sighted project, where the reconstruction of the premises of Baglivi’s anatomical museum or Pirro Maria Gabrielli’s collection of physical machines as gathering places of the “shepherds” has highlighted the direct links of continuity that tied the Arcadian institution to the original spirit attributed to Christina of Sweden. At the same time, the highlighting in musical historiography of the unusual participation of certain high-profile composers—Arcangelo Corelli, Alessandro Scarlatti, and Bernardo Pasquini—in the Arcadia itself highlights how not even Euterpe devotees were excluded from the design of an overall revival of Rome as a cultural capital. While by custom, the settings for musical practice were those of religious colleges, congregations, confraternities or the palaces of important families (for example, the hall of the Barberini theatre was able to accommodate up to three

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thousand spectators), Pope Albani tried to ensure the necessary decorum due to sacred music even outside these settings.3 This intent would later mature more fully with the pontificate of Clement XIV, when, in the face of the unquestionable propensities and skills of the Romans in the field, the Urbe would be recognized as an accredited place of training, study and professional promotion in music and theatre. The awarding of the Order of the Golden Spur to the very young Mozart, just 14 years old, by the pontiff symbolically attested to this development, which was also indirectly marked by the decree of excommunication issued by Pope Ganganelli against those who favoured the castration of young musicians (Cagli, 1985; Piperno, 2017; Berti, 2017). The positive repercussions of taking root in places that were also spaces for professional growth, commissioning, and patronage were there for all to see, and these benefits affected not only the patrimony of knowledge and diverse expertise of workshops and artisan enterprises but also the city economy itself. In a short time, the increase in accommodations such as inns, taverns, and dive bars became so great that it gave rise to as many as four category arts (Romani, 1968, pp. 142–145).

Cosmopolitan Declinations It was precisely because of the vitality of a polycentrism made up of institutes, academies, libraries, small speculums, and naturalistic observatories sometimes considered mere worldly entertainment that Rome was able to reassert itself as the centre of a socially transversal aggregation. Countering the hegemonism from beyond the Alps, a native taste and aesthetic was promoted in Rome, where communities from all corners of Europe could have recognized themselves. Relations among those who believed they belonged to a universal, extranational, and extrareligious ideal community founded on equality among equals, intellectual freedom, and common expectations were amplified as a result. Conveying the more traditional physiognomy and nature of the church with some of the demands of the more mature siècle éclairé, Rome could be just the place to realize the cosmopolitan ideals of the république des lettres (Goodman, 1994; Bots and Waquet, 1997; Fumaroli, 2015).

3 Illuminating in this regard are the indications provided by the Statutes of the Congregation of the Musicians of Saint Cecilia (Benincampi, 2019).

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At a difficult time, marked by the advance of jurisdictionalist instances that challenged the supremacy of the papal city by making demands on the right of princes to appoint ecclesiastics, create national churches, and regulate marriages, the Urbe thus succeeded in reinventing itself by reappropriating its mediating and relational vocations in an original way. It was, therefore, a network of new diplomacy, the same one that managed to generate feelings of common identity belonging and that aimed to open itself to the world not already through the coercive ways of colonialism—Spanish, Portuguese, French, English, and Dutch—but, precisely, through the pervasive and dynamic ways of cultural penetration. Thanks to the activism of the Congregation of Propaganda Fide, the capital, as the directing centre of all missionary activities, in fact, enjoyed indisputable primacy in terms of knowledge of other languages, religions, and customs (Visceglia, 2018a, pp. 249–292; Pizzorusso, 2022). The jubilee year of 1750 represented a happy new occasion for Rome to welcome and meet pilgrims and travellers, with a decisive intensification of incoming flows. Against the backdrop of a finally pacified Europe, the capital, now well-structured and marked by several archaeological and artistic recoveries, inaugurated the custom of the devotion of the Way of the Cross against the backdrop of the Colosseum, which recent restorations had rescued from neglect. However, it was not only the sacred sites that were visited. The “Romans” were taking advantage of their stay in the city to learn about excavations and monuments. Rome had now also become a centre of attraction for purely secular travel, without in the least affecting the sacredness and high symbolic significance of its spaces (Nanni, 2000). Sometime later, Cardinal de Bernis would not hesitate to declare that the Urbe was now the place where “per otto mesi all’anno si da[va] appuntamento tutta Europa” (Hautecoeur, 1912). It appears difficult, however, to quantify the presence of foreigners in Rome in the golden century of the Grand Tour. Despite the profusion of studies on the phenomenon, we possess neither reliable overall estimates nor even separate data by nationes. For Sanfilippo, it would be plausible to assume, by default, the figure of a couple of thousand foreigners per year (Sanfilippo, 2007). What is certain is that the cosmopolitan physiognomy of the capital city—about which Montaigne wrote as early as the sixteenth century “Roma è la città dal carattere più cosmopolita del mondo, e quella dove

