Refugees and Higher Education : Trans-National Perspectives on Access, Equity, and Internationalization [1 ed.] 9789004435841, 9789004435834

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Refugees and Higher Education

Global Perspectives on Higher Education Series Editors Philip G. Altbach (Center for International Higher Education, Boston College, USA) Hans de Wit (Center for International Higher Education, Boston College, USA) Rebecca Schendel (Center for International Higher Education, Boston College, USA) This series is co-published with the Center for International Higher Education at Boston College.

Volume 47

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/gphe

Refugees and Higher Education Trans-national Perspectives on Access, Equity, and Internationalization Edited by

Lisa Unangst, Hakan Ergin, Araz Khajarian, Tessa DeLaquil and Hans de Wit

leiden | boston

All chapters in this book have undergone peer review. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Unangst, Lisa, editor. | Ergin, Hakan, editor. | Khajarian, Araz, editor. | DeLaquil, Tessa, editor. | Wit, Hans de, 1950- editor. Title: Refugees and higher education : trans-national perspectives on access, equity, and internationalization / Lisa Unangst, Hakan Ergin, Araz Khajarian, Tessa DeLaquil, Hans De Wit. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill Sense, 2020. | Series: Global perspectives on higher education, 2214-0859 ; volume 47 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020023525 (print) | LCCN 2020023526 (ebook) | ISBN 9789004435827 (paperback) | ISBN 9789004435834 (hardback) | ISBN 9789004435841 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Refugees--Education (Higher) | Refugees--Education (Higher)--Cross-cultural studies. Classification: LCC LC3727 .R45 2020 (print) | LCC LC3727 (ebook) | DDC 371.826/914--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020023525 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020023526

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 2214-0859 isbn 978-90-04-43582-7 (paperback) isbn 978-90-04-43583-4 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-43584-1 (e-book) Copyright 2020 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense, Hotei Publishing, mentis Verlag, Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh and Wilhelm Fink Verlag. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Series Preface ix Hans de Wit, Philip G. Altbach and Rebecca Schendel List of Figures and Tables xi Notes on Contributors xii

PART 1 Framing the Landscape 1

Refugees and Higher Education: Trans-national Perspectives on Access, Equity, and Internationalization 3 Hans de Wit, Tessa DeLaquil, Hakan Ergin, Araz Khajarian and Lisa Unangst

2

Refugee Higher Education in Contexts of Displacement: Educational Approaches and Programmatic Initiatives 8 Thomas M. Crea and David A. Holdcroft, S.J.

3

Questioning the Ethics and Rationale of Refugee Research 20 Hakan Ergin

PART 2 Regional and National Perspectives section 1 Latin America 4

Higher Education’s Response to Refugee Crises: Applying Lessons from the Syrian Conflict to the Venezuelan Context 31 Natalie Borg

5

Colombian Institutional Responses to the Venezuelan Refugee Crisis 49 Hannah Maria Cazzetta

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Going Above and Beyond Access to Higher Education: The Brazilian Case 66 Kelber Tozini section 2 North America

7

The Staying Dynamic among Syrian Students in the U.S. 79 Araz Khajarian

8

Latin Americans in the United States: Considerations on Immigrant and Refugee Access to Higher Education 98 Gabrielle Oliveira and Corinne Kentor

9

Human Rights Discourse and the U.S. Education Landscape: Refugee-Specific Activity at Colleges and Universities in Idaho and Maine 113 Lisa Unangst section 3 Europe

10

Higher Education Innovations in Response to the Needs of Syrian Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Germany and Elsewhere 131 Natalie Borg

11

Vocational Training, “Upskilling,” and Paths to Higher Education for Refugees: Insights from Germany and Sweden 147 Narintohn Luangrath

12

Refugees’ Access to Higher Education in Ireland 161 Michael Cronin, Clíodhna Murphy, David M. Doyle, Delma Byrne and Muiread Murphy section 4 Asia and Oceania

