Religion and Spirituality for Diverse Women: Foundations of Strength and Resilience 9781440833304, 1440833303

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Religion and Spirituality for Diverse Women

Religion and Spirituality for Diverse Women: Foundations of Strength and Resilience

Thema Bryant-Davis, Asuncion Miteria Austria, Debra M. Kawahara, and Diane J. Willis, Editors

Copyright © 2014 by Thema Bryant-Davis, Asuncion Miteria Austria, Debra M. Kawahara, and Diane J. Willis All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Religion and spirituality for diverse women : foundations of strength and resilience / Thema Bryant-Davis, Asuncion Miteria Austria, Debra M. Kawahara, and Diane J. Willis, editors.   pages cm   Includes index.   ISBN 978-1-4408-3329-8 (alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4408-3330-4 (ebook)  1. Women and religion.  I. Bryant-Davis, Thema, editor.   BL458.R44 2014  200.82—dc23    2014020299 ISBN: 978-1-4408-3329-8 EISBN: 978-1-4408-3330-4 18 17 16 15 14   1 2 3 4 5 This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an eBook. Visit www.abc-clio.com for details. Praeger An Imprint of ABC-CLIO, LLC ABC-CLIO, LLC 130 Cremona Drive, P.O. Box 1911 Santa Barbara, California 93116-1911 This book is printed on acid-free paper Manufactured in the United States of America

Contents

Introduction: Religion and Spirituality: Foundations of Resilience in Diverse Women’s Lives Thema Bryant-Davis, Anthea Gray, and Cecile Bhang

ix

Part I: Native American/American Indian Women   1. Building Resilience through Indigenous Traditions: American Indian Women Gain Strength through Traditional Spiritual Practices Dolores Subia BigFoot and Iva GreyWolf

3

  2. Indigenous Women and Wisdom: An Eternal Chain of Being Wendy M. K. Peters and Jacqueline S. Gray

19

  3. Native Women: Voices from the Circle of Life Pamela Jumper Thurman and Barbara A. Plested

37

Part II: Women of African Descent   4. Toward a Positive Womanist Psychospirituality: Strengths, Gifts, and the Optimal Well-Being of Women of African Descent Shelly Harrell, Ashley E. Coleman, and Tyonna P. Adams

49

vi Contents

 5. African American Women Coping with Trauma: The Impact of Spirituality and Religiosity Gimel Rogers

71

  6. Christian Religious Coping with HIV, Cancer, and Diabetes: African American Women and the Church’s Response Monica U. Ellis

83

  7. Religious Behaviors and Beliefs among Haitian Women in the United States Guerda Nicolas, Lauren Smith, and Anna Wheatley

101

Part III: Women of Asian and Pacific Islander Descent   8. Negotiating Multiple Cultures and Identities: Asian American Women and Christianity Grace Kim

119

  9. Buddhism and Taoism in the Lives of Asian American Women 139 Diane S. Hayashino and Yuying Tsong 10. Transformation through our Circle of Fire Yvonne N. Awana, Susana Ming Lowe, and Ann S. Yabusaki

159

11. The Role of Religion and Spirituality in Sikh Women’s Lives Kiran S. K. Arora and Muninder K. Ahluwalia

181

Part IV: Latinas 12. Santa María, Madre de Dios: Latinas, Religion, and Spiritualism Enedina García-Vázquez and Merranda Romero Marín 13. La Diosa: Syncretistic Folk Spirituality among Latinas Lillian Comas-Diaz

199 215

Part V: White Women 14. Unitarian Universalism and Feminist Psychology: An Intellectual, Spiritual, Personal, Professional Journey Margaret E. Madden

235

Contents vii

15. Women, Spirituality, and Resilience: Women Saints (1098–1540) and Contemporary Women Lela A. Joscelyn

253

16. Religion and Spirituality: Key Factors in Resilience in Coptic Orthodox Women Christine E. Agaibi

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17. Feminism as a Source of Spiritual Strength Joan C. Chrisler and Maureen C. McHugh Conclusion: The Path Forward: The Future Study of Spirituality, Religion, and Resilience among Ethnically Diverse Women Thema Bryant-Davis and Adriana Alejandre

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299

Index 307 About the Editors and Contributors

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Introduction

Religion and Spirituality: Foundations of Resilience in Diverse Women’s Lives Thema Bryant-Davis, Anthea Gray, and Cecile Bhang

Across demographic lines, women face a range of challenges, stressors, and sources of oppression. Despite this reality, women have developed multiple approaches to nurture, maintain, and enhance their well-being. Feminist psychologists recognize that it is important to acknowledge the difficulties women face, as well as the strengths, protective factors, and resilience that many women possess (Ballou, 1995). Two of the key pathways to holistic health and well-being for women have been religion and spirituality. The American Psychological Association has noted that spirituality and religion are integral components for understanding and respecting an individual’s identity and life journey (APA, 2002). Religion and spirituality are interrelated concepts that have often been neglected or minimized by mental health professionals. While religion is usually associated with a group’s endorsement of set beliefs and a commitment to engage in corporate activities such as worship services, spirituality is predominately viewed as an internal, individualized process and set of beliefs. There are, however, persons who value both the collective and individual sacred experience and therefore self-identify as religious and spiritual.

x Introduction

To approach women’s studies comprehensively, it is important for one to attend to women’s experiences of spirituality and religion, in addition to other life-shaping factors. Feminist psychology promotes a value for holistic approaches to both identity and well-being. Despite this articulated commitment, there has been a dearth of feminist psychological scholarship devoted to an exploration of women’s spiritual journeys and the impact of these journeys on mental health outcomes. When spirituality and religion have been examined by feminist psychologists, it has often been limited to a discourse around religion as a source of patriarchy, abuse, and oppression, while the liberating spiritual and religious experiences of many women has been largely ignored or dismissed (Rayburn & Richmond, 2002). Three significant aspects of spirituality and religion are particularly noteworthy in undertaking the psychological study of women. These are the shaping of one’s belief systems, guidance of one’s behavior, and connection to both one’s Higher Power and to the larger faith community. Women’s thoughts and feelings about life, the self, relationships, past experiences, and future possibilities are guided by their religious and/or spiritual belief system. One’s notions of spirituality and/or religion can provide a vital framework for meaning-making and the meanings women attribute to their challenges and their successes. Additionally, psychologists recognize that examining behavior alone provides very limited information about a person. It is crucial for one to understand the motivation behind the behavior. For many women, their faith, spirituality, and/or religion are guiding posts in their behavior. These beliefs can inform one’s decision-making around the engagement of activities ranging from self-care to self-harm, and from vocational successes to the use of substances. Gaining perspective about a woman’s faith community and her individual spiritual journey can shed light on her decisions in major and minor life outcomes, such as academic engagement, sexuality, and even engaging or terminating mental health services. Not only can religion and spirituality inform one’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors, it can also affect one’s sense of connection. These connections include a woman’s sense of connection to herself, or self-awareness, as well as her interpersonal connection to others and her metaphysical connection to her Higher Power (God, Yahweh, Goddess, angels, the Universe, something within, and so on). IMPORTANCE OF DIVERSITY Women’s religious and spiritual experiences do not occur in a vacuum but within the interwoven aspects of her identity. Feminists and multicultural feminists in particular, recognize the need to acknowledge and celebrate the diversity of women’s experiences (Landrine & Russo, 2010).

Introduction xi

There is a need to embrace respect for cultural diversity which requires much more than mere tolerance. A fundamental respect for culture and cultural diversity is not a call for invisibility or colorblind sisterhood. It is a call for sisterhood, and intimate connection, which is built on sharing the fullness of who we are, including the multiple layers of our cultural identities. Feminism therefore is both about the appreciation of our distinct cultures and a commitment to combating forces and systems that seek to oppress, silence, and violate, regardless of the socio-cultural identity marker that is used to justify the subjugation (Enns & Byars-Winston, 2010). Cultural identity includes gender, age, race, ethnicity, disability, religion/spirituality, sexual orientation, and migration status. There are empowering and beautiful aspects to culture, and yet there is also the reality of cultural oppression. It is important for feminist scholars and feminist psychologists in particular to enter the landscape of women’s lives with an openness to learn from the experiences, multiple ways of knowing, hearts, and spirits of women whose journey at various times echoes and diverges from our journey. Silence is one critical factor that supports the status quo. We cannot appreciate or dismantle that which we ignore. Shattering the silence around race and racism, ethnicity and ethnic bias, is one step toward forging an authentic sisterhood. It is also important that the promotion of one voice or one experience does not become the way by which other experiences are rendered voiceless and invisible. To that end, as the experiences of racially and ethnically diverse women are told, it is necessary to include multiple narratives and vantage points within each cultural group to resist the seduction of stereotype and overgeneralization. Too often organizations and institutions have sought representation without being willing to accept multiple voices. This silenced representation is nothing more than tokenism and tokenism is not reflective of feminist ideals. In other words, diverse women have to be welcome not only to sit at the table but also to speak at the table and to shape the table itself. The range of women’s cultures, including their diverse religious and spiritual perspectives, must be welcomed to avoid religious intolerance under the guise of feminist gatekeepers. When women endorse greater engagement in spiritual and religious beliefs and practices, and traditionally ethnically marginalized women endorse the greatest rates of all (Comas-Diaz, 2012), one has to be careful about dismissing a woman based on her commitment to a faith and/or faith community. There are a range of psychological, political, and cultural viewpoints within each spiritual/religious tent. It is important to recognize the tent and it is essential to take the time to uncover the diversity within the tent.

xii Introduction

CONSIDERING RESILIENCE: WOMEN WITH WINGS Feminists are committed to empowering women not only to survive but also to thrive. There is a desire to assist women in the adoption of healthy coping strategies and to help women resist oppression and create new opportunities, visions, and identities for themselves. While much feminist scholarship has been devoted to uncovering the negative effects of patriarchy in religious communities, it is also very important to uncover, highlight, and promote the ways in which women have utilized faith, spirituality, and religion to enhance and transform their lives for the better. Spirituality and religion should be acknowledged as potential coping strategies, resistance strategies, protective factors, and resiliency factors. Resilience can be understood as the capacity to bounce back from adversity, to grow, to flourish, and to soar in spite of one’s struggles. Research has noted numerous ways in which religion and/or spirituality has been associated with resilience for women facing a myriad of issues including but not limited to homelessness, cancer, body image difficulties, heterosexism, and parenting. American Indian women view spirituality as the core value that guides their actions today, knowing their decisions affect the lives of their children and generations to come (Weahkee, 2008). Among ethnically diverse Canadians, women who endorse higher spirituality are less likely to endorse symptoms of eating disorders (Boisvert & Harrell, 2013). African American women who experience trauma are less likely to engage in substance abuse as a form of self-medication when they are highly religious or spiritual (Staton-Tindall, Duvall, Stevens-Watkins, & Oser, 2013). Considering the counseling implications of this work, a qualitative study with Latinas noted that, while their faith helped them cope with depression and some even saw their therapist as a vessel of God, most noted that their therapist never addressed spirituality and they feared if they shared their spiritual experiences they would be misunderstood by their therapist (Soto, 2011). Mental health may be influenced by spirituality and religion and physical health experiences can be affected as well. Malaysian Muslim women in the United States were found to use spirituality and religion to cope with cancer, as they experienced the illness as an awakening and a transformative experience that instilled a new hope that was based on deepening their relationship with God (Ahmad, binti Muhammad, & Abdullah, 2011). Finally, and in line with growing trends in feminist psychology, it is important to note that there has been an increase in scholarship examining the experiences, needs, and strengths of women who have been engaged in sex trafficking and/or prostitution. One recent study found that positive religious coping among women exiting prostitution was associated with less PTSD, religious commitment was related to longer duration of exiting the sex industry, and the majority

Introduction xiii

of women noted that belief in God or a Higher Power was extremely helpful in their exiting process (Su, 2013). Across and within cultural lines, religion and spirituality has been examined as it relates to women’s resiliency. CONTENT OF CHAPTERS: A LOOK AHEAD This book explores the religious and spiritual traditions of ethnically diverse women from a psychological perspective. Women’s feelings, thoughts, and behaviors as related to their faith are examined from the perspective of both feminist psychology and positive psychology. The purpose of this book is to enable the reader to develop a greater understanding of the ways spirituality and religion have enhanced, supported, and edified ethnically diverse women’s lives. The intent is not to provide a text that covers every possible experience of spiritually and religiously inclined women, but to spark within each of us a greater respect, appreciation, and curiosity about the inner lives of women and the way those inner lives affect the various aspects of women’s lives in both the private and public spheres. Each author has contributed to the creation of a mosaic of women’s beliefs, challenges, and resources. It is the hope of the editors and authors that this collection will leave you more informed and more invested in a deeper investigation of women’s resilience, faith, and cultural heritage. The following provides a brief summary of each chapter that will give you a sense of the range of this collection of feminist scholarship. It is our hope that you will read it with not only an open mind but also an open heart and spirit. When we are open to each other there is no limit to what can be accomplished toward the betterment of women’s lives. Indigenous Women Chapters BigFoot and GreyWolf present a culturally enriched conceptualization of the helping process, which is congruent to the First Nations peoples but often counters traditional Western philosophies of mental health treatment. The chapter posits that the crux of indigenous spirituality is built upon the idea of interconnectedness, as that relates to one’s mind and spirit, relationships and interactions with others, physical health, and role in one’s community. It is often through storytelling and the execution of daily traditional rituals that a woman can attain the alignment of each element (e.g. mind, body, and spirit) within spirituality, and these rituals provide indigenous women a sense of comfort, strength, and belonging. Peters and Gray offer a historically rich and profound exploration of feminine archetypes that line the core of spirituality commonly withheld by

xiv Introduction

indigenous communities of North America and Hawaii in an attempt to reinvigorate and emancipate the hearts of indigenous women. Though the authors call attention to the devastating degradation of human spirit and dissonance with spiritual and cultural values that have erupted as a result of colonization and intergenerational trauma, it is made very clear that the essence of indigenous women is marked by the resilience, power, and fortitude that First People’s spiritual ancestors imparted to them. Additionally, scientific and theoretical models are incorporated to help indigenous women develop a greater conceptualization of their challenges and encourage them to ignite change at a personal, communal, and spiritual level via a return to the rich and vibrant native traditions of First People’s ancestry. Thurman and Plested illustrate the meaning and various methods of medicine implementation among Native people and review how those conceptions differ from (and at times are restricted by) Western ideologies. The authors also explore the evolution of women’s roles within many First Nations communities and the importance healing has had on indigenous people historically and contemporarily. In order to maintain traditional Native healing practices, which are integral to indigenous culture, a call for cultural sensitivity is made to non-Native practitioners. Women of African Descent Chapters In conceptualizing the overall well-being of women of African descent, Harrell, Coleman, and Adams elucidate the importance and reasoning for utilizing an integrative model that is based on spirituality. The authors developed an amalgamation of theories referred to as Positive Womanist Psychospirituality, which incorporates womanist theory, African-centered psychology, and positive psychology—all of which were attuned culturally. The authors’ framework is congruent and complementary with the notion that women of African descent construe spirituality and well-being as being intrinsically intertwined. Nicolas, Smith, & Wheatley’s chapter gives an empirical account of the religious behaviors and beliefs of Haitian women living in the United States in an effort to dispel common misconceptions upheld by individuals outside of the Haitian community and to foster a greater understanding of Haitian spirituality among women in the United States in general. The study found that Haitian women were predominately Christian (more specifically, Catholic), actively involved in their church communities, and endorsed high levels of religiosity. The clinical implications of this study suggest that a greater understanding of Haitian women’s religiosity is needed in order to avoid stereotypical conceptions of Haitian religion and treatment guided by unsound thinking. In Rogers’ chapter on coping strategies and trauma among African American women, she touches on the importance of cultural competence

Introduction xv

among mental health professionals. The chapter also speaks to the vital roles religion and spirituality play in the lives of many black women. By taking an explorative look at relevant literature, Rogers investigates the role and efficacy of religious coping for African American women in the wake of a traumatic event. Ellis examines the vast range of emotions experienced by an African American woman after receiving a diagnosis of HIV, cancer, or diabetes, and how the individual’s religious coping style and respective church— often a pillar of strength for many African Americans—can influence the degree by which her feelings oscillate post diagnosis. Through the insertion of biblical text and discussion, the author provides alternative ways of confronting dismal attitudes and outlooks that an individual might possess upon learning that she has a serious illness. Ellis reminds the reader that physical illness is by no means a reflection of spiritual health, and in fact it may also be a time for one’s spirituality to become stronger. Asian American Women Chapters Kim provides an overview and analysis of the complex historical and sociopolitical contexts of Christianity among Asian American women. Further, the chapter details the manifestation and expression of Christianity in the lived experiences of Asian American women by highlighting the multifaceted functions of Asian American churches, which includes Asian American women’s negotiation of patriarchal roles within Christianity. The chapter concludes with implications for psychological research and practice. Hayashino and Tsong focus on the religious and spiritual traditions of Buddhist and Taoist Chinese Americans, Japanese Americans, Vietnamese Americans, and other Southeast Asians. The authors discuss the interwoven nature of the cultural, contextual, social, and spiritual/religious roles and expectations for different Asian American women, and the clinical implications in working with Asian American women of Buddhist faith. The chapter also highlights how Asian American women navigate the complexities of racism, sexism, and classism, as well as their use of faith to combat oppression and facilitate self-empowerment. Through biographical prose and reflective commentary, Awana, Lowe, and Yabusaki reveal their personal journeys to unearth and attain an interconnectedness, understanding, and peace with self, mind, body, earth, culture, and ancestry. The chapter also explores the emotional experience of self and cultural exploration, spirituality and diaspora, and spirituality and therapy. The authors also offer insight and implications for Asian American and Pacific Islander women who wish to engage in spiritual exploration.

xvi Introduction

Arora and Ahluwalia focus on the religious and cultural intersections, psychological and relational issues, and treatment options that pertain to Sikh women. The chapter’s authors contribute to the exploration by sharing their personal experiences as Sikh women. Throughout the chapter, the authors discuss three different layers of culture that are inextricably linked: Sikh culture, Punjabi culture, and Indian culture and/or the diaspora. Latina Women Chapters García-Vásquez and Marín explore the history, traditions, and intergenerational transmission of religion and spirituality in families of Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban descent—highlighting the leading roles and influence of Latinas. The authors also outline common familial roles within Latin households and relate these constructs (often gendered) to religion. Recognizing that spirituality and religion are married for many individuals of Latin descent, García-Vásquez and Marín offer readers a new model of spirituality, which embodies elements of Catholicism, indigenous ideologies, and culturally syntonic values and practices. In an insightful recount of the birth and evolution of folk spirituality among Latinas, Comas-Diaz chronicles its harmony with conventional gender roles and culture, transformative powers to restore health and strengthen well-being, and potential to excite social change. The author also details the central importance of female archetypes—pillars of love; sources of empowerment; and symbols of emotional, spiritual, and ethnic freedom and acceptance. For many Latinas, folk spirituality transcends religious dogma and impregnates everyday living with purpose, compassion, support, and meaning. Caucasian Women Chapters In her chapter, Madden shares her story, which is underscored by the convergence of a personal intellectual journey and a spiritual evolution of the melding of feminist psychology and Unitarian Universalism (UU). The author describes Unitarian Universalist philosophy, psychological literature related to UU, and the emergence of her own experience of interconnection between her personal spiritual beliefs and her professional viewpoint as a feminist psychologist. Joscelyn examines how spirituality has helped women become more resilient by looking at the lives of women with exceptional spirituality. The author offers a concise review of saints who were born between the Middle Ages and the early Renaissance (1000 and 1540). This chapter is enriched by an overview of female saints, as well as spirituality and resilience, and provides a cross-analysis with contemporary women.

Introduction xvii

Through an exploration of religion, spirituality, and resilience, Agaibi guides the reader on a voyage through Coptic history and the birth of resilience within the Coptic faith. The chapter also explores women’s roles in the Coptic Church and the ways their involvement contributes to resilience in the Coptic community. In the final chapter of this section Chrisler and McHugh examine feminism, a social and political movement for gender equality and the advancement of women, as a form of spirituality. The authors contend that feminism is a source of spiritual strength and present a conceptual overview of spirituality through a feminist lens. The chapter concludes by offering insight into the contributions a spirituality rooted in feminism can make to the transformation of both individuals and society. SUMMARY The psychological study of women should be holistic and inclusive of women’s multiple cultural identities. This incorporates but is not limited to their spirituality and religion as well as their race and ethnicity. An exploration of diverse women’s experiences needs to acknowledge the realities of patriarchy and the various additional forms of oppression; it should not, however, limit the study of women to what has been done to them. To understand, appreciate, and respect the fullness of women’s lives requires one also examine women’s strengths, resources, and resilience. This collection of feminist psychological thought focuses on the ways spirituality and religion have enhanced ethnically diverse women’s lives. While this book is not exhaustive, it is intended to spark greater celebration, curiosity, and cultural humility about the ways women grow, heal, and thrive. As you read the reflections of these scholars, we hope you will recognize the wings of the women who have been centralized in this collection and that you will reflect on your own wings. By tapping into our collective and individual spirits we can soar to new heights of empowerment, restoration, actualization, and resilience. REFERENCES Ahmad, F., binti Muhammad, M., & Abdullah, A. (2011). Religion and spirituality in coping with advanced breast cancer: Perspectives from Malaysian Muslim women. Journal of Religion and Health, 50(1), 36–45. doi:10.1007/ s10943-010-9401-4 American Psychological Association. (2002). Guidelines on multicultural education, training, research, practice, and organizational change for psychologists— American Psychological Association Retrieved March 29, 2014, from http:// www.apa.org/pi/oema/resources/policy/multicultural-guidelines.aspx Ballou, M. (1995). Women and spirit: Two nonfits in psychology. Women & Therapy, 16(2–3), 9–20. doi:10.1300/J015v16n02_04

xviii Introduction Boisvert, J. A., & Harrell, W. (2013). The impact of spirituality on eating disorder symptomatology in ethnically diverse Canadian women. International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 59(8), 729–738. doi:10.1177/0020764012453816 Comas-Díaz, L. (2012). Colored spirituality: The centrality of spirit among ethnic minorities. In L. J. Miller (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of psychology and spirituality (pp. 197–206). New York: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ oxfordhb/9780199729920.013.0013 Enns, C., & Byars-Winston, A. M. (2010). Multicultural feminist therapy. In H. Landrine & N. F. Russo (Eds.), Handbook of diversity in feminist psychology (pp. 367–388). New York: Springer Publishing Co. Landrine, H., & Russo, N. F. (2010). Overview: Diversity in feminist psychology. In H. Landrine and N. F. Russo (Eds.), Handbook of diversity in feminist psychology (pp. 3–27). New York: Springer Publishing Co. Rayburn, C. A., & Richmond, L. J. (2002). Women, whither goest thou? To chart new courses in religiousness and spirituality and to define ourselves! In L. H. Collins, M. R. Dunlap, & J. C. Chrisler (Eds.), Charting a new course for feminist psychology (pp. 167–189). Westport, CT: Praeger. Soto, G. L. (2011). The role of religion and spirituality for Latina women coping with depression (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. (3509767) Staton-Tindall, M., Duvall, J., Stevens-Watkins, D., & Oser, C. B. (2013). The roles of spirituality in the relationship between traumatic life events, mental health, and drug use among African American women from one southern state. Substance Use & Misuse, 48(12), 1246–1257. doi:10.3109/10826084.2013 .799023 Su, J. Y. (2013). Spirituality, religion, and mental health of women exiting the sex industry (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. (3535623) Weahkee, R. L. (2008). American Indian women and spirituality. In C. A. Rayburn & L. Comas-Díaz (Eds.), Woman soul: The inner life of women’s spirituality (pp. 107–118). Westport, CT: Praeger.

Part I

Native American/American Indian Women

Chapter 1

Building Resilience through Indigenous Traditions: American Indian Women Gain Strength through Traditional Spiritual Practices Dolores Subia BigFoot and Iva GreyWolf

Spirituality is often a key component of a person’s cultural identity, and as such it should be considered an essential element in the helping process (Weaver, 2008). All too often this source of strength is not addressed when working with First Nations populations. First Nations people are the Indigenous people of North America and are often grouped and labeled as Native Americans, Alaska Natives, and American Indians (Trimble, 2000). This lumping together does not recognize the unique identity and strengths of each group. Yet it too often occurs when addressing the issues, needs, or qualities of many Indigenous people, even from psychological perspectives. Hodge and colleagues found, “At best, mainstream mental health services are often ineffective with Native American clients, and, at worst, they are a vehicle for Western colonization.” The authors embrace the rebuilding of the helping process on the foundation of indigenous knowledge (Hodge, Limb, & Cross, 2009). There are common values identified by Indigenous people themselves. Several American Indian researchers have found that programs that are effectively treating American Indians are strength based and incorporate traditional Indigenous cultural and spiritual values (Beauchamp, 1997; Duran, 2006; Gone, 2006; LaFromboise, Trimble, & Mohatt, 1990; Spicer, 2001).

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Religion and Spirituality for Diverse Women

Viewing health from an Indigenous perspective requires acknowledging the interconnectedness of physical health with emotional, mental, relational, and spiritual health. Health also reflects on the role of the person within their community. There is no separation of these components from the whole, and the whole is greater than the parts separately. For too long, Euro-American experts have implemented “West is best” solutions to Indian problems (Gone, 2009). There is a movement toward participatory research in Indian country and honoring the perspectives of those who live the experience and building on existing strengths (Campbell, 2009; Mohatt et al., 2004; Mohatt et al., 2007; Rivkin, Quaintance, & Lopez, 2011; Simoni, Sehgal, & Walters 2004; Vasquez & de las Fuentes 1999). This chapter is about the spiritual experiences of American Indian females involved in traditional indigenous practices and the strength they gain from the practices. Five dimensions of spirituality were developed in a national study that was later published as a book (Astin, Astin, & Lindholm, 2011). All have application in American Indian traditional spiritual practices, which include five spiritual measures: 1. Spiritual Quest: an active quest for answers to life’s big questions 2. Equanimity: a capacity to maintain one’s sense of calm and centeredness 3. Charitable Involvement: a lifestyle that includes service to others 4. Ethic of Caring: a sense of caring and compassion for others 5. Ecumenical Worldview: a global worldview that transcends ethnocentrism Throughout this segment, special attention will be given to measure 3— reflecting a lifestyle that includes service to others—and to some extent measure 4, a sense of caring and compassion for others. For Indigenous women, a lifestyle that includes service to others intertwines with a sense of caring and compassion for others. The concentration of this chapter will be examining measures 3 and 4 in relationship to some traditional practices specifically involving American Indian females. Many years ago during a cultural survey, traditional Indigenous elders were asked how the Creator was called out to in their language, that is, what name was the Creator called. By far the majority of their responses were gender neutral—not father, mother, grandfather or grandmother. The translations were far more descriptive, for instance, First Maker or The One Who Cannot Be Named (GreyWolf, 1992). This calling out does not support the patriarchy that is strong in our current Western society, nor does the present patriarchy value the role of Indigenous women as creators. The contributions of Indigenous women, particularly in the



Building Resilience through Indigenous Traditions 5

patriarchal societies, are often not understood or fully appreciated (Mihesuah, 2003). A popular view from the mid-19th century held by the general population was that American Indian women were demeaned and their role was insufficient, yet there is evidence they were honored and respected. Research from that era documented there were different yet equal contributions made by the two genders to support society (Trennart, 1982). The balance between the genders is evident when viewing the number of female-centered practices and the traditional teachings about being a female in many Indigenous cultures (i.e., holder of wisdom, hearts of the women, female effigies [http://web.utk.edu/~museum/research/renotes/rn-27txt.htm]). Despite incredible odds and numerous atrocities, American Indian women have persevered. The historical traumas experienced by American Indians in the United States are numerous and well-documented. Some of the traumas include war, forced removal from tribal lands, disease, poverty, banning of religious ceremonies, and forced assimilation practices (Whitbeck et al., 2004; Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998; Brave Heart-Jordon & DeBruyn, 1995). In the late 19th century the U.S. federal government banned many of the spiritual practices of American Indian people in an effort to control and “civilize” them, in part through misguided missionary efforts and the prevailing mindset of skewed and distorted beliefs surrounding indigenous cultural practices. The missionary work was intense and often harmful, still many found an acceptable peaceful spiritual balance. The Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978 brought back into the light many of the practices kept alive through secrecy over the years of oppression under punitive laws. Ceremonies such as the sundances, medicine lodges, sweatlodges, healing ceremonies, and transition (coming of age, returning from war) rituals have once again become more common and more accessible. “Tribal spirituality thrived despite missionaries’ attempts at subsuming tribal religions.” (Mihesuah, 2003, xii). There are many American Indians who have blended their traditional indigenous practices with formal Christian church practices. Adapting and borrowing from other cultures has been a survival technique and indicates the adaptability, resiliency, and embracing traits of the Indigenous people. Understandably the numerous historical traumas have eroded the family structure, tribal sovereignty, and spiritual practices, resulting in what has been called “soul wounds” (Duran, 2006; Brave Heart & Yellow HorseDavis et al., 1998). The historical traumas coupled with ongoing traumas such as violence, economic hardship, political inequities, and identity crises, which are often related to being of mixed heritage, have resulted in layers of grief (Mihesuah, 2003). As the emerging democracy in the United States strived for equality for men, people of color—and especially women of color and women of Indigenous birth—were not valued. Under the influence of the dominant society, the status of American Indian women

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generally diminished as male power increased (Mihesuah, 2003). The voices of Indigenous women have been muffled within political, economic, and health care systems within U.S. mainstream society (Dodgson & Struthers, 2005). Violence against Native women has escalated and many suffer from cumulative physical and psychological stress and identity crises (Mihesuah, 2003; LaFromboise, Bennett Choney, James, & Running Wolf, 1995; Palacios & Portillo, 2009). In the midst of violence and oppression it is difficult to remember who we are. The violence, oppression, and other stressors have a more powerful negative impact because of the multiple relationships among small numbers of people in the Indigenous communities. American Indians on reservations are often collectively affected by traumatic events because of the close interwoven relationships that typify Indian communities (Robin, Chester, & Goldman, 1996). These experiences are familiar to most American Indians whether they live on Indian reservations or in urban areas (Clark, 2006). American Indian people have found each other and drawn together even when removed from reservations and moved to cities. The challenge has been to rise above the harshness and torment of being invisible or being demeaned. Many have gone on to know themselves and embrace life with grounded enthusiasm and joy. How is it that this has happened? An increasing number of studies have found one of the keys to be engaging in spiritual practices (Eastman, Gray, & Klug 2011; Rivkin, Quaintance, and Lopez, 2011). For many American Indian women the positive coping strategies that have helped them to transcend traumas include the traditional value of giving generously to others. Giving to others is often done through the understanding of being generous and gift-giving, a long held tradition and practice. This gift-giving includes the sharing of stories, both cultural and life stories, contributing a helping hand in traditional practices, and role modeling traditionally expected behaviors. When engaging in any of these activities—typically elder women transmitting information to younger females—the importance of attitude is paramount because of the belief that the receiver of a gift will carry the energy that surrounded the preparation of the gift, whether it is food, clothing, ceremonial items, and so on. All of these actions are gifts of the spirit that benefit the entire family or community. In fact, many tribal creation stories explain the role of females as the carriers of blessings through the service they give to others and their compassion for the needs of others. Women share the tribal wisdom and their own stories—the burdens, the challenges, the successes, the joys. Sharing is how women bond and how women heal. One cannot become a part of the community without sharing, being connected, being part of a group, being a relative. The English language does not allow for an eloquent description of the essence of the importance of sharing or generosity in this sense. The very acts of



Building Resilience through Indigenous Traditions 7

sharing and compassion permeate multiple levels of being (physical, social-emotional, mental, relational, spiritual) to produce healing. Strength for the American Indian women is often found through contributing to community and sharing their knowledge through humor and story. Stories held the keys to traditions, rituals, rules, protocol, and social organization of the people. They were shared between the generations to help the young navigate in this world. Stories were used to explain how things happen and what can be expected about the present and the future and the rules of life. It is through stories that people could be accountable for actions and for teaching each other what is expected behavior and how to attend to one another. The stories contain messages about the values and qualities that helped American Indian/Alaska Native people to live the lives they did and to be the people they were (BigFoot & Dunlap, 2006). The oral tradition continues today as a strong therapeutic method. Following is a story told by the second author about her own experience of learning about herself and her place in the world. During my first hanbleciya, vision quest (a personal search for meaningful to life), I saw a horse struggling with its hind quarters mired in the mud of a winding grassy edged creek. The horse was alone in the creek with an expanse of prairie around it. The grass was long and moving in the gentle breeze. The mud did not want to release the horse. I watched the horse struggle and it seemed to be getting stuck even more deeply. I wondered if it would injure itself badly and perhaps die. It was difficult to witness the long struggle. Finally, after much struggling, the horse got a grip with its hooves and pulled itself free. In the inipi, sweatlodge, the medicine man asked me what this vision meant to me. I told him it represents my life. The horse represents the coming of the White men. I am a mixed blood and I am the horse. The struggle to get free in spite of all the life experiences that were dragging me down was not quick or easy. Yet, I did it, I am free. He said, “Yes; this is your life.” Where do American Indian women gain their strength? For many it is through their daily practices. These daily rituals serve their communities and themselves. Everyday practices go without any great introduction. They are the important, unnamed ceremonies that strengthen the women. For example, offering water up before the first drink of the day in gratitude for the gift of water, acknowledging all those who go without water to strengthen their spirit, remembering those who don’t have good water and want it, praying for those who have too much water. Another example is acknowledging all of life’s connections, which include a mindfulness of relationships and recognizing the individual’s part in the cycle of life. All of these practices help one to know their place in this world, in

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this life. Through them human beings become grounded. By observing each other, each will know what the other is made of and what is valued in their individual lives. In a recent research study by Rivkin, Quaintance, and Lopez (2011), done in collaboration with the Alaska Native communities, preliminary findings indicated community members found strength and support in subsistence, cultural traditions, and spirituality. These kinds of practices strengthen the family and community. The importance of nurturing family and community relationships in healthy ways is repeatedly stressed— for example, the generations working together on a common goal that supports others, as in subsistence or ceremony. Another case in point is the Takini Network. Takini is a Lakota word that means survival. The Takini Network invites people back to life and back into the circle, doing traditional activities together (YellowHorse-Brave Heart, 2000). For American Indians to maintain optimism during adversity is related to spirituality, compassion, and familial and community strengths (Goodluck, 2002). The “Red Road to Wellbriety” is another approach to healthy living that focuses on traditional values honoring the sacred (Coyhis, 2006). The rituals involved in the indigenous practices bring comfort to many who are familiar with the practices but especially to those who are searching and recognize familiar or comforting messages from the rituals. There is repetition and order in ceremonial practices that free the mind and soul to meet. From these practices come many aha moments, moments of understanding. “Ritual provides nonverbal recognition and resolution of such issues allowing physical, verbal, and spiritual to come together. Wholeness develops with a deep sense of connection with the physical world as well as a sense of sacredness” (Cole, 2006). Perhaps the awareness of the importance of spirit in everyday activities is because of the belief that each thing has a spirit—the house, the woods, the car, the cat. “In reality, for most Fourth World peoples, mental health cannot be explicated separately from holistic spiritual and religious practices” (Duran, Guillory, & Villaneuva 1990). Spirituality permeates daily life and the appreciation and generosity of spirit that brings these as gifts to individuals to use is greatly embraced. If the Creator is generous in giving gifts, then the receiver of such gifts must be generous toward others who may have less. Hence, there is recognition that the practice of receiving gifts and giving gifts and generosity and compassion are connected and work together in ritual. It is known that the spirit of giving as well as the spirit of the gift is meaningful. The following indigenous knowledge was taught by Cheyenne grandmothers and grandfathers to Cheyenne chief and tribal historian John L. Sipe, Jr. (Personal Correspondence, 2005). In the ways of the Cheyenne, gift-giving contains the teachings. Colored Cloth, Tobacco, Cedar, Sage, Pipe, and an Eagle Feather are used to communicate with Maheo, Creator



Building Resilience through Indigenous Traditions 9

of this world and all worlds, and to make offerings for all the blessings of this life. It is part of the Circle of Life for the Cheyenne people. A limited narrative does not do justice to all the Cheyenne ways of generosity and compassion for others. The Circle of Life for the Cheyenne starts in the southeast direction when one is born (i.e., newness, hope, renewal). When one reaches young adult/teenage years, it moves to the direction of the southwest (i.e., wonderment, learning, discovering oneself). Adult life reaches toward the northwest. This is a time of contemplation, establishing what one has accomplished in adult life. When one dies, the Circle of Life closes back the northeast, and reunites at the beginning, starting again the Cheyenne Circle of Life. This presents hope to everyone. It is their belief that the spirit will walk the Seana (Milky Way) to the pathway of the Spirit World/ Maheo (God). The prayers and blessings are for those who are mourning, sick, sad because of death of a loved one; fearful about one’s family; seeking good health, and petitioning for prosperity for the people of the tribe and all people and Mother Earth. All things come wrapped. Even as a baby is born, it is wrapped in the water of birth and in the mother’s protection. This bundle is wrapped to be passed from this place to the next place. It is an offering from many people; many of the items come from all over the Great Turtle Island (Earth). Many Cheyenne people talked about the blessings, words of encouragement, prayers, hope, care, concern, friendship, respect, and honor that goes into the giving of gifts. Cheyenne ceremonial men and women, as well as traditional healers, were consulted; all agreed that words, gifts, recognition, naming, and ceremony are important to carry on and to carry to the many other Native people. Colored Cloth: The five colors of the cloth strips tying a bundle include red, blue, black, green, and yellow. To the Cheyenne the yellow represents the sun, the green represents the earth, black is victory or death, red is life, blue is for the sky/universe. All activities are done with cloths tied with these colors. The cloths are part of the gift that can be given or passed on to others. The colors represent much and are used in many different ceremonies. One can continue to give those colors to others. It becomes a reminder of gifts and compassion toward others. Tobacco: The tobacco itself, once put into the pipe and lit, will carry the prayers to the elders and the keepers of the fires in the spirit world. Cheyenne people used tobacco by mixing it with sage for use in blessings and prayers. After smoking, the ashes contained in the pipe are buried in Mother Earth, acknowledging the four times it takes to complete prayers. The sacred offering of food is used—meat, fruit, corn, bread, water. This food is buried in the earth with the ashes of the tobacco upon completion of blessings and prayers. The tobacco comes from an offering from the Assiniboine Ceremonial Sundance in Montana. This tobacco was part of a

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sacred bundle sent to the Cheyenne chief during his year of suffering, and he wants to return the part of this gift to the north on behalf of the Cheyenne chiefs, headsmen, and ceremonial people. Cedar: The cedar is used for cleansing the body, because the body is in need of cleansing or renewal when harmed. Cedar has life all four seasons of the year and is able to give hope because of the belief in life even when winter or suffering is present. Sage: No matter how the Cheyenne use sage—if it is destroyed, cut off, or dies back—it will always come back. It is used in ceremony because it has everlasting life. The sage is mixed with tobacco for ceremonial use. Now Cheyenne people are able to collect sage, that ancient plant that was used by the Cheyenne when they camped and now used to remember the blessings and prayers offered in their behalf. The teachings are that this plant be cut in a certain way to be respectful and to be a reminder. Buffalo Hide: The buffalo is food, clothing, and shelter. The Cheyenne respect the buffalo because it surrounded their whole life and they could not exist without the buffalo. In the Cheyenne Creation stories, the buffalo is the one who offered itself up so that the Cheyenne people could have food, clothing, and shelter. This is a sign that the buffalo cared for them. It became an important animal to acknowledge, respect, and honor. Strips of buffalo hide are used by the Cheyenne people in their memorials to honor those who have gone before them. As told by the Cheyenne chief, it was around 1900 that the Cheyenne people, with their small herd, had a buffalo born that was pure White. This gave hope to the Cheyenne people living at that time because this buffalo being born meant that the old ways were still intact. This was also the same belief that existed when another white buffalo was born in 2000. It is the belief that every 100 years a white buffalo is to be born. This gives reassurance to the ceremonial people that the Cheyenne will always be a people, that they will always have their ceremonies. Pipe and Pipe Stem: The pipe is the covenant of the Cheyenne people and of the ceremonial priests, chiefs, headsmen, and warrior societies. It is used in praying and for blessings. When smoking the sacred pipe, the sacred directions are included in the blessing. Cheyenne people raise the pipe to Maheo, above; then to the ground to connect with Mother Earth; then to the Keeper of the underground spirits; and then to the four directions, starting with the southeast, on to the southwest, then circled to the northwest, and finally toward the northeast, which then closes the sacred Circle of Life before one’s spirit enters the spirit world. Cheyenne pipes have been with the Cheyenne for generations, originating from their sacred mountain in Bear Butte. When the pipe is smoked, it will call the spirits of the elders in the spirit world to look down on the children and the people who are suffering. The stem is made from sumac, cut and hollowed to be a reminder that Cheyenne people have a spirit within them. They are to draw up that spirit



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to guide them and take them forward toward their Creator. The pipe is smoked and prayers go forth to the spirit world by the smoke from the tobacco. The pipe of the Cheyenne is a covenant that has been the center of all their prayers for generations unknown. It opens the door to the spirit world and the spirituality of the elders gone on to bless the people from the children on to the adults of the tribe. The smoke carries the prayers to the stratosphere and blesses the Cheyenne people young and old. The prayers sent forth and blessings also are for all people, earth, animals, and the general well-being of mankind. The sacred pipe is a representation of the universe and Maheo (God). In the Cheyenne way, the person doing the pipe ceremony will call the spirits together before smoking by saying, “Calling all my relations.” It is at this time also that if a sacred pipe is damaged, cracked, or needs to be retired, it is wrapped in black cloth and buried with prayers and brushing off. If a new pipe is brought by an individual, it is prayed over and smoked off with an eagle feather(s) by a ceremonial priest so it can be used in prayers and blessings. How We Came to Use the Pipe Stone: In Minnesota, there were several young Cheyenne out on a scouting mission who saw a red buffalo, and they were astounded by it and watched it. It started to run and they chased it. It ran and started wallowing in red dirt. The young boys investigated and ran onto the pipestone quarry. Therefore, this became a sacred area. Eagle Feather: Eagle is the one who used his wing to bring the words of prayer to Maheo. All parts of the eagle are considered of worth—the eagle wing to brush off and bring people together; the bone whistle to call spirits; the eagle head to hold above and provide a vision for the future; the tail feathers are used in honor of each other; the claws are used for making sacrifice; the single feather is an offering, a gift. Gift-giving is the act done in the hope it will open the door to the spirit world. Relatives: There are youth who may wish to draw on the teaching, ceremonies, sweats, or other ways of healing. Ceremonial people think often of these children and youth, wondering that if these children were brought back in to the circle of life, were taught these ways, it would give them more meaning about who they are, where they came from, why they are here, and where they are going. They would know their place in this world, uphold their lives, and have something that connected them to their families, to their ancestors, and to those who wait to come forth. These words are a gift to the children who are suffering and have suffered in various ways; a gift to those who are helpers and healers. The gift of sharing words and teachings are given to support good works. It is one way to show that others all across this Great Turtle Island (Earth) are thinking of children and [to pinpoint] the need for the blessings and prayers to uplift children and their families. This is [shared] to help uplift in a positive [way] and provide teachings for others as a [means] to ease suffering (Personal Correspondence, Chief John L. Sipe, Jr., 2005).

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Our strengths lie in the Cheyenne teachings as outlined by Cheyenne chief and historian, John L. Sipe, Jr. These teachings are not gender specific; they are for all of the people. Some individuals are optimistic by nature; an internal sense gives them elasticity and stamina. Others develop grit and determination in their trials by fire. Not that women do not possess their own demons, but the old wisdom of generations handed down by oral traditions states that women are blessed by their ability to care and tend to those around them. Women—carrying the title of mother, grandmother, sister, auntie—have tested time by becoming symbols of endurance and character. Consider these Indigenous women: When Maria Hinton was born in 1910, every Oneida family spoke the language of their ancestors, and at age 100, she has lived to make digital recordings in her language that can be heard on the Internet and has dedicated decades to teaching the Oneida language to people in her tribe. Hinton, who is Oneida and turned 100 last summer, was honored with the 2009 Prism Award from the museum for her work in reviving the Oneida language and teaching to successive generations of Oneidas. Last spring Hinton put the finishing touches on an exhaustive recording of the Oneida dictionary. During five years of almost daily work, she recorded 12,000 audio files, including tens of thousands of Oneida words, and told stories she first heard in her mother’s tongue. In 1971, after helping to raise her grandchildren in California, Hinton returned to Wisconsin. Soon she and her brother, Amos Christjohn, began working with the Oneida Nation to teach the language to a generation of children who knew only English. They would work for the next 35 years to create a written Oneida dictionary. To that end, Hinton enrolled in the University of Wisconsin in 1973 and graduated cum laude in 1979. Then she became one of the founding teachers at the Oneida Nation Turtle School, and she continues teaching, though now her pupils are the people who teach the tribe’s youth. Speaking from her home in Oneida, Wisconsin, she said in the spring of 2010, “I am not completely retired. We need to keep doing this so the young people can learn things and then they can pass them on.” When Mary Golda Ross, a Cherokee, was born in 1908 in the foothills of the Ozarks, she was only one year younger than the state of Oklahoma—and she would live to become a leading figure in America’s space race. Pioneering aeronautic engineer and mathematician Mary G. Ross was at the opening of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian, on September 21, 2004. Ross was 96 when the museum in Washington, D.C., opened, and she proudly wore her Cherokee tear dress as she walked with nearly



Building Resilience through Indigenous Traditions 13

100,000 other Indians on the National Mall in celebration. Ross, a skilled mathematician, is famous for becoming one of 40 engineers in 1948 in a super-secret think tank led by legendary aeronautics engineer Clarence “Kelly” Johnson that later became known as the Lockheed Skunk Works. It was the start of the Lockheed Missiles & Space Co., a major consultant to NASA. She contributed to several seminal papers of the early space program, and in 1962 she was one of the authors of the NASA Planetary Flight Handbook, Volume III. After her one and only visit to the new Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian, Ross told the Los Altos (California) Town Crier newspaper, “The museum will tell the true story of the Indian, not just the story of the past, but an ongoing story.” When she passed away in 2008, just three months shy of a century, she left a bequest valued at more than $400,000 to the museum. When Helen Maynor Scheirbeck, a Lumbee, was born in 1935, the Ku Klux Klan was a powerful force in North Carolina, but she would live to play a pivotal role in getting civil rights extended to American Indian people. Dr. Helen Maynor Scheirbeck was a longtime champion of American Indian civil rights, a pioneer for Indian control of their own education, and a passionate advocate for the sovereignty of her Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina. She served on the first Board of Trustees of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian, and served as the secretary to the board for two terms. She joined the museum’s staff in 2000, serving as assistant director for public programs and as senior adviser for museum programs and scholarly research before her retirement in 2007. Her greatest contribution may have been the people for whom she held a door open throughout a lifetime of public service. The Washington Post, in her December 25, 2010, obituary, quoted her from 2007, when she said, “The country needs to understand the struggle of Indians to be Indians. Every tribe had a trail of tears.” As a young woman Scheirbeck witnessed her father, Judge Lacy Maynor, make international headlines in 1958 when he sent the Klan packing from Robeson County, North Carolina, the historic cradle of the Lumbee. A decade later Scheirbeck, then a congressional staffer, persuaded Senator Sam Ervin to convene the hearings that led to passage of the 1968 act that extended many rights contained in the Bill of Rights to American Indians. Scheirbeck had a hand in every major initiative in Indian education for 40 years, crafting reforms that would help tribal colleges, advocating for the passage of the Indian Education act, leading the Indian Headstart program, and calling for the establishment of a museum of living cultures that would become the National Museum of the American Indian. Working in the museum’s leadership, she advocated for the ways

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that Native children are taught within their cultures and how teaching models should be adapted for all children. Her leadership in the formation of the museum’s National Education Initiative will carry her vision to millions of schoolchildren across the United States. In 2009, only weeks before she suffered a stroke that would take her life, she recalled to Reverend Desmond Tutu a letter that she wrote him in 1962 comparing the struggles of American Indians to the struggles of blacks in South Africa. At the University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill, where she met Tutu and where they both received honorary degrees two years before, these elder leaders laughed about the long-ago letter, and the long journeys of both of their peoples to justice. The Washington Post quoted Scheirbeck from a 2001 interview, when she said, “I’m just a little old Indian woman, who is working hard for Indian people.” (Briggs, 2011) The common thread that runs through the stories of these strong Indigenous women is their sense of purpose, their sense of service, their gratitude, and their humility. Just as the thread of a beadwork design provides the connecting links to create the image, the links for building resiliency are the prayers and offerings, the humility that comes from having gratitude, the understanding that connections with others are valued, and the blending of appreciation of the history of the past generations with the hope for future generations. We learn by story and example. People with roots in oral traditions enjoy learning through story, and some may call it narrative therapy. Being involved in the traditional practices gives one that sense of belonging to community, being a relative, having connection with others, and knowing there is a place among others for one to stand. The guidelines for how to conduct oneself in participating in these activities also provide the structure/infrastructure for the community. For example • Passing knowledge down one generation to the next about where to gather, how to gather, how to prepare, and so on (modeling and doing) • Passing knowledge down from one generation to the next through story, preparing them for life’s complexities (narratives, oral traditions) • Singing the songs, saying the prayers, offering the words that guide the people and offer the Indian mindset (i.e., of gratitude and being one component in life’s circle equal with others, we are all related and of value). One knows where they belong and what is expected of them in this system. There is comfort in that knowing. Roles are defined yet there is



Building Resilience through Indigenous Traditions 15

opportunity to recognize the special gifts each person has been given. Rules are taught and therefore known. Following rules and protocol shows respect. They provide order and structure. Expectations are known and understood. Especially important is the willingness to adhere to the rules and protocol by incorporating them into ceremonies and respecting the rituals of the practice. Indigenous knowing by following rules and protocol allows for expansion and greater vision. In one of my early visions, I saw myself with the wind blowing in my hair, my hair was swirling without control, my hair turned brown to white and then turned to eagle down. What did it mean? Many years passed before it became clear. The wind represents the forces in life out of human control, the eagle is revered for its great vision. As I age I develop wisdom but only through those uncontrollable life experiences. My traditional spiritual practices ground me. “Spiritual concerns are an everyday life occurrence. Contact with the spiritual is seen every day, and many American Indians are mindful of this. There is a sense of the sacred (as opposed to the secular) in everything” (Cole, 2006). All things are intertwined: our spirituality and our health; our mindset and our spirituality. We are never alone and there is always an answer. Answers do not heed the Western clock; they come at their own time and impact own entire beings. “Native Americans . . . derive some of the most useful practices for health [physical and mental] from their religious beliefs” (Duran, Guillory, & Villanueva, 1990). The second author illuminates: My recent dream had me pause and reflect. I saw myself in the night walking on a frozen lake, seemingly barefoot yet not experiencing discomfort. With every step a light would shine from below my foot. What did it mean? The water represents the unconscious, yet I have access to the unconscious. My way is lit. The winter is the end of the yearly cycle. My life is transitioning to the end cycle. Winter can be harsh and heals, killing many undesirable infections with cold. There is a time to give life, to nurture life, and for life to end. What contributes to the resilience and strength of those who have embraced the harshness of life’s challenges and have made those life experiences their own? For those American Indian women whose traditional practices infuse their daily life, the question can be answered by saying that the roots of traditional practices are what grounds them and makes them strong in their cultural identity. Who are they? They are women in the role of grandmothers, aunties, sisters, mothers, and daughters. This also gives them the spirit of strength to become advocates of native languages, historians of culture, and spirit keepers of wisdom.

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Spirituality is our breath. It grounds us in stories, in ceremony, in relationships, in being relatives, and in knowing that we have a past, present, and a future—that we walk this world with many spirits and that we are not alone. The generosity of spirit is abundantly present and the practice of generosity is abundantly clear in the spirit of Indigenous women. REFERENCES Aragon, M. (2006). A clinical understanding of urban American Indians. In T. Witko (Ed.), Mental health care for urban Indians: Clinical insights from Native practitioners (pp. 19–31). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Astin, A. W., Astin, H. S., & Lindholm, J. A. (2011). Cultivating the spirit: How college can enhance students’ inner lives. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Beauchamp, S. (1997). Healing alcoholism in indigenous people. Social Work Perspectives, 8, 5–40. BigFoot, D. S., & Dunlap, M. (2006). Storytelling as a healing tool for American Indians. In T. M. Witko (Ed.), Mental Health Care for Urban Indians—Clinical Insights from Native Practitioners (pp. 133–153). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Society. Brave Heart Yellow Horse-Davis, M., Duran, E., & Duran, B. (1998). Healing the American Indian soul wound. In Y. Danieli (Ed.), International handbook of multigenerational legacies of trauma (pp. 341–354). New York: Plenum Press. Brave Heart, M., & DeBruyn, L. (1998). The American Indian holocaust: Healing historical unresolved grief. American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research, 8, 60–82. Braveheart-Jordan, M., & DeBruyn, L. (1995). So she may walk in balance: Integrating the impact of historical trauma in the treatment of Native American Indian women. In J. Adleman & G. Enquidanos (Eds.), Racism in the lives of women: Testimony theory and guides to anti-racist practice (pp. 345– 368). New York: Haworth Press. Briggs, Kara. (2011). American Indian News. Retrieved from http://www.americanindiannews.org/category/recent-news. Campbell, D. (2009). A way from despair. Aurora University of Fairbanks, 2(1), 6–12. Clark, R. (2006) Healing the generations: Urban American Indians in recovery, In T. Witko (Ed.), Mental health care for urban Indians: Clinical insights from Native practitioners (pp. 83–99). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Cole, N. (2006). Trauma and the American Indian. In T. Witko (Ed.), Mental health care for urban Indians: Clinical insights from Native practitioners (pp. 115–130). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Coyhis, D. (2006). The red road to wellbriety: In the Native American way. Aurora, CO: Coyhis Publishing, Inc. Dodgson, J., & Struthers, R. (2005). Indigenous women’s voices: Marginalization and mental health. Journal of Transcultural Nursing, 339–346. doi:10:1177/ 104365960527-8942.



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Duran, E. (2006). Healing the soul wound: Counseling with American Indians and other Native Peoples. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Duran, E., Guillory, B., & Villanueva, M. (1990). Third and fourth world concerns: Toward a liberation psychology. In G. Stricker, E. Davis-Russell, E. Bourg, E. Duran, W. R. Hammond, J. McHolland, K. Polite, & B. Vaughn (Eds.), Towards ethnic diversification in psychology education and training (pp. 211–217). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Eastman, S. A., Gray, J. S., Klug, M. G., & the Native Health Research Team. (2011). Spirituality as a Protective Factor in American Indian Mental Health. Presented at the 119th Annual Conference of the American Psychological Association, Washington, D.C. Gone, J. (2006). Mental health, wellness, and the quest for an authentic American Indian identity. In T. Witko (Ed.), Mental health care for urban Indians: Clinical insight from Native practitioners (pp. 55–73). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Gone, J. (2009). A community-based treatment for Native American historical trauma: Prospects for evidence-based practice. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. 77(4), 751–762. Goodluck, C. T. (2002). American Indians/Alaska Natives children and youth well-being indicators: A strengths perspective. Seattle, WA, and Flagstaff, AZ: Casey Family Programs and Northern Arizona University. GreyWolf, I. (1992). NAGPRA survey for the Science Museum of Minnesota. Hodge, D. R., Limb, G. E., and Cross, T. L. (2009). Moving from colonization toward balance and harmony: A Native American perspective on wellness. Social Work, 54(3): 211–219. LaFromboise, T. D., Trimble, J., & Mohatt, G. (1990). Counseling intervention and American Indian tradition: An integrative approach. Counseling Psychologist, 18, 628–654. LaFromboise, T. D., Bennett Choney, S. B., James, A., & Running Wolf, P. R. (1995). American Indian women and Psychology. In H. Landrine (Ed.), Bringing cultural diversity to feminist psychology: Theory, research and practice (pp. 197–240). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Mihesuah, D. A. (2003). Indigenous American women decolonization, empowerment, activism. Lincoln NB: University of Nebraska Press. Mohatt, G. V., Hazel, K. L., Allen, J., Stachelrodt, M., Hensel, C., & Faith, R. (2004). Unheard Alaska: Culturally anchored participatory action research on sobriety with Alaska Natives. American Journal of Community Psychology, 33(3/4), 263–273. Mohatt, G. V., Rasmus, S. M., Thomas, L., Allen, J., Hazel, K., & Marlatt, G. A. (2007). Risk, resilience, and natural recovery: a model of recovery from alcohol abuse for Alaska Natives. Addiction, 103, 205–215. doi:10.1111/ j.1360-0443.2007.02057.x Palacios, J., & Portillo, C. (2009). Understanding Native women’s health: Historical legacies. Journal of Transcultural Nursing, 20(1), 15–27. Rivkin, I., Quaintance, T., & Lopez, E. (2011). Presentation on “Cultural Understanding through Community Collaboration in Rural Alaska,” Center for Alaska Native Health Research, University of Alaska, Fairbanks,

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supported by the National Institutes of Health and National Center for Research Resources. Presented at the National Multicultural Summit, Seattle, WA. Robin, R., Chester, B., & Goldman, D. (1996). Cumulative trauma and PTSD in American Indian communities. In A. J. Marsella, M. J. Friedman, E. T. Gerrity, & R. M. Scurfield (Eds.), Ethnocultural aspects of posttraumatic stress disorder: Issues, research, and clinical applications (pp. 239–254). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Simoni, J. M., Sehgal, S., & Walters, K. L. (2004). Triangle of risk: Urban American Indian women’s sexual trauma, injection drug use, and HIV sexual risk behaviors. AIDS and Behavior, 8, 33–45. Spicer, P. (2001). Culture and the restoration of self among former American Indian drinkers. Social Science and Medicine, 53, 227–236. Trennart, R. A. (1982). Educating Indian girls at nonreservation boarding schools, 1878–1920. In F. Binder & D. Reimers (Eds.), The Way We Lived (pp. 44–58). Lexington, KY: D.C. Heath and Company. Trimble, J. (2000). American Indian psychology. In A. E. Kazdin (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Psychology (pp. 139–144). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Vasquez, M. J. T., & de las Fuentes, C. (1999). American-born Asian, African, Latina, and American Indian adolescent girls: Challenges and strengths. In N. G. Johnson, M. Roberts, & J. Whorell (Eds.), Beyond appearance: A new look at adolescent girls (pp. 131–150). Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Weaver, H. N. (2008). Spirituality in cross-cultural contexts: Implications for practice and research. Presented at the Third North American Conference on Spirituality and Social Work. Whitbeck, L. B., Adams, G.W., Hoyt, D. R., & Chen, X. (2004). Conceptualizing and measuring historical trauma among American Indian people. American Journal of Community Psychology, 33(3–4), 119–130. Yellow Horse Brave Heart, M. (2000). Powerpoint presentation on the web under Takini network.

Chapter 2

Indigenous Women and Wisdom: An Eternal Chain of Being Wendy M. K. Peters and Jacqueline S. Gray

INTRODUCTION To address the topic of spirituality or religion appropriately in reference to Indigenous peoples, hereafter referred to collectively as First Peoples, there are a number of issues that come into consideration. First among these is the meaning of the term indigenous, which refers to things that have originated in a particular region or environment. Furthermore, the term denotes a characteristic of being innate, natural, or inherent. The concept of indigenousness aptly describes the First Peoples discussed herein, and will be made further significant throughout this work. Although sociologically everyone is indigenous to somewhere, this chapter is written in regard to those peoples descended from the first inhabitants of a place or geographic region, including those biological and cultural descendants who may or may not have been born at that same place or region. Specifically, this chapter is written about the First Peoples women of North America and Hawaii, providing insights into their collective worldview and the defining events in the context of their histories, as well as the cultural mores that inform their expressions of spirituality and religion.

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This chapter concerns itself with the spiritual values and beliefs that are most common among the First Peoples who reside throughout the United States and Canada. Despite a past replete with grave histories and challenges brought about by acculturation and adaptation to Western society, it can be asserted that the wisdom traditions and values inherent in indigenous ontologies are those that have always served as their wellspring for strength, coping, and resilience in the face of ever-shifting, -changing, and -evolving life conditions. These indigenous ontologies have also informed the belief systems that have underpinned most First Peoples cultures for millennia and are still embodied within their ways of being today. As a final comment regarding First Peoples, it is important to make clear at the outset that traditions, histories, cosmologies, and ontologies do vary, even among families, clans, tribes, and nations. As such, this chapter is not intended to imply any notion of homogeneity between First Peoples, but rather points out the core values and commonalities that are prevalent among them. Furthermore, the history and traditions, as conveyed through story, myth, and allegory, are those that trace back into ancient times, long before the introduction of organized religions. Consequently, indigenous epistemologies may bear few corollaries with Western literature. Instead, indigenous knowing is founded upon an earth-based wisdom that was conceived from nature, its elements, and the inherent, instinctive, and intuitive perceptions that come only with a considerable depth of knowledge and understanding of one’s self and surroundings (Mohawk, 2006). Additionally, as most First Peoples have predominantly perpetuated traditions of oral history, this work, although informed by scholarly literature, also relies heavily on the stories and teachings that have been passed down over countless generations. ONTOLOGY AND COSMOLOGY OFFER CONTEXT AND MEANING To understand the ontology, or way of being, at the core of the indigenous worldview, we must look to culture and the role that spirituality plays. A society’s culture emulates its peoples’ cosmological worldview and conveys their concept of self-identity, beliefs, lifestyle, etiquette, history, language, and place or geography (Abrams & Primack, 2001; Allen, 1992; Campbell, 2001; Goertzen, 2001; Hay, 1998). For First Peoples, the concept of monism, an ontological philosophy that all things emanate from a single source and are thereby connected, is central to their worldview. These connections, or relationships, are the primary driver of First Peoples values, beliefs, behaviors, and actions. Likewise, because First Peoples value all life as sacred, they believe all relationships should be approached in a good way, or honored, especially those relationships with



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family, ancestors, community, and the natural environment (Abrams & Primack, 2001; Allen, 1992; Hay, 1998). Makere Stewart-Harawira (2005), a native of New Zealand, whose own indigenous background is Maori and Waitaha, asserted that preexistence, potentiality, participatory forms of creation, and indigenous ecological humanism, or what in essence is a communitarian view, are concepts that are also integral to all indigenous cultures. Stewart-Harawira (2005) cited both Carl Urion, a scholar of Metis heritage, and Frank Wilmer, an educator of Cree heritage, in characterizing the epistemologies of First Peoples, or how they know what they know. Urion stated that “indigenous knowledge is an expression of life itself, of how to live, and of the connection between all living things” (as cited in Stewart-Harawira, 2005, p. 35), while Wilmer taught that indigenous knowledge is accumulated, then applied as technologies of heightened consciousness, biodiversity, and ecosystem management. These views are each representative of the cosmological and ontological teachings that have emanated from natural events, processes, and relationships (Allen, 1992; Arabena, 2008; Bastien, 2003; Cameron, 2004; De Landa, 1997; Jacobs, 2008; Kunnie & Goduka 2006; Meyer, 2003; Hall, Dei, & Rosenberg, 2000; StewartHarawira, 2005). Ontology, cosmology, and even epistemology are significant conceptually in that they convey the most basic assumptions about the universe as conceived by First Peoples. As such, they also help to reveal reality as it exists in the indigenous mind and is experienced by tribal peoples. Additionally, although fundamentally nature- or earth-based, most First Peoples also held a remarkable understanding of the metaphysical in their recognition of the spiritual nature of existence in relation to all things, animate or otherwise. This knowledge is held within their ancient stories and continues to be perpetuated in their sacred ceremonies and rituals. Technically, these stories, ceremonies, and rituals are part of the literature generated by First Peoples (Allen, 1992; Bopp, 1989; De Landa, 1997; Jensen, 2005; Kame’eleihiwa, 1999; Kunnie & Goduka 2006; StewartHarawira, 2005). FEMININE TRADITIONS AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES First Peoples literature is less about self-expression and more about embodying, articulating, and sharing their reality. Furthermore, First Peoples’ reality is neither delusion nor fantasy, despite any Western notions to the contrary. The sacred stories of First Peoples and the supernatural personages of which the stories speak are not fictitious, but rather they are the existents that serve as the collective memories that have fostered harmony and balance within First Peoples realities and are indicative of the consciousness from which they have come forth (Allen, 1992; Bopp, 1989;

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Jensen, 2005; Kame‘eleihiwa, 1999; Kunnie & Goduka 2006; Mohawk, 2006). In the worldview of First Peoples, Woman, or the divine feminine, is situated as the very origin of consciousness, and from Her all life came forth. The feminine in divine form as archetype has always been at the center of the First Peoples; universe. It was this way in the beginning and has remained so, despite societal appearances. Furthermore, because their lore is how First Peoples have always learned and lived, it is a juncture that is crucial and significant to highlight when recounting historical perspectives (Allen, 1992; Bopp, 1989; Jensen, 2005; Kame‘eleihiwa, 1999). Although not exhaustive, the stories that follow are shared as they have been taught and learned. Accordingly, we shall start at the beginning, for it is the place where we must always return when we think the thoughts that create anew. The lore and literature of First Peoples refer to numerous deities that are representative of phenomena found in nature. Whether fact or fantasy, the deities of First Peoples lore are the archetypes that have served to model personality, behavior, morality, values, and other natural or human characteristics. These deities are credited with having provided their progeny, the First Peoples, with the knowledge of how to live in harmony and balance with nature itself, the very keys to survival and sustainability (Allen, 1992; Bopp, 1989; Kunnie & Goduka 2006; Mohawk, 2006). The Hawaiians say that from the very void and the darkness, before all else, the divine feminine was present and prevailed. Her name is Pō, and she is the potentiality from which all creation comes forth. She gave birth to herself, then to a son, Kumulipo, and a daughter, Pō‘ele. The incestuous union of Kumulipo and Pō‘ele created the world. Pō is the ancestor of all the Gods. She is the divine source of life and of all ancestral wisdom (Campbell, 1978; Kame‘eleihiwa, 1999; Pukui & Elbert, 1986). Anthony Purley (as cited in Allen, 1992), a Laguna author, shares the Keres peoples’ story of creation: In the beginning Tse che nako, Thought Woman, finished everything, thoughts, and the names of all things. She finished also all the languages. And then our mothers, Uretsete and Naotsete, said they would make names and they would make thoughts. Thus they said. Thus they did. (p. 13) Thought Woman is also the void. She is the darkness before creation, the beginning. She goes by many different names, but she is always “she,” the divine feminine. She is potential and primary. It is through her that all else is born and she is necessary and essential to all creation. Descended, related, or translated, it is not always made clear, but there is Old Spider Woman, Serpent Woman, Corn Woman, Earth Woman, and



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Copper Woman, too. Each, and all, represents the feminine aspects of fertility, generativity, and creativity. Not to be excluded, most traditions also acknowledge the intercourse between masculine and feminine. Often, pairing or mating occurs between siblings according to the belief that a divine union also begets the divine. It was this way for the parents of the Hopi people who were begotten by Hard Beings Woman. They were Muingwu, the god of crops, and his sister-consort, Sand Altar Woman (also known as Child-birth Water Woman). For the Hawaiians, and in more contemporary Native American tales, the stories of creation speak of a sky-father and an earth-mother. Some have suggested that these stories are interpolations that came post-contact with Western and Christian philosophies (Allen, 1992). This brings up the phenomenon of syncretism, a topic which will be discussed in more depth later. Both Pō and Thought Woman were each unimaginably powerful, and they were recognized as the supreme Spirit and the origin of both material and nonmaterial reality. Their divine progeny are also those who have shaped and defined the feminine role and identity of indigenous women (Allen, 1992; Kame‘eleihiwa, 1999). In Lakota lore, White Buffalo Woman (or White Buffalo Calf Woman) is held in high esteem. As the bringer of the Sacred Pipe to the people, and the teacher of sacred rituals and ceremonies, many Lakota people, male and female alike, maintain their connection to her as Sacred Pipe carriers and vow to live by certain precepts and practices that uphold the values that White Buffalo Woman taught and espoused. Sometimes she is even said to preside over the four winds, which is representative of the considerable measure of power the Lakota attribute to feminine potential. White Buffalo Woman, without question, is herself possessed of great medicine power (Allen, 1992). Corn Woman is also such an entity. She is said to have given a perfect ear of corn to the people, and the gift of corn represents life and nourishment and is an integral part of many First Peoples’ social fabric. Emulating Corn Woman, traditional Cherokee are a matrilineal society. It is the women who carry the clan, provide sustenance to progeny, and nourish all visitors to their homes by providing lovingly prepared food. The birthright of every Hawaiian woman is that they are all literal daughters of Haumea, the goddess of earth, nature, and sustenance. It is aid that Haumea is reborn in each succeeding generation of her descendants. As such, Haumea lives in every Hawaiian woman and Haumea’s promise to all her daughters is this: all that Huamea can do, so too can you (Becker, 1998; Kame‘eleihiwa, 1999). Hina, another feminine Hawaiian deity, is the goddess of the moon. Hina, being the moon, presides over all natural cycles, including the powerful ocean tides. The moon has a bearing on everything from the movement of the planetary oceans, to the winds, to the success of the crops. Hina also represents feminine nurturing, passive power, and healing.

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Hina’s gifts, all of which are hugely powerful, are utterly feminine even by Western standards and traditions (Becker, 1998; Kame‘eleihiwa, 1999). In fact, for a time, major storm systems spawning hurricanes were given feminine names. Was that naming convention a sexist way to cast aspersions on female temperament, or were they plainly a testament to the unrivaled power of the divine feminine? The role of women in First Peoples societies was always one of esteem and honor. In fact, most First Peoples tribes or societies were originally gynocratic and/or gynocentric, and never patriarchal (Allen, 1992). Consequently, given that the social systems of First Peoples were originally woman-centered, women had frequently been cast in roles of leadership and responsibility. Pocahontas and Sacajawea were two such consummate women whose legacies were so great they could not be diminished or obscured, even in Western historical accounts (Allen, 1992). Women were also prominent in Hawaiian society. Hawaiian lore tells of 40,000 akua, or gods, at least half of whom were female. Hawaiian history remembers the strength and wisdom of its women as rulers, queens, healers, and skillful experts of many arts (Harden, 1999; Jensen, 2005; Kame‘eleihiwa, 1999; Liliuokalani, 2001). Considered equals with men in the times prior to Western contact, women’s roles were also different than those of men, and they especially were not roles of subservience. Women embodied roles from the most powerful of deities to the most expert artisans, knowledgeable specialists, and wisdom keepers, every one of which was considered sacred (Harden, 1999; Jensen, 2005; Kame‘eleihiwa, 1999). Pele, goddess of fire and the volcanoes, is perhaps the most iconic Hawaiian deity worldwide. Her attributes—fire, destruction, upheaval, and passionate power—are often associated with and personified in women everywhere. Conversely, few may appreciate that upheaval and destruction, especially when wrought by fire, is also a precursor for change, rebirth, and regeneration of many life forms (Becker, 1998). In Hawaii, lineage and genealogy determined a person’s position or rank in society. A person of high rank or station was also possessed of great mana, or spiritual power. Hawaiian women were not exempt and they historically occupied positions of great power and influence. Ku¯kaniloko, circa 1375, had been a high chiefess and was regarded as a supreme ruler among the Hawaiian people. Most recently, Liliuokalani, who had succeeded her brother, Kalakaua, had been queen and monarch of Hawaii until it was annexed by the United States in 1898 (Kame‘eleihiwa, 1999; Liliuokalani, 2001). It is notable that since the late 1960s, a time that marked a period of renaissance for Native Hawaiians, Hawaiian women have been the primary instigators at the forefront of social change for their people. Indigenous women, however, did not need to be in positions of privilege to have value or significance. From the earliest stories and



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conceivable memories, women have been valued and honored as sacred life givers. A woman’s ability to create and transform in reference to menstruation was nothing short of miraculous in comparison to any male or shamanic display. Women, with their tendencies toward passive power and nurturing, and the crucial role they held in rearing and mothering the children of the tribes, were the very essence of First Peoples existence. The feminine attributes were no less significant in circumstances of gynocracy, or when women governed in situations of leadership or authority. Cultures that were woman-centered had the tendency to value peace, harmony, cooperation, and other life-affirming characteristics (Allen, 1992). Allen also stated that “one of the major distinguishing characteristics of gynocratic cultures is the absence of punitiveness as a means of social control” (p. 3). Looking into the homes and communities of First Peoples today, most studies support the assertion that First Peoples’ behaviors are no longer congruent with their stories, their traditions, or their values. Their communities have gotten disturbingly out of balance and today many First Peoples, both those still within, as well as many who have detached from their cultural communities, are in a desperate struggle for the survival of their children, their homelands, their dignity, their value systems, and their ways of life. Characteristics such as low median incomes, high incarceration rates, substantial school dropout rates, teenage pregnancy, and high infant mortality rates evidence just a few of the life conditions that have become endemic to many First Peoples’ communities (Harden, 1999; Janoff & Weisbord 1997; Kana‘iaupuni, Malone, & Ishibashi, 2005; Makokis, 2000). All too frequently, alcoholism, substance abuse, rape, incest, and battering have found their way into the lives of Indigenous women. To make matters worse, substantial socioeconomic disparities also prevail in areas such as income and education. Instead of living in harmony with their surroundings and fostering sustainable ways of life, First Peoples are struggling to survive. The life conditions facing too many Indigenous women have become about their physical survival as individuals and their cultural survival as collective societies. The logical question that arises in response to these alarming facts is: How did this all happen? Much of the blame can be correlated with the onset of Western integration, which has often been marked as the tipping point that brought about most of the societal changes that initiated decline for all indigenous peoples of the era. ACCULTURATION, TRAUMA, AND SOUL WOUNDING The U.S. vision of “Manifest Destiny” (Gura, 1999), a quest for imperialism originating in the 1800s, was the primary impetus underlying the

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annexation of many Western lands and territories, including Hawaii. Based on the notion that the United States was destined to expand its democratic institutions and, as such, had a superior moral right to govern despite others’ interests to the contrary, the Americans followed the lead of their European predecessors and forged into the West, seizing occupied lands and assimilating its indigenous peoples, even by force where necessary. The ideals ascribed to Manifest Destiny were perpetrated on North America’s First Peoples in a plethora of hegemonic actions such as acculturation through the outlawing and abolition of traditional and cultural practices, all of which devastated their longstanding social structures. The homelands, languages, cultures, and sovereignty of First Peoples were the first and easiest things to have been eradicated. (Lyons & Mohawk, 1998; Niezen, 2000; Poupart, 2002; Wells, 1994). In many ways, First Peoples appear as victims caught up in a cataclysmic culture clash, seemingly without hope and disconnected from spirit. Eduardo and Bonnie Duran (1995, 2006), noted Native American researchers, were among the first to identify a widespread phenomenon among First Peoples and called it a “soul wound.” Recognized by Native American elders as “spiritual injury, soul sickness, soul wounding, and ancestral hurt” (Duran, 2006, p. 15), Eduardo Duran (1995) initially characterized the indigenous soul wound as “a common thread . . . that weaves across much of the pain and suffering found in the Native American community across the United States and perhaps the entire Western Hemisphere” (p. 24). Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart was another such pioneer for First Peoples. Her research on Intergenerational Trauma, a phenomenon first noted in studies among Jewish Holocaust survivors and their descendants, postulated that the Lakota people also suffered from widespread impaired grief as a result of cumulative massive group trauma associated with cataclysmic events (1996, 1998, 2003). While Duran and Duran (1995, 2006) recognized that the indigenous soul wound prevailed in epidemic proportions, Brave Heart’s research was groundbreaking in that it dispelled what had previously been attributed to cultural deficit in the abilities, achievements, and aptitudes of First Peoples as being something far more complex, legitimate, and resolvable, given greater understanding. Subsequently, Brave Heart (1996, 2003), also in collaboration with Lemyra DeBruyn (Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998), asserted that unresolved grief and its associated attendants are intergenerational in nature. As such it can and has pervaded whole communities, and sometimes entire societies, and may also be transmitted to individuals within those groups who had no direct exposure to the original trauma. Intergenerational trauma, also referred to as historical trauma or soul wounding, is persistent and will continue to pass from one generation to the next until and unless it is acknowledged and resolved in an appropriate manner (Brave Heart, 2003).



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For many Indigenous women, the pressures of dominant society have become too overwhelming to sustain. They have been taught that their societal structures should be patriarchal and that they should be subservient. Consequently, many indigenous women have succumbed to male dominance (and often violence), while many indigenous men have forgotten how to honor and value women as sacred. As mothers, the hearts of indigenous women have been continually weakened and broken as they witness their children and relations fall prey to alcohol and substance abuse, to gang culture, homicide, and especially suicide (King, Smith, and Gracey, 2009; Stone, 2008; Alcántara & Gone, 2007; Evans-Campbell, Lindhorst, Huang, & Walters, 2006; Gone & Alcántara, 2007; Gone, 2009; Gray & Nye, 2001; LaFromboise, Albright, & Harris, 2010; Libby, Orton, Novins, Beals, & Manson, 2005; Ludermir, Schraiber, D’Oliveira, FrançaJunior, & Jansen, 2008; Willmon-Haque & BigFoot, 2009). Limited access to education, health care, and employment has also taken a toll (Costello, Erkanli, Copeland, & Angold, 2010; Evans-Campbell et al., 2006; Gracey and King, 2009). Uneducated women lack the resourcefulness to care for their families and relatives. Unhealthy women are subject to all manner of maladies including increased rates of infant mortality. Unemployed women, not uncommon considering the limited economic opportunities available in First Peoples’ communities and enclaves, do not have the financial resources to support themselves or their families. There is more that can be said, however, on the matter of spirituality in relation to First Peoples and Indigenous women. Despite the best intentions of Westerners to proselytize First Peoples into Christian-oriented faith traditions, they were never entirely successful, at least not in the way one might assume. Although few can deny that the infusion of newcomers did result in syncretized forms of culture, values, and belief systems, for most First Peoples these changes were predominantly outward manifestations. The syncretism, or the blending of belief systems, has become so commonplace among Indigenous peoples that it is rarely recognized as being anything out of the ordinary. From First Peoples’ perspectives, however, from the inside looking outward, syncretism was a way to reconcile the incongruence and incompatibility brought about by imposed values and foreign beliefs. Ironically, it is not hard to spot spiritual and cultural adaptations all throughout First Peoples’ communities. Examples of such are the prayer ties that adorn the chain-link fence that surrounds the tiny cemetery at Wounded Knee, or the POW-MIA flags flown at many Native ceremonies and gatherings that honor their lost and fallen warriors. Seemingly inconspicuous, syncretism has altered many of the things that were once distinctive to First Peoples and their ways (Campbell, 2001; Goertzen, 2001; Lambe, 2003; Poupart, 2002). Despite the sweeping changes experienced by First Peoples, there are traces and remnants of their past that remain and they offer clues and cues

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that belie the Western lens. What remains within First Peoples still is their sense of strength, continuity, connectivity, and community. Following the same psychological pattern and reasoning that gave rise to soul wounding, as Haumea had promised, the wisdom of the First Peoples’ ancients and ancestors has been passed down and carried within them, reborn with each successive generation. Similarly, the role of women, of the feminine, as it pertains to First Peoples has been generally misconstrued, with that erroneous interpretation continuing to prevail even today. Indeed, fundamental to First Peoples women were the traits of resilience and endurance. Although some may have become victims of changing times, there are also many who have endured. Literally the first peoples, their survival, duration, and longevity, despite the adversities they have experienced, is in itself a testament to who they are. The dream that is the First Peoples’ way of being in the world is still carried within them. As Indigenous women, it is they who have been given both the sacred gift and responsibility to pass the dream to their progeny. Most certainly it is their birthright and it never has been nor can be any other way. Although it often seems that the dream may have been lost or forgotten, the ancient wisdom of First Peoples, and now the new science of Western culture, has come full circle as reflected in systems theory. New science defines a meme as a cultural item transmitted by repetition in a manner analogous to the biological transmission of genes (Dawkins, 1982). Memetics, the study of memes, therefore, explains how cultural elements are passed on from generation to generation. Likewise, Spiral Dynamics Integral, a paradigm based on systems theory, asserts that a particular set of values or an entire belief system may also be passed on through memetic transmission. This corollary is significant because it explains how an entire society could be impacted by events and circumstances that occurred in its past (Beck & Cowan, 1996). Propagated and transmitted across the ecologies of the mind, the memes of their ancestors are still present within First Peoples. Although the faces may look different today and ways of finding subsistence may have changed, the greatness of the First Peoples that once was magnified in far greater numbers still flows through their veins, literally. CURRENT AND FUTURE IMPLICATIONS Recent years have introduced new disciplines in science that shift away from the outdated concepts of Newtonian and Cartesian paradigms. The application of integral theories, systems thinking, and complexity science have permitted a confluence of Western and indigenous knowledge that supports the cosmological worldview held by most indigenous peoples and offers the means to gather and analyze evidence in a way that is persuasive



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for demonstrating credibility and informing greater understanding (Peters, 2011). Interestingly, to First Peoples, whether educated or not, these concepts are readily appreciated and understood within the context that First Peoples have always held as their worldview. We are all related and we are all connected. This is what First Peoples wisdom has taught them. Similarly, systems theory defines a system as “an entity which maintains its existence through the mutual interaction of its parts” (Bellinger, 2004, p. 1). A system may be a single organism, such as a person, or any organization, group, or society. Accordingly, systems thinking is a more recent scientific understanding that, at all levels, living systems are currently evolving and, further, that everything is interconnected and interrelated. The concepts of systems theory not only parallel indigenous wisdoms, but also are applicable to explaining processes of renewal, adaptability, and sustainability (Bellinger, 2004; Capra, 1991, 1997; Speck & Attneave, 1973; Wheatley, 2006). Moreover, it is the role of systems, how they interact, emerge, and adapt intelligently according to changes in life conditions, that hold meaning and significance in relation to the current conditions, culture, and lived experiences of First Peoples in North America and Hawaii. Margaret Wheatley (2006) noted that life’s first imperative is selfdetermination, the freedom to create itself. In living systems, boundaries are the place where relationships take form and “individual organisms shape themselves in response to their neighbors and their environments” (Wheatley, 2007, p. 25). Life’s second imperative is the search for community (Capra, 1991, 1997; Wheatley, 2006, 2007). As nothing exists for very long in isolation, evolution progresses from the existence of relationships. Cooperation between systems increases the potential for system sustainability, while species that foster greed will tend to die off (Capra, 1991, 1997; Wheatley, 2006, 2007). In a final note on systems, it should be recognized that recurring disorder, instability, and non-linearity are inherent to their adaptive intelligence because these characteristics are what create the conditions of disequilibrium necessary for emergence to a different state of being. Emergence then, is what begets adaptation, which in turn contributes to the overall health and stability of the system. The complex process of evolution can be best summed up by Wheatley, who claims that “life seeks organization, but uses messes to get there” (2007, p. 27). The implications for indigenous women and their spirituality are these: a) the agency to self-determine and adapt in response to the relationships that Indigenous women each experience is inherent within them; b) it is imperative that Indigenous women come together in communities of shared values because cooperation between people increases their potential for sustainability among the group and as a group; and c) it should be recognized that the conditions of decline, hardship, and distress currently

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impacting First Peoples’ communities are necessary and are what create the conditions for emergence to a different state of being. Additionally, systems and change theories are relevant regarding First Peoples’ societies because they help to explain and demonstrate how knowledge, experience, and even human trauma can extend beyond the bounds of the individual, including the mortal lifespan, and be transmitted in a perpetual way. These insights not only offer greater understanding of the indigenous soul wound, but also go a long way toward elucidating the deeper nature of the systemic issues that currently pervade First Peoples’ societies. In addition to the biological capacity that women have to pass on the wisdom of First Peoples, many are also empowering themselves in efforts to revitalize their families and communities. Since the 1960s, the numbers of Indigenous women in positions of leadership has been steadily rising. Currently, the endeavors of First Peoples women that have been most successful at inciting social change have been those focused around the revival and revitalization of indigenous cultures. Retraditionalization is about the return to traditional cultural forms (Arndt, 2004; Edwards, 2002; Hermes, 2001; Menzies, 2005; White, 2004). In the enclaves of First Peoples throughout North American and Hawaii, trends have shifted toward more culturally informed alternatives. A number of community-based education initiatives, founded upon traditional values, orientations, and principles, while also incorporating the technologies of modern education, have been implemented and have begun to yield positive results (Bell & Lim, 2005; Brave Heart Society, 2006; Cole, 2006; Edwards, 2002; Ole-Henrik, 2005; Ridenour-Wildman, 2004; Short, 1999; Smylie, Williams, & Cooper, 2006). In widespread Native American stories, which vary from tribe to tribe, squash, corn, and beans are depicted as three sisters. In all its versions, the story of the Three Sisters is a metaphor that, on a macro level, conveys the importance of relationships, the significance of basic sustenance, and the sustainability inherent in symbiosis. Similarly, the squash represents spirituality, its leaves and vines covering the ground, choking out the weeds, and providing the nutrients necessary for sustenance. The corn symbolizes culture. As the corn stalks grow tall and strong, so too does culture provide a needed structure to build upon. The remaining sister is the bean, which wraps its vines around the corn stalks, enabling its growth and allowing it to flourish. The bean symbolizes education. As a whole, the Three Sisters represent the interrelatedness of spirituality, culture, and education that is fundamental to the indigenous worldview and fosters the character of resilience. In these trying and unpredictable times, Indigenous women hold the keys to healing their peoples. The capacity to endure and transform that is inherent among all women is the same capacity that will allow Indigenous



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women to shed the constraints and paradigms of victimization that persist, and transform themselves and their families anew. First Peoples cannot break free from the traumas of the past by continuing to hold on to them. It is imperative that Indigenous women draw upon the promise, potential, and power of the divine feminine spirit that always dwells within them. For therein is where they will find the strength and wisdom of their heritage that will empower them to overcome the challenges they face. Cultures each hold a particular worldview that is comprised of the established patterns, protocols, and values that make them unique to a society. This work is about affirming and reaffirming the identity of the Indigenous woman. It is hoped that this explanation and context will help to ease the suffering that so rampantly abounds in our children, homes, and communities. Finally, it is a wish for healing, one that remembers and re-members the lost and fragmented pieces of the world that the First Peoples have created and have always held together. This is the gift of our ancestors and the birthright of all our relations. REFERENCES Abrams, N. E., & Primack, J. R. (2001). Cosmology and 21st-century culture. Science, 293(5536), 1769–1770. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pq dweb?did=80827478&sid=2&Fmt=4&clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName= PQD Alcántara, C., & Gone, J. P. (2007). Reviewing suicide in Native American communities: Situating risk and protective factors within a transactional-ecological framework. Death Studies, 31(5), 457–477. doi:10.1080/07481180701244587 Allen, P. (1992). The sacred hoop: Recovering the feminine in American Indian traditions: with a new preface. Boston: Beacon Press. Arndt, L. M. R. (2004). Soul wound, warrior spirit: Exploring the vocational choice of American Indian law enforcement officers working for non-tribal agencies (Doctoral dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin). Retrieved from ProQuest database. Arabena, K., & Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies. (2008). Indigenous epistemology and wellbeing: universe-referent citizenship. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies. Bastien, B. (2003). The cultural practice of participatory transpersonal visions; an indigenous perspective. Revision, 26(2), 41–41. Beck, D. E. (2001). Change state indicator [Brochure]. Denton, TX: National Values Center. Beck, D. E. (Speaker). (2006). Spiral dynamics integral: Learn to master the memetic codes of human behavior [CD]. Louisville, CO: Sounds True. Beck, D. E., & Cowan, C. C. (1996). Spiral dynamics: Mastering values, leadership, and change. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Becker, C. K. (1998). Mana Cards: The power of Hawaiian wisdom. Hilo, Hawaii: Radiance Network.