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meno si bada se uno è straniero e di nazione diversa”,4 —was therefore greatly and consciously consolidated. The dislocation within the urban territory of new consular structures that went alongside the national church accounts as part of a planned expansion was animated by a multiplicity of diplomatic actors (van Gelder and Krsti´c, 2015). It was matched by an increasingly open and institutionalized receptivity, which also had direct repercussions at the level of induced activity and the urban economy. It was remarkable to note the new wave of travellers from Northern Europe who, regardless of their religious beliefs, went to Rome to admire its vestiges. For example, the arrival in 1764 of Edward Augustus, the brother of King George III of England, was followed with curiosity by all European chanceries. Indirect witness to these presences and the opening to the Other of eighteenth-century Rome was the Non-Catholic Cemetery near the Cestia Pyramid. By then, “heretics” and “infidels” could be buried in the capital and no longer on its margins, as they once were when they were interred together with delinquents and prostitutes (Menniti Ippolito, 2014). Moreover, the range of these composite presences was still being enriched by the arrival of slaves, converts, merchants, adventurers, and Islamic exiles, who went to join the nuclei of small religious communities that did not recognize themselves in Christianity, as well as the betterknown Jewish community, which had centuries-old roots in the capital (Caffiero and Esposito, 2011; Di Nepi, 2022). Rome had a multifaceted and previously unachievable reality that, in short, consolidated the image of the city as a welcoming space for diversity, dismantling—definitively at this point—the stereotype of a pontifical reality tout court of which, for years, it had been a prisoner. The perception of the polycentric and cross-border dimension of the capital was also both a product and engine of an extensive expansion of the lieux du savoir. At the same time, new places of aggregation, informal and extranational (the ateliers of Pompeo Batoni, Anton Raphael Mengs, Alexander Trippel, Sebastiano Conca) were coming into being. Relations and exchanges with the national academies stationed within the urban fabric of Rome—the academies of France, Portugal, and England— benefited considerably, as did the supply of cultural tourism. Thoughts certainly run to Batoni’s celebrated portraits, the highest expression of 4 Montaigne, Viaggio in Italia, Roma and Bari, Laterza, 1991, p. 211. Cfr. Chapter 3 in this book.

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what became a true fashion (having oneself portrayed in classical poses against a backdrop of busts, statues, and archaeological ruins: Peters Bowron, 2016), as well as to the dense presence of tour guides, professional and improvised, of which the odeporica provides ample evidence. However, it cannot be forgotten how, in the same years, the figure of the contractor, often foreign, willing to provide the necessary funds for the opening of excavations and construction sites, also emerged. Although the issuance of an edict by Chamberlain Valenti (1750) reiterated the prohibition on the export of statues, artefacts, and works of art, posing rather “incitamento a’ Forastieri di portarsi alla medesima Città per vederle, ed ammirarle,” eighteenth-century Rome in fact became populated with illegal contractors and more or less qualified antiquities dealers who fuelled the trafficking of objects of artistic and archaeological value intended for sale or gift, in defiance of all papal prohibitions.5 In spite of papal decrees, well-known antiquarians such as Thomas Jenkins, for example, made no secret of their pursuit of profit, as Jenkins primarily travelled to Rome to sell art and Gavin Hamilton, a skilled merchant, archaeologist, and painter, was appointed by Clement XIV to manage the rich patrimony of the Mattei collection (Haskell and Penny, 1984; La fascination de l’antique, 1998; Cipriani, 2010). This was why Montesquieu noted in a lapidary tone, “Rome nouvelle vends pièce à pièce l’ancienne” (1950, p. 1139). Studios, workshops, print shops, and foundries also specialized in forging coins and medals and in reproductions of serial prints and pastiches (Rossi Pinelli, 1984; Donato, 2004; Liverani and Picozzi, 2005). The name of Giovanni Volpato (Gilet, 2007) often overshadows those of other talented producers of this revisited antiquity, of established and less well-equipped artists who devoted themselves to making plaster casts, destined for export as models for young sculptors in training, as additions to mutilated collections, or as furnishings for aristocratic palaces and mansions. Paradigmatic remains the case of Catherine of Russia, who, wanting a full-scale copy of the Vatican Loggias for the Hermitage, first commissioned a gigantic reproduction of them in cork from a wellknown Roman craftsman, Antonio Chichi, and later put a veritable team of painters to work copying the paintings (Guerrieri Borsoi, 1998). 5 It should be noted, however, that specific prohibitions had been issued in 1704 not only on the export of statues, artefacts and paintings but also manuscripts, archival documents, books, and ancient inscriptions.

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The image of the Urbe circulated throughout the world not only due to the activity of the most renowned artists, local and foreign, who linked their names to views and achievements of the Roman environment—from the restorations of Bartolomeo Cavaceppi to the engravings of Giovan Battista Piranesi and Volpato himself and from the paintings of Maratta, Giuseppe and Pier Leone Ghezzi, Gaspar Van Wittel, the Funtas, Anton Raphael Mengs, and Giovanni Paolo Pannini to the goldsmithing achievements of Luigi Valadier and the sculptures of Antonio Canova (Assunto, 1978; Coen, 2010; Barroero, 2011). The efforts of large and small entrepreneurs alike contributed equally effectively to the export of glimpses and visions of Rome in large formats and in more minute objects. Micro mosaics and cameos, for example, were particularly successful: precious and easily transportable, they were coveted by buyers eager to own, take with them and give as gifts some souvenirs from the city. However, antiqueomania represents only the tip of the iceberg of a phenomenon known for its aesthetic values but less so for its related demographic, linguistic, social, and economic implications (Pinelli, 2010; Rossi Pinelli, 2017, pp. 497–509). These prototourist attitudes had direct effects on the variety of forms of cultural consumption and involved differentiated social and territorial circuits (Bermingham and Brewer, 1995). This gave rise to “a system of commonplaces” linked to the image of Rome, a system that ended up making the capital itself a “commonplace,” to the point of erecting it as an icon (Dichtfield, 2000; Heenin, 2004; De Seta, 2005a). Thus, it was not only the Church that became the interpreter of the ideal line of conjunction that providentially linked the Ancient to the Modern. Other actors and other channels cooperated to promote the Urbe as the absolute expression of the beautiful and true, thus conditioning the formation of entire generations, both European and non-European.