13

Towards Human Rights and Human Dignity for the Stateless in Higher Education: Denied Access to Higher Education for Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh 181 Tessa DeLaquil

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At the Policy Margins: People from Refugee Backgrounds in Australian Higher Education 193 Andrew Harvey and Betty Leask section 5 Ethiopia

15

Higher Education for Refugees in Ethiopia 209 Ayenachew A. Woldegiyorgis

16

Self-Financing as a New Stream of Refugee Higher Education: The Case of Eritreans in Ethiopia 225 Wondwosen Tamrat and Samuel Dermas Habtemariam section 6 Turkey

17

Struggles and Assets of Syrian University Students in Turkey 243 Özgür Erdur-Baker, Onur Özmen, İdil Aksöz-Efe, Tamer Aker and M. Brinton Lykes

18

Integrating Syrian Refugees into Turkish Higher Education: Successes, Challenges, and Future Implications 261 Armağan Erdoğan and Hakan Ergin

PART 3 The K-12 to University Pipeline 19

Lessons from the Primary and Secondary School Context: Building Capacity to Support Migrant and Refugee Students 275 Rebecca Lowenhaupt and Martin Scanlan

20

The K-12 to University Pipeline in the U.S. context: Implications for Refugee Students 295 Kerri Evans and Lisa Unangst Index 313

Series Preface Over the past decade, we have seen a dramatic increase in the forced mobility of people, as a result of political, religious, economic and environmental crises all over the world. The refugee crises in the Middle East and Africa – as well as Venezuela in Latin America, and Myanmar in Asia, to mention just two of the most important – are widespread and numerous, now involving millions. In 2015, two of us wrote a commentary for University World News about the lack of response to the Syrian refugee crisis by European higher education institutions and leaders (de Wit & Altbach, 18 September 2015). Fortunately, that has changed. Over the past five years the number of initiatives and actions by student organizations, institutions of higher education around the world, as well as (inter)national entities such as the European Universities Association (EUA), the German DAAD and other national agencies, World Education Services in the U.S. and Canada, and many others, has increased significantly. In addition, the study of how higher education can contribute to address the challenges of the refugee crises, depriving whole young generations of (higher) education, has come more to the forefront. This book is a manifestation of the diverse initiatives by higher education to respond to the forced movement of people, of the global dimension of this massive problem, and how researchers contribute to its analysis and to the search for answers. It is also a manifestation of how we can overcome the fragmentation and lack of cooperation in analyzing the role of (higher) education in the refugee crisis. The Center for International Higher Education, through recent Ph.D. graduate Lisa Unangst and Ph.D. student Tessa DeLaquil, one of its master’s graduates, Araz Khajarian, and visiting scholar, Hakan Ergin, together with its director, Hans de Wit, worked together to study the role of higher education in addressing the refugee crises around the world. Several other doctoral and master’s students in international higher education at the Center for International Higher Education, Natalie Borg, Hannah Cazetta, Kelber Tozini, and Ayenachew Woldegiyorgis joined in this research. It became clear that others at Boston College were also involved in refugee related activities. From this, the initiative developed to write this book, bringing together students and scholars from or related to Boston College in analyzing the role of higher and K-12 education from a diverse geographic and thematic perspective. It has resulted in an impressive comprehensive overview of diverse trends and actions by higher education around the world with respect to refugees. We are grateful to Lisa Unangst, who has taken the lead for this publication building on her doctoral research and several publications, and to Hakan Ergin for his valuable role during his one year visiting scholarship at the Center for

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International Higher Education (2018–2019) in putting the issue on our agenda and broadening the scope from a European and North American perspective to the developing world, which is not only where most refugees come from but also where the large majority are finding refuge. We also would like to thank Araz Khajarian, who with her background from an Armenian family in Syria, has made it a mission to volunteer in supporting refugees and students from her country and write about it, and Tessa DeLaquil, who not only did most of the editing work on the book but made a valuable contribution on Arendt and the Myanmar refugees in Asia. And we thank all the other contributors to this book, that in its own scholarly way illustrates how a university like Boston College is addressing one of the most serious contemporary crises in the world. Hans de Wit, Philip G. Altbach and Rebecca Schendel Editors, Global Perspectives in Higher Education Book Series

