Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2 (Sustainable Development Goals Series) 3031114272, 9783031114274

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Sustainable Development Goals Series

SDG: 5 Gender Equality

Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2 Edited by Sophia Chirongoma Molly Manyonganise Ezra Chitando

Sustainable Development Goals Series

The Sustainable Development Goals Series is Springer Nature’s inaugural cross-imprint book series that addresses and supports the United Nations’ seventeen Sustainable Development Goals. The series fosters comprehensive research focused on these global targets and endeavours to address some of society’s greatest grand challenges. The SDGs are inherently multidisciplinary, and they bring people working across different fields together and working towards a common goal. In this spirit, the Sustainable Development Goals series is the first at Springer Nature to publish books under both the Springer and Palgrave Macmillan imprints, bringing the strengths of our imprints together. The Sustainable Development Goals Series is organized into eighteen subseries: one subseries based around each of the seventeen respective Sustainable Development Goals, and an eighteenth subseries, “Connecting the Goals,” which serves as a home for volumes addressing multiple goals or studying the SDGs as a whole. Each subseries is guided by an expert Subseries Advisor with years or decades of experience studying and addressing core components of their respective Goal. The SDG Series has a remit as broad as the SDGs themselves, and contributions are welcome from scientists, academics, policymakers, and researchers working in fields related to any of the seventeen goals. If you are interested in contributing a monograph or curated volume to the series, please contact the Publishers: Zachary Romano [Springer; zachary. [email protected]] and Rachael Ballard [Palgrave Macmillan; rachael. [email protected]].

Sophia Chirongoma Molly Manyonganise  •  Ezra Chitando Editors

Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2

Editors Sophia Chirongoma Midlands State University Zvishavane, Zimbabwe

Molly Manyonganise Zimbabwe Open University Harare, Zimbabwe

Ezra Chitando University of Zimbabwe Harare, Zimbabwe

ISSN 2523-3084     ISSN 2523-3092 (electronic) Sustainable Development Goals Series ISBN 978-3-031-11427-4    ISBN 978-3-031-11428-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022, corrected publication 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Contents

1 Religion,  Women’s Health Rights and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe  1 Sophia Chirongoma , Molly Manyonganise , and Ezra Chitando Part I Moral and Ethical Dilemmas Inherent to Women’s SRHR Needs  15 2 Ethical  Reflections on the Effects of Zimbabwe’s Abortion Policy on Young Women’s Reproductive Health and Dignity 17 Elias G. Konyana and Faith Matumbu 3 Assisted  Reproductive Technologies, Infertility and Women in Zimbabwe 33 Nomatter Sande and Yvonne Winfildah Takawira-Matwaya 4 Zimbabwean  Women’s Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights: Ethical and Moral Implications of the Proposed New Marriage Bill 51 Joseph Muyangata

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5 The  ‘Small House’ Phenomenon and Its Impact on Zimbabwean Women’s Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) 73 Amos Muyambo and Joseph Muyangata Part II The Impact of Social Media, Literary Texts and Initiation on Women’s SRHR Needs  89 6 Revamping  of a “Sanctuary Without Honor”: VaRemba Women’s Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) in the Enclaves of Religion and Marriage 91 Vushebwashe Mhaka 7 The  Personification of Nature as Mother: Motherhood in Islam with Specific Reference to Varemba Women in Mberengwa, Zimbabwe115 Silindiwe Zvingowanisei 8 “Saving  Fish from Drowning?”: An Africana Womanist Conceptualization of Wo/Manhood and Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) Through Analyzing Selected ChiShona Literature Texts145 Beatrice Taringa 9 Media  Rhetoric, Women, Silences and Sexual Abuses in the Church179 Rosemary Chikafa-Chipiro Correction to: Assisted Reproductive Technologies, Infertility and Women in Zimbabwe C1 Nomatter Sande and Yvonne Winfildah Takawira-Matwaya Index199

Notes on Contributors

Rosemary  Chikafa-Chipiro is a senior lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe’s Department of Creative Media and Communication. She has also taught film, literature and media courses in the former Department of English and Media Studies at the University of Zimbabwe. She holds a PhD in Film from the University of Zimbabwe. Her main research interests are in gender, race, class and the media and Southern feminisms. She has published in referred journals and books in the above-mentioned research areas. Sophia  Chirongoma is a senior lecturer in the Religious Studies Department at Midlands State University, Zimbabwe. She is also an academic associate/research fellow at the Research Institute for Theology and Religion (RITR) in the College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa (UNISA). Her research interests and publications focus on the interface between culture, ecology, religion, health and gender justice. Ezra Chitando  serves as Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Zimbabwe and Theology Consultant on HIV for the World Council of Churches. He is also extraordinary professor at the University of the Western Cape. Elias G. Konyana, PhD  is a Senior Lecturer and Department Chairperson in the School of Arts, Culture and Heritage Studies at Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo. He teaches Logic, Ethics, Philosophy of Religion and Philosophy of Education at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels. His research interests are in ethical philosophy, unpacking ethical vii

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issues in law, culture, religion and development. To date, Konyana has published several book chapters and journal articles as well as presenting papers at regional and international conferences on the link between ethics, culture and the law. He is also a non-executive member of CODESRIA and ACLARS. Molly  Manyonganise holds a PhD in Biblical and Religious Studies from the University of Pretoria. She is a senior lecturer in the Department of Religious Studies and Philosophy at the Zimbabwe Open University. She is a Research Associate in the Department of Religion Studies, Faculty of Theology and Religion of the University of Pretoria. Currently, she is a Georg Forster Postdoctoral research fellow, Alexander von Humboldt Foundation. Her research interests comprise religion and politics, gender and religion, religion and sexuality, African Indigenous Religion(s) as well as African Christianity. Faith Matumbu  is a teaching assistant and an MA in Philosophy student in the Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies at Great Zimbabwe University (GZU) in the School of Arts, Culture and Heritage Studies. She tutors in African Philosophy and Thought (a University-­wide module) for undergraduates in the School of Commerce. Her research interests are based on issues to do with ethics, gender, human rights (with focus on women’s rights) and religion. As of now, she has co-authored two book chapters. Vushebwashe Mhaka  is a teacher by training, a pastor by ordination and a development practitioner by passion. He also has interest in peace-­ building and conflict resolution. Mhaka teaches Theology and Development, Systematic Theology, Christian Education, among other courses at the United Theological College. In the ELCZ structure, he sits in the Episcopal Council of the church as a Bishop in the Eastern Diocese. Mhaka is a budding writer who has interest in African Indigenous Knowledge Systems and other contemporary disciplines. He holds a Masters of Theology degree from the University of KwaZulu Natal where he is currently registered as a PhD candidate. Amos Muyambo  is a doctoral student at the University of Botswana in the Department of Theology and Religious Studies specialising in Gender and Religion. He is a tutor with the Theological Education by Extension College of South Africa (TEEC). His research interests focus on ­religion,

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ecology and gender issues particularly gender-based violence, masculinities and African Independent Churches (AICs). Joseph  Muyangata is director of JAMI Etiquette and Grooming Consultancy under MIAJ Consultancy, Zimbabwe. He is also a part time lecturer at Living Waters Theological Seminary. He is the former academic dean and lecturer at Wings of Eagle International Bible College. His research interests focus on practical theology, religion, health, gender justice, etiquette and grooming. Nomatter  Sande  holds a PhD in Religion and Social Transformation from the University of KwaZulu Natal (South Africa). Nomatter is an African Practical Theologian. He is a research fellow at the Research Institute for Theology and Religion (RITR) in the College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa (UNISA). His research interests include theology, disability studies, missiology and gender issues. Yvonne Winfildah Takawira-Matwaya  is a Religious Studies lecturer and researcher. Her research interests include history of religions, cultures, gender issues, peace building, transitional justice issues and human rights. Beatrice  Taringa  holds a Doctor of Philosophy in Education Degree, Master of Education Degree, Bachelor of Education Degree in Curriculum and Arts Education specialising in Indigenous Language Education, ChiShona, all from the University of Zimbabwe. She also attained a Diploma in Education specialising in ChiShona and History from Gweru Teachers College. She is a lecturer and coordinator of Research Methods and Statistics at Belvedere Technical Teachers College in the Department of Professional Studies and Contemporary Subjects. Silindiwe  Zvingowanisei  is a lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe. She teaches in two departments: the Philosophy, Religion and Ethics department and in the Peace Security and Society department. Her research and publications focus on Islam in Africa, Religion and Society, Peace and Gender Studies.

CHAPTER 1

Religion, Women’s Health Rights and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe Sophia Chirongoma , Molly Manyonganise , and Ezra Chitando

Introduction The first volume dealt with the nexus among religion, gender, SRHR and Sustainable Development Goals particularly SDG 3 and 5. As a way of reminder, SDG 3 focuses on ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-­ being for all at all ages while SDG 5 aims at achieving gender equality and empowering all women and girls. This current volume builds on the first one by extending this analysis but focusing mainly on some of the challenges encountered in this discourse. While the first volume highlighted

S. Chirongoma (*) Midlands State University, Zvishavane, Zimbabwe M. Manyonganise Zimbabwe Open University, Harare, Zimbabwe E. Chitando University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_1

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the redemptive power that religion brings to its intersection with gender, SRHR and SDGs, we take note in this volume that contestations still remain. To start with, there are contestations regarding the interconnectedness of freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) and the recognition of gender equality. In religions where the sacred text prescribes and regulates gender relations, contradictions may appear between advocates of human rights and religious adherents of a particular faith. In such cases, religion influences health choices and may restrict women’s reproductive health and rights. Scholars have noted that religion is an influential aspect of culture. However, it needs to be noted that there is a way that cultural dynamics inspire interpretations of religion and religious practices. As a result, for development actors to insist on a rights-based approach to programming while overlooking the dynamics of the many religious positions may be detrimental to the realisation of these rights. Peterson (2020) has challenged the unnecessary separation of the freedom of religion and belief (FoRB) and gender equality. She argues that the antagonistic separation of the two human rights concepts has negative outcomes. In her analysis A lack of attention to, or an unwillingness to engage with, the intersections between FoRB and gender equality may result in unnecessary clashes, unsatisfactory handling of factual conflicts, and lost opportunities for synergies, learning and cooperation among actors engaged in the promotion of respectively FoRB and gender equality. Ultimately, this disadvantages the very people these rights are meant to protect, not only in terms of strategies and projects that fail in their understanding of and sensitivity to the needs, wishes, experiences and specific to vulnerabilities of the many millions of people whose life situations fall within the intersection of discrimination on the grounds of their religion or belief and discrimination on the ground of their gender. (2020: 6)

This implies that navigating the terrain of FoRB and gender equality needs to be done carefully so that women’s rights are not endangered in the process. The UNFPA (2016: 10) calls for a special focus to be placed on religion and culture as a broader effort to move beyond stereotypes implied in their inconsiderate employment as a dividing wedge on issues of women’s reproductive health. It argues that sexual and reproductive health is linked in so many ways to cultural traditions and to religious beliefs and practices. This ultimately has implications for development. Hence, in cases where religious beliefs and practices endanger the sexual

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reproductive health and rights of women, it is necessary not only to debate, but to challenge them. A good example is the reading of I Corinthians 7 as well as the Shona cultural belief that murume haanyimwe bonde (a man cannot be denied sex) which encourage couples especially married women to always offer themselves to the sexual encounter. Its reading in the context of HIV and AIDS was challenged by scholars of religion and gender, because it failed to speak to the challenges that were being faced by men and women whose spouses were engaged in extra-marital affairs. Most of the times, such beliefs robbed women of the courage to decide when, how and where to have the sexual encounter. It led to many being made vulnerable to infection. This shows that most of the interpretations for both oral and written sacred texts are embedded in patriarchy which dictate and shape people’s attitudes towards gender roles and health. Zaman (2017: 1) is of the view that “control over women’s sexuality and reproductive powers is the cornerstone of patriarchy, exercised in the name of ‘the community’—be it ethnic, linguistic, racial, religious or national—and the frequently justified by reference to religion as well as culture and identity”. This is exacerbated if the sacred texts are being utilised by conservative groups which often exhibit fundamentalist or religious extremist attitudes. Paying attention to such contexts is crucial, because more often than not, religious fundamentalism leads to the shrinkage of “spaces for discourses on SRHR; discriminatory policies or poor implementation mechanisms for SRHR services; resistance to comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) or sexual health and rights-related information; and the growing discrimination and violence against women and girls in the name of culture or tradition” (Zaman 2017: 3). In cases, where women fail to adhere to religious dictates pertaining the SRH, it may lead to violence against them as fundamentalists impose punitive measures against any transgression to the rules they impose. Hence, Zaman (2017: 9) argues that SRHR are part of a larger canvas where women’s freewill in marriage, ability to give consent, guardianship and the right to be treated as autonomous adults under law and in social practice remain contested. Forty-two years after independence, Zimbabwe managed to harmonise its marriage laws in May 2022 after facing incessant resistance to certain pronouncements in the draft bill by leaders across the religious divide. The government was forced to delete these sections which were deemed to be uncultural and irreligious (see Manyonganise and Mhuru 2021). Zimbabwe is a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDR) and the Convention on the Elimination of All forms of

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Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which means that discourses on issues affecting women are situated within the rights discourse and SRHR is no exception. In 1981, the United Nations also came up with the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (DEAFIDBRoB). Peterson (2020) notes that CEDAW does not mention FoRB while the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief does not refer to gender equality. She further notes that activists working on FoRB are mainly conservative religious actors who are not interested in discourses of gender equality. This has largely left the two groups being sceptical of each other. However, gender activists have now challenged this limitation and have called for religion to be considered in CEDAW. Particular attention needs to be paid to religious minority groups where women suffer double discrimination both at the level of religious affiliation as well as at the level of their gender. Within this current study, the study of the VaRemba is a welcome development as it privileges the cultural group that is almost always at the fringes of the Zimbabwean society. All religions tend to conflate faith with morality, with morality giving significance to culture, nationalism and social norms which often go against important human rights stipulated in international treaties and legislative frameworks some of which have been referred to above (Zaman 2017: 9). Manyonganise (2017) bemoans the fact that discourses of sex and sexuality have tended to be moralised within the Zimbabwean context. Such moralisation clashes with concepts of rights as it seeks to control and monitor particularly women’s bodies. It would appear that certain exotic practices aimed at empowering women in making choices about their SRH are perceived as dislocating religion and culture. Within the Zimbabwean context, the acceptability of practices such as adoption and In Vitro Fertilisation (IVF) remains contested. The practice of lobola results in cultural expectations placed on women on how their actions can be deemed moral or immoral. A woman whose parents received lobola needs to conform to the moral and ethical expectations. This often robs the women of their voice in SRHR. In most cases, women are made to surrender their bodies to husbands who are empowered by culture and religion to make SRH choices on behalf of their wives. Zaman (2017: 9) notes that “regressive interpretations of religion combined with an appeal to morality tend to undermine SRHR, denying women the power to make

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decisions.” For example, some religious groups within the Zimbabwean context still contest the use of contraception by their women members. Writing on Tanzania, Sundararajan et al. (2019) note that Christian scripture has been a site of conflicting and contested interpretations of passages in order to support or oppose the use of family planning. This scenario speaks to the Zimbabwean context where biblical texts are combined with cultural beliefs and practices to discourage some women from using medically prescribed family planning methods. The widespread use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) has had implications for religion, culture as well as women’s SRHR. Within the Zimbabwean context, social media has broken down walls of secrecy and silence that have long characterised discourses of sex and sexuality. Taboos that function to delay the onset of sexual activity no longer hold as the young and old alike easily access this information on digital platforms. Hence, the digital era has disrupted the religio-cultural construction of sex and sexuality as private discourses. These have become public which has had both positive and negative impacts. In a more positive way, this has opened avenues through which adults can engage with children and the youth on issues of sex and sexuality. Social media provide a space for the youth to explore different conceptions of sexuality and reproduction (Pfeiffer et al. 2014). Negatively, social media has made children and the young people vulnerable to sexual exploitation through online dating and online sexual grooming (Chirongoma and Mutsvedu 2021; Ponde-Mutsvedu and Chirongoma 2022). This has implications for girls’ SRHR and ultimately for sustainable development. Contemporary Zimbabwe has witnessed exposes of extra-marital relationships being posted on social media, at times images are of naked people caught in the sexual act. This can have the negative impact of ‘normalising’ sexual acts outside of one’s marriage, yet in most cases, this exposes both men and women to sexually transmitted diseases and unwanted pregnancies for women. Young people are also exposed to inappropriate sexual images. Despite the negative impact of ICTs, they can be harnessed to provide women with information on SRHR. There is, however, need to ensure that women have access to electronic gadgets for this purpose so that SRHR messaging becomes effective and reaches a wider audience. Below, we provide summaries of chapters in this volume which we have put into two thematic categories.

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Moral and Ethical Dilemmas Inherent Women’s SRHR Needs Chapters 2, 3, 4, and 5 explore the various moral and ethical dilemmas surrounding the religio-cultural norms pertaining the use of contraceptives, the practice of abortion, the use of modern technology to enhance one’s fertility, marriage laws in Zimbabwe and the ‘small house’ phenomenon which has become an overarching tradition and a major cause of concern in most Zimbabwean homes. All these themes have direct implications in relation to the attainment of SDGs 3 and 5 (see e.g. Daher-­ Nashif and Bawadi 2020). Chapter 2, which is co-authored by Elias G.  Konyana and Faith Matumbu, is entitled ‘Ethical reflections on the effects of Zimbabwe’s abortion policy on young women’s reproductive health and dignity’. In this chapter, Konyana and Matumbu interrogate the polarised perspectives between the pro-life and pro-choice camps in relation to the debate on abortion laws in Zimbabwe. They explicate how the Zimbabwean 2013 Constitution has attempted to resolve this polarisation by coming up with legal provisions that seek to strike a balance between preserving human life and protecting the liberties and rights of the family, children and young women. Whilst acknowledging these noble efforts, Konyana and Matumbu contend that Zimbabwean laws enforce restrictive conditions under which women can legally be permitted to terminate pregnancy to such an extent that several women have been forced by circumstances beyond their control to follow the unconventional path to terminate pregnancies. This threatens their health and well-being, thereby compromising the chances of realising SDG 3. They argue that the current legal status of abortion has dire effects on the family, particularly young women. In this light, the chapter presents a consequentialist exploration of the existing law on abortion in Zimbabwe. They argue that the current provisions on abortion are residues of the restrictive colonial laws that sought to disadvantage the Black women population in Zimbabwe by driving them into poverty and dependency, and that the current legal provisions on abortion are not pro-women’s rights and dignity. Konyana and Matumbu further maintain that, instead of enhancing family growth and women’s reproductive health, the current law on abortion exposes young women to severe reproductive health hazards with critical consequential ramifications. The chapter concludes by underscoring the pertinent need for revisiting the

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current abortion law which is a crucial component in upholding and enhancing women’s reproductive health and rights as envisaged by SDG 3. Chapter 3, ‘Assisted Reproductive Technologies, Infertility and Women in Zimbabwe’, is co-authored by Nomatter Sande and Yvonne Winfildah Takawira-­Matwaya. The chapter foregrounds the fact that Zimbabwe is facing a crumbling public health care system to such an extent that the critical issue of women emancipation in the context of infertility has not yet received the attention it deserves. Sande and Takawira-Matwaya maintain the stance that infertility is a gendered phenomenon and women bear the brunt of the infertility burden. They observe that this compromises the chances of gender justice and equality, as articulated by SDG 5. Drawing insights from the Shona indigenous culture, spirituality and oral theology, the chapter illustrates how the condition of infertility is dreaded in the Zimbabwean society and beyond. Tapping into feminist theology as both interpretive and deductive framework, the chapter explicates the fact that although infertility is one of the crucial public health issues affecting women’s health and well-being, regrettably, it seems to be receiving inadequate and peripheral attention, not only in the public health care sector, but more importantly, in academic literature. Having presented various interpretations on the causes and solutions of infertility, the chapter concludes by proposing the need for embracing Assisted Reproductive Technologies (ART) as an alternative solution to the problem of infertility in Zimbabwe. This recommendation is influenced by the ambivalence with which ART is perceived by most Zimbabweans. Such a positive move can make a significant contribution towards addressing gender inequality and promoting gender justice, the chapter concludes. Chapter 4, by Joseph Muyangata, is entitled, ‘Zimbabwean Women’s Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights: Ethical and Moral Implications of the Proposed New Marriage Bill’. In this chapter, Muyangata highlights the debate and controversy surrounding the definition of marriage. He notes that this directly impacts on the place of women in a marital union, thereby having an impact on gender equality as expressed in SDG 5. The chapter’s main thrust is to explore the status and constitutional parameters of marriage in contemporary Zimbabwe. It deliberates on how the proposed new Marriage Bill in Zimbabwe has a bearing on women’s SRHR. This exploration is undertaken through the lenses of religion, customs and traditions. It adopts gender analysis as its theoretical framework for interpreting this Marriage Bill. The discussions presented reveal that there is an inseparable interconnection between deliberations on marriage

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laws and SRHR. In concluding, Muyangata restates the fact that although laws change with times, conservatism is advisable, especially during times of social instability. Amos Muyambo and Joseph Muyangata reflect on, ‘The “Small House” Phenomenon and Its Impact on Zimbabwean Women’s Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR)’ in chapter fourteen. They commence the discussion by affirming the fact that concerns surrounding women’s SRHR have been ongoing ever since Zimbabwe’s attainment of independence. The chapter’s focus of discussion is the ‘small house’ concept in Zimbabwe, which entails issues to do with extra-marital affairs, cohabitation and polygamy. Muyambo and Muyangata chronicle the historical development of this concept. They explain that the term ‘small house’ was coined in the late 1990s as a contemporary way to demean and denounce the practice of unconventional unions. Additionally, they articulate how in the recent years, the term has come to be used in line with the reconstruction of polygamy. The main argument proffered by the authors is that the ‘small house’ concept tends to be self-serving for men and predominantly unfavourable to the women folk, the customarily or legally married women, as well as the ones in a ‘small house’ setting. This is so, not only in terms of their SRHR, but also in light of their socio-economic rights (SDG 5). The chapter also utilises a gender framework to analyse the effects of the ‘small house’ concept on the husbands, wives, extra-­ marital partners and children in terms of maintenance, inheritance, support and the overall concept of family in the modern-day Zimbabwean context. It illustrates how the ‘small house’ concept also brings to the fore masculinity behaviours and societal constructs, inevitably querying men’s attitude and, on the other hand, women’s reaction to it. In this light, Muyambo and Muyangata propound the need for differentiating and examining the cultural and traditional causes of ‘small houses’. According to the authors, this would help in examining the effects of masculinity models being constructed on the boy and girl child in both these family settings: ‘small house’ and ‘legitimate’ family households. The chapter also examines and proposes a negotiation on cultural practices with religious, customary and legal guidance as an intervention to address the conflicts and family disintegration caused by the ‘small house’ practice. The chapter concludes by highlighting that the proposal for the legalisation of ‘small house’ unions shows how Zimbabwe is still grappling with how to comprehensively promote and protect the SRHR of all women, irrespective of their marital status.

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The Impact of Social Media, Literary Texts and Initiation on Women’s SRHR Needs Chapters in the final section (6–9) muse over women’s SRHR as perceived among the Varemba Muslims in Mberengwa, the role of the social media, as well as the impact of literary texts in the educational curriculum in shaping societal perspectives on SRHR. All these have direct implications on the attainment of SDGs 3 and 5. For example, Akinyooye and Aransi (2020) have reflected on social media and the SDGs in Nigeria, while Ebenezer Durojaye et al. (2021) have invested in analysing the challenges and opportunities in SRHR in Africa more generally. Chapter 6, with the title, ‘Revamping of a “sanctuary without honour”: VaRemba women’s sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in the enclaves of religion and marriage’, is by Vushebwashe Mhaka. This chapter elucidates how the VaRemba people’s religio-cultural practices, particularly their initiation ceremonies, remain veiled in mystery. According to Mhaka, this is mainly influenced by the heavy lid of secrecy surrounding their rites of passage. Cognisant of the fact that both VaRemba men and women separately undergo these initiation ceremonies, this chapter is dedicated towards illustrating how violence and criminality envelope the private and public space of many VaRemba women in their initiation rites and general womanhood. He draws a tapestry from Chipo’s narrative, a semi-­ fictitious character to discuss the VaRemba women’s SRHR. Hence, he enters into a dialogue with Chipo as she recounts her experiences from school-going age to the present as a mother of three. Additionally, the chapter adopts ‘symbology’ and the making of sanctuary as its framework. Reflecting on Chipo’s experiences, Mhaka maintains the contention that although traditional rituals are shunned by many shades of Christianity, they occupy the biggest part of conviction for many indigenous women. He also illustrates how the meanings of these rituals are far deeper than what the ritual drama and the visual symbols depict. Furthermore, the chapter argues that although most VaRemba traditions promise gratification for women, in reality, this remains an elusive dream. Simultaneously, this threatens the attainment of SDG 3, health for all. In conclusion, Mhaka proffers that family life, that is mainly the focus of initiation, is neither enjoyable nor fulfilling to many VaRemba women. This leads him to argue for a new hermeneutic of human-rights appraisal of cultural values in an endeavour to guard against criminality and violence which inadvertently infringe on most of the VaRemba women’s SRHR.

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Chapter 7 by Silindiwe Zvingowanisei is entitled ‘The Personification of Nature as Mother: Motherhood in Islamic Religion with Specific Reference to VaRemba Women in Mberengwa, Zimbabwe’. In this chapter, Zvingowanisei begins by reaffirming the fact that Zimbabwe is facing a looming ecological catastrophe. In response to this ecological crisis, the chapter deliberates on how representing the Earth as feminine is a common personification of nature in many societies. It illustrates how these twin connections between the Earth and the feminine mainly relate to the life-giving and nurturing role of the Earth. The chapter proceeds to elaborate how this perspective has also influenced the patriarchal mind-set which places women and nature hierarchically below men, resulting in both women and nature being dominated and oppressed by patriarchy. This results in compromising both women’s health (SDG 3) and gender equality (SDG 5). Drawing insights from eco-feminism, Zvingowanisei argues that one cannot advocate for the protection and preservation of nature without advocating for the emancipation of women. Hence, the chapter offers insights into how the VaRemba people’s indigenous traditions can contribute towards preserving Mother Earth. Informed by the VaRemba culture whereby the mother figure is accorded a very prominent place and all men are required to care for, love and protect mothers in their midst, this chapter argues that the VaRemba worldview can play an integral role in ecological stewardship and care (SDG 13). The chapter draws to a close by proposing that vital lessons on protecting and preserving the Earth can be drawn from how the VaRemba people relate to their mothers, especially in the wake of the looming global warming and climate change challenges ravaging the Earth. Chapter 8, with the title ‘Saving Fish from Drowning?’: An Africana Womanist Conceptualization of Wo/Manhood and Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) Through Analyzing Selected ChiShona Literature Texts, is authored by Beatrice Taringa. This chapter illustrates how language is an important reservoir of norms and values. It also illuminates how language provides a pathway for channelling masculine and feminine concepts. The chapter engages in content and discourse analysis of selected ChiShona literature texts among the prescribed texts for ordinary level learners in an endeavour to unearth the inherent gender norms. The main contention raised herein is that for too long, ChiShona gender perceptions have been read, understood and interpreted through the Western feminist lens which presupposes women’s subordination. According to Taringa, the researchers’ and activists’ efforts to overcome

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the history of inequality did little in improving gender relationships. She further argues that these futile efforts are akin to one who attempts to “save fish from drowning” Hence, she proposes the pertinent need for analysing the apparent and subtle gender norms embedded in the selected ChiShona texts through the Africana womanist theory which is a branch of an Afrocentric paradigm. Through conducting interviews with the ordinary level learners, educationists and curriculum implementers, Taringa inductively and qualitatively uncovers the study participants’ gender perceptions. She also illustrates how some excerpts from the purposively sampled ChiShona literary texts can become formidable socialisation tools in terms of empowering and transforming the texts’ audience with regard to SRHR. This would enhance women’s access to quality health (SDG 3) and gender equality (SDG 5). Chapter 9 authored by Rosemary Chikafa-Chipiro goes by the title ‘Media Rhetoric, Women, Silences and Sexual Abuses in the Church’. This chapter reiterates the fact that the infringement of women’s SRHR by religious leaders is a ubiquitous problem in Zimbabwe (and beyond). Chikafa-Chipiro bemoans that instead of experiencing a decrease in such invasions, they have actually increased in the past forty years. It is against this background that Chikafa-Chipiro interrogates this pervasive violation by offering a reflection on sexual abuses in the church following the historic conviction of Robert Martin Gumbura, the founder and leader of the End Time Message Church in 2014. The chapter bewails how Robert Martin Gumbura’s case was a high-profile case that gave a semblance of hope in that men of the cloth who abused their authority would be brought to book which would lead more sexual abuses in the church to be reported but that was not to be. To substantiate this point, Chikafa-­ Chipiro makes reference to the recent spate of rumours and allegations against one of the popular Zimbabwean prophets.1 She explains how these allegations in both the mainstream and social media indicate that the prophet has been involved in clandestine sexual encounters including rape of congregants which are all, one way or the other, swept under the carpet on the auspices of the dictum ‘touch not the anointed’. Following in the tracks of the Gumbura case, this chapter analyses converging media discourses on the popular prophet’s case(s) as a way of taking stock of the gains and losses that have been made in Zimbabwean media and 1  The prophet’s name has been withheld for confidentiality purposes because he has not yet been officially convicted in a court of law.

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legislation against sexual abuses of women in churches. The author hypothesises that the subject of sexual abuses in the church has mainly been popularised by media rhetoric which is at the crossroads of raising awareness against sexual abuses and advocating for action against offenders and further fostering silences on sexual abuses in the church. To pursue this thrust, Chikafa-Chipiro engages in a qualitative content analysis of selected mainstream media reportage, social media responses and analysis of accusations against this popular prophet. In terms of theoretical framework, the chapter leans towards the intersectional theory in mediating women’s plight as subjects and/or objects in media rhetoric and as victims of sexual abuses in the church. The chapter draws to a close by beckoning Zimbabweans to move ahead into the future with renewed zeal, enthusiasm and oneness of purpose as media personnel, the citizenry, legislature and religious leaders committed to protecting women and girls against sexual abuse.

Conclusion The intention of this chapter was to make a further analysis of the existent themes at the intersection among religion, SRHR and SDGs 3 and 5. It highlighted the various contestations that arise as one analyses this relationship. Contestations regarding FoRB and gender equality, religious fundamentalism and women’s SRHR as well as the moralisation of the sexuality discourse in most religions were highlighted as areas requiring close attention. The chapter further provided summaries of the chapters that make this volume. The first section unpacks the moral and ethical dilemmas confronting women when it comes to the religio-cultural teachings on the use of contraceptives, legislations on abortion, the use of modern technology to curtail infertility, as well as marriage laws. The chapters articulate how all these have a bearing on women’s SRHR and their implications for sustainable development in Zimbabwe. The concluding segment deliberates on the role of the social media, literary texts and initiation ceremonies in shaping community’s perceptions on gender roles and by the same token, women’s SRHR. It is our sincere hope that this volume has opened an avenue for continued discussions on how religion and culture can be either a friend or a foe when it comes to SRHR issues and the implications of these interactions on the achievement of the SDGs in Zimbabwe. These insights can be deployed to reflect on women’s SRHR and the SDGs beyond Zimbabwe, as well as to inform research on the interplay among women, religion and other SDGs in Africa and beyond.

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References Akinyooye, F. E., and W. O. Aransi. 2020. Influence of Social Media on Sustainable Development Goal One attainment in Osun State, Nigeria. American Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 1 (1): 1–16. Chirongoma, S., and L. Mutsvedu. 2021. The Ambivalent Role of Technology on Human Relationships: An Afrocentric Exploration. In African Values, Ethics and Technology: Questions, Issues and Approaches, ed. Beatrice Dedaa Okyere-­ Manu, 155–172. Springer, Palgrave and Macmillan Publishers. Daher-Nashif, S., and H. Bawadi. 2020. Women’s Health and Well-being in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals: A Narrative Review of Achievements and Gaps in the Gulf States. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17 (3): 1059. https://doi. org/10.3390/ijerph17031059. Durojaye, E., G. Mirugi-Mukundi, and C. Ngwena. eds. 2021. Advancing Sexual ans Reproductive Health and Rights in Africa: Constraints and Opportunities. London: Routledge. Manyonganise, M. 2017. HIV-Positive Women Virgins: The Complexities of Discourse on Issues of Sex and Sexuality in Zimbabwe. In Research on Gender and Sexuality in Africa, ed. S.  Tamale and J.  Bennet, 151–160. Dakar: CODESRIA. Manyonganise, M., and L. Mhuru. 2021. ‘A Bill from the Pit of Hell?’ Of Civil Partnerships, Marriage and Religion in Zimbabwe. In Law, Religion and the Family in Africa, ed. Christian M. Green and F. Kabata, 3–22. Stellenbosch: African Sun Media. Peterson, M.J. 2020. Promoting Freedom of Religion or Belief and Gender Equality in the Context of Sustainable Development Goals: A Focus on Access to Justice, Education and Health-Reflections from the 2019 Expert Consultation Process. Copenhagen: The Danish Institute for Human Rights. Pfeiffer, C., et al. 2014. The Use of Social Media Among Adolescents in Dar es Sallam and Mtwara, Tanzania. Reproductive Health Matters 22 (43): 178–186. Ponde-Mutsvedu, L., and S. Chirongoma. 2022. Tele-evangelism, Tele-health and Cyberbullying in the Wake of the Outbreak of COVID-19 in Africa. In Religion and the COVID-19 Pandemic in Southern Africa, ed. Fortune Sibanda, Tenson Muyambo, and Ezra Chitando, 103–114. London: Routledge. https://doi. org/10.4324/9781003241096-­7. Sundararajan, R., et al. 2019. How Gender and Religion Impact Uptake of Family Planning: Results from a Qualitative Study in North-Western Tanzania. BMC Women’s Health 19: 99. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-­019-­0802-­6. United Nations Population Fund. 2016. Religion, Women’s Health and Rights: Points of Contention and Path of Opportunities. New York: UNFPA. Zaman, S. 2017. Challenging Religious Fundamentalisms to Ensure Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR): Advocacy Strategies for the Asia-­ Pacific and North Africa Regions. Lahore: Women’s Resource Centre.

PART I

Moral and Ethical Dilemmas Inherent to Women’s SRHR Needs

CHAPTER 2

Ethical Reflections on the Effects of Zimbabwe’s Abortion Policy on Young Women’s Reproductive Health and Dignity Elias G. Konyana and Faith Matumbu

Introduction Following Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, the country’s reproductive healthcare provision record took a huge stride of improvement under the Mugabe regime. Some of the factors for the improvement are economic while others are at the level of policy and legislation reforms. For instance, the right to health as an inviolable human right enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was taken as a priority by the government of Zimbabwe in 1980. This was in line with the United Nations’ declaration that all countries of the world are required to ensure that their populations have access to healthcare as well as access to goods and service that are inexpensively priced. This means that governments are mandated to put in place credible and sustainable state healthcare systems

E. G. Konyana (*) • F. Matumbu Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_2

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and legislation that make healthcare provision easy and available to the people. However, in the case of Zimbabwe, focus on reproductive health has remained on the minimum as the country has maintained the Termination of Pregnancy Act (No. 29) of 1977 as the guiding law regarding when and why a woman can decide to terminate her pregnancy or get an abortion. Chapter 4, Sub-Section 75 of Zimbabwe’s Constitution (Amendment No. 20 of 2013) clearly stipulates that every citizen and permanent resident has the right to have access to basic healthcare services, including reproductive healthcare services. It states that the state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within the limits of the resources available to it, to achieve the progressive realisation of the rights set out in this section. However, contrary to this, most people in Zimbabwe, particularly pregnant women in need of abortion for one reason or another, have been struggling to access that service because of the constricting law on abortion. The Termination of Pregnancy Act has remained an irksome residual British colonial rule in independent Zimbabwe’s constitution and many women have fallen victim to the consequences of enforcing this restrictive law. It is therefore pertinent that the Vision 2030 mantra adopted by Zimbabwe’s Second Republic be accompanied with a reminder of the urgent need to redress this major stumbling block on women’s reproductive health and rights.

Theoretical Framework Consequentialism is the ethical theory from which our arguments for a review of the Termination of Pregnancy Act (No. 29) of 1977 of Zimbabwe are based. This is a theory which focuses on the consequences of any justice mechanism in as much as the law serves the interests of the people it seeks to protect (Feldman 1995). Thus, the consequentialist theory of justice is interested in the usefulness of any piece of legislation by evaluating the consequences of applying that piece of law. The theory has five key features namely, “pleasure, happiness, well-being, flourishing, and knowledge” (Messer 2017: 295). Ideally, consequentialism is the class of normative ethical theories which hold that the consequences of one’s conduct or a rule are the ultimate basis for any judgement about the rightness or wrongness of that conduct or rule. Thus, from a consequentialist standpoint, a morally right act is one that will produce a good outcome or consequence towards achieving human pleasure, happiness, well-being or

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flourishing. In view of the matter at hand, the rightness or wrongness of the Termination of Pregnancy Act is based on the consequences of enforcing this law with respect to promoting women’s sexual and reproductive well-being, rights and dignity.

A Critical Reflection on the Abortion Law in Zimbabwe Constitutionally, abortion is illegal in Zimbabwe. This is a position that the 2013 Constitution consolidated when it subsumed a strong anti-­ abortion stance which previously existed only in statutes but not as a constitutional provision. The Zimbabwe Constitution (Amendment No. 20) of 2013 maintained the Termination of Pregnancy Act (No. 29 of 1977) [Chapter 15:10], arguing that it is necessary that the Constitution provides an Act of Parliament that protects the lives of unborn children, and that the same Act must allow pregnancy termination only in accordance with that law. Thus, the Termination of Pregnancy Act restricts abortion and permits it only in cases of aggravated sexual offenses such as rape and incest and in cases where the mother’s life is at risk or where the child may be born with major mental or physical disabilities. Violating the Act attracts a jail term of up to five years in custody and/or a fine not exceeding level 101 or imprisonment for a period not exceeding five years or both. In most cases, the Termination of Pregnancy Act is justified by the argument that abortion should not be used as a birth controlling measure because women have access to a wide range of contraceptives available to them. Although the Act defines certain circumstances in which abortion is legal, in some cases the legal procedures that one has to undergo take a long period to be completed such that the pregnancy reaches a stage at which it becomes risky to terminate. Biologically, the medically approved timeframe for effective and safe abortions is approximated at twelve weeks or less. Even so, an abortion can still be performed safely within up to twenty weeks of pregnancy. After this period, the foetus is assumed to have developed too well for

1  According to the Zimbabwe Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act (Chapter 9:29), Level 10 refers to a fine pegged at US$700.00 on the Standard Scale of fines as indicated in Act 2 of 2017 of the Zimbabwe Constitution.

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termination and the process becomes riskier for the pregnant woman.2 However, the Termination of Pregnancy Act allows that pregnancy prevention medication be administered within seventy-two hours of an unlawful sexual encounter. Thus, it is within three days that the woman has to obtain the necessary certification and have access to a public medical institution that the pregnancy prevention medication can only be administered. After that period, the termination of the pregnancy can only take place through an abortion after meeting the provisions of the Termination of Pregnancy Act. However, according to Chakanyuka (2019), it is meeting all the conditions for a legal abortion that creates challenges for many women with unwanted pregnancies. For example, if a rape victim gets pregnant and wants to prevent pregnancy, the process to acquire permission to get the pregnancy prevention drug is agonisingly long. It is a requirement that the rapist should be arrested and be prosecuted; the victim has to provide solid evidence to prove that she was raped; the matter has to go to court and a police report should be provided first before the doctor proceeds to administer the drug. More often, the perpetrators are not arrested on time for the victim to go through the legal procedures to allow her to prevent the pregnancy. Apart from the long prosecution process, abortion in Zimbabwe can only be undertaken at public hospitals and they have to be authorised by a medical supervisor. In most cases, the authorisation process takes a long time as well. While all these processes take long, the pregnancy will be growing and the foetus can end up exceeding the stage beyond which abortion or termination of the pregnancy is allowed by law.

Reproductive Health Challenges for Women The Termination of Pregnancy Act of Zimbabwe has a lot of disadvantages for women who fall pregnant without intending to do so, and may want to terminate it. It should be revised as it has forced many women to resort to risky backyard abortions. Apparently, in Zimbabwe abortion cases are most common among teenagers, sex workers and rape victims (Remez et al. 2014). Thus, the reproductive health challenges that women in Zimbabwe go through call for the interrogation of sexuality issues, recognition of women’s rights to control their bodies and to make decisions 2  https://bhekisisa.org/article/2017-12-08-00-why-abortion-by-mail-services-arespreading/.

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based on choices available to them in the event of having unplanned pregnancies. For example, some young women in high schools, colleges and universities fall pregnant from coerced sexual experiences and this may mean disruption of their studies and ending up being single mothers, jeopardising their future career prospects. The plight of young women who find themselves in such situations is made worse by poverty, lack of financial support and being rejected by their male partners or being disowned by family members. Societal stereotypes and absence of social support safety nets also contribute to their suffering. Instances where young women at universities and colleges fall pregnant and male partners deny responsibility are commonplace in Zimbabwe. Such experiences prompt young women to consider and even seek abortion as a quick fix to the problem. Usually, when such desperate young women seek to abort, they are regarded as immoral, with society questioning why they fell pregnant before marriage (Smith et al. 2016). Being ostracised by family and community for falling pregnant or losing virginity before marriage piles shame and humiliation on many a young woman. This further erodes the self-­ esteem of any young woman who finds herself in this unenviable situation (Sully et al. 2016). Young women who are often caught in this kind of situation are generally referred to as “off layers,” also known as “mvana” in ChiShona language, implying that these young women are “spoiled or damaged goods.” This creates pressure and anxiety on young women, with far-reaching unintended consequences. Given the above predicament, one would pause the question: Why are women, particularly young women in Zimbabwe, not allowed to decide what happens to their bodies and terminate unwanted pregnancies? It may be noteworthy to consider calls for the liberalisation of abortion as a quick solution to unintended pregnancies as part of the respect for women’s rights over their bodies. The most affected women are those who survive after being raped. Their sexual reproductive rights are heavily infringed upon when provisions of the Termination of Pregnancy Act deny justice to such women. For example, the provision which requires that the rape case survivor reports her case and get a court certificate for the administration of a pregnancy terminating drug within seventy-two hours with evidence of the rape incident is usually difficult to satisfy. More often than not, the survivor will be traumatised and sometimes overwhelmed with fear to put all the required evidence in place within the stipulated timeframe. Sometimes the survivor is left battling for life, to the extent that she will not be in a

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position to provide any evidence by herself. This makes life difficult for some young women in Zimbabwe. Girls below the age of sixteen years may also fall pregnant out of peer pressure and become teen mothers before the completion of high school studies. Sometimes the girls are left facing high costs associated with pregnancy, child bearing and rearing. In other words, young women are forced to leave school and this consequently inhibits their education and career prospects. On the same issue, Mawere (2012) pointed out that pregnancy is one of the factors leading to high girl-child dropout at Chadzamira Secondary School in Masvingo. This was further noted elsewhere by Ncube and Madau (2017) who gave an example of schools in the Gwanda community which have a high rate of female dropouts due to unplanned pregnancies. These examples serve to show that unplanned pregnancies put an enormous financial burden on women who cannot afford to care for themselves, let alone their babies (Lowen 2019). Given that the girl or young woman was still in school, oftentimes if she carries the pregnancy to term, she will lack financial resources to support her baby and continue with her education. If she could have been granted the right over her body, she could have opted to abort and continued with her studies. Faced with limited or no choice, abortion is never out of consideration as one such quick fix, notwithstanding it being regarded as a taboo by society and not permissible by the Constitution of the Republic of Zimbabwe, except in circumstances outlined earlier on above. In respect of the above reproductive health challenges for women in Zimbabwe, the law does not allow one to perform abortion outside the provisions of the Termination of Pregnancy Act. This is a situation that requires interrogation because many women are caught up in situations that fall outside the purview of the Termination of Pregnancy Act. What this means is that women in Zimbabwe have not reached a stage whereby their reproductive rights are fully respected. Schwartz (1972) argued that the decision to undergo abortion should be the woman’s prerogative, and not that of the State. He insists that the law should allow a woman to terminate an unwanted pregnancy upon request because once she has fallen pregnant without planning to do so, she will be affected adversely. Given such compelling arguments for the respect of women’s freedom of choice and prerogative over their bodies, it may be time that the law is reviewed so that women are granted the right to choose what happens to their bodies. Granting of such rights creates the basis for flexible abortion laws that create an enabling environment where abortion can be

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performed regardless of what reasons might be for desiring it. Knowing the cost and consequences that come with pregnancy, abortion becomes a viable option to any woman faced with the dilemma of carrying an unplanned pregnancy to term against the odds.