Cultural Capital However, it would be misleading to assume that the appropriation of Rome as an immense theatre of Antiquity was confined to the elites alone. With the conviction that works of art and monuments were not the exclusive prerogative of the pope or his family members but instead constituted an organic unitary patrimony to be maintained and integrated with the

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space that had fostered its genesis, in 1734, at the Palazzo dei Conservatori on the Capitoline Hill, Clement XII had the first public museum of antiquities, the Capitoline Museum, opened. While the original nucleus of what Winckelmann would later define in the terms of a sort of “antiquarian ledger” dated back to 1471 (the year in which Sixtus IV had donated to the city important bronze relics placed in the Lateran), it was in fact in the 1930s that the official opening took place. At a time when the great collections of the sovereigns of Europe—including those of the pope in the Vatican—were accessible to few and even then, only infrequently, Rome was thus endowed with the oldest public museum in the world (Dodero and Parisi Presicce, 2017), understanding it as a place intended for the cultural advancement of society. Nor did this design end in a single realization. In the same period that would see the great German archaeologist, Winckelmann, set up the monumental villa of Alessandro Albani with its rich collection of statuary, Pope Ganganelli would in fact inaugurate the Clementine Museum for the protection, study, and promotion of ancient art and epigraphy through the materiality of objects, images, and figures. How far this strategy corresponded to the eighteenth-century spirit of knowledge dissemination is another question worthy of attention. What is certain is that, in the eighteenth century, Roman cultural life was not circumscribed within the admittedly refined confines of papal patronage (for example, Clement XII with his nephew, Neri Corsini, and Pius VI with his sister’s son, Luigi Braschi Onesti). In contrast, by focusing on that style and the neoclassical implant values that so attracted its visitors (Pinelli, 2005; Scianatico, 2010), the capital city knew how to reinvent itself on many levels: transnationally and intergenerationally, certainly but also interculturally. In addition, that dichotomy between scholarly and popular culture on which militant historiography has insisted for years demonstrated all of its hermeneutic limitation—if ever there was still a need—precisely through some examples related to the history of the city. Illuminating in this regard appears in the case of theatres. If, once again, the purely eighteenth-century phenomenon of permanent theatres—the Alibert, the Tordinona, the Capranica, the Argentina, the Valle, the Corea, and the Pallacorda—would require a treatment in its own right, which would certainly not be achievable in just a few lines, it is at least worth noting the importance of the different genres of artistic productions and the establishment of a new dramaturgy, to which corresponded master craftsmen and workshops specializing in the sets of the

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ephemeral (Cairo, 1984; Franchi, 1997; Rizzi and Zanzottera, 2016). Microdeposits of knowledge and know-how transmitted from parent to child conditioned the tastes and knowledge of residents and travellers to Rome, who were attracted not only to farces or commedia dell’arte but also to dramas and opera performances, so much so that they even engaged in spasmodic brawls to secure a seat in the theatre. The extraordinary success met by Metastasio’s melodramas stands as solid proof of this massive participation in performances that continued in the baroque city, bestowing its rich emotional, aesthetic, and social solicitations (Sala Di Felice and Caira Lumetti, 2001). In addition, while this does not point to casual, superficial conclusions about the cultural engagement of the city’s populace—which was, after all, endowed with higher literacy rates than elsewhere—the relevant peculiarities cannot be overlooked. The case of the inauguration of the aforementioned museum of antiquities desired by Clement XIV is, in this regard, another suggestive example: in fact, it seems that the pontiff was forced to open the doors of what would become the Museo Pio Clementino even before the installation of the floors, so fervent and pressing had been the requests to visit (Collins, 2004; Piva, 2007).6 To what extent did this contribute to the formation of public opinion? As noted at the outset, the topic is too complex to be dismissed with just a few passages and in any case, could not even be examined without the contextual analysis of the gazettes and periodicals that, in that century, experienced a decisive rise. I am thinking of the “Diario di Roma” and the “Notizia per l’anno,” the Curia’s official organs of information that were edited by a woman for forty years, but I am also thinking of erudite and specialized titles such as the “Antologia,” the “Efemeridi letterarie di Roma,” the “Giornale ecclesiastico di Roma,” the “Monumenti antichi inediti,” and the “Giornale delle belle arti” (Caffiero and Monsagrati, 1997). What we can say is that the propagation of communication circuits, distinctive of the century, found further intensification in the thirty years between the end of the Seven Years’ War (1763) and the start of Napoleon’s conquests (1796).

6 The ambitious project was later taken up by Pope Braschi, who, wishing to endow Rome with the richest collection of antiquities existing in Europe, ordered the expansion of the framework (Collins, 2004).