Figures and Tables Figures 7.1 7.2 17.1

An illustration of the “limbo” phenomenon that Syrian students in the U.S. experience due to the changing scheme. 89 An illustration of how the staying dynamic arises. 90 Main categories and related sub-categories emerging from focus group data. 250

Tables 4.1 4.2 6.1 7.1 7.2 7.3 9.1 15.1

Number of refugees and migrants from Venezuela by country, according to participation in RMRP. 35 Evolution of Quito I–VI. 38 Initiatives offered through extension programs. 69 SEVIS active Syrian student numbers in addition to gender distribution from December 2015 to March 2019. 83 Number of Syrian students at American colleges and universities in the academic years 2005/06 through 2017/18 (IIE, 2019). 84 Asylum Grants to Syrian Nationals in the U.S. (modified from Ostrand, 2015 and Mossad, 2019). 92 Categories of “refugee” mentions at HEIs in Idaho (ID) and Maine (ME) grouped by 10 or more occurrences, 5–9 occurrences, or 1–4 occurrences. 118 Refugees in Ethiopia by country of origin. 210

Notes on Contributors İdil Aksöz-Efe received her Ph.D. from the Psychological Counseling and Guidance program at Middle East Technical University, Turkey. After working as a faculty member in the Department of Educational Sciences at Ataturk University, Turkey, she is currently working as a freelance grief counselor. Her research interests include grief and loss, social support and constraints, emotion regulation, disasters and trauma. Tamer Aker is a medical doctor, researcher, and scholar who has served as a faculty member at Istanbul Bilgi University and Kocaeli University. Philip G. Altbach is Research Professor and Founding Director of the Center for International Higher Education at Boston College, where from 1994 to 2015 he was the Monan University Professor. He was the 2004–2006 Distinguished Scholar Leader for the New Century Scholars initiative of the Fulbright program, was given the Houlihan award for distinguished contributions to international education by NAFSA: Association of International Educators, the Bowen distinguished career award by the Association for the Study of Higher Education, and has been a senior associate of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. In 2010, he was Erudite Scholar of the Government of Kerala. He has taught at Harvard University, the University of Wisconsin, and the State University of New York at Buffalo. He is author of Global Perspectives on Higher Education, among other books. Natalie Borg (M.Ed.) is a doctoral student of Higher Education at Boston College where she works as a Research Assistant and Teaching Fellow in the Lynch School of Education and Human Development. Prior to enrolling at Boston College, Natalie worked in student affairs at the University of North Texas for a decade, where she studied Spanish, Psychology, and Higher Education Administration. Natalie’s research interests focus on enhancing inclusion for marginalized students in higher education, exploring how internal and external policies impact inclusion for marginalized students, and enhancing support for Latinx students and their support networks at higher education institutions in the United States.