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Bell, J. & Lim, N. (2005). Young Once, Indian Forever: Youth Gangs in Indian Country. The American Indian Quarterly 29(2), 626–650. University of Nebraska Press. Retrieved August 12, 2014, from Project MUSE database. Bellinger, G. (2004). “Systems: A journey along the way.” Retrieved May 26, 2009, from http://www.systems-thinking.org/systems/systems.htm. Berry, J. W. (1992). Cross-cultural psychology: research and applications. Cambridge University Press. Berry, J. W. (2001). A psychology of immigration. Journal of Social Issues, 57(3), 165 (17). doi:10.1111/0022-4537.00231 Bopp, J. (1989). The Sacred tree, Third Edition. Wilmot WI: Lotus Light. Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (2003). The historical trauma response among natives and its relationship with substance abuse: A Lakota illustration. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 35(1), 7–13. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=3 38232111&Fmt=3&clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName=PQD Brave Heart, M. Y. H., & DeBruyn, L. M. (1998). The American Indian holocaust: Healing historical unresolved grief. American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research, 8(2), 56–80. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqd web?did=36164473&Fmt=3&clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName=PQD Brave Heart-Jordan, M. Y. H. (1996). The return to the sacred path: Healing from historical trauma and historical unresolved grief among the Lakota (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb ?did=741209551&Fmt=2&clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName=PQD Brave Heart Society. (2006). Cante ohitika okodakiciye [Brave Heart Society winter count]. Lake Andes, SD: Author. Cameron, G. (2004). Evidence in an indigenous world. Australasian Evaluation Society 2004 International Conference, Adelaide, South Australia. Campbell, G. R. (2001). The Lemhi Shoshoni: Ethnogenesis, sociological transformations, and the construction of a tribal nation. American Indian Quarterly, 25(4), 539–580. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=20 4359091&Fmt=4&clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName=PQD Campbell, K. (Ed.). (1978). The Kumulipo: An Hawaiian creation myth. Kentfield, CA: Pueo Press. (Original work published 1897.) Capra, F. (Writer), & Toms, M. (Director). (1991). Mindwalk: The new paradigm [Radio series episode]. In New dimensions media. San Francisco: New Dimensions Foundation. Capra, F. (Writer), & Toms, M. (Director). (1997). Living systems [Radio series episode]. In New dimensions media. San Francisco: New Dimensions Foundation. Cole, W. M. (2006). Education for self-determination: The worldwide emergence and institutionalization of “indigenous colleges” (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1158524401&Fmt =6&clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName=PQD Costello, E. J., Erkanli, A., Copeland, W., & Angold, A. (2010). Association of family income supplements in adolescence with development of psychiatric and substance use disorders in adulthood among an American Indian population. JAMA: Journal of the American Medical Association, 303(19), 1954–1960. doi:10.1001/jama.2010.621 Dawkins, R. (1983). The extended phenotype: the long reach of the gene. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.



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De Landa, M. (1997). A thousand years of nonlinear history. Brooklyn: Zone Books. Duran, E. (2006). Healing the soul wound: Counseling with American Indians and other native peoples. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Duran, E., & Duran, B. (1995). Native American postcolonial psychology. Albany: State University of New York Press. Edwards, Y. (2002). Healing the soul wound: The retraditionalization of Native Americans in substance abuse treatment (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=726390871&sid=2&Fmt=2& clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName=PQD Evans-Campbell, T., Lindhorst, T., Huang, B., & Walters, K. L. (2006). Interpersonal violence in the lives of urban American Indian and Alaska Native women: Implications for health, mental health, and help-seeking. American Journal of Public Health, 96(8), 1416–1422. Fish Kashay, J. L. (2002). Savages, sinners, and saints: The Hawaiian kingdom and the imperial contest, 1778–1839. (Ph.D., the University of Arizona), 372. Freeman, S. (2004). The land systems of colonial America: European and Native American land tenure issues in the colonial eras of the Americas. (M.A., West Virginia University), 88. Furniss, E. M. (1997). In the spirit of the pioneers: Historical consciousness, cultural colonialism and Indian/white relations in rural British Columbia. (Ph.D., the University of British Columbia [Canada]), 337. Goertzen, C. (2001). Powwows and identity on the Piedmont and coastal plains of North Carolina. Ethnomusicology, 45(1), 58–90. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=65956167&Fmt=4&clientId=45836&RQT=30 9&VName=PQD Gone, J. P. (2009). A community-based treatment for Native American historical trauma: Prospects for evidence-based practice. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 77(4), 751–762. doi:10.1037/a0015390 Gone, J. P., & Alcántara, C. (2007). Identifying effective mental health interventions for American Indians and Alaska Natives: A review of the literature. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 13(4), 356–363. doi:10.1037/1099-9809.13.4.356 Gracey, M. & King, M. (2009). Where are we now with Indigenous Health? Indigenous health part 1: Determinants and disease patterns. The Lancet, 374(2): 65–75. Graves, C. W. (2005). The never ending quest: Dr. Clare W. Graves explores human nature (C. C. Cowan & N. Todorovic, Eds.). Santa Barbara, CA: ECLET. Gray, N., & Nye, P. S. (2001). American Indian and Alaska Native substance abuse: Co-morbidity and cultural issues. American Indian Alaska Native Mental Health Research, 10(2), 67–84. Gura, P. F. (1999). Making America's destiny manifest. Reviews in American History, 27(4), 554–559. Hall, B. L., Dei, G. J. S., & Rosenburg, D. G. (Eds.). (2000). Indigenous knowledges in global contexts : Multiple readings of our world. Toronto: Buffalo; Published in association with University of Toronto Press. Harden, M. J. (1999). Introduction. In Voices of wisdom: Hawaiian elders speak (pp. 9–10). Kula, HI: Aka Press.

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Hay, R. (1998). A rooted sense of place in cross-cultural perspective. Canadian Geographer, 42(3), 245–266. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqd web?did=38677956&sid=1&Fmt=4&clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName= PQD Hermes, S. S. (2001). A cosmological and psychological portrayal: An integration of psyche, culture, and creativity (Doctoral dissertation, Pacifica Graduate Institute, California). Retrieved from ProQuest database. Ii, J. P. (1995). Fragments of Hawaiian history (D. B. Barrere, Ed., M. K. Pukui, Trans.). Honolulu, Hawaii: Bishop Museum Press. (Original work published 1959.) Janoff, S., & Weisbord, M., R. (1997). Speaking with the ancients. The Healthcare Forum Journal, 40(3), 26–26. Jensen, L. (2005). Daughters of Haumea = Na¯ kaikamahine ‘o Haumea: women of ancient Hawai‘i. San Francisco, CA: Hawai‘i: Pueo Press; Anima Gemella. Kahakalau, K. H. (2002). Kanu o ka Aina: Natives of the land from generations back: A pedagogy of Hawaiian liberation (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=765250631&Fmt=6&clientId =45836&RQT=309&VName=PQD Kamakau, S. M. (1991). Ka poe kahiko: The people of God. Honolulu, HI: Bishop Museum Press. (Original work published 1964.) Kame‘eleihiwa, L. (1999). Na¯ wa¯hine kapu = Divine Hawaiian women. [Honolulu]: ‘Ai Pōhaku Press. Kana‘iaupuni, S. M., Malone, N., & Ishibashi, K. (2005). Ka Huaka‘i: 2005 Native Hawaiian educational assessment. Honolulu: Kamehameha Schools, Pauahi Publications. Kegan, R. (1982). The evolving self: Problem and process in human development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. King, M., Smith, A., & Gracey, M. (2009). Indigenous health part 2: The underlying causes of the health gap. The Lancet, 374(2): 76–85. Kossack, S. N. (2005). Exploring the elements of culturally relevant service delivery. Families in Society, 86(2), 189–195. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi .com/pqdweb?did=846327241&sid=3&Fmt=3&clientId=45836&RQT=309 &VName=PQD Kunnie, J. E., & Goduka, N. I. (2006). Indigenous peoples’ wisdom and power: Affirming our knowledge through narratives. Burlington VT: Ashgate. Kupihea, M. (2001). Kahuna of light: The world of Hawaiian spirituality. Rochester, Vermont: Inner Traditions. LaFromboise, T. D., Albright, K., & Harris, A. (2010). Patterns of hopelessness among American Indian adolescents: Relationships by levels of acculturation and residence. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 16(1), 68–76. doi:10.1037/a0016181 Lambe, J. (2003). Indigenous education, mainstream education, and native studies: Some considerations when incorporating indigenous pedagogy into native studies. American Indian Quarterly, 27(1/2), 308–326. Retrieved from http:// proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=707694851&Fmt=3&clientId=45836&RQ T=309&VName=PQD Libby, A. M., Orton, H. D., Novins, D. K., Beals, J., & Manson, S. M. (2005). Childhood physical and sexual abuse and subsequent depressive and anxiety disorders for two American Indian tribes. Psychological Medicine, 35(3), 329–340.



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Lightning, E. (1997). First Nations control of First Nations education: An issue of power and knowledge (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=738152981&Fmt=6&clientId=45836&RQT=3 09&VName=PQD Liliuokalani. (2001). Hawaii’s story by Hawaii’s queen. Honolulu (T.H.): Mutual. Linnea, S. (1999). Princess Ka’iulani: Hope of a nation, heart of a people. Grand Rapids MI: Eerdmans Books for Young Readers. Long, M. F. (1953). Secret science at work: The huna method as a way of life. Marina del Rey, CA: DeVorss. Ludermir, A. B., Schraiber, L. B., D’Oliveira, A. F. P. L., França-Junior, I., & Jansen, H. A. (2008). Violence against women by their intimate partner and common mental disorders. Social Science and Medicine, 66(4), 1008–1018. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2007.10.021 Lyons, O., & Mohawk, J. (Eds.). (1998). Exiled in the land of the free: Democracy, Indian nations & the U.S. constitution. Santa Fe, NM: Clear Light Pub. Makokis, P. A. (2000). An insider's perspective: The dropout challenge for Canada's First Nations. University of San Diego). Malo, D. (1971). Hawaiian antiquities, Second Edition. Honolulu, HI: Bishop Museum Press. (Original work published 1951.) Matsumoto, D. (2001). The handbook of culture & psychology. New York: Oxford University Press. Menzies, P. M. (2005). Orphans within our family: Intergenerational trauma and homeless aboriginal men (Doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto, Canada). Retrieved from ProQuest database. Meyer, M. (2003). Hooulu: Our time of becoming: Collected early writings of Manulani Meyer. Honolulu, Hawaii: Ai Pohaku Press. Mohawk, J. (2006). Surviving hard times: It’s not for sissies. Yes Magazine. Retrieved from http://www.yesmagazine.org Niezen, R. (2000). Spirit wars: Native North American religions in the age of nation building. Berkeley: University of California Press. Noyes, M. H. (2003). Then there were none. Honolulu, HI: Bess Press. Ole-Henrik, M. (2005). Indigenous education. Childhood Education, 81(6), 319–320. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=885976151&Fmt= 3&clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName=PQD Osorio, J. (2002). Dismembering lahui: A history of the Hawaiian nation to 1887. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Peters, W. M. K. (2011). The indigenous soul wound: Exploring culture, memetics, complexity and emergence. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, 238. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/898334092?accountid=40810. (898334092). Poupart, L. M. (2002). Crime and justice in American Indian communities. Social Justice, 29(1/2), 144–159. Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb ?did=208056261&sid=1&Fmt=3&clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName=PQD Pukui, M. K., & Elbert, S. H. (1986). Hawaiian dictionary: Hawaiian-English, EnglishHawaiian. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Rezentes, W. C. I. (2006). Hawaiian psychology. Culture, Psychotherapy, and Counseling: Critical and Integrative Perspectives (pp. 113–133). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

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Ridenour-Wildman, S. L. (2004). A comparative study of indigenous content of multicultural teacher education textbooks in Canada and the United States. The University of Oklahoma. Sam, D. L., & Berry, J. W. (Eds.). (2006). The Cambridge handbook of acculturation psychology. New York: Cambridge University Press. Short, C. W. (1999). The cultural metamorphosis of Cree education (Master’s thesis). Retrieved from http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=734718821&F mt=6&clientId=45836&RQT=309&VName=PQD Smylie, J., Williams, L., & Cooper, N. (2006). Culture-based literacy and aboriginal health. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 97, S21–S25. Retrieved from http:// proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1074629311&Fmt=4&clientId=45836&RQ T=309&VName=PQD Speck, R. V., & Attneave, C. L. (1973). Family networks. NY: Pantheon Books. Stewart-Harawira, M. (2005). The new imperial order: Indigenous responses to globalization. London; New York; New York: Zed Books; Distributed in the USA exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan. Stone, J. (2008). Historical trauma and its impact on Native Americans. Presented at the 20th Annual Convention of American Indian Psychologists and Psychology Graduate Students, Logan, UT. Streltzer, J., Rezentes, W. C., & Arakaki, M. (1996). Does acculturation influence psychosocial adaptation and well-being in native Hawaiian? International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 42(1), 28–37. Wells, R. N., Jr. (1994). Native American resurgence and renewal: A reader and bibliography. Metuchen, NJ: The Scarecrow Press. Wheatley, M. J. (2007). Finding our way: Leadership for an uncertain time. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler. Wheatley, M. J. (2006). Leadership and the new science. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler. White, C. (2004, September). "Culture, influence, and the “I-ness” of me: Commentary on papers by Susan Bodnar, Gary B. Walls, and Steven Botticelli" [Editorial]. Psychoanalytic Dialogues, 14(5), 653–691. Retrieved from ProQuest database. (Document ID: 778535741). Willmon-Haque, S., & BigFoot, D. S. (2009). Violence and the effects of trauma on American Indian and Alaska Native populations. In J. Lewis III (Ed.), Children exposed to violence: Current issues, interventions and research. (pp. 48–63). New York, NY: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,url,ui d,cookie&db=psyh&AN=2008-17685-002&site=ehost-live

Chapter 3

Native Women: Voices from the Circle of Life Pamela Jumper Thurman and Barbara A. Plested

ABSTRACT While it is widely recognized that those indigenous to North America are a diverse group of people, there are shared commonalities. One of these commonalities is a pervasive belief in spirituality and healing— often called “medicine.” To the Native, medicine does not mean drugs, ointments, or type of treatment, but rather it includes realities and concepts that are sometimes difficult for non-Natives to accept. For the traditional Native, these medicine practices are a part of daily life. Though men are usually recognized as the spiritual leaders in literature, women play a primary role in the healing practices of many tribes. The practices have continued in spite of many adversities and legal attempts to eradicate Native beliefs. The chapter that follows offers discussion about the changing roles of women in tribal society, and specifically their role in healing. “A people is not defeated until the hearts of its women are on the ground.”—Traditional Cheyenne Proverb

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HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL CONTEXTS OF INDIGENOUS WOMEN The proverb noted above is often used in scholarly works by Native women, yet it reflects the power and authority given to women by many Tribal Nations. While it is well established that “American Indian” and “Alaska Native” nations and bands are a diverse group of people, each tribe has stories of powerful women handed down through oral tradition—Selu, Cherokee Corn Woman, White Buffalo Calf Woman, Hopi Corn Mother, and Spider Woman are just a few of the very powerful females that figure prominently as healers, seers, and pathways to the spiritual realm. Though cultural content varies greatly from tribe to tribe, there are common threads that bind them together. These threads reflect strong and creative histories that weave an intricate and complex story that spans many centuries—centuries of changes that have included forced removals from ancestral homes, the loss of many lives, confinement to reservations, and often brutal efforts toward “acculturation.” Much of pre-Colonial indigenous culture has been lost, and it is difficult to conceive of what the day-to-day lifestyle might have been prior to European contact. In fact, there even remains active debate over the various origins of those indigenous to North America (Green, 1992). Many have speculated at length on the possible migrations and events that brought Native people to North America, in addition to the theories regarding the manner in which they lived and died. Beyond theories, every tribe has origin or creation stories that have been passed down through centuries, oral accounts that richly describe the beginnings of Native people. It is undisputed that they were, and are, inventive and capable people with sufficient technology and knowledge of environmental resources to survive and even thrive. It is also undisputed that women held very special roles within each tribal nation. Although there is little formal documentation, there is a rich trove of oral histories that have been passed from generation to generation through stories, myths, and traditions. Thousands of stories from hundreds of tribes connect us with that past and provide a glimpse of the history through creation stories, discussions about spiritual laws, the clan systems, the leaders and the people who followed them, the order of life, and the healing medicines. The very existence of these stories reflects the tenacity of Native people to hold to their unique identity throughout all kinds of adversity and trial. A large part of that identity and way of life is reflected in medicine stories and medicine people who drummed, sang, danced, painted, and used plants, roots, and barks to heal the body and the spirit of the people. Many have attempted to capture and document the spiritual nature of the Native people. Should it even be documented? It is elusive, complex and composed of realities that would be difficult to comprehend for most



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non-Native people. Though many New-Age proponents embrace Native concepts, those concepts are often used incorrectly and do not have the depth or historical knowledge of an indigenous way of life. Even the term “medicine” is quite different to a Native from the concept held by most in White society (Vogel, 1970). Traditional Western concepts accept antibiotics, pain relievers, and assorted chemicals to be “medicine.” But to Native people, medicine signifies a vast array of ideas and concepts, more than just a pill or a remedy or a type of treatment. Where the Western society might perceive medicine in terms of drugs or ointments, indigenous thought considers prayer sticks, medicine pipes, sand painting, oral stories, a medicine drum, water, medicine bundles, the meaning of symbols and dreams, omens, and much more. Though there are differences in these practices from tribe to tribe, most consider medicine or the healing practices to be a part of a religious or spiritual way of life (Vogel, 1970). For those Natives who embrace their traditions, spirituality is a way of life that is performed on a daily basis, recognizing that every human, animal, plant, and rock contains a spiritual essence—each is sacred and to be respected, and each teaches us valuable lessons. It is important to state again that ceremonies and traditions vary greatly from tribe to tribe, and most tribes view any attempt to document, photograph, explain, or describe specific practices as highly disrespectful. Although there are many books written about Native spirituality and cultural practices, few are actually written by Native people. Medicine people or spiritual leaders are reluctant to give their knowledge away casually, believing that the gift of healing is given only to those who are chosen or who inherit the task. Those chosen then study with a spiritual leader or medicine person for many years in order to learn the vast and complex repertoire of healing skills and concepts. It is significant to note that in spite of the many efforts that Western culture has extended to eradicate the spiritual and ceremonial practices of Native people, they (both the people and the practices) have survived. Many of the dances and ceremonies were, in the past, declared illegal. So much of Native spirituality and practice was deemed as illegal that Congressional mandate (the American Indian Religious Freedom Act) had to be established in order for many sacred objects to be “legal” to be in a Native’s possession. This act (Public Law No. 95-341, 92 Stat. 469 [Aug. 11, 1978] codified at 42 U.S.C. § 1996) was passed to protect and preserve the traditional religious rights and cultural practices of American Indians, Eskimos, Aleuts, and Native Hawaiians. The rights include access to sacred sites, “freedom to worship through ceremonial and traditional rites and use and possession of objects considered sacred” (Canby, 1988). Still, even today, Native people are continuing to experience the loss of medicine plants and medicine animals. Possession of certain sacred objects is still federally controlled. As a result, some ceremonies may have

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changed because of the influence of Christianity, early missionaries, and federal and legal barriers. Despite these efforts at eradication, spiritual and healing ceremonies and arts have remained intact and are passed from generation to generation. It may very well be the essence of the spirituality that has kept the circle strong, even through adversity, and it is a primary contributor to why the ceremonies, the people, and their future have survived. FUNDAMENTAL ISSUES IN THE ROLE OF WOMEN AS HEALERS In order to understand the basic issues that contribute to the role of women as healers, it is important to examine the early knowledge about women and their role in Native society. The drawings and stories recorded by the first European visitors depict the Native woman as strong and holding a place of leadership alongside the men in many tribes. The pictures reflect their perception of “The Indian Queen” (Green, 1992). They drew her as dark skinned, large and voluptuous, and bare breasted as a symbol of her innocence. In one early print, included in Rayna Green’s book, she is surrounded by fruits, vegetables, and other riches of the land. Her crown is made of upright feathers and her skirt is made of leaves of tobacco. She is in the midst of other warriors, carries a spear, and has her foot placed on the head of an animal, in this case, an alligator, to demonstrate her strength and dominance. The stories indicate that even in tribal nations where women did not serve as the public representatives, they did take an active part in making decisions about trade with other tribes and held a high degree of power and authority within their clans and families. Some tribes were “matrilocal,” meaning that when a woman married, the couple would take up residence near the woman’s family. Many tribes were and are matrilineal, meaning that children are born into and receive their identity from their mother’s family. Lineage and clanship may also be traced through the mother. In some tribes, the inheritance of personal property and the right to hold office were traced through the female line as well (Green, 1992). Then, came the fall of the “Indian Queen.” Drawings recorded after the influence of European contact depict the Native woman as thinner and lighter of skin. She no longer has her warriors around her, her spear is gone, as are the fruits of the land. She is covered with a white robe and begins to resemble a European woman. Where the earlier drawings reflected the strength and power of the Native woman, those attributes are taken away in later depictions. Women were no longer recognized as traders, farmers, artisans, healers, or leaders. The power held by Indigenous women is well reflected in the story about the meeting between a colonial U.S. delegation with Cherokee Chief Attakullakulla (Awiakta, 1993). The Cherokee party included women “as famous in war, as powerful in the



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council,” while the colonial party included only men. The story speaks of Chief Attakullakulla posing the question, “Where are your women?” Colonization is solidly reflected in the changing artistic depictions of the Indigenous woman. The Native female roles became that of cook and mother (Green, 1992). They were referred to as “squaws,” an Algonquian word that once meant married woman but became a demeaning term for Native woman of all tribes (Green, 1992). Their losses, as women, were enormous, both for the women and for the tribes. Women were not the only ones to lose their roles and status. The balance of life and daily living was greatly impacted by colonial arrival. The men were no longer treated as leaders or warriors. Then, later, in the forced removals, men and women had to leave behind not only their homes and the things that meant so much to them, but also their history— their burial grounds and the graves of their family, the medicine plants that they knew, the foods and medicines with which they were familiar. The healers and medicine people were regarded by Colonialism as a major barrier to the eradication of Native culture (Vogel, 1970). It was speculated that removing the medicine culture and the ceremonies would better train the Native minds in the direction of “civilization” (Bourke, 1887–1888). This concept continued throughout history and into the boarding school era. In an attempt to “Kill the Indian, and save the man” (Richard H. Pratt, founder and superintendent of Carlisle Indian School), horrendous cruelties were inflicted on Native children (Adams, 1995). The history presented in this chapter is a limited effort to acquaint the reader with the immense struggle that Native women experienced in order to maintain the spiritual knowledge and continue the practices that meant the survival of their tribes. Not only had their roles been greatly diminished, but they struggled daily with the many hardships placed upon them by a society that wanted to abolish their culture, their very way of life. Ceremonies and healing practices that had once been a vital part of tribal life were viewed as savage, ignorant, and primitive—and, of course, in later years illegal. It is remarkable that, despite these assaults, Native men and women have managed to keep many of the healing practices active; the circle, though severely abused by colonization, has remained intact. CULTURAL AND SOCIAL EMPOWERMENT OF WOMEN AS HEALERS The power and esteem that Native women experience in their community also varies from tribe to tribe (LaFromboise, Berman, & Sohi, 1994). Knowing the history and struggles that Indigenous women experienced in order to maintain healing practices establishes a greater appreciation for the information that has survived to today. A major component of

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these oral histories are the creation stories, many of which reflect the woman as a powerful, mystical, and prominent figure. The way in which women are depicted reflects clearly the degree of value that tribal society put upon its women. Many of the tribal stories reflect a belief that their origin as a culture or tribe began with a woman. The Cherokee stories speak of Corn Mother, Selu, who, seeing the need for life, cut open her breast so that corn could spring forth, thus giving life to her people (Burland, 1968). The Tewa have a similar story. Their first mothers, two of them, are known as Blue Corn Woman (the summer mother) and White Corn Maiden (the winter mother) (Ortiz, 1969). The Apache stories reflect that they are the descendants of Child of the Water, who was kept safe by his mother, White Painted Woman, so that he could become strong and slay all of the enemies and keep the Apache safe from harm. White Painted Woman is said to have developed the rules for the girls’ puberty ceremony. These puberty ceremonies continue to this day. Apaches honor both White Painted Woman and Child of the Water (Stockel, 2000). The Iroquois stories indicate that they were born into this world from the mud on the back of the earth, known as Grandmother Turtle (Walters & Simoni, 2002). The basic essentials of life—corn, beans, and squash—are given to them by the Three Sisters. For the Sioux, there is White Buffalo Calf Woman who gives her people the gift of the pipe, which symbolizes the gift of truth. The Zuni have the Corn Maidens and the Navajo relate the story of Changing Woman. These are just a few of the stories that depict the power and influence of Native women, recognized and honored for their ability to create, their mysticism, the truth they spoke, their strength, their spirituality, and their resourcefulness. Many of these same attributes make up the characteristics of the woman as healer. In fact, a designation of healer may very well be the most powerful role held by women in Native society (Time-Life, 1995). The medicine woman or healer is recognized as having a special link to the spiritual world. She may be chosen by vision or dream or family/clan ties. She may use herbs, rituals, songs, dances, or storytelling in her healing practices. She works beyond the sickness in the body, always reaching for the sickness in the spirit as well, because sickness is more than just illness of the flesh. Healing may not ensure healing of the body or the physical ills, but it will heal the strength of spirit so that one makes the passing gently and with strength of soul. HEALING PRACTICES WITHIN THE COMMUNITY The special abilities that distinguish a Native woman as a healer do not stem solely from the many years of study and learning with others through observation and listening, but also from visions, dreams, and other



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symbols. One of the authors’ own grandmothers was recognized in the community in which she lived as a healer. Memories of her include her interpretation of dreams and symbols, and her skill in making oils to heal infections in the ears of children. Many of the New-Age practitioners or metaphysical belief holders don’t fully comprehend or understand the struggles or sacrifices involved in healing or in serving as a spiritual role model through centuries. Not knowing the correct way, the “good way,” to conduct a ceremony can result in harm. In fact, the task of offering indigenous medicine is not entered into lightly. The women (and men) who maintain close ties to the spirit world hold a special place with their people. Many of the women do not actually practice medicine until they are middle aged or older (Vogel, 1970). By this age, the women are no longer taking care of small children and they are past the time of menstruation or “being on her moon.” Many tribes do not allow the women to prepare remedies, dance, or drum during the time of menstruation. Their power is very strong during that time. The women who are chosen as healers work with various materials: water, sage, cedar, rattles, herbs, plants, and roots. Great caution and respect must be used when gathering the various herbs and plants. It is not uncommon to make tobacco offerings to either the four directions or the seven directions before taking plants. Many Native women will not use sharp or metal instruments to cut plants, but rather will break them quickly, causing the plant less distress. They will never take all of the plants, only what is needed, and they frequently leave offerings of thanks to the plant people. Cycles are very important and many of the dances and ceremonies performed are dependent on these cycles. Ceremonies also are held by many tribes for special events, such as births, naming of people, puberty, death, marriage, rites of passage, and planting. Many are based on the cycles, the seasons, the times of equinox, the moon phases, and specific passages through life’s journey. Still other practices include spirit dances, root digging, smudging, honoring the water, preparation of medicine bundles, ceremonial washing of hair, and singing. It would be impossible to list the many and varied ceremonies and spiritual events performed by Native women. They vary from tribe to tribe, area to area, and circumstance to circumstance. It is not an easy life. Healers can be held up to ridicule by those who don’t understand the Native concept of medicine. Even though they have committed their lives to healing, their “payments” of gratitude might be tobacco, food, blankets, or livestock. It’s a life with few earthly or material rewards. It’s essential to note that healing of the spirit is often considered to be the most important priority. In fact, it is believed that the healer’s ability to heal results from a strong connection to the spirit world, and sickness is

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the result of an imbalance between the natural world and the spirit world (Time-Life, 1995). It is the healer’s task to restore harmony and balance and strengthen the spirit. This may or may not result in a cure of the condition, but most important, it gives the patient peace of mind and restores the spirit. IMPLICATIONS FOR CLINICAL INTERVENTION Native healers have, all too often, been rejected and attacked by both the spiritual leaders and the healers of the European cultures that conquered and settled America. The early missionaries viewed the Native spiritual ceremonies as idolatrous and made efforts to punish those who practiced them, and to eliminate the ceremonies. Many physicians, as well, have viewed Native medicine as primitive and even dangerous. Some of these attitudinal remnants remain today; however, in some Indian Health Service facilities, traditional healers work in collaboration with physicians and nurses. Native concepts promote the acceptance of holistic and alternative medicine, which has led to increased interest in and respect for Native healing practices. Physicians and Native healers may disagree with some of the premises about the causes of illness, and about what is needed to deal with a malady, and may choose to treat different aspects of the illness. Still, western medicine tends to view Native traditional healing efforts as alternatives or even as supplemental to other treatment. Certainly, a better collaboration is evolving. Healers from different cultural traditions are working together, each bringing a different perspective to this health issue at hand, but more important, bringing peace of mind and spirit to the patient. Professionals must recognize that for many Indigenous practitioners, healing is an integral part of Native culture, with resources and methods that have great value and deep impact on the perception, and potential recovery, of the illness on the part of the patient. Native and non-Native practitioners must continue to make the effort to understand each other, and, most important, to understand what each method of healing can contribute. It is relatively easy for Western practitioners of medicine healers to accept that emotional problems have social and cultural components that may play a role in Native healing practices. It is less easy for them to see that physical ailments may also benefit from intervention by Native healers. The traditions and skills of Native healers, however, have been handed down through generations of experience. Over those generations, it is apparent that selection must have taken place and that Native healing must include treatments that work, even if it is not always obvious how they work. This is now recognized as a valuable and potential source for new treatments, and throughout the world healers from indigenous tribes are now being closely questioned about their use of various medicinal plants



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and healing preparations. Today’s thinking may even be leaning more toward indigenous thought—that there is no illness that does not involve the entire person: body, mind, and spirit. THE FUTURE OF WOMEN AS HEALERS The role of the Native woman as both leader and healer has often been understated because these roles are most often played out in a quiet, unassuming manner. In the Native tradition, women are most often sought out and consulted rather than being seen as in the forefront. Today, Indigenous women throughout the United States and Canada possess knowledge about health care, healing of the tribal communities and the ills that impact those communities. Many continue to bridge the knowledge of the past with the knowledge of today. Many are also acknowledged as healers or leaders. Women have maintained knowledge about treatments for illnesses and particular conditions. Some are midwives, taking care of pregnant women and their infants using a combination of traditional and contemporary practices. Some are artists, who have preserved the stories and heal the spirit through their art, pottery, and weavings. Some walk for the preservation of the water, of the mother earth. These arts have often been the mainstay of and a tangible tie to the traditions of the tribal nations. Some of the healers apply their efforts toward the improvement of our political system, some for the care and protection of the environment, and thus our tribal people. They are strong women and they are respected leaders, many of whom are willing to work collaboratively for the healing of tribal nations. They are the grandmothers, the mothers, the daughters, the sisters, the cousins, and the aunties. The case has been made that this emergence of Native women as healers and leaders is the fulfillment of prophecies of Native people from times past. These prophecies foretell a time when women would lead Native people into a new era. Some, such as the Sioux, say that White Buffalo Calf Woman will return again with the birth of the White buffalo, and then we will be restored—the land, the buffalo, the strength of the Native. Native women, despite adversity and challenge have prevailed, as the keepers of the culture, artists, healers, seeding the future. Women have kept the circle intact. Their stories continue to be told and their voices sing through time and are clearly heard today. earth women gone before still singing softly . . . the sprit wind earth women gone before still enfolding . . . .the spirit circle

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earth women gone before still teaching. . .the spirit light. REFERENCES Adams, David W. (1995). Education for extinction: American Indians and the boarding school experience, 1875–1928. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas. Awiakta, Marilou. (1993). Selu: Seeking the Cornmother’s Wisdom. Golden, CO: Fulcrum Publishing. Bourke, J. (1887–1888). The medicine-men of the Apache. Ninth annual report, Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 451, 594. Burland, Cottie. (1968). North American Indian mythology (pp. 111–112). Middlesex, England: Hamlyn Publishing Group. Canby, J. C. (1988). American Indian law in a nutshell. West Publishing Company, 339–340. Green, R. (1992). Women in American Indian society. New York: Chelsea House Publishers. LaFromboise, T. D., Berman, J. S., & Sohi, B. K. (1994). American Indian women. In L. Comas-Diaz & B. Greene (Eds.), Women of color (pp. 30–71). New York: The Guilard Press. Ortiz, Alfonso. (1969). The Tewa world: Space, time, being, and becoming in a Pueblo society (89–90). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Stockel, H. H. (2000). Chiricahua Apache women and children: Safekeepers of the heritage (pp. 4–5). College Station, TX: Texas A & M University Press. Time-Life (1995). Keepers of the faith. In Time-Life (Ed.), The woman’s way (pp. 83–123). Alexandria, VA: Time-Life Books. Vogel, V. (1970). Indian theories of disease and shamanistic practices. In American Indian medicine (pp. 13–35). Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Walters, K. L. & Simoni, J. M. (2002). Reconceptualizing Native women’s health: An “indigenist” stress-coping model. Future health needs of women of color. American Journal of Public Health, 92(4), 520–524).

Part II

Women of African Descent

Chapter 4

Toward a Positive Womanist Psychospirituality: Strengths, Gifts, and the Optimal Well-Being of Women of African Descent Shelly Harrell, Ashley E. Coleman, and Tyonna P. Adams

The purpose of this chapter is to offer a spiritually centered framework for understanding, improving, and optimizing the health and well-being of women of African descent. The integrative framework emerges from the dynamic intersection of womanist theory (Coleman, 2008; Heath, 2006; Maparyan, 2012; Phillips, 2006; Thomas, 2009; Williams, 2012; Williams & Wiggins, 2010); African-centered psychology (Belgrave & Allison, 2006; Grills, 2002; Myers, 1988; Nobles, 2006; Rowe & Webb-Msemaji, 2004); and a culturally embedded positive psychology (Harrell, 2014; Pedrotti, Edwards, & Lopez, 2009; Pedrotti, 2011). According to Thomas (2009), the womanist perspective is “a positive affirmation of works by God made known in the lives of Black women” and is “racially conscious in its underscoring of the positive aspects of Black life” (p. 308). The “Positive Womanist Psychospirituality” (PWP) framework reflects the consensus in the literature that, for women of African descent, spirituality is intertwined with individual, relational, and collective well-being (Heath, 2006; Maparyan, 2012; Mattis, 2000; Patton & McClure, 2009). The use of the term “psychospirituality” reflects this important connection. Religion and spirituality can serve many functions related to positive well-being, including explanations for existential questions, a worldview

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for meaning-making, rules and a moral code to serve as guidelines for living, solace when painful life experiences occur, a basis for hope, a sense of community and belonging, opportunities for building self-esteem, a resource for developing personal relationships with others, and an empowered /empowering structure from which to effect social change (Maton & Wells, 1995; Mattis, 2004). There are numerous definitions of spirituality and religion in the literature (Bryant-Davis, 2005; Koenig, McCullough & Larson, 2001; Lincoln and Mamiya, 1990; Mattis, 2000, 2004). For the purposes of this chapter, the following definitions are offered as an integration of currently existing ideas. Spirituality is defined here as experiencing the existence of an infinite, transcendent, and interconnecting energy beyond space and time that may be understood as God, the Creator, the Great Spirit, a Higher Power, or other names. Fundamentally, it is the experience of being connected to a transcendent force larger than oneself. Religion is defined as the various human-created systems of belief that offer doctrinal teachings, symbol systems, and prescribe various behaviors and rituals through entities and leaders that interpret the intentions of this transcendent force in the world. Thus, spirituality can be experienced and expressed both within and outside of organized religious contexts. These definitions suggest that organized religion can be thought of as one expression of the more inclusive term spirituality. With respect to the religion and spirituality of Black women, much of the literature assumes a Christian religious affiliation. However, the PWP framework is intentionally inclusive of the multiple religious and secular traditions that women of African descent practice to express their spirituality. Within the field of psychology, conceptualizations and investigations of spirituality, faith, and religion among African Americans are often centered in the idea of coping with adversity (Constantine, Lewis, Connor, & Sanchez, 2000; Heath, 2006). As such, religion is frequently framed as an important, albeit reactive, coping resource in the context of racism—from being captured in Africa into slavery and enduring inhumane treatment, discrimination, and oppression that continues to this day in various forms of interpersonal, institutional, and cultural racism (Harrell, 2000; ShorterGooden, 2004; Williams & Wiggins, 2010). However, it is important to balance this dominant approach with discussion of the role that spirituality and religion can play in thriving and optimal development. As such, a culturally embedded, strengths-based, positive psychology approach is adopted to demarcate this emphasis on spirituality as more than a coping mechanism, but also as a necessary ingredient in the optimal psychological and collective well-being of African-descended women. Positive psychology advocates a balanced view of human functioning and contends that while distress, adversity, and pathology are part of being human, an understanding of the fullness of human experience must include equal attention to positive emotions, strengths, and optimal functioning (Seligman &



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Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). The fundamental position of positive psychology, that pain and pathology are overemphasized in the broader field of psychology, is compatible with many strengths-centered, affirmative, and liberation-based approaches to the psychology of historically oppressed and stigmatized groups that challenge overpathologizing and stand firm in the idea that difference does not equal deviance (Lopez et al., 2005). Harrell (2014) suggests that positive psychology is making progress toward its aim of providing an inclusive umbrella under which those who are interested in optimal human functioning can engage in the crossfertilization of ideas and methods. However, the field began with quite a bit of criticism of its relative exclusion of perspectives on “the good life” from persons other than White males. Christopher and Hickinbottom (2008) point out that the predominance of work in positive psychology has an individualistic and Euro-American ethnocentric bias. In addition, although processes at collective and sociopolitical levels of analysis (e.g., empowerment, liberation from oppression, bridging differences, equality, and collective identity) have been identified as significant for historically oppressed groups (Harrell & Gallardo, 2008), little attention has been paid in positive psychology to how these macrosystemic factors contribute to “the pursuit of happiness.” While cultural and context-specific norms play a critical role in defining what is considered positive, healthy, and optimal, contributions from culture-centered, ecological, and liberation psychologies (including feminist psychology) do not yet have much visibility in the positive psychology literature. Several authors have recommended that positive psychology research needs to incorporate consideration of culturally derived constructs, meanings, and contexts, as well as pay greater attention to cultural strengths—those ways of living optimally that emerge within a particular cultural context (Bacigalupe, 2001; Constantine & Sue, 2006; De la Pena, 2012; Lopez et al., 2005; Sandage, Hill, & Vang, 2003; Selvam & Collicutt, 2013; Wong, 2013). Pedrotti describes a culturally embedded view contending that while constructs of interest to positive psychology (e.g., courage, wisdom, hope) may be universally relevant, how they are experienced, manifested, and valued are embedded in, and will vary with, culture (Pedrotti, 2011; Pedrotti, Edwards, & Lopez, 2009). For example, a pivotal framework within positive psychology, the Values-in-Action (VIA) Character Strengths and Virtues classification of positive human functioning (Peterson & Seligman, 2004) has given little attention to cultural variability. However, it is noteworthy that there are recent indications of significant progress in broadening the worldview of positive psychology as reflected in edited volumes by Biswas-Diener (2011), Knoop and Delle Fave (2013), and Marujo & Neto (2013). The Positive Womanist Psychospirituality framework offered here is consistent with positive psychology’s emphasis on thriving and optimal

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functioning while being grounded in perspectives that center culture and context in the analysis of human behavior. PWP aims to provide a culturally embedded framework for identifying, enhancing and building the strengths and gifts of women of African descent across the diaspora. However, in the service of space limitations, this chapter focuses primarily on the experiences of women of African descent in the United States (including those of Afro-Latino and Afro-Caribbean origin) for whom colonialism and/or slavery have been a defining part of their history. THE AFRICAN AMERICAN CHURCH, AFRICAN SPIRITUALITY, AND AFRICAN-CENTERED PSYCHOLOGY African Americans’ religious involvement and spirituality have been well documented (Bridges, 2001; Hayes, 2012; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Mattis & Jagers, 2001). It has been suggested that African Americans are generally more religious than European Americans and utilize religious and spiritual beliefs to cope with life stressors more than their counterparts of other races and ethnicities (Chatters, Taylor, Bullard, and Jackson, 2008; Ellison & Levin, 1998; Chapman & Steger, 2010). While the literature tends to focus on Protestant Christianity and Catholicism, African Americans identify with a diversity of religious traditions including Muslim, Jewish, Ba’hai, Buddhist, Yoruba-based religions (e.g., Ifa, Santeria), and metaphysical faith traditions such as Science of Mind and Unity (Boyd-Franklin, 2010; Coleman, 2013; Pinn, 2006). African Americans’ dominant Christian ties can be related to the transatlantic slave trade, when West Africans were introduced to Christianity by European colonizers, as well as to centuries of ongoing missionary activity in Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. However, it is also important to acknowledge that people of African descent have spiritual traditions that predate European colonialism and that these traditions influence their practices within different religious affiliations. The influence of African religious traditions is critical in understanding issues related to spirituality among people of African descent in the United States. An example of this is the Ghanaian/Akan term and symbol of Gye Nyame which translates as “Except God.” The meaning reflects a foundational belief that God is everywhere and in everything, that there is nothing outside of God. This omnipresence, omnipotence, and omniscience is experienced simultaneously as Spirit internalized in one’s humanness, as a relational energy that binds individuals and communities together, and as an external force or energy that created, permeates, and unifies all living things including animals and nature (Grills, 2002; Phillips, 1990; Rowe & Webb-Msemaji, 2004). Another example is the African-based ethical and philosophical tenet of Ubuntu (“I am because we are and because we are I am”), which emphasizes the



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interdependence of persons. Spirituality is not an individualized experience, but a relational and communal one shared with many walks of life (Mazama, 2002). A final example is the role of honoring and maintaining close relationships with ancestors, who are highly regarded as “living-dead” relatives that protect and advise by communicating posthumously with family members (Mazama, 2002). These examples highlight the interconnectedness of communalism and spiritualism within an African context. African spirituality is at the center of African-centered psychology (Grills, 2002; Myers & Speight, 2010; Nobles, 2006; Phillips, 1990; Rowe & Webb-Msemaji, 2004). Several foundational concepts of African-centered psychology have been identified by these authors and illuminate a deeper understanding of paths to optimal well-being for persons of African descent. These thematic concepts are understood within the context of the historical and continuing denial of the humanity of Black Africandescended persons through enslavement and oppression. The thematic concepts include communalism, holism, harmony, balance, order, orality, rhythm, verve, emotional expressiveness, fluid time orientation, creativity, unity, divine inclusiveness, authenticity, self-determination, character, compassion and caring, justice, reciprocity, connectedness to affect and emotion, historical groundedness, the veneration of all persons through interconnectedness, and an inclusive metaphysical epistemology (Akinyela, 2005; Belgrave & Allison, 2006; Grills, 2002; Myers, 1988; Myers & Speight, 2010; Nobles, 1998; Nobles, 2006; Phillips, 1990; Rowe & Grills, 1993; Rowe & Webb-Msemaji, 2004). There is a convergence among authors in African-centered psychology toward the understanding that each of these themes emerges from the central role and interconnected nature of Spirit in an African-centered worldview. Indeed, Nobles (1998, 2006) maintains that a pervasive “spiritness” is the most critical aspect of Africanity. This spiritual dynamism and “aliveness” can be felt from people of African descent in cultures throughout the world. While there was a purposeful and organized annihilation of traditional African customs imposed upon Africans sold into slavery, the “spirit” of African spirituality is echoed in the religious practices and cultural expressions of people of African descent throughout the world. For example, African American Christian spirituality differs from European-influenced Christianity in its tendency to be more experiential and expressive (BakerFletcher, 2006; Bridges, 2001; Hayes, 2012). African American churches are filled with congregants who powerfully experience and express receiving the Holy Spirit, celebrate the joy of God’s redemptive grace, and engage in heartfelt singing of “spirituals” that come from experiential connection with the divine arising from the depths of the soul. Bridges (2001) suggests that African American spirituality can be characterized as that which promotes cultural resilience, affirms self-identity and aids

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in communalism. African American religious expression draws upon the essence of African spirituality in its transcendent, immanent, and relational nature. As one of the most dominant and stable institutions within the African American community, the Black church has been a place where people of African descent could reaffirm the self-esteem and strong communalism threatened by the inhumanity of racism (Bridges, 2001; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990; Hayes, 2012). African Americans have traditionally viewed church as a place of support where they have an opportunity to interact with their “church family” and friends (Boyd-Franklin, 2010; Chatters et al., 2008). Within the history and identity of the African American church is an inclination toward social activism whereby followers are encouraged to mobilize in the world to improve political, economic, and social conditions (Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). African American churches have pioneered the quest for freedom, civil rights, and community growth and are distinguished by the social activism that is part of the culture of religious practice. People of African descent have depended on the support of the church community, drawn upon its spirituality, and engaged in a variety of individual and communal religious activities when facing the inhumanity and stress of racism. Prayer, in particular, as an expression and intensification of one’s relationship with God, has been identified as a tool that promotes resilience and is used by African-descended people to combat human suffering and societal oppression (Bridges, 2001). Mattis and Jagers (2001) offer a relational framework for understanding religiosity and spirituality among African Americans that centers on social relationships. Their framework is grounded in the understanding of spirituality as a fundamentally relational phenomena emerging from the intimate connection between human beings and God. As such, all relationships (individual, family, and communal) can illuminate the religious and spiritual life of African Americans. Black theology is another important aspect of understanding religion and spirituality among persons of African descent in the United States (Cone, 1970/2010; Cone, 1999; Hopkins, 2002). Black theology is conceptualized as a liberation theology that is rooted in an understanding of God and faith from the perspective of the Black experience. According to Black theology, the Bible’s core message is liberation through the demonstration of God’s consistent siding with the oppressed throughout the course of human history. Cone contends that “liberation is not an afterthought, but the essence of divine activity” (p. 67, 1970/2010), explaining that the true nature of God is most consistently revealed through the role of the divine in liberation from oppression. Thus, from a distinctly Black theological perspective, God becoming flesh through Jesus Christ (the ultimate “Oppressed One”) is an indication of God’s blackness. Cone presents God as Black to emphasize God’s identification with the oppressed in the context of the inhumanity of White supremacy as enacted upon Blacks for centuries. One of the most



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revolutionary contributions related to Black theology has been this challenging of the pervasive portrayal of God and Jesus as White. In the context of God as Creator, Black theology understands blackness as both a reflection of God and the work of God. Fundamentally, Black theology has insisted upon Black self-determination and the humanity of Black people. Among the critiques of Black theology include its emphasis on African Americans as victims, its narrow framework of Black Power, an essentializing of human qualities as inherently “Black” using language that underemphasizes within-group heterogeneity, the lack of a class analysis of oppression, an ignorance of the global context, and the glaring absence of women’s voices (Cone 1970/2010; Hopkins, 2002; Williams, 1999; Williams & Wiggins, 2010). In the 1986 edition of his classic Black Theology of Liberation (originally published in 1969), Cone acknowledges some of the limitations of his early thinking and changed his language to be more gender inclusive. However, the historical invisibility of Black women’s perspectives in Black theology is particularly troubling given the predominance of women in African American church congregations. Contemporary Black theologians have made efforts to be more inclusive and acknowledge the contributions of Black women’s voices to the positive developments within Black theology. While recent developments have broadened and extended the discourse, Black theology remains grounded in the significance of understanding God through the lens of the Black experience (Hopkins, 2002). AFRICAN-AMERICAN WOMEN, RELIGION, AND SPIRITUALITY Existing literature suggests that religious and spiritual ties are critical for the health and well-being for women of African descent. Numerous research studies have supported the significance of religion and spirituality for Black women (Banks-Wallace and Parks, 2004; Chatters et al., 2008); Jang & Johnson, 2004; Shorter-Gooden, 2004). Banks-Wallace & Parks (2004) contend that spirituality affects nearly every domain of African American women’s lives and has a significant influence on health behavior and health status. Additional research supports that religious and spiritual coping is very effective for African American women with major illness, bereavement, trauma, and stress (Bryant-Davis, 2005; Bryant-Davis, Ullman, Tsong, & Gobin, 2011; Dalmida, Holstad, DiIorio, & Laderman, 2011; Mattis, 2002; Patton & McClure, 2009; Shorter-Gooden, 2004; Watlington & Murphy, 2006; Whitley, 2011). Faith in God, individual and communal prayer, Bible reading, listening to gospel music and spirituals, connection to a faith community, and attending religious ceremonies have been identified as particularly important coping strategies (Boyd-Franklin, 2010; Constantine, Lewis, Conner, & Sanchez, 2000; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). Within the discipline of psychology, the contributions of Nancy Boyd-Franklin (2010), Madonna Constantine (Constantine, Alleyne,

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Wallace, & Franklin-Jackson, 2006; Constantine, Lewis, Conner, & Sanchez, 2000; Constantine, Myers, Kindaichi, & Moore, 2004), Jacqueline Mattis (2000, 2002; Mattis & Jagers, 2001), Linda James Myers (1988, 2003; Myers & Speight, 2010), and colleagues Carmen Braun Williams and Marsha Wiggins Frame (Williams, 2000; Williams & Frame, 1999; Williams, Frame, & Green, 1999; Williams & Wiggins, 2010) have been particularly important in elucidating multiple aspects of religion and spirituality for the psychological well-being of women of African descent. Collectively, their work has provided a rich treasure trove for deepening the understanding of the psychological significance of spirituality for African American women. However, it is noteworthy that the traditional African American church has not been a place of equality for women. Women’s roles are frequently strictly proscribed and there are gender oppressive dynamics within some African American institutional structures and part of religious doctrine and teachings. This mirrors the rigid gender roles that are commonly proscribed in many dominant Christian religious traditions (e.g., Baptist, Church of God in Christ, Catholicism) as well as in other religions practiced by persons of African descent (e.g., Islam). The African American church has long been identified as a change agent, yet institutionalized inequality of women within the church has been a longstanding practice across denominations. The greatest mechanism of gendered discrimination is evidenced by the lack of gender inclusivity within church leadership (Baer, 1993; Barnes, 2006; Newman, 2002). Newman (2002) comments on the belief by some African American churchgoers that the word of God must be spoken by a man, which relates to the patriarchy characteristic of the structure of many African American churches. In Lincoln and Mamiya’s (1990) survey of more than 2,100 African American clergy collected from a nationwide sample, less than 4 percent were women. Gender role subjugation within the African American church parallels the gender role socialization practices enacted in the larger U.S. society within and outside of religious institutions. The African American church has also tended to promote homophobia, leaving African American members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) community to feel stigmatized through an insistence on their deviance (Lewis & Marshall, 2012). These individuals combat intragroup marginalization and are challenged with reconciling their personal beliefs with their sexual orientation. Research has illustrated that perceptions of homophobia from the African American community are often more troublesome to African American LGBT individuals than racism from the White LGBT community because of their strong racial affiliation (Battle, Cohen, Warren, Fergerson & Audam, 2002). Despite the strong LGBT presence within many African American congregations as they seek comfort in the context of societal heteronormativity, many simultaneously hide their sexual orientation to avoid being ostracized.



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In observing the traditional African American church through a womanist lens, it is important to consider the degree to which the church has played a role in collusion with oppressive ideologies and practices. Central to womanist theory is the challenging of oppression in any form. However, African American spirituality has maintained an uneasy existence within a frequently sexist and heterosexist church structure. It is important to consider the intersection of race, gender, class, and sexual orientation in order to maximize the transformative potential of spirituality for women of African descent. This is an important context within which to understand the significance of womanist theory in affirming, validating, and mobilizing the strengths of African American women. WOMANIST THEORY Womanist theory has been utilized across disciplines as an appropriate foundation for studying and enhancing the lived experience of women of African descent (Baker-Fletcher, 2006; Coleman, 2008, 2013; Gilkes, 1995; Hayes, 2011; Heath, 2006; Maparyan, 2012; Patton & McClure, 2009; Phillips, 2006; Thomas, 2009; Williams, 1993; Williams & Wiggins, 2010). The womanist perspective is positioned as reflecting the intersectionality that characterizes the experience of Black women more inclusively and holistically than either the feminism of the women’s movement or the theology of the Black Power movement. It challenges the White supremacy embedded in White feminism, the Black patriarchy of the African American church, and the dominance of male voices in Africentric theory. Stimulated by Alice Walker’s offering of the term “womanist” in 1983, womanist theory began developing as a perspective centered firmly in the experience of Black women that demanded the simultaneous consideration of her multiple oppressions of racism, sexism, classism, and heterosexism, as well as of her multiple identities. Thomas (2009) states that womanist energy “embraces the totality of our Black personhood in its various forms” (p. 308). The womanist agenda shares the centrality of liberation and self-determination of Black theology, as well as its insistence on the humanity of Black people. It shares the honoring and valuing of women’s ways of knowing and being of feminism. Most important, it shares the centering of the lived experience of people of African descent as the starting point of all analyses. However, the womanist perspective goes beyond each of these to explicitly claim concern for ALL of humanity, embracing multiple identities and intragroup heterogeneity, as well as an explicit commitment to wholeness and universality. Alice Walker’s original (1983) four-part conceptualization of “womanist” describes the heart and behavior of a woman who is empowered, loving, spirited, and strong. It is a description filled with passion and love that is grounded in the lived experience of Black women. In the first part,

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she uses words such as courageous, audacious, and willful to highlight the empowered and proactive positioning of a womanist identity. She characterizes a womanist as someone who desires “to know more and in more depth than is good for her,” suggesting the dangerousness of questioning the status quo. This is consistent with the liberatory theme of Black theology. The second part conveys the womanist’s fundamental commitment to love. This love begins with Black women and extends to a conviction and capacity to participate in the wholeness, survival, liberation, and thriving of all people across gender and color. This aspect of the definition particularly affirms African-centered themes of communalism, interdependence, wholeness, and divine inclusiveness. In the third part, Walker presents a womanist as someone who cherishes and celebrates life in its fullness through her love of music, dance, the Spirit, and herself, regardless of the manifestations of race and gender oppression that attempt to silence and suppress her. A womanist lives life in conscious awareness that she is an expression of the divine. This is consistent with the “spiritness” or aliveness identified as a reflection of authentic Africanity described in African-centered psychology. Finally, Walker describes a womanist as “purple” in contrast to the lavender of feminism which serves to illuminate the strength, intensity, passion, and power of Black women, as well as the importance of not conceptualizing womanist thought as a subtype of feminism. Womanist theory across disciplines has used Walker’s conceptualization as a foundation for expanding its implications for understanding the lived experience of Black women. Womanist theory centers relationality and love within a community-centered and collectivist sensibility that stands in defiance of oppression in any form. It affirms spirited living and calls for the expression of one’s truth in the service of the liberation of self and humanity. It is a way of understanding the struggle for wholeness among women of African descent who refuse to collude with the invisibility of their womanhood or blackness demanded by gender and racial oppression. Westfield (2006) speaks of womanist theory as “an epistemology of hope” and suggests that it “is grounded in the notion that change . . . birthing anew, is not only possible but necessary.” This transformative potential of the womanist perspective in supporting and facilitating the optimal well-being of individuals, relationships, communities, and humanity as a whole is striking and profound. Given the centrality of “Spirit” in the lived experience of women of African descent, the womanist vision has found its home primarily in the discipline of theology. Womanist theology is a liberation theology that illuminates the power of cultural strengths, connectedness, and proactive participation in the dismantling of race, gender, and class oppression. Williams (2009) states “womanist theology attempts to help Black women see, affirm and have confidence in the importance of their experience and . . . challenges all oppressive forces impeding Black women’s struggle for



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survival and for the development of a positive, productive quality of life conducive to women’s and the family’s freedom and well-being” (p. xiv). As such, womanist theology frames spirituality in a manner that does not separate it from the psychological well-being of women of African descent. It is important to note that writings in womanist theology have been framed predominantly in a Christian religious context (Baker-Fletcher, 2006; Hayes, 2011; Mitchem, 2002; Williams, 1993), but this is increasingly being challenged (Coleman, 2008, 2013; Harris, 2006; Maparyan, 2012). Harris correctly observes that Walker did not claim traditional Christianity, and the message of womanism is a more inclusive spirituality. Monica Coleman’s postmodern womanist theology is particularly compatible with this more inclusive and integrative approach to spirituality among women of African descent (Coleman, 2008). She offers a more complex and nuanced discussion of the womanist perspective that embraces religious pluralism, affirms the wholeness of Black women, emphasizes the importance of community, and calls for continued social responsibility with respect to resisting and transforming oppression. POSITIVE WOMANIST PSYCHOSPIRITUALITY The remainder of this chapter will present the Positive Womanist Psychospirituality framework through the articulation of 6 life principles that organize 40 proposed psychospiritual strengths and gifts hypothesized to contribute to optimal well-being for women of African descent. PWP presents a culturally embedded reframing of the 6 VIA virtues (Wisdom, Transcendence, Humanity, Temperance, Justice, and Courage) as Womanist Life Principles. Each principle is associated with several culturally and contextually informed Psychospiritual Strengths and Gifts. This reframing of the VIA character strengths and virtues seeks congruence with shared values and ways of being articulated in both womanist and African-centered perspectives. A significant aspect of PWP is the extension of the VIA conceptualization of individual strengths to add the consideration of collective or cultural strengths. Finally, the term “strengths and gifts” is used in order to convey the contextualized understanding of divinely given qualities that are often experienced by women of African descent as blessings or “gifts from God.” The 6 Positive Womanist Life Principles are (1) Extended Ways of Knowing, (2) Spirited and Inspired Living, (3) Interconnected Love, (4) Balance and Flexibility, (5) Liberation and Inclusion, and (6) Empowered Authenticity. Each life principle and its associated culturally embedded psychospiritual strengths and gifts are presented in Table 4.1. The life principles and strengths/gifts were developed primarily from an integration of womanist and African-centered writings, and informed by research findings on spirituality and African American women. It is important to

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state that the articulation of the PWP framework does not suggest that all of the strengths and gifts exist in every woman of African descent, nor does it suggest that all women of African descent possess these strengths and gifts. However, it is proposed that most women of African descent will identify with some subset of the 40 strengths and gifts personally, and/or as familiar in their experiences with, or knowledge of, other women of African descent. The heterogeneity among women of African descent should not be underestimated and the framework is offered as a tool, not as a cookbook. Extended Ways of Knowing (Positive Womanist Wisdom). The first womanist life principle affirms the multiple ways of knowing and understanding the world that reflect the lived experience of women of African descent. Knowledge is neither simply in the “head” nor consists only of what is observable. Consistent with both feminist and Africentric thought is the contention that knowledge is not limited to what we learn in school or through presumably logical and rational thinking processes. The 8 psychospiritual strengths/gifts associated with this life principle reflect the multiple ways that knowledge is obtained and expressed. They include (1) Intuitive, Spiritual, and Relational Knowing; (2) Historical and Contextualized Perspective; (2) Nonlinear and Diunital Thinking; (4) Resourcefulness-Creativity; (5) Questioning/Interrogation of Reality; (6) Insight and Understanding; (7) Teaching/Passing Down; and (8) Common Sense (“Mother wit”). Spirited and Inspired Living (Positive Womanist Transcendence). This life principle reflects the spiritually infused vitality with which many women of African descent have lived in the world. This life principle is consistent with the “abundant life” and “vital force” that Magesa (1997) and others describe as central to African-centered spirituality and the “luxocratic” way of life described by Maparyan (2012) as being central to womanist worldview. The 8 psychospiritual strengths/gifts associated with this life principle include (1) Reverence for Life; (2) Soulfulness/ Feeling Deeply; (3) Hope through Adversity; (4) Faith in the Omniscience of God; (5) Personal Relationship with God and ancestors; (6) Expressiveness and Improvisationality; (7) Life-Giving and Renewing; and (8) Sense of Purpose/Calling. Interconnected Love (Positive Womanist Humanity). This life principle is grounded firmly in the communalism of African-centered psychology and relationality of feminist psychology. The centrality of connectedness for women of African descent appears in both cultural and womanist sources, but is most significantly rooted in a pervasive spirituality. The 6 strengths/gifts include (1) Collective, Interdependent, and Unitive Consciousness, (2) Sharing and Hospitality, (3) Communal Caring and Nurturing, (4) Witnessing, (5) Sisterfriend Relationships, and (6) Healer-Counselor.

Truth telling, straightforward, speaking truth to power; Giving Testimony Conviction and Capability; “Walks her Talk”; Standing one’s ground; follows beliefs

Resists oppression; Stands up against exploitation and violence in any form; Protects the weak and downtrodden Initiative/Taking Charge; Do-itYourself Spirit; Serious and “in charge”

Purposeful Sacrifice & Discipline; Responsibility, takes care of business, does what is needed Flexible and Adaptive when necessary; role flexibility; can change directions

Communal Caring and Nurturing; encourages and participates in transformative growth Witnessing; Compassionate presence, Being “with” the experience of others

Hope in adversity; possibility of change; transcendence of limitations and barriers

Faith-confidence that God/Spirit/ Vital Force is there, will protect and get you through

Nonlinear and diunital thinking, Understands co-existence of seeming opposites

CreativityResourcefulness; ingenuity (making a way out of no way)

(Continued)

Audacious & Outrageous; Willful

Movement towards wholeness within and across persons; Inclusiveness

Forgiveness and Mercy

Historical and Contextual Perspective

Hospitality & Sharing; Welcoming

Self-determination; Self-defining and self-affirming; loves herself. . . regardless

Respect for worth and dignity of ALL people in the context of honoring differences; universalism, egalitarianism

Soulfulness-Feels Deeply; Passionate Aliveness; Pain & Joy

Reverence for the spirit-infused essence of all Life— human, plants, animals, nature, etc; Abundant and Luxocratic Life

Intuitive, Spiritual, and Relational Knowing (through signs, symbols, body, etc.)

Harmony and Balance; Understanding and Patience with Cycles of Life and Natural Order

Empowered Authenticity (Womanist Courage)

Balance and Liberation and Flexibility (Womanist Inclusion Temperance) (Womanist Justice)

Collective, Interdependent, and Unitive consciousness; “I am because we are and because we are I am” (Ubuntu)

Extended Ways Spirited & Inspired Interconnected of Knowing Living (Womanist Love (Womanist (Womanist Wisdom) Transcendence) Humanity)

Table 4.1  The 6 Positive Womanist Life Principles and 40 Culturally Embedded Psychospiritual Strengths/Gifts

Perseverance, Endurance

Transgressive and Revolutionary; Risk-taking or Subversive acts for a higher cause

Collective Responsibility and Participatory Action; mobilizes and brings people together Moral-spiritual responsibility for conduct of self and others; doing the right thing

Acceptance and surrender; seeing “what is” and “turning it over”

Discernment, judgment; prioritizing based on values; sees through insincerity

Sisterfriend Relationships; Lifts up, encourages, supports others Healer; provides healing where there is sickness or suffering

Personal and Intimate Relationship with God & Ancestors

Expressiveness & Improvisationality through music, dance, poetry, art, orality; being “moved”; Celebration

Life-giving and Renewing, birthing and re-birthing; transformative energy

Sense of Purpose and Calling; direction

Insight and Understanding; Critical consciousness; Understands the “big picture”; broader perspective

Teaches, passes lessons down; Holder of wisdom; mentor; advice-giver

‘Mother wit’; Common sense

Empowered Authenticity (Womanist Courage)

Seeks to “know more and in more depth,” Questioning, interrogate reality

Balance and Liberation and Flexibility (Womanist Inclusion Temperance) (Womanist Justice)

Extended Ways Spirited & Inspired Interconnected of Knowing Living (Womanist Love (Womanist (Womanist Wisdom) Transcendence) Humanity)

Table 4.1 (continued)



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Balance and Flexibility (Positive Womanist Temperance). This life principle emphasizes the importance of harmony between emotional, mental, physical, social, spiritual, and environmental energies. This principle emerges from the adaptability of women of African descent and African-centered themes of order and balance. The 6 strengths/gifts include (1) Harmony and Balance, (2) Forgiveness and Mercy, (3) Sacrifice and Discipline, (4) Flexibility and Adaptation, (5) Acceptance and Surrender, and (6) Discernment. Liberation and Inclusion (Positive Womanist Justice). This life principle frames justice as wholeness and reflects the universality, inclusiveness, and strong social justice orientation of womanist theory, as well as the liberation emphasis of Black theology. The 6 strengths/gifts include (1) Respect for the Dignity of All Persons, (2) Movement toward Wholeness, (3) Resistance to Oppression, (4) Initiative/Taking Charge, (5) Collective Responsibility and Participatory Action, and (6) Moral-Spiritual Responsibility. Empowered Authenticity (Positive Womanist Courage). The last life principle honors the courageous core of Walker’s womanist concept. The 6 psychospiritual strengths/gifts include (1) Self-Determination, (2) Audacity and Willfulness, (3) Truth-telling, (4) Conviction and Capability, (5) Endurance and Perseverance, and (6) Transgressive and Revolutionary. The Positive Womanist Life Principles and Psychospiritual Strengths and Gifts can be used to inform the development of strengths-based interventions for women of African descent. Interventions that provide opportunities for identifying and enhancing existing strengths, using existing strengths in new ways, as well as developing and building new strengths reflect important areas of emphasis in applied positive psychology (Rashid & Ostermann, 2009). PWP provides a structure for identifying, contextualizing, and facilitating strengths that are grounded in the everyday experiences of women of African descent. Harrell’s Ameliorative-Protective-Transformative (APT) Functional Framework for Intervention (2011) can be applied to the Womanist Life Principles and Psychospiritual Strengths and Gifts. The 40 strengths/ gifts can be conceptualized as an integrated set of spiritually grounded attitudes, emotions, sensibilities, values, beliefs, and behaviors that serve ameliorative, protective, and transformative functions. In their ameliorative role (“Feeling Better”), psychospiritual strengths/gifts can facilitate the reduction of distress and disconnectedness and contribute to relieving the suffering of women of African descent. As protective processes (“Getting Stronger”), psychospiritual strengths/gifts can enhance internal and external resources and facilitate the development of effective coping resources to build resilience among women of African descent. Finally, in their transformative function (“Evolving and Thriving”), the psychospiritual strengths/ gifts play a vital role in optimizing health and well-being, facilitating optimal functioning and maximizing the role of women of African descent in the elevation of our collective humanity. Utilization of the Positive Womanist

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Psychospirituality framework to inform interventions can assist in minimizing overeliance on negative stereotypical characterizations such as, “Welfare Queen,” “Video Ho,” “Diva,” “Mammy,” and so on by contextualizing and normalizing the wide range of behavioral styles manifested among women of African descent. Most important, using PWP to guide the development and implementation of preventive and therapeutic interventions with women of African descent is hypothesized to contribute to the optimal functioning and well-being of not only individual women, but also relationships, families, organizations, and communities. CONCLUSION The primary aim of this chapter has been to present a spiritually centered framework that conceptualizes human virtues and strengths as they are experienced and expressed in the particular sociocultural contexts of women of African descent. The significance of spirituality in the lives of women of African descent serves as the organizing and unifying foundation for the articulation of the framework. The integration of womanist theory, research on African American women and religion/spirituality, African-centered psychology, and a culturally embedded positive psychology has led to the proposition of a Positive Womanist Psychospirituality. Spirituality is conceptualized as both an expression and facilitator of wellness. Thus, the health and well-being of women of African descent is necessarily psychospiritual. The framework is structured according to 6 Womanist Life Principles and 40 Psychospiritual Strengths and Gifts that can organize the development of interventions where both individual and collective strengths can be identified, illuminated, and nurtured. It is important to note that working with strengths frequently involves the exploration of factors that may block their development or expression. Among women of African descent some of these factors include internalized oppression, colorism, assimilative identity or rejection of blackness, intimate relationship dynamics, trauma history, and more. It is also very important to recognize that not all African American women connect to a sense of spirituality or religiosity. An African-centered womanist approach may feel unfamiliar or uncomfortable for some women. It is important to assess the appropriate place to enter the exploration of psychospiritual strengths/gifts and engage in interventions that meet the woman where she is with respect to spirituality, as well as gender and racial/ethnic identity. Honoring the diversity among women of African descent means understanding that the PWP framework should not be applied uniformly and may not always be the most appropriate approach. Within a womanist perspective, there is an ultimate concern for the liberation and optimal development of all of humanity across gender, ethnicity, race, religion/religiosity, class, and sexual orientation (Coleman, 2013;



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Maparyan, 2012). Within an African-centered frame, the Ubuntu consciousness of interconnectedness emphasizes the inseparability of the individual mind-body-spirit from the mind-body-spirit of others, or from the collective mind-body-spirit of the community and humanity as a whole. Thus, while a Positive Womanist Psychospirituality emerges from the sociocultural context of women of African descent, it is suggested that the psychospiritual strengths and gifts articulated here may also be relevant to women of other historically oppressed groups whose cultures share similar worldview qualities. Maparyan (2012) describes life stories of women from India and Vietnam whose lives exemplify the womanist vision. Comas-Diaz (2008) describes “Spirita,” a womanist and Mujerista way of knowing and being that understands spirituality as protest, resistance, and r/evolution. The interaction of race and gender are central in Spirita’s emphasis on collective healing, international solidarity, and global social justice. It is hoped that introducing the Positive Womanist Psychospirituality framework here will lead to the continued articulation of the strengths/ gifts, as well as ways of applying the framework to the development of interventions that focus on enhancing the well-being, optimal functioning, and thriving of women of African descent (as well as other historically oppressed women of color). What might an intervention look like that facilitates African American women becoming more conscious of their extended ways of knowing, spirited and inspired living, interconnected love, balance and flexibility, liberation and inclusion, and/or empowered authenticity? What might an intervention look like that explores ways to maximize each woman’s unique profile of strengths and gifts? The first author has begun the development of a PWP-based group intervention, Phenomenal Women Rising (PWR), inspired by Maya Angelou’s poems “Still I Rise” and “Phenomenal Woman” (Harrell, 2013). Such interventions move beyond spirituality as survival and coping with adversity, toward the illumination and magnification of culturally syntonic, psychospiritual strengths and gifts that propel us toward optimal well-being, wholeness, and the highest expressions of both our individual humanness and collective humanity. As Maparyan (2012) stated, “women of African descent named, defined, and refined womanism, but now it is a gift to all humanity. The soul of womanism is universal, cosmic, and divine.” REFERENCES Akinyela, M. M. (2005). Testimony of hope: African-centered praxis for therapeutic ends. Journal of Systemic Therapies, 24, 5–18. Bacigalupe, G. (2001). Is positive psychology white psychology? American Psychologist, 56, 82–83. doi: 10.1037/V0003-066X.56.1.82b Baer, H. (1993). The limited empowerment of women in Black spiritual churches: An alternative vehicle to religious leadership. Sociology of Religion, 54, 65–82.

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Baker-Fletcher, K. (2006). Dancing with God: The trinity from a womanist perspective. St. Louis, MO: Chalice. Banerjee, M. M., & Pyles, L. (2004). Spirituality: A source of resilience for African American women in the era of welfare reform. Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 13, 45–70. doi: dx.doi.org/10.1300/ J051v13n02_03. Banks-Wallace, J., & Parks, L. (2004). It’s all sacred: African American Women’s perspectives on spirituality. Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 25(1), 25–45. Barnes, S. L. (2006). Whosoever will let her come: Social activism and gender inclusivity in the Black church. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 45(3), 371–387. Battle, J., Cohen, C., Warren, D., Fergerson, G., & Audam, S. (2002). Say it loud: I’m Black and I’m proud. Black Pride Survey 2000. New York: Policy Institute of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force. Belgrave, F., & Allison, K. (2006). African American psychology: From Africa to America. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Biswas-Diener, R. (Ed.) (2011). Positive psychology as social change. New York, NY: Springer. Black, L., & Jackson, V. (2005). Families of African origin. In M. McGoldrick, J. Giordano, & N. Garcia-Preto (Eds.), Ethnicity and Family Therapy (3rd ed., pp. 77-85). New York: The Guilford Press. Boyd-Franklin, N. (2010). Incorporating spirituality and religion into the treatment of African American clients. The Counseling Psychologist, 38, 976–1000. doi: 0.1177/0011000010374881 Bridges, F. W. (2001). Resurrection Song: African American Spirituality. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Bryant-Davis, T. (2005). Coping strategies of African American adult survivors of childhood violence. Professional Psychology, 36, 409–414. Bryant-Davis, T., Ullman, S., Tsong, Y. & Gobin, R. (2011). Surviving the storm: The role of social support and religious coping in sexual assault recovery of African American women. Violence Against Women, 17, 1601–1618. Chapman, K. L., & Steger, M. F. (2010). Race and religion: Differential prediction of anxiety symptoms by religious coping in African American and European American young adults. Depression and Anxiety, 27(3), 316–322. Chatters, L. M., Taylor, R. J., Bullard, K. M., & Jackson, J. S. (2008). Spirituality and subjective religiosity among African Americans, Caribbean Blacks, and non-Hispanic Whites. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 47, 725–737. Christopher, J. C., & Hickinbottom, S. (2008). Positive psychology, ethnocentrism, and the disguised ideology of individualism. Theory and Psychology, 18, 563–589. doi: 10.1177/0959354308093396 Coleman, M. A. (2008). Making a way out of no way: A womanist theology. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress. Coleman, M. A. (Ed.) (2013). Ain’t I a Womanist, too? Third-wave Womanist religious thought. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress. Comas-Diaz, L. (2008). Spirita: Reclaiming womanist sacredness into feminism. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 32, 13–21. Cone, J. H. (1999). Risks of faith: The emergence of a Black theology of liberation, 1968– 1998. Boston: Beacon.



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Cone, J. H. (1970/2010). A Black theology of liberation (40th anniversary edition). Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Constantine, M. G., Alleyne, V. L., Wallace, B. C., & Franklin-Jackson, D. C. (2006). Africentric cultural values: Their relation to positive mental health in African American adolescent girls. Journal of Black Psychology, 32, 141–154. doi: 10.1177/0095798406286801 Constantine, M. G., Lewis, E. L., Conner, L. C., Sanchez, D. (2000). Addressing spiritual and religious issues in counseling African Americans: Implications for counselor training and practice. Counseling & Values, 45, 28–38. Constantine, M. G., Myers, L. J., Kindaichi, M., & Moore, J. L. (2004). Exploring indigenous mental health practices: The roles of healers and helpers in promoting well-being in People of Color. Counseling and Values, 48, 110–125. Constantine, M., & Sue, D.W. (2006). Factors contributing to optimal human functioning in people of color in the United States. The Counseling Psychologist, 34, 228–244. Dalmida, S. G., Holstad, M. M., DiIorio, C., & Laderman, G. (2011). Spiritual wellbeing and health-related quality of life among African-American women with HIV/AIDS. Applied Research and Quality Life, 6, 139–157. doi: 10.1007/ s11482-010-9122-6 De la Peña, Y. (2012). Understanding spirituality from positive psychology: Culture specificity of lived experience. International Journal of Research Studies in Psychology, 1(3), 37–41. doi: 10.1177/0011000005281318 Ellison, C. G. & Levin, J. S. (1998). The religion-health connection: Evidence, theory, and future directions. Health Education & Behavior, 25(6), 700–720. Frame, M. W., Williams, C. B. (1996). Counseling African Americans: Integrating spirituality. Counseling & Values, 41, 16–28. Frame, M. W., Williams, C. B., & Green, E. L. (1999). Balm in Gilead: Spiritual dimensions in counseling African American women. Journal of Multicultural Counseling & Development, 27, 182–192. Gilkes, C. T. (1995). We have a beautiful mother: Womanist musings on the Afrocentric idea. In C. J. Sanders (Ed.), Living the intersection: Womanism and Afrocentrism in theology. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress. Grills, C. T. (2002). African psychology. In R. L. Jones (Ed.), Black psychology, (4th ed.). Hampton, VA: Cobb and Henry. Harrell, S. P. (2000). A multidimensional conceptualization of racism-related stress: Implications for the well-being of people of color. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 70, 42–57. Harrell, S. P. (2011). A model for the development of culturally-syntonic, evidencebased practice. Presented at the Annual Convention of the Association of Black Psychologists. Washington, D.C. Harrell, S. P. (2013). Phenomenal Women Rising Facilitator Manual. Los Angeles, CA. Unpublished document. Harrell, S. P. (2014). A psychoecocultural perspective on positive psychology and well-being. The California Psychologist, 47(2), 8-10. Harrell, S. P., & Gallardo, M. (2008). Sociopolitical and community dynamics in the development of a multicultural worldview. In J. A. Asamen, G. Berry, & M. Ellis (Eds.), Child Development, Multiculturalism, and the Media. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

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Harris, M. L. (2006). Womanist humanism: A new hermeneutic. In S. M. FloydThomas (Ed.), Deeper shades of purple: Womanism in religion and society. New York: New York University. Hayes, D. L. (2011). Standing in the shoes my mother made: A womanist theology. Minneapolis: MN: Fortress. Hayes, D. L. (2012). Forged in the fiery furnace: African American spirituality. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Heath, C. D. (2006). A womanist approach to understanding and assessing the relationship between spirituality and mental health. Mental Health, Religion & Culture, 9, 155–170. Hopkins, D. N. (2002). Heart and head: Black theology past, present and future. Gordonsville, VA: Palgrave MacMillan. Jang, S. J. & Johnson, B. R. (2004). Explaining religious effects on distress among African Americans. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 43(2), 239–260. Knoop, H. H., & Delle Fave, A. (Eds.) (2013). Well-being and cultures: Perspectives from positive psychology (pp. 83–102). New York: Springer. Koenig, H. G., McCullough, M. E., & Larson D. B. (2001). Handbook of religion and health. New York: Oxford University Press. Lewis, M. K., & Marshall, I. (2012). LGBT Psychology: Research perspectives and people of African descent. New York: Springer. Lincoln, C. E. & Mamiya, L. H. (1990). The black church in the African American experience. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Lopez, S. J., Prosser, E. C., Edwards, L. M., Magyar-Moe, J. L., Neufeld, J. E., & Rasmussen, H. N. (2005). Putting positive psychology in a multicultural context. In C. R. Snyder & S. J. Lopez (Eds.), Handbook of positive psychology (pp. 700–714). New York: Oxford University. Magesa, L. (1997). African religion: The moral traditions of abundant life. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Maparyan, L. (2012). The womanist idea. New York: Taylor & Francis. Maruju, H. A., & Neto, L. M. (Eds.) (2013). Positive communities and nations: Collective, qualitative, and cultural-sensitive processes in positive psychology. New York: Springer. Maton, K., & Wells, E. (1995). Religion as a community resource for well-being: Prevention, healing, and empowerment pathways. Journal of Social Issues, 51, 177–193. Mattis, J. S. (2000). African American women’s definitions of spirituality and religiosity. Journal of Black Psychology, 26, 101–122. Mattis, J. S. (2002). Religion and spirituality in the meaning-making and coping experiences of African American women: A qualitative analysis. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 26, 309–321. Mattis, J. S. (2004). Spirituality (religiousness, faith, purpose). In C. Peterson & M. Seligman, Character strengths and virtues: A handbook and classification (pp. 599–622). New York: Oxford University. Mattis, J. S., & Jagers, R. J. (2001). A relational framework for the study of religiosity and spirituality in the lives of African Americans. Journal of Community Psychology, 29 (5), 519–539. Mazama, M. A. (2002). Afrocentricity and African spirituality. Journal of Black Studies, 33(2), 218–234.