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At the same time, the city also experienced exponential growth in the spaces of informal sociability that went hand in hand with the more formalized space of literary academies. After the first coffee house opened in Palazzo Colonna, similar structures sprang up, particularly in the so-called “ghetto degl’Inglesi,” the area, that is, with the highest rate of foreign presence between Piazza di Spagna, Piazza San Lorenzo in Lucina, Piazza Sciarra and Via dei Condotti (the famous Caffè Greco, 1760). Here, as is well known, the consumption of hot beverages was ultimately a pretext for meetings and confrontations, for the exchange of news, and, more specifically, for reading the newspapers from abroad that, circumventing censorship, regularly arrived inside the Aurelian Walls (Markman, 2004). A similar cultural dynamism was recorded in aristocratic palaces that was, since the early years of the century aligned with the eighteenthcentury fashion of “conversations,” or of “vigils,” as the commoners called them. However, whereas previous gatherings had been focused almost exclusively on literary, theatrical, or musical entertainment (such as those of Cardinal Benedetto Pamphilj in Via del Corso or those of Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni at the Cancelleria), new forms of worldly divertissement gradually came to life in the weekly gatherings organized from the second half of the century at the sumptuous residences of the Colonna, Borghese, Doria and Barberini families. Increasingly open to artists, gens de lettre, scientists and foreign diplomats, banquets, masquerades, balls, games, readings, and recitations generated exchanges, relationships, personal and group alliances, and patronage ties different from the more traditional ones of the cardinal courts. The result was knowledge, comparisons, commissions, employment, and careers that, by facilitating the integration of newcomers into urban circuits, activated new protagonism that was both social and gendered. Recent criticism has in fact repeatedly focused on the predominantly masculine traits of Urbe’s worldly life, revisiting topoi and commonplaces, and not so much with the goal of enhancing, for example, the presence—even numerically—of academics and archaeologists in the pope’s city; rather, the goal was to consider Roman matrons as consumers, mediators and producers of culture. Protectors of literati and artists, the gentlewomen who opened their homes, strongly marked Roman intellectual life, according to Alessandro Verri, among others, and also triggered certain forms of female solidarism, at least horizontally (Borello, 2003; Betri and Brambilla, 2004). If it is true that “civilians” were not admitted

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to the periodic meetings of the ladies, equally irrefutable is the participatory sharing of the phenomenon by various social aggregations. Angelica Kaufman’s atelier on Via Sistina became a must-visit destination for many grands touristes, and so did the gatherings organized by a number of middle-class salonniers (Maria Pizzelli Cuccovilla, the Petracchi sisters, Flaviani, Pelliccia, Marianna Candida Dionigi), where in addition to divertissements, the attendees concentrated on discussing news and politics, both domestic and international. Therefore, it was not only the salons of embassies that constituted dangerous enclaves of immunity, judicial and censorious. Benedict XIV’s explicit reprimand of “conversations”—in which cardinals and churchmen regularly participated—attests to his concern about freedom that appeared unstoppable and, for that very reason, dangerous (Letters, 1955–1984, III, p. 68). The phenomena of overstepping the permissible affected both the sphere of social practices—unlike in public places, in private gatherings, women could, for example, wear disguises and –act—and that of orality that was now uninhibited. What was happening in the palace of the Marquise Gentili Boccapaduli—where in addition to performing Italian and French pièces, physical and astronomical experiments were carried out, early works were given public readings, and pages from the Nouvelle Héloïse were commented on in the presence of a portrait of Rousseau affixed to the wall—was not an isolated event. Today, it is given that the theme of the circulation of forbidden books and reading, both individual and collective, constitutes one of the most fruitful strands of historiography in recent decades (Infelise, 2013). However, as could be noted in other areas, in the face of the volume of studies on the Roman situation, here too the work to be done still appears to be an uphill battle. Can we assume that the authorities deliberately maintained tolerant attitudes? Or were the agents of the Inquisition instead unable to prevent the spread of texts placed on the Index and heterodox manuscripts? What we do know is that the disciplining action initiated against the pope’s subjects showed numerous cracks; it was neither full nor absolute (Caffiero, 1996). This is clear from an analysis of the catalogues of some important libraries, including public but, in particular, private libraries. In addition to the Vatican Library of course, the Angelica, Imperiali, Casanatense, Chigiana, Borghesiana, and Pamphilj libraries constituted a gold mine of theological, historical-antiquarian, literary, philosophical, legal, economic, mathematical, scientific, astrological, alchemical, and