Challenges of Accessing Legal Abortion in Zimbabwe: The Mapingure Case In this chapter, we maintain that the current abortion law in Zimbabwe is not user-friendly for many women who fall pregnant under circumstances that permit them to seek to terminate their pregnancies. Given that under the Termination of Pregnancy Act, abortion is permitted only if it is a result of unlawful sexual intercourse such as rape and incest only, it is high time that other extenuating circumstances women face be considered. However, even under the circumstances specified by the Termination of Pregnancy Act, it is extremely difficult for young women to obtain certification for legal abortions at any health facility in Zimbabwe because the processes are slow and long. Thus, it is still difficult for young women to exercise the reproductive right to abort even if it is permissible. This presents a huge challenge to young women in Zimbabwe as their sexual reproductive health rights are violated indirectly by the law itself. Cases where abortion is allowed by law in Zimbabwe usually involve the requirement that the woman should obtain documentary evidence and support from the police and health workers, that is, nurses and doctors, to prove that she has a prima facie case for a legal abortion. However, obtaining such supporting documents may add complications to the matrix of being granted a rape-induced abortion where the arrest and conviction of the rapist should be secured. This is so because the health workers and police officers have to follow and observe some procedures which may be frustrating the woman, stressing her and delaying the processes of obtaining the required documents. In this case, the young woman’s right to abortion after rape may be denied, leading to the woman carrying the unwanted pregnancy to term. The evidence of women struggling to exercise their sexual and reproductive health rights is what happened to one woman, Mildred Mapingure, whose situation became an archetypical case of justice delayed becoming justice denied. She was raped in 2006 but failed to obtain support in securing requisite documents approving her request for a legal

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termination of pregnancy as provided for by the Termination of Pregnancy Act, in spite of her efforts. Resultantly, eight years after the rape and failure to terminate the pregnancy, Mildred reported her case to the Supreme Court of Zimbabwe on the 25th of March 2014 against the three ministries, that is, the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare and the Ministry of Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, for damages for physical and mental pain, anguish and stress suffered and for the maintenance of the child born against her wishes until the child turned eighteen years. By so doing, Mildred embarked on evoking the elements of feminist jurisprudence which rejects suppression of women’s rights and other privileges due to them. The basis of her claim was that the employees from the three ministries showed negligence, ignorance and incompetence by failing to expedite the termination of her pregnancy. The Supreme Court’s summary of the proceedings on the case shows that the woman did everything required of her legally to obtain the right to abort but she was denied the same. The summary states: On 4 April 2006, Mildred Mapingure, the Appellant in the case, was attacked and raped by robbers at her home. She immediately reported the matter to police and requested that she be taken to a medical practitioner to be given medication to prevent pregnancy (emergency contraception) and any sexually transmitted infection. Later that day, she was taken to the hospital and was attended to by a medical practitioner. The medical practitioner said that he could only attend to her request for emergency contraception in the presence of a police officer. The medical practitioner further indicated that the medication had to be administered within 72 hours of the sexual intercourse having occurred. Mapingure duly went to the police station the following day but was advised that the officer who had dealt with her case was not available. She then returned to the hospital, but the medical practitioner insisted that he could only treat her if a police report was made available. On 7 April 2006, she went to the hospital with another police officer. At that stage, the medical practitioner informed her that he could not treat her because the prescribed 72 hours had already elapsed. Eventually, on 5 May 2006, Mapingure was confirmed pregnant. Thereafter, Mapingure went to see the investigating police officer who referred her to a public prosecutor. She indicated that she wanted her pregnancy terminated, but was told that she had to wait until the rape trial had been completed. In July 2006, acting on the direction of the police, she returned to the prosecution office and was advised that she required a pregnancy termination order. The prosecutor in question then consulted a magistrate who stated that he could not assist because the rape trial had not been completed. She finally obtained

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the necessary magisterial certificate on 30 September 2006. When she then sought the termination, the hospital matron who was assigned to carry out the termination felt that it was no longer safe to carry out the procedure, and declined to do so. Eventually, after the full term of her pregnancy, Mapingure gave birth to her child on 24 December 2006.3

In its determination on this case, the Supreme Court evoked the judicial notice of international human rights instruments and made reference to various provisions relating to the reproductive health rights of women. These include paragraph (e) of Article 16.1 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which guarantees women’s rights to decide freely and responsibly on the number and spacing of their children and to have access to the information, education and means to enable them to exercise these rights. The Supreme Court also made reference to paragraphs (a) and (c) of Article 14 of the 2003 Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol), which implores all the 53 member states to “provide adequate, affordable and accessible health services, including information, education and communication programmes to women … and to recognise and protect the reproductive rights of women by authorising medical abortion in cases of sexual assault, rape, incest…” Clearly, the Mapingure case was a cause for celebration for the women though it came late (Tandi 2015). It exposed the inefficiencies of the police officers, public prosecutors and the healthcare workers who failed to act in a timely manner and professionally to assist in having the pregnancy-­terminating drug administered to the victim of rape to prevent her from getting pregnant. Given the Supreme Court summary of proceedings in the case cited above, one can conclude that a woman’s reproductive rights to abortion were denied and that the denial was not only unethical but also unjustified. That is why the woman approached the Supreme Court for legal recourse. This shows that in Zimbabwe, there are administrative barriers that make access to lawful abortion difficult for women. Also, one can safely conclude that women’s sexual reproductive rights over their bodies are infringed upon at will in such kind of instances where abortion is 3  The Herald of 26 March 2014, Landmark ruling as rape victim finally gets justice: Crime and Courts. www.google.com/search/TheHerald/html. Retrieved 16/03/16.

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supposed to be legal and yet not performed, leading to women carrying unwanted pregnancies to term. This places a huge emotional, social and financial burden on women to bear alone.

Socio-Religious Perspectives on the Termination of Pregnancy Act It is important to look at the social and religious perceptions on the law that allows women and girls the conditional termination of pregnancies as outlined in the Termination of Pregnancy Act. As pointed in the section on the Zimbabwe abortion law as revised in the 2013 Constitution, the Termination of Pregnancy Act provides circumstances and conditions where abortion can be permissible. This means that the law allows for abortion. However, religion, in particular Christianity and African Traditional Religion(s) does not allow abortion, let alone provide special exceptions on the termination of pregnancy. According to a NewsDay Newspaper guest columnist, Miriam Tose Majome (2020), “Christianity takes the most rigid, impractical, and denialist view on abortion.” Majome gives the example of the Roman Catholic Church which views abortion as wrong, sinful and therefore non-negotiable no matter the circumstances. In cases where the pregnancy poses danger to the mother or the foetus, the Church considers that as God’s will and, therefore, it cannot be altered. For Olen et al. (2008: 133) “Abortion is murder …what you call a ‘foetus’ is an unborn baby, a human being and abortion is nothing but deliberate killing of a human being.” In this context, abortion is a violation of Biblical principles. Proverbs 6 verses 16 and 17 allude to the fact that God “hates hands that shed innocent blood,” implying that aborting a pregnancy is akin to the murder of an innocent person. This perspective is shared by Muslims who hold the view that killing a foetus carries the same penalty as that for murder. In itself, African Traditional Religion (ATR) is a religion that is indigenous to most Africans across the African continent. The religion has also been taken into the diaspora where Africans have travelled and even settled. Generally, African Traditional Religion takes an anti-abortion stance. It views the termination of pregnancy as killing because an unborn baby is regarded as a gift from the ancestors. Turyomumazima (2002) notes that there is no place for abortion even in pre-Christianity religion based on the existence of taboos and rituals on the celebration and perseveration of

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a child’s life, communal responsibility over children’s welfare and African societies’ love for children. Furthermore, Jogee (2018) argues that ATR holds human life in the highest regard as it celebrates all life as the reason for existence. To this end, procreation and child protection are prominent features of ATR. Children are of importance to the community regardless of the circumstances surrounding their conception and birth. This points to the fact that human life is sacred and that it should be preserved at all stages from conception to child birth. Hence, for ATR, abortion is murder and immoral. Given the above religious views or perceptions on abortion, it is important to note that the Termination of Pregnancy Act has no place in religious circles. Thus, religion assumes a pro-life and anti-abortion stance which, ultimately, denies women their reproductive rights. It is for this reason that the State comes to the rescue of women and girls by promulgating the abortion law, although enforcing the same law has had consequences.

Consequences of Enforcing Legal Prohibitions on Abortion The consequentialist theory of justice guides our discussion in this section. Apparently, a consequentialist reflection on the Termination of Pregnancy Act of Zimbabwe is important so as to determine the usefulness of the law to women and girls who are affected by its existence. As stated earlier on, abortion in Zimbabwe is illegal outside the provisions of the Termination of Pregnancy Act No. 29 of 1977 (Chapter 15:10). This law was passed by the colonial government of Rhodesia but it has remained in force to this day. Even the latest Zimbabwe Constitution (Amendment No. 20) of 2013 has maintained an equally restrictive and seemingly strong anti-abortion stance through Section 48, Subsection (3). However, instead of achieving a reduction in illegal abortion cases in the country, the legal prohibitions on abortion have given rise to unsafe and illegal abortions, thereby increasing the risk of high maternal morbidity and mortality rates and suicidal cases.4 A consequentialist reflection on the Termination of Pregnancy Act shows that the law is not aligned to the lived realities of women who are 4  Langa, V. (2018). “Government urged to revisit abortion laws.” NewsDay Zimbabwe, 9 April 2018. Retrieved: 12. 12. 2019.

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survivors of sexual offences in Zimbabwe. In fact, according to the United Nation’s newsletter on Zimbabwe’s abortion situation, there is an estimated figure of about 70,000 unsafe illegal abortions per year, leading to high maternal mortality (United Nations 2013). To this end, Maternowska et al. (2014) accuse the law against abortion in Zimbabwe as the driving force behind backyard and unsafe abortions. Thus, the current legal prohibitions on abortion in Zimbabwe are perceived as the reason why young women are most likely to pursue clandestine and practically unsafe abortions (Sully et al. 2016). Even before the contemporary times, Schwartz (1972) argued that illegal abortions can be life-threatening as they are a leading cause of maternal mortality. This is confirmed by Baptiste (2015) who maintains that the highest contribution towards maternal mortality is from unsafe backyard abortions which are performed with the help of untrained and fraudulent persons. Thus, the absence of a clear and practical legal framework on abortion is cited as the major cause of backyard and unsafe abortions in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, Blystad et al. (2016) argue that, in sub-Saharan Africa, deaths due to unsafe abortions have increased steadily since the 1990s and the proportion of unsafe abortions to maternal death is estimated to be as high as 30%. On the same note, the United Nations’ (2013) report on abortion morbidity and mortality in Zimbabwe estimates that 3000 women die every year due to unsafe abortion-related practices. For Chikanza and Chinamona (1985), unsafe abortions contribute a lot to the mortality figures in Zimbabwe. Many women who find themselves carrying unplanned or unwanted pregnancies usually find it difficult to carry the pregnancy to term. Out of desperation, some of them resort to backyard abortions which are performed under unhygienic environments. Another factor which necessitates the need to revisit the rigid enforcement of laws that prohibit abortion is the widespread poverty in Zimbabwe. According to Schwartz (1972: 3), “one of the most contributing and perpetuating causes of poverty… is the high incidents of unwanted children born into poor families.” He suggests that capacitating the poor to avoid unwanted births would profoundly alleviate the overall problem of poverty. Having large numbers of dependent children is cited as one of the major burdens of being poor. It is not illogical to assume that the poor would not wish to have more children than they are able to provide for. Ordinarily, the law is expected to serve the interests of the people and not people serving the interests of the law.

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From the foregoing reflections, it is apparent that the law prohibiting abortion in Zimbabwe is not serving the interests of the poor but burdening them with large families and dragging them into perpetual poverty as a result. Such consequences reinforce the call for a review of the Termination of Pregnancy Act for purposes of protecting women’s sexual reproductive rights, privileges and dignity.

Conclusion Enforcing the current legal abortion prohibitions has led to many consequences that negatively affect women in Zimbabwe and the country at large. Unsafe abortions lead to increased risk of high maternal morbidity and mortality rate, suicidal acts, increased number of children born and abandoned or dumped and general poverty. Also, women and the society at large are overburdened with the cost of raising children and this can also drive young women into depression, physiological trauma and low self-­ esteem. Pragmatically revising the Termination of Pregnancy Act in Zimbabwe will go a long way in bridging some of the gaps affecting the women and girls’ fundamental reproductive health and rights as well as enhancing their dignity. This will be an important contribution towards the attainment of SDG3 which is hinged upon the provision of equitable health for all by 2030.

References Baptiste, N. 2015. This Is What Happens When Abortion Is Outlawed. https:// prospect.org/world/happens-­abortion-­outlawed/ Blystad, A., H. Hukanes, and K.M. Moland. 2016. The Access Paradox Abortion Law, Policy and Practice in Ethopia, Tanzania and Zambia. Accessed 26 December 2019. www.google.search/illegalabortion.html. Chakanyuka, M. 2019. Abortion: The Law Vs. Reality. NewsDay Zimbabwe. 7 May 2019. https://www.newsday.co.zw›2019/05›abortion-­the-­law-­vs-­reality. Chikanza, I.C., and W.N.  Chinamona. 1985. Termination of Pregnancy in Zimbabwe: A Medico-Legal Problem. Zimbabwe Law Review 3 (1–2): 81–93. Feldman, F. 1995. Adjusting Utility for Justice: A Consequentialist Reply to the Objection from Justice. Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 55 (3): 567–585. Jogee, F. 2018. Is There Room for Religious Ethics in South Africa Abortion Law? Durban: University of KwaZulu-Natal.

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Lowen, L. 2019. Why Women Choose to Have Abortion. Accessed 22 December 2019. https://www.thoughtco.com/why-­women-­choose-­abortion-­3534155. Majome, M.T. 2020. Abortion: The Religious Perspective. NewsDay. Accessed 23 March 2020. www.newsday.co.zw. Maternowska, M.C., A.  Mashu, P.  Moyo, I.  Wither, and T.  Chipato. 2014. Perceptions of Misoprostol Providers and Women Seeking Post-abortion Care in Zimbabwe. Reproductive Health Matters. Accessed 1 January 2020. https:// doi.org/10.1016/s0968-­8080(14)3792-­3. Mawere, M. 2012. Causes and Effects of Girl Child Dropouts in Zimbabwe Secondary Schools: A Case Study of Chadzamira Secondary School, Gutu District. International Journal of Educational Research and Technology 3 (2): 11–20. Messer, N. 2017. Bioethics and Practical Theology: The Example of Reproductive Medicine. International Journal of Practical Theology 21 (2): 291–314. Ncube, D., and T.J.  Madau. 2017. Legalising the Illegal: Interrogation of the Policy that Allows Pregnant School Girls to go for Maternity Leave and Come Back to School. Global Journal of Advanced Research 4 (2): 67–78. Olen, J., V. Barry, and J.C. van Camp. 2008. Applying Ethics. United Kingdom: Thompson Wadsworth. Remez, L., V.  Woog, and M.  Mhloyi. 2014. Sexual and Reproductive Health Needs of Adolescents in Zimbabwe. In Brief 3: 1–8. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/279989643_Sexual_and_Reproductive_Health_Needs_ of_Adolescents_in_Zimbabwe. Schwartz, R.A. 1972. The Social Effects of Legal Abortion. Google Scholar. Accessed 5 January 2020. Smith, W., J.M.  Tauran, and K.  Crockrill. 2016. Social Norms and Stigma Regarding Unintended Pregnancy and Pregnancy Decision. Google Scholar. Accessed 21 December 2019. Sully, E.A., M.G.  Madziyire, T.  Riley, A.  Moore, M.  Crowell, M.T.  Nyandoro, B. Madzima, and T. Chipato. 2016. Abortion in Zimbabwe: A National Study of the Incidence of Induced Abortion, Unintended Pregnancy and Post-abortion Care in 2016. Accessed 27 December 2019. Google Scholar. https://doi. org/10.1371/journal.pone.0205239. Tandi, T. 2015. The Herald of 26 December 2016, Damages Award to Mapingure: Cause for Celebration. Accessed 26 March 2016. www.google.search/herald/ mapingure.html. The Herald of 26 March 2014. Landmark Ruling as Rape Victim Finally Gets Justice: Crime and Courts. Accessed 16 March 2016. http://www.google. com/search/The Herald/html. Turyomumazima, B. 2002. No Place for Abortion in African Traditional Life: Some Reelections. Accessed 23 March 2020. https://www.consciencelas.org/ background/procedures/abortion019.aspx.

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United Nations Report on Zimbabwe. 2013. Maternal Morality in Zimbabwe, Evidence, Cost and Implication. Accessed 30 December 2019. www.google. com/search/maternalmortalityinZim/html.

Statutes and Conventions Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment No. 20) of 2013. The Termination of Pregnancy Act (No. 29) of 1977. United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).

CHAPTER 3

Assisted Reproductive Technologies, Infertility and Women in Zimbabwe Nomatter Sande and Yvonne Winfildah Takawira-Matwaya

Introduction Infertility is primarily a physical condition which cannot be divorced from the psycho-social and cultural aspects that are inherent in the Zimbabwean Shona society. The importance attached to having children varies widely across cultures and social classes. Aseffa lists some of the major reasons why children are valued immensely including marital stability, social security and domestic support, gender identity and parenthood, social status and stigmatisation, continuity and religious beliefs, and emotional values (Aseffa 2011). The definition of infertility has been described in four The original version of this chapter was revised. The correction to this chapter can be found at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_10 N. Sande (*) Research Institute for Theology and Religion, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa Y. W. Takawira-Matwaya Catholic University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022, corrected publication 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_3

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stages: first; primary infertility (where the woman has never conceived despite having regular sexual intercourse and exposure to pregnancy for two years); second, secondary infertility (where the woman has conceived previously but is subsequently unable to conceive); third, pregnancy wastage (where the woman can conceive but is unable to produce a live birth); and fourth, subfertility (difficulty experienced by some couples, both of whom may have reduced fertility, jointly to conceive) (World Health 1987). These definitions confirm that the focus on infertility is on the woman. Hence, our main focus in this chapter is to emphasise the need for society to acknowledge that infertility prevents couples from having children and it is not always the case that it is the woman who is infertile. Utilising the African cultural feminist theory as our framework for analysis, in this chapter we argue that infertility is a gendered phenomenon in most patriarchal societies. Cultural feminism is a kind of feminism which emphasises essential differences between men and women, based on biological differences in the reproductive capacity. Cultural feminism attributes to those differences distinctive and superior virtues in women. Women bear the brunt of the infertility burden. Infertility may be seen as following a pattern akin to bereavement with reactions including surprise, denial, isolation, anger, depression, grief and finally acceptance and resolution (Laryea 2011). The acceptance of blame by women reflects distinctive virtue whereas men hide behind culture and never accept the blame publicly. The Shona1 oral theology shows that motherhood is the ultimate expression of femininity. Oral theology is context-based, providing answers to important questions about life and culture (Casey 2011). Thus, the biological expectation is that all females are potential mothers. Motherhood is a theological construction and a cultural expectation. From both the Shona and Christian perspective, infertility causes most women to experience psychological trauma or ‘secret or self-stigma’. Many women have opted for unsafe clinical and traditional medicines and they are often abused by ‘false’ prophets and church leaders in a bid to overcome infertility. Statistics show that one in every seven couples in Zimbabwe is infertile and this shows that more people are seeking medical attention without relying solely on traditional methods of testing infertility (IVFZIM 2018). This poses a major challenge particularly because Zimbabwe has been grappling with a crumbling public health care system for over three decades. Regrettably, the Assisted Reproductive Technologies remain a preserve of the private medical centres that an ordinary Zimbabwean 1

 There are five ethnic groups in Zimbabwe and the Shona people are the largest.

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cannot afford. Our chapter argues that Assisted Reproductive Technologies (ARTs) can offer an alternative solution to the problem of infertility in Zimbabwe. It is also our contention that gender mainstreaming in the area of infertility is an unmet need which needs urgent attention that the Zimbabwean government needs to prioritise as a way of fulfilling Sustainable Development Goal 3.

The Shona Family and Heterosexual Marriage The African Traditional Religion(s) (ATRs) play a critical role in most people’s lives. According to Olupona (1991: 10), ATRs shape the character of African society and culture today. This suggests that the ‘traditional’ culture is maybe static in some aspects. The traditional Shona people value children, and the idea of a family is woven entirely around a home which involves the husband, wife and their children. Failure to produce children causes serious problems for the family concerned because marriage is considered as a valuable institution which is consummated by bearing children. In this case, a ‘complete’ family, which has the parents and their children, forms a basic unit of social life. The family provides a comprehensive social life by an intricate network of social relationships (Awoniyi 2015). Thus, in the Shona traditional society, the family is created through marriage and strengthened by the procreation of children. The ‘marriage’ is always a heterosexual entity. Children represent both the physical and spiritual future. The Shona people believe that the continuity of the family unit should be in the physical and in the spiritual realm. Within the Shona oral theology, those who die childless, the unmarried and young children cannot be integrated into the spirit world. In this light, they cannot guarantee their continued existence through their descendants since they have none. Being childless means a person cannot become an ancestral spirit of either patrilineal or matrilineal descendants when they die, hence their existence is eternally forgotten. Thus, being childless instils a sense of shame to those who do not have children and the clan in general. Those who are infertile are denigrated for not being able to contribute to the continuation of the clan by bearing children. Hence, they are also insecure of their place in the afterlife as ancestors since they will not have the offspring to integrate them in the ancestral realm. This is influenced by the belief that one’s continued existence as an ancestor is facilitated through the performance of specific rituals which are presided over by one’s progeny. Child bearing is the landmark

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of parenthood in Shona culture. Children are a determinant factor of one’s social status, respect and honour. Marriage amongst the Shona is a source of gender inequality in some instances. According to Muguti and Sande (2019: 186), “the Shona use the proverb, chakafukidza dzimba matenga (what covers the houses is the roof) meaning that there are unrevealed secrets, challenges and happiness which should remain confined within the domestic realm”. The role of women in marriage is critical in this case as they are not supposed to air their problems outside the marriage. According to Manyonganise (2015), the Shona use the phrase musha mukadzi (the woman/ wife is the anchor for the home) and this provided space for affirming the women’s pivotal role in society. However, another interpretation of the phrase musha mukadzi can be used by the Shona people as a ploy for domesticating women. In a marital context, the husband and wife should work together as a family unit. Therefore, for ARTs to work, there should be an acceptance that women are disadvantaged when it comes to issues of infertility. This resonates with the feminist discourses which advocate for dealing with issues that women face in the contemporary society (Lay 2007: 50).

Infertility and the Shona Culture in Zimbabwe Infertility is dreaded among the Shona, actually most childless couples are stigmatised and condemned by their family and society. Therefore, infertility is not only unacceptable, but it should also be overcome by any means necessary. In the traditional Shona society, discussions about infertility were and still are conducted secretly, but issues of child spacing and having more children were a thriving concern. The Shona oral theology shows that the diagnosis and explanations for infertility were done by traditional healers or spirit mediums and most families still resort to traditional diagnosis. These spiritual leaders proffer diverse solutions to infertility. Depending on the nature of the problem, the traditional spiritual healers will consult the ancestors, administer herbs and perform rituals. Kugezwa (cleansing) is believed to be the first remedy that rectifies whatever taboo might have been committed or to ward off any form of witchcraft that might have been cast on the couple or one of the partners. Infertility in Shona traditional society relates more to the spiritual realm. This is especially when a child has been named after a grand ancestor of the family. Naming a child after a very influential ancestor who lived an exemplary life has a great social significance and prestige for the nuclear

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family in the whole clan. The ancestor then becomes a part of the child directly such that for all issues that have to do with that child’s life, the spirit needs to be notified and consulted for approval. Thus, when the child eventually gets married, the namesake ancestor needs to be advised. Rituals to introduce the new bride or groom to the ancestor must be performed. Failure to perform the ritual, and correctly so, will result in the couples’ infertility. The belief that fertility is linked with the ancestors is premised on the conviction that the ancestors are generally responsible for the living members’ predicaments as well as fortunes (Bourdillon 1998). This type of infertility purportedly caused by the ancestors is usually temporary until the rituals are carried out even years after being married. Hence, infertility inflicted by the ancestors is regarded as just a nudge to remind the family that they have omitted an important stage which requires rectification through ritual performance to appease the ancestors in the spiritual lineage. The temporal nature of this type of infertility is evident in that it is held that if most of these couples seek modern and scientific medical attention, they will not be found with any medical problem at all. As a result, if the ritual is correctly done, the couple will have children with no problems at all. The infertility of the male partner was and is usually hushed and hidden, even by the whole family. The traditional beliefs confirm and affirm the autocratic and patriarchal nature of the Shona societies which deny in public the undeniable reality of man’s impotence, which they try to manage secretly by assigning a male relative to sire children on his behalf (Gelfand 1992). Chingombe et al. (2012) noted that it is a cultural taboo to publicise a man’s infertility or weakness, hence, the autocratic and patriarchal nature of the Shona culture seeks to protect and perpetuate male chauvinism. Masculinity is often associated with virility, potency and strength, while infertility is commonly associated with impotency, weakness and being effeminate. Infertility causes men to feel as though the legitimacy of their identity as a man, a husband, and a potential father is being challenged, both by society and by the man himself (Deveraux and Hammerman 1998). It is against this rigid perception of masculinity that Chitando and Chirongoma (2012: 1) proposed a shift from hegemonic masculinities to redemptive masculinities. Failure of a woman to have children can be linked to the anger of the vadzimu (ancestors), perhaps because the victim or members of her family may have done something contrary to their will. This is premised on the belief that vadzimu (ancestors) are all-knowing and all-powerful

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(Bourdillon 1998). If the ancestors are exonerated and the problem persists, the cause takes another dimension. The mother’s vadzimu are said to be of paramount importance in causing male infertility as revealed in the adage midzimu yamai yadambura mbereko (the ancestors from the mother’s side have broken the baby’s carrying cloth). Since both maternal and paternal ancestors are believed to protect and safeguard an individual’s safety and well-being, this adage denotes the fact that once the maternal ancestors have abandoned the individual, they become susceptible to all sorts of adversities. This is also influenced by the understanding that mothers are more nurturing and protecting, hence, the maternal ancestors are expected to also possess the same nurturing instincts which should act in the individual’s best interests. Some of the common causes aggravating the anger of the mother’s vadzimu include non-payment of imbwazukuru or chiredzwa (a goat or cow given to a grandmother who had raised a grandchild, which is the duty of the child’s father instead) and also mombe yeumai (a beast given to a mother when her daughter gets married) by the son-in-law (Moyo and Muhwati 2013) to appreciate her bearing his wife to be. Hence, both maternal and paternal ancestors are believed to be possible causes of infertility. If they are offended by the living, they may evoke the spiritual powers to cause this mishap. In addition to the belief in spirits, the Shona people also believe in witchcraft as a cause of infertility. This can be due to unsettled disputes of ngozi (avenging spirit), or the affected person might be a witch or has been bewitched (Moyo and Muhwati 2013). The Shona people also believe that enemies can cause infertility, especially in women. For instance, they can pick the woman’s underwear from the wash line and consult a herbalist who would manipulate some muti (medicine) that causes infertility. It can also be a jilted woman or man who can consult a traditional healer or herbalist to ‘fix’ the partner and thereby kusunga chibereko (obstructing the process of fertilisation); a condition that can only be reversed by a more powerful n’anga (traditional healer) or a herbalist or by settling matters with the jilted person (Chingombe et al. 2012). Infertility is also considered a punishment from the ancestors or a violation of ethics. According to Chigidi (2009a), the punishment for violating many avoidance rules is punished by infertility in the Shona culture. The Shona zviera (taboos) are quite rich because of their epistemic, paternalistic and moral dimensions that are employed to ensure proper behaviour in the Shona society and they are strong sanctions that discourage certain forms of human behavior (Masaka and Chemhuru 2011). For example, it

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is said that a woman should not eat the breast meat of an animal because she will not conceive or if a person is beaten with grass they will be barren. Furthermore, it is prohibited to have two women stirring sadza in the same pot at the same time because, it is said, both will become sterile (The Free Library 2014). These and many other taboos are female centred and the Shona society capitalised on its people’s obsession with the need for children. Women especially, are supposed to ensure that they conform to societal norms.

The Shona Solutions for Infertility Just as the Shona people have various beliefs concerning infertility, they equally have several intervention strategies to ensure that couples bear children. Most commonly, herbs are administered as a remedy for infertility. Parts of the tree used are the bark, leaves and roots, is used. In a survey carried out between 1994 and 2002 on plants used for curing infertility; 31 plants belonging to 17 families were discovered in Zimbabwe (Sewani-­ Rusike 2010). Most of the people interviewed could identify the shrub but they did not know the name of the plant. When samples were then taken to a botanist for identification and authentication, it is then probable that the names of the herbs used for infertility may not be known as well by the people who use them since they were not openly discussed in traditional societies (Sewani-Rusike 2010). Due to its highly patriarchal nature, the traditional Shona people would never acknowledge that a married man is infertile. There is an ideology that presents every man as fertile. In order to conceal the man’s infertility, the default solution was kupindira (to bring the brother or kin from the same clan, he would sleep with the wife so that she could conceive from the same lineage and preserve the kinship of the children to the clan) was used whether the woman agrees to it or not. This was a well-guarded secret, only close relatives would be involved in making such arrangements and sometimes even the infertile husband would be kept in the dark. The Shona people had idioms such as gomba harina mwana (when a man bears children with someone else’s wife, the children are not his), stemming from the traditional practice of kupindira (Moyo and Muhwati 2013). In support of the above, Baloyi, quoting Habel (2001: 114) states, “if it was discovered that a man was infertile, a woman would be encouraged to have sexual relations with somebody outside the marriage, preferably her husband’s next of kin” (2009: 4). Baloyi’s observation shows that such

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cases do not only happen in Shona societies, but also in neighbouring Southern African societies and possibly in other communities in the rest of Africa. Further, Baloyi (2009) also pointed to the oppression and abuse of the women by the in-laws, using barrenness as a weapon. For instance, Mercy Amba Oduyoye, a celebrated African woman theologian narrated a painful story revealing how her in-laws mistreated her because she could not conceive a child (Oduyoye 1999). Men are not subjected to this humiliation from family or society, rather they are protected from ridicule. Contrary to how women are handled in terms of infertility solutions, men’s infertility is treated through intense medical food treatment. Men are usually given traditional medicines (maguchu) prepared as concoctions or mixed with mazondo (trotters), tea or knucklebones (Moyo and Muhwati 2013). This is done to enhance sperm production and enabling them to impregnate their wives. This is still happening as very few Men’s Clinics are available for modern technology solutions. Traditional views of infertility appear to be gender insensitive and the blame is usually wholly levelled against the woman. The husband is prompted to get a second wife with the support of the whole family. The Shona culture also encouraged a marital custom called chigadzamapfiwa (substitute wife) and barika (polygamy) to make sure that children are born (Chigidi 2009b). Kimathi (1994) quoted in Baloyi (2017: 1) pointed out that the frustration of barrenness especially when the pressure is on the woman is the kind that leads the husband and wife to reach an agreement to bring another woman particularly from the wife’s siblings or relatives to bear children for the husband. This method of responding to infertility has its negative effects, for sometimes the first wife would then be treated with disrespect all her life because she did not have children. Another issue has to do with forced and loveless marriages for the wife’s relative. These marriages are normally done to appease the demands of the in-laws so that the man can have children. Most importantly, there are risks of sexually transmitted infections, especially HIV and AIDS that could bring blame and finger-pointing among partners. Hence, there are ethical and moral challenges emanating from this arrangement. All this is done to make the man feel comfortable in such a situation, at times he can even demand his bride price package (lobola) back suggesting that his wife was solely responsible and unable to fulfil the most important requirement to secure her marriage. Conversely, if the husband is impotent, the wife is not given a choice to divorce but to rectify the problem. In most cases, the woman is taken to the traditional healer for assistance. It is alleged that some treatment can

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involve therapeutic sex with healers, often in the context of spiritual and physical cleansing and it may involve the tactile manipulation of affected women’s external genitalia and inner reproductive tract and specific traditional healers were cited as being well-known for kuuchika or the successful treatment of infertility (Runganga et al. 2001). Unfortunately, due to their vulnerable position in a patriarchal setting, most women are always ready to take in any kind of medicine to protect their marriages even if it has side effects on their health and the unwanted sexual use of her body. Men resist infertility examinations out of fear of being diagnosed as the cause of the couple’s infertility problem. As noted by Hadolt and Horbst (2009), women are better prepared to bear the burden of shame and stigmatisation than their husbands. Mariano (2004) also avers that women consider it as a means to “restore equilibrium in the couple”. This confirms the feminist theory which states that men and women have different experiences and their worlds are not the same (Flax 1999: 10). Another solution used by the Shona to address infertility is by treating sare (a growth that is located at the mouth of the vagina) which is believed to be a cause of infertility in women. The issue is not openly spoken about in many Zimbabwean cultures and it is believed that it comes in male form as ‘gono’ and female form ‘hadzi’ (Sachiti 2016). Women usually undergo certain traditional procedures which include cutting off the sare for them to become pregnant. The removal of sare is some form of genital mutilation to remove the skin tags, polyps and other growth in the vaginal area by traditional healers (Mujuru 2017). These mutilations are all done in a bid to bear children, leaving women susceptible to either heavy bleeding or infections and some can even die. Thus, the Shona indigenous culture relies on the traditional medicines for all types of maladies, either physical or spiritual. Some of these medicines were and are still embroiled in taboos and myths. The Shona mundane world and the supra-world is negotiated through religious activities, rituals and festivals. According to Bourdillon (1993: 81), “the Shona people’s prayers reveal elements of spirituality such as: holiness, purity, cleanliness of heart”. So, the Shona people’s intake and use of medicine is assisted by their spirituality. If they are administered improperly, the medicines will not be effective. Addressing infertility through traditional medicines was and still is accepted and used even though some may have side effects. Because of the Shona people’s reliance and trust in spirituality, there is an integration of solutions from the African Independent Churches (AICs) and Pentecostals—in particular the New Pentecostal movements in

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Zimbabwe. Sande (2017: 57) noted that “there is a coalition of religious artefacts between Pentecostalism and ATRs forming a new hybrid of African Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe”. There is a common belief that both prophets and prophetesses within AICs and Pentecostal churches access the spiritual realm and proffer declarations, prayer and medicines as solutions to couples facing infertility.

Integrating Assisted Reproductive Technologies So many women’s empowerment programmes have been implemented by the Zimbabwean government, it becomes apparent that there should be an intentional strategy to empower women by addressing practices and traditions surrounding infertility as one of the major challenges confronting the female folk. The foregoing discussion has revealed how women in Zimbabwe are still struggling to deal with basic health issues, particularly infertility. As such, in this chapter, we are propounding for the need to pay attention to alternative solutions to infertility, in particular ARTs. There is a greater appreciation of modern medical treatment in the world, such that some few Shona people have tried the treatment. The main medical cause of infertility in Zimbabwe is recorded as tubal blockages. The cause of tubal blockages is as a result of delayed or inadequate treatment of reproductive tract infection (RTIs) diseases. These diseases cause induced infertility and accounts for the majority cases in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, five per cent of infertility cases are due to inherited or hormonal disorders (Matetakufa 1998). Regardless of the vast knowledge about the causes of infertility, in Zimbabwe there is no priority given to infertility treatment, which is a complete contrast to the attention which is given to family planning control. The National Family Planning Council of Zimbabwe (NFPC) publicises more the methods of limiting the number of babies born than availing information on possible methods of rectifying infertility. What could be lacking, as noted by Gerrits and Shaw (2010), is the importance of considering the local socio-cultural context when dealing with infertility issues. Further, there is need to develop strategies to enhance awareness about infertility health care interventions. These may involve, counselling, and demystifications about the acceptability of ARTs, and the role of donor material. Scientific reproductive treatments are varied and include ARTs that involve artificial insemination. Some of the most common ARTs include; In Vitro Fertilisation (IVF), Intrauterine Insemination (IUI) and

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Surrogacy in addition to antibiotics, fertility medicines and surgical procedures. These are now being provided at several medical centres in subSaharan Africa, and they target women. However, few studies have investigated the ways these treatments are offered, used and experienced (Gerrits and Shaw 2010). In Zimbabwe, the information on infertility treatment services is not readily available. Even a quick search on the internet avails very little information on the location of the clinics and the information is not found in the indigenous languages. To date, three internet searches appear, with one clinic in Bulawayo and one in Harare and the Avenues Clinic in Harare and these indicate several success stories on the IVF method. These success stories are not readily available to most women especially in the rural areas because, besides the fact that they lag behind in internet use, their constrained socio-economic status makes it practically impossible for them to afford the prohibitive costs for IVF. In Vitro Fertilisation In Vitro Fertilisation is a process in which the male sperm and female egg fertilise each other outside the female’s body. This process is conducted in the lab under specific circumstances then later the embryo is inserted in the woman’s womb. In this treatment, there is no sexual intercourse involved. Another way for a woman whose uterus is unable to carry a baby for nine months is to consider surrogacy. This involves another woman having the couples’ fertilised egg inserted in their womb and subsequently giving birth and probably breast feeding the baby (Hammarberg et  al. 2018). The mother of the baby will miss out on the connection with the child during pregnancy and breast feeding. IVF in other instances may be in the form of third-party ART where there is involvement of a third person in the couple’s infertility treatment in the form of sperm donation if a husband has hopelessly low sperm count that has failed to be restored or egg donation for those women who have problems in fertility restoration. This method can be hampered by the fear of illegitimate lineage for a society that believes in ancestral lineage and therefore places doubt on the child’s legitimate family lineage and totem. Much importance is placed on patrilineal descent and it is reason enough to reject the use of donor semen or even egg donation. The Shona people are well-known for being culturally embedded, hence, they also consider the third-party ART as morally and religiously incorrect. Additionally, to think about sperm banks or sperm donation is regarded as a taboo among the traditional Shona

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people. The idea that there is no sexual intercourse involved in IVF may be a bit of a comfort, however it is a source of uncertainty when it comes to the morality of having a stranger’s sperm whose blood will not be the same as the family in the context of the Shona people. Hence, the Shona traditional beliefs cause most ordinary people to have reservations on utilising IVF. It is however heartening to note that in Zimbabwe, some people are seemingly beginning to accept IVF as a method for remedying infertility and catering for sterility. IVF treatment was introduced in Zimbabwe in the late 1980s by Dr. Tony Robertson, an obstetrician and gynaecologist from the United Kingdom, but the facility closed in 2000 due to economic hardships. The facility was re-opened in 2016 by Dr. Tinovimba Mlanga. Since the facility re-opened, it has helped to bring about 60 successful live births. The doctor confirmed that the majority of his patients are local Zimbabweans (Mazvarwirofa 2020). In the year 2017, Zimbabwe recorded the first IVF birth. Further, other ongoing successful pregnancies resulted in eight test-tube babies born in 2018 at Harare Avenues Clinic (Chinembiri 2018). The cost required for the success of the procedure was and still is quite expensive for most Zimbabweans, costing between $3800–$4000 US dollars. In general, therefore, it seems that besides the moral issues of the IVF, the cost of the treatment becomes an impediment on the successful implementation of the treatment for ordinary Zimbabweans who earn salaries in local Real Time Gross Settlement (RTGS) currency that loses value almost daily. Besides, the public health sector is incapacitated because of economic hardships, hence the low responses to the treatment since it remains in the private medical practice. These huddles hover over such a potentially significant and life-changing initiative in addition to a society where a strong belief in traditional remedies is still apparent. Intra Uterine Insemination Intra Uterine Insemination (IUI) is a process whereby healthy sperms are injected into the uterus around ovulation to assist fertilisation (IVFZIM 2018). In this method, no sexual intercourse is involved. It may be difficult for the Shona people to accept this method as it is important to bear in mind that in traditional African societies, it sounds strange to have children without engaging in sexual intercourse, unless it is due to spiritual issues. The beginning of human life is from the spiritual vadzimu which is

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then manifested in the natural realm. Despite the promising results which may come through IUI, the children born in this way may live all their life with the stigma of being labelled as a normal person who was conceived unnaturally. Although there is no evidence of how spiritually such children may be affected in life, beliefs in taboos of strange births in the past, such as giving birth to twins or albinos, still linger in the Shona culture. A couple may go ahead and have the procedure without the approval of the clan if they have made such a bold decision. Among the Shona people, there are some individuals that are ultimately called ngomwa (sterile), meaning all forms of treatment would have failed for the person and the term is derogatory since the person is reminded of their condition throughout life. Also, from a sociological perspective, it is prestigious for a woman to be addressed by the name of the child (such as, “Mother of X”). As a result, the childless woman, tends to be addressed by their husband’s surname or their totemic praise name. The other negative aspect of being declared sterile is that these women will eventually be suspected of witchcraft and they are usually accused of harming other people’s children simply because they do not have children of their own. In the Shona society, a woman branded as ngomwa is then left with no hope of ever conceiving. It can thus be suggested that the modern world IUI is a possible solution for such cases which would have been condemned as helpless. Regrettably, integrating these modern infertility treatments may be hampered by the traditional beliefs that are still part of the Shona people. Mawere and Mubaya (2014) argued that the way people deal with gender issues and family dynamics has an impact on how a couple facing infertility can seek help. Often, women visit fertility clinics on their own (Gerrits and Shaw 2010), this is because the burden and stigma associated with infertility fall on them. This corresponds to the cultural feminist theory which argues that men oppress women in all aspects. Furthermore, cultural feminism points to moral grounding for men whereby they claim that they cannot help oppressing women (Ferguson 1996). Various studies like that conducted by Gerrits and Shaw (2010) about infertility in sub-Saharan Africa show that dealing with infertility is affected by socio-cultural, economic and health care options.

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Medication and Surgery The modern medical treatment of infertility is through the use of medicines. The ingestion of fertility medicines and hormonal medicines for women to promote ovulation is an easily accepted medical method of infertility treatment. It can therefore be assumed that the Shona people of Zimbabwe undoubtedly accept the use of medicines because they resemble their traditional usage of herbal medicine to treat infertility. Studies have shown that the treatment of sexually transmitted diseases (STIs) with antibiotics is also part of infertility treatment and it is an option available in the public health care sectors across Africa (Gerrits and Shaw 2010). Also, accepting medicines may not be a challenge for some women because of the contraceptive medicines that have become commonly accepted. The emergence of common ailments in the society has in a way increased the positive perceptive about taking medicines. However, taking medicines is also regarded as a ‘private’ issue. Many people are not comfortable with taking medicines publicly because of fear of stigmatisation and shame. In this light, liberal feminists encourage critical analyses of all the things happening in the social world from multiple contexts, especially in conditions that affect the lives of women (Kolmar and Bartkowski 2000). Surgery is also another medical treatment that is available for treating infertility. According to Njanji-Matetakufa (1998), for men the ability to produce quality semen can be affected by prolonged and recurrent infections; and in women, Pelvic Inflammatory Diseases (PIDs) can lead to blockage or scarring of fallopian tubes. For most women, PIDs may manifest as occasional abdominal pain and because of that, it can be easily dismissed as menstrual or ovulation pain. As a result, some PIDs often go untreated. A surgical procedure for women such as Hysteroscopic Surgery in cases of uterine-related problems can be undertaken to restore fertility. In men, a procedure is done to retrieve sperms directly from the testicles in cases where the sperm is not present in semen (IVF Centre 2019). Surgery, however, can only happen if the couple has managed to seek medical help. A visit to the medical doctor then points to the real person with the infertility problem, unlike in the traditional beliefs where the problem is unfairly heaved on the shoulders of the woman. To avoid stigma, the advantage of surgery is that even though the couple may accept surgery as a remedy for infertility, they may still keep it as a secret and they can mention some other medical condition as the reason for surgery instead.