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Mitchem, S. Y. (2002). Introducing womanist theology. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Myers, L. J. (1988). Understanding an Afrocentric world view: Introduction to an optimal psychology. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt. Myers, L. J. (2003). Our health matters: Guide to an African (Indigenous) American psychology and a cultural model for creating a climate and culture of optimal health. Columbus: Ohio Commission on Minority Health. Myers, L. J., & Speight, S. (2010). Reframing mental health and psychological wellbeing among persons of African descent: Africana/Black psychology meeting the challenges of fractured social and cultural realities. The Journal of Pan African Studies, 3, 66–82. Nesbitt, P. (1997). Feminization of the clergy in America: Occupational and organizational perspectives. New York: Oxford University. Newman, S. (2002). Oh God! A Black woman’s guide to sex and spirituality. New York: Ballantine. Nobles, W. W. (1998). To be African or not to be: The question of identity or authenticity—some preliminary thoughts. In R. L. Jones (Ed.) African American Identity development. Hampton, VA: Cobb & Henry. Nobles, W. W. (2006). Seeking the Sakhu: Foundational writings for an African Psychology. Chicago, IL: Third World. Pargament, K. I. (2002). The bitter and the sweet: An evaluation of the costs and benefits of religiousness. Psychological Inquiry, 13, 168–181. Patton, L. D. & McClure, M. L. (2009). Strength in the Spirit: A qualitative examination of African American college women and the role of spirituality during college. Journal of Negro Education, 78, 42–54. Pedrotti, J. T. (2011). Broadening perspectives: Strategies to infuse multiculturalism into a positive psychology course. Journal of Positive Psychology, 6, 506– 513. doi: 10.1080/17439760.2011.634817 Pedrotti, J. T., Edwards, L. M, & Lopez S. J. (2009). Positive psychology within a cultural context. In S. J. Lopez and C. Snyder (Eds.), Oxford handbook of positive psychology (pp. 49–58). New York: Oxford University. Peterson, C. & Seligman, M.E.P. (2004). Character strengths and virtues: A handbook and classification. New York: Oxford. Phillips, F. B. (1990). NTU psychotherapy: An Afrocentric approach. Journal of Black Psychology, 17, 215–222. Phillips, L. (Ed.) (2006). The womanist reader. New York: Routledge. Pinn, A. B. (2006). The African American religious experience in America. Westport, CT: Greenwood. Powell, L. H., Shahabi, L., & Thoresen, C. E. (2003). Religion and spirituality: Linkages to physical health. American Psychologist, 58, 36–52. Rashid, T., & Ostermann, R. F. (2009). Strengths-based assessment in clinical practice. Journal of Clinical Psychology: In Session, 65, 488–498. doi: 10.1002/ jclp.20595 Rowe, D., & Grills, C. (1993). African-centered drug treatment: An alternative conceptual paradigm for drug counseling with African American clients. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 25(1), 21–33. Rowe, D. M. & Webb-Msemaji, F. (2004). African-centered psychology in the community. In R. L. Jones (Ed.), Black Psychology (4th Ed., pp. 701–721). Hampton, VA: Cobb & Henry.

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Sandage, S. J., Hill, P. C., & Vang, H. C. (2003). Toward a multicultural positive psychology: Indigenous forgiveness and Hmong culture. The Counseling Psychologist, 31, 564–592. doi: 10.1177/0011000003256350 Seligman, M. and Csikszentmihalyi, M. (2000). Positive psychology: An introduction. American Psychologist, 55, 5–14. doi: 10.1037//0003-066X.55.1.5 Selvam, S. G., & Collicutt, J. (2013). The ubiquity of the character strengths in African traditional religion: A thematic analysis. In H. H. Knoop and A. Delle Fave (Eds.), Well-being and cultures: Perspectives from positive psychology (pp. 83–102). New York: Springer. Shorter-Gooden, K. (2004). Multiple resistance strategies: How African American women cope with racism and sexism. Journal of Black Psychology, 30, 406–425. Thomas, L. E. (2009). Womanist theology and epistemology in the postmodern U.S. context. In D. N. Hopkins and M. Lewis (Eds.), Another world is possible: Spiritualities and religions of global darker Peoples. Sheffield, UK: Equinox. Walker, A. (1983). In search of our mothers’ gardens: Womanist prose. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich. Watlington, C. G. & Murphy, C.M. (2006). The roles of religion and spirituality among African American survivors of domestic violence. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 62, 837–857. Westfield, N. L. (2006). “Mama, why . . . ?”: A womanist epistemology of hope. In S. M. Floyd-Thomas (Ed.), Deeper shades of purple: Womanism in religion and society. New York: New York University. Whitley, R. (2011). “Thank You God”: Religion and recovery from dual diagnosis among low-income African Americans. Transcultural Psychiatry, 49, 87–104. Williams, C. B. (2000). African American women, Afrocentrism and feminism. Women & Therapy, 22, 1–16. doi: 10.1300/J015v22n04_01. Williams, C. B., & Frame, M. W. (1999). Constructing new realities: Integrating womanist traditions in pastoral counseling with African-American women. Pastoral Psychology, 47, 303–314. Williams, C. B., & Frame, M. W. & Green, E. (1999). Counseling groups for African American women: A focus on spirituality. The Journal for Specialists in Group Work, 24, 260–273. Williams, C. B., & Wiggins, M. I. (2010). Womanist spirituality as a response to the racism-sexism double bind in African American women. Counseling and Values, 54, 175–186. Williams, D. S. (1993). Sisters in the wilderness: The challenge of womanist God-talk. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Williams, D.S. (2012). Black theology and womanist theology. In D. N. Hopkins and E. Antonio (Eds.), The Cambridge companion to Black theology (pp. 58–72). New York: Cambridge University. Wong, P. T. P. (2013). Cross-cultural positive psychology. In K. Keith (Ed.), Encyclopedia of cross-cultural psychology. Oxford, UK: Wiley Blackwell Publishers.

Chapter 5

African American Women Coping with Trauma: The Impact of Spirituality and Religiosity Gimel Rogers

INTRODUCTION African American women have been subjected to cycles of trauma for hundreds of years and resultantly have developed a number of coping skills, such as spiritual coping, which can include religious beliefs and spiritual practices (Arnette et al., 2007). Recent research has uncovered the importance of spirituality when coping with traumatic experiences. Some have defined spirituality as internally and experientially transcending the tangible, connecting one to the whole, and faith “in the universal order of things,” while religion represents an institutionalized set of beliefs and practices (Robinson, 2000; Bryant-Davis, 2005, p. 411). Agreeably, Mattis’ (2000) research of 149 African American women revealed religiosity as organized worship and spirituality as an internalization of positive values. West’s (2002) aggregated research highlighted the importance of faith, religion, and spirituality being used as a comfort for African American survivors, and noted that it should not be minimized by mental health professionals. Mattis’ (2002) study exposed eight thematic uses of religiosity/spirituality as critical to meaning-making and coping for African American

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women in times of adversity. Johnson (1983) wrote, “Because if she does not openly deal with the fact that there is a very low premium on every aspect of my existence, if she does not acknowledge the politics of Black womanhood, now that would surely drive me nuts” (p. 320). Johnson is insinuating that some African American women have felt that their clinician did not understand them, resulting in the women being more unstable then when they initially entered into therapy. Over the years, African American women have been demonized as Jezebels, “shameless or morally unrestrained woman,” rather than victims of rape and molestation (Merriam-Webster, n.d.). Understanding the impact that spirituality and/ or religiosity has in the healing process for African American women will aid clinicians during the therapeutic process of helping survivors of sexual assault, intimate partner violence, adult survivors of child abuse, and community violence. The terms “victim” and “survivor” will be used interchangeably. SURVIVORS OF SEXUAL ASSAULT Sexual assault, like many other traumas, requires strong coping strategies during the healing journey, and as Bryant-Davis (2011) wrote, “It disrupts mental and physical well-being and devastates the fabric of social relationships” (p. 1). Sexual assault has occurred since the beginning of time and has evidenced long-lasting consequences for many survivors. It is vital to address not only the process but, most important, the role that religion and spirituality have in the recovery journey, particularly for African American women who endorse high rates of religious and spiritual engagement. Understanding that a higher power has the capacity to enable one to cope with and/or overcome the deleterious effects of sexual assault has been a core conceptualization for a number of survivors who are striving to address the disruption and devastation of the violation. Recent research has been bountiful on the effects of religiosity and spirituality on mental health; now it is time to explore the impacts these two key forces have during the journey to healing for African American women who are coping with sexual assault (Ahrens et al., 2010). Chang and colleagues (2001) recognized the absence of literature on the effects of religion in sexual assault recovery and examined the “buffering effect of religion on mental health and depression for women who report experiencing sexual assault in the military” (p. 77). This study included women who screened positively for current depression through a 36-item patient-based questionnaire, experienced sexual assault, and measured religiosity. The study defined “experienced sexual assault” via a positive response to the question “Did you ever have an experience where someone used force or the threat of force to have sexual relations with you against your will while in the military?”; and it measured religiosity based



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on responses to two questions regarding the frequency of religious service and the religious strength and comfort (p. 80). Although this study was not specific to African American women, the findings provide us with great implications on the impact religion has for survivors of sexual assault. Overall, the findings suggest that women who have been sexually assaulted and attend religious services less frequently are more likely to have poorer mental health; on the contrary, women who have been sexually assaulted and attended services on a consistent basis have a healthier mental status (Chang et al., 2001), thus confirming the hypothesis that religion has a buffering effect on mental health in sexual assault cases. Because religion is a strong influence for African American women, it can be concluded that religion is a key coping strategy when overcoming sexual assault. Recognizing the function of religion as a key coping strategy in sexual assault among African American women, Ahrens and colleagues (2010) continue to fill in the gap by examining positive and negative religious coping strategies among 100 sexual assault survivors. This article hypothesized that great use of positive religious coping strategies will be related to lower levels of mental health diseases such as depression and post-traumatic stress and conversely to a higher level of psychological well-being, while assessing ethnic differences. This study reached higher numbers of African American women and women of color, in addition to low-income neighborhoods. The women were assessed for their religious coping via the Religious Coping Activities Scales; for depression using the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale; for post-traumatic disorder using the Post-Traumatic Diagnostic Scale; for psychological well-being using the sub-scale of Kamman and Flett’s Affectometer 2; for post-traumatic growth using the Post-Traumatic Clinician Growth Inventory; and for participant and assault characteristics via self-report. The results concluded that the participants engaged in high level religious coping, which included spirituality, good deeds, religious support, discontent, pleading, and religious avoidance. The highest level of coping that was used was spirituality, “allowing God to help them deal with the sexual assault and using faith based coping techniques” (p. 1250). Next a multivariate analysis of variance was used to examine ethnic differences, and it concluded that African American survivors relied more heavily on all six of the religious coping strategies than their White counterparts. This is reflective of the notion that a higher power, God, has the ultimate control, particularly understanding this from a Christian viewpoint where God is the waymaker, Alpha and Omega. Furthermore, these findings suggest that the survivors were utilizing positive religious coping strategies, which supported the hypotheses that African American survivors partake in higher levels of spirituality and good deeds than Caucasian survivors (Ahrens et al., 2010).

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Conclusively, Chang and colleagues (2001) and Ahrens and colleagues (2010) both deduced that engagement in religious practices as a coping mechanism aids in the journey of healing for sexual assault survivors. One of the varying differences between the two studies is that Ahrens and colleagues (2010) explicitly quote from Kennedy and colleagues (1998) that African American women’s spirituality increases after the assault among 71 percent compared to 38 percent of Caucasian survivors, and it is a functional part of the healing journey (p. 1244). That statistic directly correlates to Gallup (2002), “indicating that 97% of African Americans consider religion to be important in their lives” (Ahrens et al., 2010, p. 1254). Moreover, Bryant-Davis and colleagues (2011) found that African American rape survivors experiencing high levels of depressive and post-traumatic stress symptoms use religious coping to manage their distress. Conclusively, it is imperative that psychologists, particularly trauma-based hospital psychologists, are aware of the power that an African American woman’s belief system has during her journey to healing. Knowing that religion is a monumental foundation in 97 percent of African Americans, it is key to understand that when a trauma as powerful as sexual assault occurs, which disrupts the very fabric of one’s existence, trusting in a higher power and not leaning on one’s own understanding will be instrumental in healing. Ultimately, this ties into being a culturally competent clinician, one who comprehends culture beyond race and ethnicity but views religion as an entity of culture as well. Furthermore, Bell and Mattis (2000) wrote, “The effort to identify culturally competent interventions for African Americans inevitably raises questions about what constitutes culture generally and African American culture specifically” (p. 516). This quote ascribes to the clinician understanding historical contexts as well as acculturation factors when contextualizing culture for their specific client. SURVIVORS OF INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE The key for survivors in their healing process is to draw on their strengths, and when their strength is faith-based, the clinician should not pathologize their client; rather, they should come to an understanding of the ways their belief system has carried them to the point of seeking therapy. Findings from previous research on spirituality is supportive of the notion that one component of a culturally competent therapeutic intervention for African American women is incorporating spirituality into the treatment (Arnette et al., 2007). Women who are involved in abusive relationships have even greater challenges of seeking help and being misunderstood because many of these women have relied on their partners to meet their physiological needs, sustenance and shelter, which outweigh their safety needs. Intimate partner violence (IPV) occurs more often than



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not in communities that are at higher risk for violent incidents and have a lower socioeconomic level (Stueve & O’Donnell, 2008). In addition to studies showing a negative correlation between partner violence and household income, the National Crime Survey found that women living in families with the lowest annual household incomes were seven times more likely to experience IPV than those with the highest annual household incomes (Stueve & O’Donnell, 2008). Many women living in these poverty-stricken communities are African Americans, therefore, African Americans are disproportionately represented among victims of IPV. Arnette and colleagues (2007) assessed 74 low-income 19–51-year-old African American women who were in treatment, reported being survivors of IPV, and attempted suicide within the prior year. The participants were given verbal and written assessment batteries, and after a 10-week intervention, follow-up corresponding batteries were administered. Results revealed that lower levels of hopelessness predict existential wellbeing, and higher levels of positive religious coping predict religious wellbeing (Arnette et al., 2007). Spiritual coping has been identified as a protective factor for battered African American women, particularly enhancing mental health, and this study examined this same strategy for abused, suicidal African American women. Conclusively, this study suggests that it is advantageous to develop interventions for traumatized African Americans that strengthen religious participation and involvement. Further research should include measurement of both spirituality and religion, as they both relate to emotional and physical well-being. Spirituality and religion may not only contribute to the resilience of an IPV survivor during their healing process as a coping strategy, it may also ignite the survivor to escape an abusive relationship. Bliss and colleagues (2008) studied 178 low-income, abused African American women and evaluated their readiness for change. One of the study’s hypotheses was “anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), spiritual well-being, selfesteem and social support will positively contribute to women’s readiness to create change,” while “children in the home and substance abuse will negatively account for variance in readiness to create change” (p. 163). This hypothesis was confirmed, as anxiety, PTSD, and spiritual well-being were positively related to readiness to change and children in the home was negatively related to change readiness; however, contrary to the hypothesis, substance abuse was positively related to readiness to change. Conclusively, African American women rely heavily on spiritual practices, and it can be concluded that stronger reliance on a higher being have increased motivation, resources, or energy toward securing safety for themselves and their children (Bliss et al., 2008; El-Khoury et al., 2004). As a clinician, it is equally important to know what will motivate African American women to leave an abusive situation, as well as what heals these same women while they are recovering from their trauma. Knowing

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the impact of spiritual well-being for African American women will enable a clinician to proceed with more culturally appropriate therapeutic interventions and diagnoses. Religiosity and spirituality undoubtedly have research that supports the power it has for African American women when coping with traumas, and Bliss and colleagues (2008) have laid the foundation for further research to understand the impact these forces have on the decision to leave an abusive relationship. Ultimately, spiritual practice is an internal resource that can be encouraged among women who are open to such rituals, as those who have a sense and belief in a higher strength are more likely to be resilient when confronted with IPV (Mitchell et al., 2006). ADULT SURVIVORS OF CHILD ABUSE Spiritual coping has shown promising results with sexual assault and IPV survivors, and additionally with adult survivors of childhood sexual abuse (CSA). Pargament (1997) wrote that spiritual coping appears to be the most useful in situations of extreme stress that are out of one’s control and may operate primarily as a form of emotion-focused coping. Research has discovered high correlations between CSA survivors and depression, anxiety, alcohol and drug abuse, poor self-esteem, and interpersonal problems, as compared to non-abused individuals (Gall, 2006). Understanding this link between poor mental health and CSA survivors, Gall (2006) conducted a study of 101 CSA adult survivors by analyzing their use of spiritual coping in response to negative life stressors. Gall (2006) hypothesized that the presence and evidence of negative and positive spiritual coping behavior would vaticinate the survivor’s response to current distress. Although attendance to religious service across the religious and spiritual spectrum was low, all of the survivors felt spirituality was important. The results indicate that spiritual discontent coping—anger at God—predicted greater depressive mood, whereas spiritual content coping—affinity for God—predicted lesser depressive mood. This study not only provided support for the hypotheses on the role of spiritual coping, but these findings also revealed the level of significance spirituality may have on one’s mental health. Clinicians who work with religiously or spiritually oriented African American female CSA survivors should be aware that a shift in the survivor’s view of God can influence her view of herself and therefore her mental health status. For example, a survivor who has maladaptive spiritual coping, such as being angry with God because of her CSA, may not respond well to current life stressors (Gall, 2006; Gall, Basque, Damasceno-Scott & Vardy, 2007). On the contrary, those who adopt positive religious coping may see more positive mental health outcomes (Gall, 2006). All in all, spiritual coping is an intricate process and it takes great understanding when working with CSA adult survivors.



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Although spiritual coping can be a complex process when working with CSA adult survivors, it is noteworthy for treatment plans because this awareness can allow the survivors to not be overpathologized, but instead understood. Hall (2003) concluded that survivors felt their change was an “inside job,” and that self-focused spiritual changes, without limiting to the idea of forgiveness of others, may be beneficial in integrated services for abuse survivors. Furthermore, working with CSA adult survivors is a process in itself because of the unquestionable negative impact it has had on their life. Banyard and colleagues (2002) studied adult survivors of CSA and its association with long-term mental health consequences and the variability in risk and protective factors, thus providing suggestions for interventions. This study suggested that establishing competence, conducting a thorough assessment, having a culturally sensitive treatment plan, and developing a support system are all key when addressing African American women survivors of CSA. Understanding the systemic and identity issues facing the survivor is key to establishing competence and conducting a thorough assessment. African American women survivors of CSA are more susceptible to community violence, which in conjunction with their childhood trauma, increases the likelihood of developing PTSD. Additionally, a culturally sensitive treatment plan, which is inclusive of a strong support system, is fundamental because it encourages the clinician to address spirituality and enables the clinician to engage spiritual leaders in the recovery process as the survivors are coping with their traumas. These interventions are very important for clinicians to comprehend because, as Gall’s 2006 study concluded, spiritual coping has a direct link to current distress, and if a CSA adult survivor has positive affect toward God, lesser distress is present. Research on CSA adult survivors has provided the field with the nuggets that spiritual and psychological healing are not always disconnected; they can enhance one another in the healing process when coping with trauma. Robinson (2000) explored factors in spiritual and psychological healing of African American women CSA survivors of incest. Based on previous research, Robinson operationally defined spiritual and psychological healing as “moving from a place of brokenness, emptiness . . . to an awareness of one’s infinite connection with a loving and caring Spirit or higher power,” and “embracing one’s life not hiding from it or denying what has happened,” respectively (p. 162–63). From Robinson’s work with support groups, it was concluded that making the psychological distress lifeless is possible, but it requires safe spaces that allow African American women to use their healthy coping strategies, such as praying in calm atmospheres to gain self-awareness. This can disjunction the chronic depression with which many CSA adult survivors suffer. These safe spaces promote discussion, which breaks the denial, promotes psychological healing, and reinforces the connection with the higher power

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through spiritual healing. Ultimately, coping strategies for adult survivors of CSA require addressing adaptive contentment with God in safe spaces that allow prayer and other faith practices to occur, and having candid discussions of the events in order for the psychological impairments that have developed from the CSA to dissipate (Adebimpe, 2004; Banyard et al., 2002; Gall, 2006; Hall, 2003; Pargament, 1997; Robinson, 2000). These two practices are key because adhering to religious values is a core belief in African American women. SURVIVORS OF COMMUNITY VIOLENCE In this chapter it has been a recurrent theme that African American women who are survivors of sexual assault, intimate partner violence, and childhood sexual abuse predominately live in low socioeconomic communities that are exposed to the most community violence. Living in a marginalized society, being subjected—as Shahinfar and colleagues (2000) described it—to “the presence of violence and violence related events within individuals’ proximal development including home, school and neighborhood; it may involve direct or threatened harm, be witnessed or experienced and involve known or unknown perpetuator” (p. 115). Community violence not only predisposes African American women to the preceding traumas, particularly IPV, but it also makes them vulnerable to family violence, violence that is proximal to an individual’s development. Paranjape and colleagues (2009) describes family violence (FV) as IPV and elder mistreatment (EM), and they define IPV as emotional and physical abuse, and controlling behaviors, and EM as financial abuse and neglect. Paranjape and colleagues (2009) conducted a study of 30 African American women in six focus groups where many protective factors were discussed, one being the role religion and spiritual beliefs played in FV. Although the findings did not distinguish these constructs as a protective factor, they reached the consensus that religion and spirituality have an important role in recovery from FV. Given FV as defined by IPV and EM, and the preceding research demonstrating spirituality as a coping strategy and the findings in this present study, it can be concluded that spirituality is an effective coping strategy for FV as well. In addition to spirituality being a coping strategy for family violence, Jenkins (2002) examined the impact of community violence on women and children and successful coping mechanisms for survivors of violence. African American women and children are among the highest percentage of individuals who witness community violence and are gravely impacted. The impact of violent exposure, such as people who are close to the individual being victimized, can impact work performance for women and school performance for their children, while both have impaired social relationships. When a close individual is killed, it exacerbates the



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trauma and can lead to Acute Stress Disorder or PTSD. Community violence not only impacts African American women in multiple facets but also their children, as seen with CSA adult survivors; therefore, African American women have developed ways to protect their children, such as effective open lines of communication and involving children in church. In conjunction with exposing their children to church as a protective factor, the women themselves used prayer, listening to gospel music, and spiritual concepts of fate to make sense of the violence. Examining how African American women utilize spiritual and religious practices to protect their children from community violence and other traumas directly correlates to why these same methods are used when they become adults. These women go back to their original source of strength, which is what they know has carried them this far in their life despite any trials or tribulations they may have encountered. It is imperative that clinicians understand this cycle of spirituality throughout generations of African Americans when providing tools for coping through traumatic situations, particularly community violence that can lead to sexual assault, intimate partner violence, and childhood sexual abuse. CONCLUSION All in all, many African American women who are survivors of sexual assault, intimate partner violence, childhood sexual abuse, and community violence have demonstrated resilience; however, that does not negate the fact that these experiences still form psychological distress among these women. It is critical to understand the spectrum of violence that some of these women have experienced from birth until adulthood, and unfortunately for many it does not cease there. An African American woman who is victimized over her whole lifespan needs more than psychodynamic and cognitive behavioral techniques as coping strategies that are endorsed by her clinician; she may also need what she knows best, and that is her source of strength—religious and spiritual practices. Moreover, it is considerably essential that professionals are educated on the implications trauma has on African American women, and that they know how to assess thoroughly and comprehensively, are able to draw on the survivor’s strength, and acknowledge the importance religiosity and spirituality has in the survivor’s life. Through all of the compiled and examined research, it should no longer be a question as to whether spirituality and religious practices have an integral role in recovery from traumatic life events for African American women survivors. Rather, a question for future research should be how we, as clinicians, can continue to foster and develop competent psychologists that are equipped to properly apply treatment to this population that may potentially have such an extensive history of abuse from being disenfranchised from society.

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REFERENCES Adebimpe, V.R. (2004). A second opinion on the use of white norms in psychiatric diagnosis of black patients. Psychiatric Annals, 34, 543–551. Ahrens, C. E., Abeling, S. Ahmad, S., & Hinman, J. (2010). Spirituality and well-being: The relationship between religious coping and recovery from sexual assault. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 25(7), 1242–1263. doi:10.1177/088620509340533 Arnette, N. C., Mascaro, N., Santana, M. C., Davis, S., & Kaslow, N. J. (2007). Enhancing spiritual well-being among suicidal African American female survivors of intimate partner violence. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 63(10), 909–924. Banyard, V. L., Williams, L. M., Siegel, J. A., & West, C. M. (2002). Childhood sexual abuse in the lives of black women. Women and Therapy, 25(3–4), 45–48. Bell, C. C. & Mattis, J. (2000). The importance of cultural competence in ministering to African American victims of domestic violence. Violence Against Women, 6(5), 515–532. doi: 10.1177/10778010022182001 Bliss, M. J., Ogley-Oliver, E., Jackson, E., Harp, S. & Kaslow, N. J. (2008). African American women’s readiness to change in abusive relationships. Journal of Family Violence, 23, 161–171. doi:10.1007/s10896-007-9138-3 Bryant-Davis, T. (2005). Coping strategies of African American adult survivors of childhood violence. Professional Psychology, 36(4), 409–414. doi: 10.1037/0735 -7028.36.4.409 Bryant-Davis, T. (2011). Surviving sexual violence: A guide to recovery and empowerment. Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Bryant-Davis, T., Ulman, S. E., Tsong, Y. & Gobin, R. (2011). Surviving the storm: The role of social support and religious coping in sexual assault recovery of African American women. Violence Against Women, 17(2), 1601–1618. Chang, B., Skinner, K. M., & Boehmer, U. (2001). Religion and mental health among women veterans with sexual assault experience. International Journal of Psychiatry in Medicine, 31(1), 77–95. El-khoury, M. Y., Dutton, M. A., Goodman, L. A., Engel, L., Belamaric, R. J., & Murphy, M. (2004). Ethnic differences in battered women’s formal helpseeking strategies: A focus on health, mental health and spirituality. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 10, 383–393. Gall, T. L. (2006). Spirituality and coping with life stress among adult survivors of childhood sexual abuse. Child Abuse and Neglect (30) 829–844. Gall, T. L., Basque, V., Damasceno-Scott, M., & Vardy, G. (2007). Spirituality and the current adjustment of adult survivors of childhood sexual abuse. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 46(1), 101–117. Hall, J. M. (2003). Positive self-transitions in women child abuse survivors. Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 24, 647–666. doi:10.1080/01612840390219167 Jenkins, E. J. (2002). Black women and community violence. Women & Therapy 25(3–4), 29–44. Jezebel. (n.d.). In Merriam-Webster online. Retrieved from http://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/jezebel Johnson, E. (1983). Reflections on black feminist therapy. In B. Smith (Ed.), Home girls: A Black feminist anthology (pp. 320–324). New York: Kitchen Table Women of Color Press.



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Kennedy, J., Davis, R., & Taylor, B. (1998). Changes in spirituality and well-being among victims of sexual assault. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 37, 322–328. Mattis, J. (2000). African American women’s definitions of spirituality and religiosity. Journal of Black Psychology, 26(1), 101–122. Mattis, J. (2002). Religion and spirituality in the meaning making and coping experiences of African American women: A qualitative analysis. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 26, 309–321. Mitchell, M. D., Hargrove, G. L., Collins, M. H., Thompson, M. P., Reddick, T. L., & Kaslow, N. J. (2006). Coping variables that mediate the relation between intimate partner violence and mental health outcomes among low-income, African American women. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 62(12), 1503–1520. doi:10.1002/jclp.20305 Pargament, K. I. (1997). The psychology of religion and coping. New York: The Guilford Press. Paranjape, A., Corbie-Smith, G., Thompson, N., & Kaslow, N. J. (2009). When older African American women are affected by violence in the home: A qualitative investigation of risk and protective factors. Violence Against Women, 15(8), 977–990. Robinson, T. L. (2000). Making the hurt go away: Psychological and spiritual healing for African American women survivors of childhood incest. Journal of Multicultural Counseling Development, 28(3), 160–176. Shahinfar, A., Fox, N., & Leavitt, L. (2000). Preschool children’s exposure to violence: Relation of behavior problems to parent and child reports. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 70(1), 115–125. Shorter-Gooden, K. (2004). Multiple resistance strategies: How African American women cope with racism and sexism. Journal of Black psychology, 30, 406–425. Stueve, A. & O’Donnell, L. (2008). Urban young women’s experiences of discrimination and community violence and intimate partner violence. Journal of Urban Health, 85(3), 386–401. doi:10.1007/s11524-008-9265-z West, C. M. (2002). I find myself at therapy’s doorstep. Women & Therapy, 25(3–4), 193–201.

Chapter 6

Christian Religious Coping with HIV, Cancer, and Diabetes: African American Women and the Church’s Response Monica U. Ellis

Physical illness and suffering often strike without warning or reason. The biblical account of the apostle Paul is just one example. Paul recorded: “To keep me from becoming conceited because of the exceptional nature of these revelations, a thorn was given to me and placed in my body. It was Satan’s messenger to keep on tormenting me so that I would not become conceited. I pleaded with the Lord three times to take it away from me” (2 Corinthians 12: 7–8, International Standard Version). African American Christian women may read the account of Paul’s “thorn in the flesh” and relate it to their own suffering from cancer, diabetes, HIV, or other health maladies. Like Paul, these women may also plead with God to take away their illness as they struggle to make sense of their suffering. It is not uncommon for one’s faith to waver when living with the realities of health problems. One might wonder, Why me, Lord? Why now? And, If God can heal me, then why I am still not healed? These are just three of many questions that may arise within African American women of faith who suffer from serious physical illness. This chapter will explore how African American women activate their faith in God to cope with the health maladies of HIV, cancer, and diabetes, and how the African American church can support women’s resilience through the physical, emotional, and spiritual

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suffering caused by these illnesses. The God of the Judeo Christian faith specifically is discussed in this chapter because of the prominence of this faith among African American women in the United States as compared to other religious traditions. Still, the principles of and struggles with faith may span across religious and spiritual belief systems and therefore relate to African American women of diverse faiths. DEFINITIONS AND FORMS OF RELIGIOUS COPING Religion can be defined as a shared system of rituals, beliefs, or mythology associated with a god or gods, and it is one manifestation of an individual’s spiritual life (Mattis & Jagers, 2001). Religion involves a commitment to and belief in God, gods, or a higher power, and the practices of prayer, meditation, scripture reading, synagogue or church attendance, and the use of these practices and beliefs when coping with stress (Koenig, 1997). These religious practices can be categorized as either intrinsic or extrinsic. Extrinsic religious practices include public worship and church attendance, which serve to cultivate morality, increase one’s knowledge of scripture, and increase exposure to and fellowship with individuals who share similar beliefs (Mattis & Jagers, 2001). These external, public practices of organized worship were also defined by the term religiosity in a sample of African American women (Mattis, 2000). Intrinsic religious activity includes one’s personal adherence to faith and moral values, and an internalization of these positive values, as well as practices such as private prayer, meditation, and communion with God. Forms of religious coping (both positive and negative) are often reflections of one’s intrinsic religious orientation and are further supported by extrinsic religious practices. Positive religious coping includes an adequate understanding of how to apply scripture, prayer, meditation, brotherly fellowship, and other spiritual coping mechanisms to specific challenges to improve one’s psychological and emotional well-being, all of which secondarily benefit one’s physical health. Moreover, regular engagement in meditation—including prayer or quiet reflection on the Word of God—as a method of positive religious coping can lead to greater feelings of competence, autonomy, and interpersonal connection (Ryan & Deci, 2000), as well as to lower levels of anxiety, depression, and negative affect (Brown & Ryan, 2003). Individuals with positive religious coping strategies view God as benevolent, caring, and in control of their health and disease. These individuals may have faith that God can heal them and trust that God is working in the midst of their suffering for their ultimate benefit, even when their healing comes slowly, or when it does not come at all. In contrast, negative religious coping may also be employed in the midst of a health crisis. Individuals with this coping strategy may engage in self-blame or have profound guilt over their health status, believe that their illness is a result



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of their sin or God punishing them, or believe that they somehow deserve to be ill. Individuals with negative religious coping strategies also view God as punitive, rather than benevolent and merciful, or as withholding of the healing that God is capable of performing. It is common for individuals with serious illness to cycle between positive and negative religious coping; between feelings of both a strong faith in God’s ability to heal and unnerving doubts about God’s willingness to heal them. WHY CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS COPING FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN? How can God help with our suffering? And, how can faith in God’s love and goodness provide relief from the physical, emotional, economic, and spiritual setbacks of HIV, cancer, and diabetes? African Americans have historically looked to the church for support through crises and to God for help through hard times. The African American church has traditionally been an influential force within the African American community and a central part of the African American experience (Berkley-Patton et al., 2010). Specifically, African American religious institutions have served as buffers against the cruelties of racism—particularly before and during the civil rights era—and as venues for social responsibility, activism, racial uplift, and humanity affirmation (Ross, 2003). Still today, the African American church is often called upon to create and facilitate resolutions for social problems affecting the African American community (Mattis & Jagers, 2001). African American Christian and Muslim religions elucidate themes of liberation, love, hope, and justice in which God, Jesus Christ, and Allah are viewed as victors over oppression and champions for the oppressed (Mattis & Jagers, 2001). Through an analysis of 20 cross-disciplinary published studies, Newlin, Knafl, and Melkus (2002) identified the following prominent attributes of African American spirituality: African Americans’ pervasive sense of God’s presence and an internal, personal relationship with God; a consoling dimension of peace and protection found through faith; and external characteristics such as altruistic and supporting interpersonal relationships (Newlin et al., 2002). Religion and spirituality has been shown to help African American women cope with and make meaning of their experiences, and also help them to interrogate and accept reality; gain the insight and courage needed to spiritually surrender, confront, and overcome limitations; grapple with existential questions; act within a meaningful moral framework; and achieve growth (Mattis, 2002). Furthermore, the use of religious and spiritual beliefs and practices to cope with stress—particularly with racism and other social injustices, as well as with health problems—is historically characteristic of African Americans’ religious involvement:

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The earliest independent religious movements among Africans in America reflect survival themes. Emanating from traditional African religious affirmation of life as God’s gift, survival themes assert that religion and religious practice should help sustain and enhance life. Liberation themes in Black religion derive from the context of the slave society in which African American Christianity originated and from the necessity to emphasize life as God’s gift that includes freedom to flourish fully as human beings. (Ross, 2003, p. 2) In addition to the adaptive characteristics aforementioned, interviews with 400 African Americans across the southeastern United States showed that religion is also perceived to be tied to physical and psychological health (Holt, Schulz, & Wynn, 2009). Active faith involvement, hope, social support, prayer, and the avoidance of violence and negative coping have also been associated with African American’s health and longevity (Marks, Nesteruk, Swanson, Garrison, & Davis, 2005). In a national survey of 2,370 African American men and women, religious social support was positively correlated with adaptive health behaviors (e.g., fruit and vegetable consumption and moderate physical exercise) and negatively correlated with alcohol use (Debnam, Holt, Clark, Roth, & Southward, 2012). African American women play a primary role as matriarchs in African American families and within African American churches. African American women have historically served vital roles in the church (e.g., as church mothers) as well as in their families and have upheld family values, community and family cohesion, kinship obligations, and matriarchal or womanist leadership within both institutions (Gilkes, 1986; Ross, 2003). As the “backbone” of the church and family, African American women are often looked to for their advice, support, and leadership within the African American community (Brown, 1994). In light of the instrumental roles African American women serve in the church—along with the church’s history of providing distress-relief and social support for the African American community—how can the church now respond to support African American women affected by serious physical illness? CHURCH AND FAITH-BASED INTERVENTIONS HIV/AIDS Although African Americans comprised only 14 percent of the U.S. population, they accounted for 44 percent of all new HIV infections in 2009 (Centers for Disease Control, 2012). The risk of HIV infection is 15 times higher for African American women than White women and three times higher than Latina women, and 1 in 32 Black women will be diagnosed with HIV in their lifetime (CDC, 2012). These statistics point to the urgent need for HIV prevention and intervention efforts in the African



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American community. Church-based health intervention and disease prevention programs have been viewed as acceptable among African Americans (Matthews, Berrios, Darnell, & Calhoun, 2006; Samuel-Hodge et al., 2009). Moreover, interventions delivered through African American churches are one of the most effective strategies to decrease HIV infection, as church leaders are able to confront HIV and AIDS stigma and provide HIV education to their congregations (Berkley-Patton et al., 2010). In a sample of 18 African American caregivers of HIV-infected adults and children, religion was a form of positive coping but the church was not (Poindexter, Linsk, & Warner, 1999). For these individuals, their personal relationship with God sustained them, but they feared seeking social support and help from the church because of the HIV-related stigma prevalent among fellow church members. The issues of HIV stigma and some African American churches’ silence on this disease motivated researchers to partner with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People to explore the role of the African American church in HIV intervention (NAACP, Bryant-Davis, Bradley, Sadler, & Duru, 2012). Following a series of focus groups with 250 faith leaders across 11 U.S. cities, investigators found that the leaders of African American churches most commonly endorsed engaging in the following HIV-related activities: prayer, mentioning HIV in a sermon, providing pastoral care and counseling, attending community meetings related to HIV, and supporting the start or continuation of a church health ministry that includes HIV programming. Notably, 87 percent of faith leaders believed that addressing HIV prevention is a responsibility of the church, and only 13 percent did not. A manual was created based upon this research to guide African American faith leaders in understanding the challenges and best practices of addressing HIV within the African American church (NAACP et al., 2012). Another study with African American faith leaders in the Philadelphia area (n=38) also identified that most faith leaders believe it is morally imperative that the Black church respond to the HIV/AIDS epidemic, although barriers exist to doing so (Nunn et al., 2012). In this study, faith leaders suggested that the church should: promote HIV testing; frame conversations on HIV/AIDS in social justice, public health, and human rights language rather than in sexual risk behavior terms; integrate HIV/ AIDS topics into sermons; host educational sessions for youth; conduct community outreach; and promote other activities to decrease HIV-related stigma and increase awareness of the epidemic among African American congregants (Nunn et al., 2012). A demonstration of faith-based HIV prevention in action was observed through the Metropolitan Community AIDS Network in a church in Tennessee. This church implemented measures to prevent HIV infection among African American substance abusers by providing access to holistic care and substance-abuse treatment, by

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affirming the worth and value of individuals in the program, and by promoting spiritual change within individuals to aid their transition from feelings of hopelessness to hope (MacMaster et al., 2007). Cancer Mortality rates for breast cancer are higher for African American women than any other ethnic group (National Cancer Institute, 2008). There are culturally specific barriers to cancer screening among African American women that include fear, fatalism (i.e., an attitude of resignation towards future events that are thought to be inevitable), and silence (Phillips, Cohen, & Moses, 1999; Powe, Hamilton, & Brooks, 2006). The African American church can help increase cancer screening rates, cancer knowledge, and awareness through faith-based intervention programs. In their quest to reduce cancer health disparities among African Americans, in 2004 the National Cancer Institute capitalized on the church’s influence upon African American’s wellness by providing churches with training materials and program guides to help improve African Americans’ healthy dieting and active lifestyles (NIH, 2004). Receiving cancer education within the context of the church was deemed acceptable among a sample of 94 African American women across nine urban-area churches who participated in a Centers for Disease Control faith-based early detection and prevention program for breast and cervical cancer (Matthews et al., 2006). Biblical scriptures were salient in positively reinforcing health messages, and the personal testimonies of women impacted by cervical and breast cancer were effective in increasing cancer screenings among African American women (Matthews et al., 2006). Interviews with African American female breast cancer survivors revealed that these women’s relationships with spiritual mentors (e.g., church pastors, close relatives, and women friends) provided a strong positive influence on the women’s responses to cancer, as well as comfort and direction for these women through their treatment and recovery process (Gallia & Pines, 2009). A review of 10 years (1994–2004) of research on spirituality in African American breast cancer survivors found that the women in these studies believed that God is in control, is in close relationship with them, is their healer, that God assists in decision making, and that spirituality provided strength to cope through their illness and treatment process (Gibson & Hendricks, 2006). These women also expressed the need to care for others and receive care and social support. Diabetes and Obesity Diabetes onset is often linked to problems with obesity. The prevalence of both is higher among African American women than Caucasian women,



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and excess weight is highest among African Americans in the United States than other racial populations (Cowart et al., 2010). In light of African Americans’ traditionally strong ties to religion, investigators in the Jackson Heart Study (Reeves, Adams, Dubbert, Hickson, & Wyatt, 2012) sought to explore the possible relationship between African Americans’ obesity rates and their religious and spiritual practices. Although religiosity and spirituality were related to less alcohol and cigarette use in the sample of 2,378 Southeastern-area African Americans, there was no association between the factors and weight (Reeves et al., 2012). However, in another study in which an obesity management intervention was delivered in church and university settings, investigators found that African American women in the church setting (n=10) lost significantly more weight following the intervention than both Caucasian (n=22) and African American (n=10) women in the university setting; women in the church also maintained their weight loss 12 months post-intervention (Sbrocco et al., 2005). Similarly, in the Genesis Health Program investigators found that African Americans participating in the church-based obesity reduction program increased motivation, improved exercise habits, and began making healthier food choices (Cowart et al., 2010). Weight loss and nutrition programs aimed at preventing diabetes have been conducted in African American churches in both urban and rural communities with notable efficacy (Davis-Smith, 2007; Dodani & Fields, 2010). Further, African American churches have also joined forces recently with U.S. first lady Michelle Obama’s “Let’s Move!” initiative to help prevent childhood obesity (Banks, 2011). Spiritual strength, mentors, and sisterfriends can help balance energy demands for African American women living with diabetes, as well as provide means of social support (Pierre-Louis, Akoh, White, & Pharris, 2011). An additional source of social support for these women can be found through the African American church, which can furthermore provide diabetes and health education, and nurturing for the wellbeing of its congregants (Gaillard, 2007). Older African Americans’ (n=185, mean=59years-old) church involvement has also been shown to improve psychological adaptation to living with diabetes (Samuel-Hodge, Watkins, Rowell, & Hooten, 2008). Issues such as family context, spiritual well-being, socioeconomic status, psychosocial support, mental health, and culture each impact the physical health of African American women living with diabetes (Hames, 2010). A survey of 58 African American diabetic women found that distress in these areas is also associated with higher body mass index (BMI) levels and depression severity, and poorer diabetes control(Hames, 2010). In contrast with these aforementioned consequences of diabetes-related distress, spiritual well-being was related to positive cognitive reframing, direct assistance-seeking, and lowered diabetes-specific distress in a sample of 45 African American women with

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type-2 diabetes (Newlin et al., 2010). It is clear from these studies that the spiritual (religious and existential) care of African American women is an important component of diabetes-management and health. Diabetes self-management has been shown to improve among middleto older-age (40–75-year-old) African Americans when they perceive a spiritual relationship with their health care provider (Polzer, 2007). However, many African Americans believe faith in God to heal is more curative than medications and prescribed therapies and, because of beliefs that prayers with church pastors will rid the body of type-2 diabetes, these individuals will not claim nor acknowledge diabetes in fear that doing so will undo the healing (Gavin & Wright Jr. 2007). In these cases, it is important to support African Americans’ adherence to treatment and self-management of diabetes while remaining sensitive to their religious beliefs. Churches can assist in this effort and are therefore starting to partner with health care providers to educate congregants on diabetes care as well as the complications of poorly controlled diabetes (Gavin & Wright, 2007). For example, among 201 older (mean=59-years-old) African Americans with diabetes across 24 North Carolinian churches, investigators found that a church-based intervention of counseling, phone contact, group sessions, and encouragement cards was effective in improving short-term (8-month) diabetes self-management (Samuel-Hodge et al., 2009). As compared to a control group of individuals who received mailed pamphlets only, intervention participants showed an increase in diabetes knowledge and improved diabetes-related quality of life. A FAITH-BASED EXPLANATION FOR SUFFERING? Spiritual and emotional suffering is often encountered as African Amer­ ican women attempt to cope with physical health maladies. Individuals with a negative religious coping style may engage in self-blame, views God as punishing, and believe that some action in their past has produced their current suffering. Others with a more positive religious coping orientation might try to make sense of their suffering by deferring to God's omniscience and trustworthiness, as was the case with Paul’s unmerited thorn in his side mentioned in the beginning of this chapter. The nuances of and common cycling between positive and negative religious coping styles can be viewed as part of the bereavement process as women grieve the loss of their physical health. During this grieving process, individuals may have their faith in God shaken or strengthened as they reckon with existential questions and wonder why God has allowed them to suffer at all. Such questions include: Where is God in the midst of suffering, and why does God allow it to occur? Why do I have to suffer with HIV, cancer, or diabetes? Why me? The church can provide some distress relief through programs offering emotional and spiritual support, lay counsel, and destigmatized messages on disease management



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and coping, in addition to the interventions aforementioned. Still, are there accounts within biblical texts that can provide further comfort and answers for individuals’ suffering? Rosemary Hubble (1998), a hospice nurse who cares for individuals dying from the HIV/AIDS virus, relates the experiences of individuals living with HIV to the experience of the biblical character Job. A few may find comfort in the biblical account of Job, who suffered through debilitating physical illness, family and economic loss, and grief, yet overcame this suffering when God eventually restored his health, family, and riches. Although Job’s suffering eventually ended, many may still question why Job had to suffer in the first place. Job seemingly did nothing to cause his illness. In fact, the story records that God could find no fault in Job (Job 2:3). Still, God allowed Job’s body to be afflicted with great pain and disease in addition to the other tremendous losses he experienced. As African American women of faith, what support or solace can we glean from the Bible when confronted with disease and its ensuing suffering? This question is left open for women who are struggling with serious physical illness to ponder and conclude for themselves. Although additional reflections are offered below, it is acknowledged that coming to terms with suffering—and the often concurrent grief over “the loss of a healthy me”—is a journey each person takes individually as she comes to grip with her faith in God and the impact this faith has on her health, and vice versa. The Bible offers many accounts of individuals who suffered at no fault of their own yet came to ultimately triumph through their circumstances. For example, in response to his brothers’ nearly murdering him and selling him into slavery, Joseph, who had later become a high official in Egypt declared, “You intended to harm me, but God intended it for good to accomplish what is now being done, the saving of many lives” (Genesis 50:20, New International Version). As mentioned previously, Job similarly experienced semmingly unmerited and unexpected attacks to his physical health, as well as great familial and financial losses. In ancient times, as it is still today among some religious denominations, it was believed that if someone was afflicted with grave illness or disability, they or their parents must have sinned to bring the problem upon themselves. These sentiments are reflected in accusations against Job by his friends and their urging for Job to confess his wrongdoing to alleviate his suffering: “Is not your wickedness great? Are not your sins endless? That is why snares are all around you, why sudden peril finds you. If you return to the Lord Almighty you will be restored” (Job 22:5, 10, & 23a).Yet Job apparenlty neither caused nor could he control the physical and emotional suffering he endured. Nevertheless, if Job had committed wrongdoing his actions still would not necessarily merit his affliction with disease and suffering. The belief that “God punishes the unrighteous and rewards the righteous” is called retribution theology (Hubble, 1998, p. 15). Retribution theology,

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especially when endorsed by the church, might lead African American women into self-blame for acquiring their disease, to bitter sentiments of self-condemnation, and to confusion when attempting to find self-constructive answers to the question ”Why me?“ As these women stand perplexed by the apparent unfairness of their health status they may engage in these examples of negative religious coping, all of which can have devastating spiritual and physical health ramifications (i.e., shattered faith that God is a benevolent protector, and worsened health conditions manifest from their exacerbated anxiety and related emotional dysfunction). The prominence of retribution theology during ancient times was also demonstrated through the disciple’s questions to Jesus: “Rabbi, who sinned, this man or his parents, that he was born blind?” (John 9:2). In Jesus’ reply, God assuages humans’ tendency toward self- and otherblame by stating: “Neither this man nor his parents sinned .  .  . but this happened so that the works of God might be displayed in him” (John 9: 2-3). Biblical texts explain that the purpose of our suffering is often to glorify God, or to grow and strengthen our faith in God, and to deepen our reliance upon Him: “We also boast in our sufferings, knowing that suffering produces endurance, and endurance produces character, and character produces hope” (Romans 5:3-4, New Revised Standard Version). We also learn that our suffering is temporary and will reveal God’s glory: “I consider that the sufferings of this present time are not worth comparing with the glory about to be revealed to us” (Romans 8:18). And, our response to suffering and trials should be that of gladness as we anticipate a positive outcome that will manifest. As the writer of James tells us: “My brothers and sisters, whenever you face trials of any kind, consider it nothing but joy, because you know that the testing of your faith produces endurance; and let endurance have its full effect, so that you may be mature and complete, lacking in nothing (James 1:2-4). Yet we must be cautious in offering quick explanations for individuals who are in the depths of health crises. In the midst of crisis, many individuals are often so entrenched in the “mess” of their circumstances they are not able to access a forward-looking, future-orientation, nor find sole comfort from it. However, in the context of a spiritually and socially supportive environment—perhaps even in the context of psychotherapy or lay counseling—African American women discover hope and encouragement to endure by applying the Word of their faith to help make sense of their circumstances. These texts help us affirm: “God will never give me more than I can bear” (1 Corinthians 10:13), so God must know that I can handle this or God wouldn’t have given me this ordeal. “For we know that all things work for the good of those who love the Lord and are called according to God’s purpose” (Romans 8:28), so somehow this situation will work out for my good in the end. “God will never leave me or forsake me” (Deuteronomy 31:6; Hebrews 13:5), so even in the midst of chaos and distress I am assured



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that God is still present and God still cares for me. I use these biblical texts as positive affirmations, a positive religious coping strategy, to help overcome my overwhelming distress. Of course, this is easier accomplished verbally than is readily received cognitively and emotionally. The acceptance of our suffering or “putting it in the hands of God” even amidst unanswered questions is a journey that may take a lifetime to fully actualize. Hubble’s (1998) overall message is that there is no definitive explanation for suffering; however, we can find comfort in knowing that God cares for us and remains with us through our suffering. “The men and women who read Job today learn that . . . there are no easy answers to the dissonance, disease, chaos, pain and suffering tragedy brings. Living in an ethos of tension, ambiguity and vulnerability allows for the gift of knowing God in times of trouble” (Hubble, 1998, p. 89). In her reflection of Job, Hubble (1998) recognizes that “pain and suffering are neither condoned nor explained” (p. 89). There is no adequate explanation for why suffering occurs. Job is a book that can remind us that circumstances will occur in life that will seem unfair. We will suffer at times with no apparent cause or explanation. Nevertheless, through our suffering with HIV, cancer, and diabetes we will endure. In times when we do not understand why we are suffering, we can activate our faith to declare like Job, “Though God slay me, yet will I trust Him” (Job 13:15). As African American women of faith, our hope for the future is maintained, on one front, through our belief in scriptural promises. God promised to never leave or forsake us (Deuteronomy 31:6; Hebrews 13:5). Furthermore, God understands our suffering and God cares for us. Though everything within may scream Why me? Why now? Why, God? and we don’t understand the purpose of our suffering, we can still find hope in God’s assurance that all things, even the suffering, will work together for our good. Our trials serve to fortify our faith, endurance, and character and provide hope for others who will in the future encounter similar challenges. Our solace is experienced through our spiritual surrender and trusting in God (Mattis, 2002). Our comfort through suffering is found in relationship with God. God is our Father and we are God’s beloved children, whom God will never leave, forget, or forsake (Deuteronomy 31:6; Hebrews 13:5; 1 John 3:1; John 1:2; Romans 8:16). God cares for us just as God cares for the Son Jesus: although God allowed Jesus to suffer on the cross, it was for just a short time and served a greater purpose—the redemption of the world. Finally, African American women’s hope may be solidified by God’s promises throughout scripture that God hears our cries, understands our suffering, and deeply cares for us. From the account of Job and the seemingly unfair losses that Job experienced, the reader is reminded that God still cares and will see us through to the end of our suffering. Still, what relief can be found from serious illness when the most apparent “end” of suffering is death?

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SEARCHING FOR WHOLENESS The realities of serious illness can lead some women to feelings of tremendous grief, despair, and even hopelessness in the midst of their suffering. These women may be gripped with self-blame and self-defeating thoughts as they face the chronicity of their disease: I will have this [HIV, diabetes, etc.] for the rest of my life. In these cases, death is an obvious end to their suffering. However, an alternative and more adaptive outlook is for women to search for wholeness, a renewed purpose, and an unquenchable hope amidst living with their diagnosis. Living in this hope and freedom can provide an end to emotional and spiritual suffering, even while physical symptoms persist. Many may find encouragement through scriptural promises, social support networks, and hymnals or songs, such as the words from gospel artist Richard Smallwood’s song Healing: Don’t be discouraged. Joy comes in the morning. Know that God is nigh [near]. Stand still and look up. God is going to show up! God is standing by. There’s healing for your sorrow, healing for your pain, healing for your spirit, there’s shelter from the rain. Lord send the healing for this we know, there is a balm in Gilead to heal the soul. Healing for the soul. (From: http://www.metrolyrics.com/healinglyrics-richard-smallwood.html) The lyrics in this song are based upon text in Jeremiah 9:21-22 in which the writer expresses hope and healing in the face of great despair. Metaphorically likened to African American women’s experiences, the balm in Gilead symbolizes the transformation of sorrow into joy, and an unquenchable hope for the future made possible through faith in God (Frame, Williams, & Green, 1999). In addition, African American women might also cope with their suffering from disease by meditating on affirmations that declare: My soul is healed because my faith assures me that, although I have this thorn in my side, God’s strength is perfected in my weakness and His grace is all I need (2 Corinthians 12:9). When there are no satisfactory answers to our questions of Why me?, comfort may be experienced in the realization that God knows even when we do not. As the writer of Jeremiah affirms, “God knows the plans God has for me, and those plans are to prosper me and not harm me, to give me hope and a future” (Jeremiah 29:11). Therefore, we can wake up each day thankful that God has given us a “reasonable”—even if not complete—portion of health and strength. There are illnesses for which total healing is highly unlikely with current medical treatments available. There is no known cure for HIV, diabetes, and certain types of cancers. Individuals with these illnesses must often relinquish their hope for a cure through medical treatments and



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instead rely on God to bring healing as they use medications, treatments, and homeopathic remedies to manage their symptoms and/or keep their disease under control. In these times, it is possible to adjust one’s expectations from living without disease to coping with disease yet still intentionally living with purpose, in spiritual and emotional wholeness, and with hope for the future. This process does not come easily, and can at times mirror the grieving process as we grieve the loss of hope for a life without illness. However, once we come to terms with our diagnoses we can begin to adjust our motivations to seek wholeness. We can begin to accept the physical limitations that our illness places upon us, then work to maximize our activity in the things we are capable of, tend to our holistic wellbeing, and nurture our relationships with others and with God. This is not a resignation of our faith in God as healer. Instead, it is a maturity in faith as we realize that God’s healing surpasses our expectations. And, although that healing may not manifest itself in our physical health, we still develop and maintain the faith that God can bring wholeness to our mental, emotional, and interpersonal lives. Summarily, despite being diagnosed with HIV, cancer, diabetes, or any other illness, God can still redeem our prognoses to give us fulfilling, purposeful lives. This wholeness and spiritual renewal in the midst of illness includes a changed perspective on life. Our renewed perspectives on the value and gifts of life testify to our resilience. Over time, we learn to be even more grateful for the warmth and beauty of sunrises, for the delightful sound of children’s laughter, the soft touch of the breeze on our skin, and for the refreshment that comes with rain. We become thankful for life even when living with disease and others’ questions, sympathies, or stigmatization. Through the rough days marked by pain, fatigue, and suffering, we will latch on ever more tightly to faith and persevere in hopes that one day this too shall pass. Therefore, we can look HIV (or cancer, or diabetes) in the face and declare our victory. Notably, there is no evidence that God ever removed the thorn from Paul’s flesh, although he pleaded with the Lord to do so three times. Yet Paul still declared his spiritual triumph and renewed strength through God: “And God said to me, ‘My grace is sufficient for you, for my power is perfected in weakness.’ I shall therefore joyfully boast in my sufferings, that the power of The Messiah may rest upon me. Because of this, I am pleased with suffering, with disgrace, with distress, with persecution, with imprisonment, which is for the person of The Messiah, for when I am weak, then I am strong” (2 Corinthians 12: 9-10, Aramaic Bible in plain English). CONCLUSION HIV, cancer, and diabetes touch the lives of many thousands of African American women. African American women of faith may respond to

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diagnosis and suffering from these illnesses with questions that rock their faith. The larger church community can either support these women through interventions, health screenings, and educational programs such as those described in this chapter, or hinder their coping process by promoting a retribution theology (e.g., blaming the woman for the disease they acquired or attributing her sickness to a lack of faith). African American women engaging in negative religious coping may similarly believe that God is punishing them for their sexual behavior and drug use (in the case of HIV infections), smoking (in women with some forms of cancer), or their poor diet and weight control (for women with type-2 diabetes). These women may indeed believe they are to blame for their ill health. Conversely, religion has been shown to be a source of support and resilience for African American women, and faith in a benevolent God is their source of hope. As women vacillate between times of positive and negative, adaptive and maladaptive religious coping, it is important for health care providers to support their journey in triumphantly facing their illness. This chapter attempted to provide scripture-based accounts refuting retribution theology. Sometimes God allows unmerited sickness to come upon individuals as God likewise may spare others from illness whose actions should have led to disease acquisition. Ultimately, we come to understand that the favor of God cannot be earned. Great faith alone is not sufficient to merit God’s healing, just as an individual’s s lack of physical healing from her disease does not signify her lack of faith. Summarily, our health status is not a measure of our faith! The fundamental lesson for African American women coping with health maladies is that spiritual and emotional healing is always available through God even when it seems that physical healing is not. Moreover, in times of great pain and physical suffering, African American women can find comfort and hope in scriptures, hymns, psalms, their social support networks, and from the church. These and other spiritual resources can fortify women’s faith and hope for the future, facilitate their forward thinking toward a renewed sense of purpose and life-meaning, and foster strength in African American women as they journey toward wholeness even in the midst of HIV, cancer, diabetes, and other serious illnesses. REFERENCES Banks, A. M. (2011). Faith in action: Churches say ‘Let’s Move.’ Jet, 119(2), 38. Berkley-Patton, J., Bowe-Thompson, C., Bradley-Ewing, A., Hawes, S., Moore, E., Williams, E., Googin, K. (2010). Taking it to the pews: A CBPR-guided HIV awareness and screening project with black churches. AIDS Education & Prevention, 22(3), 218–237. Brown, A. L. (1994). Afro-Baptist women’s church and family roles: Transmitting Afrocentric cultural values Anthropological Quarterly, 67(4), 173–186.



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Brown, K. W., & Ryan, R. M. (2003). The benefits of being present: Mindfulness and its role in psychological well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84, 822–848. CDC. (2012). HIV among African Americans. [17 September 2012]. Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/topics/aa/ Cowart, L. W., Biro, D. J., Wasserman, T., Stein, R. F., Reider, L. R., & Brown, B. (2010). Designing and pilot-testing a church-based community program to reduce obesity among African Americans. Association of Black Nursing Faculty Journal, 21(1), 4–10. Davis-Smith, M. (2007). Implementing a diabetes prevention program in a rural African-American church. Journal of the National Medical Association, 99(4), 440–446. Debnam, K., Holt, C., Clark, E., Roth, D., & Southward, P. (2012). Relationship between religious social support and general social support with health behaviors in a national sample of African Americans. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 35(2), 179–189. doi: 10.1007/s10865-011-9338-4 Dodani, S., & Fields, J. Z. (2010). Implementation of the Fit Body and Soul, a church-based life style program for diabetes prevention in high-risk African Americans: A feasibility study. The Diabetes Educator, 36(3), 465–472. doi: 10.1177/0145721710366756 Frame, M. W., Williams, C. B., & Green, E. L. (1999). Balm in Gilead: Spiritual dimensions in counseling African American women. Journal of Multicultural Counseling & Development, 27(4), 182. Gaillard, T. (2007). Faith-based adult learning initiatives for diabetes education in the African American community. Adult Learning, 18(1/2), 6–8. Gallia, K. S., & Pines, E. W. (2009). Narrative identity and spirituality of African American churchwomen surviving breast cancer survivors. Journal of Cultural Diversity, 16(2), 50–55. Gavin III, J. R., & Wright Jr, E. E. (2007). Building cultural competency for improved diabetes care: African Americans and diabetes. Journal of Family Practice, 56, S14–S20. Gibson, L. M., & Hendricks, C. S. (2006). Integrative review of spirituality in African American breast cancer survivors. ABNF Journal, 17(2), 67–72. Gilkes, C. T. (1986). The roles of church and community mothers : Ambivalent American sexism or fragmented African familyhood. Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 2(1), 41–59. Hames, A. M. (2010). African American women with type 2 diabetes: A biopsychosocialspiritual approach. 71, ProQuest Information & Learning, U.S. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=psyh&AN =2010-99240-124&site=ehost-live. Available from EBSCOhost psyh database. Holt, C. L., Schulz, E., & Wynn, T. A. (2009). Perceptions of the religion—health connection among African Americans in the southeastern United States: Sex, age, and urban/rural differences. Health Education & Behavior, 36(1), 62–80. doi: 10.1177/1090198107303314 Hubble, R. (1998). Conversation on the dung heap: Reflections on Job. Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press. Koenig, H. G. (1997). Is religion good for your health? The effects of religion on physical and mental health. Binghamton, NY: The Haworth Press, Inc.

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MacMaster, S. A., Crawford, S. L., Jones, J. L., Rasch, R. F. R., Thompson, S. J., & Sanders, E. C. (2007). Metropolitan Community AIDS Network: Faith-based culturally relevant services for African American substance users at risk of HIV. Health & Social Work, 32(2), 151–154. Marks, L., Nesteruk, O., Swanson, M., Garrison, B., & Davis, T. (2005). Religion and health among African Americans. Research on Aging, 27(4), 447–474. doi: 10.1177/0164027505276252 Matthews, A. K., Berrios, N., Darnell, J. S., & Calhoun, E. (2006). A qualitative evaluation of a faith-based breast and cervical cancer screening intervention for African American women. Health Education & Behavior, 33(5), 643–663. doi: 10.1177/1090198106288498 Mattis, J. S. (2000). African American women’s definitions of spirituality and religiosity. Journal of Black Psychology, 26(1), 101–122. doi: 10.1177/0095798400026001006 Mattis, J. S. (2002). Religion and spirituality in the meaning-making and coping experiences of African American women: A qualitative analysis. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 26(4), 309–321. doi: 10.1111/1471-6402.t01-2-00070 Mattis, J. S., & Jagers, R. J. (2001). A relational framework for the study of religiosity and spirituality in the lives of African Americans. Journal of Community Psychology, 29(5), 519–539. NAACP, Bryant-Davis, T., Bradley, S. L. A., Sadler, K. R., & Duru, V. (2012). The Black church & HIV: The social justice imperative, activity manual. N. Lindsey, A. Charles, M. Rhein, D. L. Gibson & E. Mafundikwa (Eds.). Retrieved from http://naacp.3cdn.net/93e02bcd4b6cef2aad_pam6yxw29.pdf NCI. (2008). Fact sheet: Cancer health disparities. [17 September 2012]. Retrieved from http://www.cancer.gov/cancertopics/factsheet/disparities/cancer -health-disparities Newlin, K., Knafl, K., & Melkus, G. D. (2002). African-American spirituality: A concept analysis. Advances in Nursing Science, 25(2), 57–70. Newlin, K., Melkus, G. D., Peyrot, M., Koenig, H. G., Allard, E., & Chyun, D. (2010). Coping as a mediator in the relationships of spiritual well-being to mental health in Black women with type 2 diabetes. International Journal of Psychiatry in Medicine, 40(4), 439–459. doi: 10.2190/PM.40.4.g NIH. (2004). National Cancer Institute expands national faith-based health initiative for African American churches: “Body & Soul: A Celebration of Healthy Eating & Living” stresses healthy eating to help reduce health disparities. 2. Retrieved from http://www.nih.gov/news/pr/sep2004 /nci-21.htm Nunn, A., Cornwall, A., Chute, N., Sanders, J., Thomas, G., James, G., & Flanigan, T. (2012). Keeping the faith: African American faith leaders’ perspectives and recommendations for reducing racial disparities in HIV/AIDS infection. Public Library of Science ONE, 7(5), 1–11. doi: 10.1371/journal. pone.0036172 Phillips, J. M., Cohen, M. Z., & Moses, G. (1999). Breast cancer and African American women: Fear, fatalism, and silence. Oncology Nursing Forum, 26, 561–571. Pierre-Louis, B., Akoh, V., White, P., & Pharris, M. D. (2011). Patterns in the lives of African American women with diabetes. Nursing Science Quarterly, 24(3), 227–236. doi: 10.1177/0894318411409423



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Poindexter, C. C., Linsk, N. L., & Warner, R. S. (1999). “He listens . . . and never gossips.” Spiritual coping without church support among older, predominantly African-American caregivers of persons with HIV. Review of Religious Research, 40(3), 230. Polzer, R. L. (2007). African Americans and diabetes: Spiritual role of the health care provider in self-management. Research in Nursing & Health, 30(2), 164– 174. doi: 10.1002/nur.20179 Powe, B. D., Hamilton, J., & Brooks, P. (2006). Perceptions of cancer fatalism and cancer knowledge: A comparison of older and younger African American women. Journal of Psychosocial Oncology, 24(4), 1–13. Reeves, R., Adams, C., Dubbert, P., Hickson, D., & Wyatt, S. (2012). Are religiosity and spirituality associated with obesity among African Americans in the Southeastern United States (The Jackson Heart Study)? Journal of Religion & Health, 51(1), 32–48. doi: 10.1007/s10943-011-9552-y Ross, R. E. (2003). Witnessing and Testifying: Black Women, Religion, and Civil Rights. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. doi: 10.1037110003-066X.55.1.68 Samuel-Hodge, C. D., Keyserling, T. C., Park, S., Johnston, L. F., Gizlice, Z., & Bangdiwala, S. I. (2009). A randomized trial of a church-based diabetes selfmanagement program for African Americans with type 2 diabetes. The Diabetes Educator, 35(3), 439–454. doi: 10.1177/0145721709333270 Samuel-Hodge, C. D., Watkins, D. C., Rowell, K. L., & Hooten, E. G. (2008). Coping styles, well-being, and self-care behaviors among African Americans with type 2 diabetes. The Diabetes Educator, 34(3), 501–510. doi: 10.1177/0145721708316946 Sbrocco, T., Carter, M. M., Lewis, E. L., Vaughn, N. A., Kalupa, K. L., King, S., & Cintrón, J. A. (2005). Church-based obesity treatment for African-American women improves adherence. Ethnicity & Disease, 15(2), 246–255.

Chapter 7

Religious Behaviors and Beliefs among Haitian Women in the United States Guerda Nicolas, Lauren Smith, and Anna Wheatley

Bondye fe san di. (God acts and doesn’t talk.) Si se Bondye ki voye. Li peya fre ou. (If it is God who sends you, he’ll pay your expenses.) Throughout history, religion has always been an integral part of the Haitian culture; this is especially true for the women (Charles, 2003). Thus, religion plays a significant role in every fabric of the island and its people, as reflected in folktales, proverbs, and books (to name a few) (Danticat, 1994, 1996, 1998). Actually, common greetings among Haitians include, Fine, thank God (when asked how you are) and, If God is willing (the ending to most action related comments; i.e., have a great day). Given the predominant presence of religion in the lives of Haitians, some individuals outside of the culture erroneously assume that Haitians are voodoo worshipers who should be feared. Thus, it is rare to have a conversation about Haitians without the concept of religion—and more specifically, voodoo—coming up. For example, it is common for individuals to have the following reaction to the first author after learning of her cultural

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background: “Wow, you’re Haitian; I’ll have to be careful around you.” Such statements demonstrate the lack of awareness that some individuals have about the diversity of religions existing in the island, as well as the fact that the history of voodoo is not central to Haiti but other countries. In order to paint a picture of the role of religion among Haitian women, this overview incorporates quantitative data to describe the religion and religious experiences of Haitian women in the United States. BROADENED PERSPECTIVES OF RELIGION Since the 1960s, scholars and researchers have expressed concern about the methodology used to study religion, particularly with respect to the definitions used for religion (Allport & Ross, 1967). Historians have argued that simply using the term “religion” is too ambiguous and can obstruct the accurate examination and presentation of religious data. Hackney and Sanders (2003) offer a succinct definition of religion, stating that “religion is a multifaceted object, incorporating cognitive, emotional, motivational, and behavioral aspects” (p. 45). Religion is not a simple construct; rather, it is a complicated and complex entity that encompasses a number of separate subelements. There have historically been two major classifications or ways of looking at religion—substantive and functional (Pargament, 1997). Substantive definitions view religion as a type of philosophy, which serves to help understand our selves in our world. Functional definitions, on the other hand, focus on the role religion assumes in areas such as our social and psychological worlds. A distinct advantage of functional definitions of religion is that they can be easily incorporated into empirical research. Therefore, while substantive definitions of religion are valuable, functional definitions allow researchers to examine religion in the context of other constructs. RELIGION AMONG HAITIANS Haitian culture is heavily influenced by a cosmocentric view, which emphasizes the individual’s place in a larger “universe of spirits, ancestors and the natural world all of which must be in harmony for good health” (WHO 2010, p. 12; see also, Nicolas, DeSilva, Bejarano, & Desrosiers, 2008; Schininà, Hosn, Ataya, Dieuveut, & Salem, 2010). Religious and spiritual beliefs are especially relevant to the discussion of making meaning of, and coping in response to, natural disasters and other traumatic events (Nicolas, Schwartz, & Pierre, 2010). For example, mourning rituals are especially important in Haitian culture, and being unable to bury and mourn the dead properly can contribute further to distress and feelings of loss (Levin, 2010; Schininà et al., 2010; WHO, 2010). The central tenet is that one’s beliefs



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about an event are instrumental in the individual’s interpretation and subsequent thought and behavior in response. No matter what the traumatic event, there is an eternal sense of what Charles (2011) refers to as “hope for ademen miyò (a tomorrow that is going to be better than today)” (p. 185). FOCUS OF THIS CHAPTER This chapter has two primary purposes. The first is to begin to define and describe the religious experiences of Haitian immigrant women using descriptive data. Such data may illustrate the everyday function and role of religion for Haitian immigrant women. As such, this descriptive study will address the religious behaviors and beliefs of Haitian immigrants as they struggle to maintain their ethnic and religious identity within the host culture. Another purpose of this chapter is to discuss the implications for treatment, and specifically the ways in which understanding religious behaviors and beliefs may influence therapeutic interventions with Haitian women. FEMINIST APPROACH While the experiences of women of color of diverse faiths likely vary, it is assumed that this variation can be captured with quantitative tools as a way of beginning the initial conversation and analysis of people’s experiences. That said, the current study represents an initial step toward understanding self-reported experiences. It is important to note that this research rests on the interdependent nature of the researcher and participants. Given the role of the researcher in choosing measures and study design, this study and future studies are in need of a constructivist approach of locating the researcher within the research topic. Feminist approaches posit that individuals are located in sociocultural contexts, which contribute to varying perspectives based on cultural, racial, religious and other dimensions (Harding, 1987). It is therefore essential to socially locate and address multiple dimensions of the researchers and authors. RESEARCHERS’ STANCES This study is based on a feminist approach and therefore incorporates the investigators’ sociocultural locations as women of diverse backgrounds and spiritual faiths, which influence each stage of the research. Given the feminist approach of this study, it is critical that the researchers’ stances be addressed, as they underlie the assumptions made by the investigators. Delineating stances allows researchers to explicitly examine their social location as well as their research perspective—in turn

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supporting the validity of the research by enhancing trustworthiness (Ahluwalia & Mattis, 2012). Additionally, the reader may construct his or her own understanding of the study having explicit insight into the researchers’ perspectives. Nicolas’s Stance. I am a Haitian American woman who was raised Catholic and attended Catholic school for most of my early education in Haiti. Currently, my family and I attend a non-denominational church. We attend church regularly and not a single day goes by that I am not talking to my Lord. Thus, spirituality is a significant aspect of my life. Smith’s Stance. I am a Biracial woman: my father is Black American and Christian; my mother is White American and Jewish. Attending both Christian and Jewish religious services, I was aware of the cultural impact of religion on my parents’ upbringing and my interactions with my extended family members of diverse faiths. Spirituality plays an important role in my life through religious practices of many faiths and my own beliefs. Wheatley’s Stance. I am a biracial woman of Black Caribbean and White heritage, who identifies primarily as a Caribbean woman of color. I have attended diverse educational institutions and feel at home in a range of cultural settings. I grew up attending Christian services of several different denominations over the years. My current spiritual beliefs reflect my appreciation of diversity, inclusion, and a belief that there is no single “correct” or “best” religious/spiritual perspective. METHOD Participants Participants were females who were born in Haiti and immigrated to the United States. The participants in the present study consisted of 88 women (N=88) recruited from various community agencies in the New England area. Data were collected as part of a larger study on Haitian immigrants in the northeastern region of the United States. Participants ranged in age from 22 to 80 years (mean = 40.35 years, SD = 12.42). The length of time participants lived in the United States ranged from less than 1 year to 52 years (mean = 17.23 years, SD = 11.83). Everyone in the sample (N=88) spoke another language in addition to English. Specifically, all participants indicated that they also spoke Haitian Kreyol, and some of the participants reported that they were multilingual (i.e., French, Spanish, and German). The sample consisted of people that did not complete high school (10.2%; n = 9), completed high school (18.2%; n = 16), or indicated that they completed higher education, college and/or graduate school (69.3%; n = 61). Further, two individuals chose not to report their education (2.3%; n=2). Of the sample,



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44.3% (n = 39) reported working full-time out of the home, while 18.2% and 22.7% were either working part time or were unemployed, respectively. The sample also consisted of individuals in a committed relationship—whether married or cohabitating—(44.3%, n = 39), single individuals who were not in a committed relationship (27.3%; n= 24), and people who were no longer married (28.4%; n = 25). Sexual orientation was not assessed. Measures This study aimed to assess the role of religion for Haitian immigrant women. In order to assess the variables described in this study, two measures were administered to the participants: a demographic form and the Religiosity Scale. Religiosity. The Religiosity Scale (Kenney, Cromwell, & Vaughan, 1977) was used to assess the religious behaviors and religious beliefs of the Haitian adult women interviewed. This scale is a 12-item measure that is based on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (very often). Participants answered various questions regarding spirituality and involvement in religious organizations by selecting a response to indicate how often they engaged in certain behaviors or held particular beliefs. The scale is summed such that scores range from 12 to 60, with higher scores indicating greater religiosity. In addition to assessing overall levels of religiosity, the 12 items were divided into 2 subscales: Religious Behaviors (8 items) and Religious Beliefs (4 items). Scores on Religious Behaviors range from 8 to 40, while scores on Religious Beliefs range from 4 to 20. The Cronbach’s alpha of the scale has demonstrated evidence for high reliability (α = .88) and there is evidence for internal consistency with this sample (α = .87). In addition to the 12 items on the Religiosity Scale, participants were asked about the religion of their parents and grandparents, as well as whether they attended the same church as their family or neighbors. Procedure An Institutional Review Board (IRB) approved this study. To recruit participants, fliers were distributed at churches and beauty salons, as well as word of mouth through previous participants and radio announcements. Trained female research assistants of Black, White, and Haitian heritages conducted semistructured interviews in English. During the interviews, participants were administered the demographic measures to assess their background and experiences and the Religiosity Scale as a self-report of religious behaviors and religious beliefs. Each participant was compensated $25 for participating in the project.

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RESULTS Religious Affiliation The majority of participants in this sample identified as Catholic (38.6%; n = 34) or Baptist (26.1%; n = 23). Participants also self-identified in the following ways: Seventh Day Adventist (10.2%; n = 9), Christian (6.8%; n = 6), Methodist (1.1%; n = 1), Pentecostal (4.5%; n = 4), and Protestant (9.1%; n = 8). Three individuals in this sample reported that they did not identify with a religious affiliation (3.4%; n = 3). The majority of participants indicated that they attended the same church as their family (see Figure 7.1). Also, half of the sample reported attending religious services (see Figure 7.1). Figure 7.1.  Percentage of participants attending the same church as family member. This figure illustrates the relationship between family and religious behaviors.

Same church as family? No Yes

38.64% 61.36%

Figure 7.2. Percentage of participants attending religious services. This figure illustrates religious behaviors. Attend religious services 2.27%

25.00% 50.00%

22.73%

Almost never Sometimes Often Very often



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Another pattern that emerged was the generational identification with religion, such that Haitian women in this sample tended to self-identify with the religion of their parents and grandparents. For example, the 34 women in this sample who identified as Catholic indicated that their parents were also Catholic: mothers (n = 29) and fathers (n = 31). Additionally, participants indicated that their grandparents also identified as Catholic: grandmothers (n = 32) and grandfathers (n = 30). This pattern also emerged for other religious denominations and it was rare that participants identified with a different religion than that of their parents and grandparents. Religious Behaviors and Religious Beliefs Overall, scores on the Religiosity Scale ranged from 24 to 59 (mean = 47.1, SD = 8.13), indicating that Haitian women in this sample have high religious involvement as indicated by their self-reported religious behaviors and beliefs (Table 7.1). As an example of religious behavior, 67.05% of participants reported that they very often pray individually or with family members (see Figure 7.3). Regarding religious beliefs, 60.23% of participants indicated that their religion helped them to understand their own life (see Figure 7.4). Overall, this sample scored high on religious behaviors (mean = 30.66, SD = 5.74) as well as religious beliefs (mean = 16.43, SD = 3.60). Overall, participants ranged in age from 22 to 80 years (mean = 40.35 years, SD = 12.42); however, the sample was split such that almost half of the sample was 39 years of age and younger (n = 43). Examining the relationship between age and religious behaviors, a Pearson’s bivariate correlation showed that there is a significant positive relationship between age and religious behaviors (r= .256, p = .016). Therefore, women aged 40 years and older tended to engage in more religious behaviors, when compared to women younger than 40 years of age. However, there was not a significant relationship between age group and religious beliefs (r= .029, p = .788). It may be important to consider the types of questions utilized by the Religiosity Scale to assess religious beliefs. For example, participants’ demographic characteristics may impact their ability to answer questions about beliefs such as those about sharing religion with children or how beliefs impact one’s marriage (see Table 7.1). DISCUSSION The results of the present study indicate that, overall, Haitian women identify with various Christian faiths (with the largest proportion being Catholic) and tend to identify as the same religion as their parents and grandparents. The women in this sample attended church services regularly and tended to attend the same church as their family members. The results also found high religious belief and behavior scores, indicating

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Figure 7.3.  Percentage of participants engaging in prayer. This figure illustrates religious behaviors of praying privately or with family.

Pray privately or with family 1.14%

Almost never Sometimes Often

10.23%

21.59%

Very often

67.05%

Figure 7.4. Percentage of participants who believe that religion helps them to understand their own lives. This figure illustrates religious beliefs.

Helps understand your own life 2.27%

2.27% 6.82%

28.41% 60.23%

Never Almost never Sometimes Often Very often

overall high religiosity among the sample. Lastly, a significant relationship between age and religious behaviors (but not beliefs) was found. This indicates that Haitian women older than 40 are more likely to have higher religious behavior scores when compared to women younger than 40 (but older than 18). No significant relationship was found, however, between age and religious beliefs, indicating that the degree of religious beliefs

Religious Behaviors

How often do you feel that religion helps you to get ahead in life? How often do you feel that religion helps you understand your own life? How often do you feel that religious beliefs you learned as a child still help you? How often do you feel that religion helps you in marriage or other relationships?

4.7 2.3 5.8 5.0

2.3 9.1

5.0

4.7

2.3 2.3

6.8 3.4 1.1 6.9 2.3 3.1

2.3 1.1 – 8.0 3.4 1.5

2.3 –

2.3 5.7

17.5

12.8

7.0 6.8

35.2 23.0 10.2 28.7 27.6 12.3

25.0 42.0

27.5

23.3

19.8 28.4

27.3 28.7 21.6 24.1 19.5 26.2

22.7 18.2

Almost Sometimes Often Never (%) (%) (%)

– 12.5

Skipped Never (%) (%)

How often do you attend religious services? – How often do you attend religious crusades, meetings, – or missions? How often do you listen to religious services on the radio or TV? – How often do you listen to religious music? 1.1 How often do you pray, either privately or with your family? – How often do you take part in church activities or organizations? 1.1 How often do you contribute money to your church? 1.1 How often do you teach your children about religion 26.1 (if applicable)? Religious Beliefs

Item

45.0

53.5

66.3 60.2

28.4 43.7 67.0 32.2 47.1 56.9

50.0 21.6

Very Often (%)

Table 7.1  Responses (%) of participants (N=88) for each item of the Religiosity Scale by Religious Behaviors and Religious Beliefs

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does not significantly vary across the sample in terms of age. These findings have specific implications for how we integrate religiosity in mental health service delivery for the culturally diverse group of Blacks in the United States. Denominational Affiliation With respect to the religious affiliation of the participants, the highest proportions of Haitian women identified as Catholic, while the majority of the remaining women identified with a number of other Christian denominations. This may have significant implications for understanding the influential impact of religion on the individual, since each of these religious denominations may have different ways of socializing their members with respect to beliefs and behaviors. The results of this study are congruent with existing literature on the religious affiliations of Blacks in the United States (Hunt, 1998; Lincoln & Mamiya, 1990). Although these studies have not differentiated among the various cultural groups of the Black population, the results have indicated that, collectively, this is a group that identifies primarily as Christian (Hunt, 1998). Religious Behaviors The results point to the important finding that Haitian women are actively involved in the church, especially through their participation in church activities and its financial maintenance. This finding is consistent with both historical and recent research on religious behaviors of Blacks, documenting the important influence of religion in the lives of Black Americans (Frazier, 1974; Taylor & Chatters, 1991). This study reaffirms that the church serves an important function for Black individuals, including Haitians. More specifically, the overall religious participation appears to be influenced by the age of participants. The majority of participants also endorsed engaging in religious behaviors with family, such as praying and teaching their children about religion. Therefore, religion also serves as a source of community and social support for Haitian women. This is consistent with research on Black Americans (Boyd-Franklin, Smith Morris, & Bry, 1997) and Haitians (Nicolas, Schwartz, & Pierre, 2010), which highlights the collectivist experience of religious behaviors. Furthermore, Theis and colleagues (2003) point out that religious behaviors such as prayer can contribute to improved quality of life. Among Haitians, religious practice plays an important role in all aspects of Haitian life, including politics, morals, and health (Corten, 2000; Hurbon, 2004). The role of religious behaviors is highlighted by this sample, but it is also important to understand the role of religious beliefs in Haitian women.