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hermetic texts, in which geographically broad interests also converged, since there were works by orientalistics and Slavistics.7 Similarly, there was the library of Palazzo Corsini alla Lungara, which, with its valuable collection of prints and more than forty thousand volumes, represented a space of excellence for the community of savants (Donato, 2002). It was no accident, then, that Roman book collections turned out to be coveted and frequently consulted by scholars from all over the world. It suffices to follow the heated disputes that accompanied the acquisitions of the library collections of Cardinals Archinto and Passionei in the aftermath of their deaths to better understand the range of notoriety of these places of preservation, testifying to an attention that transcended the borders of the state and the Italian peninsula (Cancedda, 1995; Serrai, 2004). Moreover, just as has been noted for artistic artefacts, if the intensity of relations among the members of the république des lettres, with its exchanges and book loans, enriched the repositories of publications, antiquarian and recent, there was no shortage of trade and trafficking for the acquisition of important libraries placed at auction. Access to knowledge was not, in short, a luxury for a select few. The workshops and print shops located in Parione were often configured as repositories of mauvais livres, as well as witnesses to the freedom enjoyed by the scholars present in the city. The list of new books for sale at Bouchard and Gravier’s, printed during the pontificate of Pius VI, makes it possible, on its own, to ascertain the high permeability to the outside world in force in the capital: the list incorporates more than six hundred forbidden texts, including the complete works of Montesquieu, Pufendorf, and Malebranche (Catalogue des livres, 1780). This situation was neither unique nor isolated; indeed, it is reminiscent of the case of Giuseppe Nave’s bookstore on the Corso, near Palazzo Fiano, one of the largest stores of banned foreign books existing locally (Formica, 2004, Ch. VI). Despite the pope’s repeated calls to bishops and metropolitans to combat “la sfacciata e pessima licenziosità dei libri”8 there was thus widespread resistance and forms of disobedience, according to former Jesuit Francesco Antonio Zaccaria, who complained between 1776 and 1777 that the “facilità grandissima” with it spread the behaviour “di 7 Useful here is the monograph Roma moderna e contemporanea IV (Sett.-Dic.1996), 3, dedicated to Le raccolte librarie private nel Settecento romano, edited by Palazzolo and Ranieri. 8 So read Clement XIII’s Christianae reipubblicae salus.

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vendere su’ muriccioli non già, come sempre in addietro fu praticato, pochi libri e questi per lo più di scarto, ma librerie intiere,” where it was possible to find texts “perniciosissimi,” as “i miracoli del preteso s. Paris con rami indecentissimi […] scelleratissimi libri contro la costituzione Unigenitus […] Lo spirito delle leggi di Montesquieu, Giannone, che so io”.9 At this point, how should we understand the porosity of customs barriers, the laxity of law enforcement controls, the dynamics of concessions of forbidden texts by the Master of the Sacred Palace, the timing of book loans, and the ramification in Urbe of the clandestine disposal network of the Société Typographique de Neuchâtel (Pasta, 1990; Darnton and Schlup, 2005)—as forms of widespread and ramified illegality or as circumstantial elements of a diverse reality marked by relationship and exchange? Certainly, while we do not intend to pursue easy, unambiguous answers, those dynamics that the tables of diplomacy seemed to oppose found their most immediate outlets in social and intellectual practices (Sowerby and Hennings, 2017). To the raising of walls pursued by some governments, Rome responded by intensifying its appeal as a learned and erudite capital to attract foreign talents and savants. As ever-widening spaces increased the gap between norms and practice, Rome intensified those permissive rates that, in the eyes of many travellers, seemed to distinguish it from other capitals. Winckelmann wrote that Rome was a city where everyone could enjoy the “privilege of thinking one’s own way,” living with a level of freedom that, compared to the freedom of other states and other republics, was “non è che un’ombra.”10 Perhaps more than in other periods, it was during the Age of Enlightenment that the capital of the ecclesiastical domains stood out for the multiple coexistence of different and seemingly contrasting forms, images, and representations there, although Rome was like every city of the time. However, how could such presences be reconciled with the strictures of the curia, also constantly reiterated by notifications and edicts? 9 Zaccaria, Progetto per favorire il commercio librario in Roma, ms. in BAV, Vat. Lat., 9198, ff. 388 r sg., published in Pignatelli (1974, p. 318). 10 Winckelmann (1832, p. 187) (Letter to Mr. Berends, a Brunswick, Rome, 29 gennaio 1756). The judgement is confirmed, among others, by G. Casanova, Storia della mia vita, edited by C. Cordié, Roma, Edizioni Casini (1961, I, p. 159).

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The problem of unquestionable interest and on the whole little explored highlights central questions for understanding the different social, cultural, religious, institutional, and economic sides of Rome. In a centre that aspired to be the “modello di tutte le città”,11 in fact, closures and rigidities continued to heavily condition social life. This is demonstrated by the cyclical tightening of segregationist constraints on the ghetto (Rosa, 1997; Caffiero, 1997). It is proved by the fact that one could still be beheaded for “haver ritenuto pasquinate contro il papa”.12 It is clear, again, due to the fact that, despite certain freedoms, the censorial axe still conditioned the publishing market, not hesitating to hit the best book products of the enlightened century, not least Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopédie (Clement XII ordered all copies of it to be set on fire, on pain of excommunication: Delpiano, 2007, pp. 82–84; Rebellato, 2008). As always, history eschews any simplification, and therefore, it is neither a matter of wearily reproposing the stereotype of Enlightenment cosmopolitanism (repeatedly at the centre of historiographical discussion) nor, much less, of presenting Roman society as the accomplished product of tolerant policies bordering on democracy: the violent recriminations of the philosophes themselves against Christian dogmas and against the Church of Rome, combined with the unquestionable manifestations of intransigence that some pontiffs held against minorities, stand to account for a situation known in its roughness and contradictions and on which it seems useless to insist further. Rather, it is a matter of reasoning in problematic terms about the polycentric reality of Rome by bringing out its inexhaustible ability to react to crisis, regardless of their nature: political, financial, health, food, environmental, or diplomatic. It is in this ability of the city to control ongoing processes by inventing new solutions that Rome’s identity, or at least one of its dominant traits, can perhaps be identified. This is an identity that is dynamic, permeable, in constant transformation, marked by an inclusive and integrative attitude and nurtured by plurality, dialogue; that flexible capacity for mediation that, today more than ever, demands to be placed at the centre of civic living. 11 This was the purpose of Archbishop Lambertini even before he took the throne under the name Benedict XIV (von Pastor, 1953, p. 136). 12 Paglia (1980, p. 12), recalling the execution of Abbot Filippo Rivarola in August 1708.