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Conclusion Our main argument in this chapter is that ARTs are an alternative solution to the problem of infertility in the Zimbabwean Shona Society. The adverse experience of infertility is largely shaped by patriarchy within the Zimbabwean society. Women are largely held responsible for infertility and they carry the blame and stigma of infertility. If the men are infertile, the family would cover it up by allowing a family member to have sexual intercourse with the wife in order to sire children on his behalf. In this case, the treatment of infertility is a gendered issue. Shona people believe that the causes of infertility are more spiritual than biological. As such, treating infertility involves consulting traditional healers and making use of herbal treatment. The modern medical treatment to infertility uses the ARTs which include artificial insemination such as IVF, IUI, surrogacy, the use of antibiotics, fertility medicines, and surgical procedures, yet still, the bulk of the treatment falls on the women biologically. However, these ARTs have not found acceptance and they remain unpopular in the Zimbabwean Shona society which is deeply embedded in its indigenous culture and spirituality. In cases where couples consider ATRs, the women cannot make the decisions alone and worse still, in most cases, they have to seek the approval of the extended family. This has motivated us to proffer that embracing ARTs and integrating gender mainstreaming has the potential to bring notable milestones in achieving fertility which will consequently usher in women’s emancipation and general societal acceptance. Cultural feminism commends the positive aspects of what is seen as the female character or feminine personality. Cultural feminism is a theory that praises the positive aspects of women. Therefore, women will make informed decisions about their bodies since the ARTs are mainly female centred. In conclusion, our chapter proposes that in an endeavour to fulfil the targets of SDG 3, Zimbabwe’s government would do well to commit adequate resources towards revamping the crumbling public health sector. Chiefs and traditional leaders can be co-opted to introduce the discussions on ATRs in grassroots societies. This would also entail rethinking women’s emancipation through prioritising modern and verified medical interventions in addressing infertility.

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References Aseffa, F. 2011. Socio-cultural Perceptions of Infertility and Their Implications: A Study of Women Experiencing Childlessness in South Gondar, Ethiopia. Norway: Universitas Bergensis. Awoniyi, S. 2015. African Cultural Values: The Past, Present and Future. Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa 17 (1): 1–13. Baloyi, M.E. 2009. Critical Reflections on Infertility in Black African Christian Communities’. Practical Theology in South Africa 24 (2): 1–15. ———. 2017. Gendered Character of Barrenness in an African Context: An African Pastoral Article. In die Skriflig 51 (1): 1–7. Bourdillon, M.F.C. 1993. Where Ae Ancestors? Changing Cuture in Zimbabwe. Harare: University of Zimbabwe. ———. 1998. The Shona Peoples: Ethnography of the Contemporary Shona, with Special reference to Their Religion. Gweru: Mambo Press. Casey, A. 2011. The Use and Limitations of Oral Tradition in the New Testament and the Implications for Theology in Oral Contexts Today. Viewed 20 January 2020. Accessed 30 January 2020. http://culturnicity.files.wordpress. com/2011/04/sufficiency-­of-­oral-­theology-­post.pdf. Chigidi, W.L. 2009a. Moral Dimensions of Some Shona Taboos (Zviera). The Journal of Pan African Studies 3 (1): 174–187. ———. 2009b. Shona Taboos: The Language of Manufacturing Fears for Sustainable Development. Journal of Pan African Studies 3 (1): 1–7. Chinembiri, C. 2018. 8 Test Tube Babies Born in Zimbabwe. Bulawayo 24 Hour. Accessed 26 January 2020. https://bulawayo24.com/index-­id-­news-­sc-­ national-­byo-­131621.html. Chingombe, A., Mandova, E., and Nenji, S. 2012. ‘Perception and management of human fertility: A Shona landscape’. International Journal of Management and Sustainability 1 (1): 1–12. Chitando, E., and S.  Chirongoma. 2012. Redemptive Masculinities: Men, HIV, and Religion. World Council of Churches: Zapf Chancery Publishers Africa. Deveraux, L.L., and A.N.  Hammerman. 1998. Infertility and Identity: New Strategies for Treatment. San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Ferguson, A. 1996. Can I Choose Who I Am? And How Would that Empower Me? Gender, Race, Identities and The Self. In Women, Knowledge, and Reality: Exploration in Feminist Philosophy, ed. A.  Garry and M.  Perarsall, 108–126. New York: Routledge. Flax, J. 1999. Women Do Theory. In Women and Values: Readings in Recent Feminist Philosophy, ed. M. Pearsall, 9–13. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Gelfand, M. 1992. The Genuine Shona Survival Values of an African Culture. Gweru: Mambo Press.

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Gerrits, T., and M. Shaw. 2010. Biomedical Infertility Care in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Social Science Review of Current Practices, Experiences and View Points. Facts, View and Vision. www.ncbl.nlm.nihogor. Habel, N.C. 2001. The earth story in the Psalms and the prophets. Cleaveland: Sheffield Academic Press. Hammarberg, K., A.  Trounson, J.  McBain, P.  Matthews, T.  Robertson, F. Robertson, C. Magli, T. Mhlanga, T. Makurumure, and F. Marechera. 2018. Improving Access to ART in Low-Income Settings Through Knowledge Transfer: A Case Article from Zimbabwe. Human Reproduction Open. Accessed 18 January 2020. https://doi.org/10.1093/hropen/hoy017. In Vitro Fertilization (IVF) Centre. 2019. Accessed 20 December 2019. https:// www.ivfdelhi.in/faqs.html. In Vitro Fertilization Zimbabwe (IVFZIM). 2018. Accessed 21 December 2019. https://ivfzim.com/. Kimathi, G. 1994. Your Marriage and Family. Potchefstroom: IRS. Kolmar, W.K., and F. Bartkowski. 2000. Feminist Theory: A Reader. Mount View, CA: Mayfield Publishing Company. Laryea, E.M. 2011. Religio-Cultural Perspective of Infertility and its Treatment: A Case Article of the people of Ghana. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana. Lay, K. 2007. A Critique of Feminist Theory. Advances in Social Work 8 (1): 49–61. Manyonganise, M. 2015. Oppressive and Liberative: A Zimbabwean Women’s Reflections on Ubuntu. Verbum et Ecclesia 36 (2): 1–7. Mariano, R. 2004. “Expansão pentecostal no Brasil: o caso da Igreja Universal”. Estudos Avançados 18 (52): 121–138. Masaka, D., and M. Chemhuru. 2011. Moral Dimensions of Some Shona Taboos (Zviera). Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa 13 (3): 1–17. Matetakufa, N.S. 1998. Infertility. New Internationalist. Accessed 19 January 2020. https://newint.org/features/1998/07/05/infertility. Mawere, M., and T.R. Mubaya. 2014. African Cultures, Memory and Space. Living the Past Presence in Zimbabwean Heritage: Living the Past Presence in Zimbabwean Heritage. Oxford: African Books Collective. muse.jhu.edu/ book/34711. Mazvarwirofa, K. 2020. Fertility Treatment in Zimbabwe Helps Women Overcome Shame and Secrecy, But is Still Out of Reach for Most. Global Press Journal. Accessed 23 January 2020. http://globalpressnewsservice.com/product/ fertility-­treatment-­in-­zimbabwe-­helps-­women-­overcome-­shame-­and-­secrecy-­ but-­is-­still-­out-­of-­reach-­for-­most/. Moyo, S., and I.  Muhwati. 2013. Socio-Cultural Perspectives on Causes and Intervention Strategies of Male Infertility: A Case Article of Mhondoro-Ngezi, Zimbabwe. African Journal of Reproductive Health 17 (2): 89–101.

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Muguti, M., and N.  Sande. 2019. Women’s Sexualised Bodies: Dealing with Women’s Sexual Autonomy in Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe. In The Bible and Gender Troubles in Africa, BiAS 22, ed. Joachim Kugler, Rosinah Gabaitse, and Johanna Stiebert, 185–201. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press. Mujuru, L. 2017. In Zimbabwe, Warnings About Traditional Healers’ Vaginal Procedure Don’t Stop Women. Global Press Journal. Accessed 4 January 2020. https://globalpressjournal.com/africa/zimbabwe/zimbabwe-­w arnings-­ traditional-­healers-­vaginal-­procedure-­dont-­stop-­women/. Oduyoye, Mercy Amba. 1999. A Coming Home to Myself: The Childless Woman in the West African Space. In Liberating Eschatology: Essys in Honor of Letty M.  Russel, ed. Margaret A.  Farley and Serene Jones, 105–120. Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster John Knox Press. Olupona, J.K., ed. 1991. African Traditional Religions in Contemporary Society. New York: Paragon House. Runganga, A.O., J.  Sundby, and P.  Aggleton. 2001. Culture, Identity and Reproductive Failure in Zimbabwe. London: SAGE Publications. Sachiti, R. 2016. Cut Us, We Want Babies. The Herald. Accessed 15 January 2020. https://www.herald.co.zw/cut-­us-­we-­want-­babies/. Sande, N. 2017. The Impact of the Coalition of Pentecostalism and African Traditional Religion (ATR) Religious Artifacts in Zimbabwe: The Case of United Family International (UFI). Journal for the Study of the Religious of Africa and Its Diaspora 3 (1): 46–59. Sewani-Rusike, C.R. 2010. Plants of Zimbabwe Used as Anti Fertility Agents. African Journal of Traditional, Complementary and Alternative Medicines 7 (3): 253–257. https://doi.org/10.4314/ajtcam.v7i3.54785. The Free Library. 2014. Shona Taboos: The Language of Manufacturing Fears for Sustainable Development. Accessed 30 January 2020. https://www.thefreelib r a r y. c o m / S h o n a + t a b o o s % 3 a + t h e + l a n g u a g e + o f + m a n u f a c t u r i n g + fears+for+sustainable...-­a0306757723. World Health Organisation. 1987. WHO Laboratory Manual for the Examination of Human Semen and Semen Cervical Mucus Interaction. Singapore: Press Concern.

CHAPTER 4

Zimbabwean Women’s Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights: Ethical and Moral Implications of the Proposed New Marriage Bill Joseph Muyangata

Introduction For several decades, Zimbabwe has been using marriage laws that were established a really long time ago as evidenced by the current existing dual legal system (a combination of the General and African customary law) that was established in 1891 during the colonial Zimbabwe (Rhodesia). This duality of laws and norms was preserved and adopted in Section 81 of the Independence Constitution (Ncube 1989). Welsh Ncube (Ncube 1990: 1) states, Zimbabwe, having inherited laws that were heavily loaded against women both under the general law [Roman-Dutch Common Law and Statute Law]

J. Muyangata (*) Living Waters Theological Seminary, Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_4

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and Customary law [the law of the indigenous people of Zimbabwe) at the time of independence has faced the question of finding a fair and equitable system for the re-allocation of the property of spouses upon the dissolution of their marriage either by divorce or death.

Problems and the conflict of laws have raised the need for changing these laws. In 2017, a Marriage Bill that sought to complement as well as unify existing marriage laws in Zimbabwe, was proposed. The proposed Marriage Bill’s intention was to rope into alignment the marriage laws with the provisions of the Constitution of Zimbabwe. Hence, its relevance in informing the current parliamentary debates on the Marriage Bill, which seeks to repeal and replace Section 5.07 of the Customary Marriages Act and Section 5.11 of the Marriage Act. Tambudzai Gonese-Manjonjo (2019), a lawyer at the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC) contends, The possibility of maintaining validity of customary law unions whilst encouraging registration of such marriages should be seriously pursued, perhaps through a vigorous consultative process, and also with regard to foreign law, like the case in South Africa, where customary law marriages are recognized as valid despite not being registered. Registration is encouraged for purposes of proof. (Gonese-Manjonjo 2019)

Effecting these changes would also impact on all forms of life in Zimbabwe with a major effect on religious norms and values as well as women’s sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR). It also beckons the need to examine the Marriage Bill’s ethical and moral implications. Therefore, there is also need for contextualization as Scott Panashe Mamimine, the Guest Columnist for the popular Zimbabwean newspaper, Newsday argues, The Bill must be contextualized to reflect the religious, moral, societal values and convictions of the people of Zimbabwe. Section 2 (1) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe is relevant and speaks volumes in respect of societal values. It reads: “This Constitution is the supreme law of Zimbabwe and any law, practice, custom or contract inconsistent with it is invalid to the extent of the inconsistency. The obligations imposed by this Constitution are binding on every person. Natural or juristic, including the State and all executive, legislative and judicial institutions and agencies of government at every level, and must be fulfilled by them.” (Mamimine 2019)

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This focus of discussion in this chapter is aimed toward the sections that cover religions, customs and traditions as relating to marriage laws in Zimbabwe. The main aim being to explore the implications of the debates emerging from this Marriage Bill and to probe whether it ensures the protection of the players in marriage from sexual and gender-based violence, mistreatment, and prejudicial as well as inhumane annulment of marriages. Since more women than men have been on the receiving end of the inherent injustices enshrined in customary and judicial legislations on marriage, the chapter seeks to ascertain whether the proposed Marriage Bill is their friend or foe particularly in light of their SRHR. Granted, this chapter acknowledges that law reforms are quite broad and that there are myriad views attached to those views. Hence, its non-exhaustive approach.

Background Initially, Zimbabwe’s marriage laws were segmented and fragmented into different Acts: the customary law marriage and the civil marriage. Tambudzai Gonese-Manjonjo (2019) unpacked the different Acts as follows, The laws regulating significant aspects of the different marriage regimes are contained in several pieces of legislation namely, the Marriage Act (Chapter 5.11), which governs civil marriages, Customary Marriages Act (Chapter 5.07), covering customary law marriage, Married Persons Property Act, detailing the marital property regime, Matrimonial Causes Act, regulating property distribution, maintenance and other issues upon dissolution of marriage; the Customary Law and Local Courts Act, which has provisions regulating customary law applying to marriage (e.g. polygamy and dissolution of unregistered customary law marriages), the Administration of Estates Act, which governs succession upon death of spouses, and modifies certain aspects of marriage laws relating to deceased estates subject to customary law; the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act which defines and imposes penalties for prohibited marriage (including bigamy) and the Domestic Violence Act, which penalizes forced marriage and pledging of girls into marriage.

The current fragmentation of the Marriage Acts of Zimbabwe clearly brought about the need to converge the governance of marriages as a unified single Act. Nonetheless, there will surely be merits and demerits to the

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changes once they are turned into law. There are also ethical and moral implications attached to these changes.

Methodology Textual analysis, which according to Allen (2017), “is a methodology that involves understanding language, symbols, and/or pictures present in texts to gain information regarding how people make sense of and communicate life and experiences,” will be applied in interpreting Zimbabwe’s draft Marriage Bill. This is done through, citing mainstream media such as newspapers, as a way of eliciting public views to the Bill. Gender analysis is used as the theoretical framework for this chapter in interpreting this Marriage Bill. According to Jhpiego (2014), Gender analysis presents a variety of approaches and methods used for systematically examining the differences between the roles that women and men play, responsibilities they have, the different levels of power they hold, their differing needs, constraints and opportunities, and how all these differences impact their lives.

Hunt’s definition is further supported by USAID’s Automated Directive System 205 which provides illustrative questions related to fives domains which this chapter will engage in, which are: “1) Laws, regulations, and institutional practices; 2) Cultural norms and beliefs; 3) Gender roles, responsibilities, and time used; 4) Access to and control over assets and resources; and 5) Patterns of power and decision-making” (Jhpiego 2014: 616). This may be achieved by analyzing existing secondary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe, the old Marriage Acts, gender analysis and researches and debates by the Parliamentarians, public and media. The author of this chapter acknowledges that although laws change with the times, whenever confronted with social instability, conservatism is advisable. Bertrand Russell (Russell, online) defines conservatism (or conservativism) as, “any political philosophy that favors tradition (in the sense of various religious, cultural, or nationally-defined beliefs and customs) in the face of external forces for change, and is critical of proposals for radical social change”. Conservatism’s central tenets include but not limited to slow reformation of society, preservation of status quo, tradition, organic society, authority and property rights. According to the

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Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2019), “conservatism, despite appealing to tradition, is also a response to the challenges of modernity.” It seeks to emphasize the basic need for the principles of transcendent moral order, refusing a separation between the ideal and the practical, as viewed through the lenses of natural laws to which society should sanction its prudence. This inevitably invokes moral and ethical implications.

The Zimbabwe Draft Marriage Bill After about two years of debates and conversations, conferences as well and researches since 2017, a draft Marriage Bill was put in place in 2019. This Marriage Bill, 2019, repeals and replaces the current Customary Marriages Act [Chapter 5:07] and the Marriage Act [Chapter 5:11]. These two Acts, just like the true definition of marriage, “shall become one” as there will be one Act of Parliament governing marriages in Zimbabwe. Inevitably, the new Act will also update the law in line with the Constitution. The Bill endeavors to merge all laws relating to marriages; to provide for the recognition and registration of customary law unions; to provide for the recognition of civil partnerships; to amend the Child Abduction Act [Chapter 5:05], the Children’s Act [Chapter 5:06], the Guardianship of Minors Act [Chapter 5:08], the Maintenance Act [Chapter 5:09], the Matrimonial Causes Act [Chapter 5:13], the General Law Amendment Act [Chapter 8:07], and the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act [Chapter 9:23]; to repeal the Customary Marriages Act [Chapter 5:07] and the Marriage Act [Chapter 5:11]; and to provide for matters connected with or incidental to the foregoing. (Gonese-­ Manjonjo 2019)

At the top of this Marriage Bill are issues of gender equality (Section 3(1) (g) of the Constitution); recognition of the rights of women, youths and children (Section 3(2) (i) (iii) of the Constitution); the recognition of the rights of cultural groups (Section 3(2)(i)(i)); the preservation of cultural values and practices which enhance the dignity, well-being and equality of people (Section 16(1)); Section 26 of the Constitution with respect to the requirement of free and full consent to marriage by the intending spouses; the ban on the pledging of children in marriage; the equality of rights and obligations of spouses during marriage and at dissolution;

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provision for the protection of any children of a marriage upon the dissolution of marriage whether by divorce or on death; the paramountcy of the best interests of the child (Section 19(1) and 81(2) of the Constitution), a child being a person under the age of 18  years (Section 81(1) of the Constitution); the right of any person who has attained the age of 18 to found a family, not to be compelled to enter into marriage against their will and the prohibition of same sex marriages (Section 78 of the Constitution); protection of children from sexual exploitation (Section 81(1)(e)); the supremacy of the Constitution which, in Section 2(1), invalidates any law, practice, custom or conduct which is inconsistent with the Constitution.

Definitions In order to avoid any misunderstanding, the Marriage Bill, in Section 2 gives definitions of terms it uses. It also highlights some new terms that are awash in the Bill. The Bill defines new and significant words such as; “betrothal”, “civil marriage”, “civil partnership” which is more fully explained in clause 40 of the Bill, and “marriage”. The term “marriage” which encapsulates both “civil marriages” and “customary law marriages” refers to marriages formally solemnized or registered in terms of this Bill. This is to distinguish them from any other union which is not so solemnized or registered. The definition of “marriage officer” has been widened to include Chiefs, in their areas of jurisdiction, with respect to customary law marriages. (Marriage Bill 2019: 3)

Those terms not listed above are assumed to be fairly straightforward.

Proposed Changes The Marriage Bill seeks to address and bring changes to the marriage laws in Zimbabwe. These proposed changes will have far reaching consequences in light of customary approaches as well as registration of or registered marriage approaches. Of note, these changes will address the property rights and matrimonial property, registration and validity of marriages, child marriages, monogamy, polygamy, and the creation of a centralized registry. The Bill seeks to balance and unify all marriage laws under

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one Act and embellish it by bringing together different requirements found in other laws. It also criminalizes acts like child marriages and bigamy. These are not small changes as they will definitely upset the structure of marriages as they have been known to be before. The indigenous people of Zimbabwe have been practicing customary marriage since time immemorial and now this pervasive marriage practice is being put under scrutiny. According to Tambudzai Gonese-Manjonjo, this “system did not require any type of registration for the marriage to be recognized as valid until the colonial era, when a registration requirement for customary marriages was introduced” (Gonese-Manjonjo 2019). Even after the registration of marriages was introduced, unregistered customary law marriages have continued to exist to date but they are not governed by or recognized under the marriage laws. This has exposed the parties involved, particularly women, to the susceptibility of either being dispossessed or disinherited upon the dissolution of the marriage or after the spouse’s death.

Registration and Validity of Marriages in Zimbabwe Solemnization of Customary Law Marriages The Bill, according to Sections (15) which discusses the “Solemnization of customary law marriages” and Section (16) which discusses Unregistered customary law unions seems to take cognizance of the fact that only civil and customary marriages are acceptable marriages under the law. With such acknowledgment, the Bill requires these marriages to therefore be formally registered. This is a positive development which inevitably brings customary marriages to the fore of central marriage registry for all marriages. Unfortunately, the objections procedure outlined in Section 27 of the Bill seems to quickly shoot the customary marriages in the foot as unregistered customary law unions are not recognized. It however, may continue to be recognized only under customary laws. Section (16) 3, states; Failure to register a marriage contracted at customary law does not affect the validity of the marriage at customary law with respect to the status, guardianship, custody and the rights of succession of the children of such marriage. (Marriage Bill 2019: 16)

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Some of the customary marriage practices under the new laws will now be illegal and necessitating legal consent or descent to be practiced. As such, Any person who refuses to answer, or willfully gives a false answer to, any question put to him or her in terms of Subsection (2) shall be guilty of an offence and liable to a fine not exceeding level 4 or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding three months or to both such fine and such imprisonment. (Marriage Bill 2019: 15)

Part VII of this Bill, comprising of Offences and Miscellaneous Provisions, Section 38 invokes the penalty for failure to comply with section 35 which details the procedures to be followed by a marriage officer in making entries into the marriage register book and duplicate original registers and the particulars to be entered. It clearly states, Any marriage officer who knowingly fails to comply with Section 35 shall be guilty of an offence and liable to a fine not exceeding level 5 to imprisonment for a period not exceeding six months or to both such fine and such imprisonment. (Marriage Bill 2019: 38)

Furthermore, Section 39 goes on to address the penalties for solemnizing marriage contrary to the new Act and for false representation or statement. It specifically highlights the illegalities and charges attached to them as follows, Any marriage officer who knowingly solemnizes a marriage in contravention of this Act or any person who makes, for any of the purposes of this Act, any false representation or false statement knowing it to be false, shall be guilty of an offence and liable to a fine not exceeding level 10 or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding five years or to both such fine and such imprisonment. (Marriage Bill 2019: 39)

These new regulations will definitely impact on the customary marriages’ laws. Gonese-Munjonjo, argues, “The UCLU [unregistered customary law unions] and the customary law marriage have the same origins, being marriages between ‘Africans’ conducted in accordance with custom, but have different status” (Gonese-Manjonjo 2019). This creates a dilemma on how the unregistered customary law unions could be distinguished from the customary law marriages since both have the same

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foundations only separated by the need to register or not to register them. It also renders the unregistered customary law marriages invalid according to the law, this makes it vulnerable to abuses. This also includes the fact that the partners in such a marriage are protected by registered marriage general law stipulations. Looking at it from a gender perspective, more women than men are likely to suffer from the consequences of the proposed Marriage Bill as illustrated below. Religious Marriages Part III of the Bill provides for marriage officers with Section 8, stating that all magistrates are marriage officers in the districts in which they hold office and Section 9, states that Chiefs, as well as magistrates, are marriage officers in customary law marriages in the areas in which they hold office. Religious leaders are not left out as Section 10 designates the place of the ministers of religion. The Bill states, The Minister may, at the request of the authority governing any religious denominations or organization, designate any person holding a responsible position in any such religious denomination or organization to be a marriage officer for the purpose of solemnizing marriages according to Christian, Jewish, Islamic or Hindu rites or the rites of any religion, and such person shall, for the purposes of this Act, be known as a minister of religion. (Marriage Bill 2019: 10)

The Registrar however shall keep a register in the prescribed manner of all persons designated by the Minister in terms of Subsection (1) as marriage officers. Therefore, religious ministers are only authorized to solemnize religious marriages and not customary law marriages. According to the proposed Bill, not all ministers of religion are authorized to solemnize marriages. These stipulations have a major bearing on the place of religion, particularly the role of ministers of religion which has always been ascribed considerable importance even by some couples who are not even adherents of any particular church. There are requirements that the minister of religion must meet, including being authorized by the Registrar of Marriages to do so. This part seems imbalanced, it is in clear contrast to all Chiefs and all Magistrates who are allowed to solemnize marriages in their areas of jurisdiction without needing authorization from the Registrar of Marriages. This may lead to a misunderstanding and

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crossing of boundaries by the ministers of religion who would presume that by virtue of being ministers of religion, they can automatically solemnize marriages. The Bill, however, tries to give a leeway to those religious ministers who will act in ignorance. The Bill, under Section 11 states, If a person has acted as a marriage officer in the bona fide belief that he or she is a marriage officer when in fact he was not, the Minister may direct in writing that the person is deemed to have been a marriage officer during the period he or she so acted. The marriages so solemnized shall be valid if there was no lawful impediment to the marriage and if the marriage was solemnized in accordance with the law.

Nonetheless, the offender, regardless of his/her bona fide beliefs born out of ignorance of the law shall face the consequences of the law being liable to prosecution for acting as an unauthorized marriage officer. Religious Blessing of Marriages Ministers of religion are also allowed by law to bless their members’ marriages as stipulated in Section 33, Nothing in this Part shall be construed as precluding a minister of religion or a person holding a responsible position in a religious denomination or organization from (a) blessing, according to the rites of his or her religious denomination or organization, any marriage contracted within or outside Zimbabwe; or (b) making such entries and issuing such documents as may be required by rules or regulations made by his or her religious denomination or organization in connection with the religious blessing of marriages, if such entry or document does not purport to have been made or issued in terms of this Act. (Marriage Bill 2019: 33)

Therefore, it is the duty of the minister of religion to inform the parties that the blessing is not recognized as a marriage under the law. Legally, a union that has only been blessed by either an authorized or an unauthorized minister of religion but not solemnized according to the marriage laws of Zimbabwe is not recognized as a marriage.

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Civil Partnerships and the New Marriage Bill The Bill brings in another aspect of marriage called “Civil partnerships.” The Bill itself defines Civil partnership as, A relationship between a man and a woman who are both over the age of eighteen years; and have lived together without legally being married to each other; and are not within the degrees of affinity or consanguinity as provided in section 7; and having regard to all the circumstances of their relationship, have a relationship as a couple living together on a genuine domestic basis; shall be regarded as being in a civil partnership for the purposes of determining the rights and obligations of the parties on dissolution of the relationship and, for this purpose, Sections 7 to 11 of the Matrimonial Causes Act [Chapter 5:13] shall mutatis mutandis apply on the dissolution of any such relationship. (Marriage Bill 2019: 7)

This definition may be a bit problematic as it raises issues of morality particularly from a Christian perspective. There are ethical implications also as the circumstances outlined in the above definition of civil partnership are reliant on some of this but not limited to, “whether a sexual relationship exists, the degree of financial dependence or interdependence, and any arrangements for financial support, between them; the ownership, use and acquisition of their property.” In as much as a marriage or rules for marriage demand that there is mutual consent and mutual understanding of each other for a marriage to be established, the new Bill states that it is the court’s duty to determine whether a civil partnership exists, existed or not. According to the Bill, “A civil partnership exists notwithstanding that one or both of the persons are legally married to someone else or are in another civil partnership.” This creates a dilemma as to whether the Bill itself encourages adultery, extramarital affairs, or supports polygamy in a disguised manner. Another major criticism raised against the proposed Bill is the juxtaposition of masculinities versus the femininities coined in the civil partnership’s intend. Ehe als Ernstfall der Geschlechterdifferenz (2011) succinctly puts it across as follows, Thus, a man maintains three relationships with women: hetaerae to satisfy sexual desire, concubines to take care of personal hygiene, and wives for the legitimate “production of children.” Obviously, carnal desire, the lust-based joining together of the sexes, had, on the surface, very little to do with the

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institutionally and contractually regulated cohabitation of men and women in marriage. Marriage was a utilitarian institution that served to maintain the clan or the nation through procreation. Sexual contact within marriage, therefore, was primarily or exclusively for the purpose of reproduction, as has been unanimously confirmed by many ancient authors.

The pertinent question that arises is, since there is a potential of a civil partnership becoming a polygamous marriage, whereas civil marriage is only supposed to be monogamous, how is this conflict handled? Is civil partnership only recognized where there has not been an existing marriage since a person cannot be married under both the general law and customary law at the same time? What was the purpose of including this in the new Marriage Bill? Much is left to be desired at this point. Several church leaders have expressed their disdain on the proposed Bill which has attracted the media’s attention. For instance, in one of the local newspapers News Day, Sibonginkosi Maphosa reported that, “Bulawayo residents and church leaders [on June 19th, 2019] called for the abandonment of Section 40 of the Marriages Act Amendment Bill, saying it is likely to influence unchaste behavior, leading to a situation akin to biblical Sodom and Gomorrah” (Maphosa 2019). In the same newspaper article, Pastor Mzizi from the Jabula New Life Covenant Church defined the Bill as an instrument which will be used to fuel adultery. He expressed his sentiments as follows, “This proposal to me seems to be pushing the country into a devil’s pit and honestly, we are going to be like Sodom and Gomorrah mentioned in the Bible” (Maphosa 2019). Another component of the proposed Bill which has elicited a lot of backlash, has to do with Section 6 which proposes that spouses have equal rights and obligations during marriage and at its dissolution. The Bill’s interpretation of “marital benefits” in this section is especially irksome to married women. This is due to the fact that the Bill gives room for parties in a “civil partnership” to be entitled to some financial or material benefits upon dissolution of the partnership. According parties in a civil partnership the same status as those in a registered marriage as proposed in the Marriage Bill has raised a lot of consternation especially among married women who feel that this will infringe on their rights to matrimonial property. This emerges from their realization of the fact that they might end up being forced to share the matrimonial property with their husband’s mistresses or children born as a result of the husband’s extramarital affairs. In a News Day article (2019) MaNxumalo, a Bulawayo resident who attended

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a meeting organized by a civic society group to unpack the proposed amendments to the Marriages Act section 40, condemned this proposed Bill in the following words, “a nation can only be built on strong family institutions and destroying them is akin to tearing the very fabric holding the nation together” (NewsDay 2019). In its (the Bill) defense, legal practitioners have tried to explain the rationale behind the contentious clause on “marital benefits” in Section 6. Zvamaida Murwira (2020) of Harare Bureau quoted Attorney General Advocate Prince Machaya saying, “It [civil partnership] is not a recognized marriage, it was merely out of consideration of fairness that when these people move apart, the one who is more economically empowered should not use that power to the detriment of another part, that was the sole purpose of referring to it as a civil partnership.” Partners in the civil partnership still have sexual benefits, material benefits as well as other rights. Yet, if clause 6 was to be put in context, it addresses the plight of women in unregistered marriages or those who are cohabiting who, “previously were regarded as having no legal capacity and were treated as perpetual minors. Equality at dissolution of marriage must be understood within the context of the proprietary regime governing the marriage concerned” (Marriage Bill 2019: 6). From a Christian ethical point of view, equating the rights of parties in civil partnerships with those in an officially registered marriage is unthinkable. The furor ignited by this clause could have been properly clarified if the Bill had addressed the Property rights and matrimonial property issues.

Child Marriage/Marriage for Minors In the new Marriage Bill, any marriage or unregistered customary law marriage contracted on or before 20 January 2016, at the instance of the party who was a child at the time of the marriage, or at the instance of a third party in the interests of the protection of the rights of a child or a victim of crime is now void and voidable marriage. This is due to the proposed Bill’s commitment toward protecting children from abuses, forced marriages and abduction. According to this Bill’s Section (47) Amendment of section 2 of Cap. 5:05, (Marriage Bill 2019: 47) a child is anyone under 18 years old: The Child Abduction Act [Chapter 5:05] is amended in section 2 (“Interpretation”) by the repeal of the definition of “child” and the

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s­ubstitution of—“child”, notwithstanding Article 4 of the Convention, means a person under the age of eighteen years.

This is a shift or change from the previous definition of a child as shown further in Section (48), Amendment of sections 2 and 47 of Cap. 5:06, The Children’s Act [Chapter 5:06] is amended—(a) in Section 2 (Interpretation), in the definition of—(a) “child”, by the deletion of “sixteen” and the substitution of “eighteen”; (b) “legal guardian”, by the deletion of “and includes a husband of a girl who is under the age of eighteen years of age”. (b) in Section 47 (Transfer of certain parental powers), by the deletion from subsection (4) of “or the power to consent to marriage of a pupil, child or young person.”

These changes leave no room for misunderstanding who a child is or not. Therein, it distinctively highlights the minimum age for any type of Zimbabwean marriages. This fully protects children from any illegal or forced marriages. Gonese-Manjonjo writes, The clear penalty stipulations are welcome as well, in that it also makes knowledge of the law accessible and contained in one law, as opposed to the scattered provisions in other statutes like the Criminal Code and the Domestic Violence Act. (Gonese-Manjonjo 2019)

However, as highlighted above, it may be necessary to have more comprehensive provisions addressing the issues and implications of child marriage as outlined in the Model Law, if not in the marriage laws, perhaps in other specific legislation.

Interpretation of the New Marriage Bill in Light of Women’s SRHR and Related Matters1 In a nutshell, the Bill re-enacts a marriage law that complies with the various provisions of the Constitution with the intention of harmonizing them into one Act of Parliament that governs all Zimbabwean marriages. Once this Marriage Bill has been gazetted, it becomes a law and the 1  It is worth noting that there are many legal and technical terms used in this Marriage Bill and as usual they are subject to interpretation. Any misinterpretation of the clauses, terms and meanings in this Bill would misguide and misdirect the conversation thereof. I therefore,

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supremacy of the Constitution which, in section 2 (1), invalidates any law, practice, custom or conduct which is inconsistent with the Constitution. The Bill is expected to address several SRHR concerns which women grapple with all the time. The main thrust of the Bill is to usher in balance and gender equality as well as to preserve the rights of children, women and cultural groups. It is also intended to preserve cultural values and practices which enhance the dignity, well-being and equality of people. This is evidenced by the amendment of the age one can become marriageable from 16 years to 18 years: this is the paramountcy of the best interests of the child. The Bill also clearly defines the right of any person who has attained the age of 18 to found a family, without cohesion to enter into marriage against their will. Contrary to the misinterpretation of civil partnership to mean same sex marriages, this Bill prohibits same sex marriages in accordance with Section 78 of the Constitution. However, what seems unclear which has been left hanging is whether civil partners are an undertone of polygamy or simply unrecognized marriage. In response to this gray area, Murwira (2020) quoted the Foreign Affairs and International Trade Minister Dr. Sibusiso Moyo who commented on the implications of the clause as follows, “Cabinet resolved that it should not be seen as if it was condoning illegal activities.” On the contrary, he further said, “Cabinet in its wisdom resolved that we must remain principled and in line so that we will not necessarily encourage illegal activities to take place by appearing as if we are legislating them.” It is commendable that legislators of the law acknowledge the gaps in this new Bill, as pertaining the meaning and interpretation of civil partnerships and the moral and ethical challenges they cause to those married under the unregistered customary marriage laws and customary marriage laws. Clarity of terms should be ensured and effected by the Parliament before enacting this marriage Bill into Law.

Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights The Marriage Bill’s proposal to change the age of both consent and marriage from 16  years to 18  years is a very positive move in safeguarding girls’ and young women’s rights to sexual and reproductive health. It also

do not claim any legal expertise to thoroughly interpret this Bill. Suffice to say, my engagement with this Bill is from a layman’s perspective.

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empowers them and grants them control over their own bodies which is a critical move to achieving gender equality as clearly articulated in SDG 5. Plan International, an independent development and humanitarian organization that advances children’s rights and equality for girls, views teenage pregnancies, early and forced marriages as harmful practices that hinder girls from accessing quality sexual health services. According to (PLAN 2020), Gender inequality and discrimination against girls mean they are often robbed of the right to make their own life decisions—from what happens to their bodies, to when and to whom they marry. Teenage pregnancy can rob girls of their potential by ceasing their education and giving them adult responsibilities. An estimated 18 million adolescent girls give birth every year.

As highlighted by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), Rights to reproductive and sexual health include the right to life, liberty and the security of the person; the right to health care and information; and the right to non-discrimination in the allocation of resources to health services and in their availability and accessibility. Of central importance are the rights to autonomy and privacy in making sexual and reproductive decisions, as well as the rights to informed consent and confidentiality in relation to health services. (Shalev 1998)2

In light of the above submissions, this Bill should therefore endeavor to protect multiple human rights that affect women such as the right to consent for marriage, the right to be free from sexual abuses and harassment, the right to health and right to equality, just to name a few. In no way should the Bill “subject women’s access to services to third party authorization, and performance of procedures related to women’s reproductive and sexual health without the woman’s consent, including forced 2  Dr. Carmel Shalev, is an expert member of CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women). She presented this paper at the International Conference on Reproductive Health, Mumbai (India), 15–19 March 1998, jointly organized by the Indian Society for the Study of Reproduction and Fertility and the UNDP/ UNFPA/WHO/World Bank Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction.

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sterilization, forced virginity examinations, and forced abortion” (United Nations Human Rights Committee 2015). The civil and customary laws may give room to some imbalances mostly to the rural women, who largely use the unregistered customary laws of marriage as opposed to most urban women who are in registered civil marriages. These significant differences in registered and unregistered marriages are a cause of concern in terms of SRHR for women particularly those residing in rural Zimbabwe where these marriage practices are still rampant. According to this Bill, customary marriages will also be registered and solemnized, this will provide fertile ground for equality between the two parties. However, Gonese-Manjonjo does not concur with this view. She contends that (Gonese-Manjonjo 2019), The effect, however, is not to protect women, but further entrench their marginalization because of their lived realities. The majority of marriages in the country are unregistered. Registration is either a class issue or affected by unequal power relations. The reality is that most marriages originate with customary rituals like lobola, and either get “upgraded” into civil marriages, or registered customary law marriages. Because of the perceived protections that registration gives women (for property distribution), men tend to be reluctant to register their customary marriages.

The ban on the pledging of children in marriage; the equality of rights and obligations of spouses during marriage and at dissolution; provision for the protection of any children of a marriage upon the dissolution of marriage whether by divorce or on death; protection of children from sexual exploitation. This is what this Bill speaks to. Another key concern in this Bill, is the preservation of children’s rights. Women are and have always been the most vulnerable, necessitating the need for the law to intervene in the marital affairs. Attached to women and children, is an issue of property rights which seems to have not been discussed in the Bill. There is a general feeling among human rights groups and women’s activist groups that the Bill does not adequately provide for the protection of women’s rights upon the dissolution of the marriage by either divorce or death. This general concern that women’s rights to marital property are not fully protected hinges on the fact that Zimbabwean laws on marriage and divorce are not in sync with the country’s

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constitution, which precludes that spouses have equal rights and responsibilities. Juliana Nnoko-Mewanu contends, Extending more and equal protections to more women in different types of unions is a good step, but the proposed law cannot fully provide protection without detailing marital property rights. Parliament should ensure real equality for spouses both during marriage and at its end. (Nnoko-­ Mewanu 2019)

As is apparent in the above citation, this area needs to be given further attention. This is elucidated by Gonese-Manjonjo in the following excerpt, It is not likely, given the time it has taken for action on marriage law reform, that a separate process to review matrimonial property rights will be instituted expeditiously. It is recommended that the current process be broadened, with public consultation and participation, to consider all the relevant aspects of marriage in Zimbabwe in order to achieve true equality in marriage. (Gonese-Manjonjo 2019)

The current situation means that men are the sole winners as they or their families keep all their marital property and children. Women and children tend to lose out in such situations. It is not as if Zimbabwe does not completely have laws that relate to the dissolution of marriages (the Matrimonial Causes Act), the Married Persons Property Act and the Deceased Estates Succession Act and the Administration of Estates Act; but the laws are fragmented and have not been able to fully allow for equitable distribution of property between spouses at divorce. Esther M.P. Sarimana of Coghlan and Welsh notes and highlights the reason for unequal distribution upon dissolution of marriage, “All marriages in Zimbabwe are out of community of property, unless the parties enter into an antenuptial contract prior to the marriage. This means that everything each person owns or gets before and during the subsistence of the marriage remains his/ her own” (Sarimana 2017). The challenge according to Juliana Nnoko-Mewanu remains, “Without specific protections for women’s property rights, this bill’s emphasis on ‘equality’ rings hollow” (Nnoko-Mewanu 2019). Other contentious issues raised by the current marriage laws include child custody and caring for the family and household upon dissolution of marriage, all these have not been clearly

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addressed. Nevertheless, the criminalizing of marital rape as contained in the Sexual Offences Act, is another commendable part of this Bill.

Conclusion The Marriage Bill has taken significant strides and efforts to address the Zimbabwean marriage laws that have been fragmented for a long time. Its efforts are matched with loads of gratitude as the Bill covers some clearly constructive and notably positive parts that criminalizes child marriage, prohibits abuse of power by the minister of religion and other marriage officers. Its intended purpose of bringing together all marriage laws in Zimbabwe into one centralized marriage registry is quite commendable. Nonetheless, there still remains a fundamental need for finalizing and clarifying some potentially gray areas of the Bill. This can be achieved through some continuous engagement and consultation of both the public and the Parliament to attain a harmonized single Marriage Act. Some areas that are still raising major concerns, consequently requiring further clarity and amendments include, the provisions on matrimonial property rights, civil partnerships and the position of unregistered customary marriage law, just to name a few; their nature and application thereof. At the time of writing of this chapter (April, 2020), the Bill had not yet been made into law though the President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s Cabinet on 9 May 2019 had already approved it and was waiting for it to be gazetted. Scott Panashe Mamimine advises, “After the Bill has been gazetted and before it is signed into law by the President, it goes through stages for consideration, of importance in this matter is the third stage, which is the second reading (also referred to as the consultative stage). It is at this stage that the relevant Parliamentary Portfolio Committee (PPC) will present its report on the Bill” (Mamimine 2019). This means that this Bill may be amended further, thrown away completely or it will be passed into a legal Act. At the moment, implementation of the Bill is awaiting the recommendations by both the public and the Parliament. Henceforth, amid the celebrations of Zimbabwe’s ruby anniversary, it is pertinent that people of faith, traditional leaders, human rights groups and legal practitioners put their heads together to scrutinize the proposed Marriage Bill. Together, they must ensure that the Bill safeguards all people’s rights, particularly the SRHR and property rights for women and girls which have been trampled upon in the past due to the divergent laws and Acts rendering them susceptible to manipulation. If properly formulated, the Bill has the potential of

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positively contributing toward the attainment of Zimbabwe’s Vision 2030 which is aligned to the United Nation’s Agenda 2030, particularly SDG5 emphasizing on protecting the rights of all women and girls in all sectors of life. This entails safeguarding their SRHR and property rights.