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Delma Byrne is Assistant Professor at Maynooth University Departments of Sociology and Education. Her main research interests center on social inequality in education, school-to-work transitions and higher education, often from a comparative perspective. Research themes include gender and social class differences and poverty dynamics in educational attainment, but also childcare and public policy effects on child development. Delma was involved in the first large-scale study of the integration of migrant students in Irish primary and second-level schools. She has conducted funded research on early school leaving, curriculum differentiation (tracking), parental involvement, and the evaluation of educational programs. A key focus of her work is on higher education issues related to access and social class/gender/migrant inequalities, student experience and (non)persistence. Her work also extends to examination of stratification in the graduate labor market, and the transition from higher education to the labor market. Hannah Maria Cazzetta is a graduate of the Boston College Master’s in International Higher Education program that was founded by the Center for International Higher Education (CIHE). She recently published her preliminary research on the Colombian Higher Education response to the Venezuelan refugee crisis. She has presented her work at both WES-CIHE Conference and at the Conference of the Americas on International Education (CAIE). She has had articles published in Spanish and English. Previously, she worked with a Colombian Higher Education Consultant on creating a database for Latin American degree recognition frameworks and tracking student mobility trends within Latin America. Cazzetta was also a Fulbright scholar from 2016-2017 at the Universidad de Boyacá in Tunja, Colombia. Thomas M. Crea (Ph.D., M.S.W.) is an Associate Professor, Chair of Global Practice, and Assistant Dean of Global Programs at the School of Social Work, Boston College. Dr. Crea oversees local, national, and international research projects related to social interventions for vulnerable children and families. His research focuses on the intersections of child welfare, refugee social protection and education, and strengthening humanitarian aid and international development programs. Dr. Crea’s projects have been funded by multiple sources such as the U.S. Department of Agriculture, the Porticus Foundation, the National Institute of Child Health and Development, and others. These projects span multiple countries, which in addition to the U.S. have included Guatemala, Honduras, Kenya, Malawi, Palestine, Sierra Leone, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Professor Crea

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uses primarily mixed-methods, participatory research methodologies designed to produce rigorous, yet useful, findings for stakeholders working with marginalized populations. Michael Cronin is the Academic Director of Boston College in Ireland. An historian of twentieth century Ireland, he has published widely on the question of what Irishness and Irish identities mean, including work in the areas of sport, state sponsored spectacles and St. Patrick’s Day celebrations around the world. He is currently the lead researcher for the Government of Ireland’s digital history project that explores the history of Ireland during the period of revolution and upheaval between 1913 and 1923 (www.rte.ie/centuryireland). Hans de Wit is professor and Director of the Center for International Higher Education (CIHE) at Boston College. He previously served as Director of the Center for Higher Education Internationalization (CHEI) at the Università Cattolica Sacro Cuore in Milan, Italy and is currently a member of its Advisory Board. He also served as Professor of Internationalization of Higher Education at the University of Applied Sciences, Amsterdam and as Vice-President for International Affairs of the University of Amsterdam between 1996-2003. Hans is IAU Senior Fellow of the International Universities Association (IAU) and chair of the board of Directors of World Education Services (WES). He is a founding member and past president of the European Association for International Education (EAIE) and also Founding Editor of the Journal of Studies in International Education, Consulting Editor of Policy Reviews in Higher Education, Associate Editor of International Higher Education, and co-editor of the book series “Global Perspectives in Higher Education” Brill | Sense. He has (co)written books and articles on international education and is actively involved in assessment and consultancy in international education, for organizations including the European Commission, UNESCO, World Bank, IMHE/OECD, IAU, and the European Parliament. Tessa DeLaquil is a Ph.D. student and research assistant at the Center for International Higher Education (CIHE), Boston College. Her research interests include the philosophy of higher education, considering multiculturalism, religious pluralism, political theory, and the common good as bases for ethical practice in international higher education, and international comparative higher education focusing on Asian contexts. Tessa earned a B.ScH. in Biochemistry at Queen’s