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Sources and References Sources from Archive Vatican Apostolic Library = VAL VAL, Vat. Lat., 9198. Bottari Giovanni, Del Museo Capitolino, Roma, Si vende alla Calcografia Camerale al Piede di marmo, 1741–1782.

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Index

A Abundance, 140, 179, 180, 190, 195, 201, 219, 242, 280 Acqua Alessandrina (drinking water source), 138 Acqua delle Capore (drinking water source), 139 Acqua del Peschiera (drinking water source), 139, 140 Acqua Marcia (drinking water source), 137, 139, 140 Acqua Paola (drinking water source), 138, 139 Acqua Pia (drinking water source), 139, 140 Acqua Vergine aqueduct, 138 Acque Felice (drinking water source), 138–140 Agro pontino, 152 Agro romano, 186 Alatri, 175 Alexander VII (Fabio Chigi, 1655–1667), 34, 84, 90, 275, 278

Alexander VIII, 179, 180 Allumiere, 149, 154, 155, 254 Amelia, 176 Anagni, 175 Ancien régime, 4 Ancona, 33, 176 Anio Novus (drinking water source), 137 Anio Vetus (drinking water source), 137 Annales, 4 Annona frumentaria (Annona magistratura, Annona), 195 Annunziata (’mole’/grain mill), 142 Antonelli (trusted confidant of Pope Pius IX), 256 Apennines, 139, 150 Apostolicae sedis aerarium (Constitution of 18 April 1746), 226 Apostolic Chamber, 95, 191, 226, 231, 232, 238, 244–246, 251, 257 Apostolic Hospice, 245, 246

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Formica and D. Strangio, Resilience in Papal Rome, 1656-1870, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41260-8

321

322

INDEX

Appia Claudia (drinking water source), 137 Asia Minor, 152 Aspra (Casperia) diocese, 176 Assignments, 245, 283 Aurelius or Valentinian bridge, 142 Austria, 30, 39, 49, 102, 216, 232 Avignon, 33, 175, 176, 182, 226

B Bank of the Holy Spirit, 187, 278 Baths of Diocletian, 178 Belloni Girolamo (economist), 225, 233 Benedicti Divina Providentia Papae XIV Constitutio Super Libero et mutuo Commercio inter Provincias, Civitates, et Loca Ditionis Temporalis Sanctae Sedis (constitution of 29 June 1748), 181 Benedict XIV (Prospero Lambertini, 1740–1758), 142, 178, 181, 192, 223, 224, 227, 229–231, 246, 285, 297, 300 Benevento, 175, 176, 180, 182, 226 Bernardini, Bernardino (engineer), 142 Bernetti (Secretary of State), 49, 104, 256 Bertinoro, 176 Bevagna, 176 Bologna, 33, 34, 49, 99, 101, 175, 176, 180, 181, 191, 217, 227, 232 Bonaparte, Joseph, 36 Bonaparte, Napoleon, 43, 49 Boncompagni Ludovisi (cardinal), 23, 46, 149 Bordoni (engineer), 144 Bracciano (Acqua Paola), 139

C Caldarola, 176 Calvi, 176 Camerlengo, 105, 176 Campagna (Church State province), 175 Campo de’ Fiori, 96, 195, 197, 280 Capitoline Chamber, 50 Cardinal Congregations, 221 Cardinal Nepote, 238 Castel S. Angelo, 35, 109, 145 Cava Grande, 155 Cavaillon, 176 Cava Vecchia, 155 Cavetta, 155 Cervia, 176 Cesena, 176 Charles III of Bourbon King of Spain, 216 Chiana, 144 Chigi, Agostino, 108, 109, 153, 154 Chigi (family), 46, 153 Church of the Angels, 178 Church State ecclesiastical, 18, 20, 23, 34, 37, 38, 45, 48, 82, 83, 85, 88, 166, 176, 177, 180, 181, 187, 191, 193, 223–225, 240, 248 pontifical, 21, 23, 29, 42, 105, 135, 136, 150, 176, 181, 188, 199, 202, 218, 222, 223, 241, 246, 253 Roman, 1, 36, 277 Cicignano (Ciciliano), 176 Cingolani, 155 Circeo promontory, 151 Cisalpine Republic (1797–1802), 237 Città della Pieve, 176 Civitacastellana, 176 Civita Feltrana, 176 Civitavecchia, 34, 41, 155, 156, 176, 178, 180, 182, 195, 196, 245