References Allen, Mike. 2017. Textual Analysis. London: Sage Publishers. der Geschlechterdifferenz, Ehe als Ernstfall. 2011. Marriage, Sexuality, and Holiness: Aspects of Marital Ethics, in the Corpus Paulinum1 Chapter Read at the International Symposium, (13–15 February, 2007); a First German Version Is Published in Bernhard Heininger, ed., Ehe als Ernstfall der Geschlechterdifferenz (Münster: Lit Verlag 2010, pp. 87–113). Acta Theologica On-line version ISSN 2309-9089 Print version ISSN 1015-8758 Acta theol. vol.31 n.2 Bloemfontein. (Translated by Janelle Ramalley and proofread in English translation by Dr. Dieter T. Roth). Gonese-Manjonjo, Tambudzai. 2019. Unpacking Zimbabwe’s Marriage Law Reforms, May 23. https://zimbabwe.shafaqna.com/EN/AL/492186. Accessed 25 February 2020. Jhpiego. 2014. Gender Analysis Toolkit for Health Systems. https://gender.jhpiego. org/docs/Jhpiego-­Gender-­Analysis-­Toolkit-­for-­Health-­Systems.pdf. Mamimine Scott, Panashe. 2019. Guest Column: NewsDay. Significant, Progressive Changes the Marriage Bill Will Bring. https://www.google.com/amp/s/ www.newsday.co.zw/2019/07/significant-­progressive-­changes-­the-­marriage-­ bill-­will-­bring/amp/. Maphosa Sibonginkosi. 2019. Marriage Amendment Bill Encourages Adultery. June 20, 2019. https://bulawayo24.com/index-­id-­news-­sc-­national-­ byo-­164608.html. MARRIAGE ACT, https://unstats.un.org. unsdPDF, MARRIAGE ACT. Marriage Bill 2019. 2019. Marriages Bill 2019.indd – veritaszim. https://www. google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=http://www.veritaszim.net/ sites/veritas_d/files/MARRIAGES%2520BILL%252C%25202019.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwjs9p3DmJfpAhUEqXEKHShtARAQFjABegQICxAG&usg=AOv Vaw2FgpSVxfn-­HwxNliUQTAwY. Murwira, Zvamaida. 2020. Zimbabwe: ‘Marriages Bill Has Good Intentions, February 12. The Herald (Harare), https://allafrica.com/stories/202002120284.html. Ncube, Welshman. 1989. Family Law in Zimbabwe. Harare: Legal Resources Foundation. ———. 1990. Allocation of Matrimonial Property at Dissolution of Marriage in Zimbabwe. Journal of African Law 34 (1, Spring): 1–8.

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Nnoko-Mewanu, Juliana. 2019. Zimbabwe’s Marriage Reform Should Do More for Women. REPORT from Human Rights Watch, Published on 21 June 2019. NewsDay. 2019. Marriage Amendment Bill Encourages Adultery. www.newsday. co.zw/2019/06/marriage-amendment-bill-encourages-adultery/ Plan International, Sexual Health and Rights. 2020. https://plan-­international. org/sexual-­health?gclid=Cj0KCQjwr71BRDuARIsAB7i_QP_lu4wAWCX2Wf9hbqkh6IEsPs4t8Ty5vQ2hYLHEp1fXRPjCk8xIM4aApl-­EALw_wcB. Russell, Bertrand. ‘Conservatism’ in The Basics of Philosophy: A Huge Subject Broken Down into Manageable Chunks. https://www.philosophybasics.com/ branch_conservatism.html. Sarimana Esther M. P. 2017. Marriage and The Law: Part 1 Proprietary Law. February 27, 2017. https://coghlanandwelsh.com/did-­you-­know/ marriage-­and-­the-­law-­part-­1-­propietary-­law/ Shalev, Carmel. 1998. Rights to Sexual and Reproductive Health, International Conference on Reproductive Health, Mumbai (India), 15–19 March 1998, https://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw/shalev.htm. The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 20) Act, 2013, Zimbabwe Legal Information Institute. https://zimlii.org/zw/legislation/act/2013/ amendment-­no-­20-­constitution-­zimbabwe. United Nations Human Rights Committee. 2015. Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights, 1 July 2015. https://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/women/ wrgs/pages/healthrights.aspx.

CHAPTER 5

The ‘Small House’ Phenomenon and Its Impact on Zimbabwean Women’s Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) Amos Muyambo and Joseph Muyangata

Introduction: Deciphering the ‘Small House’ Concept In order to fully understand the concept of a ‘small house’ and how it is currently being used in Zimbabwe, there is need to go back to its use in traditional Shona culture. According to the Shona people’s indigenous tradition, a woman, especially the married woman, is perceived as an epitome of a house/homestead as denoted in the proverb musha mukadzi, translated as “the woman is the essence of a home or house.” Hence, in a polygamous setting, the size of the woman’s musha ‘house/homestead’ was not determined by the wife’s age but her position in the polygamous

A. Muyambo (*) University of Botswana, Gaborone, Botswana J. Muyangata Living Waters Theological Seminary, Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_5

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marriage. The homestead for vahosi ‘first wife’ is automatically categorized as musha mukuru (main homestead/first wife’s household) and the ones for the second or third wives and others that come after are known as musha mudiki or imba diki (homestead for the junior wife). This was an acceptable designation for younger wives in polygamous households. The imba diki (junior homestead) concept was disrupted and was transformed due to colonialism. Religion, especially Christianity which came to Africa couched in the Western/European domination motif, distorted the African indigenous ways of life. No sooner had Christianity planted its roots on the African soil did the practice of polygamy start being demonized. Zimbabwe was not spared from such domination; this resulted in monogamy becoming the most acceptable way of marriage. However, as people started practicing monogamous marriages and moving into urban areas, urbanization led to family transitions, migration and a quest to find formal employment. Some men left their rural homes to pursue greener pastures in the metropolitan cities and their wives remained behind in the villages. In some instances, younger women also migrated into the urban areas to seek employment. Due to an upsurge in the rural-­ urban migration, it was practically impossible for everyone to secure formal jobs. Resultantly, some men ended up as gardeners, chefs and security guards. Similarly, most women found themselves in urban centers as housemaids, caregivers and child minders. Their living conditions would not allow them to bring their entire households to town which deprived them of conjugal rights. Being separated from their spouses due to circumstances beyond their control often made them vulnerable to establishing new sexual relationships in the urban communities where they spent most of their time. Consequently, several married men whose wives and families had remained behind in the rural areas started to fall in love with single women whom they met in the urban areas. This is how the ‘small house’ concept began to regenerate itself. However, in the contemporary times, the ‘small house’ phenomenon has metamorphosed itself such that most of the married men who reside with their wives in the urban areas still continue to engage in extra-marital affairs with or without their wives’ knowledge. The women with whom married men engage in extra-marital affairs with are the ones whom society has designated as ‘small houses.’ The ‘small house’ phenomenon continues to raise a lot of contention in social circles. On the one hand, some defend the practice by arguing that it has always been part of our culture, whilst on the other hand, others frown upon the practice as uncultured and unChristian. The continuation

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of this practice often infringes on the sexual reproductive health and rights of the women who find themselves in this network. This is mainly because, whilst the men will be privileged to engage in sexual intercourse with both women, that is, the official/legitimate wife from the ‘main house’ and the mistress/ side chick or junior wife in the ‘small house,’ regrettably, the women will have to wait for their turn whenever the man decides to pitch on their doorstep. Furthermore, the men’s capacity to adequately cater for both women’s emotional and financial needs tends to be compromised. It is these issues that this chapter seeks to deliberate upon.

The Pros and Cons of the ‘Small House’ Unions The impact of the ‘small house’ practice can be seen in the family and also in gender relations. The women involved in the sexual network wrought by the ‘small house’ phenomenon, that is, both the official wife in the ‘main house’ and other women in the ‘small house/s’ are more susceptible to gender-based violence (GBV) inflicted by the man, especially intimate partner violence, which is the most common form of GBV in Zimbabwe and elsewhere in the world. According to a USA study, “today’s women are twice more likely to be murdered by an intimate partner than a stranger” (Hatty 2000: 5). Across the globe, 35% of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence cited by Katherine Cloutier (2016: 288). GBV “encompasses a wide range of human rights violations, including sexual abuse of children, rape, domestic violence, sexual assault and harassment, trafficking of women and girls and several harmful traditional practices” (Cloutier 2016: 288). In most cases, men hold most of the power in the ‘small house’ set-up as given by a society that is patriarchal (Chitando and Chirongoma 2012; Chitando and Biri 2013). This patriarchal culture gives the boy child more socio-economic advantages than the girl child resulting in more men securing formal employment as compared to women. Economic power is unbalanced and most women in ‘small house’ unions get into these relationships mainly for financial support and companionship. Unfortunately, some of the men take advantage of the women’s vulnerability and they will start to expose them to GBV in order to enforce control and submission. Even if the relationship is abusive, most women stay in these relationships because they will be in desperate need of the financial provision, not only for themselves but for their children as well. The majority of women engaged in ‘small house’ unions live in

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constant fear that once they are cut off, they will stand to lose a lot economically. Others stay in such a union in order to evade the shame of being ostracized as single parents. They also endure the abuses in order to safeguard the social security of their children. Their reasoning is that although they are not officially married to the man, but at least their children will have a father-figure even if he visits their homestead irregularly. The prevalence of GBV perpetrated by men engaged in ‘small house’ unions is an important factor that needs to be deliberated upon. Many feminists believe that it is in male sexuality that male power and dominance is formed (Whitehead 2002: 162). The notion of ‘small house’ and ultimately, polygamy, leads some men to dominate women and this derives from theories which argue that men have a higher sexual appetite/libido than women. It is usually in male sexual practices that there is an increase in rape incidents, coercion, abuse, pedophilia, slavery, oppression, violence, discrimination and pornography (Whitehead 2002: 162). However, some scholars argue that it is a bit presumptuous to suggest that male dominance is as a result of this sexual urge and practice. They argue that male sexuality is a combination of shared experiences and much more complex and multiple characters (Whitehead 2002: 163; 4). While the feminist view on power and sexuality holds water, however, there is also need to look at other factors so as to come up with multiple factors. Having a balanced view on the matter will be helpful when it comes to proposing useful factors which can contribute toward fomenting constructive masculinities and to address gender imbalances which are the main cause of gender-based violence (Dube 2001, 2013; Chitando and Chirongoma 2012; Chitando and Biri 2013). Other factors that contribute to men’s abuse of their socio-economic power include “lack of confidence and insecurities about their masculinity, maleness, and sexuality” (Whitehead 2002: 165). According to Whitehead (2002), this male insecurity has been linked to physical and verbal oppression of women (rape culture). Whitehead (2002) goes on to highlight two other aspects that are crucial in building healthy relationships, trust and intimacy and expression of feelings and emotions in intimate relationships. He points out that “trust is highly problematic for men and masculinity, for before one can trust, one must let go of fear and the desire to control. One must accept one’s inadequacies, limitations and needs, while being prepared to submit these needs in the hands of another” (Whitehead 2002: 171; 172). In conducting research on masculinities, trust becomes an important aspect as it is the glue that holds relationships together.

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Relationships should be purely based on love, whether there be children or not, as a result of fruitfulness or, it comes to “exemplify women’s and men’s desire for emotional fulfillment and, thus, new forms of intimacy between equals” (Whitehead 2002: 172). Trust also upholds the women’s SRHR as they live peaceful lives, in a healthy relationship. Sexual infidelity, abandonment of the relationship, or conflicts over parental investment in raising offspring can be catalysts to violence and these all greatly impact on women’s SRHR.  According to Chakraborty et al. (2017: 300), marital conflict and instability are factors that influence GBV. They further contend that: “Violence is an expression of power, a means through which people seek control which is a gendered practice,” this entrenches male dominance and female subordination. “As in most societies, social, economic, political and interpersonal power remains with men; power is socially gendered. Women’s safety is guaranteed neither in the home nor in public spaces.” (Chakraborty et. al. 2017: 301; 303)

The same situation pertains in the Zimbabwean context, particularly when men have an upper hand in ‘small house’ settings. The superiority of masculinity is seen in all the spheres of our society and “the material inequalities that arise from gender politics and dominant understandings of masculinity are explicitly, unapologetic and deeply embedded in the social relations and nationalisms of most African countries” (Hatty 2000: 40). Suzanne Hatty (2000: 3) further explained that the cause of violence in intimate relationships is because men are angry, lack integrity and responsibility and there is a rise in men abandoning relationships. This has had an impact on children as boys learn this violent behavior from their fathers consequently leading to a perpetuation of the cycle of violence or a lack of role models. This is due to the fact that the fathers will be of no fixed abode as they will be intermittently absent from both the ‘small house’ and the legitimate/main house. More so, the girl child being raised in such a set-up will be subtly modeled to accept this masculine behavior as the norm. They will be socialized to believe that it is acceptable for a man to have multiple partners and such a perspective will expose them to HIV and GBV (Van Klinken 2012; Chitando and Chirongoma 2012; Dube 2013). The ‘small house’ union, although it provides security, is not formalized and therefore not only disadvantages the one in it but also the man’s

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official wife and family too. Marriage in Zimbabwe is understood as a joining of families in the spirit of unhu (humanness), where relations are cemented by lobola (bride wealth). When it comes to ‘small house’ unions, there will be no lobola formalities done which makes the woman involved in such a union to fall under the category of a ‘ghost wife.’ Usually, the women in such unions tend to surface after a major problem has occurred that requires family intervention, such as serious sickness or the death of the man. If it happens that the woman in a ‘small house’ union dies under the care of the man or worse if she dies in a road traffic accident with the man, there will be ‘hell to pay’ on the man’s side because her family might refuse to bury her until the man has compensated them for engaging in a secret marriage with their daughter. There have been numerous incidents in Zimbabwe whereby the woman’s corpse has been left unburied for days or weeks while negotiations regarding the unpaid/unfulfilled lobola formalities are ongoing. On the other hand, the legitimate wife feels cheated and this creates animosity between the families and financial strains and in extreme cases abandonment. This has also led to claims of using mupfuhwira (love potion) to win the husband. In some cases, men engage in ‘small house’ unions because they wish to exercise what they see as their male prowess. Hence, male sexuality becomes a factor in the establishment of a ‘small house.’ In this light, the relationship tends to be anchored upon the man’s sexual satisfaction rather than mutuality. It will be devoid of pure love and bereft of affection. Hence, the man will be benefiting more than the woman sexually. This gives a notion that most women who are involved in ‘small house’ unions are not entitled to have a loving and fulfilling relationship. Rather, the man will be treating them as sex toys which are meant to satisfy their sexual lust. Such a perspective on the role and status of women engaged in ‘small house’ unions raises several concerns regarding their SRHR. It is therefore apparent that the ‘small house’ phenomenon impacts heavily on the attainment of SDGs 3 and 5 respectively, this is particularly because it tends to infringe on the affected women’s humanity and dignity which consequently affects their health and well-being. As much as ‘small house’ unions are generally condemned by most members of society, sometimes they tend to provide solutions in some dysfunctional marriages. For instance, due to the problems emanating from the Marriage Act chapter 5: 11 where it is very difficult for couples to divorce, inevitably, some couples will be living separately and yet still legally married. In order to find an outlet for their sexual needs which will

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no longer be met in their obsolete marriage, the man often turns to the woman in the ‘small house.’ He will be doing so in the hope that this will guarantee his relationship with the legal wife some stability and sort of surety. In dealing with the small house situation, emotions must not run high but deal with the situation amicably and also make use of societal socialization institutions (Nkomazana 2005; Dube 2013) such as religious organizations to continue transforming gender constructions and teach behaviors that are acceptable and are compatible with both our faith and the changing society. Gender mainstreaming in society is a priority (Tsvere 2012).

The ‘Small House’ Phenomenon in the Matrix of African Culture The continuous growth and popularity of the ‘small house’ unions in Zimbabwe confirm not only the masculine dominance in a patriarchal Zimbabwean society but also the resilience of African cultural practices. This therefore beckons us to revisit our traditional culture and ask ourselves how we can contextualize our cultural practices in view of colonial dilution and interference. Cultural practices are resilient in African society because we are Africans and we are in Africa. As such, interpreting African cultural practices in a Euro-centric or Western perspective tends to present problems. For instance, a practice such as polygamy that has reincarnated itself in the form of ‘small houses’ has created complications because these practices are seen from a colonial context. According to Bagele Chilisa (2012), in order to do justice to African concepts and ideologies, indigenous methodologies must be used in conducting research in the African society. It is also pertinent to be cognizant of the fact that the factors which spur individuals to be engaged in a ‘small house’ union cannot be put into one basket. The reality of the matter is that such factors are as different as there are individuals. Although the ‘small house’ unions are not legally considered as a marriage, there is need to reflect on them under the purview of the African understanding of a marriage. A marriage in Africa is a process where families are involved and relationships are cemented among families with lobola and the family members’ involvement is key. Unfortunately, lobola has been modernized and used as a wealth making tool in contemporary Zimbabwe where the economic hardships and

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poverty have wreaked havoc on families. This bad practice of commercializing lobola has also subtly contributed toward the increase of ‘small houses’ because some men who wish to have several wives but cannot afford to pay lobola for all the women end up resorting to establish ‘small houses’ as an easier option. Consequently, some men and women end up cohabiting in order to avoid the rigorous and financially draining process of having to pay prohibitive lobola charges. It is however important to realize that the original lobola practice is not totally bad, it is actually helpful to both parties as it formalizes relationships and protects the parties involved. However, others in the contemporary society tend to evade it because of the commercialization aspect. In this light, it will be helpful to acknowledge that as much as there is need to revisit and transform some African cultural practices due to the changing context, on the other hand, it is equally important to preserve the essential African identity. This is particularly important when it comes to life-giving and life-enhancing values which are embedded in several African cultures. Being firmly rooted in our African identity will also enhance chances of effectively dealing with cultural practices that are harmful so as to transform them without losing the core of African culture. In some sections of the African communities embroiled in poverty and economic inequality, the ‘small house’ union is often perceived as a pathway to guarantee families a livelihood and financial support. As such, for some women in such a union, it is their lifeline such that no matter how much others might vehemently critique their lifestyle; they will have no other recourse except to cling on to the man who brings food on their table. For such women, anyone who condemns their lifestyle is as good as someone who is threatening to rob them of their source of sustenance. On the other hand, some women involved in ‘small house’ unions justify their choice by reasoning that since there are fewer men than women not just in Zimbabwe, but the world over, they consequently argue that since they will be dealing with only one man, therefore it is a lesser evil than engaging in prostitution. Their vantage point is that the practice of prostitution is very unpopular in Zimbabwe, it is deemed as immoral and dehumanizing. Therefore, in their defense, they reason that since they could not find a husband of their own, it is better to be a ‘small house’ and have only one man to engage in regular intercourse with, than to go around commercializing their bodies to different men.

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The Proposed Marriage Bill Viewed in the Lenses of Gender Relations in the ‘Small House’ Setting The perception on gender dynamics of the small house phenomenon and perspective around such subtleties as a practice has raised so much concern in the Zimbabwean communities. The small house phenomenon is largely viewed as an alien family structure in contemporary Zimbabwean society because of its predominantly secretive actuality. It creates a sizable platform for SRHR challenges. Inevitably, it creates an intricacy on where it could be placed based on Zimbabwean family values and gender dynamics. The concept of gender has been further broadened as issues of sex change, homosexuality and transgender among many others have entered the debates. According to Oyeronke Oyewumi (2005: xiii) gender in African studies is problematic in an epistemological sense as the “conceptual category of gender is in origin, constitution, and expression bound to Western culture.” Oyewumi argues that gender and its delineation are interpreted from a Western society’s thinking of biological foundationalism and its organization of the social world. It is paradoxical in that it is socially constructed and, also biologically determined. Oyewumi further states that most scholars in gender studies have derived their theoretical and conceptual tools even on African gender relations from Western influences and yet they differ in their understanding citing examples from the Kikuyu and Igbo societies that have shown that “conceptions of gender cannot be taken at face value.” In many African cultures, the category of women cannot be a synonym for gender since social roles are not necessarily biological roles, and there is a separation between social roles and sexual roles, Oyewumi argues. To understand gender in African settings therefore entails a study of Africa on its own terms. Gender in Africa is not only socially constructed but historical, Oyewumi points out (Oyewumi 2005: 1). “For many feminist scholars, however, the debates surrounding gender hinge not merely on difference, but on hierarchies of dominance and submission” (Oyewumi 2005: 113). This shows that power relations are very important in understanding the concept of gender. There is therefore controversy and politics surrounding gender as some scholars would want to define gender without the power relations involved between male and female (Goldberg 2006: 5). According to Musa Dube (2007: 350), gender “defines the roles that our societies ascribe to us as men and women, and these relationships give more power to men than women.” This male dominance has resulted in the popularity of polygamy which is

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often veiled in the form of ‘small houses.’ All these practices have a major bearing on the SRHR of women. However, Jerome Tognoli (1981: 121) adds another dimension on men’s crisis by explaining how men strive to find their identity in view of the social changes around them. Changing social roles, unemployment as well as the shift in women taking more previously male jobs have put men in crisis (Lewis 1981). Tognoli added that the social pressure in society for men not to live a single lifestyle is fairly strong (Tognoli 1981: 126). This puts men under pressure in terms of relationships and being unable to deal with the domestic sphere. Early socialization has a profound influence in modeling males outside the home and women to the domestic or home sphere, he argues (Tognoli 1981: 122). This assertion on the pressures of socialization agents of society can have detrimental effects as men find themselves in relationships against their will, resulting in marriage conflicts. It also models power differences as it limits women empowerment as they remain in the domestic sphere. The gender imbalances led the government of Zimbabwe to interrogate the whole small house concept by introducing and proposing a change of legislation. The Zimbabwe’s proposed legislation of ‘Small Houses’ in the Draft Marriage Bill of 2017 was however controversial, particularly the clause intended to cushion those affected by the challenges of being in a small house setting. At the time of writing this chapter (June 2021), in Zimbabwe, the most popular marriage union was the Marriage Act [Chapter 5:07] that was strictly monogamous. There was also the Marriage Act [Chapter 5:11] which allows a man to have more than one wife. These are formal marriages and both the man’s and the woman’s family recognized these unions. However, the ‘small house’ as a colonial and post-colonial construct has been on the rise as men and women run away from unstable relationships and especially in the contemporary Zimbabwean context where inflation and poverty are problems requiring many to seek security. Against this background, many women have been lobbying for the legal recognition of this ‘small house’ union. The July 2019 Cabinet seating’s approval of the Draft Marriage Bill of 2017 seemed as though it was legalizing small house unions. In a country where 80% of the population is Christian (ZimStats 2014, 2017), such attempts have met vehement protests. Efforts to legalize ‘small house’ unions in Zimbabwe have caused an uproar mostly from Christian circles and formally married women who feel that such a legislation is a complete affront to the Christian principles on marriage and family (ZimStats 2014: 17). Critics have argued that this move threatens the institution of marriage and authenticates ‘unlawful’ wives.

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Most Churches and married women in particular were up in arms with the law, courts and government for taking initiatives to recognize the ‘small house’ unions as legally binding. They especially resented the fact that this would enable the women in the ‘small house’ union to benefit materially in terms of inheritance in the event of termination of the union or the death of the man they will be involved with. According to the proposed Marriage Bill, after staying together for six months, the union would become legally binding such that the woman in the ‘small house’ union would be entitled to material benefits in the event of the union’s dissolution.1 The proposed Bill may also help to dislodge masculinities that disempower women. According to Jack O.  Balswick (1981: 111), “Much of that which constitutes masculine behavior is presented as something males should not do rather than as something they should do.” Looking at the current problems of GBV, not much has been investigated and said on what men should do. Joseph H.  Pleck (1981: 234), writing on men’s power, argues that men oppress women because it is in their rational self-­ interest to do so as this brings benefits and privileges to them to do so. On the other hand, it is because of deep-lying psychological needs in male personality to dominate women. Because of societal conditioning, men have always been the ones benefiting as it gives them self-satisfaction when they use their power to entrench the subordination of women. They always have an upper hand and would want it to stay that way (Morrell 2001: 9). Here, Morell highlights the importance of institutions or religious bodies such as the Churches in the construction of masculinities. Morrell acknowledges the influence of history in shaping masculinities, in Africa the wisdom of the elders and the importance of the community cannot be over emphasized. African patriarchy was blended with colonialism and materialistic capitalism in shaping African masculinities and the promotion of small houses. The contemporary outlook of masculinities in Africa was not only formed from traditional ideas but influenced by Colonialism and Western encounters. According to Toyin Falola (2003: 3; 5), the European encounter with Africa brought ideas of power and patriarchy and new occupations that created new gender roles. Women were introduced to the working class as opposed to household chores and men found themselves working 1  For a more detailed discussion of this subject, see the chapter in this volume entitled “Zimbabwean Women’s Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights: Ethical and Moral Implications of the Proposed New Marriage Bill,” authored by Joseph Muyangata.

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in kitchens as domestic workers and cooks for European bosses. However, Falola believes that as cultures change, male householders will weaken with time, “freeing women and teenagers to exercise greater freedom” (Falola 2003: 17). This statement by Falola reveals that male dominance has been the culture in African cultures that limited women’s freedom with such practices as ‘bride price’ (Thompson 2013). This male dominance was further reinforced by practices such as polygamy. Polygamy in African cultures was seen as a symbol of masculine wealth, status and male dominance (Falola 2003: 259; 260). Fidelis Nkomazana (2005: 31) believes that within the African context, social structures of society such as initiation schools are very influential in the formation of masculinities and the patriarchal nature of African society was enhanced through these institutions that promoted male dominance and women suppression. These social institutions have influenced how men and women behave, teaching them their societal roles and expectation that boys find themselves exercising power and dominance over women as adults. This is a societal expectation and identity of being a man. These institutions, if utilized and used in the true African way can be used to reconstruct constructive or redemptive masculinities, Nkomazana argues. In the same light, Ndlazi (2004: 63) added that religious men have a pivotal role in transforming gender relations and ensuring gender equity. This responsibility can only be achieved through men making efforts to change behaviors and question their social constructions. Ndlazi believes that there is need to redefine masculinity in view of the masculinity crisis in the wake of changing gender roles, increase in fatherless children and job losses by men. He states that there is a ‘dire need’ to redefine man’s identity and agrees that masculinities are a product of social transformation and change. This means that as the society changes, men must restructure themselves to be there for their families and become better men. Adding to the discussion on society’s noble attempts to transform masculinities, Chitando warns that, “Before Churches embark on outreach programmes to transform society’s masculinity they need to address masculinities within themselves” (Chitando 2007: 47). Similarly, Wojcicki (2002) avows that, “in spite of violence against women and the widespread acceptance of this problem, intervention efforts must not represent a violent and irresponsible image of male sexuality or a victimized, helpless portrayal of females.” Hence, discussions on transforming masculinities and femininities in an endeavor to safeguard women’s SRHR must not verge on demonizing men, neither must it open pathways for further disempowering women. Instead, there

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is need to proceed with caution to ensure that at the end of the day, both parties positively benefit from such an undertaking.

Impact of the ‘Small House’ Unions Small house unions have greatly impacted the Zimbabwean society in all spheres. With the declaration of the elimination against violence on women on all spheres by the UN, the signing of the Draft Marriage Bill in Zimbabwe in July 2019 may be a way forward in addressing the small house phenomenon. This would also help to define the legal parameters in which this phenomenon could find its axis. Whatever resolution, it seems the government’s intention is to empower women and protect them from all forms of sexual and gender-based domestic violence. This is in sync with the attainment of SDGs 3 and 5 respectively. The rise of the ‘small house’ phenomenon in Zimbabwe is also a clear indication that the family setting has been greatly impacted especially in view of the continuous rise in poverty levels in Zimbabwe. Gender relation paradoxically, although it recognizes the rights of women, consolidates masculinities’ dominance over femininities. It also consolidates the justification of polygamous practices in African culture and its resilience. Makaudze and Gudhlanga (2012: 11) citing Gelfand (1968: 42) confirm this by stating that, “It is unfair to say that Africa treats its women folk badly and shows little consideration of them.” Europeans (colonialism) have peddled myths about Africa and her diverse cultural heritage; such myths have largely presented Africa, her people and culture in sadistic ways.” Nonetheless, if couples remain committed in these unions, it can be a way of curbing promiscuous behaviors which are mainly aligned to masculine traits.

Conclusion However, pure relationships (Whitehead 2002: 159) (intimate relationships that are ideal and envisaged for) in order for them to work requires an equal power balance and a need for men to change. The societal power balance of gender will have to be balanced in order to bring happiness in intimacy relationships. This is not easy though as couples need to realize that relationships are not easy (Whitehead 2002: 161). They learn each day and are full of challenges that need to be constantly negotiated and this can only be achieved if the foundation is built on a level ground. Men and women must be placed on an equal footing so that they could

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overcome all conflict and problems as a team. The changes in society that resulted from globalization and post-modernity are inevitable (Whitehead 2002). This has further challenged the permanence and commitment in relationships and the institution of marriage is on the decline. This resulted in most men and women finding themselves either in single parenthood or being involved in ‘small house’ unions. The apparent fact that the ‘small house’ unions have become a common feature in Zimbabwe during the past four decades has necessitated this chapter to open up a platform for renegotiating how such relationships can be relevant and meaningful in our contemporary times. Cognizant of the pertinent need to safeguard all women’s SRHR as well as their socio-economic status, the Draft Marriage Bill 2017 emphasizes on non-discrimination of all women regardless of marital status. It also seeks to quash male dominance because without the Marriage Bill, men were benefiting as they could walk away from the ‘small house’ union without taking responsibility for the affected woman and her offspring. As such, most women and children in ‘small house’ settings tended to lose everything upon the dissolution of the union. However, as propounded for in the proposed Marriage Bill, it’s a win-win situation as all parties’ welfare is guaranteed without being discriminated against. Although siding with the other wife that is from the ‘small house’ may be seen to be unchristian or unethical, however, the Bill seeks to protect not only the women but children from the union. What is more important is the safeguarding of the women’s contributions, investments and efforts made in the marriage. They will be able to retain something instead of losing everything as this union is more than just for sexual benefits but it is also economical, social and emotional just as any other companionship. The Draft Marriage Bill therefore in our view does not only guarantee security of minors but it also goes in line with the United Nation’s mandate of eliminating all forms of discrimination against women and children. It rallies behind the marginalized in African society. This is all in the spirit of unhu and preservation of human dignity. To deny this to women in the ‘small house’ union will be more unchristian, unethical and a disregard of human dignity. Equal justice must apply to both the men in ‘small house’ relationships as much as their female counterparts. Without condoning the small house unions, we need to renegotiate our cultural practices and restructure our societal outlook so that it is more gender equal. Doing this will provide an opportunity for renegotiating women’s SRHR and socio-economic rights as Zimbabwe heads toward the attainment of Vision 2030, particularly SDGs 3 and 5 as discussed in this chapter.

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Ndlazi, T. 2004. Men in Institutions and Religious Organisations: The Role of Christian Men in Transforming Gender Relations and Ensuring Gender Equality. Agenda 18 (61): 62–65. Nkomazana, F. 2005. Gender Analysis of Bojale and Bogwera Initiation among Batswana. Boleswa Journal of Theology, Religion and Philosophy 1 (1): 26–49. Oyewumi, Oyeronke. 2005. African Gender Studies. New  York: Palgrave Macmillan. Pleck, J. 1981. Men’s Power with Women, Other Men, and Society: A Men’s Movement Analysis. In Men in Difficulty Times: Masculinity Today and Tomorrow, ed. Robert A. Lewis, 234–245. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 20) Act. 2013. Zimbabwe Legal Information Institute. https://zimlii.org/zw/legislation/act/2013/ amendment-­no-­20-­constitution-­zimbabwe Thompson, Andy, ed. 2013. “What Price? Bride Price” Uganda. Uganda: MIFUMI. Accessed on YouTube 09/05/2020. Tognoli, Jerome. 1981. Men in Space. In Men in Difficulty Times: Masculinity Today and Tomorrow, ed. Robert A.  Lewis, 121–133. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. Tsvere, Maria. 2012. Mainstreaming Gender in Energy Projects in Rural Communities of Zimbabwe: A Case Study of Jengeta Huni Stove in Magunje Mashonaland West Province. Journal of Zimbabwe Studies, Arts, Humanities and Education 1 (1): 86–105. Harare: ZIMCHE. Van Klinken, A.S. 2012. Man in the Remaking: Conversion Narratives and Born-­ Again Masculinity in Zambia. Journal of Religion in Africa 42: 175–295. Whitehead, S. 2002. Men and Masculinities: Key Themes and New Directions in the Sociology of Masculinity. Cambridge: Polity Press. Wojcicki, J. 2002. She Drank His Money, Survival Sex and the Problem of Violence in Taverns in Gauteng Province, South Africa. Center for AIDS Prevention Studies University of California, San-Francisco Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 267–293. Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency. 2014. Zimbabwe Population Census 2012. National Census Report, 2014. 2nd ed. Harare: ZimStats. ———. 2017. Inter-Censal Demographic Survey (ICDS), 2017. Harare: ZimStats.

PART II

The Impact of Social Media, Literary Texts and Initiation on Women’s SRHR Needs

CHAPTER 6

Revamping of a “Sanctuary Without Honor”: VaRemba Women’s Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) in the Enclaves of Religion and Marriage Vushebwashe Mhaka

Introduction The term VaRemba is given to a Shona-speaking ethnic group of people commonly found in many parts of Zimbabwe, Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia (Katz 2002). Their combination of language and way of life is discrete and hidden yet consistent to some ancient divinity (Musoni March, 2020). When someone explains something in a hidden or euphemistic way, the Shona people often say “Aita Chiremba” (he/she has used a riddle). Keeping their rituals and traditions private and confidential is in their nature. The “VaRemba, also known as Lemba … VaSena, VaSoni, VaMwenye or VaLepa, are of the (Zhou or elephant) totem” (Chikunda and Shoko 2009: 194). The Bathonga call this ethnic group Balemba or V. Mhaka (*) University of KwaZulu Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_6

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Malemba, the Basuto call them the Balepa (Henri 2012) and the Karanga from Chipinda area call them Vamwenye, Vashavi or VaRemba (Mabuwa 2006; Parfitt 2002). This chapter refers to this ethnic grouping as the VaRemba (plural) and Muremba (singular). Stayt (1931: 233) outlines the BaLemba groups as follows: “Hadzhi, Sadiki, Hamisi, Sulemani, Nemanga, Thovhakali, Tshidima, Duma, Nyagavhi and Salifo.” According to Stayt (1931), the Hadzhi is the most important group of them all. Although these share common names with the VaRemba in Mberengwa, more clans are there under different family names though the Sarifi, Serimani, Tovakari Dzimbabwe and the Sadiki are the commonest. This chapter makes use of a case study design to describe and analyze the Komba/Chikombana rites as they relate to the general protocols of sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR) for VaRemba women in Chipinda village in Mberengwa district of Zimbabwe. Being born as a Muremba woman means a sanctuary has already been granted; consequently, this sense of identity is not easy to relinquish. Gwaze in The Sunday News of 18 August 2019 describes Chinamwali (a term equivalent to Komba) as “an undying legacy.” Converting into Christianity also forms the second layer of ritual sacredness. Then ultimately later in life, marriage is authenticated by Christian values but lived according to the original family values. The drama of ritual initiation, the values of Christianity and the new covering of marriage all form sanctuaries. Finding oneself in that mire of sacredness is what many women experience in many societies. However, these sanctuaries have lost honor especially for Chipo who struggles to make any sense of her habits and realities. Instead of relying on meaninglessly imposed sanctuaries, she represents a number of women who make their private space mean more than just entertainment arenas. The nagging questions guiding the discussion in this chapter are as follows: Whose purpose are the rites serving when all have embraced a new religion? Should rites or rights be considered first in the twenty-first century as far as human dignity is concerned? Social, marital, political, economic, individual and developmental space is marred with violence. Denial of access to health care opportunities and imposition of restrictive laws is the order of the day for many VaRemba women. But what about respecting their chosen new space in marriage and religion? Many women, like Chipo, have accepted marriage and religion as a radical reclamation of the private space where public interruption is naturally limited. However, this resistance has caused many scars in these women’s lives. The study also seeks to respond to the following questions: Would resisting marriage and

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religious traditions improve their lives? Can the church unlock the stereotypical roles that many women are poised to experience through ritual indulgence? Although sacredness resists interrogation, the study uses interviews, questionnaires and observations to gather data from VaRemba women and elderly community members in Mberengwa. This chapter takes the reader down the memory lane of Varemba women in an endeavor to proffer possibilities of effecting changes on some religio-cultural traditions which are a barrier for them to enjoy fullness of life, especially in light of their SRHR. Such an undertaking is also hoped to contribute toward Zimbabwe’s realization of Sustainable Development Goal 3 (SDG3) emphasizing on health for all and SDG5 anchored toward attaining gender equality.

The Komba Ritual of VaRemba in Chipinda The VaRemba tribes practice different initiation rites under the generic term Ngoma (drum) which is a euphemism for the boys’ Vurundu or the girls’ Vukhomba or Komba initiation rites ceremonies that others classify as puberty rituals of transition into adulthood (Maposa 2011). The Komba rite is alternatively known in other tribes as Chinamwari or Chinamwali. These rites are women’s cultural emblems leading to full membership that the devotees would love to embrace with due reverence (Mapindani 2018). Underlying their unstated aim is saving marriages that are crumbling in silence (The Herald, 29 April 2011). Although many scholars have written about different rites of passage done by men and women of different tribes, none have covered the practice of these rites as a transformational tool for societies especially focusing on the VaRemba women in Chipinda. Substantially, Mabuwa (2006), Shoko (2009), Maposa (2011) and others have all written about the VaRemba in Zimbabwe and other places. However, they all seem to have left out the transformative potential of this ritual in terms of revamping not only the participants, but also all the communities involved. For the purpose of maintaining anonymity and confidentiality for the main informant in this research, the pseudonym, Chipo, has been chosen. Chipo is a female teacher in one of the rural Mberengwa schools. She is from the Hamisi circle of the VaRemba tribe. Religiously, she is a Christian, but like many VaRemba people, she traces her ancestry to the Jewish ark of Yeshua where they believe the whole tribe originated from. Chipo has gone through all the stages of Komba initiation and now enjoys both

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formal and traditional teaching of people who come under her tutelage. She attended sacred Komba lessons when she was 15. This tribe’s traditional ways of living have offered wisdom and opportunity to many, but they have also become sources of untold suffering to some enclaves of society. In her view, Chipo is of the opinion that she has experienced both extremes. She asserts that she discovered that all her experiences had to do with power dynamics in religious and social circles.

The Power in Religious Space The “free colleges on sexual expertise” or Komba rituals are camps done in winter, usually when the community has had a good harvest. The camps, though used as colleges, are “off-limits to all other people” (Gwaze 2019) except the teachers and their initiates. These spaces have power that no era can wipe out easily. Power manifests itself in many different ways, but Kilde (2008) gives three different categories. These are, firstly, divine or supernatural power or that which is attributed to God. This power is absolute and to an adherent of that religion, it is the only power that can make all other powers possible (Kilde 2008: 4). The other power is social power, which covers a variety of social, particularly clerical, hierarchical structures. This power has to do with human faculties and structures of control. Finally, there is personal power or the various feelings of spiritual empowerment that individuals derive from the experiences of the society and the divine. This categorization of power is important for understanding the Komba and Christian space. The ritual dimension of power and space is what this chapter focuses on as it relates to the practices of the Komba ceremonies. This space is sacred, ritualistic, religious and often mythical. Religious space is powerful space. It manifests its power by controlling rites and resources that connect the physical with the unseen world. A kind of hierarchy is formed in religious space with an all-powerful divinity, followed by religious authorities who control the shrines and sublet their influence on personal spheres of the adherents. Such space is not usually open to women unless it is given through some rites of passage. Komba rites are the window for the VaRemba women to express life in its fullness. Often in those rites, Chipo bemoans that women are not in control. To demystify the association people have with Komba, Chipo comes open to claim her space in the public arena through the sacred power of Komba.

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For Mircea Eliade (1987: 4), sacred power or sacred space implies an indwelling of the divine or supernatural, also described as “a hierophany” or an “irruption of the sacred.” This space is the epicenter of the community, marking off the sacred from the profane. In terms of relationships, the holy spaces affect individuals and groups of people either vertically or horizontally. The presence of the divine makes for new spiritual meanings that provide context for all other spaces and knowledge (Eliade 1987: 5). Looking at space from the indigenous peoples of the world that include ancient Greeks, early Jews and even many present-day Christians, particular divinities or powers are believed to reside within certain spheres. This makes the performance of rituals to be so powerful and adhered to by many religious groupings. The VaRemba in Chipinda, though mainly subscribing to Christian values, continue to perform their traditional Komba rituals for women and girls. It is a powerful ritual that many people who are not VaRemba by origin have also joined. When the VaRemba men and women perform their private rites of passage, they go through different spatial influences. It is prohibited to divulge the secrets of Komba rituals. Such performances are generally associated with “playing the drum” of their ceremonies (kutamba ngoma). For women, this ritual is called the Komba or Chikombana, Chinamwari or Chimwali. It is “a play” in the sacred space of the VaRemba way of life—a play in the sanctuary. This “play” is loaded with meaning where, firstly, it refers to the simulations of family life that the initiates go through in a theoretical manner and, secondly, the send-off dance where the graduates rehabilitate their normal family roles. Getting into the Christian religion to assume another ritual drama is quite confusing if not an unnecessary burden for women who have already been introduced to the Komba way of life. A breaking-off point needs to be established so that the “mature play” of the women may get its own independent rules. As a “play,” the dramatic ability of the Komba rituals to change their game is rife though not so explicit. The play generates both meaning and an aura for all participants in a religious way. But the question is, since all ritual practices of the VaRemba are discrete, does the ritual drama comprise something hidden from the ordinary person’s eyes? Turner, in discussing “comparative symbology,” which is a study of symbols, signs, signals, significations and such other related disciplines, shows how sociocultural processes and settings have an ability to generate new verbal and nonverbal symbols (1967: 53). The Komba practices have that potential and ride on it to keep non-­ adherents in the dark. Describing symbols, Caron says “symbols are things

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that represent something else and that have the power to evoke memories, feelings and understandings. They are ways of condensing meanings … and of upholding ambiguity for particular purposes.” For insiders, the meanings in symbols unite; for outsiders, the symbols explain a different world. The same is the case with the Komba ritual of the VaRemba; it is packed with meaning through its symbols. Visual, auditory and even cognitive symbols cover the whole activity. The headdresses, the kitchen area and even the processions to water bodies for women’s rituals are loaded with meaning that even a keen eye may miss. The script of all this sophistry is hidden in the mind and heart of the Mudhabhi (teacher). Positional meanings, exegetical meanings and operational meanings are all evident in this ritual drama. The polemic ability of the VaRemba women to create new meaning out of the dominant patriarchal system and to make it mean the very opposite of what it was meant for is what Chipo’s life has come to depict.