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University, an M.S.Ed. in Education from Franciscan University of Steubenville, and both a M.A. in Higher Education with a concentration in Spirituality, Faith, and Formation, as well as a certificate in International Higher Education from Boston College. David M. Doyle is an Assistant Professor in Law at Maynooth University (MU). He has been awarded Department of Justice funding (with Clíodhna Murphy, 2019), an Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission (IHREC) Research Grant (2018), an Irish Research Council (IRC) Elevate Fellowship (2013), IRC New Foundations Awards (2012, 2015, 2016), an IRC Research and Networking Grant (Digital Poster Competition, 2012), an I RC Postdoctoral Fellowship (2011), an IRC New Ideas Award (2011) and an IRCHSS Doctoral Scholarship (2008) to conduct research on historic sexual offences, capital punishment, human trafficking and access to education. His research has been published in the British Journal of Criminology, Industrial Law Journal, The Journal of British Studies, The Journal of Legal History and The Howard Journal of Crime and Criminal Justice. His first book (with Dr. Liam O’Callaghan, Liverpool Hope University), Capital Punishment in Independent Ireland: A Social, Legal and Political History, was published by Liverpool University Press in December 2019. Armağan Erdoğan is one of the first associate professors on higher education studies in Turkey who focuses on internationalization and gender in her research. She worked both as head of the International Unit and the advisor to the president of the Turkish Council of Higher Education between 2008 and 2014. She was also the BFUG Representative of Turkey and acted as the Secretary General of the Turkish Rectors Conference at the EUA Council. She coordinated the Euro-student V Project team in Turkey on behalf of the Council of Higher Education in 20092011. She also served as a member of the Gender Committee of the UNESCO National Commission of Turkey between 2009 and 2018 and has worked as the country coordinator of a Horizon 2020 project “EduMAP” as well as the coordinator of “Elite Dialogue” Projects which analyze Syrian university students and academics in the Turkish Higher Education System. Özgür Erdur-Baker is a Professor in Psychological Counseling Program at Middle East Technical University, Ankara. She has a Ph.D. degree in Counseling Psychology from The University of Texas at Austin and also completed a related internship at Duke University. She is the founder of the Psychological Counseling Program at a

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METU satellite campus where she also established a counseling training lab. Her main research interests are trauma/disaster psychology, gender and cultural issues in counseling, and school violence including cyber and traditional bullying. She is the author of numerous national and international journal articles, book chapters and conference proceedings. She spent one year at Boston College as a Fulbright Fellow where she conducted research on culture and gender-sensitive mental health interventions for refugees. She works closely with governmental and non-governmental organizations and national/international humanitarian organizations in various capacities, the majority of which include conducting needs and situation analyses, and developing and implementing prevention and intervention programs for disasters. Hakan Ergin holds a Ph.D. in higher education from Bogazici University, Turkey. He earned his master’s degree in adult education and bachelor’s degree in foreign languages teaching from Bogazici University. During his master’s, he studied as an international student at the State University of New York at Binghamton, U.S. During his doctoral studies, he studied as an international student at Wurzburg University, Germany. His research interests include internationalization of higher education, adult education, migration, right to education and distance learning. He has previously served as a postdoctoral fellow at the Center for International Higher Education (CIHE), Boston College. He currently teaches at Istanbul University. Kerri Evans earned her Ph.D. in 2020 from the Boston College School of Social Work where she studied programs and policies with the goal of eliminating social isolation for children who are forced migrants. She has a specific emphasis on studying the well-being of these children within the school system, and for children placed in foster care or involved with other child welfare services. Her research is informed by more than seven years of direct social work practice and management experience with immigrants and Latinx communities across the United States. Kerri earned her master’s degree in social work from the University of Maryland, and has been a licensed social worker for more than ten years. Samuel Dermas Habtemariam received his first Ph.D. from Addis Ababa University in Ethiopia, majoring in Teaching English as a Foreign Language (TEFL) in 2015. Currently, he is working on his second Ph.D. in Curriculum Studies and is a Graduate Teaching Assistant (GTA) at the University of Kansas, Department of Curriculum and Teaching in the U.S.A. His research interests include education for refugees, curriculum studies, multicultural education and bilingual education.