INDEX

Clement IX (Giulio Rospigliosi, 16676–9), 228 Clement X (Emilio Altieri, 1670–76), 228 Clement XI (Gianfrancesco Albani, 1700–1721), 144, 178, 180, 192, 222, 231, 284, 285, 287, 288 Clement XII (Lorenzo Corsini, 1730–1740), 192 Clement XIII (Carlo Rezzonico, 1758–1769), 144, 178, 182, 224, 227, 285, 298 Clement XIV (Giovanni Vincenzo Antonio Ganganelli, 1769–1774), 145, 183, 227, 285, 289, 292, 295 Collatina, 139 Comacchio, 175, 287 Computistry General, 232, 251, 258 Congregation, 45, 48, 83, 85, 89, 90, 92, 103, 135, 137, 177, 220, 221, 223, 226, 232, 235, 241, 242, 254, 258, 285, 288, 290 Congregation of Good Government, 177, 222, 235 Congregation of Health, 89, 90, 103, 137 Consalvi (Cardinal), 39, 40, 46, 47, 98–100, 149 Corneto (modern-day Tarquinia), 156, 195, 196 Corpentras, 176 Country merchants, 23, 46, 183, 191, 192, 219 Crise du type ancien, 4 Curia, 19, 25, 30, 43, 49, 101, 213, 220, 224, 283, 295, 299

D Dativa personal, 243

323

De Bono regime (Papal Bull of 1592), 222 Di Castro Giovanni di Paolo, 152, 153 District (Districtus Urbis), 27, 175 District of Rome, 180, 182 Duchy of Benevento, 182, 226 Duchy of Ferrara (church fief granted to the Estensi), 176 Duchy of Spoleto, 175, 176 Duchy of Urbino (annexed to the Church State in 1621), 176 Duties, 199, 200, 219, 225, 226, 233, 243, 254 E Economic Congregation, 222, 231, 241 Emanuele De Bouchard, 240 Emperor, 43–46, 236 England, 5, 49, 82, 102, 109, 153, 173, 215, 216, 249, 274, 291 Enlightenment, 35, 173, 215–217, 299, 300 Europe (central; western; northern), 5, 25 F Faenza, 176 Fano, 34, 176 Ferdinand II of Naples, 30, 153 Ferdinand IV of Naples re, 240 Fermo, 176 Ferrara, 33, 175, 180, 181, 193, 217, 227, 232 Flanders, 155 Foligno, 176 Food supply, 11, 165, 167, 169, 173, 174, 201, 254 Forli, 176 Forlimpopoli, 176

324

INDEX

Forti, Messina, 102, 103, 109 France, 4, 28, 33, 43, 48, 49, 102, 104, 133, 155, 173, 174, 176, 215, 216, 236, 249, 286, 291 Frederick II of Prussia, 216 French Revolution, 34, 173, 215, 238, 252 Frosinone, 175

G Gambarini, Bernardo (engineer), 142 Gangalandi, Fortunato (contractor), 154 Genoa, 79, 85, 216 Genovesi, Antonio. (1765–1767), 8, 234 Genovesi, Antonio. (1765–1767), 4 George III, 216, 291 Ghetto, 40, 47, 86, 87, 108, 296, 300 Grascia, 91, 178, 182, 196, 198, 242 Gregorian Cadastre, 155 Gregory XIII (Ugo Boncompagni, 1572–1585), 21, 178 Gregory XVI (Niccolò Sfondranto, 1831–1846), 49, 102, 104, 256 Gubbio, 176

H Hippocrates, 3

I Immediate subiecte, 221 Immensa aeterni Dei (Papal Bull), 135 Imola, 176 Innocent XI (Benedetto Odescalchi, 1676–89), 228 Innocent XIII (Michelangelo Ponti, 1721–1724), 180

Inquisition Tribunal, 34, 251, 297 Italy (centre), 139, 141

J Jansenism (religious movement nationalist), 217 Joseph II, 216 Joseph I (Marquis of Pombal-Portugal), 216 Jubilee of 1475, 142 Julia (drinking water), 137 Julius III (Giovanni Maria Ciocchi del Monne, 1550–1555), 138 Jus lignandi, 149

K Kingdom of Italy (Italian), 17, 18, 24, 25, 147, 150, 238 Kingdom of Naples, 27, 39, 151, 153, 176, 183, 254 Kos (school of-in ancient Greece), 3 Kpínein (i.e. decide, sift in Greek), 3

L Lake Caprolace, 151 Lante, Alessandro (General Treasurer of the Apostolic Chamber), 245 Latium (Province of the Papal States), 28, 33, 100, 109, 172, 183, 217, 238, 242, 248 Legation of Bologna, 33, 175, 180, 181, 191, 217, 227, 232 Legation of Ferrara, 33, 175, 180, 181, 217, 227, 232 Legation of Romagna, 175, 181, 217 Legations of Avignon, 226 Legations of Bologna and Ferrara, 33, 175, 180, 181, 217, 227, 232 Lenna, 176 Leo X (1513 to 1521), 153

INDEX

Leo XII, 47, 102, 254 Linotte (engineer), 145 Lombardy, 232 London, 79, 90, 149 Loreto, 176 Louis XVI, 236 Lucca, 216

M Macerata, 49, 176 Madrid, 109, 216 Malthus, Thomas R., 167, 169 Manzoni, Alessandro, 79, 171 Marcia aqueduct, 139 Marcia (drinking water), 137, 139, 140 Maria Theresa of Austria, 216, 232 Marini, Natale (architect), 145 Marittima (Church-State province), 175 Marrana, 138, 143 Marseille, 172 Marx, Karl, 28, 168 Mediterranean, 5, 139, 140, 283 Mesola, 254 Mesola (estate), 246 Mignone (river), 156 Milan, 27, 171, 228, 237, 258 Milvio (bridge), 142 Ministry of the Treasury, 222 Montalto, 176, 195, 196 Montecatini Company, 156 Monte di San Pietro (public debt), 229 Montefalco, 176 Montefeltro, 175, 176 Montefiascone, 176 Motu Proprio, 47, 199, 241–245, 247, 248, 254, 255 Mountain places, 91, 134, 139, 140, 177, 256