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Religious Beliefs Collectively, participants reported a relatively high level of religious beliefs (Table 7.1). The majority of this sample endorsed feeling that religious beliefs help them to get ahead in life very often. Additionally, the majority of the sample indicated very often feeling as though religious beliefs as a child continue to help them, and that religion helps them to understand their own lives. These findings point to the role of religious beliefs in making meaning of one’s life, which may help with coping with challenges and stress. At the same time, the exact factors that impact the religious beliefs of Haitian women are unknown and thus would be an important research project to undertake. This is especially important in light of the recent research results suggesting that conventional religious beliefs (e.g., belief in a God and original sin) can have a negative impact on well-being and may actually be related to poor psychological health (Musick, 1996). Literature on the role of religious beliefs is equivocal, as some studies have shown that religious beliefs may serve as effective coping for Black and immigrant populations (Daly, Jennings, Beckett, & Leashore, 1995). IMPLICATIONS FOR TREATMENT Within Haitian culture, personal problems tend to be viewed as matters for family and/or religion (Nicolas, DeSilva, Prater, & Bronkoski, 2009; Nicolas, Schwartz, & Pierre, 2010; WHO 2010). Thus, it is important for those working with this population to understand the implications of cultural and religious/spiritual beliefs for counseling and other health interventions. This section of the chapter addresses considerations for individuals in the helping field working with Haitian women. Although religious denomination alone has not been shown to be associated with overall mental health (Blaine & Crocker, 1995; Taylor & Chatters, 1991), it is often the gateway to understanding the various dimensions and functions of religion for many mental health clients. Specifically, an initial intake assessment with new clients often includes an item with which to identify religious affiliation(s). The results of this study indicate that counselors cannot make any assumptions about the religious affiliation of clients based on racial categorization. This can lead to an erroneous identification of the client’s religious affiliation. Thus, understanding the cultural differences and similarities that exist within the Black population is central to providing effective and culturally sensitive mental health counseling to ethnically diverse individuals. Research on the impact of religious involvement has reported mixed results. For example, religious involvement may exacerbate levels of stress in certain difficult situations (e.g., marriage problems or difficulty with

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children), and certain religions may interpret such situations as resulting from the individual(s) not fulfilling or maintaining his/her relationship with God (Strawbridge, Shema, Cohen, Roberts, & Kaplan, 1998). Still other studies have found both high and low levels of religious service attendance to be linked to higher levels of physical health (Klemmack, Roff, Parker, Koenig, Sawyer, & Allman, 2007). Given both the positive and negative impact of religious involvement for individuals, it is imperative that counselors understand the impact the church may have on the lives of clients. What is clear from the results of this study and others is that religious behavior is an area that counselors cannot ignore in providing mental health services to Black clients, irrespective of their religious affiliation or country of origin. Consistently, studies demonstrate that the church serves important social (Taylor & Chatters, 1991) and psychological (Neighbors, 1991) functions for its members. It is essential that mental health counselors develop a comprehensive understanding of the participation of their Black clients in the church and be sensitive to the positive impact that this involvement may have in their lives. A better understanding of the role of the church in the lives of Haitian women can provide important insight to counselors about if and how to engage religious leaders in the mental health treatment with Haitian clients. Irrespective of age, gender, or race/ethnicity, research has shown that religious beliefs can be a source of support in the lives of individuals (Musick, 1996). Such findings are even more consistent for Black individuals (Taylor, Chatters, Jayakody, & Levin, 1996). In fact, research has shown that for Black individuals, religious beliefs can serve as a buffer or mechanism for coping with the daily stress from a variety of situations. For many Black clients, religion and spirituality can be important sources of strength and catalysts for promoting healing and psychological well-being. Along with other therapeutic tools, exploring the spiritual and religious beliefs can greatly enhance the therapy of Haitian clients. Thus, it is essential for counselors to understand the important functions that religion serves for their Haitian female clients, no matter their age. Specifically, counselors should follow the recommendations of Walker, Gorsuch, and Tan (2005) on how to integrate spirituality into counseling approaches. In fact, providing mental health treatment to Haitian clients without an integration of the religious and spiritual dimensions of their lives is to provide services that are culturally insensitive to this group. In following the guidelines provided by Walker, Gorsuch, and Tan (2005) and Richards and Bergin (1997), counselors must first assess their own personal stance with respect to religion and spirituality prior to developing the skills to effectively integrate spirituality in mental health. Next, counselors can explore clients’ spiritual beliefs and practices during



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the assessment and develop strategies for how to further explore these throughout counseling sessions. Ultimately, counselors must be prepared to integrate religious beliefs in the counseling of their Haitian female clients. CONCLUSIONS Recent research examined the relationship between religion and constructs such as mental health, physical health, and risk-taking behavior (Paloutzian, 1996; Koenig, McCullough & Larson, 2001; Smith & Faris, 2002, respectively). In these studies, researchers typically operationally defined religion in terms of frequency of prayer, church attendance, and participation in church activities. Such definitions allowed associations to be made about the relationship between “religion” and depression (Commerford & Reznikoff, 1996; Paloutzian, 1996). Currently, the research available on Haitian religion is primarily presented from a theoretical rather than an empirical framework, where information regarding the underlying philosophies of Haitian religion is most prevalent. Although this perspective contributes to our understanding of the nature of Haitian religion, it does not allow the functions of Haitian religion to be examined through empirical research. The findings of the current project demonstrate that the critical elements of religious convictions (denomination affiliations, behaviors, and beliefs) for Haitian women in the United States must not be ignored. These elements of religiosity are important factors in the lives of Haitians in the United States. Indeed, further research is needed in order to gain a better understanding of the predictive relevance of these elements of religiosity toward positive health and healing for Haitian women. However, there exist specific within-group differences in the Black community that counselors and researchers must be sensitive to in conducting such studies, as well as in providing services to this population. REFERENCES Ahluwalia, M. K., & Mattis, J. S. (2012). Research on religion and spirituality: Stance; authenticity; and conceptual methodological, and professional concerns. In D. K. Nagata, L. Kohn-Wood & L. A. Suzuki (Eds.), Qualitative strategies for ethnocultural research (pp. 219–236). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Allport, G.W. & Ross (1967). Personal religious orientation and prejudice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 5(4), 432–443. Blaine, B., & Crocker, J. (1995). Religiousness, race, and psychological well-being: Exploring social psychological mediators. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21, 1031–1041.

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Boyd-Franklin, N., Smith Morris, T., & Bry, B. H. (1997). Parent and family support groups with African American families: The process of family and community empowerment. Cultural Diversity and Mental Health, 3(2), 83–92. Charles, C. (2003). Popular imageries of gender and sexuality: Poor and working class Haitian women’s Discourses on the use of their bodies. In L. Lewis (Ed.), The Culture of Gender and Sexuality in the Caribbean (pp. 169–189) Gainesville, FL: Florida University Press. Charles, R. (2011). Interpreting the book of revelation in the Haitian context. Black Theology: An International Journal, 9(2), 177–198. doi: 10.1558/blth.v9i2.177 Commerford, M. C., & Reznikoff, M. (1996). Relationship of religion and perceived social support to self-esteem and depression in nursing home residents. The Journal of Psychology: Interdisciplinary and Applied, 130(1), 35–50. Corten, A. (2000). Diabolisation et mal politique. Haïti: misère, religion et politique. Montréal, Canada: Éditions CIDIHCA. Daly, A., Jennings, J., Beckett, J., & Leashore, B. (1995). Effective coping strategies of African Americans. Social Work, 20(2), 240–248. Danticat, E. (1994). Breath, Eyes, Memory. New York: Vintage. Danticat, E. (1996). krik? krak! New York: Soho Press, Inc. Danticat, E. (1998). The Farming of Bones. New York: Penguin Books. Desmangles, L. (1992). Faces of the Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. Frazier, E. F. (1974). The Negro Church in America. New York: Schocken Books. Hackney, C. H. & Sanders, G. S. (2003). Religiosity and mental health: A meta-analysis of recent studies. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 42, 43–55. Harding, S. (Ed.). (1987). Feminism & Methodology. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Hunt, L. (1998). Religious affiliation among blacks in the United States: Black Catholic status advantages revisited. Social Science Quarterly, 79(1), 170–192. Hurbon, L. (2004). Religions et lien social: l’eglise et l’etat moderne en Haïti. Paris, France: Éditions du Cerf. Kenney, B. F., Cromwell, R. E., & Vaughan, C. E. (1977). Identifying the socio-contextual forms of religiosity among urban ethnic minority group members. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 16(3), 237–244. Klemmack, D. L., Roff, L. L., Parker, M. W., Koeing, H. G., Sawyer, P., & Allman, R. M. (2007). A cluster analysis typology of religiousness/spirituality among older adults. Research on Aging, 29(2), 163–183. doi: 10.1177/0164027506296757 Koenig, H. G., McCullough, M. E. & Larson, D. B. (2001). Handbook of religion and health. New York: Oxford University Press. Levin. A. (2010, August 6). Haitians get creative in effort to rebuild shattered system. Psychiatric News 45(15). Retrieved from http://pn.psychiatryonline. org/content/45/15/1.1.full Lincoln, E. C., & Mamiya, L. (1990). The Black church in the African American experience. Durham and London: Duke University Press. Musick, M. A. (1996). Religion and subjective health among black and white elders. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 37(3), 221–237. Neighbors, H. W. (1991). Mental health. In J. S. Jackson (Ed.), Life in black America (pp. 221–237). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.



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Nicolas, G., DeSilva, A., Bejarano, A., & Desrosiers, A. (2008). A descriptive evaluation of religiosity among Haitian immigrants: An empirical study. Journal of Haitian Studies, 13(2). Nicolas, G., DeSilva, A., Prater, K., & Bronkoski, E. (2009). Empathic family stress as a sign of family connectedness in Haitian immigrants. Family Process, 48(1), 135–150. Nicolas, G., Schwartz, B., & Pierre, E. (2010). Weathering the storms like bamboo: The strengths of Haitians in Coping with Natural Disasters. In A. Kalayjian, D. Eugene (Eds.), Mass trauma and emotional healing around the world: Rituals and practices for resilience and meaning-making (pp. 93–106). Westport, CT: Praeger. Paloutzian, R. (1996). Invitation to the psychology of religion (2nd ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Pargament, K. I. (1997). The psychology of religion and coping: Theory, research, practice. New York: Guilford Press. Richards, P. S., & Bergin, A. E. (1997) A spiritual strategy for counseling and psychotherapy. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Schininà, G., Hosn, M. A., Ataya, A., Dieuveut, K., & Salem, M. (2010). Psychosocial response to Haiti earthquake: The experiences of International Organization for Migration. Intervention, 8(2), 158–164. Smith, C., & Faris, R. (2002). Religion and American adolescent delinquency, risk behaviors, and constructive social activities. Chapel Hill, NC: National Study of Youth and Religion, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Strawbridge, W. J., Shema, S. J., Cohen, R. D., Roberts, R. E., & Kaplan, G. A. (1998). Religiosity buffers effects of some stressors on depression but exacerbates others. Journal of Gerontology Behavioral Psychological Science, 53B(3) 118–126. Taylor, R. J., & Chatters, L. M. (1991). Religious life. In J. S. Jackson (Ed.), Life in Black America (pp. 105–123). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Taylor, R. J., Chatters, L. M., Jayakody, R., & Levin, J. S. (1996). Black and White differences in religious participation: A multisample comparison. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 35(4), 403–410. Theis, S. L., Biordi, D. L., Coeling, H., Nalepka, C., & Miller, B. (2003). Spirituality in caregiving and care receiving. Holistic Nursing Practice, 17(1), 48–55. Walker, D. F., Gorsuch, R. L., & Tan, S. Y. (2005). Therapists’ use of religious and spiritual interventions in Christian counseling: A preliminary report. Counseling and Values, 49(2), 107–119. World Health Organization [WHO]. (2010). Culture and mental health in Haiti: A literature review. Retrieved from http://www.psych.on.ca/files/nonmembers/Culture MentalHealth HaitiWHO_DRN_April_14_2010.pdf

Part III

Women of Asian and Pacific Islander Descent

Chapter 8

Negotiating Multiple Cultures and Identities: Asian American Women and Christianity Grace Kim

According to the 2008 American Religious Identification Survey (ARIS), which collected responses from 54,461 adults within the 48 contiguous states, 41 percent of all Asian American respondents identified as Christians, including various denominations of Protestants and Catholics. Twenty-seven percent of Asian American respondents self-reported as having “no religion,” followed by Eastern Religions (21 percent) and various groups of “generic” or Protestant Christian (21 percent; 3 percent Baptist, 6 percent Mainline Christian, 10 percent Christian Generic, and 2 percent Protestant denominations) and Catholic (17 percent; Kosmin & Keysar, 2009). Similarly, 45 percent of the Asian American respondents who participated in the U.S. Religious Landscape Survey, which surveyed more than 35,000 respondents of all races, identified as Christians, indicating the highest percentage within the Asian American responses (Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, 2008). While neither study reports ethnic group specific data, these recent survey results point to the prominence of Christianity within Asian American groups. Reflecting the vast diversity within Asian America, Asian American Christianity is best explained by its diversity. There is no modal Asian American Christian experience and no one Asian American theological

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perspective (Kim, 2012). There are many different Asian American Christian denominations and faith communities. There are different ethnic groups that have strong Christian identities within Asian American communities, each with different histories and sociopolitical contexts, and different pre- and post-immigration/migration experiences. At the same time, similarities are also found in Asian American Christianity, with regards to the meaning of Christianity and the Christian church, particularly for immigrant Asian Americans and their families. The church serves as a social and cultural anchor for many immigrant families and also aids in Asian Americans’ meaning-makings about their lived experiences and their identities, often following experiences of being uprooted from their countries and cultures of origin and facing uncertainty in the new land. For Asian American women, in particular, these experiences are particularly salient as they not only navigate being Asian American and women in the United States, but as they also negotiate their gender roles in their families and in relation to the Christian religion. Asian American Christian women are actively involved in the negotiation of cultures, patriarchy, and making meanings of their multiple identities that are influenced by the complex series of cultural, historical, sociopolitical, and gender contexts. Unfortunately, despite the rapid growth of ethnic-specific and pan– Asian American churches in Asian American groups in the United States, research on the lived experience of Christianity among Asian Americans in general, and Asian American women in particular, continues to be scarce. Indeed, there is a dearth of psychological research focusing on the experiences of Asian American women in relation to Christianity. Important issues related to how Asian American women make meaning of and negotiate multiple identities within the context of church; how they negotiate patriarchy in multiple cultures; and how their religious and cultural beliefs and values relate to and shape their psychological realities and impact mental health are not yet explored. Most of the current research on Asian American women and Christianity has been conducted in sociology and religious studies, which provides a helpful starting point in thinking about Asian American women and Christianity from a feminist perspective. Drawing from interdisciplinary literature, this chapter aims to explore Asian American women and Christianity in relation to multiple contexts. Rather than discussing a modal Asian American experience for women and Christianity, this chapter seeks to provide an overview and analysis of the complex historical and social contexts in which Christianity is lived and expressed among Asian American women. A focus will be placed on exploring the relationship between multiple levels, such as individual and community, and individual and sociopolitical contexts. More specifically, this chapter will start with an overview of the historical and sociopolitical contexts for Asian American Christianity. Next, the chapter



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will focus on how Christianity is manifested and expressed in the lived experiences of Asian American women by exploring the multifaceted functions of Asian American churches. Third, it will delve a step further into analyzing the sociopolitical contexts in relation to Asian American women and Christianity by exploring how Asian American women negotiate patriarchy in Christianity and churches, and by addressing the transnational and sociopolitical analysis of Asian American Christianity. Finally, it will conclude with implications for psychological research and practice. ASIAN AMERICANS AND CHRISTIANITY: HISTORICAL CONTEXTS The history of Christianity for Asian Americans varies significantly by ethnic groups in relation to the emergence of Christianity and politics in the countries of origin and also in relation to immigration history and post-immigration experiences. At the same time, as it will be further delineated in a later section, the history of Asian American Christianity is closely tied with transnational socioeconomic and political realities. Currently, in the United States, two Asian American ethnic groups maintain particularly strong Christian identities: Korean Americans and Filipino Americans (Min & Kim, 2002; Tan, 2008). Many members of the former identify as Protestants, whereas the latter identify as Catholics. In addition, an increasingly large number of Chinese Americans has converted to Christianity and a large number of Vietnamese Americans also identify as Catholics. This section will overview the history of Asian American Christianity with an emphasis on the above four ethnic groups. Korean American Experiences The first introduction of Christianity into Korea was in the 1600s through the dissemination of Catholic books and beliefs. An important moment in the history of Protestantism in Korea goes back to 1884, when Christian missionaries from the United States, Horace Newton Allen, followed a year later by Horace G. Underwood (Presbyterian) and Henry G. Appenzeller (Methodist), entered the country to proselytize. Remarkably, early Christianity in Korea is also closely tied with the first immigration of Koreans to the United States, as the missionaries worked with the U.S. Ministry of Labor to recruit workers for the sugar plantations in Hawai’i (Kim, 2002). Many of the early Korean immigrants came from port cities in Korea, which were sites of Christian conversions, and upon arriving in the United States the early immigrants quickly established religious communities. Already the church served as a place for religion, race, ethnicity, and politics, where discussions about being Korean in the United States,

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being racially and culturally different, and topics such as Korean independence from Japan’s annexation and support for political leaders took place. Through the following years, Korean immigration and missionary work in Korea continued, with active support from the missionaries for Korean students to pursue theological studies in the United States. Unlike other ethnic groups, many of whom convert to Christianity after immigration, many Korean Americans have identified Christianity as their religious affiliation by the time they immigrate, and some others also convert to Christianity post-immigration. Over 70 percent of Korean Americans self-identify as Christians (Kim, 1999, as cited in Tan, 2008). Filipino American Experiences Influenced by Spanish colonization (1565–1898), in which religious conversion was one of the main reasons for the colonization (Nadal, 2009), the Philippines is a predominantly Christian country, with 82.9 percent of the population identifying as Catholics according to the 2000 Philippines Census data (Central Intelligence Agency, 2012). Starting in 1898, American missionaries introduced Protestantism (Buenaventura, 2003). Through the immigration to Hawai’i, Filipino Americans continued to practice Christianity, including both the Catholic Church and Protestantism. It is notable, however, that at least initially, Filipino Americans experienced overt discrimination within the White church, both Catholic and Protestant. With the continued immigration from the Philippines, the Catholic Church eventually designated St. Columban’s Church in Filipino town as a “national parish,” recognizing the presence of Filipino American Catholics (Buenaventura, 2002, p. 167). Following the 1965 immigration law, an increasing number of Filipino Christians has continued to immigrate. According to Buenaventura (2002), Filipino American Christianity reflects the diversity within Filipino Americans, who are also influenced by spirituality of folk Christianity and other popular indigenous religions in the Philippines, while noting Christianity as their official religion. Chinese American Experiences Since the first missionary work of Jesuit priests in the 16th century, Christianity in China has met with sociocultural and political oppositions, including banning of Catholicism and stigmatization of Protestantism as an “alien” religion (Yang, 2002). Foreign missionaries were expelled in 1949, when the People’s Republic of China was established and the following Cultural Revolution also led to restriction on Christianity. While some of the missionaries fled to Hong Kong and Taiwan, Christianity has remained a minor religion in China. In the United States, Chinese American churches started as missions work, first starting in San Francisco in 1853.



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The first Chinese American churches were led by White European American missionaries with “Chinese converts only serving as assistants to White missionaries” and with the goal of training Chinese Americans to go to China to pursue missions work (Yang, 2002, p. 87). Over time, Chinese American churches gained intra-ethnic leadership, and their numbers increased rapidly since the 1950s, with most churches being established by Chinese immigrants. According to Yang (2002), Chinese American churches tend to be conservative ideologically, and most of the church members are those who converted to Christianity as adults in the United States. Vietnamese American Experiences Catholicism was first propagated in Vietnam by Jesuit missionaries in 1615, and had a close connection to and support by the French, who later colonized Vietnam from 1858 to 1945 (Zhou, Blankston, & Kim, 2002). In the 19th century, the Nguyen Dynasty supported Confucianism and started the process of persecution of Catholics, because of the concern that Catholicism would pose a danger to upholding Confucianism. In support of the Catholic missionaries, the French government protested the persecution of Catholics in Vietnam and this became a pretext for the invasion of the country (Zhou et al., 2002), commencing a long history of French imperialism. According to Min & J. H. Kim (2002), despite the missionary work, Catholicism is not a major religion in Vietnam; however, large number of Catholics migrated to the United States because of the fear of Communism and the mutual suspicion of Catholics by the Communists in Vietnam. Many refugees who fled to the United States, therefore, were Catholics, creating a notable discrepancy between the number of Catholics in Vietnam (about 4 percent of the Vietnamese population) and Catholics among Vietnamese Americans (about one-fourth to one-third of all refugees from Vietnam; Zhou, Blankston, & Kim, 2002). CHRISTIANITY IN ASIAN AMERICAN WOMEN’S LIVED EXPERIENCES For Asian American women, Christianity not only provides a religious and ideological anchor for their lives, but it also plays a meaningful role for their social and communal experiences and identities. Religious community seems to buffer the church members from the stresses associated with immigration, acculturation, and discrimination. While the specific experiences of church structures might be different, these social and communal experiences have been reported in various specific Asian American ethnic groups. Tan (2008) observes that Asian American—both ethnic group specific and pan–Asian American—churches are proliferating in

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the United States not only for the recent immigrants but also for secondgeneration Asian Americans, as well. He argues that the social and communal functions of the church are the reasons why “Asian American churches thrive even though Asian American Christians could have joined existing American churches.” The Asian American churches provide “valuable and important social functions that help Asian American ethnic communities define and sustain their unique identity and cultural traditions” (Tan, 2008, p. 60). Seeking Social and Communal Support Asian American Christian churches provide pivotal social functions for the church members and aid in creating a sense of close community, in addition to providing a spiritual anchor. While this social support is particularly meaningful for recent immigrants who are settling in the United States for the first time and have to negotiate multiple challenges, including language barriers, access to and knowledge about resources, and navigating new cultures, the social support also seems to be helpful for 1.5- or second-generation Asian Americans who have been raised in the United States. In his study with Korean Protestants in Queens, New York, Min (2003) reports that Korean immigrants are actively involved in Korean American churches where they create a sense of belonging and common bond, which aid in alleviating language barriers and sense of alienation in the United States. The shared ethnicity and language serve to highlight the central place for the ethnic church, and much of the weekly social lives of Korean Americans involve church. The need for seeking common bond may be particularly strong for Korean immigrants because of the cultural homogeneity and greater language barrier experienced by many immigrants. Church members regularly participate in church activities, and the social function is incorporated through organizational structures, such as weekly fellowship hour following worship services, and small group meetings, which are also known as cell-groups or kuyok-yebae (Min, 2003). With regards to Chinese Americans, many studies focus on the experiences of recent immigrants and the role of church in providing a place for belonging. Cao’s (2005) study of working-class, New York Chinatown youth who have converted to Christianity portrays the role of the church as being more than just a church, but similar to a surrogate family to the youth. Cao suggests that the Chinese immigrant church provides the structures, social and emotional guidance, and community for the bicultural youth, many of whom are at risk for gang membership, and whose families experience much acculturative stress. In this context, the church serves as an extended or surrogate family where ethnic socialization and



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positive relationship building are carried out. The pastor, in particular, is often seen as a father figure, whose authority is expected and respected among the members. In serving these roles, the church is a pivotal institution for many Chinese immigrant youth for their daily adaptations and survival. Similar dynamics are also noted for older adult immigrants. Through personal interviews and participant observation with 20 immigrants from Mainland China residing in the Greater Atlanta area who were in their 50s to 70s, Zhang and Zhan (2009) found that older adult immigrants reported church as a place to alleviate a sense of isolation and loneliness in relation to adjusting to the life in the United States. They reported various losses in terms of their identities, including being seen only in terms of their ethnicity—i.e. “Chinese”—rather than as professionals or in relation to the social status they held in China. In particular, women discussed the challenges of taking care of domestic responsibilities. In this study, the majority of the grandparents were invited to visit or live longer-term with the families in the United States, with the expectation that the older adults would aid in caretaking of their grandchildren. For this reason, women were more likely to be invited, and the older Chinese immigrants described feeling as if they were “professional nannies,” whereas in China they used to work in professional occupations. Similar to the studies on Chinese Americans, in her interview study with 43 Laotian Hmong refugee women in Ontario, Canada, Winland (1994) reported that the Hmong Christian Church (Mennonites) served a central role in providing social support to refugee women, ranging from spiritual support, providing networking and socializing opportunities, and sharing information about parenting. Furthermore, Asian American Christianity may create a safe place for many individuals to reflect on and find support for psychological issues (Ano, Matthew, & Fukuyama, 2009). In their interview study with Asian Americans who experienced a loss of a family member in the World Trade Center attacks on September 11, 2001, Yeh, Inman, A. B. Kim, & Okubo (2006) found that Asian American participants frequently referred to their Christianity and the co-ethnics from their churches being a support system that helped them cope with the trauma. Discussions with the church leaders and spending time with church members aided the family members in their coping. In addition, Jeung (2003) illustrates in his study of Asian American churches in the San Francisco Bay area that churchorganized conferences provide workshops on psychological issues including family dynamics, issues of perfectionism, and improving relationships with immigrant parents. Hence, through organized activities and simply by the presence of co-ethnics who share similar lived experiences, Asian American churches provide psychosocial support and a sense of community to their members.

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Negotiating Multiple Cultures and Ethnic Identity Another major role of Christianity for Asian Americans relates to the shared cultures and maintenance of identities. For instance, Hall (2006) reports the conversion experiences of Chinese American students at Rutgers University. Hall suggests that Chinese American students are drawn to Chinese American Christian groups in college, in large part because of the shared cultural values and ethnic identity. Interestingly, this also applies to second-generation students who have lived in White European American neighborhoods and have been “ethnically detached” until college, where they are meeting many other Chinese Americans (Hall, 2006, p. 142). The same-ethnic-group context provides an opportunity to consider ethnic identity, and this context often leads to seeking and conversion to a new religion. The maintenance of and transmission of ethnic cultures to the next generations are commonly pursued goals of Asian American churches. Celebration of cultural holidays (e.g., Lunar New Year) in addition to religious holidays within many churches clearly illustrates this shared mission (Min, 2003; Ng, 2002). Furthermore, Asian American churches often focus on maintaining the Asian languages and transmitting the cultural knowledge to the younger generations through offering bilingual services and operating weekend language schools. Sharing of traditional food during the fellowship hours or at other church members’ houses for small group meeting also contributes toward the maintenance of culture through repeated practices. In addition to the behavioral aspect of maintaining ethnic identity, Asian American churches also serve as a site of transmitting values, as the church members negotiate the cultures of origin, cultures of the United States, and religious cultures. Research studies suggest that because Asian American Christians are actively making meaning about these various cultures, this process of negotiation and cultural transmission is dynamic and can affect religious expressions. For instance, Min (2003) suggests that in Korean churches in Queens, New York, being Korean is often highlighted in weekly sermons, where the messages speak to Confucian cultural ideals, including respect for the elders and subordination of women to men. Hence, a Korean American form of Christianity, which highlights both conservative cultural and religious ideologies, is transmitted and negotiated. Similarly, Winland (1994) describes how Hmong refugee women maintain their cultures and patriarchal values in relation to Christianity. She observed that a woman who wanted to seek a divorce from her husband was advised not to by other Christian Hmong women in the church, both because of the potential challenges she may face (e.g., potential conflicts and stress for children), but also in relation to the “Christian stigma of divorce,” which would add to her challenges by the stigma in the Hmong and Christian Canadian community (Winland, 1994, p. 37).



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The complexities in making meaning of multiple cultural contexts and negotiating ethnic identities are also evident in Chinese American churches. Ng (2002) conducted an ethnographic study of a Chinese immigrant church in a metropolitan area in the Midwest, investigating the questions of what it means to be and become Christian for Chinese immigrants. He found that by converting to Christianity, Chinese immigrants are also acculturating to the “American” ways. At the same time, the ways in which the congregants made meaning of the new religion was in relation to their cultural heritage and to their current immigrant lived experiences. For instance, for the congregants in this church, converting to Christianity meant recognizing one’s powerlessness and “accepting God as the ultimate guardian,” rather than focusing on the usual conversion narratives such as a confession of sins (Ng, 2002, p. 205). Although there are some controversies with regard to whether some Asian American churches are “syncretic” (Tan, 2008), which is outside the scope of this chapter, illustrations from various Asian American churches point to the active ethnic and religious identity negotiations occurring within the churches. Negotiating Racial Identity Related to the role of Asian American churches in fostering and redefining specific Asian American ethnic identity, another important consideration of its role is in relation to racial identity. In addition to the ethnic group identity, the shared racial features of the congregants were also noted even from the early immigrant churches. However, the notion of racial identity is even more salient for Asian Americans who were born and raised in the United States, because the language barriers or cultural differences do not clearly explain the proliferation of Asian American churches. Tan (2008) directs attention to the Asian Americans’ experiences of exclusion, discrimination, and stereotyping as a key element in understanding co-ethnic or pan–Asian American churches, where Asian Americans not only come together because of shared cultural experiences, but also because of the comfort in being together with members of the same race. As Jeung (2003) illustrates in his interview study with 44 ministers of Asian American churches in the San Francisco Bay area, about half of the churches in his sample ministered to pan-ethnic Asian Americans. He argues that the pan-ethnicity of Asian American churches is also a symbolic racial identity, in which the church provides a space for the gathering of people who share not only cultural similarities but also the same race, and similar experiences of being members of the same race. In fact, one of the contemporary challenges some Asian American churches face is the tension regarding the direction in which the church should foster ethnic and

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racial identities. This tension is particularly palpable for some Korean American churches where there are multiple generations within a church and/or the churches have grown to incorporate more than one ethnicity. S. Kim’s (2010) interview study with leaders and members of 22 Korean American churches in Los Angeles, mostly focusing on English-speaking congregations, indicates a growing diversion among the church leaders regarding ethnic boundaries of the church membership. While some pastors strongly argue for maintaining Korean American churches with the cultural focus on being Korean American, others clearly pursue expanding their churches to be pan–Asian American, hence focusing more on pan-ethnicity. Still others focus on building their churches to be multiracial. The first group (6 out of 22 pastors interviewed, all of who identify as 1.5-generation Korean American, who immigrated to the United States in their adolescence) argues that Korean American churches should have an active role in preserving and shaping Korean American culture and the notion of “Korean American spirituality” that is distinct from other ethnic groups’ experiences. The assertion here is not in regard to maintaining Korean language, but rather a focus on shared Korean American culture and being engaged in local Korean American cultural and political issues, by focusing on a mono-ethnic church model. Distinct from the first group, the second group aims to foster pan-– Asian American churches, where the racial boundaries become more important. This view reflects the church membership that is based on friendship networks among same-race peers (Kibria, 2003); hence many churches in Los Angeles that started out as Korean American have become pan–Asian American. Interviewees in S. Kim’s study reported that the expanding of an ethnic church into a pan–Asian American church is reflective of the blurring of race and ethnicity, where in daily lived experiences, Asian Americans are treated similarly as Asians, regardless of specific ethnic group membership: “Many people here on campus or anywhere else for that matter don’t see me as a Korean but rather as an Asian. Because that’s how people in this country classify people—by their race” (Kim, 2010, p.111). Interestingly, however, S. Kim (2010) reports that discussions regarding race and racism are rarely mentioned within the pan–Asian American churches. She suggests multiple possibilities for this phenomenon, including seeing racism toward Asian Americans only as prejudicial attitudes; the selection bias of the church members where the members seek pan–Asian American churches not because of a focus on race but because of the shared lived experiences and worldviews; and the lack of awareness about racial justice among church leaders. Finally, the third group has noticed the expansion of their church membership and actively aims to become multiracial churches. Some of the churches in Los Angeles, for instance, highlight the shared Christian



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identities over racial or ethnic similarities or differences, hence practice more of a colorblind approach, whereas few churches openly discussed ethnic and racial differences within the church (Kim, 2010). Such examples underscore the significance of race and culture within Asian American churches, and how they might relate to individual and communal identities. Whereas the first immigrant churches tended to be churches where specific Asian American ethnic groups worshipped together, the newer challenges regarding drawing group boundaries with regards to forging shared ethnic and racial identities have been noted in the secondgeneration Asian American churches. NEGOTIATING PATRIARCHY, IMMIGRATION, AND CHRISTIANITY While there are many aspects of Christianity and church membership that serve important roles in the lives of Asian American women, one of the less-discussed and yet significant issues involves the negotiation of patriarchy within the Asian American women’s lived experiences in relation to Christianity. There are multiple and complex dynamics involved in the relationships among patriarchy, Asian American women, and Christianity. To begin with, patriarchy is a culturally embedded and deeply rooted ideological stance that many Asian immigrants and Asian Americans have been socialized into, largely because of the influence of Confucianism. There is cultural emphasis on respecting the elders, keeping harmony, subordination of women to men, and filial piety (Min, 2003; Tan & Dong, 2000). Many Asian immigrant men and women bring their notion of patriarchy with them as they immigrate or migrate to the United States, and many Asian Americans also are socialized into patriarchy by virtue of parental socialization. However, the process of immigration/migration to North America and the following acculturation in the new cultures complicate the family dynamics and patriarchal system, as the lived experiences of women tend to change dramatically post-immigration/migration. Often children and women are the first ones to acculturate to the new cultures, and at a faster rate than men. This differential rate of acculturation shifts the patriarchal family dynamics within Asian American families. Major factors associated with the faster acculturation rate for women involve increased economic earnings through employment, learning to navigate new cultures and social systems more easily, and increased independence. While women have to work in order to sustain their family income and pursue independent activities, such as learning to drive, some of the activities they did not pursue in their countries of origin and the different acculturation rate between men and women have implications for potential family conflict, as they might be considered threatening to patriarchal systems and the maintenance of the social status of men.

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Patriarchal dynamics within Christian churches add another dimension to the cultural aspects of patriarchy in Asian American women's lives. Christianity has tended to uphold patriarchal structures and gender hierarchy (Min & Kim, 2002), and Asian American women attempt to negotiate the gender roles in their homes and religious communities. Research suggests the complexities in this negotiation process, in which women attempt to contextualize their immigrant lives and church membership. At the same time, their negotiations of the gender roles continue to be constrained by patriarchy. For instance, Winland (1994) reported that Hmong refugee families were affected by downward social mobility and challenges with English language proficiency after migrating to Canada. In particular, the Hmong men who were successful and independent farmers or held military or bureaucratic occupations in Laos experienced more downward social mobility and experienced loss of self-esteem and frustration as their skills did not translate to available jobs in Canada, which sometimes led to unemployment. Women, on the other hand, were more successful at maintaining jobs outside homes, and this economic context posed challenges to patriarchal family dynamics because men now had to depend on women economically. Unemployed men in Winland’s study reported feeling as if “they were losing their positions of authority and, more importantly, they lacked the network of men (through clan relationships) that had, in the past, reinforced their patriarchal status” (p. 31). The changes in the economic contexts and social roles within the families resulted in an interesting paradox for the Hmong families. While the women were gaining economic status because of their employment, this did not necessarily change the patriarchal family dynamics completely. In fact, the Hmong women who were working “often refrained from pressuring their husbands or male relatives to share in their domestic duties” in part because “they sympathized with the difficulties men had in adapting to Canadian society” (p. 31). George (2005) also reports a similar complexity in relation to gender roles within the South Asian communities. In her ethnographic study with Indian Orthodox Christians in a metropolitan city in the United States, where most of the church members are immigrants from Kerala, India, George observed that being involved in the church was particularly meaningful for immigrant men whose social status have been greatly diminished, due in part to downward social mobility, unemployment, and changed economic and gender contexts within the homes. In addition, the church leadership positions are traditionally reserved only for men, therefore increasing the significance of patriarchy within the ethnic church contexts, while women are often secondary supporting members. In this same context, the role of Christianity and church for Asian American women who are negotiating their changing social roles vis-à-vis



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patriarchy is a peculiar one. On the one hand, at least on the surface, religion and the church provide a place for women’s social connections, where immigrant and Asian American women are able to pursue their social interests, group activities, and even social and service roles, which has the potential to build women’s leadership and possibly help them work through the challenges of patriarchy as it is impacted by immigration. However, a deeper analysis suggests that the patriarchal system is often present both within the Christian religion and through the ethnic cultures within the church, hence presenting challenges for Asian American women in negotiating patriarchy (George, 2005; Kim, 2010; Min & Kim, 2002). There are indications that some women utilize Christianity to negotiate patriarchy with mixed results. S. Kim (2010) interviewed 17 workingclass, first-generation Korean immigrant women in their 40s and 50s, who were members of Korean American churches in the mid-Atlantic region of the United States, about their religious and family lives. The areas of inquiry included the women’s immigration and work experiences; their evangelical Christian faith; their husbands’ involvement and roles in the family; and the quality of their marital relationships and the influence of religion on the relationships. Kim found that the working-class Korean immigrant women in her study attempted to navigate their marital relationships in light of their evangelical Christian beliefs by reinterpreting marital situations using evangelical teachings. For instance, they reported a desire to adhere to evangelical teachings and a strong desire to increase their husbands’ involvement with family and church life. And in fact, they note that when their husbands were involved with the Korean American churches and became more devout in their faith, they became more “family-oriented” by spending more time with their children, both at church and at home, and it positively influenced them to become more caring and understanding. Women in this study also supported their husbands to pursue leadership positions in the church, as they believed that this pursuit signified the men’s faithfulness to the church and God. Interestingly, S. Kim’s study also describes the tension that has not been resolved in relation to patriarchy in the lives of working class Korean American women. While a few women noted that their husbands’ increased time spent with the children did not necessarily increase the husbands’ willingness to aid in domestic activities, the women chose not to expect their husbands to aid in these activities, and instead they were content with their husbands’ becoming more involved with their children’s lives. One of the reasons for the women to accept the primary responsibility for domestic activities included their belief in evangelical teachings that guided them to maintain a harmonious relationship with their husband to avoid marital conflict. Similarly, women navigated their marriages by “bargaining gender expectations, taking primary responsibility for domestic tasks, becoming submissive, and creating invisible resistance” (Kim, 2010,

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p.744). While few women reported that their adherence to traditional patriarchal gender roles was due to not wanting to challenge their husbands, many women in this study reported that the behavioral choices they were making related to the maintenance of their own evangelical identity. Kim also reports that there were a few women who discussed their attempts to “create invisible resistance” to their husbands, usually in the form of praying for them to become more devout evangelicals, and to become more involved in their families (Kim, 2010, p. 744). What S. Kim notes is that the prayers for the husbands are not necessarily for the husbands to become spiritual leaders, but more pointedly to be more involved in family life. Therefore, the working-class Korean immigrant women are negotiating patriarchal family dynamics and marital relationships in their own ways through the lens of Christianity, by negotiating husbands’ involvement with the family and religion. These studies suggest that while Asian American women negotiated patriarchy within the church by pursuing their own interests and involving their husbands more, Christianity and church membership also constrained their lived experiences by maintaining patriarchal ideology both at home and church. Often, women’s activities at church were closely tied with hospitality and service, and the hierarchical gender roles have not been problematized. The gender disparity also extends to leadership in churches. In her analysis of Korean American Protestant churches, J. H. Kim (2002) asserts that while Korean and Korean American women comprise the majority of churchgoers in both Korea and in the United States, their contributions are often secondary to those of men. Church leadership, including appointments as clergy and elders, is predominantly held by men, and even among the roles women serve, they usually hold secondary roles such as assistant pastors, or educational ministers. They also do so often under the supervision of senior male clergy. At the ideological level, Asian American feminist theologians have pointed out the danger of merging patriarchy with Christianity with cultural messages that submission to husbands or male leaders could become not only cultural messages but also irrefutable words of God (Kim, 2012; Lee, 2012). Recently, Asian American feminist theologians have noted the need to question the notion of “universal” in relation to patriarchal social and religious institutions. N. Kim (2012) notes that gender needs to be problematized in theology because it helps us “question the relationships of power by challenging what has been taken for granted as ‘natural’ and/or ‘divinely sanctioned’ systems” (p. 2). She argues that one of the ways to address the gender inequality in relation to Christianity in Asian American context is to explore critically the “theological justification of the heterosexual family, where the man is the head of the house while the woman and children are subordinate to him” (Kim, 2012, p. 19). Moving away from the heteronormative notion of family and dichotomous conceptualization



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of gender could help address gender inequality, because the “cultural devaluation of femininity and homosexuality solidifies the maintenance of the hierarchical gender system” (p. 21). Such a questioning stance could also aid in a deeper analysis of patriarchy, that is, rather than consider patriarchy as a “fixed hierarchical gender relation but as a set of negotiated social relations in which gender and class are inextricably implicated” (p. 17). As illustrated in this section, the notion of patriarchy in Asian American Christianity is, in fact, negotiated, contested, and reproduced in relation to the larger contextual issues within the Asian American specific ethnic communities and in relation to the economic, linguistic, and cultural contexts of U.S. society and the church. POLITICS, POWER, AND RELIGION: TRANSNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE ON ASIAN AMERICAN WOMEN AND CHRISTIANITY As suggested in the earlier sections, Asian American Christianity is lived and expressed in the context of sociohistorical, cultural, economic, and political realities, which calls for a critical examination of transnational power dynamics, including Asia, the United States, and other countries (Kwok, 2012). That is, Asian American Christianity cannot be explored in isolation to current exploration of ethnic churches, but should be considered transnationally in light of international politics past and present. Two points can be made in this respect. First, it is important to note that the contexts in which Christianity has been propagated in Asia and Asian America involves the history of sociopolitical events, including imperialism, colonialism, and post-immigration experiences. Thus, Asian American Christianity should not be considered only as individual decisions or choices, but in light of the power structures that have created the contexts for the proliferation of Christianity among Asian Americans. For instance, there have been economic and political causes in relation to the first missionaries in Korea and immigration to the United States (Kim, 2002); Vietnamese Christianity has been connected to French imperialism (Zhou et al., 2002); and there are historical accounts of the brutality involved in Spanish colonization and religious conversion experiences for the Filipinos (Nadal, 2009). In more recent memory, Chinese American Christianity has grown because of the cultural and political vacuum left by the Cultural Revolution in China. In addition, the process by which Asian Americans have immigrated or migrated to the United States also affects the ways in which Asian American Christianity has been forged. The Southeast Asian refugee experience is a good example. Because many Southeast Asian refugees were sponsored by Christian churches in the United States, the ways in which some of the refugees have converted to Christianity may be affected heavily by this sponsorship experience.

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Unfortunately, in some cases this charitable activity had the undercurrent of pressure to convert to Christianity, adding to the already existing acculturative stress among the refugees. Dinh (2009) illustrates that at least some of the Southeast Asian refugees felt indebted to their sponsors for helping them migrate to and settle in the United States, and attending the sponsors’ church services and Bible studies was seen as one way of repaying the sense of debt. Second, another notable aspect involves the transnational power dynamics and potential values-laden expression about how people understand Christianity. Hall (2006) suggests that there was a considerable amount of conversion to Christianity among Chinese American college students. This phenomenon was in part due to the openness for a new religion for many Chinese students who were raised with no religion or by Buddhist parents, whose religion does not have a strong focus on proselytizing. At the same time, another set of factors for the conversion included the notion that Christianity is perceived as a modern Western religion, which has “prestige” because it is associated with Western culture (Hall, 2006). While this perception of Christianity may not apply to all Asian Americans, a careful further exploration is warranted, given the major difference in the meaning of Christianity for the U.S. and Asian contexts. In the United States, Christianity symbolizes a traditional religion, whereas in Asia, where Eastern religions have deeper and longer history, Christianity may be perceived as a newer, hence more modern, religion. What Hall points to is the possibility about the value-laded perception that Christianity, because it is associated with Western culture, has prestige. This perception may be considered in light of the political climate in China, where the market economy and Westernization have rapidly changed the culture within the country. In addition, whether and why certain religions are considered to have prestige may need to be problematized, and this is especially important in light of the global history of Western imperialism in many Asian countries. IMPLICATIONS FOR PSYCHOLOGICAL RESEARCH AND PRACTICE This chapter has highlighted the complexities in which Asian American Christianity has started and grown over the years, with the particular focus on the functions of the church and the negotiation of multiple cultures within the church. Asian American women constantly negotiate and renegotiate the meanings of being Asian American, women, members of a specific Asian American ethnic group, and Christian. Some of the larger contexts, such as patriarchy and the legacy of imperialism, continue to have an impact on Asian American women in the church. In analyzing Asian American women’s experiences, a striking observation is the dearth



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of psychological research on Asian American women and Christianity. Perhaps this limited knowledge about the lived experiences of Asian American women is indicative of the limited voice of Asian American women in patriarchal systems. At the same time, this area is in need of psychological exploration. Potential questions that could be explored include: how do Asian American women negotiate patriarchy relationally or psychologically in the church? What might be psychological or mental health implications of negotiating multiple systems and cultures for immigrants? How might immigrant women’s experiences be similar to or different from those of second- and third-generation Asian American women? The comparative exploration of multiple generations of Asian American women may be particularly helpful as research suggests that some second-generation Asian Americans are leaving the church, because the social and communal needs that were particularly important for their parents might not fit the younger generations’ needs in the same way (Kim, 2002). Another potential area of inquiry might regard the fostering of ethnic and racial identities in Asian American women through the Christian church, and how they might relate to the specific focus of the churches (e.g., ethnic-specific, pan-ethnic/pan–Asian American, multiracial), and how discussions on race and culture are incorporated within the church, if any. Connecting with the larger systems-level issues with individual orientations, research exploring concepts such as colonial mentality (David & Okazaki, 2006) might be helpful in exploring the contexts in individual identities. The discussion on Asian Americans and Christianity explored in this chapter has implications for clinical practice. First, Asian American Christian women are negotiating multiple cultures and contexts at the same time, and the process of negotiation may create various internal or interpersonal tensions within family and/or church. Intergenerational conflicts might arise regarding gender roles and potential religious differences in relation to cultural values, such as filial piety (Tan & Dong, 2000). At the same time, some clients may not experience value conflicts in relation to the multiple cultures in their lived experiences. Therapists’ awareness of and attention to the diversity in the ways in which Asian American Christian women make meaning of the multiple facets of personal identity would be an important factor for building a therapeutic alliance. Second, the complexities in Asian American Christian women’s lived experiences call for thoughtful and nuanced explorations of systemic issues such as patriarchy, Christianity, and sociocultural contexts. The meanings for how and why Asian American women would identify as Christian, Asian or Asian American, and women may be different from that of their therapists even if there are similarities between the therapists and the clients. For instance, even if a therapist and a client may have the shared

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religious or spiritual identity as Christian, the ways in which an Asian American woman client may experience Christianity may or may not be the same as what the therapist experiences. Social scientists suggest that Asian American Christianity is not a transplant of Western Christianity; rather it is often an Asianized form of Christianity with different emphasis and expressions (Tan, 2008). Therefore, an assumption based only on shared religious or spiritual context may lead to barriers in fully understanding the lived experiences of Asian American women. Similarly, a nuanced exploration of and respect for the client’s perspectives on issues such as patriarchy are particularly needed. As noted in the research studies, the ways in which patriarchy is expressed in Asian American families and church are shaped by other systems issues such as downward social mobility, reduced social status, acculturative stress, and shifting identities for members of family and church. In light of feeling uprooted and experiencing various losses, patriarchy could express itself more acutely in the family systems. What is noted in social science research is that Asian American women attempt to negotiate patriarchy in various ways, and in some cases, their choices may include voluntarily accepting more domestic responsibilities while acknowledging the constraints of the patriarchal systems. While patriarchy and gender disparities should be explored and problematized, therapists should approach this topic in a thoughtful and nuanced way, being mindful of the complexities involved in Asian American women’s lived experiences and the potential salience of different aspects of their identities. Finally, consideration of respectful collaboration and dialoguing with religious leaders might be appropriate in some cases. Mental health professionals could offer their expertise to church leaders and help demystify issues related to mental health (Tan & Dong, 2000). REFERENCES Ano, G. G., Matthew, E. S., & Fukuyama, M. A. (2009). Religion and spirituality. In N. Tewari & A. N. Alvarez (Eds.), Asian American psychology: Current perspectives (pp. 135–151). New York: Taylor & Francis. Buenaventura, S. S. (2002). Filipino religion at home and abroad: Historical roots and immigrant transformations. In P. G. Min & J. H. Kim (Eds.), Religions in Asian America: Building faith communities (pp. 143–183). New York: Altamira press. Cao, N. (2005). The church as a surrogate family for working class immigrant Chinese youth: An ethnography of segmented assimilation. Sociology of Religion, 66(2), 183–200. Central Intelligence Agency (2012). The World Factbook. Retrieved from: https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/rp.html David, E. J. R., & Okazaki, S. (2006). Colonial mentality: A review and recommendation for Filipino American psychology. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 12(1), 1–16.



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Dinh, K. T. (2009). The A-B-C in clinical practice with Southeast Asians: Basic understanding of migration and resettlement history. In N. Trinh, Y. C. Rho, F. G. Lu, & K. M. Sanders (Eds.), Handbook of mental health and acculturation in Asian American families (pp. 123–141). New York: Humana Press. Hall, B. (2006). Social and cultural contexts in conversion to Christianity among Chinese American college students. Sociology of Religion, 67(2), 131–147. George, S. M. (2005). When women come first: Gender and class in transnational migration. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Jeung, R. (2003). New American churches and symbolic racial identity. In J. N. Iwamura & P. Spickard (Eds.), Revealing the sacred in Asian & Pacific America (pp. 225–240). New York: Routledge. Kibria, N. (2003). Becoming Asian American: Second-generation Chinese and Korean American identities. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Kim, J. H. (1999). The labor of compassion: Voices of churched Korean American women. In D. K. Yoo (Ed.), New spiritual homes: Religion and Asian Americans (pp. 202–217). Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Kim, J. H. (2002). Cartography of Korean American Protestant faith communities in the United States. In P. G. Min & J. H. Kim (Eds.), Religions in Asian America: Building faith communities (pp. 185–213). New York: Altamira press. Kim, N. (2012). Collaborative dissonance: Gender and theology in Asian Pacific America. Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Religion, 3(2.8), 1–26. Kim, S. (2010). Working-class, Korean-American women navigating marriage through evangelical Christianity. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 41(5), 735–748. Kim, S. (2010). Shifting boundaries within second-generation Korean American churches. Sociology of Religion, 71(1), 98–122. Kosmin, B. A., & Keysar, A. (2009). American religious identification survey (ARIS 2008) summary report. Hartford, CT: Institute for the Study of Secularism in Society & Culture. Retrieved from http://commons.trincoll.edu/aris/ files/2011/08/ARIS_Report_2008.pdf Kwok, P. (2012). Theological counterpoints: Transnationalism and political theology in the Asia Pacific. Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Religion, 3(2.5), 1–21. Lee, B. (2012). Singing bluegrass in a mother tongue: A pedagogy for Asian North American churches. Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Religion, 3(2.11), 1–29. Min, P. G. (2003). Immigrants’ religion and ethnicity: A comparison of Korean Christian and Indian Hindu immigrants. In J. N. Iwamura & P. Spickard (Eds.), Revealing the sacred in Asian & Pacific America (pp. 125–141). New York: Routledge. Min, P. G., & Kim, J. H. (2002, Eds.). Religions in Asian America: Building faith communities. New York: Altamira press. Nadal, K. L. (2009). Colonialism: Societal and psychological impacts on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. In N. Tewari & A. N. Alvarez (Eds.), Asian American psychology: Current perspectives (pp. 153–172). New York: Taylor & Francis. Ng, K. H. (2002). Seeking the Christian tutelage: Agency and culture in Chinese immigrants’ conversion to Christianity. Sociology of Religion, 63(2), 195–214. Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life. (2008). U.S. religious landscape survey: Religious affiliation: Diverse and dynamic. Retrieved from the Pew Forum on

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Religion & Public Life website: http://religions.pewforum.org/pdf/report-religious-landscape-study-full.pdf Tan, J. Y. (2008). Introducing Asian American theologies. New York: Orbis Books. Tan, S. & Dong, N. J. (2000). Psychotherapy with members of Asian American churches and spiritual traditions. In P. S. Richards & A. E. Bergin (Eds.), Handbook of psychotherapy and religious diversity (pp. 421–444). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Winland, D. N. (1994). Christianity and community: Conversion and adaption among Hmong refugee women. Canadian Journal of Sociology, 19(1), 21–45. Yang, F. (2002). Religious diversity among Chinese in America. In P. G. Min & J. H. Kim (Eds.), Religions in Asian America: Building faith communities (pp. 71–98). New York: Altamira Press. Yeh, C. J., Inman, A. G., Kim, A. B., & Okubo, Y. (2006). Asian American families’ collectivistic coping strategies in response to 9/11. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 12(1), 134–148. Zhang, G., & Zhan, H. J. (2009). Beyond the Bible and the cross: A social and cultural analysis of Chinese elders’ participation in Christian congregations in the United States. Sociological Spectrum, 29, 295–317. Zhou, M., Blankston, C. L., III., & Kim, R. Y. (2002). Rebuilding spiritual lives in the new land: Religious practices among Southeast Asian refugees in the United States. In P. G. Min & J. H. Kim (Eds.), Religions in Asian America: Building faith communities (pp. 37–70). New York: Altamira Press.

Chapter 9

Buddhism and Taoism in the Lives of Asian American Women Diane S. Hayashino and Yuying Tsong

Life isn’t fair. No, it isn’t fair at all. Thank goodness. Thank goodness. For in a fair world, my fate would be frightful. But in an unfair world, I am supported by the kindness of this and the service of that. Life isn’t fair. It’s true. It’s true. — Ho Sen OVERVIEW Most East Asian countries are influenced by Buddhism and Taoism that emphasize such traits as silence, non-confrontation, moderation in behavior, self-control, patience, humility, and simplicity (Uba, 1994). Confucian beliefs and behaviors such as filial piety, restraint in emotional expression, respect for authority and elders, well-defined social roles and expectations, fatalism, inconspicuousness, conformity to norms, and the centrality of family relationships and responsibilities are also highly valued (Kim, Atkinson, & Yang, 1999).

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Buddhism’s emphasis on the acceptance of suffering, the practice of self-restraint and control over one’s emotions, and efforts to become free of egocentrism and selfishness are consistent with traditional Asian cultural values. However, many Asian American women today perform nontraditional functions outside of the home and may be expected to be outspoken, openly assertive, and advocate for one’s rights, which appears to be contradictory to the subservient female roles in traditional Asian cultures and the altruistic, letting-go-of-craving teaching of Buddhism. It is not surprising that balancing the traditional with the nontraditional Western expectations has become a major stress factor for Asian American women. At the same time, Buddhism’s emphasis on consciousness and attention to the workings of the mind are particularly compatible with many Western psychological techniques, such as thought-stopping, selfmonitoring, imagery techniques, and mindfulness meditation. This chapter focuses on discussing the interwoven nature of the cultural, contextual, social, and spiritual/religious roles and expectations for Asian American women, and the clinical implications of working with Asian American women of Buddhist faith. The chapter will also highlight how Asian American women navigate the complexities of racism, sexism, and classism, and their use of faith to combat oppression and facilitate self-empowerment. DIVERSITY OF RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND PRACTICES Asian Americans comprise approximately 4.8 percent of the U.S. population (Humes, Jones, & Ramirez, 2011) with more than 48 different ethnic groups falling within this racial group. Of the 4.8 percent who identify as Asian Pacific Islander (API), approximately two-thirds report that religion is a salient aspect in their lives (Ano, Mathew, & Fukuyama, 2009). There is very limited reliable demographic information on the religious denominations of API, as within-group diversity is impacted by cultural values, acculturation, immigration history, and religious beliefs and practices. Asian Pacific Islanders may self-identify as Catholic, Christian, Buddhist, Muslim, Hindu, and others. Based on the 2000–2001 Pilot National Asian American Political Survey, 46 percent identified as Christian (including Catholicism), 15 percent as Buddhist, 6 percent as Hindu, 2 percent as Muslim, 19 percent as “none,” and 3 percent as “other” religious affiliations (Lien & Carnes, 2004). The religious and spiritual traditions of Buddhism and Taoism that will be the focus of this chapter are more commonly found among Chinese Americans, Japanese Americans, Vietnamese Americans, and other groups from Southeast Asia. Although Christian churches and missionaries have had a significant impact on Asian immigrants and the formation of Asian American communities in the United States (Tan & Dong, 2000), the



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chapter intends to highlight the interwoven core concepts of Buddhism and Taoism in the traditional cultural beliefs and values of Asian Pacific American women. INTRODUCTION TO BUDDHISM AND TAOISM Buddhism Buddhism is a way of living and philosophy that encompasses beliefs, traditions, and practices based on the teachings of Siddhartha Gautama who was born in the fifth century BCE in Nepal. The two major branches of Buddhism are Theravada, found mostly in Southeast Asian and Sri Lanka, and Mahayana, which is common in the East Asian countries. Buddhism was brought to the United States through various interpretations including Japanese, Chinese, Korean, Vietnamese, and Tibetan teachers (Ano et al., 2009); although practices may differ slightly among the ethnic groups, the basic philosophy of awakening and enlightenment has remained. Of citizens who claimed a faith, 51 percent were Shinto, 44 percent were Buddhist and 1 percent were Christian. Shintoism and Buddhism are not mutually exclusive and most Shinto and Buddhist believers follow both faiths. Approximately 5 percent of the population belonged to other religious groups, including the Unification Church, Tenrikyo, Seichounoie, Sekai Kyusei Kyo, and Perfect Liberty (U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor, 2006b). The essence of Buddhism is enlightenment or nirvana through Siddhartha’s teaching (dharma) of the four noble truths and the eightfold path. The four noble truths include the truth of suffering, the truth of the cause of suffering, the truth of the end of suffering, and the truth of the path that leads to the end of suffering. The eightfold path teaches how to gain enlightenment and includes right view, right thought, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness, and right concentration. These principles place an emphasis on accepting one’s fate and suffering as a part of daily living, including oppressions and injustices. Suffering is the attachment to material things, including events, people, and ideas, and not accepting that life is impermanent and transitory (Finn & Rubin, 2000). Buddhist principles emphasize self-reflection as a means toward gaining compassion and gratitude. The primary Buddhist practices include meditation, concentration, and chanting as means of enlightenment through the focusing and clearing of the mind. The role of women in Buddhist history is often overlooked and misunderstood. According to research by women scholars of early Buddhism, there were a large number of nuns during the first few centuries after Buddha’s death. Over time and because of oppressive forces, these nunneries were abolished. For almost two thousand years in India, the

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birthplace of Buddhism, and in Sri Lanka, where it first spread, there were no ordained women. (Nakai, n.d.). In Mahayana Buddhism (developed a few hundred years after Buddha’s death), discrimination between beings is seen as a delusion that must be transcended, and lay people had as much potential to be enlightened as clergy. This offered women a new opportunity to be recognized as believers and seekers because women were less free to leave their secular obligations and become clergy (nuns) than men. In the early centuries in northern India, because of the active commerce along the Silk Road, there was a rise of the merchant class. Women in this class in particular were very involved in supporting Buddhist temples and their spiritual needs were attended to because of their economic power, which may offer an explanation to the emphasis on sutras featuring women (Nakai, n.d.). In China, Empress Wu in the late seventh century used Buddhist scriptures to justify her ruling of the country, which benefited nuns in various Chinese sects, because the new sutras declared the spiritual potential of women, and it was not uncommon for nuns to practice and work alongside monks in the monasteries, and for male and female clergy to participate together in rituals (Nakai, n.d.). Chinese Buddhism also has the Goddess of Mercy, Guan Yin (or Guan Shi Yin), which means “observing the sounds or cries of the world.” Guan Yin’s following was equal to and sometimes surpassed that of Buddha. Nuns in Chinese temples enjoyed a high degree of respect and equality, which was not the case in Japan. In Japan, when Buddhism was first established in the sixth century, most of the sutras emphasized by the prince described the acceptance of female seekers being the equal of men. However, one particular episode in the Lotus Sutra was used to justify discrimination against women in Buddhist institutions. Even though Japanese women produced honored literary works earlier on, their position steadily declined, and by the late 1100s, nuns were segregated from monks, and all women, clerical and lay, were out of consideration for enlightenment unless they were “transformed into a male.” Buddhism in the United States Buddhism began to grow in the United States during the middle to late 19th century, primarily fueled by immigration from China and Japan to the West Coast and Hawaii (Prebish & Tanaka, 1998). During the 1950s and 1960s, countercultural groups such as beatniks and hippies stimulated more interest in Asian philosophies and religions as alternatives to established Western religions that were associated with the status quo. An influx of more than 800,000 refugees from Southeast Asia also brought a rapid increase in Buddhism after 1975 (Prebish & Tanaka, 1998). The primarily Asian American Buddhist communities in the



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United States tend to be rooted in particular cultural and linguistic traditions (e.g., Cambodian, Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Lao, Vietnamese, etc.) and provide a wide array of community support services and activities integrated with the daily family life of members (Canda & Phaobtong, 1992). It is important to acknowledge the existing establishments within Buddhist churches and temples that have contributed to the development of API feminists and leaders in our communities. For example, Fujinkai is a Buddhist Woman’s Association (BWA) that is common within many Buddhist churches. The women in Fujinkai typically are the elders in the congregation. They are seen preparing and serving traditional meals following church services, maintaining the chapel, and coordinating fundraising projects for the church. Although occasionally misunderstood or stereotyped by modern Buddhist scholars as a subservient and outdated identity for ethnic Buddhist women, the BWA plays a significant role in the vitality of temple teachings, particularly in the preservation of Japanese and Japanese American Buddhist traditions and oral history (Kujo, 1985). Young Buddhist Associations (YBA) are also prevalent in many Buddhist churches and foster leadership and involvement in areas of spirituality, the teachings, and cultural identity. His-Lai Temple, one of the largest Chinese Buddhist temples in North America, had eight female abbesses and one male abbot since being founded in 1988. Rev. Sik Kuan Yen, originally from Hong Kong, founded the Thousand Buddhist Temple in Massachusetts in 1990 (http://thousandbuddhatemple.org), together with four other nuns, and it now has a membership of more than 1,600 families and offers bilingual services and classes to the community (Dugan, 2007). It is believed that women in American Buddhism have become a major force as practitioners, teachers, intellectuals, and leaders (Seager, 2000). Taoism Taoism (or Daoism) refers to a philosophical or religious tradition in which the core concept is to establish harmony with everything that exists (tao). The term tao means “way,” “path,” or “principle.” The practice of wu wei (effortless effort) is fundamental in Taoism, which proposes that the universe works harmoniously according to its own ways, and when one exerts one’s will against the world, one disrupts that harmony. Therefore, one should place one’s will in harmony with the natural university, and in this way, goals can be achieved effortlessly (Fasching & deChant, 2001). The concept and symbol of Yin Yang is also associated with Taoism, referring to the concept that forces are interconnected and interdependent in the natural world, even though they may be seemingly opposite or contrary to each other (e.g., female and male, dark and light,

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cold and hot, etc.). Everything has both yin and yang aspects (e.g., no light without dark, no love without hate, etc.) and needs its opposite for completion. Yin is seen as the male principle (e.g., sun, active, shining), and yang the female principle (e.g., moon, passive, shaded, reflective). The philosophical foundation of Taoism is the Tao Te Ching, a collection of teachings of Lao Zi (or Lao Tzu) and the writings of Zhuang Zi. Tai Chi, a form of martial arts, is described as the principles of yin and yang applied to the human body, and is practiced for both its defense training and health benefits. Today, Tai Chi is often taught as an exercise form across the world. Most Westerners are familiar with Confucianism and its representation of patriarchy in traditional Asian values. Differing from Confucianism, Taoism emphasizes the equality of the sexes, and has empowered women through the Confucian era and during the Communist era in China (Chin, 2007). Mothers are revered in the ideologies of Taoism. For example, the Book of Mountains and Sea has the story of Queen Mother of the West, His Wang Mu, who is the quintessential female and embodies the principle of “yin.” The Goddess of Mercy, Guan Yin, is revered by both East Asian Buddhists and Taoists. Taoism does not fall strictly under an umbrella or a definition of an organized religion like the Abrahamic traditions, and it is not simply a Chinese folk religion. Rather, some scholars assert that Taoism is better understood as a way of life than as a religion (Robinet, 1997). Geographically, Taoism is most commonly practiced in regions populated by Chinese, including mainland China, Taiwan, Malaysia, Singapore, and various Chinese emigrant communities. Taoist literature and art has influenced the cultures of Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. There is approximately 35 percent and 33 percent of the population who identify themselves as Buddhist and Taoist in Taiwan (U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor, 2006a), and approximately 43 percent of the residents practice Buddhism, Taoism, and ancestor worship in Singapore (U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor, 2006c). FEMINIST FRAMEWORK A feminist framework will be used in our discussion of the role that spirituality serves in the lives of Asian Pacific American women. Feminist theory includes ongoing and continuous examination of values, power, and societal constructions of gender, cultural context and social activism (Porter & Vasquez, 1997). A feminist approach to healing focuses on understanding, presenting issues within a cultural context, and being attentive to the impact of oppression (gender, sexual orientation, race, economics) on the lived experiences of women. The therapist and client



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work collaboratively and use a strengths-based approach to healing and empowerment. In multicultural counseling theory, the relationship between the therapist and client is essential in providing the foundation for cultural empathy to develop. The therapist must be aware of her own worldview and how this impacts the conceptualization of the client’s beliefs, values, experience, and treatment plan. As Ridley and Lingle (1996) highlight, cultural empathy is an “interpersonal process” between the therapist and the client as they mutually share experiences and feelings with one another toward the goal of providing support, healing, and a deeper understanding. We believe that feminism and multiculturalism share common principles, including the acknowledgment and valuing of multiple aspects and intersections of a person’s identity, the valuing of multiple worldviews, an awareness of the power dynamics between the person and counselor, and a focus on equity and social justice. Funderburk and Fukuyama (2001) acknowledge the valuable insights and possibilities of exploring the interactions of feminism, multiculturalism, and spirituality in counseling and therapy as “women’s spirituality emphasizes personal experience, empowerment, and liberation in the context of patriarchal values” (p. 6). For Asian Pacific American women, the intersections of their race and ethnicity, gender, and spirituality have often been dichotomous and remained separate. For example, Asian Pacific American feminists often described feeling segmented at times among their feminist and women of color colleagues, not quite feeling “whole” in either sphere. Oftentimes, spirituality and religious beliefs are discussed from a Western Christian perspective, thereby excluding many Asian Pacific American women who identify with Eastern religions. Even though there have been some writings on how Buddhist thought informs feminist identities and challenges (e.g., Campbell, 1996, 2002; Gross, 1993; Tomm, 1995), the role of ethnic and racial identities has been absent in these discussions. As a deeper understanding of how these identities are “convergent and divergent” grows (Funderburk & Fukuyama, 2001), it becomes possible to embrace multiple perspectives and identities. For an Asian Pacific American woman, learning to embrace dichotomies within her feminist, cultural, and spiritual identities can be liberating and empowering. Flinders (1998) described the power in silencing the mind through meditation to reduce worry and voicing injustice, depending on the context. As Funderburk and Fukuyama (2001) highlighted, practices and beliefs that enhance one’s awareness and connection to these multiple perspectives, rather than disconnection, allows for transformation and healing from oppressive forces. As we know, many Asian Pacific American women participate in ceremonial rituals, spiritual beliefs, and healing practices as a part of their daily lives and routines.

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CULTURAL VALUES AND RELIGIOUS PRACTICES Even though Asian Pacific American women come from diverse cultural, ethnic, socioeconomic, and religious backgrounds, the principles of Buddhism and Taoism can be applied in working with Asian Pacific American women, because their philosophical principles are compatible with many of the Asian traditional cultural values. It is believed that traditional Asian values are largely grounded in Confucianism and Buddhism (Uba, 1994). Having religious and spiritual connections, or belonging to a religious organization, group, or institution is also consistent with Asian cultural values, which emphasize collectivism, intergroup harmony, and fatalism (Inman & Yeh, 2007). The sections below describe the applications of Buddhism and Taoism from the traditional Asian cultural values framework. COLLECTIVISM Collectivism is the tendency to place group needs above the goals and desires of the individual (Hofstede, 1980). Traditional Asian cultural values also highlight the strong preference for keeping family matters private (Uba, 1994). Therefore, family often serves as a social support system to buffer individuals against stressful events (Treharne, Lyons, & Tupling, 2001). However, these values that elevate group harmony above personal freedom also may serve to further isolate and oppress Asian American women (Pressier, 1999). The emphasis on group harmony does not necessarily prevent or eliminate conflict, but rather prescribes how these conflicts may be dealt with by the community (Bradshaw, 1994). For example, when women experience violence or abuse in the family, they may be threatened with their reputation being ruined in the community, or are isolated from the community, as ways to enforce abuse patterns (Abraham, 2000). When facing problems, Asian Pacific American women who have a more interdependent sense of self, from a more collectivistic framework, may cope with problems by focusing on changing themselves rather than changing the situation (Cross, 1995; Yeh, Arora, & Wu, 2005). Asian American women also tend to keep problems to themselves in order not to disturb social harmony (Fukuhara, 1989). However, the use of social support, such as family network or community-based social groups, is an important coping strategy for interdependent individuals because of their inherent sense of connectedness with others (Yeh & Wang, 2000). In Buddhism, the interconnectedness not only exists at the parallel level between an individual and her community, but also at the vertical level with her ancestors and future generations and their previous and future lives. The belief in reincarnation in Buddhism, which is the cycle of birth-death-rebirth, views the life cycle as without a beginning or an



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end, despite biological death. This “law of karma” provides a thread of continuity between lives (Fukuyama & Sevig, 1999). Each life is linked to previous lives and action taken in those past lives. Similarly, this current life and action taken in this life is linked to next lives. If one is living a particularly difficult life, it is believed that perhaps the family is being punished for wrongdoings in this life or a previous life. Acts and thoughts that are negative could lead to punishment in another life, or this punishment could be passed onto extended family members if the wrongdoer is not punished in this life. HUMILITY Humility, as a traditional Asian value, refers to the importance of being humble, not being boastful, and demonstrating modesty (Kim, Yang, Atkinson, Wolfe, & Hong, 2001). Unfortunately, the stereotypes of being inferior, subservient, passive, or docile were often relegated to Asian Pacific American women who exhibited behaviors consistent with humility. These stereotypes have detrimental effects on Asian American women’s self-esteem and self-determination (Root, 1995). For example, Asian American women may be rewarded for being quiet and deferent to others and punished for being assertive and independent because of the external expectations from society, family and/or community. Further, these stereotypes can be projected onto her by others, especially when she is the only Asian American woman in the environment (Kawahara & Van Kirk, 2004). Buddha teaches the virtue of practicing charity and generosity, without attachment and craving for one’s own wealth, that one should develop wisdom and compassion equally (Yeung & Lee, 1997). In the Eastern traditions of Buddhism and Taoism, the goal is to merge the individual (self) into the Interpersonal Divine (the spiritual forces), through spiritual practices such as meditation, karma yoga, and devotions (Fukuyama & Sevig, 1999). The teaching of Buddha believes that when one believes in one’s ability to “amend,” to be prideful in the ability to know oneself, we become self-righteous and arrogant, pass judgments on others as good or bad, and this leads to all kinds of unnecessary turmoil in our personal lives and in the world (Unno, 1998). Through “self-cultivation” we can discipline both body and mind, build character and inner strengths, curb willfulness, and draw out the fullest potential of a person; these are elements central to Confucian education, Taoist psychosomatic training, and Buddhist practices (Unno, 1998). FILIAL PIETY The notion of filial piety based on clear hierarchies, roles, duties, and moral obligations is considered important in Asian traditional culture

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and families (Inman & Yeh, 2007). Family obligation or filial piety includes both attitudinal and behavioral responsibilities, and children are expected to show respect and affection for older family members, seek and follow their advice, and maintain propinquity, assistance, and emotional ties with parents (Phinney, Ong, & Madden, 2000). Family interdependence can be a powerful resource, but it can also be a source of stress. Women are assigned inferior status in traditional Asian patriarchal cultures. The role of women is primarily to honor and serve men. The “three obediences”—obedience to the father, submission to the husband, and indulgence of the son—are the measures of a woman’s value, and are a clear example of oppression and control of Asian American women by a patriarchal culture. Conflicts often arise when Asian American women try to negotiate between traditional gender role expectations versus those of the mainstream culture (Inman, Constantine, & Ladany, 1999). This is especially true in first-generation Asian American women who tend to acculturate at a faster rate than their male counterparts, which leads to interpersonal and cultural conflicts within the family and community systems (Leong, 1986). Many believe that the Asian family structure provides a buffer for negative events that occur outside of the home (DeVos, 1982). The highly structured role relationship in Asian families can protect family members from stressors outside of the family, because they provide stability and predictability. For example, if an Asian American woman is degraded and oppressed by prejudice and discrimination from the outside community, she will still receive respect and obedience at home because of her role as a mother and an elder. Ancestor worship is common in Asian cultures and Taoism, and is predicated on the belief that humans have souls that continue after the biological death of the body. It is believed that ancestors have an enduring interest in the social life of the family and community after their death. Rituals are conducted by family elders or through a ritual practitioner to communicate with ancestors and understand their wishes. Ancestors are also remembered and honored through memories and storytelling. To honor the deceased, Asian Americans often keep altars or memorials representative of their ancestors in their homes to allow for prayer, offerings, and blessings for good fortunes and rebirth. Chinese celebrate Ching Ming by tending to the grave in respect of the ancestors and make offerings on Zhong Yuan to appease the ancestors and the dead. Similarly, Vietnamese go to the cemetery to tend to the grave during the third lunar month, Thanh Minh, and go to the temple to pray for the deceased soul during the seventh lunar month, Vu Lan. To celebrate the lives of the deceased, Japanese Buddhists perform traditional dances at the temple during the Obon season (Ladhani & Lee, 2009).



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FATALISM The cultural values of fatalism may lead to silencing of experiences of oppressions or abuse (Ho, 1990). Fatalism as a coping mechanism refers to the tendency to merge with contextual, social, or spiritual forces and to accept certain outcomes rather than trying to change one’s surroundings in order to cope with problems (Yeh & Kwong, 2009). This is consistent with the core concepts in Taoism and Buddhism in keeping harmony with the surrounding and recognizing that life involves suffering. The Buddha’s teachings have been translated into the Four Noble Truths, which provide an explanation for suffering, and the Noble Eightfold Path as a means of coping with and transcending suffering. It may be said that the most profound tenet of Buddhism is to recognize that life involves suffering, which stems from desires, attachments, and individual self-centeredness (Fukuyama & Sevig, 1999). In Buddhism, suffering is inevitable in the physical world, and the path to enlightenment is seen as an absence of desire rather than a result of symptom reduction in the physical world (Inman & Yeh, 2007). Similarly, Taoism teaches one to adapt to the everchanging environment (Tweed, White, & Lehman, 2004). Some may interpret fatalism as the expectation for women to have patience and tolerate difficult situations or oppressions. A strengths-based empowerment model would take an alternative view, and rather than resigning to fate and enduring oppressions, women may seek harmony (Morling & Fiske, 1999) by taking active and intentional steps to find the meaning in contextual, social, or spiritual forces and to merge herself with these forces. For an example, instead of accepting her life as an oppressed woman in an abusive relationship, she may choose to attribute her partner’s violence to his fate for past wrongdoing. She cannot help her partner, but she can leave and survive in peace (Masaki & Wong, 1997). “Karma” in Buddhism is not a fatalistic view that everything is predestined, because in between the cause (seed) and effect (fruit), there are many changeable conditions (new sets of karma) that can affect the outcome. “We reap the fruits of what we have sown. People should take total individual responsibility of their own actions” (Yeung & Lee, 1997, p. 456). SPIRITUALITY AND PSYCHOLOGICAL HEALTH The relationship between spirituality and psychological functioning has been well researched in the literature (Puig & Fukuyama, 2008). Ano and Vasconcelles (2005) cited the benefits of having a belief in a higher order and that seeking spiritual support is associated with higher levels of positive affect, emotional well-being, life satisfaction, spiritual growth, optimism, happiness, self-esteem, purpose in life, quality of life, resilience,

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and hope. Richards and Bergin (1997) cited several reasons for the positive influence of religion on psychological functioning, including contributing to an individual’s sense of identity, providing meaning and purpose, social support, a sense of responsibility and self-control, connection, and inner peace. In the field of multicultural counseling, an individual’s spiritual identity may be critical in developing a culturally sensitive and congruent understanding of the presenting issues and treatment strategies. For many Asian Pacific American women, identity incorporates race, ethnicity, gender, religion, economic status, and cultural and family values, among others. The sense of connection, responsibility and self-control that spirituality provides is consistent with the cultural values of Asian Pacific American women as previously discussed, and is a valuable resource in healing from oppression. For Asian Pacific American women, the integration of spiritual beliefs and practices in counseling may be culturally congruent on various levels. Asian Pacific Americans tend to utilize a clergy or religious leader before seeking help from mental health professionals. Given the collectivistic worldview of Asian Americans, reliance on their religious and spiritual community is also culturally congruent as the individual is a part of the larger group and community. Thus, an Asian American woman may avoid the loss of face by sharing her concerns or struggles within her religious community rather than seeking support from “outsiders.” Mental issues are stigmatized and often viewed as punishment for past or present sins, thus contributing to added shame in seeking treatment. The values of counseling may also be in conflict with the cultural values held by Asian Pacific Americans, and this extends to spiritual and religious beliefs as well. Having shared identities across race, ethnicity, gender, and spiritual beliefs can contribute to a shared worldview and understanding of perspectives, which can be empowering and combat the oppressive forces which the individual may be experiencing. The experience of religion and spirituality in the lives of many Asian Pacific American women is often subjective and personal. It is important for counselors to remain aware of the potential conflicts that an Asian Pacific American woman may be experiencing as she is navigating and negotiating values and belief systems across gender, religious and spiritual, and racial identities. Individuals may be reluctant to disclose their spirituality in session, particularly when they sense that the counselor does not understand their faith. As Uba (1994) highlighted, individuals may feel discouraged and misunderstood if the therapist is not aware of cultural values and how they may play into the presenting concerns of the client. Puig and Fukuyama (2008) conducted a qualitative study of multicultural expressions of spirituality and found six primary components, including: rituals (private and/or public ceremonial behavior), doctrine, emotion (presence of feelings), knowledge (sacred writings and



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principles), ethics (rule for guidance), and community (relationships and involvement with others). In providing multiculturally competent services, one must be attentive to both the universal and culture-specific definitions of spirituality, and thus balance finding the common ground while attending to the client’s subjective and personal spiritual and cultural experiences (Puig & Fukuyama, 2008). The salience of spirituality and religion as a resource as well as a part of the presenting issues must also be attended to when working with women who have experienced multiple oppressions. Often, support for Asian Pacific American women is found within Asian American congregations and churches; however, this is not always the case. Asian Pacific American women leaders may experience feeling marginalized within their cultures of origin or within their church, thus, it is important for counselors to explore the cultural conflicts that may arise for women as they navigate multiple identities (Tan & Dong, 2000). Traditional Asian cultural values are often stereotyped as reinforcing patriarchy and authoritarian leadership, and this can extend to the structures found within some Buddhist churches. However, there are growing numbers of Asian churches that have become more progressive in the area of gender roles and the inclusion of women in church leadership positions (Tan & Dong, 2000). Religion and spirituality often serve as protective factors for clients. In a qualitative study (Yeh & Kwong, 2009), Asian American families who had lost a family member in the World Trade Center attacks utilized collectivistic coping strategies such as relying on a “higher order and fatalism” to cope with the loss. The authors refer to these as “functional coping strategies” that are commonly found among immigrants and refugees who have experienced catastrophic events. Several Buddhist concepts can also be applied in counseling and serve as protective factors. Kinzie (1989) stated that ancestral worshiping can help a client to maintain contact with the past and provide a sense of continuity of life; the concept of karma may often help diffuse a personal sense of survivor guilt or shame, and Buddhist prohibition against suicide can be a ‘’powerful ally’’ when working with a suicidal client. Many Cambodians frame their traumatic experiences within their Buddhist beliefs and, therefore, life experiences are regarded as meaningful occurrences of fate or karma (Abueg & Chun, 1996). Additionally, this fatalistic approach to one’s present existence is also related to Buddhist teachings that a person controls his or her own destiny through free will and cannot escape present suffering in this world (Boehnlein, 1987). CASE EXAMPLE Buddhism and psychotherapy share common goals in alleviating human suffering and achieving inner peace. Curing the human mind and

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producing a state of optimal mental health, balance, and tranquility are major aims in Buddhism (Yeung & Lee, 1997). Western psychology provides models to understand the biological and social aspects and behaviors, and Buddhism offers a systematic way to understand human spirit and its relationship with the environment. A case example is used to illustrate how the intersecting identities of race and ethnicity, gender, and spirituality may present themselves in psychotherapy, and how a counselor can effectively incorporate them into treatment. Nancy is a 45-year-old Chinese woman who has been referred to counseling for depression by her primary care physician. She has been married for 15 years and has two children, ages 12 and 9. She identifies as Buddhist, however, she has not regularly attended services at the temple since she was young. Over the past five years, she has experienced two miscarriages and the loss of her mother who lived with the family and assisted with daycare. She has been working as a school teacher for 20 years but recently was transferred to another school farther away from her home. She described “conflicts and misunderstandings” with her previous principal, who was young, controlling, and did not respect her status and contributions at the school. She reports frustration and anger and feeling like a “victim of bad luck and misfortune.” Nancy’s husband has recently become more detached in the home and is preoccupied with his own job security, thus, not providing the support she once experienced from him. She is finding herself feeling more isolated from her friends and family, and recently had an argument with another teacher. She is also feeling sadness and regret for not having spent more time with her children when they were younger and “needed me more.” In the initial stage of counseling with Nancy, the counselor developed rapport and trust by asking Nancy to share how she felt she had been the “victim of misfortune and bad luck.” Nancy shared how life had been unfair to her as she had felt she had suffered through years of working hard at her job and sacrificing time with her children to pursue her career. She expressed her frustration with not “having anything to show for her work” and that she “wanted and deserved an easier life with nice things.” As sessions continued, the counselor explored the roles of spirituality, ethnicity, gender, career, and family in providing a deeper understanding of Nancy’s current experiences and depression. As a Buddhist, she was encouraged to examine her “bad luck” from the Buddhist teachings of the Four Noble Truths. The First Noble Truth speaks about how an ordinary life, even a pleasant and rewarding ordinary life, is tinged with a sense of pervasive unsatisfaction because of how fragile and transient everything is—there is no such thing as an “easier” life. The Second Noble Truth teaches us that “clinging” to an idea of perfection or of an absolute, unchanging reality is the cause of suffering—having the idea of an easier life is a source of



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suffering. The Third Noble Truth tells us that there is a kind of happiness not dependent on controlling the outcome of things. It comes from having peace of mind and acceptance of the existence of suffering. The Fourth Noble Truth, known as the Eightfold or Middle Path, teaches us that changing the way we relate to what happens makes a different relationship possible with transience and fragility in life. As Nancy realized and began to accept that the sufferings in her life, such as loss, an unsupportive husband, and difficult coworkers, were part of the human existence, she was able to gain compassion and gratitude for these experiences that she previously viewed as “obstacles against me.” She was able to learn to view her past and recent experiences from a clearer perspective, and accept all experiences and feelings. Through self-reflection, she gained insight into not only how others have caused her discomfort but also perhaps the discomfort she may have caused others. As she learned to connect with her feelings and view them from a loving perspective, she began to feel more in control and was able to let go of the meanings that she had attached to these emotions. As a mother, she learned to accept that her children’s growing independence was part of change and impermanence. This understanding also helped her to let go of her grief and anger. She gradually accepted responsibility for taking care of herself. She accepted the situations she was not able to change and focused her energy on those areas in which she was able to make positive change. CONCLUSIONS As we reflect on our own personal and professional development as Asian American women psychologists, we have shared many discussions on the meaning of spirituality in the work we do. We have been strengthened by our elders and sisters who have modeled the importance of speaking up and giving voice to our spiritual beliefs, traditions, and practices. We acknowledge that bringing these deeper parts of ourselves into our professional identities is an ongoing learning process for us. In our discussions, we have celebrated both our commonalities and differences in our beliefs and traditions, and have felt empowered by voicing our experiences with other Asian Pacific American women. It is our hope that this chapter provides an opening for others to continue to challenge the barriers Asian Pacific American women face and to highlight the strengths within all of us. In closing, we would like to share the following story: A woman lost her only infant, and she became extremely distraught. She carried her dead son’s body to the Buddha. She wanted him to revive her son. She was beyond reason. Seeing the woman in such overwhelming grief, the Buddha agreed to help if she would bring back some mustard seeds. She was very happy to hear that. However,

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the Buddha told her that the seeds had to be from a household where no one had died. Without hesitation, she set forth to look for the seeds from village to village. After a long and exhaustive search, she found no such seeds but discovered the nature of life (Narada, 1982). When she went back to see the Buddha, she was calm and peaceful.

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Chapter 10

Transformation through our Circle of Fire Yvonne N. Awana, Susana Ming Lowe, and Ann S. Yabusaki

FRAMING THE CHAPTER The authors engaged in a collective deepening process of spiritual understanding in an effort to organically create a work by and for Pacific Islander and Asian American women in psychology. From inception, the process involved feminist, multicultural, social justice, and transpersonal perspectives. We actively and persistently resisted recreating messages of internalized oppression from dominant voices within psychology, imperialism, and positivism. With mutual respect and raw courage, the authors peeled back layers of secular professional indoctrination to reveal connections to our ancestors, our spiritual sisters and brothers, clients, and ultimately a return to who we are (transformed). Implications for Asian American and Pacific Islander women who wish to engage in spiritual exploration are embedded in the process revealed. Themes related to spirituality, personal, and professional practice are illuminated through the ceremony of the ho’olauna, our own narratives, and talking story among the circle of women. Recommended readings are also provided.