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Andrew Harvey is Director of the Center for Higher Education Equity and Diversity Research (CHEEDR) and Associate Professor at La Trobe University in Melbourne, Australia. Andrew has published widely in areas of higher education policy, including issues of access, retention, regionality, comparative international admissions frameworks, employability, campus climate, diversity, and the experiences of foster care and new migrant students. In 2017 he led a national report on raising university participation of new migrants in regional communities funded by the Department of Education and Training. He is currently leading a research project on improving employment and education outcomes for Somali Australians funded by the Victorian Department of Health and Human Services. Andrew is lead editor of Student Equity in Australian Higher Education: Twenty-five years of a Fair Chance for All (Springer, 2016). David A. Holdcroft, S.J. (Theol M., B.A., Grad. Dip Ed.) is the Professional and Post-Secondary Education Specialist at the International Office of Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) in Rome, Italy. His work is to develop organizational strategy in this area, develop technical resources and advise and oversee implementation of the Pathfinder Program. David oversees pilot programs in Malawi, Kenya, and Jordan. His work extends to giving technical advice on similar programs in a further eight countries. A Jesuit priest, David has published articles on the Theology of Migration as well as on organizational management in the not-forprofit area. Corinne Kentor is a Ph.D. student in Anthropology & Education at Teachers College, Columbia University and a Research Fellow at the City University of New York. Her research explores the educational experiences of older and younger siblings in mixed status families, with a specific focus on the institutional policies that shape their respective trajectories after high school. Araz Khajarian earned her master’s degree in International Higher Education at Boston College in 2020. She was born and raised in Damascus, Syria, and moved to the United States in 2015. She obtained her bachelor’s degree from Salve Regina University in Newport, Rhode Island in Global Studies with a concentration in International Development. Araz’s research interests include context-relativity in higher education organizations and their dependence on political, historical, epistemological and cultural aspects of the contexts they exist within.

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Betty Leask (Ed.D.) is a professor emerita in the internationalization of higher education at La Trobe University in Melbourne, Australia, and a Visiting Professor at the Center for International Higher Education (CIHE) at Boston College. Betty’s research interests include internationalization of the curriculum, teaching and learning, leadership of internationalization at faculty and institutional levels and internationalization as a driver of change and innovation. Betty developed the first research-based framework for internationalization of the curriculum in 2010. The framework is used by universities across the world to inform their approach to internationalization of the curriculum, campus and community. Betty is also Chief Editor of the Journal of Studies in International Education, the leading journal in the field. Her contributions to the field of international higher education were recognized the 2016 EAIE Tony Adams Award for Excellence in Research and the 2017 IEAA Excellence Award for Distinguished Contribution to International Education. Rebecca Lowenhaupt conducts research at the intersection of educational and immigration policy as it relates to primary and secondary school leadership. An associate professor in the department of Educational Leadership at Boston College, she works with aspiring leaders on organizational, instructional and sociocultural considerations. She has written extensively about school principals, organizational change, and instructional leadership. Her current research explores the role of educational leaders in supporting immigrant and refugee communities. A former middle-school teacher, she holds degrees from Harvard University and the University of Wisconsin-Madison and completed a postdoctoral fellowship at Northwestern University with the Distributed Leadership Study. Her scholarship has appeared in several academic journals, including the American Education Research Journal, Leadership and Policy in Schools, and the Journal of Educational Administration. She has received funding for her research from the W.T. Grant Foundation, the Spencer Foundation and the National Science Foundation. Narintohn Luangrath earned her M.Sc. in Refugee and Forced Migration Studies from the University of Oxford in 2019, where she was Clarendon Scholar, and her B.A. from Boston College in 2014, where she was a Truman Scholar. Her research interests include the U.S. refugee resettlement program, social policy, and connections between work and social inclusion. Narintohn’s early career has spanned public health and social policy. Narintohn served as Special Assistant to the Baltimore City Health Commissioner prior to attending Oxford. Before that,