Chipo’s Life Story: A Case Study As has already been alluded to above, Chipo is a pseudonym coined for purposes of discussing the real-life experiences of the key informant for the field research informing this chapter. Behind this name is a real character bearing a different name and location but within the VaRemba clans. I make a disclaimer as I concur with Turner (1968: 7) that “it is one thing to observe people performing the stylized gestures and singing and the cryptic songs of ritual performances and quite another to reach an adequate understanding of what the movements and words mean to them.” There are some actions that my observation and Chipo’s descriptions could have left undisclosed but those do not make this research less a window to the generic VaRemba clans in Chipinda area. One important area of the rite she describes is that it provides entertainment. This could not be all that people seek in different rites. Her story, however, remains authentic to the experiences of some VaRemba women in their tribal settings. In order to give Chipo space to exercise her agency, as much as possible, the retelling of her life story will be presented verbatim. One of her childhood experiences that remains indelibly etched in her mind is an incident when she played pranks with her parents. Her target was to reverse religious and cultural manipulation and exploitation. Beaming with a smile, Chipo recollects the events of the fateful day in her own words as follows:

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For me, there has always been a place I thought would be best and private. I yearned to get that utopian space in life. When I was young, that space was in the older generation. Growing up, I had a really close relationship with my parents who not only loved and cared for me dearly, but they also instilled a profound work ethic in all their offspring. Since all my brothers were in a boarding school far away from home, I knew that I would have to take over all the chores that the boys used to be responsible for. On this particular day, it was cold and drizzling. Going outside to look after the livestock in that weather was not only a torture to my small body but it was also a dangerous undertaking for a young girl. Young boys would taunt me and make me feel out of place. I also knew that in this weather, the cattle were out and far driven by the wind fanned by this cold malfunction. I stood outside contemplating on which route to take in search of the cattle. To even imagine that I would find the cattle appeared like a mission impossible for a girl of my tender age. To cushion myself from the chilly weather, I took a burning coal and placed it on dry cow dung. Having walked for hardly a kilometer from home, I discovered a hovel that brick-molders had dug. I thought to myself; “this looks like a good place for making a fire.” Many people avoided the place because they thought it was haunted. That thought never crossed my mind. Warmth was my greatest need at that moment. Few twigs and one big log that lay there for time unknown made a comfortable place for me to feel warm. Soon, it was getting dark though my assignment for the day was not yet achieved. In my own self-styled “sanctuary,” I felt warm and comforted from all the pain I was supposed to have endured; taunts, thorns, and the biting cold. The thought of leaving the comfort of my fireplace in the veld was akin to jumping into a pool of cold water. I therefore resolved to carry the fire with me so that I would not freeze from the cold as soon as I had left the pit. Holding some glowing twigs on both hands, I put another one on my mouth and two more on each ear. I never knew and I never imagined what image I had created for those at home. The image people saw from home was more frightening than the darkness that had fallen on the land because the sun had set. After hearing several frantic calls of my name, I sensed that there was danger and so I adjusted my voice to answer as if I was still far away. At that time, my twigs were now glowing warmer. I warmed myself for the last time and moved as a burning tree towards home. Soon, my parents’ frantic voices intensified their efforts to call out my name, they were apprehensive to see their ‘obedient’ daughter getting home so late. The cattle were never their worry anymore. A few meters away from our home, I threw away the burning twigs and increased my pace as I got into the kitchen. I sat around the fire explaining the tale of “the long search” for cattle which took “several hours” from the time I had left home. My parents’ silence assured me

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that they never suspected any mischief. After about two hours of the frenzied atmosphere they asked me, “Did you see the fire that was moving in the field towards the direction you were coming from?” I evaded the question and simply announced that I wanted to go to sleep because I sensed that the next question they were going to ask me was about my unfulfilled assignment. It was from this early stage in life that I learnt about the importance of ritual for handling transitions in human lives. That incident gave me a clue about my later life reality. I reckoned that this young-age creativity could still be possible in my older life. I have always reminded myself that life is a drama. The script of that drama is controlled by few privileged people. Those who control the script also control the meaning of every stage. Secondly, I have continued to tell myself that the whole system that makes my life unreal can be turned unsuspectingly. A cover-up reality can be the needed niche for the new reality to emerge. I keep reminding myself that darkness covered my young life experience and people saw silhouettes as reality in a different way. What people see is not always what is real especially when they know that it’s their scripts that are performed. Every system has a way to go round without using force and still getting desired results. To safeguard my rights, I perceive both my marriage and cultural rites as spaces to control and make new scripts that would leave warming feelings for my life. When I eventually grew up and experienced the lessons of womanhood through the Varemba rituals (Komba), I thought that I would carve a “warm” space for myself through entering into marriage. After getting married, I convinced myself that I would create a “warm” space for myself by pursuing the teaching profession. I therefore exerted myself by studying to secure a teaching qualification and got a teaching post, but even then, the possibility of rest was far from my reach. To add a cherry on top, I also worked hard to train and qualify as a teacher of VaRemba rituals (Mudhabhi). Even after attaining all these feats, actual rest has remained a mirage to my actual experiences. I have gone through ‘all’ the stages that I thought would give me solace, but alas, I discovered that I had no power over every stage. Actually, I have no control of even the smallest space entitled to me. Any ritual drama with ceremonial accompaniment would paint a different picture from everyday actions of interaction.

Chipo’s reflections have been quoted verbatim at length to enable the reader to enter into her world and to journey along with her in her understanding of rituals among the VaRemba. As noted above, in the same light with Monica Wilson in Turner (1968), Chipo has observed that “Rituals

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reveal values at their deepest level … people1 express in ritual what moves them most, and since the form of expression is conventionalized and obligatory, it is the values of the group that are revealed” (Monica Wilson in Turner 1968: 6). Hence, the deepest part of human drama is in ritual processes. The narrative that Chipo brings out shows how susceptible young girls often become at the behest of culture in an environment that could be infested with rowdy boys. Many authorities bemoan that women and girls have always occupied the lowest and subordinate positions in the social ladder in the society. Young girls occupy even lower positions than mature women. This is precipitated by the fact that as long as the girl child has not started showing physical signs of maturity (which often comes with the size of breasts, showing potential for getting married), the VaRemba ignore that she could be attractive to possible male molesters. She is therefore regarded as just a child. Moreover, the general belief is that the best service a girl child can render while the boys are at school is to shoulder the workload they would be expected to do after the academic hard work of the day. After this obligation, the girl child would continue with her chores as the boys get some time to “relax.” In the homes of many VaRemba, patriarchal power has its hive. The paradox is that the girl child who is regarded not only as just a child but also “second-class person” in terms of family progeny can be sent to perform responsibilities for mature people in society. The posterity and economy tended by a second-class person can never be better. They do look not only for cattle, but also for people who can cause those cattle to be part of the bride price. In other clans of people who do not belong to the VaRemba circles, such tasks are assigned to those who have gone past the age of innocence. In all this, Chipo finds that many chores that girls end up doing go against their sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR). Shepherding with boys who do not mind rough and tumble is not good space for girls in their teens. Mixing innocent girls with such shepherds could be tantamount to neglect, if not outright abuse and torture for many girls who have no clue of their rights nor have means to defend themselves. It is also apparent that exposing the VaRemba girls to all these vulnerabilities infringes on the fulfillment of SDGs 3 and 5, respectively.

1

 Italics are my own replacement of the word “men” in the original text.

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Change in the Air As the old adage goes, “the only thing that does not change is change.” It is always there in life and processes of social interaction. However, if power and systems are not confronted, nothing changes. Systems house high value. As Turner (1968: 4) observes about the Ndembu clan, marriage and religion have “high ritual value.” The value oscillates at varying degrees among tribes, gender and times. His observation is also true among the VaRemba. For the VaRemba, the ritual practices are a powerful curriculum for life. Their elaborate rituals for men involve circumcision and education in the bush camps (Shoko 2007: 36). There is a separate “schooling” arrangement for boys and girls where “girls are channeled towards reproductive roles and the private sphere while boys are geared for productive roles and public sphere” (Chikunda and Shoko 2009). It is a “free college on etiquette and sexual expertise.” In the camps, girls are taught many things that include menstrual hygiene, good morals, pulling of the labia minora and the place of women in the home and society. In the Chewa language, girls undergoing initiation who attend these camp schools are called Anamwali (Gondo 2017). As a curriculum to shape the novices, the “schooling” arrangement has the potential to transform lives, both of the internees and the participating community. The misconception that Komba rituals are only for “bedroom gymnastics” (Chipo’s term for sexual lessons) is not only misguiding but also criminal. It is in what Chikunda and Shoko (2009) call “private sphere” that criminality is propagated in the name of culture and ritual. The physical and emotional strain connected to this rite of passage is deeply engrained on Chipo such that she feels that all women are going through it for generations to come. Munthali and Zulu (2007) observe mixed feelings of joy, excitement and distress, depending on comprehension of sexuality at the onset of menarche in girls and various pubertal body changes in boys. They conclude that though initiation ceremonies are attached to culture and may cause sexual adventures in some communities, they provide an important platform through which programs can reach many adolescents helping to demystify the notion that maturity is a license to indulging in irresponsible sexual activities.

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Trampling Upon VaRemba Women and Girls’ SRHR in the Ritual Space The Komba initiations are in reality issues of sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). Hopkins and Collins link HIV to the sexual rights of people (2017: iv58–66). Munthali and Zulu tackle this issue from a Malawian context on the timing of menarche and other pubertal changes with regard to the rites of passage and initiation ceremonies. The initiation ceremonies create a platform for rich lessons in SHRH.  The issue of sexual and reproductive health and rights is not new territory as far as the bush colleges of Komba are concerned. The new issue could be on the separation or merging of the scientific practices and the traditional cultural rites for the common good of the whole society. As already alluded, Munthali and Zulu see a possible transformation through ritual space, which is also true of the Komba initiations. Before initiation, both boys and girls of the VaRemba clans are deliberately made to suffer despondency through “verbal disparaging, belittling, deprivations and all sorts of actions meant to make them feel the heat of being a socio-cultural outcast” (Mapindani 2018). The aura at that stage is highly volatile for deviancy or withdrawal from young people. Even women who are already mothers may still feel that there is something necessary they have not fulfilled. One who cannot master her private space is most likely going to falter in the public arena. The feeling of hopelessness is high among girls and women. In their best efforts, they have neither private space nor structure they would be fully in charge and control of. They live to make society a place for others not for themselves. To avoid remaining belittled, women feel indebted to cross the line into full human-­ hood and embrace social brackets of acceptance through Komba rituals. The challenge some women face is that Komba is bent more toward traditional mores than toward Christian values. The choice of one way of life results in being automatically shunned from the other, yet benefits of both ways of life are invaluable. For the majority of the VaRemba women, it is not a matter of choice to go through the ritual; it is a given. The only recourse for becoming fully feminine as a Muremba woman is by going through the ritual ceremony. The life one can exercise choice on is of becoming a Christian or not. This makes other forms of Christianity hard to accept; but the association of Komba ritual with matrimonial placements and involvement in adult activities makes the ritual to be regarded as a necessary norm (Munthali and Zulu 2007). For VaRemba, that

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position to go through Komba is set and cannot be changed. For the general community, the claim for advancing this ritual way of life is that it does not help the initiates alone but the whole community sharing geographical space with this tribe. Regrettably, this comes at a really high price for the initiates. The Komba rituals are done in the heart of winter when the cold weather bites the most. The choice of season could be for health reasons or convenience of less busy season for women in Mberengwa. The initiation schools have no grading since very young girls may mix with older women in the general lessons. Identities through names like Hatlani, from the verb “ku hatla” (implying premature engagement), show that the initiation has youngsters who attend initiation schools at their tender ages (Mapindani 2018: 89). The strain of cold to some girls who should be attending formal schools means that their educational livelihood is disturbed. Over and above, the fluidity of age boundaries already loads over the girls who are made to skip some necessary developmental stages as children. That mix needs to be cleaned for emotional, psychological and spiritual development of the participants to match with physical maturation. Secrecy is a virtue. The printed material, waist beads in different strands, head wraps, bracelets and necklaces, restricted dances, rare drum beats, ululation and clapping of hands in rhythm all form the secret code of Komba ritual and the epitome of secrecy is the girl’s body. Chipo also noted that during practical lessons, some dangerous items like needles and razor blades are used to deter lazy girls from lowering their pelvis during training sessions. During these training sessions which entail being instructed on how to do special gyration, the girls will be nude but no details can be divulged beyond this. Chipo teasingly encourages those who desire to know more to join the Komba ritual, she added that there are no fees charged for this training. The main point in all this is that there are aspects of the initiation process that the initiates are taught never to disclose to anyone save to self. Even siblings should know by own experience not by careless exposure of the secret. As a result, the lessons of Komba are not written in books but in the hearts. They also reiterate the fact that the woman’s body is sacred and her female processes of menstruation should not be common knowledge for people. The Komba rituals ease the trauma that some girls normally go through at the onset of their first menstrual cycle. After having been instructed on how to handle their bodies, the girls will also be helped to manage their environment and relationships, particularly their conjugal

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responsibilities. This was aptly explained by Mbuya Adiji Saidi who said, “We train girls from the age of ten good ethics like respect for elders and also how to handle a man” (Herald, 29 April 2011). The statement pertaining “how to handle a man” is loaded with secrecy and coded language. Among other things, it means that young women are trained on how to properly satisfy their husbands sexually, which is regarded as the best weapon for protecting their marriage. Anyone who has not gone through this training is considered as “lightweight” territory protector. As such, women who have been in marriage before can also join these Komba camps to become “heavyweight protectors” of their marriage territories. As Chipo put it across, “formal education may teach biology but not how to keep a man.” This reveals how Komba rituals can be perceived as a platform for socializing women to carry the brunt of burden on how to keep the marital bed exciting. Some of the trainers of these traditional mores and practices are believed to be possessed by ancestral powers. This gives them authority of knowledge and authority of understanding the hidden part of humanity. They have the ability to ward off evil spirits and attract good fortune to those they teach. However, Chipo did not confirm whether magic is part of the training but she affirmed that the skill is definitely mastered. The Komba rituals have created an aura of religion in many women within the community. Myths have also strengthened its unquestioned syllabi. The religious orientation of many teachers of Komba rituals has shifted from traditional to a bent toward Christian and modern values. Since many religions of Christian roots do not exclude the young, the involvement of children in these rituals is not an issue of concern. It only becomes worrisome when these girls prematurely fall prey to some marauding womanizers. The mythical foundation of the Komba ritual never gives way to science. The syllabus is held hostage by time. Looking backward in history is the norm. That may have advantages as well as shortcomings. The illusion of the sacred world often kills creativity that should accompany contemporary subjects. Trying to re-mythologize the modern world through ritual is the best way in confronting the theories of power at work in life. The religious structure of our time is hierarchical. Power is vested in the top structure. In her critique of the conservative and hierarchical traditions enshrined in the Komba ritual which has since been merged with some Christian practices, Chipo offers the following insights:

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I feel that religion and marriage have used that gradation and thus relegated powers to very few individuals, consequently causing untold suffering to the majority. If myth, ritual, religion and marriage are not successfully discerned, they may form a lethal weapon to women’s freedom. In my view, this is the grossest of all criminality that can be done in spaces that should offer a refuge. The first act of criminality is in silencing the voice of the oppressed. Religion in general often stands as the voice of the voiceless but it ends up submerging the voice of the marginalized to oblivion. In Christianity for example, the emblem for religion is justice, but it often comes through the rites of submission. Religious space and artifacts present problems for many VaRemba women who do not see their worth in decision-making and structures of their church. Besides the church, generally the home is an alternative safe space for women to turn to. However, home is never so homely for it is a hive of experiences of abuse. Sexual harassment, violence, exclusion, belittling have made the bush (where Chikombana ceremony is performed) a better place for few who have homes. The crisscrossing of activities between the kitchen and the bush makes the language of rituals vivid to everyday experience of the VaRemba women. Uncleanliness is lingering in their lives. Hence, it is to be cleansed by the washing ceremony which is done in water bodies like a pool or river. It is done just before the pass-out ceremony which is the final stage. Women are well-prepared for marriage so that they take control of their conjugal rights. My feeling is that these rights are elusive because any “cultured woman” who has gone through Komba ritual is taught that under no circumstances should she openly reveal to her husband the desire to engage in sexual intercourse with him. If ever she experiences the sexual urge, she is advised to inform the aunts who will administer some herbal remedies to rectify such an ‘anomaly.’ Powerlessness in controlling sexual desire is not a virtue. Being able to control one’s sexual drive is even more paramount for women who are married. A lot of things happen “under their noses” (something happening so near but not within one’s control) without a say. Upon getting married, only the husband would have the power to decide when and how to engage in sexual intercourse. Women do not have a say about sexual matters in their marriage, their main jurisdiction is the kitchen especially because they are the ones responsible for preparing food … The sad part is that most of us are prepared to be controllable and not to control anything. The rituals we perform are supposed to be for the benefit of us all. Unfortunately, most of our rights in special spaces are overrun by systems of power and chauvinism. This is hard to communicate in ordinary lives because we were never oriented to raise a voice. But even in silence we should be able to communicate.

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The above excerpt clearly reveals how Chipo’s narrative bares out not just her soul but her lament is also a mouthpiece for most VaRemba women. When women have no control of their marriages, especially the marital bed, they feel that the honor of their secret space has been taken away. Marriage is private and so religious experience is private but that privacy is abrogated by structures of control. Privacy has no honor for Chipo. That dishonor spills into the religious space where the majority are controlled by the minority. Resorting to Komba rituals seems to be a relief in some way for women and girls.

A Discovery of Transformative Space When discussing the “Obvious Aspects of Ritual,” Rappaport (1979) brings out the potential ability of a ritual to change all participating agents. He concludes that, “the unfalsifiable supported by the undeniable yields the unquestionable, which transforms the dubious, the arbitrary, and the conventional into the correct, the necessary, and the natural” (Rappaport 1979: 217). A reordering of the opposite poles is potentially possible in ritual drama. It is a chain reaction that spills into other territories of life and leaves those areas transformed. The efficacy of the ritual lies in what the society gives it. The society has the key; so anyone who can control the ritual can control society. Berry Janet Nesta buttresses the potential of ritual-making by women in relation to transition in their own lives. Ritual is made and ritual is transformational. Chipo sees a possibility in ritual to restore honor to her religious and matrimonial space. More than just molding women into the world of submission, sex and skill, there is a lot that the Komba initiation ceremony can offer women in the twenty-first century. Like the Ndembu, the VaRemba Komba rituals make women to feel that they are “under obligation to venerate the ancestral shades” (Turner 1977: 11). Ritual performance and the spirituality of the community are intertwined in the Komba drama. The “ritual script” of the VaRemba women’s Komba training is not written down, but it is written in the hearts of the teachers (Vadhabhi). The teachers (Nyamkungu in Malawi) hold secret code songs called Mwando (Gondo 2017). Consequently, whatever messages are transmitted in these human rituals “the participants transmit information concerning their own current physical, psychic, or sometimes social stress” (Rappaport 1979: 179). Ritual can be a replica of the trainer’s world. This “indexical” (Rappaport 1979) part of all rituals is

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important in understanding the Komba ceremony. Besides, there is also “canonical” transmission of messages through the already encoded liturgy of a ritual. The enduring message of the ritual crosses all boundaries of the “liminal areas of time and space” in a way that provides social breathing space to the participants (Turner 1969). Hence, a lot of creativity lies with the trainers but they have to remain mainly in line with the traditional clan wisdom. The teachers are not only responsible for teaching the internees but they also dub the trainees’ new identities. That new identity crosses from private to public. Rituals have power. There is a gap of carrying a name in community that can influence relationships in the privacy of marriage and religion. Identifying that gap is very important. The community itself renders another opportunity to influence transformation. The value and power given to rituals in the Chipinda community are very high. Rituals have authority over power brokers of the land. They are the only instruments that can make chiefs and rulers kneel. In Komba, women have that power also on their side. Though Komba is in a way quasi-religious, its setting, influence and order cannot be minimized. It has curriculum virtue. Although the conceptualization of curriculum is hard, Chipo is aware that the curriculum feature of Komba has power to revamp the sanctuaries of life to honor. This curriculum’s determinants are society, culture, philosophical issues, politics, language, bias to times, knowledge, psychological issues and financial priorities, among many other things. These determinants are not static so the ritual can also move with time. The Komba curriculum is therefore more than a cultural rite of passage. It is a body of knowledge covering all experiences of people involved in the ritual activity. It stands on its own as a cultural reclamation instrument. According to Chipo, this discovery is empowering.

The Ritual Potency of the Komba Ceremony in Traditional Chipinda Area Rappaport (1979: 173) observes a ritual to be “a form or structure” which can be defined “as the performance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances not encoded by the performers.” These sequences of acts and words remain as key symbols of every ritual. They form what Roger Abrahams in Rappaport calls a “continuum of behavioral formality” (1979: 176). Although the ritual follows some formalities or

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prescribed order, not all formalities are rituals. Goody describes ritual as “a category of standardized behavior (custom) in which the relationship between means and ends is not intrinsic.” Rituals have a form of “liturgical orders” that the participants get into. The term “liturgical orders” brings up nuances of religious aura where both “fixed sequences of words and acts [provide] form to individual ritual event” and “fixed sequences of rituals that lead men (sic) around circles of seasons, along the straight paths that depart from birth and arrive at death” (Rappaport 1979: 176). According to Paul Ricoeur, rituals are symbols translated into movement which might not just be equated to ordinary drama. The main purpose of the Komba ritual is to mold individuals into productive and community-oriented adults through important passages of life (Maposa 2011). They (rituals) invite for participation. Those who participate experience what they represent. Participation restores Ubuntu or humanness of all subjects taking part. Rites or rituals cannot be fully experienced theoretically. The participatory nature of rituals is important to note in the VaRemba circles. One does not become a Muremba by knowing or observing others performing the rituals. Rappaport (1979: 177) notes that “dramas have audiences, rituals have congregations.” Through participation, one becomes part of the flock. The strings of experiences within one’s lifetime are captured religiously through some formal sequences of ritual activities. The performance is both a way of expression and the expression itself. Although many rituals are performed in solitude, the “pass-out” ceremony of the VaRemba is public. When Chipo chose to be a Mudhabhi (teacher), she was aware that the ritualistic and public performances ascribed important value to what she was getting herself into. At public display of rituals, two types of messages are transmitted: the indexical and the canonical (Rappaport 1979). The indexical transmits information concerning the participants’ “current physical, psychic or social states” (Rappaport 1979: 179). Assisting Clare in ritual-making, Berry brings out symbols that would help to express the participant’s “feelings of hurt and anger.” The indexical transmission has potential to bring those agonized feelings in the performers. “Whereas the indexical is concerned with the immediate, the canonical is concerned with the enduring” (Rappaport 1979: 179). A combination of indexical and canonical meaning in ritual is a lethal weapon to disarm a congregation of the invariant. The possibility of choice and variation of content through indexical meaning can cater for bringing to the surface the women’s lived experiences.

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Ritual is pivotal for life-changing as a “public counting and ordering” device (Rappaport 1979:184). It has analogical and digital qualities that connect continuous and discontinuous experiences. Here, analogic “refers to entities and processes in which values can change through continuous imperceptible gradations—for instance temperature, distance.” Chipo chronicled some of her winter experiences as they sang their ritual songs2 with processions from their cleansing pools, in which intones of cries of pain are creatively styled in their melodies. The digital qualities refer to “entities or processes whose values change not through continuous infinitesimal gradation but discontinuous leaps” (1979: 184). The teachers’ and the novices’ hearts beat as they approach each stage of their lessons in this discontinuous way. As a Mudhabhi who would soon be “dubbing” the novices with new names, she wanders who would come and name these aspiring family changers. As noted by Maposa, the initiates return home as tikhomba, that is, “as different people, full people and responsible people” (Maposa 2011: 482). In Chipo’s view, as a Mudhabhi, this fullness is her main focus as it transforms not only the girls but also the entire community. Hope for life is fanned by the community. It is in the community’s approval that both men and women in the VaRemba clans discover their being. Without the community, some zeal to become just folds and dies away. Conversely, without the ritual, the community won’t look at this clan with any further expectation than simply to live. One continuum of life has two segments that women need to fulfill through ritual. The first life is that brought about by the natural affiliation to the clan privileges. This segment has its benefits in the natural order of living. The second segment is the life in the ritual living. The first life is not complete without the second. The second is meaningless if the first life has never been attained. But through the authority of a ritual, the first life is made naught and therefore replaced forever. However, Chipo articulates the ambivalence of this continuum in the following words: Ritual frees but does not save. It frees from taunts but makes one to continue in hurting feelings of hopelessness. Until the ritual speaks to the direct indexical needs of the people, it has no help … The only way the ritual gets its power for defining meaningfulness is through teachings. These teachings have its structure in a story. The ritual provides this story. It is no longer an 2  One of the cleansing songs is “Ndakangamwa zvinhu zvangu pandageza” (I have forgotten my wares where I took a bath).

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archaic one but a modern story of lived experiences. The teachings of this story are pure and final. One who really wants to make a difference can hold on that illusion and change the whole community.

A case in point is the fact that a pure Muremba should not eat any meat at home or at a religious function if it did not pass through the normal ritual slaughtering processes. The community would not try to explain anything to make a MuRemba believe in the cleanliness of the food. The community is made to believe a ritual whose origins they do not know. Religion also bows to this traditional ritual script. So ritual has power over religion. The ritual now becomes the author of new communal identities. The power of ritual is even clearer in marriage. Though marriage and reproductive roles are relegated to a lower level of social importance, they are controlling the entire life of the VaRemba and the communities they mingle with. Komba is an informal curriculum that has transformative potential. Chikunda and Shoko (2009) observe that there is a shift of the Komba initiations to accommodate the general school curriculum time as a remarkable shift toward change. This sensitivity of the ritual to the community processes earns the Komba ritual respect from different leadership platforms for its depiction of esoteric lore. By respecting other curriculums, it establishes its place strategically to be listened to as well. The seclusion period for training of the novices is reduced to accommodate other life processes. The climax of Komba’s influence is on the last day when a full display of activities and processes are given back to the community. The masked dancers appear only on the day of pass-out but known in greater detail by those who shared the training process with them. In this whole process, the participants enjoy their ritual activities and the aura created. As already alluded, Chipo sees the Komba ritual pass-out as rife space to earn control even of the contested space. The old story controlled by patriarchy has fresh nuances it can utilize in confronting the powers that be. This is the place where the reversal of abuse in the home can be done. With calculated dance and movements, individual expressions of feelings can be displayed for the public to know. The zigzag movement of the Komba initiates from the kitchen to the water body, then back to the kitchen and finally out through dance is signification of a new horizon of life. The outdoor water-body visit also defies protocol of kitchen lockdown. Graduation is a point of the process that must not be missed. New accepted life is born there. The ritual helps to communicate what words

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alone cannot express. The “formal postures and gestures may communicate something more,” using the old script (Rappaport 1979: 199). The pass-out, with its masked dancers on stage and different food types and artifacts displayed from the novices’ lessons, does not only show the skill of the “girls” but also meets the real hunger to the satisfaction of the participants. So the participation of the community in witnessing the completion of the lessons is in a way a “pledge” that the community gives to honor the ritual. The location for conducting the graduation ceremony or pass-out parade (for lack of a better word) shows that it is no longer child’s-play because it can be performed at one of the community leaders’ homesteads. That communicates that “we have people worth of establishing generations in the girls and women from the Komba curriculum and lessons” (Chipo Interview 2020). They have a potential through their performances to transform and restore “purity to that which has been polluted,” by social disdain (Rappaport 1979: 190). The feeling of not being wanted/lacking sense of belonging is taken away. The rights to control have been usurped through the power of rites. The story of the minority becomes the story of all. Here, her sanctuary has honor, and her desire to reach the utopian is achieved. It is Chipo’s conviction that the Komba ritual should be here to stay. However, she feels that the one crucial step that is needed is to control the script of marriage and religion through remaking of rituals. In so doing, she is convinced that this modification/ transformation will liberate the whole nation. Although the Komba ritual in its present state does not “save” from the inherent oppression and infringements of their human rights, particularly their SRHR, the story it brings out is a story of liberation. Clear conscience is better than jailed commitment. Keeping rites in anguish is worse than open disregard of humanness. Chipo desires a free incorporation of the Komba curriculum in the traditional frame of the nation. Free existence is a universal right. It can be enhanced by a rite if more thought is committed to this for the betterment of the family institution. As the nation advances in years, its ritual script needs to be reworked. “Since to perform a liturgical order … is to conform to it, authority or directive is intrinsic to liturgical order” (Rappaport 1979: 192). The participants may not believe in the deeper meaning of the ritual process but their involvement makes them to be bound by society’s expectation to duty. For fear of being categorized as “immoral, unethical or wrong” (Rappaport 1979: 198), a new moral fiber is inculcated in all the participants. That way, a new society is controlled, not by those in power but by those who strategically see where the power of the people rests. For Chipo, her influence to

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change her experiences rests in the Komba ritual space. The honor that was lost in both religion and marriage can be restored. The space of her sanctuary would be observed even by the infidel because they belong to a society that practices it. It will not be the VaRemba alone observing the good part of the ritual, but all the people. To fully claim this space, a deliberate revamp of the present ritual script is needed by the teachers differently called Vadhabhi, Mbuya or Nyamkungu.

Conclusion When the space of women could not naturally emerge like what happens in their male counterparts’ ceremonies, women-instigated changes have to be reworked by the participants. Religious space becomes new and meaningful. It ceases to be only the center of the impasse, for men and women seeking their freedom; it becomes the real space for restored dignity. The life story for Chipo as narrated in this chapter is an example of women struggling to reclaim their freedom in worship space among the Balemba/ VaRemba clans. The space of religion and marriage is redeemable if the wisdom of rituals is studied and applied well. The Komba ritual has redemptive knots that it can offer to women in different religious and marital situations. Whether ritual has followed a canonical or indexed interpretation, it can redeem both the believing and unbelieving communities. Noticing the script and replaying it in new ways create a new language of freedom. As the nation of Zimbabwe forges ahead with the thrust to realize Vision 2030 in line with the Sustainable Development Goals, it will be prudent to also embrace positive change by transforming the Komba ritual so that the teachings take into consideration the women’s yawning need for affirming and respecting their SRHR as well as rethinking their socioeconomic place especially in a marital setup.

References Primary Source Chikunda, C., and P. Shoko. 2009. Exploring the Relevance and Quality of the VaRemba Initiation School Curriculum and its Impact on Formal Schooling in a Rural District in Zimbabwe, Southern African Journal of Environmental Education, Vol. 26. Midlands State University, Zimbabwe. Chipo, M. 2020. Interview on VaRemba Komba Rituals (26 February 2020, Chipinda, Mberengwa).

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Secondary Sources Eliade, Mircea. 1987. The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion. Florida: Harcourt Inc. Gondo, Tracey. 2017. Investigation on the Female Initiation Practice, Chinamwali/ Chinamwari in Chewa Communities. A Case of Chegutu Urban 2000–2016. Unpublished Dissertation, Midlands State University, Gweru. Gwaze, Veronica. 2019, August 18. Chinamwali: Old Habits Die Hard. The Sunday News Newspaper. Zimbabwe. Henri, A.  Junod. 1908 [2012]. The Balemba of the Zoutpansberg (Transvaal), Folklore 19 (3): 276–287. Published Online: 14 February 2012. Hopkins, Jonathan, and Lynn Collins. 2017. How Linked are National HIV and SRHR Strategies? A Review of SRHR and HIV Strategies in 60 Countries. Health Policy and Planning 32 (Suppl_4): 1 November 2017, iv57–iv66. https://doi.org/10.1093/heapol/czw119. Katz, N. 2003. Tudor Parfitt: The Lost Tribes of Israel: The history of a myth. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2002. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 66 (2): 258–260. https://doi.org/10.1017/ S0041977X03310158. Kilde, Jeanne Halgren. 2008. Sacred Power: An Introduction to Christian Architecture and Worship. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mabuwa, C. 1993. The Komba Ritual of the VaRemba Tribe of Mberengwa. Unpublished BA Hons Dissertation. Harare: University of Zimbabwe. Mabuwa. 2006. (in Shoko, T. (2009) Komba: Girls’ Initiation Rite and Inculturation Among the VaRemba of Zimbabwe. http://uir.unisa.ac.za/ xmlui/bitstream/handle/10500/4508/Shoko-­SHEXXXV_1_-­May%202009. pdf?sequence=1. Accessed June 2015. Mandivenga, E.C. 1989. The History and ‘Re-conversion’ of the VaRemba of Zimbabwe. Journal of Religion in Africa 19 (2): 98–124. Mapindani, A. 2018. The Ngoma Initiation Rite: A Distinctive Vatsonga Cultural Mainstay in Zimbabwe in Africology: The Journal of Pan. African Studies 11 (2): 83–91. Maposa, R.S. 2011. ‘Going under the Traditional Knife’: Linking African Traditional Education and the Ethic of Identity through Shangani Culture, Zimbabwe. JETERAPS 2 (6): 479–484. Munthali, A.C., and E.M. Zulu. 2007. The Timing and Role of Initiation Rites in Preparing Young People for Adolescence and Responsible Sexual and Reproductive Behaviour in Malawi. African Journal of Reproductive Health 11 (3): 150–167. Musoni, Peter. 2020. Interview on VaRemba Rituals (20 March 2020). Mapunya, Mberengwa.

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Rappaport, R. 1979. Ecology, Meaning, and Religion. California: North Atlantic Books, Berkeley. Essay 6 “The obvious aspects of ritual, pp. 173–221. Shoko, T. 2007. Karanga Religious Religion in Zimbabwe: Health and Well-Being. Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing House. ———. 2009. ‘Komba: Girls’ Initiation Rite and Inculturation among the VaRemba of Zimbabwe. Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae XXXV (1): 31–45. Shumba, K., and M. Lubombo. 2017. Cultural competence: A framework for promoting voluntary medical male circumcision among VaRemba communities in Zimbabwe July 2017African Journal of AIDS Research 16 (2): 1–9. https:// doi.org/10.2989/16085906.2017.1337040 Stayt, H.A. 1931. Notes on the Balemba. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 61 (January to June). https://www.africabib.org/rec.php?RID=P00053792. The Herald. 29 April 2011. Chinamwali: Old Habits Die Hard. Features, Opinion and Analysis. https://www.herald.co.zw/chinamwali-­old-­habits-­die-­hard-­2/ Turner, Victor. 1957. Schism and Continuity. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Turner, Victor. 1967. The Forest of Symbols. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Turner, V. 1968. The Drums of Affliction: A Study of Religious Processes Among the Ndembu of Zambia. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Turner. 1969. Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-structure. New York: Cornell University Press. Turner, V. 1977. Symbols in African Ritual. In Symbolic Anthropology: A Reader in the Study of Symbols and Meanings, ed. Dolgin, J. L., Kemnitzer, D. S., & Schneider, D. M., 183–194. New York: Columbia University Press.

CHAPTER 7

The Personification of Nature as Mother: Motherhood in Islam with Specific Reference to Varemba Women in Mberengwa, Zimbabwe Silindiwe Zvingowanisei

Introduction Climate change and global warming have been rampant in the twenty-first century to the extent that there is an urgent need to address the crisis. The magnitude of the crisis is such that it calls for a multi-sectoral approach, religion included. Religion has shifted over the years from being a theoretical discipline to a more practical discipline which addresses issues faced by people in their day-to-day lives. It is within this framework that researches on how the Earth can be protected and preserved are of vital importance in an era where the global community in general and the Zimbabwean nation in particular are reeling under the crisis of climate change. We are all closely tied to the environment, and our existence

S. Zvingowanisei (*) University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_7

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derives from the dependence on a healthy environment in the same way as our existence once depended on our mother or mother figures, always females. Men tend to be protective of their mothers and thus the same protective instinct that men have for their mothers can be used in the protection and preservation of the Earth in this era of climate change and global warming. This is affirmed in the Remba proverb which says ukarova mai unotanda botso (If you beat up your mother, misfortunes will befall you). This is informed by the understanding that in most indigenous cultures, the mother is viewed as a super being, the giver of life, provider of comfort and love and the centre of life within which all humanity revolves (Akujobi 2011: 2). Thus, motherhood as an institution commands a lot of respect in the Islamic religion. With this in mind, a question which may arise is whether Mother Earth is punishing her children for failure to take good care of her by amputating her through cutting down of trees and digging holes in her. Through an investigation on the concept of motherhood and the respect it commands in the Islamic religion and culture, ways may hopefully be found to curb the effects of climate change and global warming considering that the Earth is personified as a mother. Motherhood is understood within the discourse on sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR), hence, the inevitable entwinement between ecological degradation and the marginalisation of women.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework This investigation which lies in the discipline of Religion and Gender seeks to reconcile the religious connotations placed on the institution of motherhood and how they can be useful in the emancipation of women. It is within this framework that the institution of motherhood has been greatly celebrated in Islamic societies across the African continent. This being owed to the life-giving and nurturing abilities that women have. It is for this reason that the Earth has been represented and personified as mother, relating to the life-giving and nurturing role of the Earth which is also found in women. This further broadens the research into the sub-­discipline of ecofeminism, a branch of feminism that tries to reconcile the relationship between women and the natural surroundings both flora and fauna. Ecofeminists have, thus, argued that women are closer to nature and men closer to culture and it is for this reason that both women and nature have suffered and still suffer under patriarchy (Ngcobo 1988: 140–49). Of special interest to this research is the value or importance placed on the

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institution of motherhood among the Varemba Muslim people in Zimbabwe. This chapter seeks to examine questions such as to what extent does the eco-religious life of the Varemba Muslim people enhance the position of women socially, economically and religiously? Has it been for the better or worse? How can the value and importance placed on the concept and institution of motherhood be channelled towards the emancipation of women? The discourse of ecofeminism has brought into question the place of motherhood in the production, circulation and consumption of items in African societies. Wives in African societies move into their husbands’ homes. They are intrinsically regarded as strangers in that environment. The right to the community land is vested in the spirit of the patrilineal ancestors. The ancestor of the wives, whether male or female, does not exercise any influence despite the fact that women carry out most of the agricultural tasks. Ecofeminism has closely linked women to nature by putting into comparison women’s bodies as being productive in the same way that nature does. It is in this light that a lot of debate has emerged on whether women are closer to nature than men. If they are closer to nature than men, why then do they have little access to natural resources? Leach (2007) argues that the notion of women having a special relationship with nature sprang from ecofeminist fables and myths about women’s natural, cultural or ideological closeness to nature. According to Leach, this intended to justify women’s roles and to give cultural and political weight to international calls to address gender concerns (Leach, 2007:67-85). This chapter therefore attempts to reconcile the notion of whether women are closer to nature and what implications it has on women as mothers or as Leach puts it across, they are just fables and myths by ecofeminists to justify women’s roles and to give cultural and political weight to international calls to address gender concerns. Thus, in line with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 5 emphasising on gender equality and women empowerment, this chapter seeks to explore how the institution of motherhood amongst the Varemba people of Mberengwa district in Zimbabwe can be used in the emancipation of women.

Motherhood in the Varemba Muslims’ Perspective This section explores the institution of motherhood from the Varemba Muslims’ perspective. Amongst those who have written on motherhood in the African context, and in this instance on motherhood in the Varemba

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Muslim cultures, many have tended to overgeneralise what motherhood is. They forget the dynamics of the political, social and economic settings of different women in these diverse cultures. It is in this instance that motherhood, more often than not, has been defined within the realm of giving birth and nurturing. Would this be a true reflection of what motherhood is or there is more to what comprises this institution? For example, among the Varemba, hanzvadzi yamai ndimai (my mothers’ brother is also regarded as my mother). An older woman in society, even without having given birth to a child, is also a mother. There is more to what women do in society than just confining them to the private sphere of life. For the purpose of this paper, motherhood is understood as the state of being a mother, for example, through giving birth. On the other hand, mothering is all about the characteristics and duties of a mother such as nurturing the child. Whereas only females qualify for motherhood, both males and females qualify for mothering. It is in this light that the next section is going to elaborate on what motherhood means within the African context, specifically within the Varemba Muslim society and the roles which accompany motherhood.

Definition of Motherhood Motherhood is often defined as an automatic set of feelings and behaviours that is switched on by pregnancy and the birth of a baby (Akujobi 2011: 2). From this definition, one can argue that, if a woman, whether she is married or not gets pregnant and gives birth to a child, then she is a mother. This would imply that the institution of motherhood is defined by one’s ability to give birth. In this sense, Ngcobo believes that generally, Africans take motherhood to be all about children, as she puts it: every woman is encouraged to marry and get children in order to express her womanhood to the fullest. The basis of marriage among Africans implies the transfer of a woman’s fertility to the husband’s family group (Ngcobo 1988: 140–49). Motherhood is so critical in African Islamic societies that there is no worse misfortune for a woman than being childless. A barren woman is seen as incomplete. She is what Mbiti calls the ‘dead end of human life, not only for genealogical level but also for herself’ (Mbiti 1970: 144). Yes, motherhood is vital, but it should not be all that the woman is made for. It should be a matter of choice as some women would rather not experience motherhood. If it is a choice, it might save the women from several societal problems.

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In the Remba culture, a woman who is not married but has a child is known as mvana and not amai (mother). It is in this instance that it becomes clearer how society defines what motherhood is, and anyone who does not conform to societal expectations cannot be called a mother. For this reason, motherhood is seen as an experience that is said to be profoundly shaped by social context and culture. Recognising that most Islamic societies have been noted to be highly patriarchal, Adebayo tells the women to tear the veil of invisibility by breaking the barriers of patriarchy. The metaphor of the ‘veil’ is vital, especially in a predominantly patriarchal society. It is important that the woman tears this veil because if she does not, it will mask her identity, it will muffle her voice and distort her vision (Adebayo 1993: 23). Motherhood is also seen as a moral transformation whereby a woman comes to terms with being different in that she ceases to be an autonomous individual because she is in one way or the other attached to another—her baby (Akujobi 2011: 2). One would have to question the idea of a woman being the only one who has to undergo a moral transformation because she is attached to her baby, yet it takes a man and a woman to procreate. Why is the man not expected to undergo the same moral transformation and why is the attachment of the baby solely placed on the mother? In many societies, motherhood is wrapped in many cultural and religious meanings. It follows that society has certain expectations or ideologies which surround what motherhood entails. Thus, for instance, among the Varemba people, there are initiation ceremonies for girls from the time of their first menstrual cycle known as the ‘Komba rite’ which is intended to move a mature girl (mhandara) from the state of girlhood to that of womanhood (Mbuya Zhou, interview: 2019). It is in this sense that there are certain behaviours which society expects from a girl which are different from that of a woman, and for this reason, girls are initiated into womanhood by older women. In many African societies, motherhood defines womanhood. Motherhood, then, is crucial to women’s status in African society. To marry and mother a child (a son preferably) entitles a woman to more respect from her husband’s kinsmen, for she can now be addressed as Amai va— (mother of—). Patriarchal societies place more importance on the boy child than the girl child. This is so because the male child is believed to carry on the name of the family, whilst the girl child is regarded as a mutorwa (stranger) who is going to bear children who will carry on the name of the family she would have married into (Ibrahim Hove,

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interview: 2019). Women, therefore, by virtue of being able to bring forth life, attain more respect as they become links through childbearing between the dead and the living and future generations to come. It is in this instance that, among the Varemba when a child is born, people would say, akafanana nambuya kana sekuru vake (the child resembles her/his grandmother/grandfather). That child, even after the grandmother or grandfather dies, will remain as a symbol in the family or a constant reminder of generations to come of what their grandparents looked like. Thus, humai (motherhood) is of vital importance in this society. The mother is a religious symbol which is for the same reason that women occupy an important place in the religious life of the Varemba as healers, herbalists and traditional midwives inter alia. It is in this same manner that the word ‘mother’ has also been used as a national symbol by politicians (Nyamiti 1981: 271). Nationalists in Africa have identified Africa as our motherland which had been taken by colonialists and which needed to be freed from colonialism. For instance, Zimbabwe has been identified as ‘our motherland’; it is for this reason that people would treat the land with the same respect as they give to their mothers. Thus, during the war to reclaim political independence (popularly known as hondo yeChimurenga), the people of Zimbabwe were always reminded of how the motherland which was snatched by colonialists needed to be given back to the people, vana vevhu (children of the soil). This shows that motherhood cannot only be reduced to childbearing and nurturing, although the Remba culture places emphasis on procreation. Motherhood or humai is referred to as a mother craft, an art or skills to bring forth and look after one’s child (Hannan 1974). This definition highlights a vital concept of motherhood in the Remba culture, mothers are childbearers and nurturers. However, a close analysis of this definition of motherhood reveals that it confines women to become childbearing machines, yet there is more to what motherhood entails. Fatima noted that mukadzi wababamunini or babamukuru vangu ndimai (the wife to my father’s younger or elder brother is also regarded as my mother) (Fatima,1 interview: 2020). This further elaborates the idea that among the Varemba, motherhood comprises a whole lot of aspects and cannot only be confined to a woman’s ability to give birth. When a woman gets married and gives birth, the child is not hers alone but the child 1  Not real name. In order to maintain confidentiality, all the names used in this chapter are pseudonyms.

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automatically belongs to the whole family or clan and to the community at large. It is for this reason that, in an interview with Mrs Wasiya, she highlighted that every older woman in society becomes a mother to all the children in the community and can reproach that child or even discipline the child if s/he misbehaves just as the child’s biological mother would have done. Therefore, this renders women not only mothering their biological children, but also other women’s children within the community (Mrs Wasiya, interview: 2020). From the foregoing discussions, one can note that there cannot be one definite or distinct aspect of what motherhood entails. It is one term that has been given prominence in women’s discourses. Motherhood can be viewed in many different ways and presented in diverse angles. Motherhood as an experience and as an institution has and is still receiving different definitions from different writers. It is in this instance that a look into what constitutes motherhood and the implication it has on women is of vital importance.