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THE CIRCLE OF FIRE This is a story about three women who had the courage to jump into a circle of fire. Answering the call to speak about our spiritual truths as Pacific Islander and Asian American women, we sat together in trust and in love and in light. We left behind, let go, and placed outside of our circle all expectations. We reached into ourselves as deeply as we could go, and we retrieved our soul stories. We offered them into the sacred fire, ignited by the pain, sorrows, losses, injustice, rage, strengths, humor, joy, perseverance, and love of our ancestors. Fire is alive. At times the flames warmed us, and at other times they burned us. Imagine our circle. We listened to each other. We engaged in our own personal meditations and writing. We read each other’s stories and we read to each other. As we went about our daily lives, our stories and our connections became more vivid, more alive. We heard echoes of ourselves in each other. During the journey we suffered serious health problems, social justice and legal challenges, and battled the adversity of internalized oppression. Despite our physical, emotional, psychic discomfort or pain, we kept returning to the sacred circle of fire with faith that the Universe would guide us. As we did, we transformed. CEREMONY OF THE HO’OLAUNA Aunty Betty Jenkins, a kupuna (Hawaiian elder) taught me (Ann) the ho’olauna. It is a Hawaiian ceremony of introducing oneself to others. She explained that in the ho’olauna, the importance of WHO (name, family, birthplace, significance of such) is more important than the WHAT (chosen profession). She taught me to welcome the presence of ancestors, acknowledge their names with their directed powers and understand the kuleana (responsibility) that entwines forces of nature with culture. Ho’olauna, she said, nurtures, honors, and respects mana (spiritual/divine powers). For Aunty Betty, the ho’olauna connected the Hawaiian spiritual experience of revisiting one’s past with a focus on the present while envisioning the future. Aunty believed our lives were woven together and that the ho’olauna bonded people to people, place to place, mind to mind, and spirit to spirit. If I shared from spirit, all would be pono (perfect order) (Aunty Betty Kawohiokalani Ellis Jenkins, unpublished manuscript). The reason I present my spirit in story form is to give voice to my family’s struggles and their stories. Because of their cultural value of gaman, “don’t complain,” they approached the world in a different way than I. ANN’S HO’OLAUNA I have been through many ceremonies of the ho’olauna, and each time I do it, I go deeper into myself. When I was first asked to do the ceremony,



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I fretted about what I wanted to reveal about myself and what people would think of me afterwards. Dare I reveal my soul? Doing the ho’olauna means being honest with oneself. I am now comfortable with sharing because I now have a pride about my ancestors, their strengths and contributions to my life, and where I am today. I am because of them, and they gave me the foundation to tell others who I am. I am the granddaughter of a grandmother who immigrated from Okinawa as a picture bride. Why she came is a mystery. Perhaps for a better life? Perhaps forced by her parents? Sold? It really doesn’t matter. Her spirit shines brightly in my life. Hers was an adventurer, explorer of this material world. As I got to know my grandmother, I saw her determination to survive, her love of life. She gave birth to 10 children, some in the pineapple fields of Hawaii. She started a lunch wagon business and sold hot lunches to the workers in the sugarcane fields of Ewa. How she ever got her driver’s license is beyond my imagination. I didn’t know she could read English that well because she mainly spoke Okinawan or pidgin English. She made sake (rice wine) during prohibition and displayed a photo of Buddha during World War II. When the FBI came to inspect the home for espionage, my father and she quickly changed Buddha to Christ and returned Buddha to his place after they left. Her gnarled and thick fingers, brown from the sun in the fields, were strong and always busy. She grew her own garden of green onions, garlic, lettuce and carrots in the back yard by the Kalihi stream. She had chickens and once, as a little girl, I watched her grab one, twist its neck and sever its carotid artery. Once done, she hung it upside down to bleed out. She plucked and cut it up and fried it for dinner. She was always old, full of wrinkles. But her pictures as a young woman showed a quiet beauty that I had not known. Her humor predates mine and I can see our similarities. In her 80s, she pretended to eat a spider in front of our children, which grossed them out. She loved playing with them. As she aged and her memory faded, she kept misplacing her false teeth. I remember my father cussing under his breath while frantically searching for them between the cushions on the sofa, while grandma’s handi-van waited patiently outside. Remembering her now, I am grateful for her stubborn determination, quiet perseverance, and joy of life. I am the daughter of a father who nurtured the light within me. Born the first of ten children, he was educated in Okinawa from ages 5 to 17. He was popular among his classmates and mischievous. A neighbor remembered him 70 years later, when we visited Okinawa, and described him as a very bright child. When my father told the neighbor he was that child, the neighbor beamed speechlessly. Father’s English often eluded him, particularly when he was angry with me. I still giggle when he called me “Ugly girl!” because that’s all he knew to say.

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My father saw in me what I couldn’t. He didn’t speak much, but when he did, I would never fail to laugh with him—he had a wonderful sense of humor—or be moved by the wisdom of his few words. I came to know him better while caring for him in his later years. He could imitate the dog next door with such precision, that I always broke out laughing hysterically. He once noted, “You are not normal.” He could not understand the concept of a psychologist nor could he understand how I could leave jobs simply because the work was uninteresting or no longer important to me. He once scolded me for being insensitive and too Western. When my husband and I were caring for him shortly before he died, I asked him if he would like the last ice cream bar. I knew he loved ice cream, but he replied, “No thanks.” Oh, I thought, I get to eat the ice cream bar! I eagerly began to tear at the wrapping. He immediately yelled, “You’re not supposed to eat it!” “Why?” I asked bewildered. “Because you’re supposed to ask me three times! What kind of Japanese are you?” he scolded as he reached for the bar. I am the daughter of a mother who was raised in Ookala on the Big Island in Hawai’i. Her parents had emigrated from Okinawa for a better life. Her mother died at childbirth. My mother was their only child. My mother became the valedictorian of her 10th grade graduating class. She helped her father in the local hospital by cooking, cleaning, and assisted the country doctor on house calls riding to patients on horseback. A beautiful young woman, she moved to Oahu to work in the medical field. Education was always important to her. After marriage and three children, she returned to high school to receive her GED. She graduated as valedictorian of her class, an event I remember as a 9 year old. I am my grandmother, grandfathers, mother, father, and all who came before me. I am the culmination of generations of pioneers to a new land charting new courses, seeking a better life for themselves and their children, and supporting the next generation. I feel the depth of their pain and joy and am grateful for their perseverance, joy, and humor in life. My family gave me the courage and freedom to release my spirit into this world. TALKING STORY (DIALOGUE) ABOUT ANN’S HO’OLAUNA What stands out for me (Yvonne) and what resonates is your love for your grandmother and how you celebrate the generations before. When I think of my grandma I remember her gentle smile, her morning meditations, her orchids, and her forcing me to eat papaya every single morning. I hardly eat papaya nowadays. I am also reminded of how much my family loves me, my son, my brothers, my father, my mother, my grandparents - through their love for me, I grew and flourished. Your story also touches me in remembering that both my parents were born and raised on



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small Pacific Islands. They were independent, they trusted their paths, and they set out to attend college in Denver. Sometimes I just forget how much of my family lives within me and how much they love me. Thank you for that, Ann. When I first read your story, I (Susana) recalled your hesitation and caution about writing this chapter; how much of your story to share. . . how much to censor. I felt saddened the readers wouldn’t know the daring vulnerable parts of you that I saw when we talked about spirituality. It felt formal. When I shared this reaction with you, you explained the purpose and form of the ho’olauna. As I let your teaching sink in, I read your story with fresh eyes. Then I saw the respect and honor flowing forth in your careful style of sharing your ancestors’ gifts. The way they nurtured you through food and humor gave me pause. Growing up on the mainland1, there was neither place nor occasion to celebrate my immigrant parents; my American education taught me they were strange. I remember the way my father cooked for me when I came home for lunch in elementary school. He would pick a perfectly ripened tomato from his garden, wash it carefully with warm water and salt to ensure it was clean, and place a big juicy slice on top of steaming fresh rice (never rice which sat too long) with a sunny side up egg. He’d drizzle a little oyster sauce over the top and add a few sprigs of lively cilantro. In these tender moments I felt completely embraced and loved. When I was tense and stressed about writing the chapter, I read your story one way, but when I could see what it meant to you, Ann, more clearly within the context of the Ho’olauna, I felt freed to recollect my home, where my father’s actions meant so much more than words. I (Ann) appreciate what you both said. This love is the foundation of what I return to in order to have the courage to do what I do, to speak the truth even if it is criticized. It’s because of the foundation my family gave me, that I can choose to be outrageous or walk away from people and projects that feel “wrong” for me. I can be more flexible in living my life than they could. “Do we want to say anything about how our ancestors are related to spirituality?” (Yvonne) It was lived, and the way they lived it was “their story,” “our story.” They embedded how they lived spiritually by living it in their daily lives. They did not sit us down and pontificate on how it is to be spiritual let alone how to live spiritually. For me, spirituality was expressed through my lineage. Stories from my ancestors were passed down through each generation. These stories became teachings of the honoring and celebration of the beauty of life, land, and cosmology. These profound stories came from both of my parents’ histories and families. To me (Ann) the spiritual is You, who you are and what you do. I truly don’t understand the concept of spirituality. Is living your spirit, spirituality?

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(Yvonne) Spiritual is that lived experience of what you’re talking about, Susana, in your dad and the tomato, how he prepared it so carefully and tastefully for you. I love how you write about your grandmother making sake during prohibition, Ann. Everything that was Japanese you had to hide during World War II, and here she is (your grandmother) standing in her truth! That’s being spiritual. Your mom having a GED reminds me of how my grandparents only had a sixth-grade education, both my parents went to college on the Continental United States, and I became a doctor. Each generation wants much more for the next. I want much more for my son. Yes, 25-plus years after the Civil Rights movement, my husband and I (Ann) still had to protect our children from racism. Our son’s teachers criticized him for dating Caucasian girls. The principal of his high school accused him of belonging to a White racist group even though he is Asian. A promising baseball player, our son was benched as we watched White players being called to play. Our daughter and her Black boyfriend were stopped by the local police because, as the police explained, they wanted to be sure she was “safe.” We protested this racial profiling and got nowhere. I watched helplessly as my husband suffered rejection after rejection from academic positions for which he was more than qualified, as White candidates were picked. When he co-founded his own company, his White partners hired someone above him without his knowledge because, they said, “___ could make investors smile.” We never made close relationships with our neighbors in over the 25 years of living as a family in America. Susana, you mentioned the word micro-aggressions in our conversations, which I interpret as daily acts of aggression against the soul. I’ve always felt this while on the Mainland, and now I adapt the word America for the Mainland. A close friend and Native Hawaiian activist reminded me that because America invaded and illegally took the nation of Hawaii, we are not Americans per se, but Hawaiians. America occupies Hawaiian land. I never thought about this distinction until I experienced the marginalization of my family and my spirit. I never felt as if I had a place on the Mainland. This is why I now call the Mainland, “America.” SPIRITUALITY AND DIASPORA “Spirituality is personal and sacred,” said the women in the circle. At first I (Susana) didn’t understand why I recoiled when the women said this. Then I realized how strongly I believe spirituality is historically and politically situated. Colonization, war, torture, economic oppression, and other factors, including those that led to my family’s migration, all play a part in shaping our religious and spiritual identities. For 25 years of my life I had no clue about any of this. With the guidance of Sucheng Chan,



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pioneer in Asian American studies, I learned who I am within the context of centuries of American politics, economics, racism, religious persecution, and sexism. What started out as a job that paid for graduate school became the lesson of a lifetime; I am a product of the Chinese diaspora. I’ve spent several decades tracing my existence backwards—why am I culturally the way I am? How do I resolve conflicts or make relationships informed by my racial cultural self as an American born Chinese female? Who am I? Do I have a spirituality? Diaspora People left China and settled in places all over the world for diverse reasons. My ancestry is tied to the immigration of agricultural workers and laborers from the Guongdung province of China to the United States. I was born and raised on the mainland of the United States with no clear knowledge about the religion or spirituality of my ancestors. I lived in a household that honored Confucianism more than anything else. I learned the importance of honoring my elders and tending to the grave of my Goong-goong.2 At each visit, after carefully cleaning his headstone and refreshing the flowers, my mother would ask him to look after his grandchildren and keep us safe. Now that my mother is paralyzed, living with Alzheimers, I still go to the cemetery, but now I ask Goong-goong to protect my mother, and keep her from suffering. Growing up I was told my mother was so traumatized by her parents’ death during World War II that she couldn’t speak of them. We were forbidden from asking questions. My paternal grandmother had died tragically during the Cultural Revolution; we never spoke of her either. My mother adopted a loose belief in Christianity. I think a friend of hers took her to church one day, and then she just adapted her beliefs to include wearing a cross. She incorporated her own moral code of doing right by others, being kind and compassionate, especially to those less fortunate than her (and she was not a very privileged woman). She told me she believed in God because every time she hit rock bottom, Seurng dai3 came through for her. One day she was in the market, and she didn’t know how she would afford to buy milk for the kids let alone groceries to feed her family of seven. Then suddenly she found a ten-dollar bill on the floor. She told all of us that God was watching over her. My mom believed in reincarnation. She often said she must have been a terrible person in a previous life, or even a bug, that she was given this life filled with sorrow and suffering. I knew my dad was a spiritual guy even though I never defined it that way until after he died. He was always philosophizing, sharing his vivid dreams, communicating with birds and other animals. He would speak to the full moon and felt its power. My dad practiced Tai Chi every day. I

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don’t know what religious beliefs my father had, but he believed every living thing, plant, or animal deserved respect, even the fish Dad caught for eating. He would always talk to them before butchering them, sometimes saying “sorry baby” before giving the fish a swift merciful death. As a student of Western empirical inquiry, I was hung up on the lack of proof that god existed, but also the lack of proof god did not exist. I lived an areligious and aspiritual life (with the exception of being intrigued by ghost stories) for many years, or so I thought. In my thirties, I attended a professional workshop on radical acceptance, Existentialism, and psychology on Cape Cod. I was drawn to it for some reason, perhaps because they billed it as “radical” and the coastal getaway sounded great. The teachers guided me in my first meditations, and I am ever grateful for this instruction. It led me to a people of color meditation group at the San Francisco Buddhist center. At that time, the sangha was involved in a larger social justice movement to empower the Untouchables, the lowest caste4 in India. The center also created a safe space for people of color and social justice activists to practice meditation; even though meditation practice may transcend race, the specter of racism is still a factor while meditating in groups. I am in awe of the irony that I would learn about Buddhism, a spiritual practice dating back thousands of years in China from European American psychologists in a very White resort town. Viveka, an ordained member of the Western Buddhist order, facilitated the connection between my life in the West and the wisdom of Buddhist practice emanating from the East. Picture me, a San Francisco born Chinese American and my dear friend N., whose Indian ancestry roots her to the birthplace of Buddhism, sitting as novice meditators in the heart of the Mission district.5 To me, this image symbolizes how beautiful it can be to live in a multicultural society. However, it is also the tale of separation, loss, and the journey to return from whence we came before the diasporas. In diasporic movements, religion and spirituality may or may not be passed on through families. Although we may worship or adopt ancestral traditions, we in the United States tend to learn them through a Western lens. The disconnection is powerful, I believe, for women of the diaspora. Asians and Pacific Islanders travel through many different migration forces from Japan to Peru, from Cambodia to Thailand to Long Beach, California, from Punjab, India to Canada, or Guongdung, China to Sydney, Australia. How do we develop our spirituality? How do we find/ feel connection in the face of colonization, disconnection, denial, or being forbidden to practice religion? What about those who fled in order to practice their religion in a more open place? Where is our spiritual home? How do we deal with spiritual isolation in therapy? I am moved to recall the people from many diasporic movements who taught me who I am and of what the human spirit is capable. I am part of



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the Chinese diaspora, the daughter of two Chinese immigrants who were traumatized by war and loss. When I began this chapter, I felt a sense of detached sadness about how nobody in my family explained any spiritual or religious tradition to me. Nothing, it seemed, could fill the void of learning from and being together with people in my ancestral land. Now I see how my ancestors’ stories continue with me. I see how my journey, in a string of journeys made by people I don’t consciously know, is one of the human spirit. I used to think about when/how I began my spiritual journey in distinct occurrences. Since our dialog has commenced, my memories of my family expand, and I no longer see my journey into a spiritual life as disjointed or as happenstance as previously thought. TALKING STORY ABOUT DIASPORA AND SPIRITUALITY What a wonderful story. I (Ann) strongly resonated with and was strongly moved by your experience of the disconnection of war, the immigrant struggle of loss and triumph, surviving in a new land, maintaining one’s humor and dignity, sacrificing without really being aware of sacrifice for one’s children, hiding oneself to adapt to a new culture and for whatever reason, not being able to pass on to your children the story of your past. I wish I had known your mother. She seems to have had a wonderful sense of humor in spite of hardship and faith. What she could have taught me! Your dad acted his spiritual life, a very special gift to give to his children, I think. Lucky you! I was also reminded of my daughter, who is adopted and who searches for herself. It’s a hunger at some level, maybe it’s a spiritual hunger to make these connections in order to feel whole again. Our daughter struggles for an identity that I think only a biological family can give. We could not give her knowledge of her Korean culture because we are Japanese. She was such a handful to raise that I had difficulty attaching to her, as attachment theory would define it. I’m embarrassed to admit that after ten years of raising her, privately praying and pleading for guidance from the Universe, and during a moment of wanting to disown her, I was surprised to learn that I had actually fallen in love with her. She had become a part of me and I had become her mother. We would have a history together. It took me at least 25 years to find my history. The longing to know is very deep. It seems that being in a culture that is not yours can fragment a person. And yet in your family’s quiet ways, they gave you the foundation to become who you are, which is what my family gave to me. I find stories of reclamation always powerful and moving. I (Yvonne) love your story. Like Ann’s it’s very deep and rich. What stands out for me is the immigration process. It’s also a part of my story, but we don’t really talk about it. Who am I? “Grandpa, how did you meet grandma—she lived down dea da other side of da camp.” That’s my

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culture, certain things we didn’t share. What also stood out for me is the loss of some of your family members. I too have lost a lot of family. In both your stories and in mine, the amount of sacrifices that our families have made in order to make the next generation better, that to me is love spiritually passed down. I wish I could go way back in time to honor my ancestors the way my grandparents did. One way my grandma honored our ancestors was through dancing at the O-Bon (Buddhist festival of the dead). My grandmother unfortunately had a heart attack dancing at one of the O-Bon festivals. Several days later she died. My grandfather once told me that he was lying in bed one morning and he saw all his ancestors walking across his bedroom. He could describe what they looked like and what they were wearing. These profound experiences of my grandparents make me realize that my ancestors live within and throughout me. I am the grateful extension of my lineage. I (Susana) agree. We’re genetically connected to our ancestors, and we’ve adopted so much of what has been passed down through them, even if we’re not conscious of it. There is connection and there is loss. I am who my family members were, who my ancestors were, going far back beyond my knowing. It reminds me of Thich Nat Hanh saying that there is no beginning and no end. All life is continuous. (Ann) Tu Wei Ming, a Taoist philosopher at Harvard believes that there is cultural DNA. We cannot separate ourselves from our cultures because it is embedded within us. I agree. I feel very close to my culture through the memories and stories of my ancestors. My ancestors were my teachers. (Yvonne) You know, in thinking about my grandparents, could we please take out “American” after Pacific Islander in the chapter title? I don’t strongly identify as an American. I was born and raised on Pacific Islands. As a Chamoru and Japanese Pacific Islander I had some challenges growing up on three different islands. My family members told me stories during my elementary school years of how some of my people killed some of my people during World War II. Gruesome stories were told to me about what a number of the Japanese soldiers did to several of my Chamoru family members additionally, adding insult to many of the Chamoru people. As a child I personalized these stories; somehow I felt responsible for them. The stories confused the hell out of me! I learned early that it was safer to identify culturally and ethnically with whatever island I was living on at the time. Being biracial is challenging! MY JOURNEY I am Yvonne Natsue Martinez Awana, a Chamoru and Japanese Pacific Islander woman raised on the islands of Guam, Kaua’i, and O’ahu. I have



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had so many wonderful and not so wonderful events in my life. It truly boils down to two kinds of experiences. One is Fear disguised as the mask of Rage or Grief. The others are profound encounters I understood to be Love. My experiences are extremely sacred and very personal. In sharing parts of my story with you, it is my hope that it will offer glimpses of your own. It is very hard to know where to begin to tell my story. Furthermore, what parts of my story do I truly feel comfortable sharing? I struggle with what is in my heart to write and what I perceive would be professionally acceptable. I was challenged by multiple attempts and endeavors in writing my piece of this chapter. I sat and stared at my computer for hours. During that time I took many many deep breaths and just waited. Suddenly one day, I began to feel a shift within me. I began to trust something larger than myself. I surrendered to my story and felt raw and transparent. I decided to begin my story when I consciously participated in my spiritual journey. I was married in my early twenties, and soon after my marriage I gave birth to a beautiful baby boy. Oh how my life felt utterly complete! However, in the months that followed I began feeling sad and very scared. I did not know why I was feeling this way. All I wanted was these feelings to go away. I cried in the bathroom alone. I cried when I thought no one was around. I cried and I cried. My tears turned into bizarre physical experiences throughout the day. I began feeling terrified. I felt as if something was pressing against my chest and I could not breathe, my hands trembled uncontrollably, I was nauseous, I was light headed, and I literally thought I was losing my mind. I tried to hide these emotional and physical experiences as best I could. In the days that followed, I finally gained the courage to go to the doctor. Immediately the medical staff had me undergo numerous blood and cardiovascular tests. Oddly enough, no physical disease could be determined. The doctor diagnosed me as experiencing episodes of severe panic attacks and prescribed me medication to help. Those of you who have experienced panic attacks may be very familiar with these symptoms and the distress that accompanies them. Despite my medical diagnosis and medication, I continued to be utterly terrified. I thought I was dying. I worried about my beautiful baby boy and I worried about my mom. I agonized incessantly, of who would take care of the two people in my life that I was constantly concerned about if I died. The intense panic attacks and fear of having one consumed my daily life. Needless to say, I truly was a mess! I was scared and exhausted. I did not know why I was so tired, I did not know why I was so terrified, and I did not know why I was so extremely sad. Even the medical staff had no answer. I felt my life was falling apart.

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Despite my unraveling experience, I loved being a mother, a wife, and a daughter. The love I held for my family and the love and trust I had in something greater than me carried me through my abyss. One day, I cradled my infant son on my left hip, as I was doing the dishes. The lukewarm water felt comforting as I rinsed the last dish with my right hand. All of a sudden, I distinctly heard my deceased grandma’s voice say to me, “You will carry on where I could not.” You see, grandma was a healer but she never saw herself as one. People from all over the island of Kaua’i came to see her. It was understood that if anyone in the family was sick or injured, they would go to grandma. Grandma’s famous mantra she repeatedly told me growing up was, “You are a Child of God. Thank you very much.” Needless to say, I dropped that last dish into the sink, shattering it against the stainless steel. I held my son closely in my arms as tears began to gently pour down my cheeks. I did not know if what I heard was real or imagined. I immediately called my mom. She listened as I told her what just happened. It was difficult for me to talk and cry at the same time. I choked and coughed as I struggled to get my words out. I am quite sure she too began to cry because I heard her turn on the faucet to drink water. I heard her swallowing the water as if to wash away her tears. My mom was very supportive and she knew my encounter with my grandma was very real. From that day on, my life began to fall into place. The following week I was perusing the yellow pages for a plumber to help with our new home extension. Ironically when I flipped over to the “P” section of the yellow pages, it opened to “Psychologists.” I don’t know what moved me to call. Mind you, I never saw a psychologist in my life! I called her to set up an appointment. She told me she looked forward to seeing me. I responded nervously letting her know I could not drive to her office because I was afraid I would die. She said, “Well then walk.” I was so upset with her! I eventually mustered up the courage to drive to my first session. She was very supportive and encouraging. Sitting across from her I gave voice to my story. It was incredibly powerful and healing. That day I discovered things about myself that were magical. I left my session with a smile and a tear. Several weeks went by and I felt strong enough to drive through the Wilson Tunnel for the first time in months. As I drove out of the tunnel, I was struck by the beautiful and breathtaking Ko’olau Mountains. In that moment something extraordinary happened. I heard my name echoed across the Ko’olau Valley. My name softly and melodiously was repeated again and again between the crevices of the mountains. It was as if I was being physically, psychologically, emotionally, and spiritually absorbed into the Ko’olaus. Within moments I heard the words of the mountains



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clearly and distinctly say, “I love you.” I slouched back into my car seat and began to sob uncontrollably. I was filled with a remembrance of an omnipotent love. I felt safe and loved. From then on my daily panic attacks began to subside. Several years passed and I continued to listen to the earth. Her mountains, her oceans, her trees, and her rocks taught me the holiness of all life and of the love I had within. It is very difficult to put into words how the earth’s teachings were transmitted to me. What I am sure of is that it felt very ancient and very familiar. Despite my discovery of an internal peace, emotional challenges arose. First, my husband and I divorced. It felt like the ultimate death of a little girl’s hopes and dreams. Second, my twentyeight year old brother died shortly after my divorce. Can you possibly imagine my family’s pain? He was so young! I felt as if a part of my heart was ripped away. I miss you so much Regis. It was devastating to everything I believed in and cherished spiritually. I blamed God for taking my brother away from me and I was mad at my brother for leaving. The love of my family, psychotherapy, transpersonal trainings, the Course in Miracles, teachings from the Earth, working with indigenous healers, psychics, transmediums, and attending a local university all became enormous foundations that led towards much of my healing and wholeness. I experienced more of that primordial love once again. Eventually I graduated with a doctorate in clinical psychology and my son graduated with a master’s in education. What an incredible accomplishment for the both of us! In retrospect, I have come to understand spirituality as an experience and a way of being that is sanctified and personal. For me, it yields itself to the diversity of cosmological experiences which are woven into our ideographic cultural tapestry. At times it is extremely difficult to understand my deepest spiritual beliefs and my moment to moment experience in being human. Perhaps it is just my conviction that the human experiences are encounters of living in a dualistic world. To the extent that I can bestow reverence on my human and transcendent occurrences, I ultimately in those transpersonal moments, was loving myself unconditionally. I am Yvonne Natsue Martinez Awana, a Chamoru and Japanese Pacific Islander woman raised on the islands of Guam, Kaua’i, and O’ahu. I am a Child of God. Thank you very much. TALKING STORY ABOUT YVONNE’S JOURNEY (Ann) Your story raised images of the phoenix rising out of the ashes. For me, it was a story of final surrender to who you are. I am reminded of our stories of not wanting to listen to or accept the kahea (calling) because it is the more difficult path. When the psychologist said to walk to the office because you were afraid to drive, I realized how many times my

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mother-in-law said, “It was your choice; don’t complain.” Words of sympathy were lost on her. She forced me to confront my complaining and ask why I’m complaining. I’d be angry with her and appreciate her wisdom at the same time. Yvonne, your story is powerful. For me, it was about letting go and letting be. I sometimes think our darkest moments are lessons on trust. I had to be confronted with many painful experiences that eventually forced me to take that leap of faith because I had no choice. I had to learn, through many painful experiences, to trust. Each time I doubted the wisdom of doing something, like accepting the president position of a school of psychology and having to merge it with another, I suffered. If I could only have accepted the challenges more gracefully I might have suffered less. Instead of asking, “Why me, God? Someone with more experience would do better, I’m sure.” I questioned if I had been seduced by my ego instead of responding to a calling by God. When I surrendered to the experience— trusted that this was where I was supposed to be—“life fell into place.” Thank you, Yvonne. (Susana) First of all, I am so moved. Your story reached me deep inside and I wept. It resonated with me when you said you don’t know how much of your story to share with this unknown unseen audience. The idea of “conscious participation” in your spiritual journey speaks to how the journey is on, whether one is conscious of participating in it or not. When I read the part about you and your psychologist, I realized that your story is a (s)hero’s tale. You thought you were going to die and leave behind the people you love with no way to care for themselves if you were gone, and then the challenge was for you to live, and to get yourself to that psychologist’s office. The psychologist was like the sage telling you “there is a way,” even though you wanted to smack her for saying you could walk to her office. From there you take on more challenges and triumph, and start to come into your own power and influence, your capabilities. I spent so many years distrusting the European male theorists, but it feels like through our discussions what rings true is there may very well be universal human journeys; that the spiritual life and our development are facilitated, as Jung might say or as Joseph Campbell might recount, through these heroic journeys, that are almost always spurred on by tragedy. You also said it is difficult to weave deep spiritual beliefs with moment to moment experience—so true! For me, the real deep spiritual encounters come unpredictably, those moments when something resonates in your bones as truth. It’s easy to get caught up in the dualistic world as you say, Yvonne. It’s hard to unshackle from dualism, expectations, and what’s acceptable—the issue of obligation and family honor is especially heightened thinking about myself as a Chinese American woman.



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SPIRITUALITY AND THERAPY One of my (Susana) Native Hawaiian clients was chosen to receive her grandmother’s name. It was a special gift that her grandmother, a Native Hawaiian healer, bestowed upon her after greeting her as a baby and sensing she was the one. It is a name that is powerful and tells a story, a name her grandmother told her should not be shared with just anyone. To share the name under wrong circumstances and with the wrong people would be dangerous and offensive to the gods. It remains difficult to know what of my own story to share with you. I do not want to offend my ancestors or adversely affect my life or my children’s lives by placing my story in the hands of someone who might exploit it. And yet it is impossible to convey the power of spiritual opening without truly telling one’s story. The three of us have wondered under what circumstances has each of us experienced a real thrust in spiritual development. Pain, suffering, tragedy, and loss, came up over and over again. For me, when my father was dying, I experienced for the first time evidence of a spirit outside of the body communicating with me. This is really a risk to say, but ever since his death, I have walked through this world as if a seam inside me was ripped open. I didn’t want my dad to die. I held on to his hand as if holding on for my own dear life until the very moment when I knew it was time to let him fly away. The manner in which I was previously “held together” was pulled apart against my will, and it has taken years for me to realize that because of this I am transformed and more whole, not deeply fractured or broken. Since that time, I began to acknowledge phenomena I never used to notice or see, and as a result, it seems I have become better able to work with spiritual themes in therapy. It didn’t happen suddenly. However, the more I trusted my gut, my intuition, and my acceptance of strange otherworldly phenomenon, the more frequently clients would seem to open up and share about their own spiritual experiences. I look at life in between the cracks now. I know in my bones and in my gut there are real things we cannot see or touch, but when there is resonance, I must pay attention. This is the therapist I have become. I listen and feel, pay attention to, work with the psychological, spiritual, emotional, gut physical responses of clients. As a Humanistic Feminist Multicultural psychologist, I conceptualize working with spirituality in therapy as pushing closer toward viewing my clients as whole beings. It literally feels like pushing, moving forward more completely with the empathic process; filling out that “as if” condition, becoming more and more comfortable with the parts of my clients that they may not show to anyone else. In my experience talking about spiritual issues, sometimes it’s about seeing what clients don’t want to see and yet do experience. Thus, it’s a process of helping them to stop splitting

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off something they are experiencing (Gestalt). Sometimes I may help a client grapple with conflict between religious and spiritual traditions in their upbringing—one having dominated the other, and the other trying to peek out. While many Native people have found ways to practice indigenous spirituality while simultaneously observing Christianity, I have worked with some clients who struggle with these divergent practices. Working with an Asian American client estranged from her abusive parents, I witnessed her adopting and being adopted by a Native American community. Living with a severe chronic illness has forced this client to grapple with how to treat the illness, how to heal, how to live. She has experienced both Western medical treatments and Native healing practices. It is no surprise that the MD’s and Shaman have different perspectives, and what’s at stake is more than just whether the illness can be healed, but the very essence of what life, faith, and living mean to her. As her therapist, my charge is to help support her as she confronts these choices, at times not knowing what or who to believe. What I know is that I care deeply about her, and although I was never trained in graduate school to do so, I utilize my own spiritual practice to send messages of strength and love to this client. I am a psychologist ultimately to heal; to share my love for people (appropriately) and to do what I can to help them along their path, whatever that path may be. That I send loving intentions toward my clients may be unorthodox, but is consistent with my own spirituality and humanity. I recall working with another Asian American client with two stated religions, one of which was Santeria. During a time when she was feeling especially weakened and vulnerable to negative influences in her life, I asked if she knew of ways to protect herself or to cleanse from bad elements, practices that might have come from one of her religions. The client noted it was eye opening and refreshing to discuss this in therapy, and she reflected on how her spiritual practice in Santeria had stalled in the midst of working on her graduate degree. She decided it was an appropriate time to call upon her strength as a practitioner in that religion. She reported the following week that our discussion and reuniting with practices within that faith helped her to feel more integrated as well as more confident. In my experience, clients often feel it necessary to cut off aspects of themselves that either seem obsolete, forbidden, inferior, or even absurd in the context of academia, the workplace, or dominant views within families. Some of my clients have found it difficult to bring up religion or spirituality in therapy because they’re not sure if it’s appropriate. Once they receive feedback from me that it is not only appropriate, but also important to include their spiritual or religious perspectives in our dialogue, invariably the therapy deepens. Clients, just like us, struggle with the pressure to live in a dualistic world, despite the fact that their experiences stretch well beyond those Black and White dichotomies.



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As I have begun using my spiritual senses in therapy more and more, I see that as I open up, clients open up as well. I feel as if it is especially acceptable in Hawaii, normative even, to talk about psychics, ancestors, ghosts, intuition—this is my own professional experience. Some of the therapeutic work I do is to encourage clients to tune into their spirituality and listen. Now that I can speak the language of the intangible, I can feel in my skin and in my body when a client is talking about something that resonates or is true. It is a form of empathy. When I am able to move with my clients from a static place with their spirituality to feeling it is more alive, it feels like we are on a path together toward holistic acceptance. The power or “mana” of Native Hawaiian spirituality is palpable. So too is the legacy of colonization, economic exploitation, racism, sexism, and homophobia. If spiritual awakenings are correlated with major, lifechanging, often traumatizing events, might there be a connection between spirituality and racism? As women of color living on U.S. soil, we inherently face multiple oppressions. Does the adversity that pushes us down, that confronts us, also nudge us toward finding our own spiritual selves? In what ways do sexism, racism, homophobia, religious and cultural oppression, push down our spirits? Or perhaps, when we look oppression in the eye, face it, and walk forward with our hearts on the River of Fire,6 it makes us grow stronger. TALKING STORY ABOUT SPIRITUALITY AND THERAPY (Ann) I fully appreciate your experience and questions. I’ve wondered the same thoughts. When I bring my authenticity to therapy sessions, I feel the freedom of Spirit. I enter into sessions with reverence. This is a time for Spirit to reach out and connect with the Spirit of the other. My father traveled to Okinawa and selected a scroll for me when I became a president of a school. Today it hangs in our home: sho toku tai shi, written in the eighth century by a government magistrate in Japan. It was translated to me as, “with harmony/emptiness is excellent.” When I am able to free my Spirit and become one with my client, therapy goes well. Teaching is no different. As students work with me, I try to speak to their Spirit. I am trying to disarm the blocks to learning. I am keenly aware of the fear of failure, fear of exposure, and shame of not knowing. I was there and still go there. The experience I wish for my students is to live with the knowledge of their Spirit and leave with the courage to live it. I often pray and meditate before beginning each day and as often as I can between each client. The purpose of this practice is to clear myself and consciously allow the Universe to act through me. Mother Teresa said, “I am only a pencil for God.” I imagine that I too am only a pencil for God. It is not me that helps, but something beyond me. My role is to channel the Divine.

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The following family, disguised for confidentiality, came because the teenage children were truant or tardy to school, not coming home over the weekends, and using drugs. As I sat with the family, I silently prayed for guidance. The parents were former drug users and only recently in recovery. I did my usual assessment: parenting skills, mental health/substance abuse risks, potential for harm to children, etc. Over the course of treatment, I began to realize that the values and beliefs of this family were embedded in their Hawaiian culture. I could feel the mana (spiritual power) in the family in their home and the lack of it when the family came to my office. I could read body language more easily in the home as we shared meals and hugged the little ones, children of the oldest child. I asked the Universe for a way to help this family who felt out of control. Drugs had torn this family apart and I felt as if an exorcism needed to happen. As I prayed for guidance, I saw images of Waimea Valley. I asked the family if they would be willing to go on a journey of healing at Waimea Valley. The son, who could not sit through sessions because of painful memories and feelings, including grieving for friends and family lost to drugs, sat and listened. He nodded assent to the idea. I warned him that the journey would be a ceremony and would require him to sit with and embrace difficult feelings. He could not leave the ceremony once we began. He agreed to work hard with his therapist to build his mana and stamina in preparation for this ceremony. As we discussed the ceremony, I knew that God was directing. It felt pono (right). The many “aha” moments in therapy increasingly validated my understanding of caring, of sending love to clients. If I can trust my inner voice, I know the therapy will go well. When I connect, Spirit with Spirit, a powerful synergy occurs. (Yvonne) The beautiful reflections, Susana and Ann, that you shared of your professional experiences and how your spiritual truths have lived in them is inspiring. What comes forward for me professionally are the wonderful students at Argosy University Hawai’i, my Transpersonal Seminars and Retreats, and my Transpersonal Sessions. I find a tremendous amount of joy and humility in working with my students. I will admit that it is my belief that despite one’s theoretical orientation, being a professor is about loving what you do and loving who you are. I love being with the students! Through class dialogues and experiential exercises I observe the curiosity of my students’ openness to expand and flourish as clinicians. I marvel as I listen to their stories and I am humbled when they surrender to their reflexive challenges. Similarly, working with groups and individuals have taught me the power of individual and collective stories . . . their ability to transform and heal. Like my students, I hold my clients in Light and with Love. As I work with them in my transpersonal seminars and individual sessions, I open, trust, and allow the magical energies of love to move through me. It



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is with reverence that I teach and facilitate therapy. I know without a doubt that something much greater than me expresses itself through me as I work with my students and clients. NO BEGINNING NO END Our challenge in looking at our spiritual growth is coming full circle. We’ve written our stories many times and each time we entered the circle, we found ourselves and our stories transformed. The fire of our circle is alive, dynamic, spontaneous, relational between earth and air and all of the other elements. We are the fire. Each flame no matter how small or big, tall or short, no matter which way it swayed, all the flames are all of us. There were times when each of us wanted to leave the circle, when the flames scorched and burned us, but we stayed out of love, respect, and commitment to each other. Through the burn, new life was created. Our ancestors endured much racism, injustice, and humiliation. We are living through oppression as well, just manifested in a different form. By answering this kahea, we honor our ancestors and offer this gift to you, in hopes that you too will respond to your kahea, whatever your call may be. NOTES 1. “Mainland” is a term commonly used in Hawai`i to refer to the continental United States. 2. Grandfather. 3. God. 4. Although the caste system has been abolished, members of the former Untouchable caste remain socioeconomically oppressed. Jadhav, N. (1993). Untouchables: My family’s triumphant journey out of the caste system in modern India. New York: Scribner. 5. The Mission district is a racially/ethnically diverse neighborhood, which for several decades has been known predominantly as a Latino neighborhood. 6. The River of Fire is a Buddhist koan from the Shin Buddhist tradition, in which a person is standing on the bed of a river with danger every which way s/he could turn, and the person walks with love in his/her heart forward, trusting that in doing so the universe will embrace her/him. Unno, T. (1998). An introduction to the pure land tradition of Shin Buddhism: River of Fire, River of Water. New York: Doubleday.

RECOMMENDED READINGS Assagioli, R. (2000). Psychosynthesis: A collection of basic writings. New York: Synthesis Center. Bodine, E. (2001). A still, small voice. Novato, CA: New World Library.

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Bodine, E. (2003). The gift: Understand and develop your psychic abilities. Novato, CA: New World Library. Boorstein, S. (2000). Transpersonal psychotherapy. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 54. Bordan, T. (1994). The inner child and other conceptualizations of John Bradshaw. Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 16(3), 387–394. Bradshaw, J. (1990). Homecoming—Reclaiming and championing your inner child. New York: Bantam Books. Callahan, R. & Trubo, R. (2002). Tapping the Healer Within: Using thought-field therapy to instantly conquer your fears, anxieties, and emotional distress. Chicago, IL: Contemporary Books. Cameron, J. (1992). The artist’s way: A spiritual path to higher creativity. New York: Jeremy P. Tarcher/Putman. Cameron, J. (1996). Vein of gold: A journey to your creative heart. New York: Jeremy P. Tarcher/Putman. Cameron, J. (2002). Walking in this world: The practical art of creativity. New York: Jeremy P.Tarcher/Penguin. Chodron, P. (1991). The wisdom of no escape and the pathway of loving-kindness. Boston, MA: Shambhala Publications, Inc. Chodron, P. (1994). Start where you are: A guide to compassionate living. Boston, MA: Shambhala Publications, Inc. Chodron, P. (1997). When things fall apart: Heart advice for difficult times. Boston, MA: Shambhala Publications, Inc. Chodron, P. (2001). The places that scare you: A guide to fearlessness in difficult times. Boston, MA: Shambhala Publications, Inc. Choquette, S. (1997). Your heart’s desire. New York: Three Rivers Press. Choquette, S. (2005). Trust your vibes at work. Carlsbad, CA: Hay House, Inc. Day, L. (1997). Practical intuition for success. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. Dyer, D. (1992). Real magic. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. Estes, C. P. (1992). Women who run with the wolves: Myths and stories of the wild woman archetype. New York: The Random House Publishing Group. Foundation for Inner Peace (1975). A course in miracles. New York: Penguin Group. Foundation for Inner Peace. (1992). A course in miracles: Combined volume. Second Edition. Mill Valley, CA: Foundation for Inner Peace. Frankl, V. (1963). Man’s searching for meaning: An introduction to logotherapy. New York: Washington Square Press. Franquemont, S. (1999). You already know what to do: 10 invitations to the intuitive life. New York: Jeremy P. Tarcher/Putnam. Gawain, S. (1995). Creative visualization. Novato, CA: New World Library. Gendlin, E. (1981). Focusing. New York: Bantam Books. Gibran, K. (1982). The prophet. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Grof, S. (2008). Brief history of transpersonal psychology. International Journal of Transpersonal Studies, 46–54. Hanh, T. N. ( 2002). No death, no fear: Comforting wisdom for life. New York: Riverhead Books. Hartelius, G., Caplan, M., & Rardin, M. (2007). Transpersonal psychology: Defining the past, divining the future. The Humanistic Psychologist, 35, 135–160. Jung, C. G. (1965). Memories, dreams, reflections. New York: Vintage Press.



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Keith, K. M. (2001). Anyway. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons. Khor, G. (1999). Living chi: The ancient Chinese way to bring life energy and harmony into your life. Australia: Simon & Schuster (Australia) Pty Limited. Maslow, A. (1964). Religions, values, and peak-experiences. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press. Miao, Y. (2003). Dancing on rooftops with dragons: The yoga of joy. Los Angeles, CA. Philosophical Research Society. Monroe, R. (1994). Ultimate Journey. New York: Broadway Books. Myer, M. A. (2003). Ho’oulu: Our time of becoming. Honolulu, Hawaii: ’Ai Pohaku Press. Myss, C. (1996). Anatomy of the spirit. New York: Three Rivers Press. Rinpoche, S. (1992). The Tibetan book of living and dying. New York: HarperCollins. Rogers, C. (1980). A way of being. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company. Roman, S. (1986). Living with joy. Tiburon, CA: H J Kramer, Inc. Roman, S. (1986). Personal power through awareness. Tiburon, CA: H J Kramer Inc. Roman, S. (1989). Spiritual growth. Tiburon, CA: H J Kramer, Inc. Roman, S. (1997). Soul love. Tiburon, CA: H J Kramer, Inc. Roth, R. with Occhiogrosso, P. (1997). The healing path of prayer. New York: Three Rivers Press. Roth, R. with Occhiogrosso, P. (1999). Prayer and the five stages of healing. Carlsbad, CA: Hay House, Inc. Scotton, B., Chinen, A., & Battista, J. (1996). Textbook of transpersonal psychiatry and psychology. New York: Harper Collins. Tart, C. (2002). Parapsychology and transpersonal psychology: “Anomalies” to be explained away or spirit to manifest? The Journal of Parapsychology, 66, 31–47. Thich Nhat Hanh (1991). Peace is every step. New York: Bantam Books. Thich Nhat Hanh (1993). The blooming of a lotus. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Thien-An, T. (1995). Zen philosophy, Zen practice. Berkeley, CA: Dharma Publishing. Tolle, E. (1999). The power of now. Novato, CA: New World Library. Walsch, N.D. (1995). Conversations with God: Book I. Charlottesville, VA: Hampton Roads Publishing Company, Inc. Wapnick, K. (1983). Forgiveness and Jesus: The meeting place of a course in miracles and Christianity. Temecula, CA: Foundation for A Course in Miracles. Watts, A. with Huang, A. C. (1975). The watercourse way. New York: Pantheon Books. Weiss, B. (1988). Many lives, many masters: The true story of a prominent psychiatrist, his young patient, and the past-life therapy that changed both their lives. New York: Simon & Schuster. Williamson, M. (1995). A return to love. New York: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc. Young, W. P. (2007). The shack. Newbury Park, CA: Windblown Media. Zukav, G. (1989). Seat of the soul. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Chapter 11

The Role of Religion and Spirituality in Sikh Women’s Lives Kiran S. K. Arora and Muninder K. Ahluwalia

THE ROLE OF RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY IN SIKH WOMEN’S LIVES Asian American minority religious groups are often misunderstood or even unknown. Because of this lack of knowledge among mainstream, dominant groups, and the resulting lack of power, these minority groups experience oppression. It is important to mention some aspects of India’s diversity and cultural climate, as these aspects are reflected in the diaspora. India is a diverse nation, with many religious groups and regional affiliations. India has more than 2,000 ethnic groups and every major religion is represented (U.S. Department of State, 2012). Hinduism is the dominant religion, with more than 80 percent of all Indians being Hindu. As such, the practice of all religions is set in this cultural context. Sikhs are approximately two percent of all Indians. Sikh women in North America are triple minorities, with the Sikh religion intersecting with an Indian ethnicity and the female gender. Indian American Sikh women are a relatively unknown group to mainstream society in the United States. The relative role of religion and spirituality in their lives is important for researchers, clinicians, and policymakers to understand.

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In this chapter, we will discuss our identities as Sikh women as it shapes our perspectives on the study of this group. Next, we will provide a brief overview of the religion, cultural intersections that shape religion for Sikh women, and psychological and relational issues that Sikh women face. Finally, we discuss treatment options. It is important to note that throughout this manuscript, we discuss three different layers of culture that are inextricably linked. One is culture as a Sikh person, the second is a more localized, Punjabi culture, and third is the broader culture of belonging to the Indian culture or diaspora. SIKH WOMEN AS SCHOLARS: IDENTITIES AND COMPLEXITIES In this section, we both write about our identities as Sikh women as it shapes how we understand the role of religion and spirituality in Sikh women’s lives. Because it is imperative that chapter authors, like researchers, remain “aware of their own social identities and how these impact their process of inquiry” (Suzuki, Ahluwalia, Mattis, & Quizon, 2005, p. 209), we approach this chapter in the same way that we approach qualitative research and give the stance of the authors. We are attentive to how who we are shapes what we study, who we study, how we study, and what we find (Suzuki, et al., 2007). As Suzuki and colleagues suggest, the pond you fish in determines the fish you catch; similarly, the person doing the fishing also plays a role in the determination of what is sought, caught, and ultimately presented. It is important for the reader to be able to place the authors sociopolitically and religiously and witness how religion plays out in our lives. Our goal is to not only contextualize the presentation of information in this chapter, but also to model the importance of having awareness of whom one is in relation to the Sikh community. Stance and authenticity (real and perceived) shapes our study of our communities. What we have been trained in, write about, teach, and conduct research on is shaped by our respective fields. As Hays (2008) suggests, we must also understand how our social location lies at the place that all our identities intersect. It is this often hidden combination of professional and personal that shapes scholarship. I (Kiran) am a Sikh woman born and raised in Vancouver, Canada. I teach in a family therapy program at Long Island University, Brooklyn. I am upper-middle-class, in my late-30s, able bodied, and heterosexual. My relationship with Sikhism has been constant yet inconsistent over the course of my life. While I have always identified as a Sikh, there have been times in my life where I have been more connected to my faith than other times. I take great pride in my ancestors’ involvement in the shaping of Sikhism, especially when they have stood up for equal rights as Sikhs and Punjabis. Members of my family have actively worked toward the realization of human rights for our community. My own personal and professional journey



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follows their trajectory. Sikhism is close to my heart and I hope to concretize the social justice vision of the Gurus. The political turmoil including the state-sponsored killings of Sikhs in Punjab, the Air India Bombing in 1985 and subsequent trial (the largest mass murder in Canadian history), and the media attack on Sikhs in Vancouver (it was presumed that Sikhs bombed the plane) have all had a profound impact on my experiences as a Sikh woman. I grew up in a climate and era that was not favorable for Sikhs. Witnessing injustices against my family during this time cemented my commitment to giving voice to marginalized Sikh narratives. I hold my identity as a Sikh dearly and know that the scrutiny and suspicion I experienced has strengthened my identification. At times I have struggled with the lack of regard for the Sikh Gurus’ principles for egalitarianism by those who claim to uphold Sikh values. Some of these people have been and continue to be close to me. I feel this schism the greatest when it comes to my status as a divorced woman. While theology says I am whole and equal to the person next to me, I have suffered because of my treatment by Sikhs who perceive me to be inferior because of my marital status. The invisibility I experienced is fueled by patriarchy that seems to consume Punjabi culture. You are “less than” without a man. Caring individuals at best feel pity for me. Traditional Sikh mentality seems to merge both the Sikh religion and Punjabi culture into one. This fusion has never allowed me to feel accepted for my whole self. The subtle message I have received over the course of my life is that I hold the honor, reputation, shame, and prestige of my family. Examining faith and ethnicity critically has allowed me to carve out my own identity despite the messages I have received. As I move forward in my life I continue to examine the Sikh faith and Punjabi culture discriminately so that I can initiate and modify values that are more in line with the Gurus’ vision of social justice. I (Muninder) teach in a counseling program at Montclair State University in Montclair, New Jersey, and am a counseling psychologist by training. I am a U.S.-born Sikh woman of Indian origin. I am also currently able bodied, upper-middle-class, in my 40s, single, light-skinned, and heterosexual. I was born and raised by my Sikh family in New York, and so that is my context for understanding Sikhism. 9/11 and the aftereffects have been one of the most influential events on my experiences as a Sikh woman. I have authenticity as an insider in the Sikh community, as my family was active (e.g., political, religious, educational) and well-known in the New York City metropolitan area. I have visible identifiers of the Sikh code of conduct, including uncut hair, and a kara (steel bangle). I read, write, and speak Punjabi, sing shabads (hymns), and play the harmonium. While my family connection and my observance of key rules and devotional practices mark me as an authentic member of the Sikh community, my authenticity is complicated by other aspects of my social

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identity (e.g., my skin color, accent, lack of turban, and use of my own last name). Sikh identity is bound up with skin color, national, cultural, and class identities (Ahluwalia & Mattis, 2012, p. 227). I am ambivalent about discussing Sikh women’s issues because it may shed a negative light on my relatively unknown religious group in the U.S. When the only information that is disseminated about an unknown group is negative, there is a tendency to pathologize and minimize the group (e.g., the backlash post-9/11 on Sikhs). I am very conscious of the hazards that come along with this reluctance to speak about the challenges that confront the Sikh community: keeping the cycle of oppression in place. I am a privileged Sikh woman in terms of identities—education level, occupation, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, national origin, and in terms of resources/protective factors—supportive family, and friends. Although I grew up in the context of a protective family and immigrant parents (e.g., early curfew), I have faced few restrictions on how I live my life. My religion has been a source of strength for me and it shapes my way of life. Among other things, Sikhism has instilled in me a passion for seva (community service) and advocacy and social justice. So because of my own positive experiences of acceptance, it is work for me to see the challenges in my community. AN OVERVIEW OF SIKHISM Sikh Philosophy The beginning of Sikhism is considered to be 1469 with the birth of Guru Nanak, the first Guru in Sikh history. Sikhism evolved over a number of centuries alongside Islam and Hinduism, the prevailing religions of that time in Punjab, India. The tenth and last living Guru, Guru Gobind Singh died in 1708. The ten Gurus’ utterance is reflected in the scriptures, the Guru Granth Sahib, and is now considered to be the living guide. Many of the Gurus were prolific poets and their revelations are described in Guru Granth Sahib. Several themes embody Sikh theology: (1) God is the creator and actively participates in the world without taking human form; (2) God can only be known through the Guru, by reciting scriptures in the form of prayer and shabads, or hymns; (3) A Sikh’s ultimate goal is to break the cycle of birth and rebirth by merging with God. This can be done by meditating on God’s name and living one’s life in accordance with Sikh teachings; (4) Sikhs devote time daily to the remembrance of God; (5) Living a balanced life is encouraged for Sikhs. While Sikhs should be engaged in spiritual practice, they should also be active righteous citizens of the world; and (6) The Guru Granth Sahib is the only Guru. No human Guru takes this position (Cole & Sambhi, 1998; Nesbitt, 2005; Singh, 2004).



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Guru Nanak was a strong advocate for social justice. He opposed discriminatory practices and was considered a liberal philosopher who espoused alternatives to the dominant ideologies of that time (Singh, 2004). Opposing the caste hierarchy of Hindu society, he established the langar or community meal, which required everyone to sit together, violating caste rules. Sikhism and Women The Gurus protested strongly against the discrimination of women. The political milieu at the time of Gurus was such that males were dominant in most arenas of life. What the Gurus did by advocating total gender equality at a time when men occupied political and religious structures was in direct contrast to the cultural milieu (Jhutti-Johal, 2010). The Gurus took a stand against established ideas and practices of that time that dehumanized women and their experiences. Both women and men are equally required to submerge themselves in the name of God, and both men and women are equally encouraged to adopt the Five Ks, the five outward Sikh symbols including kes (uncut hair), kanga (a small comb), kacherra (underwear), kara (a steel bangle worn on the right wrist), and the kirpan (a small symbolic sword) (Singh, 2004). Further, women are encouraged to become leaders in religious congregations. The Guru Granth Sahib makes several references that aim to elevate the status of women (Jakobsh, 2006; Jhutti-Johal, 2010). Further, the scriptures emphasize the significance of women in all affairs central to humanity: Of woman we were born, of woman conceived To woman engaged, to woman married. Woman we befriended, by woman do civilizations continue. When a woman dies, a woman is sought for. It is through woman that order is maintained. Then why call her inferior from whom all great ones are born? Woman is born of woman; None is born but of woman. The one, who is eternal, alone is unborn. Says Nanak, that tongue alone is blessed that utters the praise of the one. Such alone will be acceptable at the court of the True One. (Sri Guru Granth Sahib, p. 73) The Gurus condoned the Hindu practice of sati where widows were burned at their husband’s funeral pyre. They also condoned the practices

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of female infanticide and dowry (Singh, 2004). Although divorce is discouraged, the remarriage of women is accepted and celebrated. Historically women have been commemorated in Sikh history. Mata Tripta, Guru Nanak’s mother, is praised for her protection of her son throughout his life. Bibi Nanaki, Guru Nanak’s sister, is exalted for her awakened spirit and for being able to foresee the divinity in her brother. Mata Khivi was instrumental in solidifying Guru Nanak’s langar, creating a system that provided free meals and encouraged equal access to food despite their social standing. Mai Bhago led Sikh soldiers against the Moguls in battle in 1705. She pushed gender boundaries of her time by participating in martial arts and ultimately dedicating her life as a soldier. SIKHISM, PUNJABI CULTURE, AND LIVED REALITIES Intersections of Religion and Culture Sikhism is regarded as a religion that perceives equality at the heart of the teachings of the Sikh Gurus. Yet there is the obvious reality that none of the Gurus were women. While Sikhs take great pride in the liberal ideology of their faith, there are schisms between ideology and practice within the Sikh community. Women have the right to participate and lead all activities in Gurudwaras, yet they are rarely seen in these positions. Granthis, or those who oversee the Guru Granth Sahib, are almost always men. Professional ragis, or those who sing devotional Sikh hymns, are almost always men. Women are not allowed to participate in the sacred nightly ceremony of washing the inner sanctorum of the most prestigious place of worship in Punjab, Harimandir Sahib. In recent years Sikh women in the diaspora have raised the issue of inequality in regard to full participation at Harimandir Sahib, yet the Shiromani Gurudwara Parbandhak Committee, the committee that oversees all matters related to Gurudwaras, or the Sikh places of worship, in Punjab, has not been able to come to a consensus. While petitions have been circulated (mostly by those in the West) requesting the Jathedar of the Akal Takht, the seat of authority for Sikhs, to allow women to participate in all areas of the Harimandir Sahib, the Jathedar has mostly been silent on the issue. Many in India and the diaspora believe the issue should be contextualized within the culture of modesty for women in Punjab (Jakobsh, 2006). The argument is that it would be immodest for a woman to subject herself to being pushed around by men in a crowd, even if it is for the sake of the Guru (Dutt, 2003). Some Sikh women in the diaspora are leading the discussions on religious rights within their faith. However, the fact remains that the majority of Sikh women in the diaspora and in India have not protested against the unjust treatment of women in Gurudwaras. The patriarchal attitude that



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continues to dominate religious practice for women also infiltrates all other spheres of life. “Culture shapes people’s notions of the nature of the sacred, the nature of God, and the nature of ‘beingness’” (i.e., selfhood) (Mattis, et al., 2005). Historically Punjabi culture came before the Sikh religion, and it is two millennia old (Nayar, 2010). As Jakobsh (2010) explains, scholars find themselves in “murky territory” when trying to tease out the nuances between Punjabi culture and the Sikh religion. Because Sikhism was birthed in Punjab, it became infused with Punjabi cultural values. Punjabi is a regional, linguistic, and cultural group (Nayar, 2010), and Punjabi culture refers to cultural practices, economics, politics, and kinship issues (Jakobsh, 2010). People often speak of Sikhism as casteless in its true form, however, it is laden with caste issues because of Punjabi cultural norms. It is in these caste and gender issues that the confusion between culture and religion becomes most pronounced. In this manuscript, we bring to the forefront the identities of religion, regional culture, ethnicity, race, and gender, but also believe each identity is altered by its interaction with another (e.g., a heterosexual Punjabi Sikh woman may have very different experiences than a lesbian Punjabi Sikh woman; this experience can be labeled a culture). The teachings of the Sikh religion (e.g., equality between men and women) are often at odds with how Punjabi culture is interpreted and practiced (e.g., patriarchal culture that elevates men, while denigrating women). When understanding Indian Sikh women’s experiences, we must pay attention to the intersection of those three identities, as well as of their other identities (e.g., national origin, regional identity, sexual orientation, disability status). Issues and Obstacles for Sikh Women There are tensions for Sikh women and for the Sikh community when dealing with women’s issues. Generalizations are often made about Punjabi and Sikh women. We will attempt to ride the fine line between generalizations and foundational knowledge that is important for psychologists to understand this group. Though not applicable to all Sikh women, there are particular issues that may arise for Sikh women and that are related to the intersections above, in particular, the impact of a patriarchal Punjabi culture on the interpretation and practice of the Sikh religion. Some of the issues that have arisen in the Sikh community include marriage (single status, dating, arranged versus “love,” interfaith relationships, divorce), infanticide, and violence against women. An important point to consider throughout this section is that women and girls are bearers of the honor in their families, and yet the power and responsibility to

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restore honor lies in the men. So for example, if a Sikh girl dates a man outside her faith, her family and community may feel she has brought shame on them. The elder man or men in the family then may dictate she no longer see him. Socialization In Sikh homes, people are raised to treat others in the community like family. All older men and women are treated like fathers and mothers, all individuals of a similar age like brothers and sisters (with the exception of the person he or she marries), and all those younger as sons and daughters. At the same time, Punjabi families dictate how much girls can socialize, with whom, and so on. Ironically, “Sikhs take self conscious pride . . . in giving social equality to women and see no conflict between their principle of sexual equality and their customs regarding teenage girls” (Gibson, 1988, p. 212). Cross gender relationships (e.g., friendships, dating) are limited. There is a strong fear that if these girls socialize outside the family, these girls will lose their own culture and adopt mainstream culture, and as women and girls are the “carriers of culture” (Ahluwalia, 2002), that is detrimental to the continuation of the religion. Depending on a number of factors (e.g., education level, socioeconomic status), there are varying degrees of control around women’s lives. Often one can hear Sikh girls (as girls in many cultures) complain of unequal treatment for them and their brothers. For example, restrictions on dating, curfews, and activities may be more stringent for girls than boys. Marriage In Sikh families, everyone is considered a child until he or she is married. This has both positives and challenges. The benefits are that parents and family are often sources of financial and emotional support for young adults. The challenges occur when there are disagreements between parents and single children about major life decisions, such as job choice, where to live, and who to marry. In addition, if individuals choose to remain single, they are forever a child. A major goal for many Sikh parents is to see their children “well-settled,” which often means employed (especially for men), having a home, and married. Marriage is considered a status change for the better; it is a major rite of passage to adulthood. Women who are married are no longer girls and are seen as women and therefore have greater power. At the same time, single women and divorced women are often not counted and may not have be seen as having a legitimate voice. Partially because of the focus on gender equality, Sikh women have a greater level of education than Sikh men. This has created interesting



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sociocultural issues that affect family, and intimate or romantic relationships, as women’s marriageability increases with education up to a point. As in many cultures, a woman that is more educated than the man is not seen as an eligible/appropriate match. A modern version of arranged marriage, an introduced or semiarranged marriage is most common among Indians (Ahluwalia, Suzuki, & Mir, 2009), including Sikhs. Traditionally, families are considered to know the individual best and can use their connections, a matchmaker, or matrimonial ads to find a suitable match for the individual. In addition, marriage is seen as a joining of families, not just two individuals. The two individuals meet several times prior to making a decision about commitment, but what is different than the western concept of dating is that the goal of the meetings is to establish whether or not there is compatibility for marriage. The difference between an arranged marriage and a love marriage can be defined as “you fall in love with the person you marry vs. you marry the person you fall in love with” (p. 283). Although there are an increasing number of “love” marriages (intrafaith as well as interfaith) amongst Sikhs, it is still considered the unusual manner to meet a spouse. Families are more likely to accept a “love marriage” that is between Sikhs, but whether an interfaith marriage is accepted varies greatly depending on a number of factors. It is not unheard of for families to cut off an individual who has married outside the faith. Though sometimes these unions are accepted after children are born, many times they are not. These interfaith marriages, though increasingly mainstream in dominant culture, may be seen as a painful rejection of one’s culture, religion, and a prioritization of an outsider over family and community. Violence against Women and Girls Because of the integral nature of marriage and family and the patriarchal nature of Indian Punjabi culture, divorce among Sikhs is seen at best as a last resort, and at worst not an option. This can make a prison for women who are victims of domestic violence. Domestic violence is an issue for Sikh women in India and in the diaspora. When a community is marginalized and has experienced oppression, women and girls are the ones to experience the most negative repercussions. This is true of the Sikh community as well. When Sikh men experienced oppression in India during partition in 1947, in India with state sponsored violence in 1984 and beyond, and the post-9/11 backlash in the United States and other countries, women and girls (as the most powerless) became targets in some families. Infanticide has been an issue in Punjab, where girls are killed at birth, particularly in more rural areas. Boys are raised to be a part of and

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contribute to their families of origin, while girls are raised to marry into another family (and will be a source of expense, including the wedding and dowry). Because of this notion, some see girls as not value-added, but rather a drain on the resources of the family. Although Sikhism condemned infanticide at its inception, it is practiced by some Punjabi Sikhs in India because of the strong influence of patriarchal cultural values. Impact of 9/11 Backlash on Sikh Women After 9/11, Sikh men have been repeatedly targeted in the United States and other countries because of mistaken identity (Ahluwalia & Pellettiere, 2010). They have experienced racism, profiling, and verbal and non-verbal attacks. There is an understandable reluctance on the part of the Sikh community to discuss within-community problems when they are fighting for their rights, including the right to religion, outside the community. In addition, Sikh women are bystanders to the attacks on Sikh men and there is sometimes a reluctance to put these men in a position to be “attacked” again, even when women are suffering the consequences. This parallels what has happened historically and continues to happen—out of an alliance with the men of their racial and ethnic communities, women were not very prominent in the women’s rights and feminist movements in the US (i.e., in some ways, prioritizing race over gender; Suzuki, Ahluwalia, & Alimchandani, in press). A Sikh woman activist, Valerie Kaur, describes how this plays out now: Sikh Americans like me talk a great deal about women’s equality, but we are steeped in an old patriarchal culture that makes us complicit in the erasure of women, past and present. Even the few famous women in our history are defined in relation to their men . . . The real life consequence? Sikh girls today are told they’re fully equal, and yet many are expected to carry out traditional gender roles—with few role models to suggest otherwise. We would never tell you this, of course. You can’t blame us. There are so few of us, it’s hard to air our community’s problems—especially after 9/11, when explaining that “Sikhism” is a religion in the first place became a matter of daily survival . . . After the terrorist attacks, we women tacitly agreed to put our issues on hold. We needed to protect our men first—our brothers and husbands and sons whose turbans and dark skin marked them as primary targets for hate in the years after 9/11. This was a mistake. As we waited (and are still waiting) for the discrimination to pass over us, some of the cultural dysfunctions in our community worsened. Women [and] girls are always the first casualties within minority communities under siege. That is no



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different in ours. Just as in most patriarchal traditions around the world, the bodies of women have been considered vessels of honor in Punjabi culture. When riots and massacre swept Punjab during the 1947 Partition of India, some Sikh men poisoned their daughters before letting them fall into the hands of Muslim rioters. Today in America, while many Sikh families champion education and freedom for sons and daughters alike, others have tightened control over women and girls in the 9/11 decade. In the worst anecdotes, domestic violence is an outlet for men who bear racism on the street, intermarriage an act of betrayal, and honor killings an actual threat. (Kaur, 2012, paragraphs 4–6) Kaur connects the community’s (including Sikh women’s) problematic reluctance to explore the sexism in our community with our protective instincts to shield the community during oppressive times. The protection, however, is gendered. Sikh women continue to suffer because of misogynistic attitudes: the elation over giving birth to boys and the sorrow expressed over giving birth to girls is an accepted sentiment; the practice of dowry continues, although in modern times it may be called simply elaborate “gifts” for the grooms’ families. The honor of the family continues to rest on the shoulders of women. Further, the Sikh diaspora has witnessed several killings of women by their husbands. Manjit Panghali and Amanpreet Kaur Bahia were both murdered by their husbands in Canada. Geeta Auluk and Surjit Kaur Atwal were both murdered in honor killings in the United Kingdom. These four women are a few of those who have lost their lives to the oppression of women. PSYCHOTHERAPY WITH SIKH WOMEN While an increasing number of Sikh women are being referred to therapy, it is often not regarded as a viable option for treatment by these women. Seeking assistance from family, community, and faith is much more accepted (Ahluwalia & Zaman, 2009). Sikhs may view therapy as suspicious and as appropriate for communities outside of their own, or for those who have a psychiatric diagnosis and therefore are seen as “very sick.” Keeping problems “in the family,” and not wanting to bring shame or disrespect to loved ones may also discourage Sikh women from seeking assistance or sticking to therapy sessions. Because of this, therapists must take time to join with clients while building trust and rapport. There is tremendous variability within Sikh women in terms of con­ nectivity to the Sikh faith and Punjabi culture, class status, level of education, immigrant experience, and family structure. While these women do share experiences similar to those of women from other faith and ethnic

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backgrounds, many times they bring to therapy their experiences, which are unique to their Sikh faith and Punjabi culture. Effective psychotherapy with Sikh women requires that the therapist be aware of the religious and ethnic background that the women are rooted in. While no two women’s perceptions or experiences with religion and ethnicity are alike, having a general cultural framework is critical to increasing therapists’ sensitivity to the issues at hand. Sikh women’s lives are informed by the intersections of their faith, gender, ethnicity, and other dimensions of culture, and having a general understanding of this contextual backdrop is a practice of accountability and respect (Arora, 2009). While this chapter aims to highlight some of the experiences central to Sikh women’s experiences, a more extensive study of the community and its struggles is needed while keeping in mind the diversity within Sikh women. Clinicians can increase empathy and rapport with their clients if they ask questions from a place of curiosity and an appreciation of Sikh and Punjabi cultures is demonstrated. Given that Sikh and Punjabi culture is collectivist in nature and interconnections are given consideration, treatment that involves family members or other loved ones is a natural fit for working with Sikh women (Mittal & Hardy, 2005). While therapy may begin with the woman, we encourage expanding the therapy to include all those who may be connected to the presenting problem. Too often women learn to privatize their problem and suffering. By tapping into a woman’s vast relational network, the capacity to deal with relational complexity increases (Hardy & Laszloffy, 2002). Often a source of tension for North American–born Sikh women are the contradictory messages between Sikh faith and Punjabi culture. While the community prides itself on the liberal tenets of Sikhism, the fact remains that Punjabi culture preceded the faith and has a stronghold on their lives and experiences (Nayar, 2010). Second and third generation women are more likely to critically evaluate religion and ethnicity as it impacts their lives. While these women are encouraged when they read scriptures that elevate their status in society, the lived everyday reality of oppression and discrimination that infiltrates Punjabi culture can leave these women feeling disempowered. While this major clash between faith and culture can feel overwhelming, women can use the teachings of the Gurus as a means to push back, privilege themselves, and seek validation through the scriptures. Despite the contradictions between one’s beliefs and practice, Sikhs take immense pride in the liberal tenets of their faith and embrace the Gurus’ messages on equality and regard for all human beings. Clinicians can use the Guru Granth Sahib as a resource for helping women empower themselves by aligning with theology. The Guru Granth Sahib can also be used to help a woman’s family members clarify their own tensions in regard to cultural practice and norms.



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While helping family members clarify their beliefs when religion and culture are at odds, it can also be useful for clinicians to engage in psychoeducation with the community on issues of inequality and expectations when it comes to Sikh women. Sikhs are a resilient community and despite their difficulties, the community has survived and strengthened over time. While the struggles Sikhs face today may be different than in the time of the Gurus, there is an upswing in the community with second and third generation Sikhs in North America who are working to increase their visibility, strengthen their presence, and become leaders in areas of social justice. Community organizations such as United Sikhs and Sikh Coalition have been successful and instrumental in defending Sikh civil rights (Ahluwalia & Zaman, 2009). Other organizations such as Safar—The Sikh Feminist Research Institute—aims to create equity for Sikh women. These initiatives are proof that many Sikhs are actively engaged and committed to the social justice mission of their faith. Clinicians can help foster the growth of this community by partnering with Sikh organizations with a social justice mission and talking openly about some of the struggles that Sikh women have, as well as creating space for the community to discuss the ways in which they can be proactive in issues surrounding women’s rights. Establishing a presence by attending festivals, visiting Gurudwaras, and staying in conversation with Sikh leaders is critical (Ahluwalia & Alimchandani, provisional acceptance). CONCLUSION Psychotherapy is beginning to gain traction with Sikh women, and community members are recognizing the benefits of therapy for this cultural group. We have attempted to provide a basic understanding of the role Sikhism has in the lives of Sikh women, and we emphasize that therapists cannot assume that Sikh women are a homogenous group. True cultural competency requires us to explore all dimensions of cultural identity within a person and her relationships. While this chapter provides a general framework on working with Sikh women, our hope is that it will inspire clinicians to ask questions that come from a place of curiosity. Asking relevant questions and building rapport by being genuinely interested in the client’s whole personhood, including the intersections of Sikhism and Punjabi culture, can lead to meaningful therapy. REFERENCES Ahluwalia, M. K. (2002, September). The selfways of Indian-American women. Dissertation Abstracts International, 63, 1607. Retrieved from PsycINFO database.

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Ahluwalia, M. K. (2011). Holding my breath: The experience of being Sikh after 9/11. Traumatology, 17(3), 41–46. Ahluwalia, M. K., & Alimchandani, A. (2013, Provisional Acceptance). A call to psychologists to integrate religious communities into practice: The case of Sikhs. The Counseling Psychologist, 41(6), 931–956. Ahluwalia, M. K., & Mattis, J. S. (2012). Research on Religion and spirituality: Stance, authenticity, and conceptual methodological and professional concerns. In D. K. Nagata, L. P. Kohn-Wood, and L. A. Suzuki (Eds.), Qualitative Strategies for Ethnocultural Research (pp. 219–236). Washington, DC: APA Books. Ahluwalia, M. K., & Pellettiere, L. A. (2010). Sikh men post-9/11: Misidentification, discrimination, and coping. Asian American Journal of Psychology, 1(4), 303–314. Ahluwalia, M. K., Suzuki, L. A., & Mir, M. (2009). Relationships in the Asian American Community: Dating, Partnerships, and Arranged Marriages. In A. Alvarez, and N. Tewari (Eds.), Asian American Psychology: Current Perspectives (pp. 273–294). New York: Lawrence Earlbaum and Associates. Ahluwalia, M. K., & Zaman, N. K. (2009). Counseling Muslims and Sikhs in a post9/11 world. In J. G. Ponterotto, M. Casas, L. A. Suzuki, and C. Alexander (Eds.), Handbook of Multicultural Counseling (3rd ed.) (pp. 467–478). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Arora, K. S. K. (2009). Breaking the silence: The impact of political violence in the Sikh diaspora (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest llc (3381558). Cole, W. O., & Sambhi, P. S. (1998). The Sikhs: Their religious beliefs and practices. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. Dutt, N. (July 20, 2003). Unequal in faith. Retrieved from http://www.boloji.com/ index.cfm?md=Content&sd=Articles&ArticleID=6336 Gibson, M. A. (1988). Accommodation without assimilation: Sikh immigrants in an American high school. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Hardy, K.V & Laszloffy, T.A. (2002). Couple therapy using a multicultural perspective. In A.S. Gurman & N.S. Jacobson (Eds.), Clinical handbook of couple therapy (3rd ed.) (pp.56-596). Hays, P. A. (2008). Addressing cultural complexities in practice: Assessment, Diagnosis, and Therapy, Second Edition. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Jakobsh, D. (2006). Sikhism, interfaith dialogue, and women: Transformation and identity. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 21(2), 183–199. Jhutti-Johal, J. (2010). The role of Sikh women in their religious institutions: A contemporary account. In D. Jakobsh (Ed.), Sikhism and women (pp. 234–251). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Kaur, V. (2012, March 22). 10 Sikh women you should know and why you should know them. The Huffington Post. Retrieved June 20, 2012, from, http:// www.huffingtonpost.com/valarie-kaur/10-sikh-women-you-shouldknow_b_1353700.html Mattis, J. S., Ahluwalia, M. K., Cowie, S., & Kirkland-Harris, A. (2005). Ethnicity, culture, and spiritual development. In G. Roehlkepartain, P. Benson, P. King, and L. Wagener (Eds.), The Handbook of Spiritual Development in



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Childhood and Adolescence (pp. 283–296). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Mittal, M. & Hardy, K. V. (2005). A re-examination of the current status and future of family therapy in India. Contemporary Family Therapy, 27(3), 285–300. Nayar, K. E. (2010). Sikh women in Vancouver: An analysis of their psychosocial issues. In D. Jakobsh (Ed.), Sikhism and women (pp. 234–251). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Nesbitt, E. (2005). Sikhism: A very short introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Singh, P. (2004). The Sikhs. London: Rupa & Co. Singh, S. P. (2004). Caring for Sikh patients wearing a kirpan (traditional small sword): Cultural sensitivity and safety issues. Psychiatric Bulletin, 28, 93–95. Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji. (n.d) Retrieved August 13, 2014. Suzuki, L. A., Ahluwalia, M. K., & Alimchandani, A. (In press). Asian American Women’s Feminism: Sociopolitical history and clinical considerations. The Oxford Handbook of Feminist Multicultural Counseling Psychology. Suzuki, L. A., Ahluwalia, M. K., Arora, A. K., & Mattis, J. S. (2007). The pond you fish in determines the fish you catch: Exploring strategies for qualitative data collection. The Counseling Psychologist, 35(2), 295–327. Suzuki, L. A., Ahluwalia, M. K., Mattis, J. S., & Quizon, C. A. (2005). Ethnography in counseling psychology research: Possibilities for application. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52(2), 206–214. Tummala-Narra, P. (2001). Asian trauma survivors: Immigration, identity, loss, and recovery. Journal of Applied Psychoanalytic Studies, 3(3), 243–258. U.S. Department of State (April 17, 2012). Background Note: India. Retrieved July 16, 2012, from http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/3454.htm

Part IV

Latinas

Chapter 12

Santa María, Madre de Dios: Latinas, Religion, and Spiritualism Enedina García-Vázquez and Merranda Romero Marín

The diversity of Latinas throughout the world, including the United States, has provided insight as to their role in the fabric of families. In fact, among Latino/a families it is the mother who holds the place of culture and its transmission of cultural beliefs, identities and behaviors. Specifically, it is the abuelas in our families that thread our histories together giving Latinas the prominence in passing traditions, including spiritual and religious beliefs (Norat, 1998). Thinking back to our childhood, the message was clear to us that when “the mother dies, the family falls apart” (personal communication). Even clearer was the message that religion was important to our spiritual well-being and that attendance in church was critical. For me (second author), the power of my maternal grandmother’s religious influence was evidenced by the fact that I was baptized in the Catholic Church at her urging, despite my parents’ choice to affiliate with a religion other than that of Catholicism. However, for me (the first author) it was clear that I would be raised Catholic, the highlight of this upbringing would be evidenced when at fifteen my grandmother asked me to participate in a process to honor Our Lady of Guadalupe. My role was to be Our Lady of Guadalupe, while a boy acted as Juan Diego. The truck where we were placed was decorated with all the

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figure 12.1head:   Depiction of a Lmodel religious for Running   SANTA  MARÍA:   ATINAS,  Rof ELIGION   AND     and spiritual development   Latinas (Mexican-American women, specifically).              

Catholicism  

Santeria  

Spiritism

Abuelas/Latina  Elders  

Activities  

(Example:  Dressing  as  La   Virgen  de  Guadalupe)  

Behaviors  

(Example:  Regular   church  attendance;   prayer)  

Attitudes  

(Example:  Marianismo)  

Latina  Spirituality   Development  

representations of when La Virgen de Guadalupe presented her miracle to Juan Diego. This was a tradition I carried given that my own mother and father had served in this same capacity in their youth (see Figure 12.1). But where did these beliefs come from? Why was it so important to my grandmother to honor the Catholic Church in this manner? How has Latinas’ sense of spirituality and religiosity informed our development?



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LATINAS IN THE UNITED STATES Latinos/as as a group are a very diverse and large population. As of 2010, Latinos/as became the largest ethnic minority group in the United States (Ennis, Rios-Vargas, & Albert, 2011). Per the 2010 Census, the term Latino/a comprises persons of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban or other Spanish culture. Of these groups, Mexican Americans encompass the greatest number at 63 percent of the total Latino/a population, with Puerto Ricans being the second largest group at 9 percent, followed by Cubans at 4 percent (Ennis, Rios-Vargas, & Albert 2011). Although women and men are almost equally represented (48 percent of the Latino/a population is female; Passel & Cohn, 2011; Pew Research Center, 2008) within the Latina/o culture, women are the carriers of culture and responsible for transferring religious and cultural traditions to subsequent generations (Andrés-Hyman, Ortiz, Añez, Paris, & Davidson, 2006; Nava, 2000). As a result of this influence of women’s views and practices on the development and maintenance of spirituality and religion to offspring, it is important to understand the role that religion and spirituality play in the lives of Latinas. WOMEN AND SOULS A discussion on the debunking of the myth that women do not have souls is important in the discussion of religion and women. Nolan (1997) provides a summary of the accounts of where and how this myth was started. This alleged doctrine purported that women did not have souls; however, the problem started with Valentius Acidalius, who wanted to make money by publishing a document that would stir controversy. The irony is that he translated the Latin word homo to its secondary meaning of adult male, instead of the general meaning (a human being). By doing this, he pointed out when the Bible referred to man as having souls, the Bible was referring to only males. What happened instead is that others were angered and various responses were printed in reply. These defenses quickly dismissed this notion. Another contribution to the myth was the account of a meeting at Synod of the Council of Macon in 585 AD. The bishops were able to prove that the Vulgate used the primary meaning of the word homo to refer to both men and women in the form of Adam and Eve (Mystic Rose, 2008). These accounts are further described in The History of Franks (Halsall, 1997, chapter 20). According to Nolan (1997) the meeting did not occur in this way but instead the bishops simply discussed the meaning of the words. Perhaps what has firmly squelched the idea that women did not have souls was when Pope Innocent X put the Acidalius pamphlet on the Index of Prohibited Books in 1651. The pope’s action clearly shows that the

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church did not believe the myth and should have ended the idea that the Catholic Church was involved in perpetuating the myth. HISTORY OF LATINOS/AS’ RELIGIOUS PRACTICES Catholicism The Catholic Church has left an indelible mark on the development of religious beliefs among Latinos/as. In fact, 68 percent of Latinos/as are Roman Catholic (Pew Research Center, 2008). Evangelical Protestants comprise 15 percent, 8 percent identify as atheists or agnostics, and less than 1 percent believe in Judaism and other non-Christian faiths. When factoring the place of birth, 74 percent of foreign-born Latinos/as identify as Catholics (Pew Research Center, 2008). These statistics demonstrate that Catholicism, in particular, has played an important role in religious development among Latinos/as. Although Latino/a Catholics have a long-standing history of worship, a place in the church was hard fought. According to Father Elizondo, Latinos/as were kept out of the church (Scherer-Emunds, 2010). In the 1960s Latinos/as suffered from the same discriminations in the outside world inside the church. There were separate buildings for worship and in churches where separate buildings were not available, Latinos/as were welcomed only to certain masses (Dolan & Deck, 1997). The segregation in the church paralleled society and just as in schools the theme of separate but equal predominated. Latinos/as represented a large number of parishioners but few were priests, bishops or nuns. In fact what catapulted the work in the church came from lay people and community organizations such as the United Farm Workers and Communities Organized for Public Service (COPS; Dolan & Deck, 1997). This organization consisted of a number of parishes organized from San Antonio, Texas. The irony is that although Hispanics were not included in the leadership ranks, the work of the laypersons was so strong that these movements had a significant effect on the Catholic Church. Many of the “significant movements or ideas in the American Church were of Latino origin: the Cursillo, Marriage Encounter, basic Christian communities, liberation theology, and the preferential option for the poor” (Dolan & Deck, 1997, p. 133). The Catholic Church did not ignore its Spanish-speaking parishioners. In the mid-40s the Archbishop in San Antonio sponsored a seminar to discuss working with Hispanic members, which was later followed by the creation of the Bishops’ Committee for the Spanish Speaking in 1945 (Dolan & Deck, 1997). Directives were made that eventually led to Catholic councils for Spanish speaking parishioners in all dioceses. At this point the work was moving from assisting farm and migrant workers to more established citizens.