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Narintohn was a Fulbright Scholar and Visiting Research Fellow at Migration Policy Institute Europe (MPI Europe) in Brussels, Belgium. Her Fulbright project examined the role of small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in supporting the labor market integration of refugees in Sweden and Germany. In Washington, D.C., Narintohn was a Truman-Albright Fellow in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, where she studied cash assistance programs for refugees. M. Brinton Lykes (Ph.D.) is Professor of Community-Cultural Psychology and Co-Director of the Center for Human Rights and International Justice at Boston College. Her anti-racist feminist activist scholarship focuses on: (1) rethreading life in the wake of racialized and gendered violence during armed conflict and in post-genocide transitions; and, (2) migration and post-deportation human rights violations and resistance. She has published extensively in refereed journals and edited volumes, co-edited four books, co-authored four others and is co-editor-in-chief of the International Journal of Transitional Justice. Recipient of the Ignacio Martín-Baró Lifetime Peace Practitioner Award; the American Psychological Association’s International Humanitarian Award; the Florence L. Denmark and Mary E. Reuder Award for Outstanding International Contributions to the Psychology of Women and Gender; and the Seymour B. Sarason Award for Community Research and Action, she is also a board member of several NGOs including Women’s Rights International, Impunity Watch, and Grassroots International. Clíodhna Murphy is an Assistant Professor at Maynooth University Department of Law. She lectures and researches in the areas of migration law, human rights, international law and company law. She has published widely in these fields, including in journals such as International & Comparative Law Quarterly; Human Rights Quarterly; Industrial Law Journal; and the British Journal of Criminology. She is a member of the Ethical, Political, Legal and Philosophical Studies Committee of the Royal Irish Academy. Muiread Murphy graduated from Maynooth University with a first class Bachelor in Laws degree (L.L.B.) in 2017 and completed a Master’s degree in Comparative Criminology and Criminal Justice (also with first class honors) in 2018. She is currently an Irish Research Council Government of Ireland Doctoral Scholar, focusing on the area of severe labor exploitation.

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Gabrielle Oliveira is assistant professor at the Lynch School of Education and Human Development at Boston College. Gabrielle received her bachelor’s degree in her native Brazil and earned her master’s and doctoral degrees from Columbia University and Teachers College, where she was also a National Academy of Education/ Spencer Foundation Dissertation Fellow. Gabrielle’s book Motherhood Across Borders: Immigrants and Their Children in Mexico and New York (2018) by NYU Press won the Inaugural Outstanding Book Award in Ethnography at the Penn Ethnography Forum. Gabrielle was also a 2018 Concha Delgado Gaitan Presidential Fellow awarded by the Council of Anthropology and Education. She is also the co-founder of the group Colectiva Infancias, a Latin America group of women scholars who study migration of children across the Americas. The group was recently awarded a grant by The National Geographic Foundation. Gabrielle is currently a Postdoc Fellow with the National Academy of Education/Spencer Foundation 2019. Onur Özmen is assistant professor at TED University in Ankara, Turkey, and completed his bachelor’s degree in Psychological Counseling and Guidance (PCG) at Hacettepe University, Ankara, in 2002. His career began with a school counseling position in various schools of Turkish Ministry of National Education in Ankara, along with pursuing graduate studies in the Program of PCG at Middle East Technical University (METU), Ankara. He completed his Master’s in 2006, and obtained his Ph.D. degree in 2014. He studied in the department of Counseling and Development at Purdue University, Indiana, U.S.A. in 2010 and 2011 as a visiting research scholar. His studies for Ph.D. focused on individual and cultural elements of adaptation to post-loss processes of adult women. He taught courses such as individual counseling practice, multicultural counseling, and counseling theories. His academic interests focus on psychology of grief, loss, and trauma, cultural studies, counseling supervision, and qualitative research. Martin Scanlan (Ph.D.) is an associate professor in the Department of Educational Leadership and Higher Education in the Lynch School of Education and Human Development at Boston College. From 2006 – 2013 he was a faculty member in the College of Education at Marquette University. Before becoming a faculty in higher education, Scanlan spent a decade working in teaching and administration in urban elementary and middle schools in Washington, D.C., Berkeley, CA, and Madison, WI. He continues to work closely with building and district level administrators to bridge research and practice. Scanlan’s research explores how