Roles of Mothers Childbearing As already stated in the preceding section, one of the most distinctive roles that a woman in Islam has been given is that of childbearing. The Quran puts special emphasis on the mothers’ pivotal role in giving birth and nursing. It says: And we have enjoined on man to be good to his parents: In travail upon travail did his mother bear him and in two years was his weaning. Show gratitude to me and to your parents. (Quran 31:14)

This very special place of mothers in Islam was eloquently described by Prophet Muhammad: A man asked the Prophet ‘Whom should I honour most?’ The Prophet replied, ‘Your mother.’ ‘And who comes next?’ asked the man. The Prophet replied, ‘Your mother.’ ‘And who comes next?’ asked the man. The Prophet replied, ‘Your mother.’ ‘And who comes next?’ asked the man. The Prophet replied, ‘Your father.’ (Bukhari and Muslim)

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Among the few precepts of Islam which the Varemba people still faithfully observe to the present day is the considerate treatment of mothers. The honour that Varemba mothers receive from their sons and daughters is exemplary. Azeem aptly summed it up when he said: ‘The intensely warm relations between Muslim mothers and their children and the deep respect with which Muslim men approach their mothers usually amaze westerners’ (Azeem 2010:52). Childbearing according to Mrs Sadiki is one of the definite roles that Varemba women proudly embrace as they regard this as a God (Allah)-ordained duty which they do not see as a form of oppression by men (Mrs Sadiki, interview: 2020). Varemba mothers regard giving birth and nurturing their progeny as another way of realising their full womanhood. They derive fulfilment from this biological and natural necessity, and the spasms of ‘joys of motherhood’ are an integral part of their whole existence. In support of the notion that women regard childbearing as a God-­ ordained duty, Amai Khadijah (Mother of Khadijah) noted that women and men are created differently. She said, Muviri wemunhukadzi wakasikwa nenzira yekuti anogona kutakura mwana kwemwedzi mipfumbamwe nekusununguka mushure memwedzi iyoyo. Ichi chipo chisingaonekwi muvarume. Naizvozvo ibasa redu retakapiwa naMusiki rekuzvara vana (A woman’s body was created in a manner that it can carry a baby for nine months and bring it forth to life after that period. This is an attribute which cannot be found in men. Therefore, it becomes women’s God given or natural role to bear children). (Amai Khadijah, interview: 2019)

However, this then becomes problematic when one considers the idea that there are some women who cannot bear children. Would this mean that they cannot be designated as mothers because they have failed to bring forth life into the world? Mrs Badge insisted on the idea that even though some women cannot bear children, they can still be called mothers. She noted that if she herself is married into a family and her husband’s elder or younger brother is not capable of giving birth, her children automatically become the children of her amaiguru or amainini (elder or younger brother’s wife), respectively (Mrs Badge, interview: 2019). This further demonstrates that in Remba culture, motherhood cannot be confined to childbearing, although the emphasis on women as childbearers cannot be overlooked.

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The role of women as childbearers is one that is greatly celebrated in Remba culture even through proverbs. For instance, hunaki hwemukadzi huri pamwana (the beauty of a wife lies in producing children); chikuru mwana, kurwadza kwenhumbu hakuyeukwi (what is important is the child, for labour pains are soon forgotten) (Mbuya ZiZhou, interview: 2020). It is for this reason that the union of a woman and a man through marriage in Remba society is one which is premised on the idea of procreation. Every marriage is expected to result in children for genealogical purposes. Thus, a woman receives more respect when she bears a son who would be the heir of his father’s name and inheritance (Sekuru Musa, interview: 2019). It is for this reason that virtually all the girls who were interviewed for the purpose of this research unequivocally highlighted that it is every girl’s wish and dream to get married one of the days and have their own children. As a girl gets older, society starts putting pressure on her to get married. What is important, however, is having a child after getting married and this is expected as soon as one is married. Otherwise, a year or two into marriage, family and friends would start asking questions on why the couple does not have a child yet. It is within this context that in Islam, measures are taken to ensure that a child is born into the family. According to Islam, barrenness on the part of the woman is one of the reasons which warrants a man to take another wife (polygamy). On this note, Abdalati (1988: 170) writes: In some instances of marriage, the wife may not be capable of having children for one reason or another. To have a family life in the full sense of the word and contribute to the preservation of the human kind, the presence of children is fundamental. Besides, it is one of the major purposes of marriage, and man desires by nature to have children to preserve his name and strengthen the family bonds. In a situation like this, Islam allows a man to remarry.

The Varemba consider polygamy to be the best solution out of a difficult situation. This is because the man cannot resort to other options such as (i) to forget his situation and suppress his natural desire to have children. Islam does not encourage or approve suppression of anyone’s legitimate desires and natural aspirations. This also explains why homosexuality and lesbianism have been condemned among the Varemba because it defies the whole purpose of procreation (Sheikh Salimu, interview: 2020). (ii) To divorce his childless wife through a course of separation, adultery

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or otherwise. Divorce under these circumstances is not justifiable, because it is not the wife’s fault that she cannot have children. Besides, divorce is the most detestable thing in the sight of Allah and is permissible only when there is no other alternative. (iii) To adopt children and give them his name. Adoption is also out of the question because Islam ordains that every child must be called by his real father’s name and if the name is unknown, he must be called a brother in faith (Quran 33:4–5). This, of course, does not mean that a child who has no known father or supporter should suffer deprivation or lack of care. Far from it. It means that adoption as it is practised today is not the way to give that child a secure and prosperous life. For no one can really and fully substitute for the actual mother and father. Besides, many complications are involved in the institution of adoption. The institution is no doubt unhealthy and may cause much harm to the child, to the parents, artificial and real, to other relations of the adopting family and to society at large (Maududi 1960). Sheikh Salimu echoed the same sentiments when he said: Kuadopta vana kunokonzeresa matambudziko akawanda. Iyi itsika yekunyika dzakaita saana America. Kuno kuAfrica hatidaro. Naizvozvo, isu saVaremba hatigashiri kana kubvumidza tsika iyoyo pakati pedu’ (Adopting children causes many problems. This is practiced in countries like America. Here in Africa we do not do that. Therefore, as the Varemba we neither accept the institution nor tolerate its practice among us). (Sheikh Salimu, interview: 2020)

After a critical analysis of the importance and value placed on childbearing, one can argue that by so doing, the realisation of womanhood or motherhood is centred on one’s ability to bear children. This has both cultural and religious connotations as highlighted in the paragraphs above. It is for this reason that when a child misbehaves, the mother rebukes or tells the child even in adulthood that usakanganwe wakabva mudumbu iri (do not forget that I carried you in this womb for nine months). This reminds the child to treat the mother with all the respect she deserves because she was responsible for bringing the child into existence. Even when the child is a grown woman or man, the notion that ndakakutakura mudumbu mangu (I carried you in my womb) always stands as a reminder to the child not to forget where they came from (usakanganwe kwewakabva). From another angle, this also restates how the Varemba culture greatly celebrates women’s life-giving ability. Consequently, incidences of

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a man beating up his mother is unthinkable. It is interesting to note that among the Varemba, men do not only respect and celebrate their mothers, but also jealously protect them. It is in this manner that if the Earth is personified as mother, a question has been posed on how men can oppress and dominate their Mother Earth. Would one amputate his own mother or dig holes into her body? Certainly not! The same principle has been used in trying to advocate for the protection of the Earth by humanity in the same way that men are protective of their mothers. This resonates with SDG 13 emphasising on ecological stewardship. Mothers as Nurturers Due to their reproductive abilities, women have been designated as nurturers and men as workers. This is based on the argument that during pregnancy, women nurture a baby from the time a mature haploid male or female germ cell unites with another of the opposite sex in sexual reproduction to form a zygote, to an embryo and then a fully matured baby in nine months. This ability of being able to carry and bring forth life into the world has led women to be designated nurturers; an ability which men do not have. This sentiment was echoed by the late President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, whilst denouncing homosexuality when he argued that if two men were to be placed in a room for nine months we would want to wait and see if they would come out with a baby. In concurrence, Hudson-­ Weems observes that: Lovingly and responsibly, the Africana woman is the mother of all humankind and thus, unquestionably the supreme mother nurturer. It is within this context that the ability to nurture and bring forth life has been taunted as a God ordained ability which every woman greatly embraces. (Hudson-­ Weems 2004: 33)

The Varemba view of God includes a sense of motherhood. This relates to the nurturing of the seed sown in the field and this applies to human reproduction in which the woman is symbolically the field where the seed is sown. She nurtures the seed and cares for it in a creative sense. In her role as mother, she accepts the creative role from God the creator in caring for the offspring, as God cares for the fertility of the land. The woman brings forth children in the pathway of her fulfilment of the task given to her.

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Mothers as Caregivers The motherly bond with her children does not discriminate among them. She belongs to all of them (Badawi 1994). It follows that one other role that has been designated for mothers is that of caregivers. It is for this reason that mothers provide care, affection and love to their children because of this bond that would have been created from the time the baby was in the womb. The Varemba have proverbs which celebrate this caregiving attribute enshrined in mothers. For example, rudo rwehuku kuisa vana mumapapiro ziso riri kurukodzi (It is love that makes a hen shelter its chicks while her eye is on the hawk). Tsuro kupeta nzeve kumbwa seisikanzwi ziso riri kumwana (A hare directs its ears towards the dogs while its eye is on the young one). Thus, from a Remba perspective, mothers are the supreme caregivers who are committed to the security of their families, communities and nations. The Varemba also have a proverb which says kusina mai hakuendwi (you cannot go where your mother is absent) because it is only where your mother is present that you find affection, love and care. This is so because the mother has a deeper understanding of how it is to carry a child for nine months and the labour pains upon the delivery of the baby. Owing to this experience, the mother, therefore, becomes the supreme caregiver of the child (Mbuya Zhou, interview: 2019). The idea of mothers as caregivers was rightly echoed by Zimbabwe’s renowned artist, the late Oliver Mtukudzi, affectionately known as Tuku by his fans in his song ‘Ndafunga Dande.’ The song is about how a mother tells her child to come back to feed from her breasts, even though she had weaned the child. Kukurumura kwandakaita gore riya, pawakasiira ipapo dzoka uyamwe (the breast milk is still available since the time I weaned you, you can come back and resume breastfeeding from where you left). This shows that even if the child has grown to be an adult, the motherly love and care will always be there whenever the child needs it. To this end, mothers have been referred to as caregivers. Another Remba proverb which celebrates the role of mothers as caregivers is nherera inoguta musi wafa amai (the day the mother dies is the last day an orphan eats to the full). From this, one can discern the idea that mothers are providers as well as caregivers of their children. Clearly, the proverb makes reference only to the day that the mother passes away and not the father. Hence, this raises the question that if the father is there, will he not be able to provide and

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take care of the remaining family? This further brings into question who or what defines what motherhood is. Feeding the Family and Ethnic Group Muttahari (2016) insinuates that, among women’s motherhood roles, her most important function is that of feeding the family. As an extension to this observation, one can argue that a mother is first and foremost primarily concerned with the wellbeing of her family. The look on a mother’s face when she has failed to provide food for her family says it all. Since the Varemba are mainly rural based (Chitando, 2018), it is the fathers who normally go to the cities to seek for employment while the mother and children remain behind where she would ensure that every family member is well fed. For this reason, the kitchen in Remba culture is the domain of the mother. Mrs Bakali observed that, Amai ndivo vanoona kuti mhuri yadya. Semuenzaniso, muna 2008 patakashaya zvokudya munyika, vana amai vaienda kuMozambique nepaSango border kunotenga zvokudya zvekubikira mhuri dzinenge dzasara (The mother sees to it that the family is fed. For example, in 2008 when the country was in an economic crisis, mothers would cross over to the neighbouring country Mozambique through the Sango border post to buy provisions for their families who would have remained behind). (Mrs Bakali, interview: 2019)

Thus, the Varemba celebrate the mother as amai vemba igonzo (a housewife is like a rat) which stores up things. Like a rat, the Remba mother gathers and prepares food for the family. She also provides comfort and adds to the general wellbeing of the family through her industriousness. While fathers provide for and guard the family, it is the mother who ensures the wellbeing of the family is catered for through preparing balanced and nutritional food for the family. Mothers as First Teachers Women play a pivotal role in society as the first teachers. Not only do they bear life, but they also nurse, cherish, give warmth and care for life since all human life passes through their own bodies. Since all human life passes through women, one can argue that mothers are the first teachers of the children. Esposito (1988) postulates that in Islam, the mother’s domain is

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the home where one of her fundamental tasks is caring for children and training them. ‘It is in this context that the mother should always uphold cultural traditions and exhibit good manners so that she may be qualified to rightly train the children that may be given her since she is the culture bearer’ (Mrs Muswere, interview: 2019). Accordingly, in the Remba culture, children from their early ages spend most of their time with their mothers. Children are a mirror for the mother in which her own habits and deportment may be reflected. How careful, then, should her language and behaviour be in the presence of those little learners! Whatever traits of character she wishes to see developed in them, she cultivates in herself. Consequently, when a child misbehaves, people tend to question amai vake ndiani? (Who is the mother of this child?). It can be argued that the concept of mothers as being the first teachers emancipates women as mothers. This emerges from the idea that every child was born by a woman. By virtue of that, women as mothers command respect from their offspring. It is for this reason that the Remba culture has taboos (zviera) which highlight the importance of mothers which if defied, might have some serious consequences. Thus, with all his masculinist dissection of the anatomy of the woman, Chimweizu (2010: 121) recognises the power of the woman as he believes that the man suffers a form of oppression in the hands of the woman. For him, the woman has exploited her biological superiority and has consolidated her power by taking over the role of mother, cook and nurse in the household. He also sees marriage as a source of man’s oppression. Of course one knows his stance—men may rule the world, but women rule the men who rule the world (Chimweizu 2010). The argument that men may rule the world, but women rule the men who rule the world stems from the idea of women as first teachers. The child is first taught by women in the form of a mother and whatever that child grows up into, would be a reflection of the mother as the first teacher. The Remba proverb musha mukadzi (the wife/woman is the epitome of the home) and the English proverb ‘behind every successful man is a woman’ clearly demonstrate the notion of mothers as first teachers who mould children in what they would grow up to be. Questions, however, have been asked on why, if women have so much influence on men, how come they still suffer under the shackles of patriarchy? This section analysed what motherhood is and the roles which mothers play in order to pave way for a comparison between motherhood and nature since nature is personified as mother. As noted in the foregoing discussion, the concept

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of motherhood, particularly through childbearing, as perceived among the Varemba people tends to be definitive of what it means to be a complete woman. As such, this has major implications on the SRHR of either those who cannot bear children or those who, out of their own volition, decide not to have children. The next section examines the characteristics of motherhood that have led to nature being identified as a mother. It gives a brief definition and background of what ecofeminism is and some of its arguments which have led to women being identified as both being closer to nature and being oppressed by patriarchy.

Gender and the Environment The argument that men are closer to culture whilst women are closer to nature and that both have suffered under patriarchy is one that has been premised in the ecofeminism argument. Etymologically, the term ecology is derived from the Greek oikos meaning ‘house’ or ‘dwelling’ and logos meaning ‘discourse.’ It is the study of the interactions of organisms with each other and their environment (Chapman and Reiss 1992). So, ecology deals with the study of organisms in their natural home interacting with their surroundings. The surroundings or environment consists of other living organisms (biotic) and physical (abiotic) components (McGregor 2006: 286). Ecology is also defined as the study of the interrelationships between living organisms and their environment (Lincoln et al., 1982). Of particular interest to this chapter is the interaction of humans and nature. Ecofeminism describes movements and philosophies that link feminism with ecology (McGregor 2006: 286). The central issues of ecofeminism were presented by D’Eaubonne. She argued in her book Le Feminisme oula Mort that male control of production and of women’s sexuality brings the twin crises of environmental destruction through surplus production and overpopulation through surplus births (D’Eaubonne 1980: 64). D’Eaubonne called upon women to wrest power from ‘patriarchal men’ not to replace it with ‘power-to-the-­ women’ but ‘egalitarian of a world to be reborn.’ Against the ‘timid ecologists’ who only looked for environmental protection, she argued that what was needed is a ‘planet in the female gender’ (D’Eaubonne 1980: 64). It is in this sense that D’Eaubonne highlighted the idea of women and nature sharing an experience of oppression under patriarchy. Thus, ecofeminism interprets women’s repression and exploitation in terms of the repression and exploitation of the environment. In support of D’Eaubonne’s

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argument was Mr Muswere who submitted that men tend to exploit and repress nature in the same manner that they exploit and repress women. He cited the example of the Chiadzwa communal land (in Manicaland, Zimbabwe) and how it used to be a virgin land before people knew it had diamonds. Upon realisation of the rich mineral that was in the area, people scrambled for the diamonds and after digging through the land to the extent of depletion of the mineral, people left the area in a desolate state (Mr Muswere, interview: 2019). In amplifying the notion of women being exploited and repressed in the same manner as nature, Mrs Sarafina explained that culture dictates that a girl should be a virgin before she enters into marriage and the realisation that she is not a virgin upon her marriage would bring shame to her family (Mrs Sarafina, interview: 2019). However, when a woman is married, has children and reaches menopause, the husband goes on to look for a younger girl or has multiple concurrent partners, a tradition commonly known as ‘small house’ in Zimbabwe (Madlala 2009: 10). It is in light of this that Mai Mutombwa argued that: ‘ehe murume anenge akutotsvaka zvimwe like vanhu vari kutsvaka kuti ngepi kumwe kuchawanika diamond’ (of course the husband will look for another wife in the same manner that people are looking for other places where they can find diamonds’; Mai Mutombwa, interview: 2019). This is in reference to how the land in Chiadzwa was exploited for its rich mineral deposits, the diamonds. This reinforces the argument that women and nature have been exploited and repressed by men. According to Collard (1988: 137), the identity and destiny of women and nature are merged. For him, nothing links the human animal and nature as profoundly as a woman’s reproductive system which enables her to share the experience of bringing forth and nourishing life with the rest of the living world. This was further affirmed by Mrs Sauto when she highlighted that nature reproduces just as mothers do (Mrs Sauto, interview: 2019). Concurring with this notion, Mrs Mutambanengwe argued that a mother brings forth life in the same manner that nature does which is why women are closely linked to nature. Collard recognises that not all women are mothers, or want to be, but argues that each woman is united in a common mother-identity ‘whether or not she personally experiences biological mothering’ (Collard 1988: 137). In the same manner, not all nature physically propagates, some is only there to necessitate propagation, some even help by providing for that which is already living, for instance, rivers are referred to as her, but they do not give birth but rather

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give shelter and nourishment to a host of animals and plants. It is in this manner that motherhood is not only confined to one who gives birth, some can just provide care for someone else’s child, an attribute found in mothers and likewise in nature. Patriarchy on the other hand is also biological; it is a ‘disease’ that reveals itself in the treatment of women and animals (Collard 1988: 1).

Women and Nature Are Both Oppressed Evolutionary Shift The domination of women and nature has been explained through what has been called an evolutionary shift. This shift emerges as a result of hunting behaviour in male hominids (Marti Kheels 2002: 243). This theory posits that the hunter’s destructive, competitive and violent activity directed towards his prey is what originally distinguished men from animals and thus culture from nature. It is within this framework that through hunting of animals and killing them, superiority of men over animals was established. Thus, men can decide which animals can be killed and which can be preserved and which ones can be domesticated. Theoreticians, by creating a history in which man is separate from and superior to animals, establish a mechanism in which a separation from woman can be grounded (Gaard Greta 1986). In this account of human social evolution, the woman’s body (being smaller, weaker and reproductive) prevents her from participating in the hunt and thus relegates her to the arena of non-culture. Women’s non-participation is conceived as naturally inferior. Her reproductive capacity and life-bearing activities stand in sharp contrast to the death-bringing activities that underlie culture (Fisher 2000). Constructed this way, human social evolution establishes the subservient status of women and animals. Religious Beliefs With the settling down of communities, religious beliefs emerged with the rise of agriculture. Droughts, storms and other natural conditions led to the devastation of crops, which in turn caused much suffering. Thus, nature was simultaneously the source of great fear and that which provided the means for survival. Woman, likened to the Earth for her ability to bring forth life, was also feared. With the increased risks and

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uncertainties of the farming life came an intensified desire to dominate (Gaard Greta, 1986). Religious beliefs can thus also be seen as a particularly pernicious construction of women and animals as ‘others’ to be used (Daly 1973). It is in this context that sustainable development requires changes in values and attitudes towards environment and development— indeed, towards society and work at home, on farms and in factories. The world’s religions could help to provide direction and motivation in forming new values that would stress individual and joint responsibility towards the environment and towards nurturing harmony between humanity and the environment (Our Common Future, Report of the UN World Commission on Environment and Development 1987: 11). Looking for justification as humanity began asserting its dominance over the Earth in earnest, patriarchal societies saw an immediate connection between nature and the qualities which they had come to expect of women. This devaluation of both women and the environment was reified in language leading to terms such as virgin Earth, fertile land and barren soil which continue being used to date. In light of ecofeminism and its arguments, a question which may arise is, how do the Varemba relate to their environment? Put differently: Given the ecofeminist argument which closely links women to the environment due to the nurturing and life-giving ability that women and nature have, do the Varemba relate to their environment in the same way they relate to women?

Environmental Ethics Among the Varemba The ecofeminist argument is that there is a close connection between women and nature in the sense that both are life givers and both are oppressed under patriarchy. It follows that an analysis of how the Varemba relate to their environment would be of importance in a bid to evaluate whether women and nature suffer under the shackles of patriarchy and determine what measures can be taken in the emancipation of women and the protection and preservation of the environment. Generally, the Varemba are environmentally friendly because they just love nature (Khalid 2002). They relate to their environment with respect. Muslims believe that environmental issues demand both spiritual and moral consideration (Wattling 2009: 39). To this end, the Varemba are convinced that their religion can play a part in conserving the environment and therefore be panacea to the ecological crisis as foregrounded in SDG 13.

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Concept of Tawhid (Unity of Allah) Mawil (2013: 33) defines Tawhid (Unity of Allah) as the relation of humanity to the Creator. Thus, all things were created by Allah and they are supposed to live in harmony. In this case, humanity has no mandate to exploit the environment but rather have a good relationship with it as God’s creation. The cornerstone of Tawhid is that Allah created the universe and that all existence reflects unity in plurality. The Quran states that the environment is created and owned by Allah. Surah-al-Hay verse 64 says, ‘To Him belongs all that is in the heavens and all that is on the Earth. And verily Allah, He is rich (Free of all wants), Worthy of all praise.’ Furqan 2 says, ‘It is He who created all things, and ordered them in due proportions.’ This means that all forms of creation belong to Allah and humanity has no power over the creation. Man can benefit from nature but has no power to abuse it (Halim and Akhir 2017: 2). In Islam, the universe is governed and regulated by the principle of unity, balance and harmony that characterise the interactive unifying principle of Tawhid (Saniotis 2012). Akhtar also concurs with the above sentiments by saying that the concept of Tawhid is the foundation of Islamic faith which implies that the whole universe is created, controlled and sustained by one Supreme Being. Man and the ecosystem are regulated by the divine law, and environmental protection becomes his religious duty (Akhtar 1996: 63). The Varemba confirmed that they are aware of the concept of Tawhid and they put this into practice. Imam Yusufu said, ‘Isu vanhu hatina kumbosiyana nezvimwe zvisikwa zvese izvi. Chinoita tidaro ndechekuti chinhu chese chiri pazasi pezuva nesuwo vanhu takasikwa naMwari. Izvi zvinotidzidzisa kuti zvisikwa zvese ndezvaMwari uye ndiye ane simba pamusoro pazvo (Humanity is not different from the rest of creation. All things on Earth including humanity were created by Allah. Allah is in control of all forms of creation) (Imam Yusufu, interview: 2020). On the same note, Mr Saidi pointed out that, ‘Munhu chaiye angangoita seakakosha asi izvi hazvimupi simba rekuparadza zvisikwa zvaMwari nekuti naiye chisikwawo’ (Human beings may appear to be a special form of creation, but this does not give him a license to exploit other forms of creation) (Mr Saidi, interview: 2020).

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Humanity as Trustee or Khalifa Linked to Tawhid is the concept of Khalifa or stewardship. When Allah created everything on Earth, He gave man the responsibility to look after the environment and animals. Looking after the environment means nursing it rather than destroying it (Jamil 1999: 57). Allah created man and defined his mission in this life. Thus, Zariyat 52 says, ‘I have only created jinns and men to serve Me.’ The Quran declares that human beings are stewards of Allah’s creation. For example, Quran 2:30 says, Behold, the Lord said to the angels: ‘I will create a vicegerent on Earth.’ On this basis, the Varemba desist from actions which destroy the environment. In Islam, worship in its overall meaning is not restricted to performing religious rituals like prayer, fasting and others but comprise the faithful abundance by the precepts and injunctions of Islam in all walks of life like good use of the environment, protection and preservation of its riches for the sake of humankind at large, non-pollution of water bodies, non-pollution of air and soil, abstaining from indiscriminate hunting and grazing (Saniotis 2012: 156). Therefore, the position of humanity as Khalifa helps them to befriend Allah’s creation rather than exploiting it. To buttress the above point, Halim and Akhir (2017: 4) assert that Islam emphasises the importance of preserving the environment and this is stated in the Quranic verses which urge humans to take good care of the environment. This is so because humans were created from one of the elements of nature, that is, soil. Surah Hud verse 61 says, ‘O my people, worship Allah, you have no deity other than Him. He has produced you from the Earth and settled you in it.’ This means that humanity finds his beginning from nature. This also makes man part and parcel of nature. In this way, the environment is preserved. The Varemba society has always been noted for its harmonious relation with the natural environment as a steward. The Quran says, ‘Lo! I am about to place a viceroy on the Earth’ (Al Barqua, 2:30). Humanity is equated to Adam who was placed in the Garden of Eden to take care of it. Halimand Akhir (2017: 5) argues that the above verse (Al Barqua, 2:30) has clearly proven that humans are given trust by Allah to be His caliphates in this universe and as His caliphates, among the roles mandated to humans is to preserve the environment. In support of the above, Imam Yusufu said, ‘Pasi pano tisu takatora basa rakapihwa vanhu vekutanga, Adam naEva. Quran rinoti vanhu ava vakapihwa basa rekuchengetedza Bindu reEden, saka isu tiri kutevedzerawo tsoka dzavo (Here on Earth we have

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taken over the duties assigned to the first people, Adam and Eve. The Quran says that the two were given a duty to look after nature in the Garden of Eden, therefore we are following in their footsteps). Allah put His trust in humanity to look after the environment on His behalf. To show obedience to Allah, humanity is supposed to take care of the environment rather than exploiting it. As Mawil (2013: 33) puts it, ‘God made the human a responsible trustee (amin) and simply an agent who should preserve the universe and not exclusively monopolise or dominate it. This is because God has made the universe a shared right between all creatures, therefore, man should not deprive others from using it, including the animals. Man’s duty is to maintain what is on the Earth as vice-regents’. Baqara 36 says, ‘On Earth will be your dwelling place and your means of livelihood- for a time.’ According to the above school of thought, the environment is a human heritage, generations and generations inherit the permanent riches of the environment. The people are not the owners of the land but they simply inherit it from the preceding generations. It is, therefore, incumbent upon humanity to preserve it undamaged for the next generations without dilapidating or polluting its resources and potentialities. Akhtar (1996: 58) postulates that as a vicegerent of Allah on Earth, man must recognise the right of all creatures and the environmental resources, and environmental disruption of any kind must be avoided for two reasons. These are the fact that it is an ethical command of Sharia Law and that it is essential for protecting the public interest and universal common good of all mankind and other people of Allah. Imam Yusufu went on to say that, ‘Kupihwa mukana wekuchengetedza zvisikwa zvaMwari hazvirevi kuti isu tave varidzi vezvisikwa. Basa redu nderekungochengetedza sezvinoita garden boy maruva emurungu wake (When Allah gave man the privilege to look after nature, He did not transfer His ownership of the same. Man’s duty is to look after it like a garden boy [gardener] who looks after his employer’s flowers). Every form of creation is of great importance before God. Wattling (2009: 159) points out that the Quran rejects the idea that nature is meaningless. It says, ‘God does not create without a serious purpose----Our Lord! Not for nothing have you created (all) this.’ Thus, every form of creation was created for a purpose (admizan). In light of the above insights, it can be said that the relationship between human beings with the environment is considered a positive and interactive relationship rather than one of dominance and repression. The relationship is symbiotic in structure; it is not only the human species which is

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expected to benefit by their actions but also the other inhabitants of the Earth. Thus, it may be concluded that Islam’s attitude to the environment promotes egalitarianism. Varemba Taboos (zviera) Besides the Quranic and Sharia teachings on environmental preservation, the Varemba also have taboos (zviera) which foster a sustainable use of the environment. The Varemba taboos highlight their moral import and are crucial in preserving the environment, protecting water resources, the natural vegetation and wildlife, an endangered non-human species (Masaka and Chemhuru 2010: 121). According to Tatira (2000: 146), the term zviera refers to statements that forbid certain forms of behaviour in children (and adults). An act that breaches a taboo triggers a reaction supposedly at the supernatural level. Without this fear of the unknown, young people are generally adventurous, full of doubts and questions, and they like experimenting with things. To curb the excessive desire to venture out, there is a ready consequence for each prohibition. Since religion is central to the Varemba worldview, reference to supernatural beings in trying to dissuade people from performing certain actions that are regarded as immoral is effective because the Varemba spiritual beings (jinn) are both feared and respected. Hence, a breach of taboos is understood as a provocation of the jinn and an invitation of severe punishment. It is due to the fear of wrath from the supernatural wrought by breaching zviera (taboos) that the Varemba are identified as environmentally friendly. The mother, according to Mrs Zahiya, is a symbol of life in that the baby develops within the mother and its life depends on the mother, likewise all life depends on nature (Mrs Zahiya, interview: 2019). By identifying the mother as a symbol of life, it makes her (mother) profoundly religious and sacred. It follows that there are certain things within the Remba culture one cannot do to their mother and, which if done, triggers a reaction at the supernatural level. For instance, ukarova mai unotanda botso (beating up your mother evokes punishment at the supernatural level) (Mrs Sarafina, interview: 2019). Thus, in the same manner that there are taboos which protect the environment, there are also taboos which protect women as mothers, which if violated, they will trigger punishment at the supernatural level. This brings about the interface between SDGs 3, 5 and 13 emphasises on holistic health and wellbeing, gender equality and ecological preservation.

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Totemism Taringa (2014: 50) points out that the Shona, like many other African people, recognise that the spirits operate in the human world through animals, birds and fish. For him, each Shona sub-group has its own taboos and restrictions towards particular animals. Such animals are not supposed to be killed or eaten. This practice is called totemism (mitupo). Thus, for the Varemba, some animals are sacred because they are their totemic animals. According to Mandivenga (1989), a common Remba totemic title is Zhou (Nzou)—elephant. The Varemba greet each other using their totems which shows that they place great value in the importance of totems. Among the Varemba, it is believed that if one eats the totemic animal, they either will lose their teeth or experience some other harm. As headman Mposi put it, ‘Kubva makarekare, hakuna munhu anodya mutupo wake munzvimbo ino. Hakuna munhu aipinda musango akadzinganisana nemhuka yemutupo wake’ (Since time immemorial, the local people could not eat their totemic animals. Nobody could hunt their totemic animal) (Headman Mposi, interview: 2020). The totemic animals were considered sacred and were thus protected and preserved. From the concept of zviera (taboos), mitupo (totemism) and a plethora of other such concepts, it can, therefore, be argued that the Varemba relate to their environment with respect, with taboos to ensure the preservation and protection of the environment which if followed diligently would be a vital force in the protection and preservation of the Earth. There is, however, a danger in assuming a romantic view of the Remba culture as being environmentally friendly. In fact, the Remba attitudes to nature are discriminative and ambivalent. This is due to the idea that the ecological attitude of the Varemba is based more on fear of the spirits (jinns) than respect for nature itself. Varemba attitudes to nature show that not all animals, plant life and water sources are sacred. There is thus a different understanding of nature in terms of its sacredness. As a result, some aspects are treated with least care and reverence. For example, as stated above, the Varemba are not allowed to hunt, kill or eat an elephant because it is their totemic animal. Thus, to borrow Taringa’s words, would it be dangerous to assume on a theoretical level a romanticised view of mothers or motherhood? In other words, are women only respected after having children while childless women are not respected, in the same way some aspects of nature are respected while others are not? (Taringa 2014). This would then leave

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other women who are not mothers vulnerable as they would not be able to command the respect and dignity given to those who are mothers. Due to their ability to nurture and bring forth life, could it be for this reason that mothers are respected in the same manner as nature produces for humans? This then leads to an analysis of motherhood and its connection to nature and the implications it has on women and nature.

Mothers and Nature as Life Givers One of the most definite attributes that define womanhood or motherhood, as highlighted earlier in this chapter, is the ability to give birth or bring forth life. It is in this manner that the most vital link between women and nature would prove to be the simplest. The Earth itself, the firmament from which all life springs, was from ancient times seen as female. It is metaphorically equated with motherhood in being called Mother Nature or Mother Earth. The logic behind this argument being evidenced in physical terms. From the Earth and its environment, humanity draws its oxygen, food, water and all the raw materials that humanity needs to survive, as it is with our mothers that humans grow, and from that we are born and nurtured (Roach 1991: 45). It is in this sense that a profound feminine connection between women and the Earth is pronounced. Both are vital for the creation and maintenance of life. Thus, mothers like the Earth become the centre of life. In short, nature is personified as a mother because it gives birth. The Earth has been represented as being spherical or as a globe which symbolises the womb of a woman. Out of the womb of a woman springs life, just as life springs from the Earth. Within the Earth are vital conditions for the survival or continuous existence of life which cannot be found in other planets. In like manner, the womb of a woman has vital conditions for the insurance of carrying and nurturing a baby to full term which cannot be found in men (Mrs Bakali, interview: 2019). For instance, in the womb of a woman there are some amniotic fluids, a clear slightly yellowish liquid that surrounds the unborn baby (foetus) during pregnancy. Its function is to protect the developing baby by cushioning it against blows to the mother’s abdomen, allowing for easier foetal movement and promoting muscular and skeletal developments (Lily 1972). The concept of women as life givers and nurturers in the same manner as the Earth is further alluded to by Bakare by noting that both the land and mother are sacred. He said, ‘The mother is sacred, land, our

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mother---cannot be sold---nor can a mother’ (Bakare 1994: 72). The concept of the sacredness and importance is echoed in the Remba proverb which says hatiroodze amai nekuti mumba maita nzara (we cannot give a mother into marriage because of starvation). Bakare goes on to note that the land is like a mother. Like a human mother, the land gives us protection, enjoyment and provides for our needs. The mother like land has the ability to be a source of life. Just as the mother’s milk gives life, so does the land produce nourishment (Bakare 1994: 73). This confirms the notion of women or the mothers’ ability to bring forth life and nurturing it comparable to that of nature.

Problems Associated with Personifying Nature as Mother According to Mbuya Zhou, people do not relate to nature in the same manner as they do to their biological mothers. She contended that some humans do not love nature, as such, they deliberately destroy it by, for example, starting veld fires, cutting trees or killing animals for no apparent reason. In fact, the world feeds off nature selfishly but no one can do that to their mother (Mbuya Zhou, interview: 2019). As humans, we expect a lot from nature but we do not want to reciprocate that favour by protecting and preserving that which is the source of our lives. It, therefore, becomes problematic to identify the Earth as a mother given that humans seem not to relate to the Earth in the same manner that they do with their mothers. It can, however, be argued that even though we do not relate to Earth as we do to our mothers, we ought to do that considering that our life depends on a sound environment as we once depended on our mothers. In concurrence with the above sentiments, Sheikh Abibi observed that awareness on protecting and preserving the environment was growing as evidenced by the campaigns for the use of green fuel and planting of more trees (Sheikh Abibi, interview: 2020). Roach (1991) further draws attention to the potential problems of personifying Earth as mother in light of traditional patriarchal attitudes towards motherhood. She poses questions on how the image of Earth as mother functions in our patriarchal world and how the environment is affected by this association with the female and the maternal. As she rightly put it, ‘Engendering the Earth as female mother given the meaning and function traditionally assigned to “mother” and “motherhood” in

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patriarchal culture will not achieve the desired aim of making our behaviour more environmentally sound, but will instead help to maintain the mutually supportive, exploitative stances we have towards our mothers and towards our environment’ (Roach 1991: 6). For example, mothers are more often than not considered as providers who are always there to provide for us and clean up after everyone’s mess. Nature also acts as a caregiver to the same humans who continue to destroy it just in the same manner that a mother cares for her children whether the child is stubborn or not. This being justified through what the Varemba refer to as moyo wekubereka (the maternal instinct) which makes a woman to love her child unconditionally. To view the Earth as a mother within this context is a disastrous metaphor for the environment given resource exploitation and human pollution. However, viewing women as caretakers and cleaners after everyone’s mess would imply a stationary, one-­ dimensional relationship of young children and mothers. Why not view the relationship from a reverse angle wherein humans as in the Remba tradition have respect and take care of their mothers? Sheikh Salimu added that such a protective and respectful attitude towards elders is customary in many traditions, particularly non-Western cultures (Sheikh Salimu, interview: 2020). Viewed from this perspective, the symbolism of Earth as mother can inspire a sense of social responsibility towards the planet. Furthermore, the biological or natural aspect of women as being closer to nature further becomes problematic when one considers the idea of some women who do not have children. If it is the biological process of motherhood that connects nature and women, are those women who cannot or choose not to produce less synced with nature? For the Varemba people, an elderly woman even without children gets the same respect as a mother in the same manner that other women with children get. There are other women who even though they are not the biological mother of a child become a mother to that child because she or he has fulfilled the roles of the absent mother. This is why in Remba culture, hanzvadzi yamai (the brother to one’s mother) assumes the motherly role in the absence of the biological mother. Thus, the Earth can be protected and preserved by everyone despite their gender if everyone considers the idea of Earth fulfilling the position of the biological mother. From the emphasis placed on procreation in the Remba tradition, lessons can be drawn in a bid to ensure the protection and preservation of the Earth. Men have to understand that it is not only the women who are closer to nature by virtue of them being able to bring forth life but men

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also experience this ability through the depositing of the semen into the womb of the woman. Hence, in the same manner that measures are taken to ensure the survival and legacy of the family name through offspring, measures can also be taken in the protection and preservation of the Earth to ensure liveable conditions within planet Earth for the generations to come. Amongst these is the planting of more trees in replacement of those which have been cut down. There is need for the protection of water sources, not out of fear of the wrath of spirits (jinns), but out of a need for preserving and protecting the Earth as a source of life. All these endeavours will contribute towards the attainment of SDG 13.

Conclusion We are all closely tied to the environment, our existence derives from the dependence on a healthy environment, just as our existence once depended on our mother or mother figures—almost always females. It is to this end that the Earth has been personified or represented as a mother and that both women and nature have also been closely related due to their subordination and oppression to patriarchy. Though this might be the case, Varemba traditions, as highlighted in the chapter, have in place zviera (taboos) which are there to protect the endangered species and the environment. Complementing these, the mother is a very important figure within indigenous cultures like the Varemba culture where women as mothers are highly esteemed. Men tend to be protective of their mothers, and thus, the same protective instinct that men have for their mothers can be used in the protection and preservation of the Earth in this era of climate change and global warming. Clearly, these valuable lessons from the Varemba indigenous traditions as well as from the Muslim ecological traditions will be an important treasure to all of us the people of Zimbabwe as we strive to fulfil our national Vision 2030 aiming to achieve gender justice (SDG 5) as well as turning the tide of climate change (SDG 13).

References Primary sources Mbuya Zhou, interview, 15/12/19 Ibrahim Hove, interview 15/12/19

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Fatima, interview, 10/01/20 Mrs Wasiya, interview, 10/01/20 Amai Khadhijah, interview, 11/12/19 Mrs Badge, interview, 20/12/19 Mbuya Zizhou, interview, 03/03/20 Sekuru Musa, interview, 13/12/19 Sheikh Salimu, interview, 10/12/19 Mrs Bakali, interview, 20/12/19 Mrs Sarafina, interview, 06/12/19 Mrs Muswere, interview, 11/12/19 Mai Mutombwa, interview, 08/12/19 Mrs Sauto, interview, 10/12/19 Mr Saidi, interview, 25/01/20 Imam Yusufu, interview, 04/03/20 Mrs Zaiya, interview, 08/12/19 Sheikh Abibi, interview, 16/03/20 Headman Mposi, interview, 18/01/20

Secondary Sources Abdalati, H. 1988. Islam in Focus. World Assembly of Muslim Youth. Adebayo, A. 1993. Tearing the Veil of Invisibility: The Roles of west African Female Writers in Contemporary Times. In New Visions of Creation: Feminist Innovations in Literary Theory, ed. Maria Elena de Valdes and Margaret R. Higonnet. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. Ahmad, A. 2015. Islamic Attitudes Towards Environmental Problems and Practices. A Case Study of the Muslim Community in Brunei Darussalam. Worldviews 19: 209–225. Akhtar, M.R. 1996. Towards an Islamic Approach for Environmental Balance. Islamic Economic Studies 3 (2): 58–63. Akujobi, R. 2011. Motherhood in African Literature and Culture. CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 13 (1). https://doi. org/10.7771/1481-­4374.1706. Azeem, S. 2010. Women in Islam. Kingston: Queens University. Collard, A. 1988. Rape of the Wild London. The Women’s Press. Daly, M. 1973. Beyond God the Father. Boston: Beacon Press. D’Eaubonne, in E. Marks and I. de Courtivron, (Ed), New French Feminisms: An Anthology Amherst, University of Massachusetts Press, 1980 Esposito, J.L. 1988. Islam: The Straight Path. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hannan, Standard Shona Dictionary, 1974 Hudson-Weems, C. 2004. Africana Womanist Literary Theory. Trenton and Asmara: Africa World Press.