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By 1982 almost 106 of 176 dioceses had a Hispanic apostolate office (Dolan & Deck, 1997). Influential laypeople included men and women like Joe García, Salvador Alvarez, Father Mario Vizcaino, Lupe Anguiano, and Sister Carolina Lopez, to name a few. Described as a silent minority (Dolan & Deck, 1997) others may have felt that the feelings projected were grounded in resentment (Scherer-Emunds, 2010). Other Catholics did not understand why the Latinos/as would want to keep their language and culture. In fact, Carmen Aguinaco, president of the National Catholic Council for Hispanic Ministry, “called on non-Hispanic Catholics to repent for their attitude of tolerance” (Scherer-Emunds, 2010, p. 51). To her tolerance does not mean acceptance and simply projecting a condescending attitude. By the late 80s and 90s the Hispanic apostolate offices were closed. Many of these would close for financial reasons. However, the impact of the work of the laypeople would continue to make a mark in Catholicism until today. Further, even though the Catholic Church has been long accused of not giving women a place in the leadership of the church, laywomen made a significant mark on the church. Mexican-Americans The Catholic Church continues to minister to Latinos/as with more than 20 percent of parishes having ministries. For Mexicans, a result of the Conquest of Mexico was the merging of Catholicism and Mexican indigenous spiritualty creating a unique marriage of the two (BroylesGonzález, 2002). According to Cervantes (2010), Catholicism is the Christian doctrine wherein there is a belief in a Supreme Being, sin acts as a motivator for positive actions, there is life after death, heaven and hell exist, and implements including saints, angels, and sacraments are used to advance closeness toward the Supreme Being. The Mexican indigenous spirituality brings with it belief in the sacredness of all life including animals, plants, minerals, and natural forces. At the forefront of the blending of Catholicism and indigenous spirituality is the role of La Virgen de Guadalupe (Avila, 1999; Castillo, 1996; Cervantes, 2010). Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe is a symbol of protection and brings encouragement, guidance, and an affirmation of the benefit of prayer (Cervantes, 2010). In fact following the conquest, the miracle of Our Lady of Guadalupe helped with the devastation that the conquest had caused. La Virgen who became the patron saint of Mexico restored “the dignity and life to a people who were dead” (Rodriguez, 1994, p. 47). The image of the Virgen remains alive in the psychological and cultural memories of many Mexican American women and much is written, and outside the scope of this chapter, on her appearance to Juan Diego. It is likely that even today visiting the homes of Mexican-American women, images of the Virgen will be

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seen. Some might include photo images while others might erect altares (altars) in honor of La Virgen. What is important to remember is that the idea of La Virgen and her ability to make changes to a whole people makes her stand out among the other saints. Another important consideration is that the image as depicted by the Nahuatl shows that she was pregnant (Rodriquez, 1994). In fact, changes to the image were made that would be more recognizable by the Mexican people. If one looks at a picture of her, the ribbon around her torso represents a cinta, signifying that she was en cinta (pregnant). The impact of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe (La Virgen, the Virgin, as she is frequently referred to) reinforces the idea of popular religion. Popular, which means of the people, provides a context for her impact among the Mexican people (Rodriquez, 1994). As a result La Virgen becomes a saint of the people. La Virgen was also a symbol of God’s unconditional love. But more than the symbol is the idea that she presented herself with many cultural symbols: the sun’s rays, flowers, the cinta. Finally, La Virgen represents the feminine face of God. Her maternal symbolism reinforces her nurturing aspects. Even today Mexican-Americans honor her on December 12, the day Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe appeared to Juan Diego and he opened his cloak to reveal the roses she gave him and her image on his cloak. Along with the Conquest of Mexico, the roles of women drastically changed. Prior to the Conquest, women were equally valued with men for their contributions to the community; however, after the Conquest, the existing economic system was destroyed with the Spaniards instituting a colonial system favorable to themselves (Rodriguez, 1994). This system significantly limited the roles of women and they were relegated to serve in homes as procreators, housekeepers, wives, and mothers and many were forced to carry out duties that had previously been carried out by servants (Rodriguez, 1994). Indigenous practices for Mexican-Americans are similar to other Latino/a groups’ focus on espiritismo. Mexican-Americans practice curanderismo or faith healing. Beliefs in curanderismo developed as an adaptive technique and to meet the needs of people needing medical attention (Mendoza & Torres, 1994). Those with experience in folk medical practices were called upon to help cure a malady. However, a distinction is made between a curandero and a medico. According to Mendoza and Torres (1994) the difference is in how incantations and prayers are used by the healers. Further, the authors believe that “syncretism underlies the formation of this system of belief and practice” (p. 72). Treatments are sought for susto (fright) and mal de ojo (evil eye); cures often coming in the form of limpias (cleansings) and could require hábitos (religious garments), mandas (offerings) and other religious artifacts like rosaries, crosses and candles. Herbs and eggs are also traditional ritual items. When a



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malady comes on, the sick person seeks the healer for one of these limpias. The first author still remembers going to her maternal grandmother often when she had headaches, believing that these were the result of mal de ojo (evil eye). Her grandmother would sweep her with an egg, praying that whatever evil spirit had taken over her body would flee. Traditional Christian (Catholic) prayers would be used like the Our Father and the Holy Mary. Once the ritual was completed, the egg used for the ritual would be cracked in a glass of water. If the egg cooked, this was a sign that the evil spirit had been removed. Of course the treatment rituals might differ depending on the healer. In the end what was clear was the belief that the person was cured. The first author always felt better after the limpia. Puerto Ricans For Puerto Ricans, a belief in espiritismo is prevalent. According to this belief, everyone has spirits of protection, which can be increased by performing good deeds (Negroni-Rodriguez & Morales, 2001). Furthermore, according to Negroni-Rodriguez and Morales (2001), loved ones can be around in spirit after death and can lead one’s life in times of difficulties. Within this, espiritistas, or spiritist healers, can communicate with these spirits and healing occurs with prescribed folk-healing practices. According to Delgado (1988), spiritism consists of highly ritualized interventions that use various paraphernalia including but not limited to saints, flowers, and cigars to aid in the healing ceremony. Cubans As noted previously Cubans are the third largest Latino/a group in the United States. As with the other groups Cubans mainly are comprised of Catholics, although changes recently show that others are moving to Pentecostal faiths and few are even Jewish (Buffington, 2012). Other Cubans on the island describe themselves as non-religious, not surprising given the impact of Communism and the restrictions on religious practices. Although these experiences may have influenced Cubans who immigrated to the United States, the fact that more than half of Cubans in the United States are Catholics underscores the role that Catholicism has had on Latinos/as worldwide. Indigenous practices by Cubans have centered on Santería. Many portrayals in the media have been negative because of the animal sacrifices that are integral to the practice of Santería; however, Santería integrates both West African and Roman Catholic doctrines and seeks to provide guidance, protection and intervention by Orishas (Buffington, 2012). While the practice of animal sacrifice has created controversy, the ruling by the

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Supreme Court that prohibiting this practice by santeros was unconstitutional reaffirmed the importance of all aspects of Santería. The history of Santería is influenced heavily by the melding of three forces, which include beliefs and practices of African slaves, the Roman Catholic Church, and French spiritism (Lefever, 1996). The infusion of these three forces began as slaves were brought to Cuba in 1511 and were prohibited from practicing African religions (Lefever, 1996). In particular, the Yoruba from southwestern Nigeria played a major role in the transmission of African religious beliefs that contributed to the formation of Santeria. The slaves recognized the parallels between African religions, specifically the orishas and Catholicism, which used saints in their worship. As a result of the oppressive environment, the slaves began to identify specific orishas with corresponding saints and this matching led to the birth of Santeria (Lefever, 1996). Given that the Yoruba people were matrilineal, women played a crucial role in the history of Santeria since the 1800’s (OrishaNet, 2012). According to Ekun (2012), examples of the more well-known women include Oba Tero (Ma Monserrate González), Ocha Bi (Ferminita Gómez), Efunché Warikondó (Rosalía Abreú), and Aurora Lamar. Despite the female focus at the inception of Santeria, women lost power as the clash between the maledominated Spanish colonial culture and the woman-centered approaches festered (Ekun, 2012). By the early 1900s the male-dominated culture was so entrenched that women ultimately lost their power and position within Santeria and were relegated to positions of cooks and seamstresses for garments and altar decorations (Ekun, 2012). Today, women are regaining their position and are becoming oriatés as in previous generations. LATINAS AND ORGANIZED RELIGION As noted previously, Latinas have held important roles in religious and spiritual practices. Further, Catholicism has been the religion most practiced and as such women have played an important role. Latinas comprise at least 50 percent of all Catholics although there is a paucity of research and accounts of Latinas in the church (Dolan & Deck, 1997; Palmer-Boyes, 2010). Yet when questioned about who they respected most, besides their parents, women often cited that they looked to an elderly woman in their religious community (Díaz-Stevens, 1997). The message was clear; these women were seen as rezadoras (prayerful ones) because they were virtuous, wise and holy. Further, it was this woman over priests that were important, bestowing her with a leadership role in the Catholic Church. The study supports research that it’s our abuelas (grandmothers) that serve as stewards of culture and spirituality (Norat, 1998) and adhering to religious practices provides Latinas with a source of strength, serving as a protective factor.



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Catholicism is a patriarchy that gives priests power through the sacrament of Holy Orders. Thus men assign themselves what are perceived as the more powerful roles. Yet it is through the matriarchal core that Latinas gain their power in Catholicism. According to Díaz-Stevens (1997), the matriarchal “core refers to all those practices and rituals that have survived the test of time mainly because of women’s roles in them” (p. 245). The core, comprised of moral and family values, serves as a stabilizing element because it allows for maintenance and transformation through life changes, migrations and other changes to the family and community. Plus the role of the hermanitas (sisters) helped in advocating for women’s rights to receive formal education. Some notable sisters include María de San José and the most famous Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, a Hieronymite nun. Sor Juana empowered herself and others with literature, authoring papers that were practically the only writings by women of that century. Sor Juana became a prolific writer but she was not without controversy. One of her letters was published without her permission in which she criticizes a Jesuit sermon (Poets.org, 1997). The Bishop of Puebla responds with his own criticism but it is Sor Juana’s response (de la Cruz, 1692), written in a more feminist than religious tone that established the important role of women in the church. LATINO/A CONCEPTS Among Latinos/as the extended family is as important as the nuclear family. As a result, compadrazgo (similar to Godparents) is highly important in Latino/a families. Although not exclusive to the women, because of the nature of the family relationship and dynamics, the comadres play a crucial role in advancing the religious education of the baptized child. In fact, women are more likely to be the ones that make decisions about attendance in church and having children receive the sacraments, like Baptism and Confirmation. With each sacrament, padrinos/as (Godparents) are identified and they serve as additional parents to the child. However, the padrinos/as that hold the greatest responsibility are compadres/comadres (there is no English translation for these relationships although literally translated the words mean co-fathers and co-mothers) selected at Baptism. These relationships are an important component of religious dedication and affirmation. Related to the role of women in the family and the church is the concept of marianismo. Marianismo is directly related to the traditional cultural doctrine that ascribes roles to women within the Roman Catholic Church and demonstrates devotion and admiration to Mother Mary (Andrés-Hyman, Ortiz, Añez, Paris, & Davidson, 2006). Characteristics include humility, purity, and spiritual superiority over men (Castillo, Perez, Castillo &

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Ghosheh, 2010), Hence, within this concept women are expected to be like the Virgin Mary, submissive to their husbands, and endure extreme sacrifice for the good of the family together (Rivera-Marano, 2000; Cofresi, 2002). Women who are unmarried are expected to remain pure before marriage (Nava, 2000). Those women who are married subsequently achieve an elevated level of spiritual superiority once they bear children and to an extent enjoy a certain amount of power (Comas-Diaz, 1989). Mothers are also expected to exemplify the virtues of selflessness and endure suffering with dignity in keeping reverence for the Madonna (Andres-Hyman et. al, 2006; Stevens, 1973). It is likely that based on the connection to the Virgin Mary, women who adhere more to Marianismo would more likely be religious. Another pertinent value within the Latino/a culture is machismo, which reflects reverence to family and community, honor, humility, and hard work (Andrés-Hyman et al., 2006). Both positive and negative definitions have been promoted; however the difference has been described as being a result of inaccurate translations of the word machismo (Fragoso & Kashubeck, 2000). Inaccurately defined as chauvinism, the negative view describes men’s behaviors as aggressive, delinquent, and sexually aggressive toward women. The pro-social definition defines machismo as “physical strength, sexual attractiveness, virtue, dignity in personal conduct and respect for others” (Fragoso & Kashubeck, 2000, p. 88). Despite the two views, more of the research tends to focus on the negative definition. As a result, Latinos/as may end up being burdened by the negative stereotypes that subsequently can lead to difficulties in emotional, physical, and social well-being (Torres, Solberg, & Carlstrom, 2002) for those who do or do not adhere to machismo. Although not directly tied to religion or spirituality per se men’s emotional status could impact women depending on the level of Marianismo a woman adheres to. Acculturation Important to the discussion on Marianismo and Latinas is the relationship between the two constructs and the role that acculturation can play on both constructs independently and in combination. Studies have shown that when machismo was described from a negative perspective, men with lower levels of machismo were usually more acculturated (Fragoso & Kashubeck, 2000). The same would be true for women, since characteristics of Marianismo are typically associated with less acculturated Latinas. By this logic, less acculturated women would be more religious. In forming relationships, Latinas and Latinos/as of varying levels of Marianismo and machismo who couple might experience conflicts in religious practices.



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SPIRITUALITY VERSUS RELIGION For many Latinos/as the concepts of spirituality and religiosity are interwoven and serve as a source of strength when coping with challenges of life (Campesino & Schwartz, 2006). Yet it is important to make a distinction between spirituality and religiosity in an effort to better understand the concepts and ways in which Latino/a culture influences both. Spirituality is much broader than religiosity and is concerned with existential interpretations, including meanings ascribed to events and selftranscendence. Religiosity on the other hand is a more concrete notion involving quantitative issues such as church attendance, frequency of scripture reading or praying, and seeking support from clergy or priests (Campesino & Schwartz, 2006). Latinas and Spirituality Today Clearly the past impacts the future and trans-generational influence can have an impact on attitudes and behaviors of the present day, thus leading to the question of how Latinas in today’s modern society are impacted by spirituality and in what capacities is spirituality used and fostered in younger generations? Studies examining the relationship of Latina spirituality on physical and mental health have repeatedly found a protective link between spirituality and positive health outcomes. For example, Rojas (1996) found that low-income Latinas who reported high levels of spiritual well-being were better able to cope with the stresses of poverty, thereby remaining healthier. Whereas Wildes, Miller, San Miguel de Majors, and Ramirez (2009) found that Latina breast cancer survivors who reported high levels of spirituality also reported higher levels of health-related quality of life, Jurkowski, Kurlanska, and Ramos (2010) utilized a qualitative approach in examining the association between spirituality and overall health among Latinas. Results of the focus groups found that spirituality was a vital component of health and balance. With Latinas, specifically Mexican American women, aside from organized religion, spirituality is an intimate relationship with God, family and the community (Campesino & Schwartz, 2006). Latino/a theological literature underscores the direct link of spirituality to the Latino/a culture. And given the diversity among Latinas, it is important to emphasize that spirituality cannot be described as a single spirituality. The multiple perspectives are evidenced in the many indigenous ways that Latinas practice, as noted above. These findings provide evidence that both religiosity, especially the trust in the elder Latina, and spirituality serve as protective factors and sources of strength. To understand spirituality further a model is presented.

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Model of Spirituality One of the most prominent models of spirituality development is Fowler’s Stages of Faith Development. In this stage model, Fowler (1981) proposed that everyone has a faith despite belonging to a particular church or organization. The model does not focus on the specific content of one’s faith, but rather on the structure or form of that faith. Fowler (1981) further proposes that persons develop faith through a series of faith structures over the course of childhood and adulthood. He proposes six stages, two of which primarily occur in childhood and the remaining four occur in adulthood. Fowler’s (1981) stage model follows the format of traditional stage models such as Erikson’s model of psychosocial development and Kohlberg’s model of moral reasoning. According to Fowler (1981), the first stage is termed Intuitive-Projective and occurs in preschool children with the premise that basic ideas formed about God come from parents. In stage two, the Mythic-Literal stage is evident in school aged children, but here children accept faith-based stories, but in very literal ways. The third stage, called the Synthetic-Conventional stage appears in adolescence and continues into early adulthood. Within this stage individuals have formed a belief system but continue to need and align themselves with institutions of faith (i.e. church) in order to provide stability. The fourth stage is referred to as Individuative-Reflective and within this stage (if persons achieve this stage), there is movement from external sources of authority to internal sources. It is here that individuals may move away from ritualistic practices and move toward science or rationality as explanations. The fifth stage is called the Conjunctive stage and here individuals begin to see live as a mystery and may return to sacred stories and accept that there can be many truths. It is also within this stage that individuals increase their service or commitment toward others. The final stage is called the Universalizing Faith stage, and according to Fowler (1981), few people reach this stage. However, those who attain this stage are considered “integrated” and live their lives in full service of others without any real doubts. Although this developmental stage model offers some insight into the development of faith/spirituality, it can be criticized for failing to take into account ways in which culture and cultural beliefs and practices impact the development of spirituality. Furthermore, this model assumes a linear sequence with these stages occurring at a proper time. In conceptualizing the religious and spiritual practices, a model is proposed to show Latinas’ role in continuing to enhance religiosity and spirituality. The model pays significant attention to the role of elder Latinas or Abuelas and ways in which thoughts and beliefs regarding spirituality and religion are “handed down” to future generations (see Figure 12.1). Our



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model proposes an interrelated relationship between Catholicism (Religion) and Indigenous beliefs and practices (Santería, Espiritismo) that serves as a foundation and, because of the central role that Latinas have historically played with regard to these concepts, they are transferred to other generations in three ways: through activities, through modeling behaviors, and through attitudes. CONCLUSIONS As we traced the history of the church and other approaches to spiritual and religious practice, there are several points that are drawn. First, there are several similarities in which the various Latina groups practice. Whether one practices curanderismo, espiritismo, or santería, Latinas have served in leadership positions. Second, when women became more involved in organized religion, the leadership roles were not as evident. Indigenous practices were more matriarchal while organized religion was patriarchal. Regardless of the belief systems practiced, Latinas seem to provide the glue for the families. Latinas are the ones that provide encouragement for church attendance and religious practice. The common thread is that the elder woman is seen as wise and holy and someone who is there to help with spiritual and religious guidance. The abuelas are our cultural brokers and responsible for continuing the family’s religious and spiritual growth. Although the discussion on religion in this chapter focused on Catholicism, because of the high numbers of Catholic Latinas, women tend to have similar roles regardless of religion. What this means is that although religions differed, beliefs and attitudes about faith may be more related to cultural variables than to religion, thus begging the question what came first: Religion or culture? While it may be difficult to tease out the answer, religiosity and spirituality are tightly interwoven within the Latino/a culture. Suffice it to say, when working with Latinas, identifying the impact of religion and spirituality becomes important. On the other hand, it is obvious that changing times have also influenced continued spiritual and religious development. Although Latinas comprise at least 50 percent of Catholics, the number of Catholics has decreased steadily over the years. A small percentage of Catholic Latinos/as have left for other faiths but continue to practice a religion. The greater worry of the Catholic Church is that the number of those that identify as non-religious has grown. The fear might be that with loss of faith, Latinas may be left with the primary responsibility of tending to ways of promoting religious and spiritual practices. As noted previously, as the constructs of Marianismo and machismo continue to evolve and as Latinas have become more acculturated, these changes could be leading to the greater number of individuals identified as non-religious. Although there is no research that provides an answer,

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we likewise do not know that just because more individuals are identifying as not being religious, that they are not continuing to embrace their spirituality. Just because a person does not practice a particular faith does not mean that they do not believe in a higher being. Religion and spirituality serve as protective factors; they provide a source of strength and ways to cope with psychological and physical maladies. On the other hand, acculturation may play a role in the extent to which indigenous practices are incorporated into the Latina’s life. Likewise, just because a person is acculturated does not mean that she might not still believe in indigenous concepts of susto and mal de ojo. To this day when we see a beautiful child, we touch her/his forehead so that we don’t accidently give the child mal de ojo. I also wish my grandmother were alive to give me a limpia every now and then when I am feeling particularly stressed. REFERENCES Andrés-Hyman, R. C., Ortiz, J., Añez, L.M., Paris, M., & Davidson, L. (2006). Culture and clinical practice: Recommendations for working with Puerto Ricans and other Latinas(os) in the United States. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 37(6), 694–701. Avila, E. (1999). Woman who glows in the dark: A curandera reveals traditional Aztec secretes of physical and spiritual health. New York: Tarcher/Putnam. Broyles-González, Y. (2002). Indianizing Catholicism: Chicana/India/Mexican indigenous spiritual practices in our image. In N. E. Cantú & O. NájeraRamírez (Eds.), Chicana traditions: Continuity and change. Chicago, IL: University of Illinois. Buffington, S. (2012). “Cuban Americans.” Gale encyclopedia of multicultural America. 2000. Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved from http://www.encyclopedia.com. Campesino, M. & Schwartz, G. (2006). Spirituality among Latinas/os: Implications of culture in conceptualization and measurement. ANS Advances in Nursing Science, 29(1), 69–81. Castillo, A. (1996). Goddess of the Americas: Writings on the virgin of Guadalupe. New York: Riverhead Books. Castillo, L. G., Perez, F. V., Castillo, R., & Ghosheh, M. R. (2010). Construction and initial validation of the marianismo beliefs scale. Counseling Psychology Quarterly, 23(2), 163–175. Cervantes, J. M. (2010). Meztizo spirituality: Toward an integrated approach to psychotherapy for Latina/os. Psychotherapy Theory Research, Practice, Training, 47(4), 527–539. Cofresi, N. I. (2002). The influence of Marianismo on psychoanalytic work on Latinas: Transference and countertransference implications. The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 57, 435–451. Comas-Díaz, L. (1981). Puerto Rican espiritismo and psychotherapy. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 51(4), 636–645.



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Comas-Díaz, L. (1989). Culturally relevant issues and treatment implications for Latinos. In D. R. Koslow & E. Pathy (Eds.), Crossing cultures in mental health (pp. 25–42). Rockville, MD: U.S. Public Health Service. De la Cruz, J. I. (1692). Respuesta a Sor Filotea de la Cruz. Marxists Internet Archive, Retrieved from http://www.marxists.org/espanol/tematica/ mujer/autores/sorjuana/1692/marzo01.htm. Delgado, M. (1988). Groups in Puerto Rican spriritism: Implications for clinicians. In C. Jacobs & D. D. Bowles (Eds.), Ethnicity and Race. Critical concepts in social work (pp. 34–47). Silver Spring, MD: National Association of Social Workers. Díaz-Stevens, A. M. (1997). Latinas and the church. In J. P. Dolan & A. F. Deck (Eds.), Hispanic Catholic Culture in the U. S.: Issues and Concerns (pp. 240– 277). Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Dolan, J. P., & Deck, A. F. (1997). Hispanic Catholic culture in the US: Issues and concerns. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Ekun, E. (2012). The importance of women in santería: Clarifying misconceptions, history. Santería Church of the Orishas. Retrieved from file:///Users/enedinavazquez/Dropbox/Latina%20Spirituality/The%20Importance%20 of%20Women%20in%20Santeria%20»%20Santeria%20Church%20of%20 the%20Orishas.htm. Ennis, S. R., Rios-Vargas, M., & Albert, N. G. (2011). The Hispanic population 2010: 2010 census briefs. U.S. Department of Commerce: Economics and Statistics Administration. Fowler, J. W. (1981). Stages of faith. New York: Harper & Row. Fragoso, J. M., & Kashubeck, S. (2000). Machismo, gender role conflict, and mental health in Mexican-American men. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 1(2), 87–97. Halsall, P. (1997). Medieval Sourcebook: Gregory of Tours (pp. 539–594): History of Franks: Books I–IX. Fordham University. Retrieved from http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/gregory-hist.asp. Jurkowski, J.M., Kurlanska, C., & Ramos, B. (2010). Latino women’s spiritual beliefs related to health. American Journal of Health Promotion, 25(1), 19–25. Lefever, H. G. (1996). When the saints go riding in: Santeria in Cuba and the United States. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 35(3), 318–330. Mendoza, R. G., & Torres, C. C. (1994). Hispanic traditional technology and material culture in the United States. In N. Kanellos, T. Weaver, & C. E. Fabregat (Eds.), Handbook of Hispanic Cultures in the United States: Anthropology. Houston, TX: Arte Público Press. Mystic Rose. (2008). The alleged “soulless women” doctrine. Retrieved from http://home.earthlink.net/~mysticalrose/object.html. Nava, Y. (2000). It’s all in the frijoles: 100 famous Latinos share real-life stories, time-tested dichos, favorite folktales, and inspiring words of wisdom. New York: Fireside Books. Negroni-Rodriguez, L. K., & Morales, J. (2001). Individual and family assessment skills with Latino/Hispanic Americans. In R. Fong & S. Furuto (Eds.), Culturally competent practice: Skills, interventions, and evaluations (pp. 132–146). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Nolan, M. (1997). The myth of soulless women. First Things, April. Retrieved from http://www.firstthings.com/article/2007/12/002-the-myth-of -soulless-women-3.

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Norat, G. (1998). Latina grandmothers: Spiritual bridges to ancestral lands. Journal of the Association for Research on Mothering, 7(2), 98–111. OrishaNet. (2012). The women who ruled la regla ocha. OrishaNet Articles. Retrieved from http://www.orishanet.org/womenrule.html. Palmer-Boyes, A. (2010). The Latino Catholic parish as a specialist organization: Distinguishing characteristics. Review of Religious Research, 51(3), 302–323. Passel, J. S. & Cohn, D. (2011). How many Hispanics in the US? Pew Research Center Publications. Retrieved from http://pewresearch.org/pubs/1928/ census-hispanic-count-compared-with-e. Pew Research Center. (2008). Hispanic women in the United States, 2007. Washington, DC: Pew Hispanic Center. Poets.org. (1997). Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz. The Academy of American Poets. Retrieved from http://www.poets.org/poet.php/prmPID/1032. Rivera-Marano, M. (2000). The creation of the Latina Values Scale: An Analysis of Marianismo’s effects on Latina women attending college. (Doctoral Dissertation, Rutgers University, 2000.) Dissertations Abstracts International, 61(5-B), 1741. Rodriguez, J. (1994). Our Lady of Guadalupe: Faith and empowerment among MexicanAmerican women. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Rojas, D.Z. (1996). Spiritual well-being and its influence on holistic health of Hispanic women. In Torres, S. (Ed.). Hispanic voices: Hispanic health educators speak out. New York: NLN Press, 213–229. Scherer-Emunds, M. (2010). Somos el cuerpo de Cristo. U.S. Catholic, 75(6). Stevens, E. P. (1973). Machismo and Marianismo. Society, 10, 57–63. Torres, J. B., Solberg, S. H., Carlstrom, A. H. (2002). The myth of sameness among Latino men and their machismo. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 72(2), 163–181. Wildes, K. A., Miller, A. R., San Miguel de Majors, S., & Ramirez, A. G. (2009). The religiosity/spirituality of Latina breast cancer survivors and influence on health-related quality of life. Psychooncology, 18(8), 831–840.

Chapter 13

La Diosa: Syncretistic Folk Spirituality among Latinas Lillian Comas-Diaz

The White fathers told us: I think, therefore I am. The Black goddess within each of us—the poet—whispers in our dreams: I feel, therefore I can be free. — Audre Lorde INTRODUCTION Milagros, a 50-year-old Mexican American married woman, works as a legal secretary and practices curanderismo—a Latino folk healing composed of a blend of indigenous and Christian beliefs (Kiev, 1968). Raised Catholic, Milagros is a devotee of Our Lady of Guadalupe. Amparo, a 35-year-old Puerto Rican divorced woman, is an espiritista (spiritual medium). She believes that she has several spiritual guides, among them the Virgin of Montserrate and the Archangel Gabriel (as a woman). Caridad, a 65-year-old Cuban immigrant widow woman, owns a botánica—a store that sells Latino folk medicine and magico-religious artifacts. She practices santería and is a devotee of the Yoruba goddess Yemayá. Luz is a 29-year-old Peruvian American woman. She works as a Reiki practitioner and is a devotee of Pachamama, the Inca Earth Mother.

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What do these Latinas have in common? They all endorse a folk spirituality that is female inspired. As the highest growing group of women of color, Latinas are significantly influencing the mainstream society (ComasDiaz & Greene, 2013). A heterogeneous group, Latinas vary in national origin, racial phenotype, socioeconomic status, acculturation level, and language use. Likewise, Latinas are religiously diverse (Pew Hispanic Center and Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life Survey, 2007). As a group, Latina/ os are religiously observant (Pew Research Hispanic Trends Project, 2012). Although the majority of Latinas are nominally Catholic, a significant number are Protestant or evangélicas. Along these lines, numerous Latinas feel that the Catholic Church condones men’s abusive machista behavior, while the Protestant Church discourages machismo (Brusco, 1995). Certainly, the Latina religious diversity extends beyond Christianity. For instance, a growing number of Latinas are converting to Islam (Martin, 2006). Indeed, some Latinas may be inclined to become Muslim partly due to the significant cultural imprint that 800 years of Moorish domination left on the Iberian peninsula and, consequently, on Latin America. To add to their religious diversity, some Latinas are Jewish, while others are agnostic. Notwithstanding Latinas’ diverse religious orientations, they share a common psychospiritual root (Comas-Diaz, 2008 a). Indeed, many Latinas endorse a folk spirituality that emerged out of their common history of colonization and oppression. Moreover, Latinas’ shared spirituality is relational, mutual, and collectivistic (Campesino & Schwartz, 2006). Even more saliently, many Latinas’ folk spirituality is female inspired and is centered on La Diosa—a syncretistic sacred feminine. In this vein, syncretism keeps Latinas’ folk spirituality alive and nurtures its constant evolution. This chapter presents an overview of Latinas’ folk spirituality, focusing on its healing, liberation, and social justice components. ESPIRITUALIDAD: AN EVERYDAY SPIRITUALITY Regardless of religious orientation, most Latinas acknowledge spirituality as a vital force in their life (Rodriguez, 2001; Stohlman, 2005). While religion differs from spirituality (Bartoli, 2007), simply put, spirituality relates to a belief in something greater than the self. Since most religions tend to restrict women from authority roles, many Latinas find in spirituality a more egalitarian orientation. Most Latinas absorb spirituality through cultural osmosis (Comas-Diaz, 2006). Indeed, a central aspect of Latina spirituality is lo cotidiano—women’s everyday experience (Isasi-Diaz, 1996). Certainly, lo cotidiano is a lived spirituality that acknowledges the sacredness in daily acts. For example, Latinas’ lives are frequently infused with multiple references to the sacred (Koss-Chioino & Vargas, 1999). These



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illustrations include blessings such as: Que Dios te bendiga (God bless you), Que Dios y la Virgen te acompañen (May God and the Virgin be with you), and phrases such as: Si Dios quiere (God willing), Ojalá (Allah willing). Moreover, stories, teachings, testimonies, and proverbs echo the pervasiveness of spirituality among Latinas. To illustrate, dichos or proverbs—a Spanish folk psychotherapy—populate Latinas’ cotidiano (Comas-Diaz, 2012). Infused with Latino spiritual wisdom, dichos help individuals to find solutions to problems (Cabos, 1985; Zuniga, 1992). An example is: El hombre (mujer) propone y Dios dispone (The man or woman proposes and God disposes). Within this cultural context, many Latinas engage consciously or unconsciously in a folk spirituality. A way of life that addresses challenges, a folk spirituality helps individuals to cope with adversity and subsequent emotional distress. Moreover, it promotes Latinas’ resilience against historical and contemporary oppression. More specifically, a folk spirituality helps Latinas to cope with a legacy of colonization, including their history of displacement and cultural dispossession. Furthermore, it aids Latinas to manage the intersection of racism, sexism, elitism, and xenophobia, among other forms of oppression. To illustrate, many Latina immigrants use religion and spirituality to effectively cope with acculturation pressures (Sanchez et al., 2012). Paradoxically, oppression gave birth to Latina/os’ folk spirituality. When the conquistadores repressed the New World’s original religions in order to impose Christianity, the indigenous populations merged these two belief systems to preserve their ancestral traditions (Castillo, 1996). Consequently, a Latina folk spirituality developed within a continuous syncretism as a means to combat religious oppression and to preserve the essence of their native belief systems. Within this framework, Latinas reclaim, explore, and integrate diverse orientations into their folk spirituality. As a result, Latinas’ spirituality entails an ongoing fusion of indigenous, African, European, and Eastern beliefs, among other traditions. For example, Latinas integrate animism—the conviction that everything has a spirit (De La Cancela & Zavala Martinez, 1983)—into their Native American, African, Christian and Islamic syncretistic beliefs. Indeed, when faced with adversity, oppression, immigration, and dislocation, many Latinas reconnect with their indigenous spiritual beliefs through syncretism (Zea et al., 2000). Consequently, a syncretistic folk spirituality flourishes to strengthen cultural identity, rescue cultural values, and to provide historical continuity. For example, a contemporary syncretism has developed out of two Latino forms of folk healing, namely, santeria and espiritismo, as a complementary approach to mental health treatment (Baez & Hernandez, 2001). The Latina syncretistic spirituality has healing, empowering, and transformative elements. In particular, it embodies a syncretistic magico-spiritual coping style. This style is based on a magical realism (Comas-Diaz,

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2006). Magical realism refers to a Latin American cognitive style that involves an alteration of reality with fantasy (Maduro & Martinez, 1974). Of interest, Peay (2002) identified magic as one of the five sacred qualities of women’s spiritual development. Because of magical realism, a significant number of Latinas reported experiencing interactions with human and non-human spirits through supernatural means (Council of National Psychological Associations, 2003). Moreover, many Latinas disclosed having supernatural experiences such as visions, intuitions, and prophetic dreams, among others (Pew Hispanic Center and Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life Survey, 2007). Indeed, magical realism is an integral component of Latinas’ folk spirituality, particularly in their caretaking and healing role. SANACIÓN Y BIENESTAR: HEALING AND WELLBEING A Latina folk spirituality entails a holistic worldview. Therefore, sanación, or emotional, physical, and spiritual healing is an integral aspect of folk spirituality. In this fashion, Latinas’ spirituality embodies the interface of healing and gender. Indeed, many Latinas are gender socialized to take care of their families. That is, they are culturally expected to take care of the body, mind, and soul of their families. Within this framework, they subscribe to a holistic healing paradigm. Certainly, many Latinas rely on their spiritual beliefs and practices to infuse a deeper meaning into their caretaker role (Koerner et al., 2013). To illustrate, a community study’s findings showed that Latinas identified their spiritual and religious beliefs and practices as being important in their caretaker role (Koerner et al., 2013). Following a similar line of reasoning, spirituality helps Latinas to cope with illness. For example, Abraido-Lanza and her colleagues (2004) found that Latinas/os reported a high use of religious and spiritual strategies to cope with pain. Of interest, these researchers reported that Latinos’ spiritual coping was correlated with active, but not with passive coping. Indeed, the study’s findings showed that a non-spiritual passive coping was associated with greater pain and worse adjustment. Much like in physical health, research has documented that spirituality helps Latinas to cope with mental health, particularly with depression (Soto, 2013). Equally important, research documented that spirituality facilitates Latinas’ effective coping with post-traumatic stress disorder. To illustrate, Constantine and her associates (2005) found that spirituality helped Latina/os who witnessed the September 11, 2011, attacks to cope with post-traumatic stress disorder. Moreover, research revealed that spirituality helps Latinos to develop post-traumatic growth (Cordero, 2011). In this interesting study, Cordero (2011) found that spirituality and familism, but not personalismo, were positively related to Latino men’s post traumatic growth.



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A holistic perspective in healing includes bienestar (wellness). Indeed, Latinas’ spirituality and religiosity has been associated with feelings of bienestar (Levin, Markides & Ray, 1996), meaning and purpose in life (Munoz & Mendelson, 2005), and with high life satisfaction (Merrill, Steffen & Hunter, 2012). Latinas use their spirituality in lo cotidiano to enhance their healing as well as their sense of well-being. For instance, the ritual of altar making serves multiple uses. As a popular spiritual practice, altar making has healing purposes (Bermudez & Bermudez, 2002). Indeed, altar making helps Latinas to cope with grief and mourning, remember their loved ones, unify families, enhance family collaboration, strengthen blended families, and memorialize the living (Bermudez & Bermudez, 2002). Additionally, this practice facilitates the exploration of spiritual themes. As an illustration, Milagros, the Mexican American woman introduced at the beginning of this chapter, makes altars in her role as a curandera (female healer). Her altars are called milagrosos because people believe that they perform miracles. Certainly, many Catholic and non-Catholic Latinas adorn their home altars with pictures of divine icons. These altars frequently have candles with the pictures of the Virgin Mary and saints to help Latinas cope with life. That is, each saint or divinity has a specialized function as well as a specific spiritual meaning. For instance, it is commonly believed that Saint Anne helps pregnant women, while Our Lady of Lourdes is associated with curing bodily ills. Moreover, cancer victims invoke St Peregrine. Furthermore, Margaret de Castello is the patron saint of disabilities, and so on. Indeed, many of the divinity figures have a designated healing function. However, the Virgin Mary occupies center stage in the altars and hearts of many Latinas. Even more, a syncretism of the earth mother goddess with the Virgin Mary is alive among many Latinas. LA DIOSA: A LATINA GODDESS Do not fear any illness or vexation, anxiety or pain. Am I not here who am your Mother? Are you not under my shadow and/or protection? Is there anything else you need? Our Lady of Guadalupe’s words to Juan Diego, December 9, 12, 1531 (Shrine of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe) The image of woman as a sacred figure has a long history in humankind. As early as 700, 000 years ago, God was a woman (Faulkner, 2011). Our first ancestors worshipped the goddess as a representation of the earth’s fecundity. They carved the goddess’ image on ancient cave walls. Likewise, indigenous people in the Americas worshipped earth mother goddesses. They associated these goddesses with love, sexuality, fertility, healing,

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magic, life and death. For example, while the Aztecs worshipped Tonantzin, an earth mother goddess, the Mayans worshiped Ix Chel, the moon goddess of midwifery and healing (Fredericksen, 1997–1999). At the time when the Caribs venerated Amaná, an earth mother goddess, the Tainos worshiped Attabeira, the mother of Yocahu, the god that lives in heaven and has no male ancestor (Fernandez-Mendez, 1972). The worship of the goddess has survived Christian attempts to eradicate it (Birbaum, 1993). In fact, the goddess survives among most Latinas as a syncretism of the ancient indigenous goddesses with Christianity. An earth mother, the Virgin Mary is considered the feminine aspect of God among many Latinas/os (Rodriguez, 1996; Tree, 2001). Indeed, her image is frequently placed above the figure of Jesus in many Latin American churches (Tree, 2001). La Madre de Dios, the Virgin Mary, occupies a preeminent space in the minds and hearts of many Latinas. Virgencita mia! (My little virgin!) is a common expression among Latinas. Moreover, numerous Latinas ritually honor the Virgin Mary during their developmental milestones. For example, the quinceañera (Sweet Fifteen) celebration, which usually begins with a mass, is related to the Latinas’ devotion to the Virgin Mary (Nira, 2011). Likewise, many Catholic Latinas place flowers at the Virgin Mary image during their wedding mass. Even more saliently, these Latinas honor the Virgin Mary when mourning their dead. Numerous grieving Latinas invoke the Virgin’s mediation through novenas—a series of prayers conducted during the nine-day period after the burial of the loved one. Of interest, novenas have roots in the pagan practice (Parentalia Novendialia) of petitioning a deity to obtain special favors or grace (Nyx, 2003). Many Latinas view la Madre de Dios as La Diosa (the goddess) or diosita (Spanish diminutive of goddess) (Castillo, 1996). The mother of all, in her emanation as the Virgin of Guadalupe, is a protector, guide, mediator, healer, and much more. Catholic Latinas perceive the Virgin Mary as a supernatural helper, maternal defender of the poor, protector of the oppressed (Castillo, 1996; Estes, 2011), and guardian of immigrants (Martinez, 1996). More specifically, la diosita—the Virgin of Guadalupe— is the patroness and the goddess of the Americas (Castillo, 1996). Known as La Morenita or the Little Darkling, Our Lady of Guadalupe transcends organized religion. She is a Latina cultural and feminist icon. Guadalupe provides Latinas with sustenance, hope, a sense of belonging, and a reason to live (Rodriguez, 1996). Many Latinas seek La Morenita’s succor during challenging times and hardships. For instance, numerous Latina/o college students pray to the Virgin Mary and light a candle in her honor as they cope with educational challenges (Castellanos & Gloria, 2008). Interestingly, research showed that Latino college students scored significantly higher than non-Latino college students in measures of spirituality (Campesino, Belyea, & Schwartz, 2009).



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The paramount role of the Virgin Mary in Latin America is related to her ethnic and racial transformation. During the European colonization of the Americas, the Virgin Mary appeared in the image of an indigenous, conquered, marginalized, and oppressed woman. Her transformation made her look like a colonized Latina. As a consequence, the iconic Virgin Mary is often dark—either brown or Black. That is, the Latina Virgin Mary is a Black Madonna. A vestige of the earth mother goddess, the Black Madonna has been associated with ancient dark goddesses such as Isis, Black Astarte, and many others (Begg, 1985; Galland, 1990). Within this context, the Black Madonna emerged out of a syncretism of the ancient goddess worship with Christianity. According to von Franz (1995), the Black Madonna is Black because she is more powerful and has more potent magic than an ordinary White woman. Like the ancient earth mother goddesses, the syncretistic Black Madonnas represent the fecundity of the earth (Begg, 1985). They recreate the ancient goddesses by expressing love, yielding power, fostering reconciliation, and harmonizing the world (Comas-Diaz, 2003). Moreover, the Black Madonnas first appeared on or near ancient sacred sites dedicated to earlier earth goddesses. As presented previously, syncretism is a survival mechanism in Latin America. To illustrate, the Virgin Mary, in the syncretistic form of a dark, poor, small, mestiza woman, appeared to the Aztec convert Juan Diego in the sacred site of the Mexica goddess Tonantzin (our Mother). In her emanation as Our Lady of Guadalupe, la Diosita asked Juan Diego to convey to the Spanish clergy that her temple be built in Tonantzin’s sacred site. In this way, the Virgin of Guadalupe acknowledged her previous manifestation as an indigenous goddess (Castillo, 1996). According to Birbaum (1993), the multiple syncretistic Virgin Mary’s sacred sites became centers of feminism, nonstandard Christian practice, and radical politics. The purpose of these apparitions, according to Birbaum, is to reaffirm the earth mother goddess power. Within this context, the syncretistic Diosa Latina is a sacred freedom fighter. LA EMANCIPADORA: A SACRED FREEDOM FIGHTER Most Latinas share a history of colonization, oppression, and genocide—a legacy that informs their folk spirituality. Indeed, a significant number of Latinas use spirituality as a means to affirm their connection to their community. That is, they view themselves as part of a larger force within an interrelated spiritual universe. Indeed, many women of color prefer to develop their spirituality with other females of color (Nicolas et al., 2008). In other words, women of color accompany each other in their path to connect with the sacred feminine. In this fashion, when women of color worship a divinity that looks like them, they enhance their agency, confidence, and power (Kidd, 2005).

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Indeed, a significant number of Latinas see their reflection in la Diosa’s mirror. For example, Amparo, the Puerto Rican espiritista introduced at the beginning of this chapter, prays to the Virgin of Montserrate because according to Amparo: “She is a Black woman, just like me.” Latinas see la Diosa as a co-partner. As a result, their deep belief in la Diosa enhances their ability to co-create their reality. Such perception relates to the Latinas’ contextual locus of control. A contextual locus of control allows Latinas to exercise the type of control (internal or external) according to the context (Comas-Diaz, 2006). Interestingly, a contextual co-agency is rooted in spirituality (Keller, 2002). Moreover, many feminist Latinas view la Diosa as an icon of feminine resistance, transformation, and liberation. In the form of the Virgin de la Guadalupe, la Diosa represents indomitable strength and power (Estes, 2011). The syncretistic Latina Virgin Mary is a subversive (Randall, 1996) warrior, and emancipator. Particularly, the Virgin of Guadalupe is a spiritual paradox—she is a small, dark and poor mestiza, who is a most powerful freedom fighter (Teish, 1996). The mother of the oppressed, the Virgin de Guadalupe fights against the conditions that keep her children enslaved. She is la emancipadora—the liberator. Latin Americans have prayed to the ethnic Virgin Mary for personal and collective liberation. Ironically, the Catholic clergy originally used the ethnic transformation of the Virgin Mary as a means to convert and control the indigenous population. In particular, the clergy interpreted the Virgin Mary’s ethnic transformation as an indication that the mother of God would be compassionate towards the oppressed, and thus, would intercede for their salvation. This strategy worked initially, but only for a limited period. Since the syncretistic Virgin Mary appeared in the image of a conquered, dark, poor, indigenous woman, the oppressed populations interpreted her differently from the clergy’s purpose. Instead, the indigenous populations reclaimed the ethnic Virgin as one of them. In this manner, the syncretistic Virgin Mary became a symbol of ethnic affirmation and emancipation. Without a doubt, the devotion to the ethnic Virgin Mary played a crucial role in many Latin American countries’ independence wars. In addition to guiding the struggle for independence, la diosa encouraged the development of a national identity. To illustrate, Mexicans carried images of the Virgin of Guadalupe during their struggle for independence (Comas-Diaz, 2003). Likewise, the syncretistic Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre became a symbol of the Cuban identity. Her mytherstory (a combination of myth and herstory) indicates that during the 16th century the Virgin Mary appeared on a sacred site in eastern Cuba where Congelose slaves adored Chola Anguenze, a Black goddess. The Virgin Mary and Chola Anguenze were fused into la Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre. Subsequently, Cuban nationalists invoked the syncretistic mulatta Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre during Cuba’s struggle for independence. Other



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images of the Virgin Mary were fused with Yoruba divinities in order to resist religious conversion. Santeria emerged when African (Yoruba) slaves transplanted their religion to Latin America and syncretized African divinities into Catholic deities (Gonzalez-Wippler, 1989). In this manner, numerous Latina/os continue their ancestral African religions through santeria. For example, Caridad, the Cuban woman introduced at the beginning of this chapter, practices santeria and venerates Yemayá, a Yoruba goddess syncretized into the Virgin de la Candelaria (Kuklick, 1995). Moreover, Caridad credited Yemayá for the success of her botánica. A Black Madonna, the ethnic Virgin Mary stands against assimilation and acculturation (Dumars & Nyx, 2003). Moreover, as a liberator, she encourages revolution and rebirth (Gustafson, 1990). For example, a syncretistic Virgin Mary appeared in two separate occasions in Puerto Rico. La Virgen de Monserrate presided over the emergence of the island’s national identity during the Spanish colonization. The second time she appeared on the island was shortly after the U.S. invasion. According to Negretti (2005), the Virgin appeared as a brown Puerto Rican woman who predicted and performed miracles in order to help Puerto Ricans to affirm their ethnicity and resist the U.S. political pressure to acculturate. Calling herself Elenita, the Virgin reaffirmed the Puerto Rican national identity (Negretti, 2005). Most Latin American countries venerate a syncretistic Virgin Mary, frequently as Black or brown Madonnas/divinities. In her varied emanations, the ethnic Virgin Mary is the patroness of diverse Latin American countries. These include the Virgin of Lujan (Argentina), Our Lady of Copacabana (Bolivia), La Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre (Cuba), Virgen de los Angeles (Costa Rica), Virgen de Aparecida (Brazil), among many others. Of interest, Pope Francis placed Latin America under the protection of Virgen de Aparecida (http://www.eluniverso.com/noticias/2013/07/24/nota/1203101/papa-celebra-su-primera-misa-oficial -brasil). The empowering legacy of the Latina sacred feminine transcends the Catholic religion. Non-Catholic Latinas also benefit from her powerful legacy. Indeed, many Latina evangélicas embrace a liberation spirituality (Conde-Frazier, Maldonado-Perez, & Martell-Otero, 2013). This position is consistent with Protestantism’s goal of fostering economic self-agency and rejection of socioeconomic oppression in Latin America (Tree, 2001). Indeed, there is a strong relationship between Latina spirituality, female leadership, and social justice. Jeanette Rodriguez (1999) studied a group of Latinas who reported that their spiritual and religious communities offered them opportunities to develop leadership roles. These women disclosed that they engaged in critical thinking, leading them to reject a religious affiliation. As a consequence, these Latinas envisioned their commitment to social justice as a deep spiritual motivator and as a developmental task.

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DESARROLLO: LATINA SPIRITUALITY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE DEVELOPMENT Latinas/os’political views are more liberal than those of the general United States population (Pew Hispanic Center, 2012). Indeed, Latinas’ desarrollo or spiritual development entails a commitment to social action. Latinas’ “outsider within” status nurtures their social justice-inspired spirituality. The “outsider within” status concept relates to those women of color who produce a collectivistic feminist thought including the self, family, community, and the world (Collins, 1986). Within this status, many Latinas develop la facultad in order to struggle against oppression. As proposed by Gloria E. Anzaldua (1987), la facultad is a survival strategy based on the knowledge of one’s own painful experiences of marginalization and oppression. Therefore, la facultad entails an intuitive understanding of power dynamics in daily experiences, which allows Latinas to engage in a flexible adjustment to threatening circumstances (Moya, 2001). Following a similar line of reasoning, Chela Sandoval (1998) argued that Latinas living at the borders of cultures develop a syncretistic consciousness which enables them to function as a mobile crossing or chiasmus between people who maintain different linguistic, national, cultural, ethnic, and class identifications. Such a mobile crossing ability adds syncretism to Latinas’ folk spirituality. Indeed, more Latinas/os abandon the religion they grew up in, and choose a syncretistic form of spirituality based on meditation and enlightenment (Pinzon, 2011). For example, Luz, the Peruvian American woman from this chapter’s introduction, fused her Inca indigenous religion with Eastern philosophy into her Latina folk spirituality. She stated that her syncretistic spirituality significantly improved her Reiki practice. In other words, Luz reported that she heals through the power of the goddess Pachamama. Coincidentally, the Inca Indians have identified Pachamama with the Virgin Mary (http://broomcloset.wordpress.com/2013/04/28/ pachamama-incan-earth-goddess/). Moreover, Luz reported that she uses meditation to connect with Pachamama. To the point, Latinas/os have a legacy of meditation through the syncretism of the Christian practice of contemplation and prayer, shamanism, and espiritismo/santeria spirit possession. Syncretism facilitates Latinas’spiritual development. Following a similar line of reasoning, Gloria E. Anzaldua’s (2002) nepantlera theory refers to a unique type of visionary cultural worker who develops a syncretistic consciousness. The Nahuat Aztec word nepantla means land in the middle, or in between (www.chicanoart.org/nepantla.html). Therefore, nepantleras embody a threshold position whereby they inhabit a space in between multiple cultures and realities. According to Anzaldua, nepantla refers to both a cultural space and a process of spiritual transformation. Moreover,



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a nepantla process fosters the development of a global syncretistic consciousness, international solidarity, and a commitment to social action. In spite of this development, Anazaldua warned that the nepantlera’s path is challenging and potentially painful. Nepantleras’commitment to “travel” different worlds, in addition to their decision to not identify with a single group or worldview, can lead to experiences of rejection and isolation. On the other hand, coping with these challenges potentially strengthens Latinas’ resilience and thus, facilitates their commitment to social action. Indeed, Anzaldua (2002) argued that a spiritual activism is a cornerstone of the nepantleras‘ spiritual development. She defined spiritual activism as a combination of a social activism with a spiritual vision (Keating, 2006). According to Anazaldua, a spiritual activism entails selfreflection, self-growth, and engagement in compassionate acts designed to achieve social change (Anzaldua, 2002; Keating, 2006). Moreover, nepantleras struggle against oppression, both at internal and external levels (Anzaldua, 2002). Such struggle encourages Latinas’ development of a critical consciousness that results in a commitment to social change (Keating, 2006). Amparo, the Puerto Rican woman from this chapter’s introduction, provides an example of a nepantlera’s development. Raised Catholic but living with her espiritista grandmother as a child, Amparo moved to the continental United States when she was 17 years old. While attending college, she was exposed to sexism and racism and became radicalized in her politics. Amparo returned to the island, reclaimed her espiritista legacy and engaged in spiritual activism. In Anzalduan terms, self-change and social transformation are mutually interdependent (Keating, 2006). Research findings seem consistent with Anzalduan spiritual activism theory. For instance, Garrido (2010) found that Latina/o spirituality foments critical consciousness, identity development, and sociopolitical action. Consequently, a significant aspect of a nepantlera’s development is to engage in spiritual activism (Anzaldua, 2002; Koegeler-Abdi, 2013). For instance, Guadalupanas provide an illustration of spiritual activism. Devotees of the Virgin of Guadalupe, Guadalupanas, are a group of Catholic Latinas organized to provide charity services and leadership in social concerns (Palomo Acosta, 1981). Similarly, many promotoras—Latinas who actively promote the advancement of community education and/or health—engage in community work as part of their spiritual development (Torres & Ingram, 2009). To explore women’s spiritual development, Tisdell (2002) studied a group of multicultural women. She found that the women engaged in a cyclical developmental process composed of reconnecting with their original spiritual and cultural values in order to promote social action. Tisdell described the women’s spiritual development as 1) deepening their awareness; 2) honoring the lifeforce; 3) developing their ethnic identity;

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and, 4) engaging in social action. Consistent with these notions, ComasDiaz (2008 b) identified womanist/mujerista spiritual development as a cycle including 1) rejection of oppression; 2) recovering of sacredness; 3) endorsement of universal healing; 4) commitment to international solidarity; and 5) commitment to co-creating an equitable global society. The concepts of womanism and mujerismo intrinsically endorse a commitment to spiritual activism (Comas-Diaz, 2008 b). While Alice Walker (1983) coined the term womanism to describe a feminism of color, Ada Isasi-Diaz (1996) introduced the term mujerismo to designate a Latina feminism. CONCLUSION: A GLOBAL SPIRITUAL ACTIVISM “Who me confused? Ambivalent? Not so. Only your labels split me.” Gloria E. Anzaldua (1983) The majority of Latinas share a legacy of colonization and oppression. As they cope with contemporary discrimination in the form of the intersection of sexism, racism, elitism, and xenophobia, Latinas reconnect with their ethnocultural and psychospiritual roots. A Latina folk spirituality emerged out of this process, and continuously evolves within a syncretistic framework. Moreover, La Diosa, a syncretistic sacred feminine, permeates Latina folk spirituality. In summary, Latina folk spirituality facilitates healing, empowering, and transformation. The fusion of an indigenous goddess with the Virgin Mary, Our Lady of Guadalupe is the most popular Latina icon of La Diosa. An archetype of maternal love, compassion, and protection, La Diosa is a defender of the oppressed. Within her emancipatory role, La Diosa is a freedom fighter. Numerous Latinas identify with La Diosa’s strength, care, and commitment to social justice. Even more, a Latina syncretistic spirituality encourages women’s spiritual development within a social action context. As such, it commits to service, equality, and social justice. Spiritual activism is a significant goal within Latina spiritual development. As posited by Gloria E. Anzaldua (2002), spiritual activism entails a combination of social action and a spiritual vision. Therefore, spiritual activism helps Latinas to develop a global consciousness, embrace a collective solidarity, and envision worldwide peace. According to Anzaldua (2002), a nepantlera ‘s development culminates in an engagement in spiritual activism without confusion or ambivalence. Along these lines, numerous Latinas endorse an empowering folk spirituality that facilitates individual and collective transformation. Throughout their spiritual development, Latinas attempt to reclaim their ethnic identity, become spirituality active, engage in social action, and grow to be spiritual activists. In essence, Latinas aspire to accomplish these goals without confusion or



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ambivalence. More importantly, spiritually active Latinas commit to act with passion and compassion. REFERENCES Abraido-Lanza, A. F. Vasquez, E. & Echevarria, S. E. (2004). En las manos de Dios (In God’s hands): Religious and other forms of coping among Latinos with arthritis. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 72(1), 91–102. Anzaldúa, G. (2002). Now let us shift . . . the path of conocimiento . . . inner work, public acts. Transformation (pp. 540–578). New York: Routledge. Anzaldúa, G. (1987). Borderlands/La frontera: The new mestiza. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books. Anzaldua, G. E. (1983). La Prieta. In C. Morriaga & G. E. Anzaldua (Eds.), This bridge called my back: Writings by radical women (pp. 198–209). New York: Kitchen Table, Women of Color Press. Baez, A & Hernandez, D. (2001). Complementary spiritual beliefs in the Latino community: The interface with psychotherapy. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 71(4), 408–415. Bartoli, E. (2007). Religious and spiritual issues in psychotherapy practice: Training the trainer. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research & Practice, 44, 54–65. Begg, E. (1985). The cult of the Black Madonna. London: Arkana/Penguin Books. Bermudez, J. & Bermudez, S. (2002) Altar-making with Latino families: A narrative therapy perspective. Journal of Family Psychotherapy, 13(3–4), 329–347. Birbaum, L. C. (1993). Black Madonna: Feminism, religion and politics in Italy. Boston: Northeastern University Press. Brusco, E. E. (1995). The reformation of machismo: Evangelical conversion and gender in Colombia. Austin: University of Texas Press. Cabos, R. (1985). Refranes: Southwestern Spanish proverbs. Santa Fe, NM: Museum of New Mexico Press. Campesino, M. & Schwartz, G. E. (2006). Spirituality among Latinas/os: Implications of culture in conceptualization and measurement. Advance Nursing Science, 29(10), 69–81. Campesino, M., Belyea, M. & Schwartz, G. (2009). Spirituality and cultural identification among Latino and non-Latino college students. Hispanic Health Care International, 7(2) 72–79. Castellanos, J. & Gloria, A. M. (2008). Rese un Ave Maria y encendi una velita: The use of spirituality and religion as a means of coping with educational experiences for Latina/o college students. In B. W. McNeill & J. M. Cervantes (Eds.), Latina/o healing practices: Mestizo and indigenous perspectives (pp. 195– 222). New York: Routldege Castillo A. (Ed.) (1996). Goddess of the Americas/La Diosa de las Americas: Writings on the Virgin of Guadalupe. New York: Riverhead Books Collins, P. H (1986). Learning from the outsider within: The sociological significance of Black feminist thought. Social problems, 33(6), Special Theory Issue, S14–S32. Comas-Diaz, L. (2012). Multicultural care: A clinician’s guide to cultural competence. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

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Comas-Diaz, L. (2008a). Latino psychospirituality. In K. Schneider (Ed.), ExistentialIntegrative Psychotherapy: Guideposts to the Core of Practice (pp. 100–109). New York: Routledge. Comas-Diaz, L (2008b). Spirita: Reclaiming womanist sacredness in feminism. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 32, 13–21. Comas-Diaz, L. (2006). Latino healing: The integration of ethnic psychology into psychotherapy. Psychotherapy Theory, Research, Practice & Training, 43(4), 436–453. Comas-Díaz, L. (2003). The Black Madonna: The psychospiritual feminism of Guadalupe, Kali and Monserrat. In L. Silverstein & T. J. Goodrich (Eds.), Feminist Family: Empowerment and Social Location (pp. 147–160). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Comas-Diaz, L. & Greene, B. (Eds.). (2013). Psychological health of women of color: Intersections, challenges, and opportunities. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger. Conde-Frazier, E., Maldonado-Perez, Z. & Martell-Otero, L. I (2013). Latina evangelicas: A theological survey from the margins. Eugene, Oregon: Cascade Books. Constantine, M. G., Alleyne, V. L., Caldwell, L. D., McRae, M. B., & Suzuki, L. A. (2005). Coping responses of Asian, Black, and Latino/a New York City residents following the terrorist attacks against the United States. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 11(4), 293–308. Cordero, D. (2011). Spirituality has been positively associated with posttraumatic growth among Latinos’ posttraumatic growth in Latino men: The influence of familismo, personalismo, and spirituality. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B: The Sciences and Engineering, Vol. 72(1B), 526. Council of National Psychological Associations (2003, November). Psychological treatment of Ethnic Minority Populations. Washington, DC: The Association of Black Psychologists. De La Cancela, V. & I. Zavala Martinez (1983). An analysis of culturalism in Latino mental health: Folk medicine as a case in point. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 5(3), 251–274. Dumars, D. & Nyx, L (2003). The dark archetype: Exploring the shadow side of the divine. Franklin Lakes, NJ: New Page Books/Career Press. Estés, C. P. (2011). Untie the strong woman: Blessed mother’s immaculate love for the wild soul. Boulder, CO: Sounds True, Inc. Faulkner, M. ( 2011). Women’s spirituality. Charlottesville, VA: Hampton Roads Publishing Co. Fernandez-Mendez, E. (1972). Art and Mythology of the Taino Indians of the Greater West Indies. San Juan: Ediciones El Cemi. Fredericksen, T. (1997–99). Aztec religion. Quoted in South American Realm. Retrieved from http://inanna.virtualave.net/southamerican.html Galland, C. (1990). Longing for darkness: Tara and the Black Madonna. New York: Compass/Penguin Press. Garrido, A. (2010). Relationship between spirituality and critical consciousness development of Latino immigrants involved in social justice. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B: The Sciences and Engineering, Vol. 70(9B), 2010, 5865.



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Gonzalez-Wippler, M. ( 1989). Santería: The religion: Faith, rites, magic. New York: Harmony. Gustafson, F. (1990). The Black Madonna. Boston: The Sigo Press. Holliday, K. V. (2008). Religious healing and biomedicine in comparative context. In B. W. McNeill & J. M. Cervantes (Eds.), Latina/o healing practices: Mestizo and indigenous perspectives (pp. 249–270). New York: Routledge. Isasi-Diaz, A. M. (1996). Mujerista Theology: A theology for the twenty-first century. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Jurkowski, J. M., Kurlanska, C., & Ramos, B. M. (2010, September/October). Latino women’s spiritual beliefs related to health. American Journal of Health Promotion, 25(1), 19–25. Keating, A. L. (2006). From borderlands and new mestizas to nepantals and nepantleras: Anzalduan theories for social change. Human Architecture: Journal of the Sociology of Self-Knowledge, 4(3), available at http://scholarworks.umb.edu/ humanarchitecture/vol4/iss3/3/ Keller, H. (2002). Culture and development: Developmental pathways to individualism and interrelatedness. In W. J. Lonner, D. L. Dinnel, S. A. Hayes, & D. N. Sattler (Eds.), Online Readings in Psychology and Culture (Unit 11, Chapter 1). Bellingham, WA: Western Washington University. Kiev, A. (1968). Curanderismo: Mexican American folk psychiatry. New York: Free Press. Kidd, S. M. (2005) The illuminating Black Madonna. Lecture presented at the Washington National Cathedral. Washington, DC. Koerner, S., Shirai, Y., & Pedroza, R. (2013). Role of religious/spiritual beliefs and practices among Latina family caregivers of Mexican descent. Journal of Latina/o Psychology, 1(2), 95–111. Koegeler-Abdi, M. (2013). Shifting subjectivities: Mestizas, nepantleras and Gloria Anzaldua’s legacy. Multi-Ethnic Literature of the United States (MELUS), 38(2), 71–88. Koss-Chioino, J. D., & Vargas, L. A (1999). Working with Latino youth: Culture, development and context. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Kuklick, S. (1995). Orisha Tradition: An Overview for the Mental Health Practitioner. (On-line). Orishanet Web Site, 1-3. Levin, J. S., Markides, K. S., & Ray, L. A. (1996). Religious attendance and psychological well-being in Mexican Americans: A panel analysis of three-generations data. The Gerontologist, 36, 454–463. Maduro, R. J., & Martinez, C. F. (1974, October). Latino dream analysis: Opportunity for confrontation. Social Casework, 461–469. Martin, R. (2006). Latinas choosing Islam over Catholicism. NPR. Retrieved on January 4, 2010, from www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId =6133579 Martinez, R. (1996). The undocumented Virgin. In La Diosa de las Américas (Goddess of the Americas): Writings on the Virgin of Guadalupe. (pp. 98–112). New York: Riverhead Books. Merrill, R. M., Steffen, P. R., & Hunter, B. (2012). A comparison of religious orientation and health between Whites and Hispanics. Journal of Religion and Health, 51, 1261–1277. Moya, P. M. L. (2001). Chicana feminism and postmodernist theory. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 26, 441–483.

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Muñoz, R. F., & Mendelson, T. (2005). Toward evidence-based interventions for diverse populations: The San Francisco General Hospital Prevention and Treatment Manuals. Journal of Clinical and Consulting Psychology, 73(5), 790–799. Negretti, V. (2005). La Buenaventura (The good fortune). Bogota, Colombia: Ediciones Yagrumo. Nicolas, G., DeSilva, A. M., Coutinho, M., & Prater, K. (2008). Voicing my own Gospel: Stories on spirituality from young women. In C. A. Rayburn & L. Comas-Diaz (Eds.), Woman Soul: The inner life of women’s spirituality (pp. 238–247). Westport, CT: Praeger. Nira, T. (2011, September 17) Latino culture and spirituality in IHM Calling. Available from http://ihmcalling.org/tag/latino-spirituality/ Nyx, L. (2003). The Black Virgin: A novena. In D. Dumas & L. Nyx. The dark archetype: Exploring the shadow side of the divine. (pp. 128–133), Franklin Lakes, NJ: New Page Books/Career Press. Palomo Acosta, T. (1981). Sociedades Guadalupanas: Handbook of Texas Online. Texas State Historical Association. Retrieved from: www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/ics10 Peay, P. (2002). Soul Sisters: The five sacred qualities of a woman’s soul. New York: Jeremy Tarcher/Putnam. Pew Research Hispanic Trends Project (2012, April 4) When labels don’t fit: Hispanics and their views of identity (V. Politics, values and religion). Retrieved on May 5, 2013 from http://www.pewhispanic.org/2012/04/04/ v-politics-values-and-religion/ Pew Hispanic Center and Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life (2007, April 27). Latinos and the transformation of American religion. Retrieved on July 20, 2009 from http://www.pewhispanic.org/2007/04/25/changing-faiths -latinos-and-the-transformation-of-american-religion/ Pinzon, C. (2011, November 6). More Latinos choose a less traveled road to spirituality. Retrieved on May, 1, 2013 from http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/lifestyle/2011/11/06/more-latinos-choose-less-travelled-road-to-spirituality/ Randall, M. (1996). Guadalupe, subversive Virgin. In Ana Castillo (Ed.), La Diosa de las Américas (Goddess of the Americas): Writings on the Virgin of Guadalupe. (pp. 113–123). New York: Riverhead Books. Rodriguez, G. M. (2001). De Almas Latinas (the souls of Latina women). Women & Therapy, 24(3–4), 19–33. Rodriguez, J. (1999). Towards an understanding of spirituality in US. Latina Leadership. Frontiers: A Journal of Women’s Studies, 20(1), 137–146. Rodriguez, J. (1996). Guadalupe: The feminine face of god. In La Diosa de las Américas (Goddess of the Americas): Writings on the Virgin of Guadalupe. (pp. 25–31). New York: Riverhead Books. Sanchez, M., Dillon, F., Ruffin, B., & de la Rosa, M. (2012). The influence of religious coping on the acculturative stress of recent Latino immigrants. Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 21, 171–194. Sandoval, C. (1998). Mestizaje as method: Feminists-of-color challenge the canon. In C. Trujillo (Ed.), Living Chicana theory (pp. 352–370). Berkeley: Third Woman Press.



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Soto, G. L. (2013). The role of religion and spirituality for Latina women coping with depression. Dissertation Abstracts International Section A: Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol. 73(9-A(E). Stohlman, S (2005). Latino Spirituality. In Carmen R. Lugo-Lugo and David J. Leonard. (Eds.), Latinos and Latinas in U.S. History and Culture: An Encyclopedia. Armonk, NY: Sharpe Publications. Teish, L. (1996). The warrior queen: Encounters with a Latin lady. In A. Castillo (Ed.), Goddess of the Americas/La Diosa de las Americas: Writings on the Virgin of Guadalupe (pp. 137–146). New York: Riverhead Books. Tisdell, E. J.( 2002). Spiritual development and cultural context in the lives of women adult educators for social change. Journal of Adult Development, 9(2), 127–140. Torres, E. & Ingram, M (2009). Con el favor de Dios: The role of promotoras/community lay health workers as spiritual helpers in supporting diabetes selfmanagement among Mexican Americans. Counseling and Spirituality, 28(1), 109–127. Tree, I. (2001). Sliced iguana: Travels in Mexico. New York: Penguin Books. von Franz, M. L. (1995). Shadow and evil in fairy tales. Boston: Shambala Books. Walker, A. (1983). In search of our mothers’ garden: Womanist prose. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Zea, M. C., Mason, M., & Murguia, A. (2000). Psychotherapy with members of Latino/Latina religions and spiritual traditions. In P. S Richards & A. E. Bergin (Eds.), Handbook of psychotherapy and religious diversity (pp. 397–419). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association Zuñiga, M. E. (1992). Using metaphors in therapy: Dichos and Latino clients. Social Work, 37, 55–60.

Part V

White Women

Chapter 14

Unitarian Universalism and Feminist Psychology: An Intellectual, Spiritual, Personal, and Professional Journey Margaret E. Madden

This is the story of the convergence of a personal intellectual journey and a spiritual evolution of the melding of feminist psychology and Unitarian Universalism (UU). I will describe Unitarian Universalist philosophy, psychological literature related to UU, and the emergence of my own experience of interconnection between my personal spiritual beliefs and my professional viewpoint as a feminist psychologist. UNITARIAN UNIVERSALISM Unitarian Universalism is often misunderstood. At a recent psychology meeting I sat next to someone whose expertise is psychology of religion and he made a joke about UU’s not having any beliefs. People who equate religion with dogmatic beliefs seem to have difficulty understanding a religion that does not dictate theological principles. However, UU does rest on a belief system that is well articulated and taught in religious education for children and adults. The Unitarian Universalist Association (2011a) describes the religion:

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Unitarian Universalism is a theologically diverse religion that encourages seekers to follow their own spiritual paths. Our faith draws on many religious sources, welcoming people with different beliefs. We are united by shared values, not by creed or dogma. Our congregations are places where we gather to nurture our spirits and put our faith into action through social justice work in our communities and the wider world . . . Members support one another in our individual search for truth and meaning. We have historic roots in the Jewish and Christian traditions, but today individual Unitarian Universalists may identify with Atheism, Agnosticism, Buddhism, Humanism, Paganism, or with other philosophical or religious traditions . . . We promote reason and tolerance in our communities and embrace a free and responsible search for truth and meaning. As members of a non-creedal religious tradition, we Unitarian Universalists are encouraged to discern our own beliefs about various spiritual topics. Our members hold wide-ranging opinions on topics like the afterlife, God, and scripture. What unites us is our acceptance of diverse spiritualities and our commitment to making the world a better place for everyone. Unitarian Universalism was created when Unitarianism and Universalism consolidated in 1961. Both religions date back hundreds of years in Europe and to post-revolutionary times in the United States. Unitarians were Christians who believed in a single form of God, rather than the Holy Trinity of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and evolved a focus on rational thinking and the humanity of Jesus. Universalism also has Christian roots, but has a central belief in universal salvation for all people. They merged formally in the United States in 1961, with the creation of the Unitarian Universalist Association (Unitarian Universalist Association, 2011b.) PSYCHOLOGY AND UU There is a small amount of psychology literature that pertains to Unitarian Universalism. In much of that, Unitarian Universalists (UUs) are used as a comparison group representing “liberal religion” in contrast to other more conservative or dogmatic religious groups. One study describes the psychological impact of being part of a UU congregation. When a UU congregation is searching for a new minister, generally a survey of the congregation begins the process. Elliott and Hayward (2007) analyzed data from one such survey to explore whether a religion without a creed offers participants the sense of well-being reported in studies of religious traditions with creeds. Because the



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congregational structure of UU churches is quite similar to many Christian denominations, the comparison is useful. Elliott and Hayward focused on several variables found in other studies of religions: spiritual experience, social support, the extent to which personal identity is defined by religion, and theological coherence, i.e., whether the religion provides a coherent framework for understanding the world and existential issues. They characterize UU as an intellectual religion, arguing that intellectual religions are found historically among elite or educated members of societies, differing from the “popular religions” of the majority of citizens. Most of the variables were measured with direct questions asking the extent to which the church affected that matter. To measure coherence, the authors looked at the number of sources of personal theology checked by respondents on a list of faith traditions and coded whether multiple items checked were consistent in general points of belief. For example, it was considered inconsistent if both Christianity and Islam were checked as sources of the individual’s religious ideas because Christianity assumes the divinity of Christ, while Islam rejects it. Elliott and Hayward found that length of membership in the church was associated with viewing the church as a source of strength and comfort. Positive social support, spirituality, and religious influence on identity were associated with deriving strength or comfort, even when demographics and length of membership were controlled. Neither social conflict nor theological coherence was a predictor of strength and comfort. A regression analysis showed that strength and comfort from the church was perceived as greater by women than by men. Furthermore, strength and comfort was predicted by incoherent theology, contrary to findings for dogmatic religions. Indeed, greater education magnified the effect of incoherent theology on positive emotional benefits of church membership. In short, the predictors of well-being were similar to Christian denominations: self-reports of experiences of spirituality, positive social support from other church members, and seeing UU as central to one’s identity. However, theological coherence did not predict well-being derived from church as it often does in studies of other denominations. Elliott and Hayward conclude that nondoctrinal religions offer support similar to more orthodox religions, particularly for the highly educated who value disparate theological constructs. Another study looked at the personalities of members of different “post-traditional” religious groups, arguing the people are attracted to a group that is consistent with their personality, although also acknowledging that members within groups are heterogeneous (Magaro, Miller, & Sesto, 1984). Using the Personality Style Inventory, the authors are careful to say that while the labels sound negative, only a minority within a group is at the pathologically extreme end of the dimension. They found that

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Unitarians, who were actually considered a traditional religion in this study, were of the style labeled Compulsive, which involves a need for control and structure and attention to detail and technical aspects of issues. This, in turn, leads to intellectualization, introversion, and independent self-sufficiency. Because Unitarians allow individuals to define religious beliefs for themselves, there is a great deal of emphasis on the power of faith and reason: hence, compulsiveness. This was in contrast to members of Hare Krishna, InterVarsity Christian Fellowship, International Meditation Society and Divine Light Mission, the post-traditional groups, and the other traditional group studied, students at a Christian theological seminary. Other studies have examined belief systems of various religious groups. Jindra (2008) compared religious judgment and religious stage transformation of converts. Religious judgment is based on Oser’s (Oser, 1991; Oser & Gmunder, 1991) typology, which proposes five stages that move from deterministic (God determines everything) to intersubjective religious content (one with consciousness or transcendent). The higher the stage, the more autonomous and complex are one’s thought processes. Jindra looks at how religious judgment style is related to conversion, the transition from one belief system to another, and apostasy, leaving a faith tradition. Those who had converted to UU had the highest average religious judgment in the study, averaging between stage 3 and 4 on the 5-point scale, compared to converts to Jehovah’s Witness, Islam, and Christianity, and to people who had remained in the religion of their families of origin. There was an association between religious judgment and higher levels of education, but it was not statistically significant. Jindra (2006) characterizes those who convert to UU as leaving “enclosed religiousness that they experienced as oppressive” (p. 10). Using a case study of the conversion to UU of a college professor in his 40s, Jindra (2008) observes that for Unitarians, the development of religious judgment is independent of a specific religion. The more autonomy one desires, the more attracted one is to groups that reinforce autonomy, rather than the converse. Life experiences and relationships affect religious judgment (e.g., relationships to feelings, personal insecurities.) Hence, this case illustrates a common way individuals convert to UU. In a test of affect-control theory and a simulation model of behavior, Smith-Lovin and Douglass (1992) looked at two church groups to see how stigmatized communities transform identity into a powerful one. Using symbolic interactionist principles and impression formation theory, affectcontrol theory focuses on how people control events to confirm their beliefs and meanings of their own identity and others. Being in stigmatized groups creates negative emotions; religious ritual can support positive identities and produce pleasant feelings. In this study, the authors



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compared a UU church to a church that had been formed to minister to a gay community. Data was collected through participant-observation of services and functions, interviews, and reviews of literature published by churches. Smith-Lovin and Douglass found that religious identities were more extreme, with more supernatural theology among members of the gay church, which was derived from a traditional Christian denomination. A few writers discuss interfaces between UU and psychological practice. For example, in a study of referral patterns between psychologists and clergy people, McMinn and colleagues (2005) found that clergy felt that psychologists’ religious faith was an important consideration for referral. Clergy voiced suspicion about the worldview associated with psychology as potentially undermining God’s role in well-being. In contrast, psychologists were concerned about the ideological narrowness of clergy, though said they would refer to clergy who matched clients’ religious values. Psychologists preferred clergy with doctoral degrees and preferred UU clergy over Baptist clergy, especially when a client has spiritual questions or expresses damage by religious organizations in the past. Writing about interfaith marriages, Duncan (1992) used examples with UUs. He categorized Christianity as focusing on meaning, Judaism as affect-laden, and UU as focusing on power, or how it shapes understanding of human nature and the world. The affect coordinate involves expression of feelings and behaviors related to nurturing; the meaning coordinate involves a central truth in faith structure. The UU focus is on power based on love, moral example on earth, opposition to political injustice, and the affirmation of worth and dignity of every human. UU requires that religious ideas make personal sense and lead to ethical action. Interfaith couples need help understanding how different faith structures interfere with their ability to understand one another, recognizing commonalities, and viewing difference as enriching. WOMEN’S SPIRITUALITY In addition to the general inclusiveness of the UU tradition, UU churches have long been a home to woman-centered religious movements, such as the Goddess Movement. LaPratt (2011) offers a thoughtful review of the history and current state of the Goddess Movement. Often included in the New Age Movement, the Goddess Movement is a crossfertilization of craft traditions, spiritually oriented feminism, neopaganism, witchcraft, the feminist movement, and libertine traditions. While early ideas about goddess-centered religions mentioned matriarchal prehistory, that notion is now generally not regarded as factual, although it still may serve metaphorical purposes. In the early 1970s the women’s movement also focused on feminist spirituality, linking female values of

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peace, harmony with nature, equality, and love for all, in opposition to masculine influences of aggressive violence, subjugation of women, and exploitation of earth. Some participants in the movement promoted radical feminist separatism, while others critiqued patriarchal religion and tried to reform religion from within. There is no central dogma or organization of the Goddess Movement. Indeed, both neo-paganism and the Goddess Movement are polytheist: some use a multiplicity of names and images of goddesses and sometimes gods; others identify a singular divine being with many manifestations, who may be addressed, but is thought of as something to be experienced, not as a being. Frequently goddesses are viewed as transcendent, independent of the material world, but also promoting individual and personal development. LaPratt argues that the goddess movement has influenced mainstream society in a number of ways. For instance, many mainstream Protestant denomination believers espouse that spiritual truth and wisdom is within individuals. In addition, the emphasis of inclusion of women in all aspects of ritual contributed to the women’s ordination movement in many religions. Describing a performance piece that won a UU award, Donaldson (1997) illustrates the theme of portraying women’s spirituality. She views spirituality as part of the life cycle, normative, but not identical to men’s. The piece breaks spirituality into three broad stages of the life cycle. The Maiden is the fresh, innocent young girl, radiant with life. Few religious images portray this. Rather, most girls’ stories are about post-puberty relationships with men, seeing young women in a male paradigm. For example, Donaldson cites the story of Persephone, who had to juggle relationships between her mother and her lover when she came of age, as girls are expected to do. The Midlife phase has traditionally focused on motherhood, but Donaldson points out that longer lives and technologically altered reproductive cycles offer many post-motherhood possibilities. In Christianity, the view of midlife mainly involves sanctifying motherhood, and in the Middle Ages, the wisdom of middle aged women was undermined by the wicked witch stereotype. In the Crone stage, older women are often either invisible or seen negatively. Now, however, postmenopausal women have more potential power than ever. Early images were associated with death, but now can be associated with freedom, joy, and opportunities to be themselves. Prestbo and Staats-Westover (2008) describe some common themes of the women’s spirituality movement derived from the notion that divine mothering energy brought power in many religions, but was diluted over millennia, until it began to emerge again in the late 1970s and 1980s women’s movement. Principle themes of these movements are regarding goddesses as positive energy and inner illumination; recognizing the feminine in both women and men; respecting individuals, diversity, the precious



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quality of life, and the energy of creativity; and evoking images of the circle of life, of seasons, and the sacredness of creation. Presence in times of grief, the interface of healing and spirituality, and the power of compassion and loving kindness are important variations on nurturing themes. Developing rituals to celebrate spirituality is common in such groups. These authors describe a number of such rituals developed by one women’s group: creating sacred spaces; dancing to music of the rhythms of nature; the Crowning of the Crone ceremony when women turn age 56; honoring elders; and the Wheel of the Year, focusing on changing of the seasons. Although this group is not identified as UU, the themes illustrate the sort of attention to women’s spirituality often seen in UU churches. MY STORY To set the stage for a discussion of the interconnections of spiritual beliefs and professional and personal values, I begin with a bit of autobiography. I came of age in the 1960s, but the story of values really goes back farther than that to my parents’ generation. My parents were New Deal democrats who really believed in the values underlying New Deal policies. My mother was a nurse who hid her marriage in the 1930s so she could keep her job in a hospital that would not employ married nurses. My father was among the original employees of the newly formed National Labor Relations Board, monitoring union votes at some of the most volatile employment sites in the 1930s. His 35-year career with the NLRB spanned a period of vast improvement in working conditions until what might be characterized as the beginning of the decline of union power. After my mother passed away, my dad married my stepmother, a rare example of a suburban woman with a full-time job of social worker, whose career was devoted to assisting children and adults. In our household, dinner table conversations focused on doing the right thing by workers and helping people less fortunate than ourselves. All three of my parents were active in the Episcopalian church in town; I still have several pins awarded for perfect attendance at Sunday school. In the Episcopalian church, around the age of 12 children participate in classes to prepare them for confirmation, when they declare full commitment to the church. I remember finding that process somewhat distasteful, having to memorize prayers and rules in a way that wasn’t very engaging. At the same time, there was social unrest in the air. The Civil Rights movement infiltrated the suburbs and local liberals began questioning the de facto segregation brought about by discouraging people of color from buying homes. My five older siblings and their friends participated in some of these activities and I was anxious to join them. Questioning religious beliefs and rebelling against attending church was one way of expressing my desire to be a full-fledged teenager. In hindsight, I know that

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the freedom to think this way came from the values my parents instilled, but at the time I felt I was rebelling against them. One of those declarations of rebellion was the determination to never participate in organized religion again and I really had little to do with any church for decades. I flirted with social activism through high school and early college: got suspended for wearing pants to high school (radical in 1966!), led a student government committee that did tutoring in a poor neighborhood in Chicago until it was suspended after the riots following Martin Luther King’s assassination; and got suspended again for boycotting school to march in protest of the bombing of Cambodia in 1970. But I think I began to internalize an understanding of social psychological issues when I dropped out of college for a couple of years and lived in the “real world.” I worked as a secretary in the operating room suite of an urban university hospital and there had a great revelation about social structure: at that time almost all of the surgeons were White men; the nurses and clerks were White women; the orderlies who transported patients were Black men; and the nurses’ aides who cleaned the operating rooms were Black women. The direct experience and awareness of this hierarchy was an eye-opening exposure to social structure that set me down a path of values that I’m still pursuing today. When I went back to college, I gravitated towards social psychology because it was the only subfield in the discipline that focused on social issues. I was fortunate to be at the University of Wisconsin in 1974 when the women’s studies program was being created and there was a wonderful array of courses in different disciplines on women’s issues, including a course on the psychology and biology of women that made me decide to pursue psychology of women in graduate school. There were no such programs, but I found mentors in graduate school at the University of Massachusetts. I recently found the syllabus for a Psychology of Women course taught by Alice Eagly for which I was teaching assistant, where I began to develop a specialization. At my first teaching job, I instituted a psychology of gender course and worked with a group to start a women’s studies minor at that college, activities I repeated at three different colleges over the next two decades. However, in honing values, my professional work was only a part of the picture. Feeling the need to act on my values beyond espousing them in the classroom, I volunteered at a crisis intervention program for domestic violence and sexual assault and began teaching, with my husband, women’s self-defense classes. These experiences again made the consequences of inequitable social structures for the lives of women, children, and men profoundly real to me. By the early 1990s I was trying to put the analysis of these experiences together intellectually into a value system. A critical catalyst for this integration was participating in the working conference on feminist psychology where small groups worked to develop statements about the



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fundamental assumptions, values and practices that comprise feminist psychology, which is articulated in the edited book from the conference (Worell & Johnson, 1997). With that integrative foundation, I was able to articulate what feminist psychology is for me and how it impacted my professional life, in defining curriculum and pedagogy at first, and as I shifted my professional focus into academic administration, on my leadership style. The spiritual came into play because of another event, however: we adopted our daughter in 1991. When we adopted her, it seemed critical to have a ritual celebration. The Unitarian Universalist (UU) Church was the only place in our small town that would do a nondenominational service for us. I don’t even remember whether we examined UU principles before we hired the minister for the dedication. But for two people who had eschewed formal rituals in our own lives—no wedding, no graduation ceremonies—the importance of adding this new life to our family demanded a connection to something more profound. I think now, perhaps, we needed to recognize the meaningfulness of the circle of life, but I wouldn’t have been able to articulate that then. Our UU journey might have ended there, but for our daughter again. We moved to Appleton, Wisconsin, and went on with our lives. But preschooler Lizzie began to ask questions. Her grandfather died and I felt at a loss to explain it to her. We began to feel that we needed to provide some spiritual grounding for her. Where do ritual-eschewing Christians with Taoist leanings and liberal politics find that? In our conservative community, the little UU Fellowship was the obvious place to go, the only bastion of liberalism—religious and political—other than our college. We joined and soon became active and we stayed long enough to have the dedication ceremony for our Russian-born son, this time during an actual service, firmly grounded in UU principles. We moved again for my job and didn’t connect with any UU congregation for a few years, which left a void I recognized, not just for the kids but for me as well. When we moved one more time, we determined that we needed to find a spiritual home and quickly joined the Unitarian Universalist Church of Canton (New York) we currently attend. Joining the church is not, of course, any indication of the meaningfulness of spirituality in one’s life. But being part of a spiritual community has provided the context for me to explore the profound questions about the meaning of life that have been prompted by helping my children grow and change, the loss of family members over time, and the awareness of life passing that comes with middle age. Inevitably, I became intrigued by exploring the threads of connection between the intellectual values I have been trying to articulate professionally for years and my spiritual beliefs as expressed in a set of principles that guide Unitarian Universalism.