325

N Naples, 35, 40, 79, 81, 237, 249 Narni, 176 National assets, 237, 251, 252 Navone, Francesco (architect), 155 Nera (river), 144 Nettuno (estate), 254 Nocera, 176 Nuzzi (chamberlain), 191, 233

O Obolo di Pietro, 260 Office of the Abundance, 195 Orvieto, 176 Osimo, 176 Ottonella, 176

P Pascoli, Leone (abbot), 188, 225, 233, 234 Patrimonio (province of the State of the Church), 188 Paul II (Pietro Balbo, 1464–1471), 34, 153 Peloponnesian War, 3 Perugia, 27, 176 Pesaro, 176, 237 Peter Leopold of Habsburg, 216 Piedmont, 173, 174 Pie (suppressed properties; Luoghi pii suppressi), 239 Pious places, 233, 247 Pius II (Enea Silvio Piccolomini, 1458 to 1464), 152 Pius VI (Giovanni Angelo Braschi, 1775–1799), 33, 145, 220, 223, 285 Pius VII (Barnaba Chiaromonti, 1800–1823), 39, 97, 99, 101, 239, 240, 242, 243, 253

326

INDEX

Pius IX (Giovanni Maria Mastai Ferretti, 1846–1878), 19, 21, 25, 29–31, 110, 144, 202, 256 Pontecorvo, 176 Ponte Quattro Capi, 143 Ponte Rotto, 142 Ponte Sant’Angelo, 142 Ponte Sisto, 142 Ponte Trionfale, 142 Pontine marshes, 152, 225 Port of Ripa Grande, 145 Port of Ripetta, 145, 178 Post diuturnas (Constitution), 42, 248 Pozzuoli mine, 153 Pozzuoli (solfatara di), 153 Prefect of the Annona, 79, 177 Presidency of the Ripe (magistracy created in middle of the 16th century in replacement of the remote institution of the Comites riparum), 141 Presidency of the Roads, 135–137 Priverno, 175 Provence, 176 Q Quanta cura (1864 encyclical), 202 Quo die (Papal Bull of 8 July 1748), 226 R Raguzzini, Filippo (knight and architect), 140 Ravenna, 33, 176 Ravenna (pine forests), 254 Recanati, 176 Rentes, 249 Rimini, 176 Ripetta (wheat mills), 142 Risorgimento, 217, 253

Romagna (Province State of the Church), 176, 181, 224 Roman Republic, 9, 31, 36, 39, 99, 217, 239, 240, 242, 247, 256 Rossi (Secretary of State), 30, 256 Rothschild bank, 256 Rothschild loan, 253, 256

S Sabina (Church State province), 175, 176, 182 Salt and Tobacco loan, 254, 255 S. Andrea (grain mill), 142 S. Angelo (grinding wheel/wheat mill), 142 San Leo, 176 Santo, Spirito (grinding wheel/wheat mill), 142, 231 Sarzana, 176 Scandriglia, 176 Scavolino, 254 Senigallia, 105, 176 Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), 215, 295 Sezze, 175 S. Felice, 254 S. Francesco (millstone/wheat mill), 142 S. Giuliano (millstone/wheat mill), 142 Sillabo (1864 encyclical), 202 Sixtus IV (Francesco Della Rovere, 1471–1484), 294 S. Maria (millstone/wheat mill), 142 Smith, Adam, 167–169, 171 Societé Financiére de Paris, 156 Spain, 155, 216, 246, 275, 279 S. Pietro (grinding wheel/wheat mill), 142 Spoleto, 175, 176 State of Benevento, 175, 176

INDEX

State of Urbino, 175 Stella (Trastevere) (grain mill), 142 Sublicio bridge, 142 T Tarano, 176 Tepula (drinking water), 137 Terni, 176 Terracina, 150, 151, 175 Terracina (’macchia’ of, territory south of Rome), 150, 151 Terre mediate subiecte, 222 Tesorierato, 254, 258, 259 Thucydides, 3 Tiber, 44, 81, 92, 131, 135, 138–145, 148, 259 Tiber Island, 142 Todeschi, Claudio, 233 Tolentino, 176 Tolentino (Treaty of 19 February 1797), 33, 44, 176 Tolls, 151, 175, 219 Torlonia, Alessandro, 256, 257, 259 Tresa (drinking water), 144 Tuscanella (Tuscania), 176

327

U Ukraine, 172 Umbria (Province of the Church State), 25, 49, 175, 176, 181, 188 United States, 31 Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini, 1623–1644), 85, 178 Urbino, 175, 176, 181, 191

V Vacant offices, 244–246, 248, 250 Vaisson, 176 Venassino (contado), 33, 175, 176 Veneto, 82, 238 Venice, 216, 224, 239 Venuti, Ridolfino, 233 Vergine (drinking water), 137, 138, 229 Veroli, 175 Verona, 99, 237 Vetralla, 176 Viterbo, 176, 180, 182, 195–198