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———. 2007. Contemporary Africana Theory, Thought and Action: A Guide to African Studies. Trenton and Asmara: World Press. Jamil, M.A. A Study on Environmental Issues with Reference to Quran and the Sunnah. Publications of the Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation. ISESCO 1420/1999. Khalid, F.M. 2002. Islam and Environment. Chichester: John Willey and Sons. Madlala, L.S. Cultural practices for multiple and concurrent partnerships in Southern Africa: Why HIV needs anthropology, 2009. Mandivenga, E.C. 1989. The History and Reconversion of Varemba of Zimbabwe. Journal of Religion in Africa XIX (2): 1. Masaka, D., and M.  Chemhuru. 2010. Taboos as Sources of Shona People’s Environmental Ethics. Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa 12 (7): 121–133. Maududi, S. 1960. Towards Understanding Islam. Lahore: International Islamic Federation of Student Organisations. Mawil, I.D. 2013. Islam and the Environment: Towards an Islamic Ecumenical View. Quranica, International Journal of Quranic Research 5 (2): 33–52. Mbiti, John S. 1970. African Religions and Philosophy. New  York: Doubleday Anchor. McGregor, S. 2006. Beyond Mothering Earth: Ecological Citizenship and the Politics of Care. UBC Press. Muttahari, M. 2016. Woman in Islam. London: Islam and West Research Centre Ltd. Ngcobo, L. 1988. African Motherhood: Myth and Reality. In Criticism and Ideology, ed. Kirsten Holst Peterson. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. Our Common Future. 1987. Report of the UN World Commission on Environment and Development. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Roach, C. 1991. ‘Nature as Female: Loving your Mother: On the Women Nature Relation’, Hypatia Vol 6, No 1, p6. Ecological Feminism, Published by Wiley Saniotis, A. 2012. Muslims and Ecology: Fostering Islamic Environmental Ethics. University of Adelaide 3: 156–158. Taringa, N.T. 2014. Towards an African and Christian Environmental Ethic. University of Bamberg Press. Tatira, L. 2000. The Role of Zviera in Socialisation. In Indigenous Knowledge and Technology in African and Diasporan Communities, ed. E. Chiwome, Z. Mguni, and M. Furusa, 146–151. Harare: University of Zimbabwe. Wattling, T. 2009. Ecological Imaginations in the World Religions. An Ethnographic Analysis

CHAPTER 8

“Saving Fish from Drowning?”: An Africana Womanist Conceptualization of Wo/ Manhood and Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) Through Analyzing Selected ChiShona Literature Texts Beatrice Taringa

Introduction Several scholars have explored gender representations embedded in the instructional materials in both international and regional spheres. There have also been a number of scholars who have analyzed gender representations in Zimbabwean instructional materials particularly in literature texts. Most studies simply evaluated the gender representations in literary texts used as instructional materials, these include Gaidzanwa (1985) who has

B. Taringa (*) Belvedere Technical Teachers College, Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_8

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written extensively on images of women in English, Shona and Ndebele novels, Tatira (2010) focused on marriage in Shona novels and Manyarara (2016) reflected on sexualities in Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s novels. Some scholars like Taringa et al. (2019) and Taringa et al. (2019) went a step further and explored the possible socialization effects of the gender attitudes and values. However, they did not make use of empirical evidence in their studies. The point of departure in this chapter is that besides engaging in content and discourse analysis, it also presents empirical evidence of the Ordinary Level learners’, educationists’ and curriculum implementers’ perceptions of the gender narrations proffered through the purposively sampled literary works and resultant women’s sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). This chapter fills the gap of dearth in literature as it moves even a step further by empirically uncovering the Ordinary Level learners’, educationists’ and curriculum implementers’ perceptions of the gender representations enshrined in the selected literary texts with regard to women’s SRHR. SRHR is meant to ensure quality sexual and reproductive health services including contraceptives and to prevent sexual violence against women and girls for sustainable love relationships and families (Alexandra 2017). This is premised on the fact that women and girls have the right to make their own free and informed choices and have control over their sexual and reproductive health and lives free from coercion, violence, discrimination and abuse (Gilmore 2018). Having been mostly tainted by feminism, previous researchers were caught in the blame game between men and women. Basing on the old feminist discourse, they sympathized with women and blamed men as perpetrators. Resultantly, rivalry between men and women becomes a norm. Through the feminist lens, it looks like battle lines have been drawn between men and women. Granted, there may be transgressions, hostility and animosity punctuating relationships between men and women. However, in this chapter, I argue that the gender perspectives raised by the earlier feminist studies in Africa ended up trying to do something akin to “saving fish from drowning.” As such, the author of this chapter who is an educationist, a lecturer and a coordinator in Indigenous Languages, a set book selection panelist, a secondary school teacher in ChiShona, adopts an emic approach so as to hear from the Ordinary Level learners, educationists and curriculum implementers regarding their perceptions of the gender scripts presented to the readership by the authors of the selected literary texts. In adopting this emic

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approach, it safeguards the author of this chapter from proverbially wailing more than the bereaved Shona men and women. This chapter explores gender representations from the selected literary texts as well as the Ordinary Level learners’, educationists’ and curriculum implementers’ perceptions of the gender messages embedded in the selected texts. Geographically, the focus of this chapter is Zimbabwe, particularly the impact of the Shona culture in shaping gender constructions. Conceptually, this chapter explores a component of ChiShona curriculum, namely, ChiShona literary texts prescribed for Ordinary Level learners in Zimbabwe. Historically, it explores two set books prescribed for the learners during the five-year period between 2010 and 2015. The selected literary texts are the novel entitled Ndiri Parumananzombe authored by Felix Manyimbiri and a play entitled Vakasiiwa Pachena penned by Juliet Chikanza. Taking heed from Bryman and Bell (2007: 24) who cautions that “the field of study needs to be narrowed as most researchers suffer from being too ambitious and try to cover too wide an area,” this chapter’s analysis is thus narrowed down by limiting it to only one novel and one play. These two literary texts are reasonable starting points for assessing Ordinary Level learners’, educationists’ and curriculum implementers’ perceptions on the gender relations in the selected texts. These suffice in availing relevant material for undertaking an in-depth analysis embarked upon in this chapter. Following Peter’s (1994) guide in stating the significance of the study that it presents the justification on why the study should be done, and, done now, the benefits it will yield and to whom. Gender in education in Zimbabwe is critical and hence a topical issue. Literature has evidenced that a number of studies concentrate on primary school subjects and other secondary school subjects like History, English and Mathematics. These studies never evaluated how learners, educationists and curriculum implementers perceive the gender messages enshrined in the selected excerpts as is done in this chapter. Additionally, the available studies which explored gender representations did not analyze the empirical socialization effect that results from the excerpts with regard to women’s SRHR.  The approach adopted in this chapter is informed by Vollmer and LaPonte (2009: 90) who posit that “literature presents images of how gender has been performed, is performed and will be performed.” It is against this background that this chapter sets to evaluate the learners’, educationists’ and curriculum implementers’ perceptions of the gender messages

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inherent in the selected scripts. In analyzing the gender notions, this chapter pays particular attention to how these notions impact on women’s SRHR.

Review of Related Literature and Theoretical Lens Review of related literature was done in order to situate this chapter into the context of its related field of study. The literature review is intended to establish the gap that this chapter seeks to fill. In this chapter, gender is understood as “a social construction of men’s and women’s role in a given culture or location” (Pilcher and Whelhem 2004; Oakley 1972). Thus, gender roles are distinguished from sex roles which are biologically determined (Haralambos and Holborn 1995). In this chapter, the term gender refers to both men and women; this is a departure from some of the previous studies that interpreted the term gender to refer to women’s conceptions only. The gender debate has raged for decades now and there is no evidence of nearing any conclusion. Martin (1981 and 1994) and Rolland et al. (1996) are known for having pioneered the gender debate in the education sector. Rolland et al. (1996) followed up with an attempt to set up a new vision on how gender should be treated alternatively to the traditional education of treating boys and girls differently. Gathu (1998) raises a question on whether educationists should change the curriculum to reflect the lives and experiences of girls and women. Jeske (2004: 3) raises the need for tracing “the origins of sex/gender differences and ascertain whether these are changeable … and the development of a holistic inclusive pedagogy and the implementation of this pedagogy.” On the other hand, Chinyani (2010) explores the potential of the school system in bringing about gender equality and discovered that teachers are not fully conversant with the proposed methodology of gender mainstreaming. Chinyani further argues that the educators’ knowledge of gender issues is too basic to warrant effective implementation. Gudhlanga and Chirimuuta (2012) explored the extent to which prescribed English, Mathematics, History, literature and other textbooks in general have balanced the capturing of heroes and heroines in their content. They employed gender and development (GAD) as a theoretical framework. They discovered that textbooks for the three languages, namely, English, ChiShona and IsiNdebele, support the oppression of

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women and glorify male promiscuity under the guise of culture. Their findings resonate with Gaidzanwa (1985). This chapter takes a step further and explores Ordinary Level learners’, educationists’ and curriculum implementers’ perceptions of the gender messages and women’s SRHR socialization impact of the scenarios presented in the selected literature texts while using the tools from the Africana Womanist theoretical framework. This theoretical framework will be outlined below.

Africana Womanism Theoretical Framework This chapter taps into the Africana Womanist theory as a lens for viewing Ordinary Level learners’, educationists’ and curriculum implementers’ perceptions of the gender messages and resultant women’s SRHR socialization effect in the selected excerpts. According to Hudson-Weems (2003: 157), “Africana Womanism is neither an outgrowth nor an addendum of feminism nor Alice Walker’s feminism.” The Africana Womanist theoretical framework is an appropriate lens for analyzing the Shona gender matrix which is grounded in the African culture. The framework also provides useful tools for focusing on the unique experiences, struggles, needs and desires of African people. In this chapter, the focus is on African people’s experiences; any others will be in the periphery. Thus, the author is influenced by relativity in exploring gender issues while utilizing the Africana womanist theory as an alternative lens to feminism. In the same vein, Sacks (2012: 63) warns that, “It is terrible and dangerous arrogance to believe that you alone are right: You have the magical eye that sees the truth and others cannot be right if they disagree with your view.” This also applies to universalization of feminism even in cases when it appears alien and will be groaning with foreignness. Such arrogance often makes researchers and gender activists to end up “wailing more than the bereaved.” In this case, I concur with Gambahaya, Muwati and Mutasa (2008: 41) who “decry western feminism as an approach that has fundamentally eclipsed the African gender possibility which in many ways has nothing in common with the western view with its insatiable inclination towards polarization.” The Africana Womanist theory has eighteen distinguishing characteristic traits. According to Hudson-Weems (2002), these are premised on genuine sisterhood, reclaiming self, security and harmony. There is self-­ namer, self-definer, strong, flexible role player, respected, recognized,

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spiritual, male compatible, respectful of elders, adaptable, ambitious and mother nurturing. These characteristic traits differentiate Africana womanist theory from feminism, black feminism and Alice Walker’s womanism (Hudson-Weems 2002). Adopting an alternative framework like the Africana womanist theory is indeed respecting dignity of difference and treats Africans (Shona) as a unique group. Feminism is woman-centered, while Africana Womanism is family-­ centered. While the primary enemy of feminism is man, Africana womanism has a system that includes men as its primary enemy and calls for an all stakeholder approach including men in resolving their gender challenges. The Africana Womanist conception is related to the Shona relational ontology of kinship. This is based on the belief that “all people descended from a common ancestor … and status of women vis-à-vis men in Shona society must therefore be primarily considered to be in the context of kinship” (Mbiti 1970: 135). In this case, to the Shona, though they acknowledge difference between men and women, the difference does not mean bigger or smaller than nor oppositional, binary and hierarchical. Through the use of Africana Womanism, the author of this chapter seeks to break the monopoly of feminism that dominated gender discourses in the past. This is in response to the view that Western Knowledge Systems and Practices are different from African Knowledge Systems and Practices. Therefore, Western Knowledge Systems and Practice solutions cannot be prepackaged as prescriptive to African gender challenges including the debate surrounding Shona women’s SRHR. Such an endeavor is likened to trying to save the Shona people from drowning in their Shona culture, rendering the ones undertaking such efforts susceptible to wailing more than the Shona themselves.

Research Methodology In a bid to clearly outline the methodology, it will be helpful to start by stating this chapter’s purpose and main thrust. This chapter sets to explore the Ordinary Level learners’, educationists’ and curriculum implementers’ perceptions of gender messages and resultant impact on women’s SRHR that emanate from the excerpts which were selected from the purposively sampled novel entitled Ndiri Parumananzombe and the play entitled Vakasiiwa Pachena. The inductive theory has been adopted in this chapter. According to Bryman (2012: 6), the inductive theory “implies that a set of theoretical

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ideas drive the collection and analysis of data.” “It also adopts interpretivist epistemology. Thus, reality is a social construction phenomenon and there are multiple realities” (Morgan and Sakler 2012: 73). In this case, the study participants’ experiences of gender relations are understood from the view point of the people themselves. Ontologically, this chapter is informed by constructivism which further adds that, “there are varied and multiple truths, leading the researcher to look for complexity of views rather than narrowing the few categories or ideas” (Creswell 2009: 8). In tandem with the constructivist ontology, this chapter uses the revelatory case study. This entails a selection of two literature texts, the novel entitled Ndiri Parumananzombe and a play entitled Vakasiiwa Pachena, and twelve key informants segmented in the following categories: three ChiShona teachers, three ChiShona lecturers (curriculum implementers), three ChiShona learners that are studying ChiShona literature for examination purposes at Ordinary Level, one ChiShona officer from the Curriculum Development and Technical Services (CDTS), one Zimbabwe School Examinations Council (ZIMSEC) ChiShona subject manager and one Education officer (educationists). These twelve study participants were chosen as a representative sample to offer their insights on the gender messages emerging from the selected excerpts of the purposively sampled literary sources as well as to reflect on the resultant impact of such gender notions on women’s SRHR. The selection is made in line with Punch’s (2009:162) assertion that “we cannot research on everyone, everywhere, doing everything” as the scope may be too wide. In the same light, this chapter makes use of a homogenous sample of the prose, a novel and a play. This was also informed by the understanding that literature texts such as the novel and a play like textbooks are considered as a repository of knowledge that the school communicates to learners and the readership. For the collection and presentation of data, this chapter triangulated textual analysis and interviews. As noted by Punch (2009: 133), “data collection and analysis are done in cycles and stops after two repetitions and even continue until theoretical saturation is achieved.” In analyzing the data collected for this chapter, the author made use of the conventional content analysis since there is scanty knowledge about Ordinary Level learners’, educationists’ and curriculum implementers’ perceptions of gender messages from instructional materials and if any it is fragmented (Elo and Kyangas 2008). Besides the critical content analysis, the data was also triangulated with discourse analysis to help in describing, interpreting and

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explaining such relationships as well as trying to account for the gender messages. In organizing data, this chapter employed the thematic web-like data analysis and interpretation. Thematic networks allow the deriving of gender themes from the selected textual data, and interview excerpts allow the unearthing of gender themes salient in the texts at different levels. This also assisted the author to extract gender themes that when grouped together formed categories of basic gender themes which subsequently lead to global gender theories (Attride-Stirling 2001). The flexible literary translation theory (Boushaba 1988) was also used as it allows both literal and dynamic translation equivalence where necessary. Having articulated the methodological issues, the next segment of this chapter focuses on presenting the key issues emerging from the content and discourse analysis as well as the field research. These are presented in thematic form below.

Perceptions of Wo/Manhood in Marriage and Love Relationships This chapter seeks to explore the gender messages that are embodied in the selected excerpts and how learners, educationists and curriculum implementers perceive them. In unveiling these gender perceptions, this chapter also examines how these directly or indirectly influence women’s SRHR. These are explored under the following six themes, namely, wo/ manhood and childbearing, wo/manhood and pregnancy, wo/manhood and decision making, wo/manhood, marriage and roora/lobola, wo/manhood and sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and, finally, wo/ manhood and polygamy. Wo/manhood and Childbearing There are various conceptions of wo/manhood that were raised by the study participants. It also became apparent that the learners, educationists and curriculum implementers perceive wo/manhood differently as indicated below. The first excerpt that was discussed with the study participants was extracted from the play entitled Vakasiiwa Pachena; Tazviona after having

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taken advice from his friend Chabaiwa to marry another wife, he addressed his new wife as follows: Zvino iwe ndinokuda chaizvo. Saka ndinoda kuti zvawadai kuva mukuru wapano, ibva wandiberekera vana vazhinji.Usazoita zvakaita amai vaTichaona kuenda kukirinika yokuronga mhuri. Wazvinzwa? Ita vana vakawanda, ndevangu uye ndinozogona kuvariritira. Wanzwaka p.61. [I love you so much my wife. Now that you are the senior wife here, I look forward to seeing you bearing many children for me. Do not do like what Tichaona’s mother did, she went to the family planning clinic to get contraceptives so that she can practice child spacing. Do you hear me? I want you to bear many children, they are mine. I will also be able to take care of them. Do you hear me?]

Upon being asked how they perceive wo/manhood portrayed in this excerpt, the study participants had the following to say: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that when men marry women they expect them to bear children for them… I learnt that women have their husbands deciding for them on how many children they should have… I learnt that men control their wives in the use of family planning.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Using contraceptives without mutual agreement can break marriages. Women and children are viewed as assets by men as captured in the statement, Ita vana vakawanda, ndevangu [Have many children, they are mine]. Women are viewed as childbearing machines as captured in the words, ibva wandiberekera vana vazhinji.Usazoita zvakaita amai vaTichaona kuenda kukirinika yokuronga mhuri [Do not do like what Tichaona’s mother did, she went to the family planning clinic to get contraceptives so that she can practice child spacing].

Educationists’ Perceptions The other study participants also felt that some of the statements uttered by Tazviona in the play Vakasiiwa Pachena denote the subordination and objectification of women. They expressed this point as follows:

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Womanhood is tied to child bearing. Women are viewed as means to an end. The end is child bearing. This means that a woman has no value in herself unless she can bear children. Also, men define women in terms of child ­bearing. Men are talking subjects while women are objects that are talked about. This is captured when Tazviona says to his wife: Zvino kana munhu asina kugona kundiberekera vana ndinongomusendeka uko semupini wakatsemuka… Ndinofunga iwe uri kutozvinzwira? p.60. [if a wife cannot bear children for me, I will just leave her like a broken handle (of a hoe/axe)… I think you are hearing this for yourself].

Such conception of womanhood in relation to manhood contradicts the principles of the Africana womanist theory which emphasizes on reclaiming self, self-naming and self-defining in which women are supposed to defy patriarchal codes that subordinate them (Hudson-Weems 2002). Also, this conception calls for an abandonment of the relativist approach to gender, it challenges one to rethink on whether there can be absolute standards of right or wrong (Thompson 2010). Even if all men in the community were to treat women in this way, this does not necessarily make it right in light of human rights and gender equality as enshrined in the Zimbabwean Constitution (2013) and the Millennium Development Goal number 3 which transforms into Sustainable Development Goal number 5 which advocates for gender equality and the safeguarding of women’s rights.

Wo/manhood and Pregnancy The other recurring theme from these literary texts revolves around pregnancy and wo/manhood. Upon being asked how wo/manhood and pregnancy are portrayed in the selected excerpts from the novel entitled Ndiri Parumananzombe, the study participants responded as follows: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that manhood is about making a woman pregnant… I learnt that some men are better than others… I learnt that getting pregnant makes women happy and confirm that they are real women… I learnt that women value those men that make them pregnant… I learnt that some women will look for other men to make them pregnant if their husbands fail to fulfil this role.

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Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Children are important in the lives of the Shona. Women especially fear to die without a child. It is unfortunate for men who fail to make their wives as wives brag in front of those men that fail to make them pregnant. Women also feel that a ‘real’ man is one who can make a woman pregnant. Women find a sense of pride in being pregnant. Women want to prove that they are ‘real’ women through getting pregnant. Thus, Nyemudzai parades and gloats to Mutusva (her husband) that John (husband’s young brother) made her pregnant, she said: Handiti imimba? ..ndeyaJohn kwete Mutusva. Iwe wakandibhadhara chii muupenyu hwangu..[p.100].Chandifadza ndechekuti nyange wofa, ziva kuti handisi mhanje ini. Iwe ndiwe usingabatsiri chinhu.[p.101] [Is this not a pregnancy?… It is John’s, not yours, Mutusva. Of what benefit/use have you been to me in my life? What makes me happy is that even if you die, you are now aware that I am not barren. It is you who is helpless.]

Educationists’ Perceptions The study participants also noted the fact that childbearing is such an integral role which almost every woman aspires to fulfil. They cited the excerpt from the novel Ndiri Parumananzombe whereby the female character, Nyemudzai, went all out in a bid to fall pregnant. This was elucidated in the study participants’ discussions in the following manner: Women expect to get pregnant; they will leave no stone unturned to pursue their goal as shown in Nyemudzai’s action. Mukadzi [Nyemudzai] akanga asvika panhanho yokutevedza mhindu dzakawanda nokuti mwana chakanga chava chinhu chikuru kwaari. [The woman (Nyemudzai) had reached the extent of trying all possible means because a child was something special for her.] p.68

The study participants’ analysis of Nyemudzai’s actions is that women are portrayed as being desperate to fall pregnant and have children. They concluded that this text entrenches the fact that children are very important to women; hence, women will do anything in order to fall pregnant. It was also noted that Nyemudzai’s conduct shows that women try to prove their full status of womanhood through having a child. Interestingly, the discussion with the study participants regarding the conceptions of manhood in relation to pregnancy and childbearing portrayed in another excerpt from the same novel (Ndiri Parumananzombe)

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revealed that there are various conceptions of manhood therein. They put across their perceptions of manhood from this text as follows: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions Men are viewed as the heads of families. They are viewed as decision makers. They are supposed to love children.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Men should help women to feel complete/whole by making them pregnant. If they do not wish to have children, then they should not marry, instead, they must join the priesthood in the Catholic Church and live a life of celibacy. Women (as represented by Nyemudzai), expect men to run around trying to find ways of making women to conceive and bear children. A childless marriage makes a husband and wife to appear like two cockerels without hens in a fowl run, making it impossible for them to reproduce. Nyemudzai vocalizes her travail to her husband by retorting: Ko, wakadii kupikira wakaita fata kana wanga usingadi zvevana? Iwe wakanditorerei pamba pangu kungogara takaita samachongwe. [If you did not want to have any children, why did you not join the priesthood in the Catholic Church? Why did you take me from my parent’s home? I did not come here so that we can just live like two cocks without a hen!] p.68

Educationists’ Perceptions Partners in marriage should view others as an end in themselves and not as means to get children. Partners should think ethically rather than cultural that measures marriage through having children. Love should define marriage and any other should be subsidiary to love.

The issue of male impotence is a contentious aspect surrounding manhood which kept recurring from the study participants’ analysis of the actions and statements uttered by the characters in the novel Ndiri Parumananzombe. For instance, some of them noted how Mutusva’s first wife, Revai, used her husband’s infertility to disparage him by saying: Unomuda wei mukadzi iyeye? Unomuitisei? Unobetserei iwe?… Zirema! Zibenzi!… Ndinozvidudza. Uri murume pai iwe? Mabhurukwa here? Woda kuzvifumura nezvaunoda kutivigira pano izvi. p.18. [What do you want that

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wife (another wife) for? For what purpose do you need her? How are you going to help/satisfy her?… Dull! Stupid!… I will say it (threatening to reveal the secret). What kind of a man are you? Just wearing the pants? You now want to expose yourself by wanting to bring another woman.]

The writer also went on to comment that: Mukadzi aitotaura achitoseka zvake. “Uri kumatutu. Isu tave kuzvide. Vane zheve vatonzwa. Ini ndapedza kare.” pp. 18-19 [whilst laughing (mocking/ ridiculing him), the wife said; “You are still far behind. We have moved forward. Those that have ears have already heard. As for myself, I have finished (I have spoken my mind/concluded the matter).”]

The study participants interpreted the above excerpts as indicative of the fact that both Nyemudzai’s and Revai’s denigrating utterances toward Mutusva are suggesting that a man who cannot make a woman pregnant need not get married. They concurred that society’s perspective of an impotent man is that he is not “man” enough. The following citation from one of the study participants aptly sums this up: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that there is no need for a man to marry when he cannot make a woman pregnant… I learnt that men who cannot make women pregnant are perceived as stupid and useless in the eyes of their wives. Men humiliate themselves when they marry and fail to make their wives pregnant.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Unomuda wei mukadzi iyeye? Unomutisei? [What do you want that wife (another wife) for? For what purpose do you need her?] According to this text, an infertile man is of no use to a woman as the only cultural purpose for marrying a woman is having children. In fact, failure to make a woman pregnant is perceived as a sign of stupidity.

Educationists’ Perceptions Culturally, women are expected to play a major role in concealing men’s infertility. It should remain a secret that a man is infertile. This is due to the fact that infertile men are regarded as unmanly. There is a difference between

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being a man biologically and culturally, from our cultural perspective, being a man means being able to procreate. Men and women take failure to procreate as a curse thus they get into blame game and unethical means in a bid to prove that they are fertile.

The conceptions of manhood and womanhood as presented in the foregoing discussions raise the need for reflecting upon issues of ethics during gender interactions. Aristotle in Thompson (2010) warns that people need to be informed by utilitarianism considering issues of right and wrong and to take that which offers the greatest benefits to the greatest number of people. The view is further supported by Immanuel Kant in Thompson (2010) who adds that people should desist from the relativist approach that their right is guided by cultural rationalization. Thus, the fact the society approves certain gender conceptions and that every man treats a woman this way does not in itself make it right. Through that line of argument, Immanuel Kant urges the partners to treat each other not as means but as ends in themselves. Henceforth, basing on the above scholarly views, it is unethical for partners in marriage to treat each other as means to bear children rather than as ends in themselves. They should love each other, child or no child, pregnancy or no pregnancy. By the same token, society should not exert undue pressure on a childless couple because this often causes women to pressurize their spouses to make them pregnant as seen in the case of Nyemudzai and Revai exerting pressure on Mutusva. Also, women whose husbands are infertile should not be forced by circumstances either to be impregnated by another man or to humiliate their husband by parading his impotence just to prove to society that their childlessness is the man’s fault.

Wo/manhood and Decision Making The role of men in decision making comes out clearly from how Nyemudzai in Ndiri Parumananzombe reproaches her husband Mutusva by questioning him thus: Haumanyi- manyi sei sezvinotarisirwa varume vose -vose. Handisati ndambonzwa murume asingadi mwana. [Why are you not as industrious/ innovative like other men? I have never heard of man who does not want to have children.] p.68

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The study participants’ reflections on gender perceptions emerging from the above excerpt can be summed in the following insights raised by one of the participants: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that men should run around and solve family problems… I learnt that “normal” men should love children.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions From this passage, Nyemudzai reveals the ingrained perspective that men should be problem solvers. They should be running around, seeking solutions in case there are problems in a family. They should love/aspire to have children. Men who do not run around seeking solutions to family problems and who do not love children are not “real” men.

Educationists’ Perceptions Women (as vocalized in Nyemudzai’s rebuke to Mutusva), expect men (Mutusva) to run around trying to find a remedy for making women to conceive and bear children. Mutusva’s lack of interest in children makes his wife to feel as if he is not a “real” man. Women do not tolerate gender exceptions thus Mutusva is under attack from Nyemudzai, his wife.

The fact that the blame for a couple’s childlessness is usually shifted on a woman is foregrounded by Manyimbiri, the author of the novel Ndiri Parumananzombe, by presenting Mutusva’s interior monolog who is heaving the blame of infertility on his second wife, Nyemudzai. Even though this had already been contested by Revai and Nyemudzai, however, the author of the text goes on to reveal Mutusva processing the following thoughts: Asi pfungwa dzebope nemukadzi wake hadzina kubva mumusoro make. Akatanga kutaura ega achimhiza mhiza maoko: “Asi Chiri naThomas vana vaani chaizvo?A! Ndovanguka. Vaigoda kuita vaani? Nyemudzai haazvari mhani. Haisi mhosva yangu.” [The memories of the fight with his wife could not get off his mind. He started talking to himself while shaking his hands; “but who exactly fathered Chiri and Thomas? They are mine. Aah! Who could be their father? Nyemudzai is barren. It is not my fault.”] p.44

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The same point is restated in Mutusva’s rebuttal during a conversation with his second wife Nyemudzai when he said: Iwe unoziva kuti ndine vana… Iwe hauna… Zvino asingazvari ndiani? [You know very well that I have children (from another wife) … you do not have… So who is infertile?]

When asked to discuss the gender issues and the decision-making processes emerging from the above excerpts, the study participants raised the following points: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that it is difficult to know who has a problem in the face of a couple’s childlessness… I learnt that childlessness threatens marriage… I learnt that couples should find a solution to childlessness in marriage.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Men sometimes blame themselves for not making their women pregnant. However, instead of taking the bold decision to identify and address the root cause of the problem, sometimes they blame women for not getting pregnant. They begin to doubt their capability of making women pregnant.

Educationists’ Perceptions Instead of visiting the doctors to rectify the problem of childlessness, men usually resort to engaging in a relationship with other women. They therefore use other women to prove that they can make women pregnant. Such moves have a possibility of leaving them in perpetual doubt.

An analysis of the excerpts in this section reveals that both partners are suffering. The wife is agitated because she expects the husband to run around in search of solutions to their childlessness even if she sees that he has run out of options. Her frustration is aggravated by the fact that she cannot run around as she is trapped by the cultural normative code which stipulates that only a man should run around and make decisions for the family. The wife longs to see her husband craving to have children even when she sees that her husband does not love children. Resultantly, both the wife and husband are frustrated and unhappy because they are not

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“seeing eye to eye.” The realities presented in the above excerpts controvert the Africana womanist principle of flexible role playing whereby if the wife sees that there is need to run around, then she should have the freedom to do so rather than feeling trapped by the essentialist position. Also the wife’s attitude is wrong ethically as she sees the husband as a means to getting pregnant and eventually bearing a child. All these challenges gravitate around the cultural script which defines wo/manhood through their procreative capacity.

Marriage and Roora/Lobola (bride-price) The issue of roora/lobola (bride-price) is another major determinant of gender-based relations. Although the original intention of roora/lobola in most traditional African societies was good since it was intended to seal/ formalize relationships between two families, regrettably, it has often been used to justify women’s subordination and objectification. An analysis of the literary texts in question also revealed that the mistreatment of women while hiding behind the fact that their husbands paid roora/lobola continues to rear its ugly head. This is succinctly presented in the following excerpt uttered by Mutusva’s mother in the novel Ndiri Parumananzombe, when she said: Zvino kana mwana wavo asingabereki, mazimari avakadya vachaadzosa nei? Ivo vaitaratadza mazimari nen’ombe dzose dzose vaiziva here kuti mwana wavo aibereka. Vanotipa mumwe mukadzi chete. Gore rino vangandiona. [So, if their daughter is barren, how are they going to reimburse all the money that they spent from the bride-price we gave them? They charged us a lot of money and many cattle. Why did they charge us so much if they were not even certain that their daughter can bear children for us? They must give us another wife without fail. Otherwise they are going to see me this year (they will see my true colours)]. pp.88-89

In analyzing the gender constructs derived from the above excerpt, the study participants came to the following conclusions: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that when women get married, they should prove their worth by bearing children… I learnt that if a wife fails to bear children then the family has to return the roora/lobola they received from the husband’s family. The

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husband’s family members get worried if the newly married wife is not bearing them children.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Marriage is an act of living in a heterosexual union. It is not based on love and affection. Rather, it is a means that should end with conception and child bearing. If a wife cannot bear children, the wife’s family should either pay back roora/lobola or replace her with another fertile wife. The amount charged for roora/lobola should be determined by whether or not the woman can bear children. In this case, marriage is strictly heterosexual. There is no hope for a childless couple.

Educationists’ Perceptions Rarely would marriage continue if procreation fails to commence. Most couples carry the burden of having to hide their infertility especially if it is the men’s problem because it is perceived as a curse. Through roora/lobola, women are commercialized and commodified. A woman who cannot bear a child is perceived as a faulty product that can be returned, to be replaced by the supplier.

The study participants echoed the fact that the aspect of roora/lobola compromises women’s rights and poses an affront on their advocacy for equality. This issue also emerged from a discussion of the following excerpt in the play Vakasiiwa Pachena when Chipo’s mother, Mrs Chironda, upon hearing that Chipo is not yet pregnant, she said: Haikona kudaro. Unoti pfuma yatakadya tinoidzosera nei nhai mwanawe? p63…. Mwedzi unouya ukapera wonyepera kurwara wouya kuno. Zvino tozoti pamuviri pakabva. Ipapo tinenge tatsvaga mushonga wokuuchika. Dai ukasafana vatete vako vasina kubereka ava mhani! p.63 [Do not say that, you child. How do you expect us to refund the roora/lobola that we have already spent?… At the end of next month, you have to pretend to be sick so that you can come here (back to her parent’s home). Then we can falsify that the pregnancy miscarried. By the time you come, we will have gotten the herbal medicine to help you to conceive. I sincerely hope that you did not take after your aunt who could not conceive!]

The study participants’ analysis of the above citation is that:

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Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that a wife should tell her husband the truth… I learnt that women, especially mother-in-laws can be dishonesty… I learnt that women are not to be trusted.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions For most mothers, it is unthinkable that their married daughters are unable to bear children. The implication of childlessness could be repayment of roora/lobola. As such, women would rather lie and pretend to be pregnant to protect their marriages.

Educationists’ Perceptions Women even try to make use of herbal remedy to ensure that they bear children as some form of a reward/compensation for the husband who would have paid lobola. For most women, childlessness can be inherited from generations.

The above gender constructions confirm Nkosi’s (2011: 32) assertion that, “in case that a marriage ends, the lobola paid to the bride’s family has to be returned to the groom’s family, this may further disadvantage women as the bride’s family may avoid divorce and subject women to endurance of unhappy marriage.” In this case, lobola has been corrupted by the English translation, bride price, which misrepresents the purpose and meaning, since price denotes buying which therefore suggests that the husband has bought a wife (Mizingi 2000; Chiweshe 2016). Mangena and Ndlovu (2013) aver that lobola’s traditional aspects have been corrupted, they have ceased to be a ritual, and instead, they have now been turned into one of the patriarchal tools used to assert power over women in many respects. The cover page on Manyimbiri’s novel Ndiri Parumananzombe is replete with crucial cultural and gender-based norms and values related to the practice of roora/lobola. Below is a summary of the issues: Mutusva in Manyimbiri’s Ndiri Parumananzombe defies his father Mr Pesvanai’s advice that he can only marry after accumulating wealth. The mother, Mrs Pesvanai supports her son, Mutusva, saying that even the poor can still marry. She even argues that very few men have finished paying

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roora/lobola for their wives. Against his father’s wish, Mutusva marries Revai Susupenzi, a girl from the neighbourhood. Mr Susupenzi, Revai’s father, because of his greediness, overcharges the roora/lobola. Mr Pesvanai pays everything, since Mutusva has nothing. Mr Pesvanai, having been frustrated by his son’s irresponsible behaviour, declares Revai mukadzi wemudzimu (an ancestral wife) and instructs that no one should trouble her. Mr Pesvanai constructs a home for Revai and her children. Mutusva stays with Revai for some time, but the marriage did not last, as they were always fighting. (Ndiri Parumananzombe Cover page)

The study participants were also asked to discuss the gender issues embodied on the abovementioned cover page. This is what they had to say: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions The father-in-laws should charge reasonable roora/lobola. I learnt that if too high roora/lobola is charged, the woman will be abused. A wife for which very high roora/lobola has been charged will not be divorced.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Roora/lobola has been commercialized through overcharging such that women are now being treated as commodities. Roora/lobola has cost women their dignity and identity as they are now being treated as objects serving the purpose of producing children.

Educationists’ Perceptions The change of roora/lobola from being a ritual to a market price of women further pushed women into a powerless position where they are regarded as assets to be traded between the woman’s and man’s families. Thus, the men (especially the fathers) from the woman’s family decide how much a woman is worth and the men from the husband’s side decide how to use or treat her. In this case, men hold decisive levers on women’s lives and women lose their sexuality reproductive and health rights.

The views raised in the preceding sections confer with the ideas proffered by Haralambos and Holborn (1995: 579) who argue that the politics of gender in Genesis (3:16) in the bible had to do with the original sin that the woman is still paying for when God is said to have announced to

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her, “I will greatly multiply thy sorrow and thy conception, in sorrow thou shalt bring forth children, and thy desire shall be thy husband, and he shall rule over thee.” According to Haralambos and Holborn (1995), such are mythological justification for women subordination. Although most people accept this and see it as natural and normative, however, there are also others who critique the disequilibrium enshrined in the marriage institution such that they are advocating for doing away with it. For instance, when analyzing this literary text with Ordinary Level learners, some exceptionally intelligent learners were questioning how the Genesis (3:16) text is applicable to the unmarried and infertile women. There are also several gender and power constructs, tugging at Mutusva’s masculinity emerging from the fact that his parents paid all the roora/lobola when he was getting married to Revai. This is aptly revealed in the following interior monolog by Mutusva in Ndiri Parumananzombe when he says: A-a-nhasi ndichaita iya yavanoti BP.  Asi baba ndivo vanotora mukadzi wangu? Musha ati ndowake… Mukadzi anopenga uyu!… Baba naamai ndivo vakamujaidza chete … kuti, “Nhasi Revai nevana vako takubikisa. Musha wako uyo. Wobikira murume wako uyu. Ndiwo musha wako hapana achakubvisa apa”… Vapfumi ndivo vanotonga varombo vakateerera… Vanoda kundikoronaiza haikona. p.24 [Mutusva: Aargh, today I will develop what they call BP (hypertension/high blood pressure). Could it be that my father beds my wife? She claims that the home is hers … this wife is mad!… My father and mother are the ones who spoiled/pampered her … when they said, “Today Revai and your children we have officially given you a house. There is your home. This is your home, no-one will remove you from here” … the rich are the ones who govern while the poor are listening … they want to colonise me.]

When participants were asked to analyze the above citation, they came up with the following insights: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that roora/lobola symbolises power… I learnt that the payment of roora/lobola gives men the right to decide the future of women, where and how they will live their lives.

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Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Roora/lobola has been corrupted by the English translation “bride price” which mislead people to the misconception that a wife is reduced to a product which can either be bought or sold. Men who pay roora/lobola control women.

Educationists’ Perceptions Men who have their parents/families paying roora/lobola on their behalf usually have no autonomous control over their wives. Women own homes where they stay with their husbands and children. The husband’s parents control their daughters-in-law. Men feel threatened when they had roora/ lobola for their wives paid by their parents. So poverty compromises men’s manhood and makes them to feel less masculine than other men.

The above views confirm the Africana womanist principle of flexible role playing in which even women may own homes (Hudson-Weems 2002). The Shona conception of gender, though not exactly the same, is close to the Yoruba’s as espoused by Oyewumi (2010: 32), who denies dichotomous gender discourse about binary, hierarchical and oppositional social categories of men and women. To the Yoruba, these categories are complementary unlike in Western societies that privilege men. The two physically and physiologically apparent differences are thus not even related to the social privileges.

Wo/manhood and Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights While the foregoing sections have been reiterating various SRHR infringements and challenges endured by the characters discussed above, this section will highlight some of the levels of desperation experienced by women due to childlessness. It illuminates how they are often forced into lying, trickery, malice and worse still, being forced to become intimate with another man who is not their husband. The three excerpts from Vakasiiwa Pachena discussed below help to illustrate the plight of women: in the first one, Chipo’s mother, Mai Chironda, starts to panic after realizing that their ploy of having Chipo continuing to fake that she is pregnant might be exposed, she starts asking her daughter:

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“Zvino haabvunze kadhi rekuchipatara?” [So, will he not ask for the hospital card to ascertain that you have registered for antenatal care?] Chipo responds: “Ndinoti ndakanganwa kuno” [I will tell him that I forgot it here (her parent’s home).] p.64

The second excerpt is about Tazviona addressing Chipo, his second wife: Paunoenda kuchipatara pose hauuyi nemakadhi kuti ini murume wako ndizoona zvinenge zvataurwa nachiremba. Unondivanzirei chaizvo? p.65… Uno wava Mwedzi wechitanhatu zvino iyo inhumbui isingakure, hee? Tauraka tinzwe kuti sei isingaoneke. [When you go to the clinic, you do not bring the card for me your husband to see what the doctor will have written. What is that you are hiding from me?… This is now the sixth month, what kind of pregnancy is it, why is it that your tummy is not growing big, hee? Talk to me so that I can understand why it is not showing.] p.66.

The third excerpt is about Tazviona reflecting on Chipo’s deception after discovering that she had been feigning pregnancy: Ko ainyeperei hake? Akadii kutaura chokwadi ndisati ndapedza mari yangu paari. Vana vangu havana mbatya pamusana pake nokuti ndaiti mukadzi akarema anofanira kuwana zvose. Mukadzi wangu mukuru akaenda pamusana paiyeyu. [So, why would she lie? If she had told me the truth, I would not have wasted my money on her? My children (from the first wife) do not have enough clothes because of her. I have been spending all my resources on her since I felt that a pregnant wife should get everything she needs to make her comfortable. My senior wife even left me because of her.] Ndakanyara chaizvo pamberi panesi ndichiudzwa kuti haana kana pamuviri pacho. [I felt so embarrassed in front of the nurse upon being told that she is not even pregnant.] p.69

The study participants were asked to analyze the three excerpts above in light of gender relations and women’s SRHR.  This is what they had to say: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that women should not keep secrets from their husbands… I learnt that married women cannot keep their medical records private and confidential as their husbands will insist on seeing everything that doctors and

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nurses say or write on the hospital or clinic cards… I learnt that husbands should accompany their pregnant wives to the clinic or hospital visits to avoid misrepresentation of information.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Women lose sexual and reproductive rights to their husbands upon marriage… Women cannot be secretive about anything to do with their sexuality. They know that they are under men’s surveillance so they cheat and try to hide their problems. Wives lie to their husbands when they are under too much pressure, particularly when they are expected to fall pregnant within a stipulated time-frame.

Educationists’ Perceptions Husbands believe that they are supposed to monitor and to control their wives’ sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR)… Husbands usually take special care of their wives when they are pregnant. Men would prefer to care for their children rather than spending money on a wife that cannot bear children. A wife who cannot bear children is usually divorced to give way for the one that can bear children. Men get humiliated when they cannot make a wife pregnant.

The study participants were also asked to pick out some gender-based and SRHR issues emerging from an excerpt in Ndiri Parumananzombe where Nyemudzai says: Kunyepa! Haunyari. Kureva zvavamwe. Ko, zvako wakanganwa? Unoberekesa iwe? Zingomwa rina mare. Woda kunditsvagira chikomba wajaira nhai? Asi ndozvawakaita kuna Revai? p.43 [You are lying! Are you not ashamed? Now you want to expose my secrets! Have you forgotten yours? Can you bear children, you? You are barren and you are a liar. You want to get a boyfriend for me? Is that what you are used to doing? Is that what you did to Revai?]

The study participants’ analysis of the above excerpt can be summed up as follows:

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Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions Men lie to conceal their infertility. There is always a blame game as both men and women do not want to be labelled infertile. Men go to an extent of hiring other men to impregnate their wives.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Thus women’s sexuality is controlled by men. Husbands or the husband’s family may hire another man to make a wife pregnant. It is culturally permissible that a woman can procreate with another man as suggested by the husband’s family.

Educationists’ Perceptions Husbands get anxious/worried when their wives are not falling pregnant. They even offer to have another man impregnate their wives so that the couple can have children. The challenge comes when the wife is uncooperative that she refuses like what has happened in the scenario. The plan of hiring a mate to impregnate a wife works in the traditional cultural context.

This confirms Nkosi’s (2011) views about the negative impact of lobola, who argued that it facilitates transfer of the bride’s productive and reproductive rights to the groom and his family. Similarly, Mangena and Ndlovu (2013) critiqued lobola with regard to promotion of gender equality; they argued that its continuation has cast doubt about the attainment of gender equality within the cultural context in which it is practiced. Several scholars have argued that roora/lobola payment is one of the hindrances to women’s quest for freedom and emancipation. Roora/lobola as a social discourse has its meaning and purpose corrupted by multiculturalism that it lost its deeper cultural meaning and significance. Taringa and Museka (2019) describe it as a ritual, and Mukanganwi (2000) argues that it is a formality for kuvumba vukama (establishing relationships). According to Mizingi (2000), roora/lobola has gradually turned into an economic transaction that implied the purchase of the bride. In the same light, Kambarami (2006) asserts that roora/lobola has fast become one of the cornerstones of patriarchal injustices. Based on the analysis of the above excerpts and the scholarly views discussed above, it is apparent that the practice of roora/lobola has been

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inadvertently manipulated not only to deny women equality and dignity in society but also to control as well as to deny them enjoyment of their SRHR.

Wo/manhood in Polygamy Polygamy is another contentious practice which tends to infringe on women’s opportunities to enjoy equality and fullness of life. It also compromises their chances of enjoying conjugal rights. All these factors have far-reaching repercussions on women’s SRHR.  The gender-based strife caused by polygamy is portrayed in the following excerpts derived from the literary sources. In the play, Vakasiiwa Pachena, Tazviona is coerced by his friend Chikanza Chabaiwa to marry a second wife. Chabaiwa uses the following words to cajole his friend: Ini handioni chiri kukunetsa apa. Ko haugone kuroora umwe mukadzi here? … inga uri gwara chairo shamwari. Kutya mukadzi!. Ita zvourume wena iwe…. p.49 [I really do not see what is troubling you here. Are you not able to marry another wife?… then you are a real coward friend. You are afraid of your wife! Be manly.].

The study participants’ analysis of the gender issues emerging from the above excerpt was that: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that men, including the married ones have the freedom to do as they please without even consulting their wives. I learnt that they can marry other wives at will. I learnt that they should not fear women. Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions A ‘real’ man is not answerable to a woman. Men who are controlled by women are regarded as cowards who are not ‘man’ enough. Even if their wives are not interested in polygamy it is immaterial.

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Educationists’ Perceptions It is as if women are invisible in marriages. Men do not bother whether their wives approve of polygamy or not. By virtue of being a husband, men just do as they wish in marriage relationships and women are only victims.

Chabaiwa’s advice to Tazviona is contrary to principles enshrined in the Africana Womanist theory which seeks to defend the victim, a woman in this case. This is captured by Oyewumi (2010: 32) who says “when the offender assaults a woman we should not be asked to run to his defense. If the victim is the Afrocentric sister or any sister, then if anything we should rally to her defense.” The views raised in the aforementioned excerpt further contradict the Africana womanist theory in view of the fact that Chabaiwa clearly shows that he is an inflexible role player who does not transcend the physiological and biological bounds. He also demonstrates that he is an uncaring personality (Hudson-Weems 2002). Gender oppression has also been internalized by women who often socialize or counsel fellow women to accept some discomforts and infiltrations such as polygamy. Some women have come to feel that they simply have to conform to cultural practices even if they are not happy about it. This comes out clearly in Vakasiiwa Pachena where Amai (Mrs) Taguta counsels Netsai saying: Inga mungatoonda nazvo? Iwo mabarika inga tese tese tinawo. Hapana zvokuzviita asi kutozvigarira nevana venyu muchizvishandira. p.54 [Do not overthink it, you will grow weary and might end up losing weight due to something which is beyond you. We are all in polygamous marriages. There is nothing you can do about it. Do not abandon your home. Just accept the harsh reality and focus on working hard so that you can take care of your children and yourself]… Zvino munosvikepiko nhai vasikana? Munoti shanje dzinovaka musha here izvozvi? Zvino mukaita basa rokuzvidya mwoyo hamusi mungatofa muchifamba. p.55 [Do not take unnecessary strain, it will not get you anywhere. Just accept the inevitable. Do you think jealous construct homes? If you keep on troubling yourself about it, you will die from stress].