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FEMINIST PRINCIPLES I think it should be clear to feminist psychologists that it is no coincidence that I find my feminist beliefs compatible with UU beliefs. Unitarians and Universalists have always focused on social values, including feminist values. They have been leaders in all of the important social justice movements in the United States, from abolition to civil rights to women’s rights and now gay and lesbian rights. By way of example, in 1930, Dexter (1930) discussed the place of family and sex education in Unitarian religious education. He argued that scientifically based sex education would be desirable but that a study of ministers indicated widely varied willingness to embrace the idea, despite more general acceptance of the need for education in dealing with family matters such as parent-child relations. He called for recognition that sex and sin are still synonymous to many ecclesiastical circles, but that sex education is needed and better obtained in church than “the back alley.” This essay demonstrates that liberal thinking was a focus of the denomination that far back, if not universally accepted. Even today the UU program on sexuality for adolescents called Our Whole Lives is far more progressive, scientifically factual, and inclusive of different forms of sexuality than most programs offered through religions and schools. The list of historically influential Unitarian women includes feminists and social activists such as Mary Wollstonecraft, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone Abigail Adams, Jane Addams, Louisa May Alcott, Elizabeth Blackwell, Olympia Brown, and Charlotte Perkins Gilman, and many progressive men, as well (Lewis, 2006). So joining the UU Church was a comfortable step in terms of compatibility with my implicit beliefs and values. However, it has only been in the last few years that I have become mature enough intellectually and spiritually to want to explicitly explore the connections between my assumptions as a feminist psychologist and my spiritual experience in church. I mentioned that participating in the Conference on Education and Training in Feminist Practice was a significant experience for me. After that I began using a set of feminist values to articulate my work as a faculty member and later as a higher education administrator, drawn directly from the conference (Worell & Johnson, 1997), in particular the chapter on the curriculum on which I worked (Chin & Russo, 1997). These are the assumptions and values on which I base my current comparison: Principle 1. Diversity Each person is located within a sociocultural context. Differences among individuals’ realities, perspectives, and worldview are based on cultural, ethnic, racial, and other dimensions of individuality. Diversity is



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broadly defined to encompass a great variety of social categories beyond race and ethnicity, such as ablebodiedness, age, class, and sexual orientation (Worell & Johnson, p. 96). Principle 2. Egalitarianism and Empowerment One’s perspective is a function of her or his position in the sociocultural structure from which one’s degree and type of power (or oppression) emanates (p. 98). Principle 3. Self-determination Women are active agents, not passive victims. We both shape and reflect our social context in an interactive process as we try to select the best of choices open to us (p. 100). Principle 4. Complexity Reality is complex. Dichotomous thinking is both ineffective and unrealistic. Providing effective representations of human behavior in context requires conceptions that are multidimensional, interactive, and inclusive of differences (p. 101). Principle 5. Connection Connection is the basis for human interaction. It is important to humans, particularly those who are oppressed, as a survival mechanism (p. 103). Principle 6. Social Action Given the current power inequalities and the social structures that reinforce them, women’s status will not improve without intervention (p. 103). Principle 7. Self-reflection The process of self-reflection occurs at multiple levels: within a personal domain, within psychology, and within the feminist movement. This process is continuous and is informed by feminist principles. Selfreflection enables us to evaluate our values, ethics, and biases (p. 104). Principle 8. Integrative Perspectives Human behavior, including actions, emotions, and cognitions, is a function of multiple factors in interaction—physiological, biological, psychological, sociocultural, spiritual, and situational (p. 105).

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UU PRINCIPLES One could argue whether this list is comprehensive and which version of feminist theory it represents, but that is not the purpose of this paper. Because these assumptions have been guiding tenets for me, they are what I use here, juxtaposed with UU principles. There are seven principles which Unitarian Universalist congregations affirm and promote: • The inherent worth and dignity of every person; • Justice, equity, and compassion in human relations; • Acceptance of one another and encouragement to spiritual growth in our congregations; • A free and responsible search for truth and meaning; • The right of conscience and the use of the democratic process within our congregations and in society at large; • The goal of world community with peace, liberty, and justice for all; • Respect for the interdependent web of all existence of which we are a part. Unitarian Universalism (UU) draws from many sources: • Direct experience of that transcending mystery and wonder, affirmed in all cultures, which moves us to a renewal of the spirit and an openness to the forces which create and uphold life; • Words and deeds of prophetic women and men which challenge us to confront powers and structures of evil with justice, compassion, and the transforming power of love; • Wisdom from the world’s religions which inspires us in our ethical and spiritual life; • Jewish and Christian teachings which call us to respond to God’s love by loving our neighbors as ourselves; • Humanist teachings which counsel us to heed the guidance of reason and the results of science, and warn us against idolatries of the mind and spirit; • Spiritual teachings of Earth-centered traditions which celebrate the sacred circle of life and instruct us to live in harmony with the rhythms of nature. These principles and sources of faith are the backbone of our religious community (Unitarian Universalist Association, 2011a).



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CONVERGENCE For me it has been a useful exercise to draw the parallels between these UU principles and feminist psychology to understand how they complement one another and together form a holistic spiritual and intellectual meaning for my life. Feminist Psychology (FP) Principle 1 exhorts the value of diversity, of understanding human behavior in sociocultural context and valuing the differences among individuals. This is completely consistent with UU principles that encourage “acceptance of one another” and “the inherent worth and dignity of every person.” However, the UU statements add an important dimension lacking in this particular feminist psychology, placing great emphasis on spirituality, on encouraging spiritual growth of one another, and invoking the religious tradition of culturally ubiquitous “direct experience of that transcending mystery and wonder . . . which moves us to a renewal of the spirit and an openness to the forces which create and uphold life.” Psychology’s neglect of spirituality as an important dimension of human experiences is commonly mentioned, though rarely rectified. It is, in fact, the reason for this volume. And it is also the very reason that holding feminist beliefs has not been sufficient for my personal sense of well-being. FP Principle 2 concerns egalitarianism and empowerment, understanding how human behavior is affected by social power dynamics. Here the parallel to UU principles is explicit on the value of “Justice, equity and compassion in human relations.” In addition, UU references to the worth and dignity of all speaks to the psychology of oppression. The worldly connection to reallife oppression is valued in the statement “Words and deeds of prophetic women and men which challenge us to confront powers and structures of evil with justice, compassion, and the transforming power of love.” FP Principle 3, on self-determination, is not directly related to UU principles, but is supported by several. Certainly self-determination is related to worth and dignity. In addition, it strikes the same chord as “A free and responsible search for truth and meaning.” The UU notion speaks to selfdetermination on a spiritual and existential plane; the psychological interpretation is more grounded in daily life, selecting the best choices open to us. Both, however, concern determining one’s own fate and the meaning of one’s life on one level or another. FP Principle 4, which is about complexity, captures the spiritual and intellectual depth that distinguishes universalism from most other religious traditions, I believe. Just as it eschews simplistic or dogmatic psychological theories, Unitarian Universalism draws on multiple traditions and truths, on “Wisdom from the world’s religions which inspires us in our ethical and spiritual life,” including Jewish and Christian, other religions in the world, humanist, Earth-centered traditions, and prophetic women and men of all faiths. It calls on the right of conscience and the free search for meaning, as

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well. It also affirms the value of one’s own phenomenology, the “direct experience of that transcending mystery and wonder, affirmed in all cultures, which moves us to a renewal of the spirit and an openness to the forces which create and uphold life.” It allows for religion that is, like psychology should be, according to feminism, “multidimensional, interactive, and inclusive of differences” (Chin and Russo, 1997, p. 101). The emphasis on connection with humans in FP Principle 5 is one aspect of the broader UU principle of interdependence, “Respect for the interdependent web of all existence of which we are a part, which includes, but is not limited to connections among humans.” Connection is also implicit in the goal of world community. However, this is another UU concept that takes me beyond feminist psychology. Psychology tends to focus on human interaction almost by definition; connectedness with the rest of nature takes the concept to a level of greater profundity and puts the centrality of human behavior in humbling context. To be sure, feminists have often found compatibility with environmentalism, but only rarely in psychology (Plevin, 2006; Orenstein, Zemp, & Auerbach, 1994; Smith, 2001; Stark, 2001; Sturgeon, 2009.) The importance of social action is central to both feminist psychology and UU beliefs. Indeed, it distinguishes both from their counterparts, as social action is not a fundamental tenet of most psychological theory, nor is it fundamental to all religions. The free search for meaning and following the prophets who challenge powers and structures of evil, have always been part of the UU history. UU values are explicit about the transforming power of love, which psychologists might consider trite or corny. However, psychology does manifest transformation by love in humanist treatment modalities that talk about “unconditional acceptance” entirely consistent with feminist approaches to therapy (Brabeck & Brown, 1997; Wyche & Rice, 1997). FP Principle 7, on self-reflection, is also consistent with the UU philosophy. Feminist psychology encourages self-reflection informed by feminist principle; Unitarian Universalism encourages self-reflection informed by its tenets. Both, however, prescribe reflection as a way of evaluating values and our ethical lives and of openness to ongoing self-reflective growth. Finally FP Principle 8 focuses on integrative perspectives, fundamental to the assumptions of both feminist psychology and Unitarian Universalism. This is the only place in these psychological principles where spirituality is acknowledged. “Human behavior, including actions, emotions, and cognitions, is a function of multiple factors in interaction— physiological, biological, psychological, sociocultural, spiritual, and situational” (UUA, 2011a, p. 105). The living traditions of UU thought promote integration on the ethical, spiritual, religious, and life-living levels. This is the spirit of this chapter. Meaningfulness often comes, I believe, from making connections: connections among events and connections



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among people in one’s life, and, ultimately connections with something larger than oneself. Feminist psychology and Unitarian Universalism both encourage one to do so, to derive meaning beyond the immediate value to oneself of one’s actions. A couple of years ago I attended a week long leadership workshop. In addition to looking at leadership behaviors and management techniques, the facilitators lead us through an exercise to develop a personal values statement about leadership. This was a complicated series of exercises of listing adjectives of values and working them into sentences to describe our philosophy. The last statement that we produced in this way was pretentiously labeled a “statement of life purpose.” This is what I wrote: My life purpose is to use thoughtfulness and kindness to facilitate and collaborate with others to create a world in which people feel respected, can fulfill their potential, tolerate differences, feel interconnected with others and the world environment, and are ethically and spiritually grounded. I had two interesting thoughts while I wrote that statement: one is that I hesitated over—in fact wrote, crossed out, and wrote back in—the last words “spiritually grounded.” What went through my mind was: “This is all related to work, it’s my purpose in the context of the job I do, so I shouldn’t include spirituality because that’s not appropriate for this context.” And then I thought, “Why not? I’m talking about how I function, not imposing religion on others, which would be inappropriate.” So I put it back in. The second thought was as I reread it: “This sounds like a UU statement. Well, I guess I really have internalized these principles.” And then I thought, “These are the feminist principles I’ve been discussing for two decades in one form or another.” This lead me to begin an explicit comparison of the two value systems and, finally, the maturity to feel I have a reasonably coherent belief system which I can, to some extent, actually articulate, and an inkling, a glimmer, of what might be wisdom. UU’s have been accused of applying excessive intellectualism to spiritual values. I think that is a fair accusation that could well apply to me. There is, however, a level of emotion, profound search for meaning, and experience of spirituality that this intellectual exercise of comparing values cannot convey. In church, I frequently cry, often enough so my children tease me about it, when moved by beautiful music or touched by words that cut to the core of life’s meaning: the rituals of life passages—children’s’ dedications and coming of age ceremonies—or when fellow parishioners report the death of a family member, even those whom I did not know. Participating with a group in ceremonies that remind one of the fragility of life and compel one to make the most of our time for ourselves and others is central to coping with both daily hassles

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of personal and professional life and profound events of loss that are inevitable. The intellectual and spiritual, the personal and professional, the feminist psychology and Unitarian Universalism, are all parts of my being. Interconnections among them are, for me, what makes meaning of life. As in many religions, music expresses the core values of UU. The hymn that some have claimed is the quintessential UU anthem (French, 2007) does so for me: Spirit of Life, come unto me. Sing in my heart all the stirrings of compassion. Blow in the wind, rise in the sea; Move in the hand, giving life the shape of justice. Roots hold me close; wings set me free; Spirit of Life, come to me, come to me. — Carolyn McDade (Singing the living tradition, 1994) REFERENCES Brabeck, M., & Brown, L. (1997). Feminist theory and psychological practice. In J. Worell, & N. G. Johnson, Shaping the future of feminist psychology: Education, research, and practice (pp. 15–36). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Chin, J. L., & Russo, N. F. (1997). Feminist curriculum development: Principles and resources. In J. Worell & N. G. Johnson, Shaping the future of feminist psychology: Education, research, and practice (pp. 93–120). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Dexter, R. C. (1930). The church, religious education and the family. Religious education, 25, 934–937. Donaldson, E. (1997). Images of the Goddess: Spiritual aspects of the women’s life cycle. Canadian Woman Studies, 17(1), 36–39. Duncan, L. (1992). Mixing oil and water religiously: Counseling interfaith families. In Religion and the family: When God helps (pp. 103–135). New York: Haworth Pastoral Press. Elliott, M., & & Hayward, R. D. (2007). Religion and well-being in a church without a creed. Mental health, religion, and culture, 10(2), 109–126. French, K. (2007, February). Carolyn McDade’s spirit of life. Retrieved January 3, 2012, from uuworld.org: www.uuworld.org/life/articles/35893.shtml Jindra, I. W. (2006). An analysis of conversion narratives of Jehovah’s Witnesses and their relationships to stages of religious judgment. Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, 17, 1–38. Jindra, I. W. (2008). Religious stage development among converts to different religious groups. The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 18, 195–215. LaPratt, D. (2011). The changing image of God. Journal of Religion and Culture: Conference Proceedings (pp. 93–104). Montreal: Graduate Religion Students Association Interdisciplinary Conference.



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Lewis, J. J. (2006, November 28). Who were some famous Unitarian Universalists? Retrieved April 13, 2011, from www.famousuus.com/women.htm: http:// www.famousuus.com/women.htm Magaro, P. A., Miller, I. W., & Sesto, T. (1984). Personality style in post-traditional religious organizations. Psychology: A Quarterly Journal of Human Behavior, 21(3–4), 10–14. McMinn, M. R., Runner, S. J., Fairchild, J. A., Lefler, J. D., & Suntay, R. P. (2005). Factors affecting clergy-psychologist referral patterns. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 33(4), 299–309. Orenstein, G., Zemp, D., & Auerbach, J. (1994). Rethinking environmental choices: The intersection of feminism and the environmental movement: Or what is feminist about the feminist perspective on the environment? American Behavioral Scientist, 37(8), 1090–1103. Oser, F. K. (1991). The development of religious judgment. In F. K. Oser, & E. G. Scarlett, Religious development in childhood and adolescence (pp. 5–25). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Oser, F. K., & Gmunder, P. (1991). Religious judgement: A developmental perspective. Birmingham, AL: Religious Education Press. Plevin, A. (2006). “The world is our home”: Environmental justice, feminisms, and student ideology. Feminist Teacher: A Journal of the Practices, Theories, and Scholarship of Feminist Teaching, 16(2), 110–123. Prestbo, D., & Staats-Westover, H. (2008). The goddess has returned! In C. A. Rayburn & L. Comas Diaz, WomanSoul: The inner life of women’s spirituality (pp. 19–38). Westport, CT: Praeger. Singing the living tradition. (1994). Boston: Unitarian Universalist Association. Smith, D. (2001). Environmentalism, feminism, and gender. Sociological Inquiry, 71(3), 314–334. Smith-Lovin, L., & Douglass, W. (1992). An affect-control analysis of two religious groups. In D. D. Franks & V. Gecas (Eds.), Social perspectives on emotion, volume 1 (pp. 217–247). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Stark, C. (2001). Psychological climate changes for women in academic psychology: Forecasts, sources, and implications. Canadian Psychology/Psychologie Canadienne, 42(4), 286–300. Sturgeon, N. (2009). Environmentalism in popular culture: gender, race, sexuality, and the politics of the natural. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Unitarian Universalist Association. (2011a). Unitarian Universalist beliefs. Retrieved June 13, 2011, from Unitarian Universalist Association: http://www.uua. org/beliefs/index.shtml Unitarian Universalist Association. (2011b). Unitarian Universalist History. Retrieved October 14, 2011, from Unitarian Universalist Association: http://www.uua.org/beliefs/history Worell, J., & Johnson, N. G. (1997). Shaping the future of feminist psychology: Education, research, and practice. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Wyche, K. F., & Rice, J. K. (1997). Feminist therapy: From dialogue to tenets. In J. Worell, & N. G. Johnson, Shaping the future of feminist psychology: Education, research, and practice (pp. 73-92). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

Chapter 15

Women, Spirituality, and Resilience: Women Saints (1098–1540) and Contemporary Women Lela A. Joscelyn

The topic of women, spirituality, and resilience can bring to mind the question how spirituality has ever helped women to be more resilient. The lives of women with exceptional spirituality have been examined in church history in the study of saints. Flinders’ (1993) book, Enduring Grace, for example, chronicles the lives of seven women characterized as mystics. Other books include hagiographies (the study of saints’ lives, biographies including idealization) of both men and women thought to be saints (for example, Hoever, 1955/2005, 1992/2006). This chapter will look at what we know about women saints and spirituality and resilience and compare that with what contemporary women show. The saints discussed here are from a different time and place/culture than we are. I propose to look at their lives and spirituality with those differences in mind. The saints included were born between 1000 and 1540. This places them in a time of social change: the Middle Ages to the early Renaissance. The early 2000s are also a time of rapid social change, so the comparison will be of interest from that perspective. The oldest of the saints discussed here is Hildegard of Bingen (1098– 1179 CE). She is best known for her resistance to authority, her strong emphasis on community, and her visions. Community is a theme that several

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of the saints share. She is cited as a leader in the stories about her (Hoever, 1992/2006). She was the 10th child in her family. She had a history of having visions, even as a child. She was considered to be a tithe to the church by her family. The convent at that time was a place where education was available to women. This helps to explain the attraction the convent held for women of noble families other than that of spiritual development. Controversy was part of Hildegard’s journey. An interesting characteristic of Hoever’s telling of her story is that he ignores her opposition to church leadership over the burial in their cemetery of a nobleman who had rejected the church. She argued that he had repented; they said no. She refused to dig him up. Prayer for Hildegard was one means of coping with the stress of the disagreement she had with the powers who restrained her. Her visions, writings, and music were eventually accepted by the church as having spiritual value. St. Clare of Assisi (1195–1253), the disciple of St. Francis of Assisi, was abbess of the Poor Ladies at San Damiano. She followed his rule of poverty and, with Francis’ urging, led the sisters, though reluctantly (Flinders, 1993). Love plays a part in the story of Clare and Francis as Flinders sees it. She states that “in their relationship the ardor of human sexuality was perfectly, beautifully sublimated, not suppressed or denied, but transformed, as the mystics have always insisted it can be, into a nearly boundless love for everyone around them” (p. 28). Clare wrote a rule for monastics that emphasized joy and community. An aspect of medieval religious life that seems to go against the modern resilience idea is reviling the human body. Physical discipline was experienced by some as leading to fuller experiences of the Holy Spirit. She denied herself, but her rule of life does not include this aspect. Mechthild of Magdeburg was born in about 1210. She was a Beguine who is best known for her mystical writings. She opposed aspects of the church in her time. When she was not able to be in the mass, she cried out to God (prayed) and was assured that God was with her (Flinders, 1993). Community was important to her for it allowed her the freedom to be in the presence of God. The difficulty in some of these stories is that effort, even pain, is seen as being required to achieve higher levels of spiritual development. Spiritual growth is valued above all other considerations by several of these early women. As interesting as Julian of Norwich (1342–1416) may be, we have little evidence that anything other than faith drove her to her solitary lifestyle. The time and place had its challenges: Bubonic Plague, the Hundred Years war between England and France, and the Schism in the Church all happened, but Flinders sees these as informing her ideas rather than causing her to retreat into her solitude. Her optimism is in stark contrast to her surroundings. “This place is prison, this life is penance, and he wants us to rejoice in the remedy. The remedy is that our Lord is with us,



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protecting us and leading us into the fullness of joy,” (Flinders, 1993, p. 101). St. Catherine of Siena (1347–1380) decided early, age 7, that she had a spiritual vocation. She would play a role in the reunification of the church. Her family rejected her choice of celibacy and religious life for several years. They tried to force her to marry. She cut off her hair. She was set as a servant to her family, and she liked that role. Eventually, her father approved her choice. She gave to the poor all that she could from the family goods. She cared for her family, burying the dead who died of the plague. She nursed others in the community. She settled disputes among her neighbors and those who came from farther away. Again, it was prayer and devotion to her faith that helped when her family opposed her wishes. St. Teresa of Avila (1515–1582) lived in the time of the Inquisition. Her experience was that she most enjoyed her time in the convent school as a child. She was pretty and sociable, but she feared marriage which represented submission to authority for her. She entered the convent partly because she feared that she was weak and would not hold to her principles if she did not. Her threat was that she was contemplative in her prayer life. The risk in this is that her ideas from her insights and visions might differ from the ideas of the church. Through her faith and those priests who understood her, her visions and writings were accepted and inform us today. St. Angela of Merici (1474–1540) is a link between the era of the women we have explored so far. She is explained (Hoever, 1955/2005) as the first to grasp the changed role of women to society transformed by the Renaissance. She envisaged that those who joined her would remain in the world but devote themselves to every corporal and spiritual work of mercy, with special emphasis on education (p. 52). She joined the St. Francis order as a tertiary at age 15. She was told in a vision that she would form a group that would “promote the welfare of souls” (p. 52). She sent her followers to teach girls in the context of their families. She seemed to believe that the convent schools disrupted the family and it was best to preserve families. Her followers became the Ursuline sisters, who lived at home (also preserving the family) and met together regularly for devotions. Later they established convents. What do these women show us about spirituality and resilience? They did not live the lives of most of the women of their times or ours. They did and do show many women the way to a spiritual life, however. Looking at the many saints from this time who were women, numbering sixty-nine in Hoever’s books, Illustrated Lives of the Saints and Illustrated Lives of the Saints, II (1955/2005, 1992/2006), avoiding marriage and childbearing was not a factor for 43.5 percent. Suffering was experienced by 42 percent of them. Prayer and being steadfast in their faith was a means of coping for all of those who suffered voluntarily or involuntarily. The source of the

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suffering varied from torture (4 percent) to that experienced in illness (2.9 percent) or within the spiritual discipline of the woman (37 percent). In any case, the suffering was described as having been greeted by the woman as welcome within the structure of her beliefs. Coping with stress in contemporary women is in a different context than that of the saints discussed above. Commitment to one’s religious beliefs certainly exists in the world of the 2010s. People are willing to give their lives for strongly held beliefs. In the United States, where our data has been gathered, we expect to see less of this strong commitment. In current time, the topics of religion, spirituality and stress have received much attention (e.g., Walsh, 2011). Women have been studied for several aspects of spirituality and health, but not so much for stress, stress recovery, or resilience. The author and three colleagues (Carole Rayburn, Lee Richmond, and Beverly Eanes) recently embarked on a study of the ways in which adults help themselves to recover from work stressors. We have called it a study of “killers of the spirit and restorers of the soul.” While our focus has been on women for this research, we recognized that we needed to interview and question men as well in order to have a more complete picture of spirituality as a restorative factor in the present time. The instruments we used for this research are not limited to assessing the effects of work stressors; they are useful for looking at stress recovery and resilience in general. METHOD Participants Interviews with 23 adult individuals of various ages and ethnicities were performed (10 men, 13 women). Questionnaires were completed by 44 (6 men, 38 women) adults. The demographic characteristics of the groups are shown in Tables 15.1 and 15.2. Participants are from a mid-size Midwest city. They are either working or retired adults or students primarily from a small Midwest women’s college. The working adults were approached by the experimenter from among acquaintances and people suggested by acquaintances. Students from the experimenter’s classes were offered extra credit for their participation. While the author was able to identify sexual orientation in the adult participants, she was not able to do so with the students, therefore the sexual orientation section of the demographic chart is blank for them. Measures The Killers of the Spirit, Restorers of the Soul Interview Questions were developed by Carole Rayburn and Lee Richmond (2009). The

Age

37 33 27 30 49 69 74

71 68 60 65 55 68 77 57 21 18 43

18 19 18

23

#

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

19 20 21

22

female

female female female

male female female female male female female male female female female

male female female male female male female

Gender

single

single single single

married married married divorce partner divorce divorce partner single single divorce

married married married married married married married

Marital Status

Euro-Am

Euro-Am Asian-Am Euro-Am

Euro-Am Euro-Am African-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Latina-Am African-Am Euro-Am

Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am

Race

HS+

HS+ HS+ HS+

BS/BA HS+ Voc. School HS+ ABD HS+ MA MA HS+ HS+ HS+

BS/BA Ph.D. BS/BA BS/BA BS/BA BS/BA BS/BA

Educ.

Student Student Student & Grocery Checker Student & Office Mgr.

Retired Sales Mgr. Retired Bookkeeper CNA Handicap. Child Aide Retired Teacher Sales Retired Teacher Banker Student Student & Hostess Massage & Student

High School Coach Professor Human Resources Transaction Manager Jewelry Designer Accountant Housewife

Occupation

Table 15.1  Demographics of the participants who completed questionnaires

Catholic

Atheist None Pentecost Episcopal Episcopal Episcopal Episcopal Episcopal Pentecost Catholic Science of Mind Catholic NA Christian

Lutheran Methodist Catholic Christian Spiritual Protestant Methodist

Identified Religion

Traditional Female – (Continued)

heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual homosexual heterosexual heterosexual homosexual – – –

heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual

Sexual Orientation

Modern Female – Traditional Female – Modern Female –

Modern Male Traditional Female Modern Female Modern Female Androgynous Traditional Female Modern Female Modern Male Modern Female Modern Female Androgynous

Modern Male Modern Female Modern Female Modern Male Modern Female Traditional Male Modern Female

Gender Identification

258

Age

19 18 22 37 20 21 21 21 21

18 18 18 18

20 21 23

19 22 18 20 19 22

#

23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31

32 33 34 35

36 37 38

39 40 41 42 43 44

female female female female female female

female female female

female female female female

female female female female female female female female female

Gender

single single single single single single

single single single

single single single single

single single single single single single single single single

Marital Status

Table 15.1 (continued)

HS+ HS+ HS+ HS+

HS+ HS+ HS+ HS+ HS+ HS+ HS+ HS+ HS+

Educ.

African-Am Euro-Am African-Am African-Am African-Am Euro-Am

HS+ HS+ HS+ HS+ HS+ HS+

Euro-Am HS+ African-Am HS+ African-Am HS+

African-Am African-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am

Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am African-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Asian-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am

Race

Student Student & Event Rep. Student & Donor Processor Student Student Student Student Student Student

Student Student Student CNA Student & Cashier Student Student Student & Coffee Server Student & Medical Assistant Student Student Student Student & Sales

Occupation

Gender Identification

Christian Catholic Baptist NA NA Agnostic

Baptist Baptist NA God, not Bible NA Baptist NA

Traditional Female Modern Female Traditional Female Androgynous Modern Female Modern Female

Modern Female Modern Female Modern Female

Traditional Female Modern Female Modern Female Modern Female

Catholic Traditional Female NA Modern Female Catholic Traditional Female Non-denom. Traditional Female Catholic Traditional Female Lutheran Traditional Female NA Traditional Female NA Traditional Female NA Traditional Female

Identified Religion

– – – – – –

– – –

– – – –

– – – – – – – – –

Sexual Orientation

259

51

61 45 55 39 28 55 80 35 31 37 43 46 36

10

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

female male female male male male female female female male male male male

female

married partner married single married married SSSF married married married married married married

married

married married married married SSND single married SSND divorce

53 56 75 71 75 19 55 39 31

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

female female male male female female female female female

Age Gender Marital Status

#

MA

Ph.D. Ph.D. MA+ Ph.D. MA HS+ BS/BA HS+ MA

Educ. Professor Art Therapy Educator Retired Teacher Clergy Spiritual Director Student Unemployed Manager Student Community Coordinator

Occupation

Graduate Admission Counselor Euro-Am MA+ Chaplain Euro-Am MA Associate Dean Euro-Am BS/BA Business Owner Euro-Am BS/BA Graphic Designer Euro-Am BS/BA Banker Euro-Am BS/BA Executive Director Euro-Am Ph.D. Professor Asian-Am BS/BA Community Organizer Hispanic BA+ Social worker Euro-Am MA HR Euro-Am MA Social worker Euro-Am BS/BA+ Unemployed Asian-Am HS+ Advocacy Consultant

Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Euro-Am Latina-Am Euro-Am Other Latina & Asian-Am Euro-Am

Race

Table 15.2  Demographics of the participants who completed interviews

Episcopal UCC Catholic Episcopal Catholic Catholic Catholic Hindu Catholic Episcopal Catholic Episcopal UCC

Catholic

Spiritual Unitarian Episcopal Episcopal Catholic Catholic Buddhism Catholic Christian

Identified Religion

Modern Female Modern Male Modern Female Modern Male Traditional Male Modern Male Modern Female Modern Female Modern Female Modern Male Androgynous Modern Male Modern Male

Modern Female

Androgynous Androgynous Androgynous Androgynous Androgynous Traditional Female Androgynous Modern Female Modern Female

Gender Identification

heterosexual homosexual heterosexual homosexual heterosexual heterosexual – heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual

heterosexual

heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual heterosexual – heterosexual heterosexual – –

Sexual Orientation

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questionnaire based on the interview schedule is Survey: Killers of the Spirit, Restorers of the Soul (Rayburn & Richmond, 2009). The remaining inventories used included the Inventory on Spirituality (IS; Rayburn & Richmond, 1996); the Life Choices Inventory (LCI; Rayburn, Hansen, Siderits, Burson & Richmond, 1999; Rayburn & Richmond, 2002); the Creative Personality Inventory (CPT; Rayburn, 1997); and the Restoration Survey developed by the author for use in the present study. Results NVivo The interviews were coded and analyzed using the NVivo program for qualitative analysis. For the purposes of the present study, the questions concerning access to training were coded, as were questions dealing with recovery from stressors. Men and women were coded separately to clarify the unique experiences and strategies of women. While 77 percent of the women indicated that they received support and training for their work, for some this was education and then being tossed into the new assignment to learn as they went (21 percent of responses). Men indicated that they had training in 60 percent of the interviews. Women showed much more interest in having time to be alone to deal with their stresses (38 percent) than did men (0 percent). Women were more likely to mention crying as a means to restore their equilibrium (15 percent). They also showed more interest in facing their fears (15 percent). The sample interviewed indicated a strong interest in relying on a faith community (69 percent). Friends were also a strong resource for women (69 percent) in restoring themselves when stressed. Prayer was mentioned by 46 percent of the women as a resource for restoration. T-tests In the questionnaire data, women were significantly more likely than men to use crying as one of their means of coping with stress. The means were 3.17 (SD = 2.317, SE = .9458) for 6 men and 6.24 (SD = 2.11, SE = .3587) for 38 women, the df = 42, and t = −3.143, Cl = .95. In the workplace, the men were significantly more likely than the women to have enjoyed support in terms of leadership training. The means were 9.83 (SD = 0.408, SE = 0.1667) for men and 7.77 (SD = 1.212, SE = 0.1966) for women, the df = 42, and t = 4.06, Cl = .95. As many of the women in the questionnaire sample were students with no stated job experience, the comparison of means was also tested without those students included. The means were 9.83 (SD = .4083, SE = .1667) for 6 men, and 7.76 (SD = .9701, SE = .2353) for 17 women, the df = 21, and t = 5.01, Cl = .95.



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Correlations Within the 38 women, several correlations were significant. As their age increased, their use of Spiritual Means to cope with stressors or discouragement increased as well, r = .536, N=38, Cl = .95. This included their agreement with items such as: “praying/time with God, forgiving, experiencing the joy of living.” The Spirituality Inventory (IS) scores correlated positively with agreement with “Others share my joy at being a creative and productive thinker and worker,” r = .336, Cl = .95. Respondent’s agreement that some competition is good correlated positively with the IS scores, r = .318, N=38, Cl = .95. IS scores correlated negatively with items regarding the desire to retaliate when one’s work or ideas are taken for granted, r = .498, N=38, Cl = .95. An additional section of the IS asks about the respondent’s attitude about the relationship between justice and mercy. Scores on the IS correlated negatively with “I think that justice is more important than mercy,” r = −.324, N = 38, Cl= .95. The IS scores also correlated with items in which the respondents indicated that they were religious or religious and spiritual, r = .481, N =38, Cl = .95. The women’s IS scores were compared with their LCI scores and showed a positive correlation with both the agentic (such as, “job-oriented,” “independent”), r = .335, N = 38, Cl = .95, and the communal (such as, “family-oriented,” “community-minded”) items, r = .568, N = 38, Cl = .95. When the IS was correlated with an item regarding willingness to go to counseling to help with stress, the correlation was positive, r = .414, N = 38, Cl = .95. IS scores correlated positively with items related to using Spiritual Means to cope with stress: “praying/time with God,” forgiving,” experiencing the joy of living,” r = .509, N = 38, Cl = .95. The Creative Personality Inventory (CPI) correlated positively with the IS, r = .466, N = 38, Cl = .95. CPI scores correlated positively with shared joy, r = .374, N = 38, Cl = .95, negatively with the stated ability to resist the effects of criticism, r = −.343, N = 38, Cl = .95, positively with the notion that some competition is healthy, r = .436, N = 38, Cl = .95, and with the respondents’ agreement that they do not retaliate when their work or ideas are taken for granted, r = .538, N = 38, Cl = .95. The stated ability to resist self-doubt and “killers of the spirit” correlated positively with CPT scores, r = .387, N = 38, Cl = .95. Like the IS, the CPI scores correlated positively with both the agentic, r = .435, N = 38, Cl = .95, and communal aspects, r = .381, N = 38, Cl = .95, of the LCI. Using Spiritual Means to cope with stressors correlated negatively with seeing tangible rewards as important, r = −.402, N = 38, Cl = .95. Valuing mercy correlated positively with using Spiritual Means, r = .478, N = 38, Cl = .95. Spiritual Means correlated positively with considering oneself to be religious, r = .517, N = 38, Cl = .95. Positive correlations between Spiritual

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Means and communal scores on the LCI were found, r =.521, N = 38, Cl = .95. Spiritual Means also correlated positively with using Personal Care, r = .337, N = 38, Cl = .95, and Family/Community connections to cope, r = .502, N = 38, Cl = .95. Considering oneself to be religious on the IS correlated positively with communal thinking on the LCI, r = .442, N = 38, Cl = .95, and using Family/ Community connections to cope, r = .510, N = 38, Cl = .95. Intangible rewards were preferred by those who considered themselves to be religious, r = .329, N = 38, Cl = .95. DISCUSSION While the interviews revealed women to have more training offered to them than the men interviewed, for many the training was education taken before the job. If we subtract the “on-the-job” training women had, the men had more from-the-job training than the women. The questionnaire data showed men more likely to be offered training relevant to the job (“I have been given opportunities to participate in leadership and/or management courses and experiences”) when compared with women, with or without the students. In terms of restoration of equilibrium, in the interviews women showed greater interest in having time alone, in facing their fears, in community support, and in prayer than they did in the questionnaire data. Looking at sample differences between the two response modes, the interview sample had more women from religious communities, while the questionnaire respondents had none. The differences that did appear in the questionnaire data suggest that women are more likely to cry when stressed, or at least admit that they do. The research on stress relief suggests that chemical changes in the body are helpful. Crying may be beneficial as well. The increase in use of spiritual means to restore self in women is important. Whether a woman considers herself to be religious or spiritual, the tendency to rely on prayer, to strive for forgiveness, and to appreciate life, help her to return to wholeness. At the same time, the women showed that they were less likely to retaliate when slighted, and they were found to be more interested in mercy than justice. This capacity to forgive has been found to be a saving grace in restoring our peace of mind (Ruggles, 2013). In the Life Choices Inventory results, it is remarkable that women showed a strong correlation between the Inventory on Spirituality and the agentic and communal items of the LCI. In this time, it seems, women are seeing both the family and the job as a calling. Both are valuable, important, and aspects of what we need to be and do. Those of us who think that the ability to get help when we need it is a strength, may have been disappointed to see that the correlation with the IS and the counseling question



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is negative. This suggests that when women are more spiritual, they are less likely to seek psychological assistance when in stress. Is this a comment on how counseling/therapy is perceived? Is spirituality seen as irrelevant to therapy? Even as we are seeing more interest in integrating religion and spirituality with counseling and therapy, is the perception of this missing in the public eye? The reason for the use of the Creative Personality Inventory was to keep in the mix the ways in which a person may be different, creative, and offer others both interest and challenge. The spiritual question in the inventory is also of interest. The creative interest predicts the possibility of shared joy, but also of difficulty with criticism of one’s creations. Competition is appreciated by the creative woman, and she is not likely to sink into self-doubt. Using spiritual strategies for self-restoration has interesting attributes: looking at the correlations, we find that she tends to be less interested in tangible rewards for her efforts and more interested in the family and community connections that support her and that she supports. This relates well to the themes struck by the women saints of the Middle Ages and early Renaissance. While we may be less inclined to move to a convent to escape marriage, we are more likely to try to find ways to “do it all” and maintain ourselves using spiritual means. I want to draw your attention back to the saints at the beginning of this chapter. I will start with Hildegard, who was a rebel in her time. She was resistant to the patriarchal system and true to the visions she had, as she said, from God. She overcame illness and opposition from the powers that be to move her sisters and take her sympathetic priest with her. No wonder she is so admired by women today (Eppig, 2008). St. Clare of Assisi was attracted to the faith that St. Francis showed. What makes her attractive to us is the love that she shared with him and with her sisters. As the current research has revealed community, both friends and family are part of the spirituality to which women responded. The negative correlation between using Spiritual Means to cope with stressors and seeking tangible rewards greatly resembles the emphasis on poverty for which Clare and St. Francis are known. Julian of Norwich lived in an anchorage attached to a church. She is well known for her feminine image of God as mother and Jesus as mother and healer. Flinders’ quote bears repeating here: “The remedy is that our Lord is with us, protecting us and leading us into the fullness of joy,” (Long Text, quoted in Flinders, 1993, p. 101). This is very close to the sharing of joy that correlates with the Inventory on Spirituality and “experiencing the joy of living” from the Restoration Survey (Joscelyn, 2011). St. Catherine of Siena and St. Teresa of Avila both seemed to have escaped marriage and child-bearing by entering religious life (Espin, 2008).

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Catherine lived with her family and served them and the community. Teresa lived in a convent. She was a writer and risked the censure of men in the church hierarchy. She was extremely careful of the community of women for whom she felt responsible. This care of community resonates with the correlations linking community and family concerns with the IS, and linking Spiritual Means with Family/Community connections for coping with adversity. It is important not to overemphasize the connections between the respondents in the present research and these saints, but we can see some ways in which we stand on the shoulders of the earlier women. I make this point especially in the case of St. Angela Merici. Her focus and mission was education of women in her time. She was the first to explicitly understand the need to have a faithful life in the context of one’s home, family, and community. Family/Community connections and communal focus scores on the LCI relate to the concerns of St. Angela. The lives of women today are very different from the women saints of the Middle Ages and Renaissance. As we have seen, however, the saints are not completely foreign to us. Our faithful lives include prayer, concern for others, our families and friends, and our work, paid and unpaid. REFERENCES Costa, P. T., Terracciano, A., & McCrea, R. R. (2001). Gender differences in personality traits across cultures: Robust and surprising findings. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 81, 322–331. Eppig, E. (2008). Worldviews and women’s spirituality. In C. A. Rayburn & L. Comas-Diaz (Eds.), WomanSoul: The inner life of women’s spirituality (pp. 3–16). Westport, CT: Praeger. Espin, O. M. (2008). My “friendship” with women saints as a source of spirituality. In C. A. Rayburn & L. Comas-Diaz (Eds.), WomanSoul: The inner life of women’s spirituality (pp. 71–84). Westport, CT: Praeger. Fine, C. (2010). Delusions of gender. New York: Norton. Flinders, C. E. (1993). Enduring grace: Living portraits of seven women mystics. San Francisco: Harper Collins. Gray, J. (2004). Men Are from Mars, Women Are from Venus. New York: Harper Collins. Hoever, H. (2005). Illustrated lives of the saints (Revised). Totowa: NJ: Catholic Book Publishing. (Originally published 1955.) Hoever, H. (2006). Illustrated lives of the saints, II (Revised). Totowa: NJ: Catholic Book Publishing. (Originally published 1992.) Joscelyn, L. A. (2011). The restoration survey. (Copyright pending). Washington, DC: U.S. Copyright Office. Prestbo, D., & Staats-Westover, H. (2008). The goddess has returned. In C. A. Rayburn & L. Comas-Diaz (Eds.), WomanSoul: The inner life of women’s spirituality (pp. 19–38). Westport, CT: Praeger.



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Rayburn, C. A. (1997). Development of the Creative Personality Inventory and the Intuition Inventory. In S. M. Natale (Ed.), Conflict and the “sleep of reason” (pp. 105–112). New York: Global Scholarly Publications. Rayburn, C. A., Hansen, L. S., Siderits, M. A., Burson, P. J., & Richmond, L. J. (1999). Life Choices Inventory. Washington, DC: U.S. Copyright Office. Rayburn, C. A., & Richmond, L. J. (1996). Inventory on Spirituality (IS). Washington, DC: U.S. Copyright Office. Rayburn, C. A., & Richmond, L. J. (2002). Women, whither goest thou? To chart a new course in religiousness and spirituality and to define ourselves! In M. R. Dunlap, L. H. Collins, and J. C. Chrisler (Eds.), Charting a new course for feminist psychology (pp. 167–189). Westport, CT: Praeger. Rayburn, C. A., & Richmond, L. J. (2009). Killers of the spirit, restorers of the soul interview questions. Washington, DC: U.S. Copyright Office. Rayburn, C. A., & Richmond, L. J. (2009). Survey: Killers of the spirit, restorers of the soul. Washington, DC: U.S. Copyright Office. Ruggles, S. (2013). Unlocking the grief code. Bloomington, IN: Balboa Press. Schmitt, D.P., Voracek, M., Realo, A., & Allik, J. (2008). Why can’t a man be more like a woman? Sex differences in Big Five personality traits across 55 cultures. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94, 168–182. Walsh, R. (2011). Lifestyle and mental health. American Psychologist, 66, 579–592.

Chapter 16

Religion and Spirituality: Key Factors in Resilience in Coptic Orthodox Women Christine E. Agaibi

The strongest oak of the forest is not the one that is protected from the storm and hidden from the sun. It’s the one that stands in the open where it is compelled to struggle for its existence against the winds and rains and the scorching sun. — Napoleon Hill (1883–1970) Almost 100 years before the topic of resilience became a formal study in psychology, Friedrich Nietzsche said in his book Twilight of the Idols (1889) that that which does not kill us makes us stronger. This phrase has since been repeated countless times to encourage and support those who have faced difficulty. Yet, the study of resilience did not systematically begin until the mid-1970s when pioneering researchers began studying at-risk children who were facing hardship and yet found ways to excel and succeed (Masten, 2000). Since then, resilience has been defined simply as the ability to adapt and move forward successfully regardless of threatening or demanding situations (Masten, Best, & Garmezy, 1990). Resilience, however, is much more complex. It incorporates many unique factors that interact in response to a difficult or traumatic event (Agaibi & Wilson, 2005). These interactions differ from person to person,

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from trauma to trauma, from culture to culture, and from stressor to stressor. This chapter will examine the complex definition of resilience in the context of religion and spirituality, and specifically for Coptic Orthodox Christians (Copts). The unique resilience of these Christians, 2,000 years in the making, will also be explored. In addition, the chapter will investigate the exclusive and important role women play in the perpetuation of this faith to examine how their faith contributes to their resilience. EXAMINING RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY: KEY FACTORS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF RESILIENCE The quest for well-being is a common pursuit. For many, mental wellbeing is defined as stability or the absence of a DSM diagnosable mental illness (Cowen, 1991). However, this definition is not all-inclusive. Witmer and Sweeney (1992) stated that well-being is a multifaceted concept with multiple components that consist of a connection between mind, body, spirit, and community. While our well-being can be transiently or chronically threatened at any point in our lives, we can restore wellness by achieving resilience to our stressors (Cowen, 1991) and by addressing characteristics of wellness such as spirituality, self-regulation, work, love, and friendship (Witmer & Sweeney, 1992). Though Witmer and Sweeney (1992) explored the importance of understanding spirituality’s role to well-being, traditionally psychology has focused on non-spiritual elements of well-being. Freud and Skinner in fact saw religion negatively and called it “an illusion derived from unconscious wishes” and “a controlling agency” (Seybold, 2007, p. 304). In addition to Freud, Breuer and Charcot only focused on the relationship between physical and mental health and did not examine the relationship of the religious or the spiritual to mental well-being. While some forefathers of psychology dismissed the importance of religion and spirituality, others like William James, Carl Gustav Jung, and G. Stanley Hall pioneered the discussion of religious and spiritual experiences in the development of individuals (Kemp, 1992; Johnson, 2003). In fact, Jung stated that religious and spiritual explorations were important for well-being (Jung, 1933). Today it seems that the field of psychology is more inclined to follow in these psychologists’ theoretical footsteps. The field is beginning to see “religion’s powerful hold on humans” (Azar, 2010, p. 53). Azar stated that religion has survived and thrived for more than 100,000 years and exists in every culture to some degree. In addition, 85 percent of the world’s population has some sort of religious belief (Azar, 2010). Azar stated that religion is a “byproduct of the way our brains work, growing from cognitive tendencies to seek order from chaos, to anthropomorphize our environment and believe the world around us was created for our use” (Azar, 2010, p. 53). Further proof of this comes



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from recent Gallup polls that show that 87 percent of Americans are convinced or have little doubt of the existence of God, and 82 percent of Americans believe that religion is fairly or very important in their lives (Gallup Organization, 2006 & 2007). Thus, religion and spirituality are central tenets of meaning for many people and many Americans, including Coptic Orthodox Christians living in the United States and abroad. For those who subscribe to these tenets, religion and spirituality provide guidelines for how one should conduct his/her life; give individuals something to strive for; give individuals rules for what is right and wrong; and give individuals resilience and the motivation to endure despite challenging circumstances throughout life (Park, 2007). Additionally, Park discussed religion and spirituality as the foundation for belief in hope and the integrity of the world and other people, and the reason behind people’s desire to achieve goals. Other researchers stated that there is a negative correlation between religion and spirituality and suicide, substance abuse, risky sexual behavior, and depression, and a positive correlation between religion and spirituality and mental and physical health (Larson & Larson, 2003). Azar (2010) furthered this discussion, stating that religion and spirituality help humans to form groups with other people who hold similar belief systems. Additionally religion and spirituality give people meaning and support in times of uncertainty. This chapter will show that Coptic Christians relied on their faith through periods of hardship and persecution, and that women are key in the perpetuation of their faith through service and through the rearing of their children. Indeed, Coptic Christians’ spirituality allows them to embody many of the things Park (2007) and Larson and Larson (2003) spoke about. Park summarizes the advantages of religion: Meaning systems comprise the lenses through which individuals interpret, evaluate, and respond to their experiences and encounters. Individuals’ meaning systems are therefore central to understand the influence of psychosocial processes on their psychological and physical health. For individuals for whom [religion/spirituality] is important, [religion/spirituality] forms a core part of their meaning system, influencing their global beliefs, goals, and sense of meaning in life. (Park, 2007, p.320). ARE RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY THE SAME? While religion and spirituality have been used synonymously thus far, it is important to make a distinction between these terms before we discuss one particular religion, Coptic Christians, in this chapter. Like resilience, religion and spirituality are unique and different in their expression for each person. While religion is “becoming reified into a fixed system of

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ideas or ideological commitments” (Hill & Pargament, 2003, p.64), spirituality is “increasingly used to refer to the personal, subjective side of religious experience” (Hill & Pargament, p.64). Thus, while religion is subscribing to a set of rules or value system for a particular denomination or faith, spirituality is personal and subjective for each person. One can be both religious and spiritual, and while many religious people are spiritual, not all spiritual people are religious. For Copts, many are both religious and spiritual. While Copts follow closely the teaching of the Bible and the traditions of the church (a reified and fixed system), many are also spiritual and experience a subjective and unique personal relationship with God that does not fall within this system. For Copts, religious and spiritual life is of great importance and holds a significant place in beliefs and practices. Likewise, religion and spirituality influence behavior and everyday decision making, and assist in recovery from life difficulties. Copts have a long history during which faith sustained them both individually and within a faith-based system and religion. The next section will explore the history of Copts further. WHO ARE THE COPTIC ORTHODOX CHRISTIANS? The word “Coptic” is derived from the Greek word Aigyptos, which means Egyptian and originally referred to Egyptian Christians (those who converted to the Coptic Christian faith) and the ancient Egyptian language script still used in the Coptic Church today. Special Coptic art and architecture also developed as an early expression of the Coptic faith and is also referred to by the term Coptic (Angaelos, 2000; Malaty, 1993). The Coptic Orthodox Church is one of the oldest Christian faiths in the world. St. Mark the Apostle and evangelist founded the Coptic Church in 48 AD in Alexandria, Egypt. He came to Alexandria during the reign of Emperor Nero and established the Coptic Orthodox Church of Alexandria, of which he became the first Pope (El-Masri, 1987). By the second century, Christianity had spread to rural areas in Egypt and the scriptures were translated into the Coptic language. By the third century, Christianity was the dominant religion in Egypt (El-Masri, 1987). Today, the Coptic Orthodox Church is the largest Christian denomination in Egypt, and estimates suggest there are 12–15 million Copts worldwide in 61 countries. There are 37 U.S. states with Coptic churches, and there are 151 churches in the United States and Canada, and these numbers continue to grow. Despite Christianity’s early flourishing in Egypt, Copts faced three notable and well-documented historical phases of difficulty and persecution. These periods were discussed by Angaelos (2000) as periods of martyrdom, the period of the Great Schism, and the Arab conquest. While these events and persecutions took place centuries ago, Eibner (1993) said they have long-lasting effects still today. In fact, many Copts



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still face difficulty and persecution in Egypt, as evidenced in current news. Therefore, persecution and difficulty are a significant part of Coptic history, as well as the present. MARTYRDOM Historians have named the Coptic Church the “Church of Martyrs” because many lost their lives defending their Christian faith. St. Mark himself was martyred on Easter day in 68 AD. Following this, from 202–642 AD there were 21 periods of persecution against Copts. Some of the most notable include Emperor Valerian’s edicts to destroy the Church, which resulted in the arrest and exile of the Coptic Pope Dionysius in 257–258 AD. In 302–305 AD, Emperor Diocletian issued edicts to rid Egypt of Christianity with the broader aim of eliminating Christians from the rest of the world. In this time period, 800,000 Coptic men, women, and children were martyred in Egypt. Between 305–313 AD Maximinus Daza, the caesar of Egypt and Syria, continued martyring many Coptic Christians including Pope Peter I, the 17th pope of the Coptic Church (Angaelos, 2000; Malaty, 1993). THE GREAT SCHISM The original Christian churches in Jerusalem, Alexandria, Rome, Antioch, and Constantinople were united until the fifth century. During the early church, the Coptic Church played a major role in the first three Ecumenical Councils that defined Christian dogma. In all three councils of Nicea, Constantinople, and Ephesus, Coptic Popes Athanasius, Timothy, and Cyril respectively chaired these meetings to defend against heresies against the church. The Great Schism resulted when a head monk, Eutyches, denied the human nature of Christ and thus was condemned as a heretic by the Bishop of Constantinople. A second council chaired by Coptic Pope Dioscorus was convened in Ephesus in 449 AD, where Eutyches was acquitted after he recanted and reaffirmed his belief in the Nicean creed through a written document. After this council, however, Eutyches proclaimed his heresy once again and this time was excommunicated by the Copts. However, because the Coptic Pope Dioscorus had presided over the council when Eutyches was acquitted, the Copts were wrongly labeled as heretical followers of Eutyches . The Coptic Church was misquoted for its beliefs and was falsely accused for its actions with Eutyches. Pope Dioscorus famously defended his and the Copts’ orthodox beliefs; however, he was exiled nonetheless and the Church of Constantinople and Rome were given supremacy over the Coptic Church during the Council of Chalcedon. The Great Schism (or split) among the churches at the time occurred at this council in 451 AD. Pope Dioscorus

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died in exile and there have been far-reaching effects of the wrongful decisions of the Chalcedonian Council. This caused the Coptic Church to suffer greatly at the hands of Chalcedonian rulers, and for the next 150 years Egypt and the Coptic Church experienced fluctuating periods of peace and oppression. Patriarchs were banished, churches were destroyed, people were killed, possessions were lost, and yet the Coptic Church continued to survive (Angaelos, 2000). THE ARAB CONQUEST When Arabs invaded Egypt in 641 AD, the Coptic Pope Benjamin I had been exiled for 13 years as a consequence of the Chalcedonian Council. Despite this invasion, Egypt remained Christian for four centuries, and the Coptic Church continued to survive. Copts were allowed to practice freely as long as they paid a high tax called a gezya (Angaelos, 2000). Those who could not pay were forced to convert to Islam or lose their protection. During this time the Coptic language remained the primary language in Egypt, but by the 11th century the first bilingual Coptic-Arabic liturgical text appeared. Adapting to the Arabic language lasted beyond the 15th century, and even today the Coptic language is still used in liturgical services in Coptic Churches all over the world. By the 12th century Egypt became predominately Muslim and Copts had more limitations placed on them because of their minority status. This status put restrictions on religious practices; building and repairing churches; and legal activities such as testifying in court, adoption, and inheritance (Angaelos, 2000). MODERN DAY CHALLENGES FOR COPTS AND COPTIC FLOURISHING In 1855 the Copts’ position in Egypt improved when the high gezya tax was lifted and Copts were allowed to serve in the Egyptian army (Angaelos, 2000). While this period lasted for some time, persecution of Egyptian Copts by extremist groups still remained (Eibner, 1993) and recent oppression of Copts has once again been seen in Egypt, an example being the New Year’s Eve 2011 bombing on a Coptic Church in Alexandria that killed at least 21 and injured at least another 80. Additionally, Copts have had difficulty in building and repairing churches. Many other examples of Copts being persecuted for their faith have been documented across multiple media sources internationally. Other difficulties for the Copts include being relatively unknown in the West, despite international church and congregation expansion. Many Copts leave Egypt in search of better opportunities and freedom from persecution, and this results in having to adjust to new adopted homelands where they are relatively unknown. Despite difficulties in Egypt or in



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lands of immigration, Copts continue to expand around the world. In Egypt, while Copts make up only 10 percent of the population (Botros, 2006), they are the largest Christian denomination (over 95 percent of Christians in Egypt are Coptic). There are between 12–15 million Copts worldwide and they have established theological schools, churches, and monasteries/convents on every inhabitable continent. There are Copts and Coptic Churches in at least 61 countries, and 37 U.S. states. There are at least 151 churches in the United States and Canada, with thousands of congregants and hundreds of priests and bishops (copticchurch.net; Botros, 2006). Copts are also overseen by 95 Bishops that make up the Holy Synod, and the Pope and Patriarch of the Coptic Orthodox Church. For 40 years, from the time of his ordination in 1971 until his passing in March 2012, His Holiness Pope Shenouda III, the 117th successor of St. Mark, headed the Coptic Orthodox Church around the world. The Copts’ current pope, Pope Tawadros II, the 118th successor of St. Mark, was ordained in November 2012 following Pope Shenouda III’s passing. Copts are also active members in the World Council of Churches (WCC), the Middle East Council of Churches, and the All Africa Conference of Churches in order to dialogue with other churches and denominations about theological differences in an attempt to resolve the differences between them. The Coptic Church is currently unified in dogma with the Syrian, Armenian, Indian, Ethiopian, and Eritrean Orthodox Churches (copticchurch.net; Botros, 2006). The Coptic Church has contributed much to Christian theology through its publication of thousands of texts. The Holy Bible was first translated into Coptic in the second century and scribes made copies of the Bible and other religious documents in Coptic. St. Mark developed the School of Alexandria. Copts later contributed to ecumenical councils regarding Christian dogma, doctrine, and the creation of the Nicean Creed (a creed that affirmed the Divinity of Christ and is believed, utilized, and recited by many Christians, churches, and denominations worldwide to date). Copts also contributed to history through their culture, art, iconography, architecture, and through the foundation of monasticism (Angaelos, 2000; Botros, 2006; El Masri, 1987; and Malaty, 1993). Copts are proud of their heritage, their strong Christian Orthodox faith, and their survival despite persecution, misunderstanding, and the limitations placed upon them historically and even presently. Copts around the world feel a sense of unity regardless of where they are because they are bound by the religious and cultural identity that they hold dear. Therefore, given these many contributions to Christianity and given the survival of Copts through centuries of persecution, one may consider Copts to be resilient. Additionally, one may consider what role women have played in the development of Copts and their resilience. These topics will be addressed in the coming sections.

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WHAT IS RESILIENCE AND ARE COPTS RESILIENT? With a more systematic study of resilience, we have found resilience to be any person or group that has the ability to adapt and proceed successfully despite challenging or threatening situations (Masten, Best, & Garmezy, 1990). Indeed, Agaibi and Wilson (2005) have said that “it is a truism to say that not everyone develops PTSD following a trauma, a fact that makes the study of resilience both interesting and important” (p. 204). Thus, there is flexibility in behavior in response to a traumatic event and what happens to individuals after a traumatic event can be traumatic stress, resilience, or anything in between. According to Agaibi and Wilson, there is a continuum of resilience with long-term negative adaptation (PTSD) occurring on one side and long-term positive adaptation (resilience) occurring on the other. The flexibility that occurs in behavior after traumatic events results from the interaction between the stressors/traumatic events (which are multidimensional in and of themselves) and the individual or group’s subjective responses triggered by the trauma that set in motion psychological processes. Thus, there is a person x situation interaction (Agaibi & Wilson, 2005) that results in a particular reaction to traumatic stress. Agaibi and Wilson stated that resilience has to do with one’s quality of character, extroverted personality characteristics, coping ability, strength and flexibility of temperament, ability to master difficult situations, ability to resume normal functioning after excessive stress, ability to mobilize resources, ability to make appropriate decisions in times of crisis, and one’s good outcome despite situations of high stress. Likewise, resilient individuals are hardy. Hardiness is a component of resilience that assists one in coping with traumatic stress, and it consists of three parts : commitment to meaning, control or belief in one’s ability to influence events around them, and challenge to react positively and adapt to changes in life (Kobasa, 1979). Other research has stated that characteristics of resilience include: being spiritual, sociable, assertive, calm, confident, accepting of one’s fate, creative in problem solving, analytical in thinking, accepting of change, and being able to moderate and balance a wide array of affect (Block and Kremen, 1996; Fredrickson, 2001; and Siebert, 1996). Resilience is also more than just the absence of maladaptive coping; it is superior coping over an extended period of time and has the ability to create meaning from trauma. Thus, resilience is a “complex repertoire of behavioral tendencies that may be evoked or activated by environmental demand” (Agaibi and Wilson, 2005, p. 212). The question then becomes, are Coptic Christians resilient based on this understanding of resilience? Almost no research has been conducted on Coptic Christians, their psychological makeup and needs, or their resilience and survival for 2,000 years amidst persecution. This could be



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because of psychology’s initial and historic hesitation toward addressing religious and spiritual issues, which could unintentionally lead to missing the needs of some religious groups such as the Copts. Lack of research could also be a result of the hesitation of the Coptic community to reach out to psychology because of its strong reliance on faith, clergy, and church traditions and rites as a way to deal with life issues. Finally, the fact that Copts are relatively unknown outside of Egypt presents them as a minority. According to Rivera-Mosquera, Mitchell-Blanks, Lopez-Garcia, and Fattal (2011), minorities are subjected to mental health disparities in the United States that could result in “a chain of events signified by inequity that is unjust, unfair, and unequal” (p. 233). While this may be occurring unintentionally for Copts, it may explain the limited research on this group of people. Based on the characteristics of resilience, Copts meet the criteria of spirituality. In fact, as Greene (2002) stated about another group that experienced extreme hardship (Holocaust survivors), their deep faith and spirituality contributed to their resilience by acting as a protective factor against traumatic experience, and it provided them with consistency despite difficulty, and a sense of meaning, support, understanding, and hope. This is quite true for Copts in that their religion and spirituality sustained them through centuries of persecution, and many Copts rely on their faith still today as a source of strength and identity during personal and culturally difficult times. Additionally, belief in Coptic Orthodox traditions provides a sense of pride and community, which promotes survival and perpetuation of faith to the next generation. In fact, Pennebaker and Francis (1996) stated that telling one’s story from generation to generation also recalls tales of survival and thus is an important part of resilience. One way Copts relay their stories of survival from generation to generation is through the reading of the Book of Synaxarium (Stories of the Saints). This book describes stories of the saints of the Coptic Church, including their struggles and persecutions as well as their faith and endurance during difficult times. Through the reading of this book (along with other holy books such as the Holy Bible), Copts are anchored to their faith and their heritage, and they are given strength and support during their own times of challenge. Copts read the Book of Synaxarium during every liturgy, and there is at least one saint story listed for every day of the calendar year. Thus, the stories of the saints’ survival and endurance are woven into the lives of Copts every day of the year. Copts cherish the lives of the saints, and they have patron saints that they call upon during times of difficulty. Copts can also be considered resilient because they have shown coping over an extended period of time (2,000 years in this case) (Agaibi and Wilson, 2005). Copts have maintained a positive outlook because of their faith and have created meaning from their trauma by building, thriving,

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and growing in many other countries and cultures and adapting well to such changes. Copts mobilize resources from each other and lean on each other around the world, and they are bound by their unified faith and historic heritage. Copts also reach out to others through councils of churches worldwide for dialogue and communication. Most important, their spirituality has allowed them to survive their persecution in the past and the present and has given them hope for the future. Thus, Copts have a “complex repertoire of behavioral tendencies that may be evoked or activated by environmental demands” (Agaibi & Wilson, 2005, p. 212). This complex repertoire is activated from a rich culture and strong Coptic faith in God, which in turn increases resistance and courage during persecution, which in turn strengthens religious life and commitment to Coptic faith. This cycle perpetuates resilience throughout Coptic history, from generation to generation. ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE COPTIC CHURCH AND IN RESILIENCE OF COPTS One of the most venerated characters in the Coptic Orthodox Church is St. Mary, the Mother of Christ. As in many other Christian traditions, Copts hold the Mother of Christ in the highest regard and celebrate many events from her life as feast days throughout the liturgical year. Because of St. Mary’s high status within the faith, women in general are also revered in the Coptic Church. While women do not hold priestly roles (in accordance with Biblical tradition), Coptic women hold many other roles within the Coptic community that are just as vital to the perpetuation of the faith. Women hold roles as members of parish councils, as lay Christian helpers and counselors, as Sunday School and youth ministry teachers, as administrators, and as contributors to church publications. In every country where there are Copts, there are also Coptic nuns that serve their parishes and the community at large. Women are involved in mission trips and many other mission activities. Women have also taught in theological schools and seminaries in the areas of Church history and the Bible. Women also pass the faith on transmit the faith from generation to generation by passing on traditions, church dogma, information on church history, and church teachings to children and grandchildren. The pride and resilience of the community is especially evident in the women that commit to service in the church, and it is apparent in their unity to each other and to their community. In one study on Armenian and Greek women who experienced violence in genocide, it was found that despite this, these women were often resilient. It was found that when these women expressed feelings, and found validation and empathy, they were able to discover new meanings and find closure (Pipinelli & Kalayjian, 2010). Similarly, a



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20-year study of resilience in urban girls who became resilient women found that these girls took many different paths to achieve resilience in adulthood. These girls relied on multiple resources, including family, mentors, and friends, to help protect them and help them cope. In addition, religion and spirituality were found to be important for some women as they coped with difficulty (Shaffer, Coffino, Boelcke-Stennes, & Masten, 2007). Many Coptic women rely on their faith in God first, but they also rely on their family and friends and other women, as well as mentors from their community, to cope with challenges within the community, their religion at large, and within their faith and themselves. Copts in general find meaning in their experiences through their strong faith and through service to others. Women rely on multiple resources to help them cope with difficulties (their Bible, their faith, other women in the service with them, their priest, and their community as a whole, to name a few). For Coptic women, faith, religion, and spirituality are very important to their everyday lives, to coping, and to the teaching they present to others through their ministries. In their services, women teach others about the strength that comes from faith, which empowers them and the individuals they are serving. Women in the Coptic Church often serve and participate in women’s ministry, which also encourages interaction and enhances coping and resilience. CONCLUSION Copts never succumbed to or shied away from the traumas they endured, but instead they have bravely faced centuries of these difficult events. Through it all, they survived and thrived under these conditions and have passed their beliefs on through the generations to this day. They have built churches and congregations around the world. Wherever Copts are living, they are unified during times of struggle. For example, when the Church is facing persecution, Copts from around the world will commit to three days of fasting (a restriction from certain types of foods) and individual prayers and liturgies in order to unify together and rely on their faith to help them through the difficulty. Women have also held key roles in the development of Coptic resilience through their teaching, service, ministry, and child rearing. Though the level of resilience may have varied with time, Copts’ survival through 2,000 years and flourishing through growth and expansion shows their strength and consistency. Copts have remained assertive despite many historical and present events aimed at diminishing their faith and their Christian belief. Copt spirituality has allowed them to survive persecution in the past and has given them hope for the future. This sense of community and meaning also preserves resilience. For Coptic women

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this is especially true in their ministry and service, and in their upbringing of children to which they can pass on the faith and traditions. Coptic women have a vital role in this preservation of resilience because of their extensive roles within their community. Copts are resilient because they weather the storms of persecution with faith, unity, and commitment to their beloved church. REFERENCES Agaibi, C. E., & Wilson, J. P. (2005). Trauma, PTSD, and resilience: A review of the literature. Trauma, Abuse, and Violence 1(3), 195–216. Angaelos, B. (2000). The altar in the midst of Egypt: A brief introduction to the Coptic Orthodox Church. Stevenage, UK: Coptic Orthodox Church Centre Press. Azar, B. (2010). A reason to believe. Monitor on Psychology, 41(11), 52–56. Block, J. H., & Kremen, A. M. (1996). IQ and ego-resilience: Conceptual and empirical and connections and separateness. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 70, 349-361. Botros, G. (2006). Religious identity as an historical narrative: Coptic Orthodox immigrant churches and the representation of history. Journal of Historical Sociology, 19(2), 174–201. Copticchurch.net Cowen, E. L. (1991). In pursuit of wellness. American Psychologist, 46, 404–408. Eibner, J. (1993). Christians in Egypt: Church under siege. Washington, D.C.: Institute for Religious Minorities in the Islamic World Press. El-Masri, I. H. (1987). The story of the Copts: The true story of the Christians of Egypt who have lived the Bible for 2,000 years. Johannesburg, South Africa: The Coptic Orthodox Bishopric for African Affairs Press. Fredrickson, B.L. (2001). The role of positive emotions in positive psychology. The broaden and build theory of positive emotions. American Psychology, 56(3), 218-226. The Gallup Organization (2006). http://www.gallup.com/poll/23470/WhoBelieves-God-Who-Doesnt.aspx. Accessed 03/10/2008. The Gallup Organization (2007). http://www.gallup.com/poll/1690/Religion. aspx. Accessed 03/10/2008. Greene, R. R. (2002). Holocaust survivors: A study in resilience. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 37(1), 3–18. Hill, P. C., & Pargament, K. I. (2003). Advances in the conceptualization and measurement of religion and spirituality. American Psychologist, 58(1), 64–74. Johnson, R. A. (2003). In the spirit of William James. Pastoral Psychology, 52(1/2), 97–110. Jung, C. G. (1933). Modern man in search of a soul. W. S. Dell and C. F. Baynes (Trans.). New York: Harcourt. Kemp, H. V. (1992). G. Stanley Hall and the Clark School of Religious Psychology. American Psychologist, 47(2), 290–298. Kobasa, S. C. (1979). Stressful life events, personality, and health: An inquiry into hardiness. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 37(1), 1–11.



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Larson, D. B. & Larson, S. S. (2003). Spirituality’s potential relevance to physical and emotional health: A brief review of quantitative research. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 31, 37–51. Malaty, T. Y. (1993). Introduction to the Coptic Orthodox Church. Alexandria, Egypt: St. George Coptic Orthodox Church Press. Masten, A. S. (2000). Children who overcome adversity to succeed in life. Just in Time Research: Resilient Communities, BU-07565. Retrieved April 19, 2010, from http://www.extension.umn.edu/distribution/familydevelopment/ components/7565_06.html. Masten, A. S., Best, K. M., & Garmezy, N. (1990). Resilience and development: contributions from the study of children who overcome adversity. Development and Psychopathology, 2, 425–444. Nietzsche, F. (1889; 1990). Twilight of the idols. New York: Penguin Group. Park, C. L. (2007). Religiousness/spirituality and health: A meaning systems perspective. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 30, 319–328. Pennebaker, K. & Francis, M. (1996). Cognitive, emotional, and language process in disclosure. Cognition and Emotion, 10, 601–626. Pipinelli, A. & Kalajian, A. (2010). Gender and genocide: Armenian and Greek women finding positive meaning in the horror. In A. Kalayjian & D. Eugene (Eds.), Mass trauma and emotional healing around the world: Rituals and practices for resilience and meaning-making, Volume 2: Human-made disasters (pp. 307–325). Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger. Rivera-Mosquera, E., Mitchell-Blanks, M., Lopez-Garcia, E., & Fattal, O. (2011). The future of counseling immigrants and their families. In A. Zagelbaum & J. Carlson (Eds.), Working with immigrant families: A practical guide for counselors (pp. 229–260). New York: Routledge. Seybold, K. S. (2007). Physiological mechanisms involved in religiosity/spirituality and health. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 30, 303–309. Shaffer, A., Coffino, B., Boelcke-Stennes, K., & Masten, A. S. (2007). From urban girls to resilient women: Studying adaptation across development in the context of adversity. In. B. J. Leadbeater, & N. Way (Eds.), Urban girls revisited: Building strengths (pp. 53–72). New York City, NY: NYU Press. Siebert, A. (1996). The survivor personality. New York: Pedigree Books. Witmer, J. M., & Sweeney, T. J. (1992). A holistic model for wellness and prevention over the life span. Journal of Counseling and Development, 71, 140–148.

Chapter 17

Feminism as a Source of Spiritual Strength Joan C. Chrisler and Maureen C. McHugh

Feminism, a social and political movement for gender equality and the advancement of women, is examined here as a form of spirituality. It may seem strange to think of spirituality and political movements as linked. Yet religious congregations, a traditional locus of spirituality, have a long history of involvement with peace and social justice movements, including supporting those who are resisting oppression from foreign governments or fellow citizens. The U.S. Civil Rights Movement, the French Resistance during World War II, Buddhist monks setting themselves on fire to draw international attention to the civil wars in Vietnam and Cambodia, and Latin American Liberation Theology are a few well-known 20th-century examples. Reasons for congregations’ involvement in work for peace and social justice may derive from a mixture of religious (e.g., tikkun olam—the Jewish imperative to repair or improve the world; the Beatitudes—Jesus blessed the peacemakers and the merciful) and spiritual bases (e.g., finding meaning in pain and sorrow; making connections with others; following a moral compass). Thus, spiritual reasons can draw people to political movements, and, we assert, involvement in political movements (regardless of why people joined them) can provide spiritual rewards such as strength, community,

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and reasons for being that keep people connected to those movements. Feminism is a prime example, as it has served as an important connection and source of strength and meaning for many women around the world. Here we argue that feminism is both a source of (spiritual) strength and a form of spirituality for us, as well as other women. The recognition of feminism as spirituality requires an understanding of what spirituality means and a familiarity with the tenets and lived experience of feminism. We review each of these concepts in turn, and then examine the links between feminism and spirituality, including an outline of the beliefs and approaches referred to as feminist spirituality. We conclude that the spiritual aspects of feminism can contribute to the transformation of both individuals and society. WHAT IS SPIRITUALITY? One of the few things on which writers about spirituality agree is that there is no agreed upon definition of spirituality (Gilbert, 2010; Schlehofer, Omoto, & Adelman, 2008). Studies of lay people’s understanding of spirituality also show little agreement (Harris, 2007; Livingston & Cummings, 2009; Schlehofer et al., 2008); many participants provide definitions that overlap with their definitions of religion, and others are sure there is a difference, but find that difference difficult to describe. In one study of college students (Livingston & Cummings, 2009), participants thought of spirituality as more “personal” and religion as more “institutional.” The Spirituality and Psychiatry Special Interest Group of the U.K. Royal College of Psychiatrists proposed the following definition, which seems to be a good compilation of themes that are frequently present in both lay and professional definitions of spirituality. Spirituality is a distinctive, potentially creative and universal dimension of human experience arising both within the inner subjective awareness of individuals and within communities, social groups and traditions. It may be experienced as relationships with that which is intimately ‘inner’, immanent and personal within the self and others, and/or relationship with that which is holy ‘other,’ transcendent and beyond the self. It is experienced as being of fundamental or ultimate importance and is thus concerned with matters of meaning and purpose in life, truth and values (Cook, Powell, & Sims, 2009, p. 4). Another way to reach a comprehensive understanding of spirituality is to examine the dimensions measured by spirituality scales. The Spiritual Sensitivity Scale (Tirri, Nokelainen, & Ubani, 2006), whose items were



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based on theoretical work by Bradford (1995) and Hay (1998), has four factors: Awareness Sensing (e.g., “In the midst of busy everyday life I find it important to contemplate,” “When I listen to familiar music or look at a painting I have seen before, I might hear or see them in a different way,” “I try to listen to my body when I study and work”); Mystery Sensing (e.g., “Science cannot explain all the phenomena in the world,” “Narratives and symbols are important things for me in life,” “The use of imagination makes life more enjoyable”); Value Sensing (e.g., “I often reflect on the meaning of life,” “It is important to me to find my own mission in the world,” “I feel anxious about the evil things in the world”); and Community Sensing (e.g., “It is important to me to find a community where I belong,” “I want to advance peace with my own actions,” “I want to help those who are in need”). Rayburn and Richmond’s (1996, as cited in Rayburn & Richmond, 2002) Inventory on Spirituality includes a focus on Transcendence (e.g., “I see life as having purpose beyond material, tangible, or immediate rewards,” “I feel at one with the universe”) and Caring for Others (e.g., “I care about the well-being of all others—people, animals, and plants,” “In my universe, all creatures are of great worth”). The authors chose to make no mention of a higher power in their inventory, as they believe that it is not essential to spirituality and may be among the best ways to draw a distinction between religion and spirituality. Bradford (1995) suggested that there are three types of spirituality: Human Spirituality, which is best reflected in feelings of care, love, security, and responsibility to and from others (including, perhaps, a higher power); Devotional Spirituality, which refers to feelings of joy and peacefulness connected with rituals designed to worship a higher power; and Practical Spirituality, which is defined as providing direction in life and influencing people to show concerns for others’ welfare and act in ways that indicate social responsibility. Bradford’s Human Spirituality is perhaps akin to Relational Spirituality, a term used by Sandage and colleagues (e.g., Sandage, Hill, & Vaubel, 2011; Shults & Sandage, 2006) to describe spirituality as ways of relating to the sacred (as well as to other humans) and as “a dialectic of dwelling and seeking” (Sandage et al., 2011, p. 1). There is considerable overlap in the definitions and approaches described above, although their authors tend to emphasize different aspects of spirituality, perhaps because of their personal differences in experience of it. However, we believe that involvement in the feminist movement provides many of the benefits those authors describe, and some of the types and aspects of spirituality are especially relevant to feminist activism. Even Devotional Spirituality, which might seem less relevant to activism, is related to feminism, as feminists have a long history of constructing woman-friendly religious and spiritual devotional rituals (e.g., Elizabeth Cady Stanton’s Woman’s Bible).

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WHAT IS FEMINISM? Feminism, like spirituality, can be difficult for the average person to define, perhaps because, like spirituality, each person’s experience of what the Women’s Movement means is somewhat different. A core belief of feminists is that men and women should be equal. Within this agreement, however, feminists may disagree on what gender equality looks like. The U.S. Women’s Movement has emphasized equal opportunity and equal pay for the same work. Others argue that women’s and men’s work should be equally valued even when they are not doing the same jobs. Still others lobby for equal respect and value to be accorded to men and women in all aspects of life, not just in terms of employment and education. Some individuals who endorse gender equality do not see themselves as feminists because they view contemporary society as basically gender neutral or non-sexist, or because they see some forms of differential treatment as permissible if they are based on biological differences between men and women. An important aspect of feminism is the ability to recognize gender bias in various contexts and situations, at both the personal and the structural level. Insight about the nature and origin of sexism can be dramatic and sudden, and/or it may be a gradually dawning recognition. For some the recognition of sexism or androcentric ideology is the result of a traumatic, or significant, experience, such as rape, sexual harassment, or unfair treatment at work. Often this recognition is experienced as an “awakening” or enlightenment. Another level of feminist identification is related to the individual’s willingness to advocate for women and for gender equity. Some women who believe in gender equity are not willing to address inequity publicly or to devote time and energy to challenging gender oppression. Sometimes this reluctance is related to the individuals’ (mis)perception of what fighting gender oppression entails. Any group discussion of women’s rights is likely to yield a few women who say, “I’m not a feminist but . . . I am prochoice or I believe in equal pay for equal work or I want to have a career and a family.” The “I’m not a feminist but” phenomenon (Williams & Wittig, 1997) may mean that women believe in feminist principles but have not actively worked in the Women’s Movement and thus do not believe they can legitimately claim “feminist” as a social identity (Nelson et al., 2008; Zucker, 2004), or it might mean that they hope to distance themselves from negative stereotypes of feminists (Roy, Weibust & Miller, 2009; Twenge & Zucker, 1999) as unattractive, angry, cold, and single. It may also mean that they do not know that there are many ways to be a feminist. Within feminism there are a variety of approaches or perspectives. All feminist positions emphasize the need for gender equality, but their beliefs about how equality can be achieved vary substantially (Enns, 2004). Some



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feminist approaches are compatible with existing religious traditions, and other forms and approaches are more likely to be experienced as an alternative form of spirituality or as secular humanism. A mainstream form of feminism that focuses on debunking and eliminating stereotypes and mistaken notions about the nature of women (and men) is referred to as liberal feminism. Liberal feminists argue that both men and women are rational beings, and they view non-rational prejudice and gender socialization as barriers to gender equality. Liberal feminists contend that traditional gender roles prevent both women and men from achieving their full potential. According to liberal feminists, sexist thinking and gender discrimination can be eradicated through education, enlightenment, and the revision of laws, policies, and processes (Jagger & Rothenberg, 1993). Liberal feminists often focus on participating in societal institutions and working on the inside to reshape those institutions and their practices. For example, liberal feminists might lobby for the ordination of more women clergy and for the active participation of women in congregations. In contrast, radical feminists assert that, in order to achieve gender equality, society must be radically transformed. For them, social change and liberation originates in the recognition of dramatic inequalities that are rooted in patriarchal beliefs and practices (Jagger & Rothenberg, 1993). Current laws, institutions, and cultural practices must all be replaced by alternatives. Radical feminism is based in consciousness-raising (CR), an analysis of the ways in which society is structured to maintain male domination and the subordination (or secondary status) of women. Radical feminism challenges gender norms and the established ways of operating. According to Atkinson (1974, p. 11), “You cannot destroy oppression by filling the position of oppressor. I don’t think you can fight oppression from the inside.” In terms of spirituality, radical feminists challenge beliefs about the impurity of menstruation and women’s bodies, question the sexual double standard and prohibitions about women engaging in sexual activities, and critique sexual interactions in relationships and marriage. In terms of religion, radical feminists object to the male-dominated hierarchical organization of religions and to the portrayal of God as male. Cultural feminists also call for a rejection of androcentric thinking that privileges men’s bodies, behaviors, and experience. Cultural feminists instead value the “feminine.” They view women’s experiences as distinct from men’s, and focus on the special and superior aspects of women’s ways of being and acting (Chrisler & McHugh, 2011). Women are celebrated as cooperative, nurturing, and maternal, and some cultural feminists envision cultural transformations based on matriarchal values. They emphasize interdependence over individualism in ethics, and argue for an ethics of care (Gilligan, 1982). In terms of spirituality, cultural feminism is consistent with Wiccan practices, women’s nature retreats, and women’s

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arts (e.g., music festivals). In celebrating feminine principles, some cultural feminists have revived rituals centered on female deities, such as the Earth goddess. Ecofeminism is a feminist approach closely connected to cultural feminism, which views men’s domination over women as connected to androcentric attitudes toward control of nature. They contend that environmental movements coordinated by men that do not challenge androcentric thinking perpetuate, rather than transform, practices that harm our planet. For example, Daly (1978) emphasized the complex web of interrelationships between organisms and the environment, and she asserted that efforts based on the separation/superiority of humans from their environment and from other organisms contributes to the destruction of the earth. Many ecofeminists value the approaches of other groups (e.g., indigenous people) who maintain a close connection with the earth. One strand of ecofeminism explores the spiritual traditions of pre-patriarchal societies that recognize the sacredness of the earth. Women of color have challenged many feminist positions as not inclusive of their experiences or perspectives, and they have developed their own theoretical perspectives on feminism. The perspectives of women of color have been important in clarifying the complexities and intersections of women’s social identities, which are influenced by gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, class, age, religion, and other differences (Enns, 2004). women of color have particularly challenged the existing analyses of violence, work, and family as inadequate and lacking diverse approaches (Davis, 1981; hooks, 1989). One of the many differences among women is the role that religion has played in both our oppression and our survival. White women and women of color often differ in their attitudes toward religion. Postmodern feminism emerged in the 1980s and continues to be a major force in feminism today (Enns, 2004). It originated in academic women’s studies and the critical examination of knowledge and epistemology, as feminists entered the debate about what we can know and how we can know it. Bohan (2002) described postmodern feminists as rejecting grand theories, being skeptical of authorities and “truths,” and as doubting our ability to know anything with certainty. In relation to religion, postmodern feminists have questioned religious authority and the truths of traditional religions. According to postmodern feminists, we should challenge dualistic thinking such as masculine/feminine and good/bad because they are simplistic and distort reality (McHugh & Cosgrove, 2002), as, for example, dichotomous thinking that emphasizes the differences between women and men rather than the many ways we are alike. Combined with androcentric thinking (Bem, 2008) that prioritizes and privileges men and values the masculine over the feminine, dichotomous/dualistic thinking perpetuates gender inequity and discrimination against women in every domain, including spirituality and religion.



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Some critics of traditional religions have linked classical dualism to the oppression of women and others. For example, Christ and Plaskow (1992) explained that classical dualism characterizes/underlies the JudeoChristian tradition, including the dichotomous approaches to earth versus heaven, humankind versus the rest of nature, God versus humankind, body versus soul, spiritual versus secular, and men versus women. Feminists, who recognize the problems inherent in a dualism in which men are valued over women, have moved toward spiritual perspectives that are not dualistic and that embrace the vision of no split between spirit and the body or between humans and the earth. For example, some feminists have explored the ideas of Native Americans who see divinity as present in stones, animals, and humans. The vision of a spirituality rooted in the body and in nature is an important response to the dualisms of the body and soul, nature and spirit, that are the basis of oppression (Ruether, 1992). FEMINISM AS SPIRITUALITY Consciousness-raising is a defining quality of feminism; this refers to the gradual (or rapid—Ms. magazine called it “Click!”) realization of the existence of sexism and oppression. Once a person begins to see inequality, prejudice, discrimination, oppression, stereotypes, and/or unfairness, it becomes impossible to remain content with life circumstances as they are. It is consciousness-raising that draws people to collective action and sets them on a path toward seeking social justice and making social change. This experience is similar to Hay’s (1998) Awareness Sensing factor and is consonant with Sandage and colleagues’ (2011) “dwelling and seeking”—even as we remain in a traditional place (e.g., the family, the workforce), we question it, recognize the value of differentiating ourselves from traditional roles, and move toward a new community of like-minded activists. Consciousness-raising thus provides the necessary challenge that pushes us “to grow, question, and engage in an awakening” (Harris, 2007, p. 267)—a form of spiritual growth. Within women’s spaces, such as women’s studies classes and feminist communities, women are encouraged to speak what has not been said. The conversations among women, which involve both listening to and speaking about the truths of our lives, result in movement from isolation to community (Plaskow, 1992). Talking with other women allows us to recognize shared experiences, which often leads to the insight that “the personal is political.” “Naming experience and recognizing it is shared is liberating and energizing” (Christ & Plaskow, 1992, p. 6). Feminism values the experiences of women and listening for/to the voices of women. Silence and voice are frequently used as metaphors within the feminist movement because women resonate with the metaphor. We have (all) felt

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silenced or not heard at times, and so we appreciate being heard, acknowledged, and affirmed in women’s circles and spaces. These conversations reflect Caring for Others, as described by Rayburn and Richmond (2002). The energy generated by recognizing the shared experiences of women has typically been referred to as consciousness. Plaskow (1992, p. 200) described the experience of being in a women’s group and “the process through which we came to be sisters as a ‘yeah, yeah’ experience” profoundly different from the “’yeah, but’ experience” she often had elsewhere. She described the experience as one of joy: the joy of sharing, of self-recognition, of not being alone, and of being freed from one’s past. This form of consciousness allows forward motion and hopefulness for the future. Although they frequently acknowledge the value of sharing experiences, not all feminists have experienced women’s groups and conversations as spiritual. Some, however, have recognized that telling our stories is a (ritual) path to consciousness and that women’s stories (re)define spirituality from a woman’s perspective. For example, Daly (1992) viewed CR as a modern mystical journey. She described women’s consciousness-raising as movement from not-being to the affirmation of one’s being, and wrote that becoming feminist involves a radical encounter with nothingness. Daly has noted the sacredness of women’s quest to move from nonbeing/nothingness or from despised aspects of self toward an affirmation of women’s experience and appreciation of the female body. She argued that women in the process of liberation refuse to be the “Other” and assert “I am.” Affirmation of our selves involves (courageous) participation in a communal hopefulness and the belief that we can produce social change. The energy for forward motion arises from the potential for change at both the personal and the societal levels. Thus, CR reflects aspects of Transcendence, as described by Rayburn and Richmond (2002). A defining quality of feminism (Duncan, 1999; Nelson et al., 2008; Williams & Wittig, 1997), indeed of any social justice movement, is collective action. Collective action is, by definition, accomplished in a group of like-minded individuals, and thus creates the community and connectedness that are seen by many (e.g., Harris, 2007; Sandage et al., 2011; Tirri et al., 2006) as essential to spirituality and to feminist theories of the psychology of women (e.g., self-in-relation theory; Jordan, Kaplan, Miller, Stiver, & Surrey, 1991). Collective action can help to satisfy our “human yearning to be connected to something larger than our own egos” (Harris, 2007, p. 264). Feminists refer to the connections forged in collective action as sisterhood, a word that itself suggests “a sense of oneness, or at least a close and intimate identity” with other women (Rayburn & Richmond, 2002, p. 169), which satisfies Hay’s (1998) Community Sensing factor. Feminist sayings, such as “Sisterhood is powerful” and “Sisterhood is global,” promote the sense of connection between women, both those who are working



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together in collective action and those from far-flung areas of the world, whom the activists will never meet. The notion of sisterhood fulfills the criteria for Bradford’s (1995) Human Spirituality because it suggests the care, love, security, and responsibility that family members share. Collective action is also transformational and directive (Harris, 2007) and thus fulfills the criteria for Bradford’s Practical Spirituality, as it reminds us of our responsibility to other women and inspires us to create social change (Harris, 2007). Finally, collective action is empowering and helps women to find their voice. Empowerment is a source of spiritual strength; it gives activists optimism and encouragement to continue their work. Empowerment is described by Eller (1995) as the primary goal and reward of feminist spirituality. Meaning-making is an important component of spirituality, and activists in movements for peace and social justice find their work very meaningful. Working to create change that empowers the world’s women and improves women’s quality of life and ability to participate to their desired extent in political, economic, civic, military, religious, and family arenas is meaningful activity. Feminist activism provides a higher purpose for our lives, a purpose more important than the mundane activities of daily life. However, even those mundane activities can become meaningful if feminists are aware of themselves as role models for others (e.g., in their roles as career woman, voter, engaged citizen, parent who encourages children to break gender stereotypes, spouse who insists on equity in the distribution of household tasks). Examination of women’s experience in all its variety is a source of possible insight into the ways that humans find sense in, and grounding for, their lives (Christ & Plaskow, 1992). Bennett (2003, as cited in Harris, 2007, p. 264) noted that “spirituality is the living out of the organizing story of one’s life.” For many of us, feminism is the arch that supports that organizing story. “Woman” and “feminist” are among our most important social identities. Making meaning is related to both Hay’s (1998) Awareness Sensing and Value Sensing aspects of spirituality. The Value Sensing aspect is focused on the importance of emotions and sensations as indicators of what we think is important in life (Hay, 1998). This is akin to connected knowing, a higher level of learning and understanding described in the feminist classic Women’s Ways of Knowing (Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, & Tarule, 1986). Feminist women value other women, which the greater society does not always do, and that is a central theme of Cultural Feminism. Cultural feminists value the traits and skills that are associated with women (e.g., emotional intelligence, kindness, thoughtfulness) and the arts that women produce, both fine arts (e.g., music, painting) and crafts (e.g., needlework, jewelry making). A key insight of feminist consciousness is that women’s experience is valuable and worthy of attention. Women’s studies, the academic arm of

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feminism, examines and values women’s experience as a basis of knowledge, criticizes theory that excludes or discounts the experience of women, and challenges knowledge claims that do not fit women’s experiences. Scholars are increasingly recognizing the importance of everyday experience, the experience of the fabric of life as it is lived (Chrisler & McHugh, 2011). Feminist thought validates the importance of women getting in touch with their own experience. The routines and practices of everyday experience are recognized as important. In reclaiming and valuing women’s experience, feminism affirms women’s bodily experiences, such as menstruation, pregnancy, birthing, and menopause. Feminism encourages positive attitudes toward women, women’s bodies, and experiences common to women (e.g., motherhood). For some, the challenge to androcentrism and the primacy and divinity of the masculine leads to a recognition that women are part of the divine. Plaskow (1992) likened the recognition of the positive aspects of the feminine to the experience of grace. Moving from acceptance of men’s accounts of the feminine to an affirmation of women’s experience can provide energy and inspire personal growth. Questioning and rejecting men’s definitions and judgments within a community of women can result in a sense of jubilation or release. This might be viewed as enlightenment or salvation. Value Sensing may also encourage us to rely on our own “inner guide” or “moral compass” to tell us what is right or wrong and how to live our lives (Marler & Hadaway, 2002; Schlehofer et al., 2008), and, for feminists, that guide is based on women’s values. For example, Ruddick’s (1980) work on “maternal thinking” and Raymond’s (1986) work on friendship are examples of ethics based on relationality and connectedness. Gilligan’s (1982) classic work on moral reasoning showed that women’s decision-making is often rooted in an ethic of care that challenges notions of individualism and emphasizes human connections and concern about how our actions affect others. Most feminist writers (e.g., Card, 1991; Spelman, 1988, Tong, 2009) believe that feminism includes moral obligations to others that require ethical action. Brabeck and Ting (2000, p. 5) summarized themes common in discussions of ethics by feminists: “(1) the assumption that women and their experiences have moral significance; (2) the assertion that attentiveness, affective responses, and subjective knowledge can illuminate moral issues; (3) the admonition that feminist ethics engage in analysis of the context and of the power dynamics inherent in that context; (4) the claim that a feminist critique of male oppression must be accompanied by a critique of racist, classist, homophobic distortions; (5) the injunction that feminist ethics require action directed at achieving systemic social justice.” Thus, ethics and morals can and do, for many feminists, derive from feminism. Creativity (e.g., Buckenham, 2011; Cook et al., 2009) and generativity (Sandage et al., 2011) often have been associated with spirituality. The creative process itself and the appreciation of creative works by others both



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can be characterized as spiritual experiences. Hay (1998) and Tiiri and colleagues (2006) classified creativity and imagination as Mystery Sensing because they enable people to transcend mundane experiences and appreciate beauty and wonder. Harris noted (2007, p. 264) that “spirituality evokes feelings of hope, awe, trust, and inspiration,” as do many works of art and other creative products. The experience of creating art can lead to feelings of transcendence, loss of awareness of anything but the work, and a sense that one’s work is being “guided” by someone or something beyond the self (e.g., authors sometimes claim that characters in their novels “wrote themselves”). This experience has been called “flow” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1988). Feminism requires the use of imagination: the ability to imagine a world where gender equality is possible. Many artists and writers have been inspired by feminism to create works of art and craft that illustrate its possibilities. Feminist activism itself is creative, as protests and other actions must be unusual to gain attention from the media and policy makers. Street theater groups such as Ladies Against Women and the famous action outside the Miss America Pageant in Atlantic City where feminists burned a bra (among other objects related to the oppression of women in the service of beauty) are just two of many feminist creative actions that come to mind. Generativity, according to Erikson (1963), is a focus of older adults who want to make a difference for younger generations and/or wish to leave something of themselves behind. Teaching, mentoring, creating, and social/political activism are examples of generativity, and all are also activities that feminists value and strive to do. Playing a role in making the world a more equal place is, perhaps, the ultimate example of generativity. Rituals of all kinds, including family, academic, religious, and cultural, have spiritual elements. Anyone who has ever attended a feminist gathering (e.g., demonstration, meeting, conference, festival) has been exposed to rituals of various kinds. Feminist gatherings of all kinds involve greeting each other with hugs that convey warmth and acceptance. Conferences and festivals often begin with drumming rituals (based in African cultures) that “call” attendees to participation. Songs with woman-affirmative lyrics (Helen Reddy’s “I am Woman” is a perennial favorite) are often sung by feminist groups, and dances are common at feminist conferences. Feminist actions (like most actions for peace and/or social justice) frequently involve chanting slogans, which has a ritualistic element that promotes a form of flow or transcendence. Slogans may be consciousness-raising (e.g., A woman’s place is everywhere!), empowering (e.g., Not the Church! Not the State! Women will control our fate!), or overtly political (e.g., We’ll remember in November!), but, in every case, they display women’s wisdom and promote empowerment and connectedness with other chanters. Plaskow (1992) contended that telling our own stories, and listening to the stories of other women, is one of feminism’s most profound rituals.

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Another connection between feminism and spirituality is that both are energizing. Participation in feminist activities of all kinds is an experience that leaves women feeling empowered, optimistic, hopeful, re-energized, and ready and able to cope with whatever difficulties may lie ahead. The experience of affirmation and support is part of the energy of sisterhood. Feminism has celebrated the value and energy of being with and for others, and this energy is often viewed as spiritual in nature. Whether those feelings derive from community/connectedness, rituals, creativity/generativity, or some combination of these, the feelings are familiar to many feminists and an important reason to return to feminist gatherings as often as possible. At the Association for Women in Psychology conferences, we refer to those feelings as “a dose of Vitamin F.” We have no doubt that Vitamin F is good for our bodies, minds, and spirit; it promotes resilience and is a key source of spiritual strength. We are not the first to label feminism as an experience of spirituality and/or source of spiritual strength. Others have recognized feminist spirituality as arising implicitly from the practices and perspectives of feminism. For example, Plaskow (1992) described a feminist group of women who spoke about their work in the Women’s Movement as a religious experience, and Daly (1992) examined the connections between feminist practices and women’s understanding of spirituality. Christ (1992, p. 229) wrote that, in consciousness-raising groups, women are engaged in “the exciting task of recovering and discovering the shapes and contours of our own experience. . . . We have gained the power to create new being.” They each argued that the experience of examining women’s lives, especially in women’s groups, led to the construction of a new understanding of spirituality rooted in feminist community. Similarly, Reilly (1996) argued for a spirituality that flows from our own lives and is spoken in our own voices. Some women have moved from connecting feminism to spirituality to participating in a religious movement they call feminist spirituality. FEMINIST SPIRITUALITY Feminist spirituality is a religious movement that originated in the early 1970s and continues today, primarily in the United States, Canada, Europe, and Australia, as a grassroots movement that exists without organization or hierarchy (Eller, 1995). According to Eller, the feminist spirituality movement is characterized by variety (e.g., varied rituals, practices, beliefs, groups), which is continuously changing. Women explore and practice feminist spirituality as individuals and within small groups. A few larger organizations offer rituals, workshops, and retreats. Many individuals with feminist spiritual beliefs participate in Neopagan and Wiccan rituals and groups, and others associate with New Age groups and organizations.



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Despite the diversity and disorganization of feminist spirituality, Eller (1995) identified a cluster of characteristics of the movement. According to Eller, empowerment is the unifying goal of feminist spirituality. In addition, women who practice feminist spirituality engage in rituals, hold nature sacred, and have a system of symbols, practices, and beliefs that are based on the feminine as divine and may include the Goddess. They typically share a revisionist history of Western civilization, which involves a historical period that preceded patriarchy. According to Starhawk (1992) and others, the old religion of witchcraft was an earth-centered, natureoriented worship that venerated the Goddess and celebrated seasonal festivals and the movement of the sun and moon. Participation in feminist spirituality is often viewed as “returning” rather than as conversion. Adler (1997), for example, described her participation in Wiccan religion as a return to her childhood enactments of goddess stories. Women who practice feminist spirituality emphasize prehistoric rituals and explore ancient stories of goddesses in various religious traditions and cultures. Their interest in history and prehistory involves recovering old practices, myths, and rituals, consistent with a “returning” perspective and with the women’s studies background of many practitioners. Neopagan rituals, including Wiccan approaches, typically celebrate the (Mother) Earth, the moon, the sun, the solstices, and the seasons of the year. Thus, feminist spirituality is consistent with ecofeminism, which emphasizes people’s connections to the web of life and promotes positive attitudes toward animals, plants, and the ecosystem in which we all live. Rituals involving the goddess(es), the Earth, and magic may be practiced in groups or singly. There are no dogmas, doctrines, mandates, or requirements for practicing feminist spirituality. There is no official membership. Thus, feminists may “practice” or experiment with various spiritual practices, and they may adopt or abandon beliefs and rituals without reporting in or resigning from any organized group. Feminist spirituality originates in feminist consciousness, and an individual’s or a group’s consciousness may move toward acceptance of the feminine as divine and include rituals and practices that celebrate the interdependent web and the pagan wheel of the year. However, other women may recognize and relish the spiritual aspects of their feminism without developing a belief in a goddess or an ecofeminist fervor. TOWARD TRANSFORMATION(S) Daly (1992) described how feminist spirituality results in transformation and growth at the personal level. Recognition of the positivity of the feminine is linked to one’s own connection to goodness and the divine: “Affirming my own womanhood, I affirm it in others” (Daly, 1992, p. 210). Or, as a character in a play by Ntozake Shange (1995) exclaimed, “I found

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God in myself and I loved her fiercely” (p. 63). Through feminism women discover a source of energy for personal growth, and they may act out a new sense of wholeness, a reason and a path to getting (themselves) together. But, according to Daly (1992, p. 215), “What is at stake [in the realization of feminist spirituality] is a real leap in human evolution initiated by women.” Daly and many others see this moment in history as potentially critical in the transformation of our culture away from patriarchal death cults and towards the love of life, of nature, of the female principle. For example, hooks (2001), in her recent book on the importance of love, stated that keeping people in a constant state of lovelessness, and in the pursuit of love, strengthens the marketplace economy. She described people as wanting to be loved for who we are, yet convinced by our capitalist culture that we are unworthy; thus, we create a false self to present to society to mask our fear. She has defined the act of love as transformative at both the personal and political level. In her view, as in feminism, love and joy can be found in community, in the work that we do, and in our acceptance of ourselves, and other women, as worthy of love. Although hooks did not equate lovelessness with patriarchy, her discussion of love and community is directed toward the feminist community. In a similar vein, Tolle (2009) compared enlightenment to finding the goodness that (already) is within us. Recognition of that goodness invokes awakening to the fundamental oneness and goodness of all life. This radical transformation of consciousness, which he referred to as salvation and liberation, is an alternative to the normal state of mind for humans, which he called delusion, dysfunction, or dukkha. The delusion is the functioning of the ego, the “individualistic” element that seeks superiority/being unique, whether by showing off or by other actions that purposefully make us “different.” Awakening is the awareness of our relational self, the realization that each of us is connected to the whole. Although he is not a feminist, Tolle’s vision is similar to that of many spiritual feminists: Transformation of the self, and a consciousness that will “save” the planet, are the same awareness of oneness and goodness. Spretnak (2011) offered a similar forecast from a more scientific perspective. She argued that basic assumptions of individualism, and about objects in the physical world as separate organisms and units that function independently, have been challenged by the realization that all entities in the world are relational. Humans, and other animals and plants, are nested within networks of creative and dynamic interrelationships. “The old ideal of the Absolutely Autonomous Individual denied the relational reality of our selves and the world” (p. 203). The recognition of relationality as a moral and ethical position is consistent with cultural feminism. Spretnak (2011) endorsed a relational perception of oneself and the universe as healthy, creative, and responsible, and her emphasis on love and



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relationality resonates with recent work by hooks (2001) and Hubbard (2012). Hubbard (2012) envisioned a transformed society, a future to embrace with love rather than to face with fear. All of these perspectives and imaginings of a transformed future emphasize the themes of feminism, community, connection, cooperation, and relationality that are created by a shift in consciousness, an appreciation of the feminine, and a rejection of individualism, hierarchy, and domination. This is the vision experienced and espoused by women who practice feminist spirituality and by those who draw spiritual strength from their work in the women’s movement. REFERENCES Adler, M. (1997). Drawing down the moon: Witches, druids, goddess-worshippers, and other pagans in America today. New York: Penguin. Atkinson, T-G. (1974). Amazon odyssey. New York: Links. Belenky, M. F., Clinchy, B. M., Goldberger, N. R., & Tarule, J. M. (1986). Women’s ways of knowing: The development of self, voice, and mind. New York: Basic Books. Bem, S. (2008). Transforming the debate on sexual inequality: From biological difference to institutionalized androcentrism. In J. C. Chrisler, C. Golden, & P. D. Rozee (Eds.), Lectures on the psychology of women (4th ed., pp. 2–15). New York: McGraw Hill. Bohan, J. S. (2002). Sex differences and/in the self: Classic themes, feminist variations, postmodern challenges. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 26, 74–88. Brabeck, M. M., & Ting, K. (2000), Introduction. In M. M. Brabeck (Ed.), Practicing feminist ethics in psychology (pp. 3–15). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Bradford, J. (1995). Caring for the whole child: A holistic approach to spirituality. London: The Children’s Society. Card, C. (1991). Feminist ethics. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas. Chrisler, J. & McHugh, M. C. (2011). Waves of feminist psychology in the United States: Politics and perspectives. In A. Rutherford, R. Capdevila, V. Undurti, & I. Palmary (Eds.), Handbook of international feminisms: Perspectives on psychology, women, culture, and rights (pp. 37–58). New York: Springer. Christ, C. P., & Plaskow, J. (1992). Introduction. In C. P. Christ & J. Plaskow (Eds.), Womanspirit rising: A feminist reader in religion (pp. 1–17). San Francisco: Harper. Cook, C., Powell, A., & Sims, A. (Eds.) (2009). Spirituality and psychiatry. London: Royal College of Psychiatrists. Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1988). The flow experience and its significance for human psychology. In M. Csikszentmihalyi & I. S. Csikszentmihalyi (Eds.), Optimal experience: Psychological studies of flow in consciousness (pp. 15–35). New York: Cambridge University Press. Daly, M. (1978). Gyn/ecology: The meta-ethics of radical feminism. Boston: Beacon Press. Daly, M. (1992). Why speak about God? In C. Christ & J. Plaskow (Eds.), Womanspirit rising: A feminist reader in religion (pp. 210–218). New York: Harper Collins.

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Roy, R. E., Weibust, K. S., & Miller, C. T. (2009). Effects of stereotypes about feminists on feminist self-identification. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31, 146–156. Ruddick, S. (1980). Maternal thinking. Feminist Studies, 1, 342–367. Ruether, R. (1992). Motherearth and the megamachine. In C. Christ & J. Plaskow (Eds.), Womanspirit rising: A feminist reader in religion (pp. 43–52). New York: HarperCollins. Sandage, S. J., Hill, P. C., & Vaubel, D. C. (2011). Generativity, relational spirituality, gratitude, and mental health: Relationships and pathways. International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 21, 1–16. Schlehofer, M. M., Omoto, A. M., & Adelman, J. R. (2008). How do “religion” and “spirituality” differ? Lay definitions among older adults. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 47, 411–425. Shange, N. (1995). For colored girls who have considered suicide/When the rainbow is enuf. New York: Scriber. Shults, F. L., & Sandage, S. J. (2006). Transforming spirituality: Integrating theology and psychology. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic. Spelman, E. (1988). Inessential woman: Problems of exclusion in feminist thought. Boston: Beacon Press. Spretnak, C. (2011). Relational reality: New discoveries of interrelatedness that are transforming the modern world. Topsham, ME: Green Horizon Books. Starhawk. (1992). Witchcraft and women’s culture. In C. Christ & J. Plaskow (Eds.), Womanspirit rising: A feminist reader in religion (pp. 259–268). New York: Harper Collins. Tirri, K., Nokelainen, P., & Ubani, M. (2006). Conceptual definition and empirical validation of the Spiritual Sensitivity Scale. Journal of Empirical Theology, 19, 37–62. Tolle, E. (2009). A new earth: Create a better life. New York: Penguin. Tong, R. (2009). Feminist thought (3rd ed.). Boulder, CO: Westview. Twenge, J. M., & Zucker, A. N. (1999). What is a feminist? Evaluations and stereotypes in closed- and open-ended responses. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 23, 591–605. Williams, R., & Wittig, M. A. (1997). “I’m not a feminist but . . .”: Factors contributing to the discrepancy between pro-feminist orientation and feminist social identity. Sex Roles, 37, 885–904. Zucker, A. N. (2004). Disavowing social identities: What it means when women say, “I’m not a feminist but .  .  .” Psychology of Women Quarterly, 28, 423–435.

Conclusion

The Path Forward: The Future Study of Spirituality, Religion, and Resilience among Ethnically Diverse Women Thema Bryant-Davis and Adriana Alejandre

We are women, rising high like the phoenix. We are women, from the ashes we rise. — Thema Bryant-Davis The scholars in this collection examined the role of spirituality and religion in the enhancement of resilience among ethnically diverse women. The contributors reviewed the literature in their particular domain including theoretical considerations, empirical findings, and need for further study. The richness of ethnically diverse women’s approaches to holistic well-being uncovers empowering responses to the stress and strain of life’s daily hassles and traumatic experiences, as well as the journey toward growth, thriving, and identity development. THERAPEUTIC IMPLICATIONS This collection of literature reviews raises awareness regarding the need to provide culturally congruent mental health care that encompasses spirituality and religion. Questions regarding the centrality of spirituality and religion need to be included in oral and written intakes (Hodge, 2013).

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From a feminist psychology perspective, initial psycho-education needs to provide clear communication that the therapist is open to discussing the client’s spiritual and religious framework (Weiner, 2001). It is insufficient to relegate discussions of faith solely to clergy. Women should have a therapeutic, safe space where they can reflect on the potentially affirming and potentially destructive aspects of their faith. Therapists often ignore or minimize their clients’ spiritual and religious traditions (Elkonin, Brown, & Naicker, 2014). This may result in a disconnection between client and therapist as spiritual and religious beliefs and behaviors may be central aspects of the woman’s life. Therapists need to foster an environment where women can bring the totality of their identity into the room. This requires that the therapist work through any negative experiences and assumptions that block her ability to see the benefits her client may be receiving from her faith traditions. In this vein, it is necessary for therapists to be able to adopt a nuanced perspective that allows for the reality of patriarchy or other issues coexisting with liberating religious and spiritual experiences. Spirituality and religiosity can be seen as identity markers, coping strategies, resistance strategies, sources of community, and resiliency builders. It is also very important for the therapists to explore for the presence of positive and negative religious coping (Gerber, Boals, & Schuettler, 2011). A woman’s view of her Higher Power as loving or condemning will have a large impact on the influence of spirituality and religion on her well-being. Finally, it is important for mental health professionals to not create a demand for clients to choose between their faith and their counseling. Just as some faith leaders have discouraged mental health services, some mental health professionals have made derogatory comments about religion that can lead to early termination. Feminist psychologists should approach the counseling experience with respect for women’s multiple identities. This appreciation is a necessary building block for therapeutic rapport and therapeutic growth. LIMITATIONS: ATTENDING TO ADDITIONAL CULTURAL IDENTITIES Several research gaps in the text are worth addressing. The primary growth area is the minimal attention to the many layers of multiple identities. Sexual orientation, disabilities, socioeconomic status, age, atheism, and immigration status are some areas that can provide rich information to understanding a thorough, holistic view of spiritual and religious influences on resilience and strength in women. It is important to recognize that all people embody multiple identities, so even as we attend to race and ethnicity, the additional aspects of women’s lives should be examined. In other words, there is a need to explore the unique religious and

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spiritual experiences of Native American lesbians, African American women who are Deaf, Latinas who are college graduates, and Asian women who are in male-dominated careers. These multiple identities are complex and deserve consideration as we seek to fortify our understanding of diverse women’s spiritual and religious traditions. It is important to recognize that not all ethnic groups were included. For example, not all women from regions in the Middle East were included. The importance of including diverse Middle Eastern and Arab American women is important as there are major differences within the various regions and cultures regarding the experiences of women (Droeber, 2003). There was also a gap in the collection in terms of the experiences of practicing Jewish women. This is an important segment in the psychological study of women, and similar to Middle Eastern and Arab American women there is rich diversity within the community that needs to be explored. There are likely variations of coping mechanisms to be examined within these cultural groups in respect to strength and resilience. Additionally, Jewish and Arab American women may provide different ideas regarding their religiosity in respect to navigating the patriarchal systems within their particular cultural context. Immigration status is also among the missing variables. Comparison studies of the attitudes and beliefs of different generations of native-born women, immigrants, and children of immigrants will provide a better understanding of spiritual and religious identity development in diverse cultural contexts. Kim (2002) explored the experiences of second generation Asian American women compared to the experiences of third generation Asian American women. She found that the social and communal needs that were important for the parents of the third generation do not fit the younger generations’ needs. Investigating the ways religiosity and spirituality are constructed within women and the ways they evolve in contrast to the beliefs and practices of one’s parents may be insightful in the understanding of spiritual and religious influences on resilience. Future research would benefit from greater attention to the complexity and interactive dynamics within families around migration and the transmission of faith traditions. Given the fact that women of lower socioeconomic status endorse higher rates of religiosity than women of higher socioeconomic status, another variable to unveil is the influence of socioeconomic status on the relationship between religion, culture, strength, and resilience. Questions arising from this lead us to consider the impact of poverty and wealth on the shaping of one’s resilience and religious engagement. One question that remains unanswered in this context is whether there are differences in the occupational status of women of diverse walks of faith. Women from disenfranchised groups and those from middle- or upper-socioeconomic standing can fluctuate in terms of strength and resiliency. It is important to

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consider the role of spirituality and religion in those various pathways. Focusing on vocation in particular, it would be interesting to examine the influence of particular work cultures on the spiritual and religious lives of women. For example, women serving in the military have a unique lifestyle and find themselves incorporating more religion and spirituality in their lives (Brelsford & Friedberg, 2011). The basis of hope for many of them comes from their religion, which influences their psychological foundation of strength. The unseen challenges of these women as well as other women in non-traditional and traditional roles and occupations may shed light on the spiritual journeys of diverse women. Within this book, another limitation is the lack of attention to the sexual orientation and gender identity of the women; namely, the unique spiritual and religious journeys of lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered women are not explored. It is important to note that this collection of chapters does not provide information on the role of the variables of religion, spirituality, and resilience in the lives of LBT women. Some challenges that this population faces are rejection from religious communities, an attempt by the religious entity to change the women’s sexual identity, and in some communities and countries, lesbians and transgendered women are threatened by their religious communities. This marginalized population experiences tension between their religion and identity, leaving them sometimes with no choice but to leave their religion (Henrickson, 2007). Specifically, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered women may experience different barriers than heterosexual women, and the quality of their strength and resiliency may provide an opportunity to understand the difficulties of depending on religion and spirituality when one is deemed unacceptable by the mainstream members of the religion. The expectations within this community are to reconstruct the meaning of religion and spirituality in the context of their life experiences. Future research should be directed toward answering these questions and issues to further enhance the mechanisms and tools appropriate for each diverse community within the various cultural groups. Another apparent limitation is that the generalizability of the study is confined to women without identified disabilities. This population was not included as a focus area for diverse women’s faith and resilience. Hussain (2005) found that the appropriate values, attitudes and forms of social behavior dictated by their ethnic, cultural, and religious values were internalized by women. In some communities, the women’s disability became a barrier to attending religious traditions, such as attending places of worship. In some instances, sitting on the floor is required but someone with severe burns, or who is partially paralyzed is unable to do so. However, it is important to note that the inflexibility of the culture does not automatically hinder the importance of religious identity in the lives of women who have disabilities (Hussain, 2005). Exploring this identity

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can facilitate more in-depth discussions on the meaning of freedom, empowerment, and resilience. Age is an additional important factor for consideration. The role of religion and spirituality in women’s lives may be influenced by the stage of development in which the woman finds herself. The faith tradition of elders is likely vastly different from the spiritual and religious formation of girls. All of the various stages of women’s lives are vital for us to consider as women mature, grow, change, and re-evaluate their beliefs, values, and religious or spiritual commitments. Finally the perspective of atheist and agnostic women is an important factor to study. Future studies will benefit from an examination of atheism as it interacts with the foundations of strength and resilience. Investigating how atheist women react and adapt to their own religious behaviors while living in a country where the majority of people endorse a belief in a Higher Power, and measuring the impact of the lack of a faith tradition on stress, coping, and resilience, is an area worthy of studying. Examining atheist women and their life satisfaction, among other positive psychological traits, may bring to light the connection between rejection of faith, cultural identity, and various mental health outcomes. This will benefit future studies by identifying religious and nonreligious pathways to enhance women’s resiliency and empowerment. FUTURE RESEARCH There is a need for increased attention to diverse women’s spiritual and religious experiences and beliefs. This should encompass a mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative) approach. The strictly quantitative nature of studies prohibits women from speaking and defining the variables for themselves. With open-ended questions to allow women to define “religion” and “spirituality,” participants will be able to speak beyond preconceived notions and categories of spirituality and religion. By providing a preconceived definition, it is difficult to discern if measures are adequately tapping into the constructs as defined by the women themselves. Participants may have had a different understanding of their strengths and religious experiences if they were able to articulate their ideas and experiences. This concern for self-definition extends to agnostic and atheist women who may believe in the existence of one or more gods or faith traditions and may find strength in multiple religions or an integration of spiritual concepts. The value of quantitative studies is the ability to generalize across and within groups of women. It also allows for comparison and examination of predictive patterns across multiple outcomes and within diverse communities. Along with a mixed-method approach, it is important for feminist researchers to broaden the types of spiritual encounters that are studied.

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The overwhelming majority of measures, surveys, and interview protocols have focused on easily identifiable western notions of spiritual and religious experiences. Specifically, these measures ask people to endorse how strongly they believe a particular religious concept or how often they engage in an activity such as church attendance, prayer, and reading religious texts. There has been an avoidance of or ignorance of supernatural, nontraditional experiences that may be central to women’s spiritual and religious encounters. Informed feminist scholars need to begin to explore additional experiences such as prophecy, deliverance, healing, possession, miracles, signs, wonders, visitations, worship, and visions. These concepts needs to be defined by and described by women from diverse ethnic and religious perspectives. An inclusion of these supernatural encounters will bring a greater depth to the psychological study of women’s spiritual and religious experiences. One final important area of study is the experience of feminist religious and spiritual leaders. There are feminist leaders in diverse faith traditions and their experiences and influence needs to be acknowledged and understood. The ways they have shifted and disrupted patriarchal systems is worthy of sustained and in-depth study. Their motivations, challenges, approaches to ministry, and strategies for self-care are vital for the mentoring of future feminist faith leaders which can benefit women and men of all faith traditions. While the capacity to abandon old systems and institutions that are not edifying and create new ones is important, there is also a great need for those who are able to work within challenging systems to cause revolutions that shift religious and spiritual environments. By attending to the beliefs and experiences of these pioneers the accomplishments of feminist theologians can be better understood, celebrated, and when appropriate replicated. The influence of encountering these women on members and participants should also be examined, namely, the impact of receiving sacred teaching, impartation, and mobilization from a feminist mentor or guide warrants attention from psychological and theological scholars. CONTRIBUTIONS AND CONCLUSIONS Although this collection of feminist scholarship has some apparent shortcomings, such as the need to attend to multiple identities beyond race, ethnicity, and religious/spiritual orientation, there are some implications that make the present collection an important contribution to the literature. The contributors illuminate sources of strength and resilience among diverse women. While women who are marginalized are often neglected in the literature or pathologized, these scholars centralize these women’s voices and experiences as they highlight their capacity for growth, community-building, healing, and thriving. This framework causes a shift

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from defining women based on their struggles and traumatic experiences to defining them through their cultural identities, spiritual and religious resources, and psychological strengths. This strengths-based multicultural perspective is in line with feminist values for equality, respect, and empowerment. This collection of scholarly reflections also broadens the conceptualization of women within diverse cultural groups. Often in training and education circles, there is one chapter or one article, if any, that is included about ethnic diversity within a particular domain. The provision of multiple chapters within each cultural group brings to awareness the need for recognizing diversity within cultural domains. Simultaneously, the exploration of women across cultural lines, allows the reader to take note of the distinct aspects of each cultural community as well as the similarities across cultural traditions. Finally, this collection provides a deeper understanding of religious and spiritual traditions that have received little attention within psychological studies overall and feminist psychology circles in particular. Most of the scholarship has focused on generalized spiritual or religious beliefs and behaviors or those beliefs and behaviors that occur within Christian settings. The current scholarship includes women from more diverse religious and spiritual orientations. Additionally, this study disrupts and resists the notion that feminism and faith are incompatible. The truth is there are women who endorse strong feminist ideals and values and are also strongly rooted in communities of faith and/or personal spiritual pathways. The silencing of women of faith in feminist circles is counter to the feminist commitment to inclusiveness and holistic health. Feminist psychology is committed to the wholeness and well-being of women not only psychologically, physically, politically, culturally, economically and socially, but also spiritually. This collection answers the call for a holistic approach, inviting feminism that embraces and celebrates diverse women including women of diverse faith traditions. After all, feminist psychologists at their core believe in miracles, we believe that things we have yet to fully see manifest are still possible. These include justice, restoration, and empowerment. We are able to do the work we do in practice, research, teaching, and advocacy because we believe in the possibility of transformation and growth. One of the ways that women have transformed themselves and their communities and societies has been through spirituality and religion. The faith of diverse women has been a foundational aspect of resilience which allows women to overcome barriers and define themselves for themselves. This revolutionary possibility is worthy of our collective attention and exploration. Given its documented prevalence and influence, the spiritual and religious experience of diverse women, from a resiliency perspective rather than a pathological perspective, needs to move from the margins to the center of our discourse.

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REFERENCES Brelsford, G. M., & Friedberg, R. D. (2011). Religious and spiritual issues: Family therapy approaches with military families coping with deployment. Journal of Contemporary Psychotherapy, 41(4), 255–262. Droeber, Julia (2003). ‘Woman to woman’—the significance of religiosity for young women in Jordan. Women’s Studies International Forum, 26(5), 409–424. Elkonin, D., Brown, O., & Naicker, S. (2014). Religion, spirituality and therapy: Implications for training. Journal of Religion and Health, 53(1), 119–134. doi:10.1007/s10943-012-9607-8 Gerber, M. M., Boals, A., & Schuettler, D. (2011). The unique contributions of positive and negative religious coping to posttraumatic growth and PTSD. Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, 3(4), 298–307. doi:10.1037/a0023016 Henrickson, M. (2007). Lavender faith: Religion and spirituality in lesbian, gay and bisexual New Zealanders. Journal of Religion and Spirituality in Social Work: Social Thought, 26(2), 63–80. Hodge, D. R. (2013). Assessing spirituality and religion in the context of counseling and psychotherapy. In K. I. Pargament, A. Mahoney, E. P. Shafranske (Eds.), APA handbook of psychology, religion, and spirituality (Vol. 2): An applied psychology of religion and spirituality (pp. 93–123). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. doi:10.1037/14046-005 Hussain, Y. (2005). South Asian disabled women: Negotiating identities. Sociological Review, 53, 522–538. Kim, J. H. (2002). Cartography of Korean American Protestant faith communities in the United States. In P. G. Min & J. H. Kim (Eds.), Religions in Asian America: Building faith communities (pp. 185–213). Lanham, MD: AltaMira. Weiner, K. M. (2001). Spirituality in the therapy process. Women & Therapy, 24(3–4), 149–159. doi:10.1300/J015v24n03_09

Index

acculturation, 20, 25, 38, 74, 140 Asian Americans with, 123–125, 129 Ahluwalia Muninder, 104, 182, 184, 188–191, 193 Latinos with, 208, 212, 216–217, alcoholism, 25, 27, 76, 86, 89 African Americans, xv, xii, xiv, 49, 54–65, 71–79, 83–96, 301 coping and. See coping; HIV, cancer, diabetes, with. See coping oppression and. See oppression slavery and, 50, 52, 53, 86, 91, 206, 222–223 Spiritness and, 53 teachings, 50, 56 See also Christianity African Americans, 49–65, 71–79, 83–96, 223, 301 Christianity and. See Christianity; faith; religion substance abuse 75 (see also alcoholism) See also coping; coping strategies; gifts and offerings; oppression; patriarchal roles; well–being American Indian women, xii, 1, 3–16, 38–39, 44 acculturation and, 25–27 coping and. See coping

practices and teachings, 4–5, 8–12, 20–21 spirituality and xii, 3–6, 8, 15–16, 39 symbols, 30, 43 See also gifts and offerings; historical traumas American Religious Identification Survey (ARIS), 119 Angelou, Maya, 65 Asian American, xv, 119–136, 139–153, 159–177, 181–193 historical context, 120–121, 133 roles and expectations, xiv, 131, 139–140, 148–149, 160 social and communal support, 123–124, 139, 135, 301 See also Christianity; oppression Beck, David, 28 beliefs, 5, 15, 20, 27, 37, 52, 56, 63 (table), 120, 139, 192 Buddhism and Taoism in, 139–141, 145, 153 Haitian women in United States among, 101–113 Latinas and. See religious beliefs Unitarian Universalism, 253–236, 243–244 See also religious beliefs Black women. See African Americans

308 Index Black Power Movement. See Walker, Alice Black theology, 54, 63, 96 Braveheart, Maria, 5, 8, 26, 30 Bryant-Davis, Thema, 50, 55, 71–72, 74, 87 Buddha, 147, 149, 153–154, 161 background, 141–143 Buddhism and Taoism, 139–154, 166 in Chinese Americans, xiv, teachings, 141, 149, 151–152 Buddhist Woman's Association (BWA), 143 Catholicism, xvi, 52, 56, 122–123, 140, Latinos/as history and, 199–200, 202–207, 211 caucasian, xvi, 73–74, 88–89, 164, 235–250 children, 11–12, 14, 43, 75–79, 131, 152, 176, 276 of tribes, 25, 27, 31, 110 See also child sexual abuse Chinese Americans, 121–127, 133–134, 140–144, 148, 172 Christianity, xiv, 23, 27, 40, 165, 238–240 African Americans and, 52–53, 86 Asian Americans and, xiv, 119–127, 129–136 Coptic Orthodox and, 270–271, 273 Latinas, 216–217, 221 Native Americans, 174 teachings and, 131 Circle of Fire, 159–160 teachings, 163, 171 Circle of Life, 8–9, 27, 37–46 Coleman, Monica, 49, 52, 57, 59, 64 colonization, xiv, 3, 41, 122, 133, 164, 166, 175, 216–223 Comas-Diaz, Lillian, xi, 65, 208, 216–231 Constantine, Madonna, 50–51, 55–56, 148, 218 contemporary women, 253–256 coping African Americans and, xv, xiv, 50, 55, 63, American Indian and, 6, trauma with, 71–79 HIV, cancer, diabetes, with, 83–96 Latinas, 217 coping strategies, xii, xiv, 151, 300 praying, 7, 108

among African American women, xiv, 55, 71, 73, 77–79 substance abuse xii, self-medication xii, See also protective factors; religion and spirituality; religious coping Coptic Orthodox, 267–278 history, xvii, 267, 270–273 role of women in Coptic Church, 276–277 teachings, 276 types of Spirituality, 283 See also Resilience cosmology, 20–21, 163 cultural identity, x–xi, 3, 15, 119, 126–127, 193, 273, 300–301 cultural variability, 51 Daly, Mary, 286, 288, 292–294 Danticat, Edwidge, 101 DeBruyn, Lemyra, 5, 26 data collection, 103–104, 119, 236, 239, 262 research design and, 256, 261–264 deities, xvi, 22–24, 223, 286 See also archetypes, Latina female archetypes and figures; higher power; indigenous women depression, 72–73, 76–77, 84, 89, 113, 218, 269 diversity, x, 52, 64, 102, 119, 122, 181, 192, 199, 244–245 of religious beliefs and practices, 140, 202–206 Duncan, Lauren, 239, 288 Duran, Eduardo, 3, 5, 8, 15, 26 Elder mistreatment (EM), 78 employment, 27, 129–130, 284 empowerment, 41, 51, 149, 247, 289, 293, 303, 305 Asian Americans in, 145 Espiritualidad, 216–218 See also Spirituality ethnically diverse women, xii, 111, 126, 216, 299–305 See also Oppression faith, xi–xii, 27, 50, 52–55, 71–78, 131, 141, 255 African Americans in, 83–96 Sikh women, 187–193

Index 309 See also faith communities; spirituality; Model of Spirituality faith communities, 120, 302, 305 Family violence (FV), 78–79 feminism, 57–58, 145, 221, 239, 290–295, 305 as a Source of Spiritual Strength, 281–295, definition, 281, 284–287 feminist psychologist, xi, xii, 51, 60, 235, 243 feminist psychology, xiii, xvi, 2, 51, 235–250, 292, 305 with U.U. Principles, 247–250 feminists, x, xii, 143, 145, 244, 283, 285–294, 304 approach, 103 See also feminism Fertility, generativity, and creativity, 23, 219 Filipino American, 121–122 First Nations peoples, xiii–xiv, 24–30 background, 3–4, 8–12, 20 definition of Indigenous, 19 literature, 21–22 Western culture and, 28 women of North America and Hawaii, 19, 23–24, 29–30 See also American Indian Women, Indigenous Women Fukuyama, Mary, 125, 140, 145, 147, 149–151 Gall, Terry Lynn, 76–78 gifts and offerings, African Americans and, 49, 52, 59–60, 63–65 American Indians and, 6, 8–9 Sikh women among, 191 Gone, Joseph, 3–4, 27, 31 GreyWolf, Iva, xiii, 3–16, 17 Haitian women, 101–113 Christian women, xiv See also beliefs; data collection Hard Beings Women, 23 Harrell, Shelly, xii, xiv, 50–51, 63, 65 Hawaii, xiv, 22–25, 29–30, 142 Hawaiian, 22–26, 39 ceremonies, 161–164 spirituality and diaspora, 164–168 spirituality and therapy, 173–177 See also Oppression

healing, 5, 7, 11, 37–45, 72–78, 94, 171, 217–220 feminist approach, 144–145 God and, 94–96 healers, 40–45, 174–176, 205 physicians, 44 health, 4–15, 29, 55, 112 heterogeneity, 55, 57, 60, 216 higher powers x, xiii, 50, 72–77, 300, 303 historical traumas, 4–6, 26, 51, 65, 190–191 Hoever, Hugo, 253–255 holistic healing, 44, 218 illness 42, 44–45, 55, 174, 218 coping with HIV, cancer, and diabetes, See coping physical illness, 83–91. See also health Wholeness. See religious coping immigration, 131, 140, 142, 165, 217, 300–301 Asian Americans among, 121–123, 129 Imperialism, 13, 123, 134, 159 incest, 22, 25, 77 Indian culture, xvi, 182–183, 187, 189 Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978, 5, 39 indigenous women, xiii–xiv, 3–16, 19–31, 37–45 archetypes and, 22–43. See also deities Concept of ontology, 20 men and, 5, 27 spirituality. See American Indian women spirituality Institutional Review Board (IRB), 105 interconnectedness, xiii, 53, 65, 146 indigenous people with, 3–4 Japanese Americans, xiv, 140–143, 148, 168 Kame‘eleihiwa, Lilikala, 22–24 Kim, Jung Ha, 121–123, 130, 132–133, 135, 139, 301 Kim, Seongeun, 120, 128–129, 131–132 Korean American, 121–128, 131–132, 141, 143, 167 Latinas, xii, 199–212, 215–227,

310 Index female archetypes and figures, xvi, 215–226 folk spirituality, xvi, 215 gender roles and culture, xvi, 201, 206–212, 218 in the U.S., 201 Mexican American, Puerto Rican, Cuban Descent, xvi See also religion and spirituality; Christianity Latino concepts, 207–208 leadership, 25, 30, 86, 131, 143, 151, 202, 211, 249 lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT), 56, 187, 244, 301–302 Lockheed Skunk Works, 13 Manifest Destiny, 25–26 matriarchs, 86, 207, 211, 285 Mattis, Jacqueline, 49–50, 52, 54–56, 71, 74, 84–85, 93, 104, 112, 182, 184, 187 medicine, 37–44 folk, 215 mental health, xii, 71–77, 112 professionals and cultural competence, xiv psychotherapy with Sikh women, 191–193 services with Native Americans, 3 Min, Pyong Gap, 121, 123–124, 126, 129–131 Mind, body, spirit xiii, xiv, 45, 65, 147, 218, 268 Model of Spirituality, 210–211 See also faith motivation, 75, 89, 95, 269, 304 Muslim women, xii, 52, 85, 140, 191, 216, 272 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 87 National Education Museum, 13–14 Native people, xiv, 3–37, 37–46, 174–175, 217, 287 healing practices. See healing The Indian Queen, 40 See indigenous women; American Indian women; First Peoples; Christianity

Newlin, Kelley, 85, 89 Nicolas, Guerda, 102, 104, 109–110, 221 Newtonian and Cartesian paradigms, 28 Non-Native Practitioners, 37, 39, 44 North America, xiv, 3, 19, 26, 29–30, 37–38 ontology, 20–21 oppression, ix–xii, 5–6, 50–63, 149, 217, 281, 291 African Americans, x–xii, 50, 53–64, 85 Asian Americans, xvi, 140–141, 144, 154, 159–160 cultural oppression, 50, 177, 226, 287 Hawaiians and, 160, 164, 175 indigenous people of, 6 Latinas and, 221, 224–226, Sikh women and, 181, 184, 189, 191–192 socioeconomic oppression, 223 organized religion, 50, 206, 211, 220, 242 Pacific Islander women, xvi, 140, 159–160, 166, 168, 171 patriarchal roles African American culture in, 56 Asian American culture in, xiv, 129–136 background, 141, 143 church leaders, 132 Punjabi culture in, 187 the United States in, 142 Phenomenal Women Rising (P.W.R), 65 Positive Womanist Psychospirituality (PWP), xiv, 49, 51, 59–60 Womanist Life Principles, 59–63, 61–62 (table) psychospirituality, 49, 64 psychotherapy. See therapeutic interventions positive psychology, 59, 64–65 Values-in-Action (VIA) Character Strengths and Virtues, 51, 59 prostitution, xii protective factors, 75, 77, 78, 151, 184, 206, 209, 212, 275 See also coping Protestant Christianity, 52, 106, 119, 121–132, 216, 240 See also data collection

Index 311 PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder), xii, 75, 77, 79, 274 Post-Traumatic Clinician Growth Inventory, 73 Post-Traumatic Diagnostic Scale, 73 Punjabi, 182–183, 186–193 Rayburn, Carole A., x, 256, 260, 283, 288 religion, x, xii, xvii, 19, 55, 73, 75, 78, 101 among African Americans, 49, 50, 52, 55–56 among Haitians, 102–108 definition, 50, 85–86 perspectives of, 102 See also religious religion and spirituality, 151 development for Latinas, 200 (Figure) in Latinos, 209 in Sikh women and, 181 See protective factors religious affiliation, 106 behaviors, 101, 107, 110, 115 (table) beliefs in Latinas, 199–211, 215–218 intolerance, xi religious coping, 84–96 church and faith-based interventions, 86–96 Religious Coping Activities Scales, 73 wholeness, 94–95 See also coping; coping strategies religious oppression. See oppression resilience xii–xiii, xvii, 53, 253 and contemporary women, 253–256 and Key Factors for Coptic Orthodox Women, 268, 274–275 of indigenous people, 5, 15 rituals and traditions, xiii, 21, 241, 243, 283, 291–292, 293 of American Indians, 5–8, 15, 23, 30 saints, 253–256, 263–264 Samuel-Hodge, Carmen, 87–88, 90 self identity, 20, 53 sense of belonging, 50, 124, 146, 164, 182, 210, 220 sexual orientation. See lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered Sikh, 181–193 and women, 181, 185–186 issues and obstacles, 187–191

philosophy, 184–185, 187 teachings, 184, 186–187, 192 See also trauma silence, 58, 87–88, 139, 287–288 social activism, 54, 144, 225–226, 242, 291 souls, 8, 25–28, 65, 94, 148, 160–164, 201, 218, 287 Spiral Dynamics Integral theory, 28 spirits, xi, 10–11, 16, 43–44, 102, 205, 236 spirituality, x, xii–xvii, 8, 16, 53, 55, 128, 166, 239–241 definitions, 50, 282 Mana, 24, 160, 175–176 spiritual health, 4, 8, 15, 96, 209 Supreme Spirit, 23, 203 See also religion and spirituality spiritual measures, 4 stereotype, xi, 143, 147, 151, 208, 240, 284–287, 289 substance abuse, xii, 25, 27, 75, 87, 176, 269 suffering, 10–11, 26, 31, 83–84, 90–96, 141, 149, 153, 192 survivors of child abuse. See trauma of sexual assault. See trauma See also intimate partner violence Suzuki, Lisa A., 182, 189–190 symbols, xvi, 39, 43, 185, 204, 283, 293 Takini Network, 8 therapeutic interventions, 7, 64, 74, 76, 103, trauma, 30 child abuse, 76–79 Child Sexual Abuse (CSA), 76–79 community violence, 78, 189–190 intergenerational trauma, 26 Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), 74–76, 189 sexual assault, 25, 72–74 tribal people, 21, 45 tribes, 20, 24, 38, 40–45 Ullman, Sarah, 55 Unitarian Universalism (UU), 235–236 and psychology, 236–239

312 Index principles, 244–246 teachings, 246 See also spirituality U.S. Federal government ban, 4–5 Vietnamese Americans, xiv, 121, 123, 133, 140–143, 148 Virgin Mary, 208, 219, 220–226 Vogel, Virgil, 39, 41, 43 Walker, Alice, 57–58 well-being, 11, 63–64, 73, 76, 84, 111–112, 199, 305

among African Americans, 49, 50, 52, 55–56, 59 among Latinos/as, 218–219 Williams, Carmen Bruin, 49–50, 55–59, 94 Womanist Theory, 57–59 See also Positive Womanist Psychospirituality Yeh, Christine, 125, 146, 148–149, 151 Young Buddhist Associations (YBA), 143

About the Editors and Contributors

EDITORS Thema Bryant-Davis, PhD, is an Associate Professor of Psychology at Pepperdine University. She is Past President of the Society for the Psychology of Women and a former American Psychological Association representative to the United Nations. Bryant-Davis is Director of the Culture and Trauma Research Lab and served as Associate Editor of the journal Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy. She is the author of the book Thriving in the Wake of Trauma: A Multicultural Guide and editor of the book Surviving Sexual Violence: A Handbook of Recovery and Empowerment. A licensed clinical psychologist, she has a private practice in Los Angeles working with individuals, couples, and families. BryantDavis earned her doctorate from Duke University and completed her post-doctoral training at Harvard Medical Center. She received the American Psychological Association awards for Emerging Leader of Women and Psychology in Service of the Public Interest. Bryant-Davis is a mental health media consultant for television, radio, magazines, and newsprint. She is co-producer of the film Psychology of Human Trafficking. Asuncion Miteria Austria, PhD, is Professor Emerita at Cardinal Stritch University (CSU). She founded the Graduate Program in Clinical Psychology at CSU and served as its Chair and Director of Clinical Training until her retirement. A fellow of the American Psychological Association (APA), she has served as president for the Division of Clinical Psychology Sections on the Clinical Psychology of Women and the Clinical Psychology of Ethnic Minorities. She was the first elected member-at-large and first

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Chair of the Committee on Diversity in the Society of Clinical Psychology. She is the recipient of numerous awards for mentoring, leadership, teaching, education, and outstanding contributions to the clinical psychology of ethnic minorities and women, among which are the APA Committee on Women in Psychology’s Distinguished Leadership for Women in Psychology Award, Cardinal Stritch University’s Distinguished Scholar Award, and the Teaching Excellence and Campus Leadership Award. In 2012 APA’s Division 45 created the Asuncion Miteria Austria and John Robinson Distinguished Mentoring Award in honor of their distinguished contributions to the governance of the APA and their outstanding mentoring of ethnic minority psychologists into governance roles. Her recent publications include, “Spirituality and Resilience of Filipinos” in Rayburn and Comas-Diaz, WomanSoul: The Inner Life of Women’s Spirituality (Praeger, 2008). Finally, she chaired the Task Force on Religion and Spirituality in the Lives of Diverse Women during Thema Bryant-Davis’ presidency of the Society for the Psychology of Women, out of which this book was born. Debra M. Kawahara, PhD, is Professor and Associate Program Director of the Clinical Psychology PsyD doctoral program at the California School of Professional Psychology at Alliant International University. She also maintains a private practice in San Diego, California, focusing on professional and personal growth and enhancement. She has presented nationally and published widely in the areas of multicultural and feminist psychology, leadership styles and underrepresentation of leaders of color, feminism and women’s issues, and Asian American mental health. She is also the Co-chair of the Feminist Professional Training and Practice committee for the Society for the Psychology of Women and is on the editorial boards of Women & Therapy and the Asian American Journal of Psychology. Diane J. Willis is Professor Emeritus, Department of Pediatrics, University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center. She has been President of Divisions of the American Psychological Association 12 and 37, and of 53 and 54 when they were sections. She was also President of the American Orthopsychiatric Association. She was awarded the Distinguished Professional Contribution to Clinical Psychology by Division 12, the Nicholas Hobbs award by Division 37, Indian Woman of the Year by the Oklahoma Federation of Indian Woman, and is a Fellow of the American Psychological Association. Dr. Willis was founding editor of the Journal of Pediatric Psychology. For 25 years Dr. Willis directed the psychological services at the Child Study Center, Department of Pediatrics, University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center, and began the first Behavioral Clinic, Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorders Clinic, and Drug/alcohol Infant Clinic in the state. Currently Dr. Willis serves as a consultant to the Indian Health Service seeing patients through the Cheyenne-Arapaho clinics. She



About the Editors and Contributors 315

is a member of the Kiowa Tribe. Willis is the co-editor of four books, one on the prevention of child maltreatment, and the author of more than 55 published articles. Dr. Willis is a Fellow of APA, and for her post-BS degree she attended the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. CONTRIBUTORS Christine E. Agaibi, MA (PhD Candidate in Counseling Psychology), is the current Chair of the Special Interest Group on Religious and Spiritual Issues in Counseling Psychology in the American Psychological Association’s (APA) Counseling Psychology Division (Division 17). Christine’s professional interests are in the area of resilience and positive psychology, religion and spirituality, and diversity. She has presented on these topics at various regional, state, and national conferences. She has also published journal articles, book chapters, and APA Division and State Psychological Associations newsletter articles on these topics. Christine completed her APA Accredited Pre-Doctoral Internship at the Ohio Psychology Internship, a consortium where she had comprehensive and diverse didactic and practical training with children and adolescents, families, couples, and adults in assessment, forensics, substance use issues, and individual and group therapy. Christine is the Past-President of Ohio Women in Psychology (OWP) and is the current OWP liaison to the Ohio Psychological Association (OPA) Board of Directors. She has had several leadership and committee roles within the OPA. She also currently serves on several committees in the New Jersey Psychological Association, the South Jersey Psychological Association, the Ohio Psychological Association, and is the Vice President of the Akron Area Professional Psychologists. She also is the Practice Representative for the Section on Positive Psychology within APA’s Division 17 and she sits on the Board of Directors for the Students of the International Positive Psychology Association. Christine’s current book chapter is on Resilience in Coptic Orthodox Women. Christine has been a life long member of the Coptic Orthodox Church, one of the oldest Christian traditions in the world. She has been serving in several Coptic Orthodox Churches since 1994. Tyonna P. Adams, MA, has a masters in clinical psychology and is a doctoral student in the Doctorate of Psychology program at Pepperdine University. Her clinical and research interests are focused in the area of trauma, specifically protective factors following sexual victimization. She is also interested in behavioral medicine, the role of spirituality/religiosity in coping, and multiculturalism. She currently works at Union Rescue Mission as a trainee therapist, a position that affords her the opportunity to meld her various interests. Ms. Adams aspires to establish an interdisciplinary, group practice specializing in trauma, diversity considerations, and mental health.

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About the Editors and Contributors

Adriana Alejandre is a masters student of clinical psychology in the Marriage and Family Therapist track at Pepperdine University. She received her BA in psychology from the University of California, Santa Barbara. Following her undergraduate career, she volunteered as a clinical research assistant at Children’s Hospital Los Angeles in the Boone Fetter Clinic, where she assisted with clinical assessments. During this time, she also began working as a behavioral therapist for children with autism. Currently, she works at Five Acres, where she conducts program evaluations for abused and neglected children and their families in residential and outreach programs. Alejandre also works at another agency as a psychotherapy trainee with domestic violence victims struggling with mental health issues and adjustment problems. At Pepperdine University, she is involved in the Culture and Trauma lab as a research assistant. She has used every experience to narrow down and strengthen her interests. Her clinical interests include acculturation and resilience among those who have experienced trauma through the form of domestic violence, sexual assault, human trafficking, and child abuse and neglect. Other areas include factors affecting the experience of trauma, depression, and mindfulness as an element of coping. Her research interests center on exploring impacts of trauma and ethnicity on psychological health, risk, and resiliency among children and adults, and long-term coping. She is also interested in exploring the implications of cultural identity on psychological adjustment and Latino mental health, and evaluation research. Muninder K. Ahluwalia, PhD, is an Associate Professor in counseling at Montclair State University. She graduated from New York University with a doctorate in counseling psychology in 2002. Dr. Ahluwalia’s teaches graduate students and conducts research in the areas of multicultural counseling and training, with a specific focus on intersection identities, and racism and discrimination. She is currently chair of American Psychological Association’s Committee on Ethnic Minority Affairs and has a consulting practice in which she provides assessment and training on issues related to multicultural competence to universities and organizations. Kiran S. K. Arora, PhD, is an Associate Professor of counseling at Long Island University, Brooklyn. Her research interests include examining the connections between trauma and oppression for communities of color. Currently she is researching the impact of 9/11 on Sikh families and their relationships. This work builds on prior research aiming to understand the relational impact of the historical genocide of Sikhs in India, including its impact on Sikh diaspora families, as well as examining the influence of human rights in the therapeutic work of therapists. Her research and course work punctuates themes of social justices and diversity.



About the Editors and Contributors 317

Dr. Arora is currently serving as an editorial board member for the Journal of Marital and Family Therapy and is a board member for the American Family Therapy Academy. Yvonne N. Awana, PsyD, is an Associate Professor at The Hawai`i School of Professional Psychology (HSPP) at Argosy University. Her area of specialization is in diversity, which includes Pacific and Asian populations, marginalized populations, psychology and women, and spirituality. She teaches graduate courses in a wide range of topics: the evaluation and treatment of diverse and marginalized populations, clinical interviewing, advanced experiential and humanistic existential psychotherapy, transpersonal psychology, psychology of women, and psychodrama. Her clinical experiences included working with children, adolescents, adults, and families in Hawai‘i. She consults with local agencies in Hawai‘i regarding mental health issues and also conducts sessions and seminars regarding spiritual and transpersonal development. She is a member of the the American Psychological Association and the Hawai‘i Psychological Association. Cecile Bhang received her MA in psychology from Pepperdine University. She was a counselor at Didi Hirsch Jump Street 28-day Crisis Residential Center. She has been a Research Assistant at Pepperdine University's Graduate School of Education and Psychology Culture and Trauma Lab under Dr. Thema Bryant-Davis. She has worked on trauma research with a focus on sexual assault and sex trafficking. Other factors she has explored within the lab are ethnicity, religious coping, social support, and psychological outcomes. She has also examined the literature on cultural factors and effectiveness of wraparound program for victims of sex trafficking. Ms. Cecile Bhang served as a Teaching Assistant at Pepperdine University in Individual, Couple, and Family Development: A Life Cycle Approach and Behavioral Principles and Theories of Learning. She was co-chair of the Asian American Psychology Student Association at Pepperdine University. Ms. Bhang has worked specifically on Korean and Chinese immigrants’ acculturation, acculturative stress and its relationship to depression. Currently, she is investigating Korean American’s resilience factors and mediators. Dolores Subia BigFoot, PhD, is trained as a child psychologist, and is an Associate Professor directing the Native American Programs at the Center on Child Abuse and Neglect at OUHSC. Funded since 1994 by the Children’s Bureau, she has directed Project Making Medicine, and from 2003 she has directed the Indian Country Child Trauma Center where she was instrumental in the cultural adapted interventions of evidence based treatments. Under her guidance, four Evidence Based

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About the Editors and Contributors

Treatments were adapted for American Indian and Alaska Native families in Indian Country titled the Honoring Children Series. One of the four is Honoring Children, Making Relatives, a cultural adaptation of Parent-Child Interaction Therapy, for use with American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) children and their families. It incorporates AI/AN teachings, practices, rituals, traditions, and cultural orientation while maintaining the guiding principles and theory of PCIT. Dr. BigFoot has over 15 published articles and chapters, including the lead author of the recent publication, “Adapting Evidence-Based Treatments for Use with American Indians and Native Alaskan Children and Youth.” Dr. BigFoot has served as PI on thirteen federally funded projects. Another distinction has been her service on the SAMHSA/CMHS National Advisory Council, National Network to Eliminate Health Disparities, and on the working groups for the Indian Health Service and the National Indian Child Welfare Association. She was selected to attend the White House conference on children’s mental health, is Past President of the Society of Indian Psychologists. She serves as an advisor to the home visitation tribal grantees and the NRC4Tribes (National Resource Center for Tribes) both funded by the Children’s Bureau; these address various concerns dealing with child welfare issues with American Indian and Alaska Native tribal grantees. Dr. BigFoot has over 30 years of experience and is knowledgeable about the concerns of implementation and adaptation of evidenced based practices being introduced into Indian Country. She is well aware of the research, mental health, and sovereignty issues raised by tribes and tribal organizations. Her knowledge in providing improved and effective services to Indian Country is highly valued. She has served as a member of the U.S. Attorney General’s Office Task Force on the Impact of Violence on American Indian and Alaska Native Children. This Task Force is a key part of Attorney General Holder’s Defending Childhood initiative and reduce children’s trauma from experiencing violence as victims or witnesses. Dr. BigFoot is a member of the Caddo Nation of Oklahoma. Joan C. Chrisler, PhD, is the Class of 1943 Professor of Psychology at Connecticut College, where she teaches courses on the psychology of women and health psychology. She has published extensively on the psychology of women and gender, and is especially known for her work on women’s health, menstruation, weight, and body image. She is the current editor of the journal Women’s Reproductive Health. Her most recent books are Reproductive Justice: A Global Concern (2012, Praeger), the Handbook of Gender Research in Psychology (2010, Springer), Lectures on the Psychology of Women, Fourth Edition (2008, McGraw-Hill), and Women over 50: Psychological Perspectives (2007, Springer). She has served as President of APA Divisions 1 (General Psychology) and 35 (Psychology of Women), the



About the Editors and Contributors 319

Society for Menstrual Cycle Research, and the New England Psychological Association, as national coordinator of the Association for Women in Psychology, and as Chair of the APA Committee on Women in Psychology. Ashley E. Coleman, MA, is an advanced doctoral student in the Clinical Psychology PsyD Program at Pepperdine University. She is currently a pre-doctoral intern at University of California Los Angeles Counseling and Psychological Services (UCLA CAPS). Coleman has completed poster and outreach presentations related to sports psychology, adolescents of color and religious/spiritual therapeutic interventions. She has also presented on stress management and academic retention strategies for first-generation underrepresented college students. Additionally, Coleman has served as a consultant to Division I collegiate sports teams. Lillian Comas-Diaz, PhD’s academic and professional work centers on multiculturalism, feminism, spirituality, and mental health. She developed a Latino community mental health program in Connecticut, was a faculty member at the Yale University Psychiatry Department, became the director of the Yale University Hispanic Clinic, directed the American Psychological Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs, and cofounded the Transcultural Mental Health Institute. Currently, Dr. Comas-Diaz is a psychologist in private practice and a Clinical Professor at the George Washington University Department of Psychology and Behavioral Sciences. With more than 150 publications, her recent books include Multicultural Care: A Clinician’s Guide to Cultural Competence; Psychological Health of Women of Color: Intersections, Challenges and Opportunities (edited with B. Greene); Women’s Psychotherapists Reflections on Female Friendships (edited with M. Weiner); and, Women Psychotherapists: Journeys in Healing (edited with M. Weiner). Monica U. Ellis is a doctoral student in clinical neuropsychology and masters student in Christian leadership at Fuller Theological Seminary in Pasadena, California. She earned her masters degree in psychology from Pepperdine University, where she conducted research on extensive trauma recovery (e.g., recovery from sexual assault, childhood trauma, and intimate partner violence, and on the role of the Black church in HIV/ AIDS prevention). For the past three years, Ellis has continued to pursue research and clinical practice in the area of spiritual coping and resilience related to the neuropsychiatric impact of HIV/AIDS, childhood trauma, and pediatric brain injury. Ellis serves professionally as a part-time instructor of psychology research methods at California State University, Dominguez Hills, and as the Co-Chair of Membership for the Society for the Psychology of Women, Division 35 of the American Psychological Association.

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About the Editors and Contributors

Anthea Gray’s research experience began at New York Presbyterian/ Weill Cornell Medical College–White Plains, where she worked as a research assistant co-assisting in the development of a transference-focused psychotherapy treatment manual for adolescents with borderline personality organization symptomatology. She currently serves as a research assistant to both Pepperdine University’s Culture and Trauma Lab and as the presiding president of the Association of Black Psychologists, Dr. Daryl Rowe, who is the presiding president of the Association of Black Psychologists. Her clinical research interests include trauma and resilience as it relates to human trafficking, war and genocide, sexual assault used as a weapon in war, natural disasters, and microagressions/racism. She is also invested in research pertaining to disordered eating in ethnic populations and ethnic identity development. She has worked as a clinician treating acute, chronic mental illness in the homeless and inpatient adolescent populations, as well as students in college counseling and elementary schools (public and level 14 settings). She received her MA in Psychology in Education–Personality and Psychopathology Track and is currently attending Pepperdine University, where she will obtain her PsyD in clinical psychology. JacquEline S. Gray, a Choctaw/Cherokee research associate professor at the Center for Rural Health at the University of North Dakota, is director of the Seven Generations Center of Excellence in Native Behavioral Health and Associate Director of the Center for Rural Health Indigenous Programs at the School of Medicine and Health Sciences. She is also director of the National Indigenous Elder Justice Initiative (NIEJI) that was funded in the fall of 2011 to address the issues of elder abuse in Indian Country. Gray has worked addressing health, mental health, and health disparities across Indian Country. Her work focuses on mental health in Indian Country. Gray has worked with tribes across the United States for more than 30 years. Gray received her doctorate from Oklahoma State University in 1998 and she has been at the University of North Dakota since 1999. Iva GreyWolf, PhD, is a licensed clinical psychologist who is an enrolled member of the Ft. Peck Assiniboine Tribe and on the Ancillary Rolls of the Lac Courte Oreilles Ojibwe (Anishinabe) Tribe. Dr. GreyWolf has thirty-five years of experience delivering behavioral health services to Native people in rural and remote areas as a clinician and an administrator. Her area of expertise is serving individuals who have experienced multiple traumas. She is a trainer and consultant on a variety of behavioral health issues impacting Indigenous people nationally and internationally. Shelly Harrell, PhD, is a licensed clinical psychologist and tenured Full Professor of Psychology at Pepperdine University’s Graduate School



About the Editors and Contributors 321

of Education and Psychology, where she serves as Coordinator of Research for the PsyD program. Her primary area of expertise involves the role of culture and context in the psychological well-being of diverse populations. She has had more than two decades of experience teaching graduate and continuing education courses on a range of topics related to culture, diversity, and the practice of professional psychology. Dr. Harrell’s current scholarly work focuses on: (1) culture, community, and positive well-being; (2) sociocultural and sociopolitical aspects of stress and stress management interventions; (3) racism and mental health; and (4) spirituality and contemplative practices in a multicultural context. As a clinical psychologist, she also maintains a private psychotherapy practice where she works primarily with couples and people of color. Diane S. Hayashino is a staff psychologist and training director of Counseling and Psychological Services at California State University, Long Beach. She also lectures in the graduate program in Educational Psychology, Administration and Counseling at CSULB. She received her doctoral degree in counseling psychology from the University of Oregon. Her interests include women’s issues, trauma, Asian American mental health, and multicultural issues. Lela A. Joscelyn, PhD, is an associate professor of psychology at Mount Mary University in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. She has been there for 34 years. She served as an Associate Academic Dean there from 1990–1999 and is currently teaching in the Psychology-Behavioral Science department. Her master’s and PhD are from the University of Windsor in Ontario, Canada. She is also taking courses in theology at Mount Mary and will complete the theology major in 2014. She is a member of the American Psychological Association. Within the APA, she belongs to the following divisions: Society for the Teaching of Psychology, Society for the Psychology of Women, and the Society for the Psychology of Religion and Spirituality. She has supervised master’s theses at Cardinal Stritch University for several years. Grace Kim is an Associate Professor of psychology at Wheelock College. Trained in clinical psychology, she completed an internship and a postdoctoral fellowship at the Cambridge Health Alliance/Harvard Medical School, where she worked with children, adolescents, and adults from diverse backgrounds. Dr. Kim's research has two foci: Asian American Psychology and Social Justice Education. With regards to Asian American psychology, she researches experiences of belonging and exclusion, negotiation of racial and ethnic identities, and mental health in Asian Americans. She explores lived experiences of diverse Asian American families, such as transracial adoptees, immigrants, and transnational families. With regards to social justice education, she is interested in exploring how to

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About the Editors and Contributors

teach about diversity and social justice and ways to help students gain empathy toward others different from themselves. Susana Ming Lowe is a psychologist practicing in downtown Honolulu. She specializes in helping people to find meaning in their lives, grapple with shifting identities, cope with life’s turmoils, and practice mindfulness. She has published articles on Asian American mental health, as well as coping with racism. She also edited a special issue of Training and Education in Professional Psychology called “Sharing Wisdom: Ethnic minority supervisor perspectives.” She has been active in the Asian Pacific American Women’s section of Division 35 since its inception in 2009. She enjoys collaborating with colleagues on projects that promote professional and personal growth, including the chapter on Asian Pacific Islander American women and spirituality. Margaret E. Madden has been the Provost and Vice President for Academic Affairs at SUNY Potsdam since 2002. A social psychologist specializing in gender issues, she previously was Dean at Long Island University (New York), Associate Dean of Faculty at Lawrence University (Wisconsin), and Professor of Psychology and Assistant to the Academic Vice President at Franklin Pierce College (New Hampshire). At SUNY Potsdam, she periodically teaches feminist research methods in the Women’s and Gender Studies Program, and in previous positions taught courses in gender, social, developmental, personality, and research methods in psychology. She is former chair of the Board of Educational Affairs of the American Psychological Association and former president of the Society for the Psychology of Women (Division 35 of APA). Dr. Madden holds a PhD and MS in social psychology from the University of Massachusetts at Amherst and the BA in psychology from the University of Wisconsin at Madison. Merranda Romero Marín, PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Family and Consumer Science at New Mexico State University. She is a licensed psychologist and a licensed marriage and family therapist specializing in the treatment of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), particularly within the context of the family system. Dr. Marín earned her doctoral degree in counseling psychology from New Mexico State University in 2007. She also holds a master’s degree in marriage and family therapy. Previous experiences include the oversight of the Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Clinical Team at the El Paso VA wherein she provided evidence-based treatments including Cognitive Processing Therapy and Prolonged Exposure Therapy to veterans diagnosed with PTSD as well as psycho-education and family treatments. Her other experiences include working in Community Mental Health, specifically with



About the Editors and Contributors 323

children, adolescents, and families confronting serious mental health issues. In addition, as a former school counselor, Dr. Marín is dedicated to ensuring the academic success of all students and is passionate about building collaborations among and within communities. Her research interests include effects of war on family and community systems, evidenced based treatments for PTSD, multicultural counseling and individual and family resilience. Maureen C. McHugh is a Professor of Psychology at Indiana University of Pennsylvania (IUP), where she teaches psychology of women, sexuality, and diversity to both undergraduates and PsyD students. Maureen McHugh is President Elect of the Society for Women in Psychology/ Division 35 of the American Psychological Association (APA) and she is currently Chair of the Committee for Women in Psychology (CWP) of APA. She previously served as the President Equivalent of the Association for Women in Psychology (AWP), and received the Christine Ladd Franklin Award for service to AWP and feminist psychology. In addition to journal articles, McHugh has published chapters in many of the edited texts for the Psychology of Women including the first Handbook on the Psychology of Women. Her work focuses on gender differences, feminist methods, older women, and violence against women, including intimate partner violence, street harassment, psychological abuse, and sexual assault. Recently she has co-authored and presented a series of papers on the history and impact of feminist psychology. Guerda Nicolas, PhD, is Chairperson of the Educational and Psychological Studies department and Associate Professor at University of Miami, School of Education and Affiliated Faculty with ISPRC. She obtained her doctoral degree in clinical psychology from Boston University. She completed her predoctoral training at Columbia University Medical Center and her postdoctoral training the New York State Psychiatric Institute/Columbia University, Department of Child Psychiatry. As a multicultural (Haitian American) and multilingual psychologist (Spanish, French, and Haitian Creole), her research is reflective of her background and interests. Her current research focuses on the integration of race and culture and well-being for ethnically diverse and immigrant communities. Some of the projects that she is currently working on include: spirituality across the life span among ethnic minorities, and culturally effective mental health intervention for ethnic minority adolescents, with a specific focus on immigrant children, adolescents, and families. In addition, she conducts research on social support networks of Caribbean populations with a specific focus on Haitians. She has published several articles and book chapters and delivered numerous invited presentations at the national and international conferences in the areas of women’s issues,

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About the Editors and Contributors

depression and intervention among Haitians, social support networks of ethnic minorities, and spirituality. Wendy M. K. Peters, PhD, is originally from Hawaii, Dr. Peters is Native Hawaiian and has a diverse background as an author, researcher, educator, technology expert, and business consultant. Dr. Peters is a postdoctoral Fellow and Clinical Assistant Professor in the Seven Generations Center of Excellence in Native Behavioral Health, housed in the Center for Rural Health at the University of North Dakota School of Medicine & Health Sciences. Specializing in both human and cultural development, Dr. Peters' work is concerned with the bio-psycho-social determinants of Native health disparities and the challenges of Multiculturalism as they relate to U.S. minority interests. Emphasizing the significance of human development and value systems as a metric for understanding culture, Dr. Peters’ interests and experience are interdisciplinary and include topics such as culture and ethnicity, transpersonal/humanistic psychology, integral philosophies, systems/complexity science, and integrative health and healing practices that incorporate traditional Indigenous knowledge. Barbara A. Plested, PhD, is a Research Scientist and Co-Director of the National Center for Community Readiness and Co-Director of the CA7AE Project at Colorado State University, Ft. Collins, Colorado. She has worked extensively in the provision of direct services to special populations including American Indian, Native Alaskan, child and adolescent, female, and with a jail-based program in Detroit, Michigan. She has 25 years of experience, serving both as an administrator as well as a therapist in the fields of mental health and substance abuse, in addition to her 20 years of research experience. She serves as an evaluator and grant writer for several Native American programs and is one of the primary developers of the Community Readiness model. She has conducted community research using the model on a variety of issues: intimate partner violence, HIV/AIDS prevention, methamphetamine prevention, drug and alcohol prevention and environmental trauma. She has utilized this community assessment model in more than 3,000 communities in all fifty states, Italy, Israel, Canada, and 41 other countries, and has conducted community participatory research and evaluation throughout the United States. The Community Readiness Model has been used successfully by the World Health Organization to introduce policy change around child maltreatment in 5 countries as well as in urban areas, Alaskan villages, and Native reservation areas throughout the United States. Plested has published extensively and has served on Roslyn Carter’s panel on intergenerational caregiving, as well as serving as a participant in First Lady Laura Bush’s “Helping America’s Youth” initiative.



About the Editors and Contributors 325

Gimel Rogers, MA, is a graduate of Spelman College with a BA degree in psychology, and is currently a third-year clinical psychology doctoral student at Pepperdine University. Rogers has worked with the 77th II Gang Reduction Youth Development Program, Young Peoples’ Division in the African Methodist Episcopal church, and is currently providing therapy services at Ventura Youth Correctional Facility. She is currently the senior research assistant to Dr. Judy Ho studying logistical and therapeutic barriers to treatment engagement for children and adolescents. Rogers is passionate about working with survivors of emotional, physical, and sexual abuse during their recovery process. She is a motivational speaker, trainer, and consultant with more than seven years of experience in presentations and conferences. She has recently presented at the Women in Leadership: Work-Life Balance Conference on “Ethnically Diverse Women In Leadership and the Significance of Mentorship.” She has been featured in the Emory University Public Health Magazine discussing HIV prevention and is an advocate for adolescent girls finding their voice. Rogers’ career trajectory will focus on stress, trauma, and resiliency in youth and young adults. Lauren Smith, EdM, will obtain her doctoral degree in counseling psychology from the University of Miami in August 2014. She obtained her masters of arts and masters of education from the Teachers College, Columbia University. Currently, she is at University Pennsylvania Counseling & Psychological Services where she engaged in her predoctoral and will continue her postdoctoral training. She successfully defended her dissertation on relationship between racial malleability, authenticity, and psychological well-being for multiracial individuals. Her research and clinical work focus upon understanding mental health through the lens of individuals’ social identities and context. Pamela Jumper Thurman, PhD, a Western Cherokee, is a Senior Research Scientist serving as Co-Director of the National Center for Community Readiness and the CA7AE Project at Colorado State University. She has 25 years of experience in mental health, substance abuse/epidemiology research, and HIV/AIDS Capacity Building Assistance, as well as 35 years in the provision of direct treatment and prevention services and community work. She is a co-developer and coauthor of the Community Readiness Model and has applied the model in more than 3,000 communities throughout the United States, as well as in more than 41 communities internationally. She has worked with cultural issues utilizing community participatory research, prevention of ATOD, methamphetamine treatment and prevention, prevention of violence and victimization, rural women’s concerns, HIV/AIDS, and solvent abuse. She currently serves or has served as principal investigator or co-principal

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About the Editors and Contributors

investigator for 18 federally funded grants that examine community/ grassroots prevention of intimate partner violence, state wide initiatives to prevent methamphetamine use, epidemiology of American Indian substance use, prevention of HIV/AIDS, and epidemiology and prevention of solvent use among youth. She is the Project Director of a CDC-funded effort to provide capacity-building assistance aimed at community mobilization for HIV/AIDS prevention in ethnic communities throughout the United States. She has served as a member of the National CSAT Advisory Council and was also a member of one of Roslyn Carter’s Caregiving Panels, as well as participating in First Lady Laura Bush’s “Helping Americas Youth” initiative. She worked collaboratively with Ohio’s first lady, Hope Taft, in the integration of community readiness into Mrs. Taft’s Building Bridges Statewide Project to reduce underage drinking throughout Ohio. She has published extensively on a variety of topics in various books, chapters, and journals. Yuying Tsong received her PhD in Counseling Psychology from the University of Southern California. She is currently an Assistant Professor in the Human Services Department at California State University, Fullerton. Her research and clinical areas of interests involve multicultural counseling, training, and supervision, disordered eating/body image concerns, and Asian American mental health, particularly in the areas of immigration and adjustment, transnational family’s bi-cultural adaptation process, and help-seeking. Yuying Tsong is the Past-President of Division 35 Section 5, Psychology of Asian Pacific American Women, and the Program Coordinator for the 2017 National Multicultural Conference and Summit. She was the recipient of the 2014 Emerging Professional Contributions to Service Award from Division 45 Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues. Enedina García-Vázquez, PhD, is Professor of School Psychology in the Counseling & Educational Psychology Department at New Mexico State University. She has served as Associate Dean/Deputy Director of the Physical Science Laboratory and Associate Dean of the Graduate School at New Mexico State University. Guided by an interpersonal theoretical approach to development, Dr. Vázquez melds her research interests in second language acquisition and cultural issues with factors such as attachment, development, achievement motivation, intelligence, and multicultural issues. She is interested in how individuals view the world from their cultural perspective, including how language influences action. Currently her work on new pathways to employment opportunities for disconnected youth follows her dedication to serve the underserved. Dr. Vázquez has authored or co-authored more than 40 publications in various refereed journals, including the American Psychologist. Dr. Vázquez



About the Editors and Contributors 327

was editor of the Trainers’ Forum, a refereed publication of the Trainers of School Psychology. Currently Dr. Vázquez is the chair of the National Association of School Psychologists Program Approval Board, responsible for the approval of school psychology programs nationwide. Dr. Vázquez has received honors for research and program development. She also was awarded two NASP presidential awards for exceptional services to children and NASP. Anna Wheatley, BS, is a fourth-year doctoral candidate in counseling psychology at the University of Miami. She is a member and previous team leader of the CRECER Research team, a community-based participatory research team within the Department of Educational and Psychological Studies committed to social justice for ethnic minorities and immigrant populations through academic research and community intervention and engagement. Wheatley’s primary research interests center around diverse issues affecting children and families of color. Following completion of her APA-accredited internship in August 2015, Wheatley hopes to pursue a leadership career within organizations serving disadvantaged communities and families. She is a native of St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands, and hopes one day to return there permanently. She received her BS in business administration from Georgetown University in 2008 with a major in management and a minor in sociology. Ann S. Yabusaki is a psychologist and marriage and family therapist. She currently directs the Family Intervention and Training Services program at the Coalition for A Drug-Free Hawaii in Honolulu and specializes in serving youth, families, and people with co-occurring disorders. She has served as faculty, dean, and president of graduate schools of psychology in the San Francisco Bay Area and assisted with designing and implementing a doctor of psychology program using cultural competence as its foundation. As part of her interest in social justice and anti-violence, she provided technical assistance to federal grantees of the Safe Schools/ Health Students Initiative. She also served as the principal evaluator on a federal grant to train mental health providers serving Asian and Pacific Island communities. She is married with two adult children and spends as much time as possible with nature and fishing with her husband.