There are several gender stereotypes revealed in the above excerpts. The study participants’ reflections of the above citations raised the following issues:

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Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that men and women are not equal… I learnt that women will not get anywhere if they unceasingly worry about their husbands’ decision to take another wife… I learnt that interfering with the husband’s extra marital relationships is regarded as a sign of jealous which is self-destructive.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Men’s promiscuity is permissible; it is regarded as being adventurous. Men can have polygamous marriages and women should not question their actions. Instead of fretting about and interfering with their husbands’ extra marital affairs, women should rather focus on working hard to take care of their children’s needs.

Educationists’ Perceptions Women accepted the mythological belief that polygamous marriage is hardwired in men’s existence. Also the fact that almost everyone else in society is in a polygamous setting means that it is normal and acceptable. These are statements that glorify men’s abuse of women in the guise of culture.

The counsel offered by Amai (Mrs) Taguta in the above citation reveals a sense of apathy and resignation. It is suggestive of the fact that most women find themselves trapped in polygamous relationships such that they have since learnt to “live and let live.” Accepting the status quo and deciding to forge ahead against all odds seems to be the survival strategy that Amai (Mrs) Taguta is trying to impart to Netsai. Advising each other to persevere amidst the trials and tribulations wrought by a polygamous marriage appears to be the “default setting” for women in such situations. This is revealed in the following conversation between Netsai and her grandmother in Vakasiiwa Pachena: Netsai: (complaining to her grandmother) Ini ndafunga zvokututa twangu ndodzokera kwababa ndosiya vanozosasadzana vachisasana voga. p.58 VaSarudzai: (grandmother replied), Wosiya upfumi hwako here iwe? Ko, vana wovasiira unherera here? Iwe ita semunhu mukuru wanzwa. p.58 [Netsai: “I have decided to pack my belongings and go back to my father and leave those who are in love alone.” VaSarudzai: “do you want to leave behind all your wealth, which you worked so hard to accumulate? What

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about your children, do you want to dessert them so that they will be mistreated like orphans? You must act like a mature person, do you hear me?]

An analysis of the above passage by the study participants highlighted the following issues: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that men can marry several wives, if women do not want to stay in polygamous marriages, they can divorce. I learnt that men’s promiscuity is permissible. I learnt that women who divorce their husbands for marrying other wives are regarded as selfish and jealous.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Culturally, women should endure loveless marriages for the sake of safeguarding their children’s welfare as well as the wealth which they would have acquired together with the husband. Enduring a loveless marriage against all odds is regarded as a sign of maturity.

Educationists’ Perceptions There are some women that are now doing gender across the grain. No one will subordinate women unless they offer to be servants to men. Gender performance is a choice when women choose to be and not to be abused.

The conversation between Netsai and her grandmother may bring new gender-based dimensions, that is, age is gendered. It seems to suggest that elderly women can endure loveless marriages, while young women easily surrender and opt out. Also, that gender is a choice that an individual makes and has nothing to do with being a man or a woman. In this scenario, it is clear that Netsai’s friend, amai Taguta and Netsai’s grandmother accepted the mythological justification of women subordination and have taken it as natural and normative. They feel that they cannot do anything about polygamy. On the other hand, Netsai is refuting that mythological justification and is even doing away with the marriage institution in her life. Netsai refuses to continue in a polygamous and loveless marriage. The conversation between Mutusva and his senior wife, Revai, in Ndiri Parumananzombe also shows just how polygamy is deeply entrenched in

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that context to such an extent that Mutusva believes that it should be the norm for all men. He argues his point as follows: Ndofa nomukadzi mumwe chete ndiri kwirimba here? Uyo Zevezeve ane vatatu. Vana vangani? Ava nevapfumbamwe, nhumbuwo nhatu. Uyo Rwodzi pamhiri apo ane vangani vakadzi? Vana. Vana vangani? Gumi nefararira. Uyo Gweshe apo. Paraziva, Tovani. Haiwa, ndingaverenga here? Rudzoro rwava rwangu ini Mutusva. p.17 [I cannot live all my life with one wife till death as if I am a pigeon. Take a look all around, Zevezeve has three wives. How many children does he have? Nine of them and three pregnancies. The other one is Rwodzi over there, he has how many wives? Four! How many children? Over ten. The other ones are, Gweshe over there. Paraziva, Tovane. Do I need to count them? The turn is mine, me, Mutusva.]

The study participants’ interpretation of the above passage highlighted the following issues: Ordinary Level Learners’ Perceptions I learnt that manhood is about having a polygamous marriage… I learnt that real men have more than one wife… I learnt that the reason for polygamous marriages in some cases is because other men are doing it.

Curriculum Implementers’ Perceptions Polygamous men have many children. Hence, monogamous men simply feel that it is their turn to marry other wives since all other men have more than one wife. Also that having one wife will compromise their manhood and makes them like a pigeon.

Educationists’ Perceptions Men should have alternative ways of showing manhood rather than abusing women. Men use other women who come as second wives to abuse other wives who are senior wives. So it is women who are enemies of themselves.

The gender message in the above passages confirms Chiweshe’s (2016: 231) assertion that “Culture is a vehicle by which values are valorized and masculinity is transferred from generation to generation. Culture is used

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as an excuse for many cases of gender inequality.” Thus, women’s abuse is glorified under the guise of culture (Taringa and Taringa 2018).

Conclusion This chapter has explored Ordinary Level learners’, educationists’ and curriculum implementers’ perceptions of the gender messages embodied in the excerpts from the selected Ordinary Level 2010–2015 prescribed novel and play. The impact of these gender perceptions on women’s SRHR was also highlighted. The findings reveal that characters are treading the gender boundary and the boundary is fading in all the scenarios. This is leading to gender cultural shock as the characters’ partners are interpreting gender contrary to the normative code. Doing gender anew is leading to rampant gender-based violence as characters fail to adapt to the new gender arrangement. The characters are feeling as if their partners are no longer “real” men or “real” women. Both men and women are victims of their cultural gender normative setup though women suffer the most especially when it comes to how culture is often used to trample upon their SRHR. Both men and women are perpetrators of gender-based violence though men mostly abuse women. Culture imprisons its creators such that it creates an artificial reality that restricts and creates barriers to women’s SRHR and freedom of choice. This is leading to inequality which is leading to hostility, animosity and rivalry between men and women in their relationships. On getting into the marriage institution, it looks like the battle line is drawn. The curriculum instructional materials, in this case the novel and play, negate the aims of both the Zimbabwean constitution and Zimbabwe’s Vision 2030 which both target to achieve gender equality and to end gender-based violence (SDG5). So, there is a need to tailor teacher talk so that it bridges the gender gaps in the instructional materials. Men and women are in the global village that has transformed and revolutionalized our personal lives in sexuality, relationships, marriage and family (Giddens 2002). The social and religious values in the excerpts remained the very same old ones that are outdated and no longer answering the participants’ new gender-related problems especially to do with women’s SRHR.  The curriculum implementers’ methodology should allow learners to reflect upon the gender messages that instructional materials proffer. It takes only the few intelligent ones to know that there are exceptions to gender normative setup that tolerate doing gender anew in the excerpts. While there is considerable synthesis of gender messages by

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the educationists and to some extent curriculum implementers, the learners take the scenarios as gender templates. This is evidenced by their prefixing of their responses by the stem, “I learnt that…”. As Zimbabwe progresses with its trajectory toward the realization of SDGs 3 and 5, the future should be shaped by a curriculum which is tailored toward carving transformed men and women who enjoy the fullness of life by being assured that their SRHR are protected.

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CHAPTER 9

Media Rhetoric, Women, Silences and Sexual Abuses in the Church Rosemary Chikafa-Chipiro

Introduction The arrest of Robert Martin Gumbura for rape of women in his congregation was looked upon as a milestone in tackling the subject of sexual abuses in churches and in Zimbabwe in general. Gumbura was sentenced to 40 years in prison in 2014. He died in 2021 still under custody. His case was one in many cases of women congregants that were being sexually abused in various religious sects and especially African Initiated Churches (AICs). A study by Chikafa-Chipiro (2016) underscored how such violations and trivialisation of women and human rights occurred in Zimbabwe. In the study, Chikafa-Chipiro (2016) argued that the Zimbabwean media, which is largely representative of the country’s patriarchal setup, was biased against women and Gumbura’s victims. The findings of her study concluded that the framing of women in the Gumbura case worked to obviate the presence and agency of Gumbura’s wives and victims, thereby

R. Chikafa-Chipiro (*) University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_9

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reproducing prejudice against women in the Zimbabwean public sphere and possibly demoralised other victims of sexual abuse from coming out to tell their stories. The Gumbura case was an eye opener on the sexual abuses occurring in churches that are easily enshrouded in silences. Many other studies in Zimbabwe have focused more on AICs especially on issues concerning the exploitation of women through child marriages, polygamy and sexual reproductive health and rights. However, one notes with concern the scant research on sexual violation by “men of the cloth” be they pastors, priests and prophets. Nonetheless, the Zimbabwean media has been awash with stories of men of the cloth and their sex scandals. Among these stories that have caught media attention is that of Prophet X1 who is a leader of a church with such a huge following not only in Zimbabwe but also in other parts of Southern Africa. Prophet X’s sex scandals have been almost as sensational as Robert Martin Gumbura’s. Most studies on the church and subjects such as sexual abuse, rape, domestic violence and HIV and AIDS among other contentious issues in the society place the burden of rehabilitation and counselling on the church (Chitando and Chirongoma 2013; Maluleke and Nadar 2002). These put the church on the pedestal of morality and social cohesion. In a study on the role of the church in mitigating sexual abuse and domestic violence, researchers from Stellenbosch University found out that the churches have perpetuated a culture of silence around sexual violence and have largely failed to respond to the crisis and may even worsen the impact by reinforcing stigma and discrimination experienced by survivors (Southam 2011). However, it seems that these studies fall short in not looking into sexual abuse, sexual exploitation and rape within the church and more so, when the perpetrators are religious leaders. Studies on sexual violence in the church indicate that the church is in itself a breeding ground for silences on sexual violations that happen under the shroud of spirituality (Jesme 2009; Kugler et  al. 2019). A study by Gwara and Zimunya (2019) shows a number of such cases by Zimbabwean church leaders including Madzibaba Nzira, Gumbura, Magaya and Kwambama among others. They argue that there is a pattern whereby there is “sexual misconduct by a pastor or church leader which goes undetected or is ignored. When it comes out, either through the victims or otherwise, the 1  For confidentiality purposes, this chapter refers to this popular prophet with a pseudonym “X.”

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victim becomes the perpetrator in the eyes of other congregants and the perpetrator is viewed as some kind of martyr” (Gwara and Zimunya 2019). Prophet X’s case opens up an opportunity for one to attempt to gauge the inroads that have been made in addressing sexual abuse of women in churches in Zimbabwe and to promote the achievement of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 5. In the media landscape, various dynamics came to play in the way that Prophet X’s sex scandals were handled. Thus, this chapter seeks to weigh in on the dissemination of information on the rape allegations through convergences between mainstream media and social media. As intimated earlier, the subject of sexual abuses in the church has mainly been popularised by media rhetoric which is at the crossroads of raising awareness against sexual abuses and advocating for action against offenders and further fostering silences on sexual abuses in the church. This study undertakes a qualitative content analysis of media rhetoric in mainstream media and social media with a view to assess the extent to which the media raised awareness against sexual abuses in the church, advocated for action against offenders or further fostered silences on sexual abuses in the church. Focus will be on three rape/sexual abuse allegations levelled at Prophet X in June and July 2019. These include allegations by two alleged victims and the parents of a minor girl child who accused Prophet X of sexually molesting and impregnating their underage daughter. The study will particularly focus on newspaper reports of the cases and responses to videos that were subsequently shared on social media, particularly on Facebook. The intersectional theory is utilised in the study as a theoretical lens that is given impetus by the power of women to draw from shared experiences and organise against violences that shape their lives. As Crenshaw (1991: 1241) argues, this politicisation has seen transformations in the way that violence against women has been understood over time where battering and rape were seen as private matters and aberrational, they are now largely recognised as part of a broad scale system of domination that affects women as a class. Where violence is concerned, it becomes apparent that women’s experiences of violence are often shaped by other dimensions of their identities such as race and class (Crenshaw 1991: 1242). Thus, the study views the experiences of sexual violence from the perspective that multiple oppressions inclusive of social hierarchies and identities are at play in sexual abuses in the church.

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Prophet X and Pentecostalism in the Zimbabwean Context Prophet X rose to prominence in the Zimbabwean landscape during the last decade when he set up his burgeoning ministry. Although his rise and religious background is thought to be controversial, most reports indicate that he started his ministry after interacting with a popular (now late) prophet based in West Africa. He joined the league of popular Pentecostal churches and prophets that had suddenly sprouted in a prophetic wave from the year 2008 (Chitando et  al. 2013b). These Pentecostal movements have been looked upon with mixed feelings and some scholars have even labelled this league of prophets as white collar prophets who professionalise the word of God (Mangena and Mhizha 2013). This new wave of prophets and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe is conspicuous because of their links to the Zimbabwean crisis. Most Zimbabwean scholars have characterised these prophets as cashing in on the dire economic situation in the country to the extent that their work is associated with capitalistic tendencies of making profits and running their churches like businesses (Chitando et al. 2013b). Thus, they are popularly known for the gospel of prosperity which is preached under the premise that poverty, misfortune and disease are caused by evil spirits (Mangena and Mhizha 2013). Moreover, these prophets push their agendas through the performance of miracles. Prophet X fits into the various characterisations as a white collar prophet and a young polished male (Chitando et  al. 2013a) among others. His church has garnered a large following that may have already surpassed that of his predecessors. However, his prominence is tainted by a lot of controversies, especially those of a sexual nature. As a typical white collar prophet, he has amassed wealth through entrepreneurship and through church proceeds. He boasts of a number of properties. He has also been philanthropic in his church and in the country where he has donated huge sums of money towards various charitable causes. As a “man of God,” he has performed many “miracles” according to testimonies by congregants. Prophet X has also had brushes with the law for alleged cases of tax evasion, claiming to have found a cure for some chronic ailments and for sexual misdemeanours. He has been accused of a number of sexual offences going as far back as 2016 when he was accused of raping a church member who later withdrew the case under ambiguous circumstances, thereby saving him from conviction.

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This study focuses on the three cases of sexual misconduct that came to light through videos shared on social media and never made it to the courts of law as reports were not filed with the police. In the first allegation, Prophet X is accused by the parents of an underage girl for having had improper sexual relations with her when she was 17 years old, resulting in a pregnancy. According to the interview of the parents conducted by media personnel, Prophet X seems to have accepted paternity and was said to be paying child support to the young girl’s family. Two other women (Woman A and Woman B) accused Prophet X of sexual misconduct including rape, indecent assault and sexual harassment which were all executed by way of manipulation under the guise of healing and deliverance, as well as promises of financial support and care. Woman A intimated that she was sexually taken advantage of at a time when she was going through marital problems and was offered a job in the church by the prophet through which he got closer to her. Woman B accused him of using a middle woman to get close to her and naively revealed her family and financial problems, only to have the prophet rape her and offering to take care of all her financial needs including a job and money for rentals.

Prophet X and the Media The media has played a crucial role in mediating the work of the aforementioned prophets. It has been argued that as a new generation of prophets, they have been extensively utilising the media to promote their brand. The media image of the prophets has since been proven to influence public opinion on individual prophets as can be seen in a study by Mateveke et al. (2013). There are indications that the media’s representations of religion and religious issues show the power and control of the media in social constructions of reality albeit on a somewhat passive audience that falls for the media’s set agendas (Chari 2010). Nevertheless, a key factor in how Prophet X is mediated in the media is the aspect of convergence between mainstream media and social media. Convergence as “the flow of content across multiple media platforms” is largely dependent on consumer participation, the dynamic being that consumers are encouraged to seek out new information and make connections among dispersed media content (Jenkins 2006: 2–3). Convergence, according to Jenkins (2006: 2), is “a culture where old and new media collide, where grassroots and corporate media intersect, where the power of the media producer and the power of the media consumer interact in unpredictable

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ways.” In other words, there is a blurring of boundaries in the flow of information between producers and consumers, through what Jenkins (2006) further calls, the migratory behaviour of media audiences who are bent on getting the kinds of entertainment and experiences they want. This implies that the blurring of boundaries is likely to cause both positive and adverse effects on the broad arena of media. This is a key factor in Prophet X’s case that shows how media convergence reflects on and/or affects aspects of journalism and citizen participation. This dynamic has illuminated the level to which public opinion can be gauged in relation to mainstream media and in response to issues of social concern. In Prophet X’s case, it became apparent that the mainstream media was particularly eager to place him before the court of public opinion. Thus, in assessing media rhetoric and convergences between mainstream media and social media, this researcher asks the following questions: How do our interactions with mainstream media and social media illustrate the complex relationship between sexual violence and religion? How do the interactions reveal the potential, successes and challenges of mitigation of sexual violence against women in and outside the church? Further, the researcher was keen to review these accusations in the context of SDG 5, which seeks to protect women against sexual and gender-based violence. Studies on social media and sexual violence have approached the role of the public in different ways. A study by Armstrong and Mahone (2017) places the burden of speaking out against sexual assault on social media users. Their study sought to assess the role of Social Networking Sites (SNSs), particularly analysing whether individuals speak out or stay silent or mobilise against sexual assault and violence. They found that women were more willing than men to engage and that those who were willing to intervene in questionable sexual activities were more willing to engage in collective action against sexual violence. Besides being a site for activism, social media has also been shown to be a breeding ground for various social attitudes including rape culture (Lumsden and Morgan 2017). A study by Stubbs-Richardson et al. (2018) established that social media can be used to exacerbate the problem of sexual violence towards minorities via the use of humour and jokes related to one’s gender, race, sexuality or sexual activities. Their study revealed how social media was used to further the rape culture through victim blaming and slut shaming. Nonetheless, other studies have proven positive results in the use of social media in digital feminist activism (Chikafa-Chipiro 2019; Mendes et al. 2018; Lumsden and Morgan 2017). In the absence of proper legislation, the media can

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play a crucial role in setting the tone against sexual abuse of women among other social issues in a nation. The three cases that have been chosen for this study are peculiar in that they were not reported to the police but the victims approached journalists and had their cases packaged in video interviews shared on social media from mainstream news sources such as The Sunday Mail. The cases were mainly reported by Zimpapers’ weekend paper The Sunday Mail, with online papers such as Zimeye using the reportage from The Sunday Mail. In the case of Woman A and Woman B, the two women are said to have approached The Sunday Mail and had an interview with a journalist, where they accused Prophet X of sexual misconduct. Thus, The Sunday Mail in July 2019 (Mazara 2019a) published a sensational article which chronicled allegations of sexual abuse and harassment purported to have been perpetrated by Prophet X. The article began with a motivation for action against the accused. The catch in the article was that after the impregnated underage girl’s family had posted a video which went viral on social media, many victims were coming out. The article posits that although the underage girl “poured water” on her parent’s story of her improper sexual relationship with Prophet X, the intervention by the journalist who publicised the case opened an unprecedented “can of worms” resulting in the opening of “floodgates” of women’s reports “on the several improper sexual encounters they had with Prophet X.” To buttress this point, the article mentioned that two prominent politicians were also allegedly sexually assaulted and were still weighing their options on whether to go public or not. The article then went on to focus on the accusations levelled at Prophet X through quotes from Woman A and Woman B which revealed several acts of sexual misconduct by the prophet against the women. Woman A claimed that she was indecently touched and kissed and received text messages of a sexual nature from the prophet who would take advantage during “one on one”2 sessions whilst Woman B was performing church duties. Woman B on the other hand alleged that she had been raped at one of Prophet X’s private residences and offered money for rent and upkeep on more than one occasion. Both Woman A and Woman B claimed that they 2  “One on one” sessions are prayer or consultation sessions organised by appointment where an individual congregant meets with the prophet face to face at an arranged venue. These sessions are highly controversial but popular with the new crop of prophets. These are carried out at Prophet X’s premises as reflected in the women’s allegations.

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were among many other women in the church who had received money from Prophet X. To lend authenticity to the allegations, Woman B went on record to clarify that she was reporting Prophet X because she wants justice to be done and not because she wants money or has scores to settle with the prophet. The article in its focus on the allegations by the women leaves a lot of room for readers to deliberate and make their own judgements on the matter. It also uses language and information that seeks to encourage other victims to come out. A subsequent article by The Sunday Mail still in the month of July 2019  (Mazara 2019c) sought to present a holistic image of Prophet X, albeit through the frame of controversy. The article gave a summary of Prophet X’s background and his work and put into context the kinds of controversies that have followed him since his rise to fame. The article managed this by listing Prophet X’s scandals from the allegations that he had orchestrated the death of one of his congregants in a neighbouring African country, rape allegations, the conversion of a controversial media persona, the false prophecy and debt to one of the prominent families, the three sexual misconduct cases that this study focuses on, the land scandal, his philanthropic escapades as well as his claim to have found a cure for several chronic illnesses. Thus, “the range of accusations against him were not limited to sex but ranged from false prophecy promises, housing stands scandals, tax evasion, physical abuse, intimidation to murder.” The article went on to call to attention the fact that despite all these controversies, “the man-of-cloth has managed to survive almost all these scandals, unscathed.” The article asks, “But how has the man-of-cloth survived such a chequered, controversy-ridden lifestyle?” Immediately, the report goes on to speak of Prophet X donating some goods to law enforcement agents in October 2016. Furthermore, the report categorically states that even if the donations were meant “to oil the law enforcement agents’ hands,” they had already been compromised as shown in the attack on some of the victims in 2015 and in the police’s “lackadaisical attitude towards the investigations” of one of the victim’s “suicide.” From the flow of the story, it is apparent that the media rhetoric in the article was deliberating an activist’s position against Prophet X’s actions. The article deliberated a historical narrative of Prophet X’s character which called for closer public scrutiny of the prophet. The article’s choice to centralise controversy as synonymous with Prophet X’s character provided a basis on which the prophet’s character and actions could be judged. Coming after the bombshell article, the article weighs the possibilities of

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Prophet X’s culpability in the three cases in question. By the end of the article, an image of Prophet X is inscribed in the reader’s mind. For example, the image of a thug; a pregnant woman congregant who “wanted to spill the beans as to who was responsible for her pregnancy” “mysteriously died in prison in a neighboring country after being found in possession of gold which many suspect (that) was planted gold,” thus, “she never lived to make the revelations.” To further emphasise this thug image, the article reveals how four police officers thought to have been sent by Prophet X invaded the homestead of one of the complainants where they assaulted four maids and a gardener. The article further questions Prophet X’s moral standing by shedding light on his marital status as well as mentioning his offspring. With this revelation, the article went on to relate the three cases which are the focus of this chapter. On the case of the impregnated victim’s parents, the article’s focus was on how the underage girl had refuted her parent’s accusations that Prophet X had improper sexual liasons with her, resulting in a child. The report made conclusions on the case by referring to how Woman A had revealed the possibility that the husband whom the underage girl was boasting about could have been someone on Prophet X’s payroll—sent to “marry” her to stave off any allegations that might come the prophet’s way. This was substantiated by revelations that Woman A had confessed that she had faced a similar situation as she was asked to marry someone from within the church, whom she had not fallen in love with. Ultimately, the judicial outcome of the deliberation in the article is that Prophet X loses out in the moral court but there are fears that he may not stand in a criminal court “as most of his accusers either make a somersault after being paid off or fear to lay charges against him altogether.” The News Day exhibited a differential way of reporting on the sexual allegations raised by the three women against Prophet X that this study focuses on. Searches of reports on the cases from News Day only reflected the article “Prophet X’s ‘Rape’ Victim Springs to his Defence” (Chingarande 2019). The article focused on the underage girl’s refutation of her parent’s allegations that she was raped by the prophet. The report shows that the News Day followed the dictum “innocent until proven guilty.” The term rape is in quotes to reflect impartiality and their first statement seems to motivate for the exoneration of the prophet. The paper’s stance may be understood through a reflection on a study undertaken by Mateveke et al. (2013) which posits that the News Day, unlike state-owned newspapers like The Herald and The Sunday Mail, is wont to hero worship prophets as

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in the case of Prophet Y whose ministry and personality they seemed to have wanted to promote, whereas the state-owned The Herald did the opposite. A comparison of The Sunday Mail’s reportage versus that of News Day shows this tendency even in presentations of Prophet X’s sex scandals. There are clear demarcations as to the editors’ religious affiliations and opinions as previously intimated by Chari (2010). The News Day largely lends the prophet his religious status and maintains titles, while The Sunday Mail openly trivialises and disregards the subject’s religious position. Thus, when News Day reports on Prophet X, they seem to “spring to his defence” together with the victim. On the Woman A and Woman B cases, News Day reported on the Women’s Coalition of Zimbabwe’s (WCoZ) press conference. On the victims’ withdrawal of allegations, The Sunday Mail was unwavering in their stance in an article titled “Prophet X: We Stand by Our Story” (Mazara 2019b) where they reiterated the allegations presented by Woman A and Woman B in their newsroom. They even shared evidence to the effect that they had carried out investigations to verify the allegations and actually visited the house where Woman A is said to have been raped in, although they were told that the prophet no longer lived there. The article “Woes Mount for Prophet X” (Matiashe and Chida 2019) is a sober piece that appeared in News Day which largely focused on how women’s organisations through the WCoZ were calling for the Zimbabwe Republic Police, the Zimbabwe Gender Commission and the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission to launch an enquiry into allegations of sexual abuse against the prophet. The report mainly quoted the WCoZ chairperson’s words to that effect. The News Day seeks to sound more professional and impartial and avoids sensationalism in the matter. Nonetheless, the article still raised important issues for the public as it reiterated calls by the women’s organisations for women and girls who have allegedly been abused to come forward as the organisations were committed to provide support, security and ensure that the cases were reported to the police. The article, in quoting the Musasa Project director, Netty Musanhu, advocated against victim blaming and insulting through her words, “it is highly regrettable that the society thinks that every sexual abuse case that is reported is an issue of extortion. Not all women are looking for money, one should wonder why the cases are only circulating around the accused. Why him? So, let us stop denigrating women and subject these issues to an enquiry.” Of interest in the article were implications that police officers and journalists were getting bribes from the

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prophet to suppress sexual abuse cases. The article lent some form of balance as it objectively presented the two sides of the story with a response from the police Assistant Commissioner Paul Nyathi who intimated that in the case of Woman A and Woman B, there were no records of any charges brought to the police. The Commissioner also added that the police face difficulties in handling most of the cases as the victims usually retract their allegations.

Social Media Responses Moving onto social media responses, the study analyses the potential of social media rhetoric in raising awareness about sexual abuse, advocating for action against offenders and further fostering silences on sexual abuses in the church. The responses on social media were seen to be largely extending the debate that had started in the mainstream media. The rhetoric was only different in the sense that social media users were more open in expressing their personal views without having to worry much about the gatekeeping structures that affect the mainstream media. Many a convergence scholar has spoken to the fact that convergence in giving more voice to consumers in the absence of gate-watching and gatekeeping may result in anarchy (Bruns 2005; Steel 2012). Nonetheless, the potential harm that this posits cannot be overstated but the good that comes with citizen or participatory journalism and freedom of speech often outweighs the bad. The presentation of the cases raised a lot of debates and a number of comments were deliberative and mostly followed the rhetorical trend in the mainstream media. Many calls to action were echoed through comments on Facebook, although these varied depending on whether a user believed or did not believe the allegations. Names of Facebook users have been changed for privacy reasons, although the posts used were public. Most of the deliberative comments were objective and sought to raise awareness on and against sexual abuse. In a response to The Sunday Mail report on their Facebook page, a user who identified himself as a lawyer expressed concerns that the two women’s allegations did not constitute a case in a court of law. He ended up in a heated debate with one Zimpapers’ journalist who was fully backing The Sunday Mail report and accused the paper of pushing a particular narrative. He expressed that he would rather have the victims report the abuse to the police and present solid cases with evidence and witnesses.

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In support of the lawyer’s points, another user, Simba, commented: What mars the testimonials given so far is the money exchange. I hope to hear a testimonial of someone saying when offered money, she threw it back to him as money wasn’t going to buy dignity lost. And with such testimonials, I can see how hard it is for these ladies to press charges against the prophet. Instead, they are coming to the court of public opinion. I really want to see charges pressed against the dude. Accepting money compromises them. A good lawyer will rip these testimonies apart because they accepted money. It appears he had what they lacked (money) and they had what he wanted (sex).

A user like Simba could at least share objective views as opposed to others who merely dismissed the women’s acceptance of money as proof of consent. This was a crucial point in the discussions that revealed the level of awareness and knowledge of sexual abuse in the society. At this point, there were users who chipped in to raise awareness. One such user, Wadza, took the initiative to give definitions: Abuse is the improper usage or treatment of an entity, often to unfairly or improperly gain benefit. Abuse can come in many forms, such as: physical or verbal maltreatment, injury, sexual assault, violation, rape, unjust practices; wrongful practice or custom; offence, crime, or otherwise verbal aggression.

She also went on to define rape as follows: Rape is a type of sexual intercourse, which is initiated by one or more persons against another person without that person’s consent. The act may be carried out by physical force, coercion, abuse of authority or against a person who is incapable of valid consent, such as one who is unconscious, incapacitated, or below the legal age of consent. (16)

In another conversation with a male who opined that they are worried that a lot of women do not seem to know what rape is, another user, Tendai, revealed that she is able to believe the women because she was also a victim of sexual abuse, and said of those who seemed indifferent, “they are speaking from a place of privilege clearly they have never been raped, abused or molested. We who have gone through violations believe them. It’s not even easy to report or even come out.”

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Besides seeking to raise awareness, some comments showed that users sympathised with the women and saw through the justice or injustices related to the cases in question. Thus, they believed their stories and expressed hope that justice will take its course sooner or later. Sipho said, “One day is one day, no matter how long it takes for the truth to be revealed, but it shall be revealed. These devils shall be exposed.” Other comments showed that audiences were being critical and were concerned about the safety of the victims as can be seen in responses to Woman B’s refutation video. Tendai pointed fellow users to the possibility that the women may have been under duress; “Do you realise that in the other video she looked scared and under duress. There was even a nose on the left bottom of the screen. In this video she looks calm and herself. The other one is in a dark room and people breathing down her neck [sic]? Before you speak ill about her, she is the victim here.” Woman B’s refutation video showed that a lot of people believed that Prophet X had indeed committed sexual misconduct. Some of the comments were as follows: Tina:

“A written statement aitwa yaChipanga. (This comment recalls a political incident where a ZANU PF (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front) youth leader (Chipanga) appeared to have been forced to retract abrasive political comments he had made against members of a ZANU PF faction in the events leading to the November 2017 ‘coup’.)” Itayi: “Gangster thing ini ndanyarara zvangu (this is a gangster thing I am keeping silent).” Wellington: “I don’t think he will ever get arrested for his crimes. He is too clever and very rich. The way he managed to get those people to backtrack is not child’s play.” Tsitsi: “makarepwa simpuru, ndoosaka kudrama muri kuramba kurambwa hamuiti idi (you were raped, simple, that is why you are being dumped in the drama you act in, you refuse to be dumped, you don’t practice the truth).” On the other hand, there were people who offhandedly dismissed Woman B in both the confession and refutation videos because they found her unbelievable as she is an actress. The majority of these had predictable victim blaming comments that have been found in related studies (Gilraldi and Monk-Turner 2017; Sills et al. 2016; Stubbs-Richardson et al. 2018).

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These studies have shown that such victim blaming comments are typically populated by users or people who use the circumstances of the rape to show victims as unreliable sources who are complicit in their assault and concludes that the victims are accountable because of their behaviour. In the mix of comments on Facebook, it became apparent that there was a group of people who were indifferent or people who were quick to judge victims negatively to the extent that their comments would facilitate further silencing of victims of sexual abuse. The majority of people in this group were congregants belonging to the accused prophet’s church who praised Prophet X and blamed the victims. A few comments reflected that there were potential users who could not care less whether the victims were raped or not. For such users, these women deserved it. To this effect, the video of the parents of the impregnated underaged girl garnered more comments from Prophet X’s followers with one clearly praising the prophet and blaming the aggrieved parents as well as chastising them for being ungrateful to the prophet. One of the congregants, Tela, commented: People may destroy your image, stain your personality but they can’t take away your good deeds because no matter how they describe you, you will still be admired by those who really know you better, I stand for my father Prophet X and I will fight for him. Molly (referring to the under aged girl’s mother) ndakunyarira (I am ashamed for you) ummmm you are so ungrateful, I personally witnessed the day your husband came akufa (dying) and the man of God (Prophet X) vakamunamatira (prayed for him) but all those things you did not mention them.

Another congregant, Chamu commented: “Don’t allow hatred to blind you people. Prophet X has done a lot of good for this country than most people.” Some of the comments humorously and sarcastically praised the prophet with one user Mishy laughing, “Kikiki main actor ahafe” (the main actor does not die). Some were simple praise comments like, “I love you my father Prophet X, my life has changed because you allowed God to use you.” Another user, Tau, jestfully said, “Iye munhu achipinda mubedroom yemuporofita anenge achitsvagei? (When someone gets into the prophet’s bedroom, what will they be looking for?) I’m not supporting the prophet but let the prophet enjoy sexual pleasure because I don’t think p**** is available in heaven.” These comments also smirk of a rape culture that is mainly perpetrated by most male users in the comments on

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the cases, although women were equally vocal as victim blamers. The study by Giraldi and Monk-Turner (2017) showed that male participants are more likely to endorse rape culture than their female counterparts who are more empathetic. In some instances, there were fights between Prophet X’s supporters and others who thought that he had committed the crimes. They went to the extent of refuting his religious standing with many accusing him of running a cult and being a Satanist and a criminal. Wenyu alleged, “Whatever mushonga Prophet X has ka aiwa I surrender. NdoMafia iya … gangster chaiyo. Vanhu kuita kumukwata kudaro … aiwa zvakaoma (surrender signal and laughter)”—translation, “Whatever medicine/muti that Prophet X has, I surrender, he is a real gangster, for people to fear him like that!” During the heated arguments, a user, Tine, was exposed as a member of the prophet’s congregation and apparently one of the prophet’s henchmen. The person who exposed him was apparently using a ghost account which had a profile picture of the former president Robert Mugabe. This came to light during the conversation between the two with Tine asking him about the hidden account he was using. It would seem that he was using the ghost account for fear of victimisation by the prophet’s followers as he went on to accuse Tine of his masking Prophet X’s cases. Instead, Tine went on to moralise on parents who send their daughters to stay in men’s houses and meeting a married man nicodemously in the absence of his wife. He alleged that the allegations peddled by the impregnated underage girl were scripted. Lastly, there was a set of seemingly disengaged responses that showed that the people did not care about the cases which they felt were trivial in comparison to the country’s pressing socio-economic and political problems. These shared cynical comments like Tari who says, “criminals that were surrounding Mugabe dzakazodii zviya (what happened to them by the way?)” The implications of this statement are that Prophet X has impunity and will never be brought to book in the same way that the new dispensation had claimed that they were targeting criminals surrounding Mugabe but none of them were brought to book. In response to the Women’s Coalition press conference on an inquiry into the allegations against Prophet X, another user quipped, “ko moitawo commission ye 3 billion missing ka” (by the way, you must also remember to launch a commission of enquiry into the 3 billion dollars that went missing). A key factor that public opinion on social media brought out is that amidst these three accusations, some women used social media platforms

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like Facebook groups to come out and share their experiences of sexual abuse under Prophet X.  These posts testified to the potential that lies behind social media mobilisation against sexual abuse of women as they signalled a #MeToo Prophet X moment. A study of feminist digital activism by Mendes et al. (2018) showed that women who shared their stories of sexual violence on social media were able to find comfort and support in each other’s stories. Most of those who shared their experiences came as “hideys” people who post through group admins anonymously. In a woman’s group on Facebook, an unknown woman testified on her sister’s abuse by Prophet X.  Some of the users who commented on the post threatened to name and shame women who were on Prophet X’s payroll, they claimed that he sponsors their businesses such as boutiques in return for their being middle women who bring girls and vulnerable people to him. They also purported that some of the women were actually part of the Facebook group. Others even suggested that the women in the group should unite in marches against the sexually abusive prophet. Another curious post that came up in the group on 4 July 2019 was that of the burning of Prophet X’s valuable immovable property which alleged that the property had been deliberately burnt in order to destroy evidence. Another popular post was an anonymous “Open letter to H.E President E.D Mnangagwa” signed by a “destroyed girl child.” The letter which was posted on a number of pages across Facebook garnered a lot of comments and responses which overwhelmingly expressed concern over Prophet X’s long-standing shenanigans with pages like Baba Jukwa and Madhiri emaprophets claiming that they indeed have a lot of information that points to the prophet’s culpability on many fronts. Nevertheless, there seems to have been little success of mobilisation against the sexual abuses of women on the hands of the accused prophet on social media with various factors affecting willingness to engage in collective action.

Conclusion The discussion of the cases in mainstream media and on social media present an intricate web of power and domination that leaves vulnerable women on the edge of a precipice. The identities of the three women place them on the centre of debilitating social positions that make them vulnerable to multiple intersecting oppressions. Their narratives reveal a trend where victims are carefully selected according to their gender (women), marital status (single/divorced), age (young girls and women), class (poor,

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unemployed, poorly remunerated, student, no strong family background) among other vulnerable socio-economic statuses. Prophet X on the other hand is presented as an authoritative figure in various guises including being a man (authoritative masculine figure/patriarch), church leader (man of God, prophet), benefactor (helps many individuals and families in his church) and rich man (has money). These positions further his influence even beyond the church with some speculation that he may have political backing because of his role in supporting national causes like sponsoring football teams and donating items to the police force. The hands of the law are tied as the allegations against Prophet X are withdrawn from courts of law or they never make it to the requisite authorities for one reason or another. It thus becomes imperative that the court of public opinion raises their voices for justice to take its course. There is need for the populace to unite with gender activists and organisations to raise awareness against sexual abuse to facilitate a conducive environment where victims can open up. The silence on these alleged abuses is deafening and yet there is so much smoke that the fire should be hot enough to awaken the wheels of justice. There should be some legislation that would facilitate disbanding or closure of such churches while earnest investigations are undertaken. The cases against Prophet X even signal skeletons in the country’s legislature and raise questions on corruption and political mileage that leaves the citizens with little hope for justice. In another alleged case presented as an open letter to President ED Mnangagwa, the writer indicated that Prophet X may previously have had the backing of the former first lady, a serious allegation that necessitates a socio-political audit in cases of sexual abuse in the country for the gains of independence to be enjoyed by many. The media has, to a large extent, done its part and it is left for the law and policy to make needful interventions. More than four decades after Zimbabwe attained independence, one would have expected that there has been considerable progress made towards safeguarding not only women’s SRHR, but more importantly socio-economic empowerment which will cushion them against such dehumanising sexual abuses. This would also contribute towards the realisation of SDG 5. What is lamentable is the fact that these abuses are sometimes perpetrated by men of the cloth, the very same people who should be offering sanctuary to the abused women and girls. As Zimbabwe’s Second Republic heads towards the realisation of SDG 5, it is hoped that there will be concerted efforts between the media, the citizenry, legislature and religious leaders to protect women and girls against sexual abuse.

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Correction to: Assisted Reproductive Technologies, Infertility and Women in Zimbabwe Nomatter Sande and Yvonne Winfildah Takawira-Matwaya

Correction to: Chapter 3 in: S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_3 The second author’s last name was incorrectly published as Yvonne Winfildah Takawira-Mtwaya whereas the correct name is Yvonne Winfildah Takawira-Matwaya, which has been updated in the book.

The updated original version of this chapter can be found at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-­3-­031-­11428-­1_3 © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1_10

C1

Index1

A Abortion, 6, 7, 12, 17–29, 67 Abortion law, 6, 7, 19–20, 22, 23, 26, 27 Assisted Reproductive Technologies (ART), 7, 33–47 B Bill, 3, 51–70, 81–85 C ChiShona, 10, 11, 21, 145–176 Church leaders, 34, 62, 180, 195 Civil, 53, 55, 57, 61–63, 65, 67, 69 Criminality, 9, 100, 104 Customary, 8, 51–53, 55–59, 62, 63, 65, 67, 69, 140

E Empowerment, 42, 82, 94, 117, 195 Ethics, 38, 103, 132, 158 F Family, 5, 6, 8, 9, 21, 28, 29, 35–37, 39, 40, 42–45, 47, 56, 63, 65, 68, 74, 75, 78–82, 84, 85, 92, 95, 99, 108, 110, 118–124, 126, 127, 130, 141, 146, 153, 156, 159–164, 166, 169, 175, 183, 185, 186, 195 Feminist, 7, 10, 24, 34, 36, 41, 45, 46, 76, 81, 146, 184, 194

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 S. Chirongoma et al. (eds.), Religion, Women’s Health Rights, and Sustainable Development in Zimbabwe: Volume 2, Sustainable Development Goals Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11428-1

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INDEX

G Gender, 1–4, 7, 8, 10–12, 33, 35, 36, 40, 45, 54, 55, 59, 65, 66, 75–77, 79, 81–85, 93, 100, 116, 117, 129–131, 136, 140, 145–152, 154, 158–161, 163–167, 169–171, 173–176, 184, 194, 195 Gender-based violence (GBV), 75–77, 83, 175 Gender mainstreaming, 35, 47, 79, 148 H Human rights, 2, 4, 9, 17, 25, 66, 67, 69, 75, 154, 179 I Infertility, 7, 12, 33–47, 156, 157, 159, 162, 169 Islam, 115–141 L Legal, 6, 8, 19, 20, 23–29, 51, 58, 63, 64–65n1, 69, 79, 82, 85, 190 M Mainstream media, 12, 54, 181, 183, 184, 189, 194 Marriage, 3, 5–7, 9, 12, 21, 35–36, 39–41, 51–70, 74, 78, 79, 81–86, 92, 93, 98, 100, 103–106, 109–111, 118, 123, 128, 130, 139, 146, 152–154, 156, 158, 160–166, 168, 171–175, 180 Mberengwa, 9, 10, 92, 93, 102, 115–141 Media rhetoric, 11, 12, 179–195

Migration, 74 Monogamy, 56, 74 Motherhood, 10, 34, 115–141 N Nature, 10, 36, 37, 39, 69, 84, 91, 107, 115–141, 182, 185 P Personification, 10, 115–141 Polygamy, 8, 40, 53, 56, 61, 62, 65, 73, 74, 76, 79, 81, 84, 85, 123, 152, 170–175, 180 Postcolonial, 82 R Reproductive health, 2, 6, 7, 17–29 Ritual-making, 105, 107 S Sacredness, 92, 93, 137, 139 Sanctuary, 9, 91–111, 195 Sexual abuse, 11, 12, 66, 75, 179–195 Sexual and gender based violence (SGBV), 53, 184 Sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR), 1–12, 23, 51–70, 73–87, 91–111, 116, 129, 145–176, 180, 195 Sexual health, 3, 66 Shona culture, 7, 36–40, 45, 73, 147, 150 Small house, 6, 8, 73–87, 130 Social media, 5, 9–12, 181, 183–185, 189–194

 INDEX 

Sustainable Development Goals 3 and 5, 1, 6–12, 78, 85, 99, 176 Symbology, 9 T Traditional medicines, 34, 40, 41 Traditional practices, 39, 75 V VaRemba women, 9, 10, 91–111, 115–141

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W Wisdom, 65, 83, 94, 106, 111 Wo/manhood, 9, 10, 98, 118, 119, 122, 124, 138, 145–176 Women’s role, 9, 117, 148 Z Zimbabwe, 1–12, 17–29, 33–47, 51–60, 67–70, 73–75, 78–80, 82, 85, 86, 91–93, 111, 115–141, 147, 175, 176, 179–182, 195 Zimbabwean young women, 6