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to strengthen the communities of practice in schools to promote inclusion of students across multiple dimensions of diversity. His most recent work, a co-edited volume entitled Leadership for Culturally and Linguistically Responsive Education: Designing Networks That Transform Schools, was published in 2019 by Harvard Education Press. Wondwosen Tamrat is an associate professor and founding president of St. Mary’s University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. He is a collaborating scholar of the Program for Research on Private Higher Education (PROPHE) headquartered at the State University of New York at Albany, U.S.A. He is also the coordinator of the private higher education sub-cluster set up for the realization of the Africa Union’s Continental Education Strategy of Africa (CESA). His research focus areas include private higher education, internationalization, equity and diversity in higher education, quality assurance, university governance, and graduate employability. Kelber Tozini is a Ph.D. student in the Education and Inequality program at The George Washington University. His research interests include internationalization of higher education, refugee access and experience in higher education, and university innovation in Latin America. He holds a Licensure in English Language Teaching from Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (Brazil), a Bachelor in Business Administration and a Master of Science in Administration from Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos (Brazil), and a Master of Arts in International Higher Education from Boston College. Lisa Unangst earned her Ph.D. in Higher Education at Boston College in 2020, where her dissertation work was supported by the Ruth Landes Memorial Research Fund. Her research interests include how displaced groups access and experience higher education in Germany, Canada, and the United States; international alumni affairs; cross-national constructions of “diversity”; and quantitative textual analysis. She has published in Policy Reviews in Higher Education, the Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management, and the Journal for the Study of Postsecondary and Tertiary Education and has a forthcoming chapter in the Cambridge University Press book A Better Future: The Role of Higher Education for Displaced and Marginalized People. Lisa serves as an editorial board member of the Journal of International Students and has worked previously at Cal State East Bay, Caltech, and Harvard University. She earned degrees from Smith College (B.A.) and the Harvard Graduate School of Education (Ed.M.).

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Ayenachew A. Woldegiyorgis received his Ph.D. in 2020 from the Center for International Higher Education (CIHE), Boston College. He has previously served as a faculty member at Addis Ababa University (Ethiopia) and as a consultant for the World Bank (Washington, DC). He is also the immediate past managing editor of the International Journal of African Higher Education. His main areas of research publication include higher education partnerships, internationalization of higher education, higher education and development, scientific diaspora engagement, and policy and governance in higher education. Ayenachew holds a B.A. in Business Management from Jimma University, M.A. in Public Administration from Addis Ababa University, and M.Sc. in Research and Innovation in Higher Education from the Erasmus Mundus program of Danube University (Austria), University of Tampere (Finland), Beijing Normal University (China) and Osnabrück University of Applied Sciences (Germany). Ayenachew is also a recipient of the 2018–19 Civil Society Scholars Award from the Open Society Foundations.

PART 1 Framing the Landscape

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chapter 1

Refugees and Higher Education: Trans-national Perspectives on Access, Equity, and Internationalization Hans de Wit, Tessa DeLaquil, Hakan Ergin, Araz Khajarian and Lisa Unangst

Displacement crises worldwide represent pressing humanitarian, security, economic, and educational concerns. While migration is inextricably linked to the story of humanity, current flows across borders drawn and reinforced by nation-state systems are stretching – and some would argue breaking – bonds of international and regional communities. These changes have collectively caused a change in the overall political and social scheme as we had previously come to know it. The imponderable and swift nature of this change has caused certain populations, such as Syrian students in the U.S., to be thrust in limbo and away from stability and security. Similarly, money is exchanged between the American and Mexican governments to keep asylum seekers away from the shared border, where agents on the American side have also been documented to limit the number of entrants per day and separate children from their families (Arvey & Leutert, 2019; Kanstroom, 2019). Prompted by these dire circumstances, which are echoed in many settings trans-nationally, we engaged in a number of conversations and writing projects over the 2018–19 academic year, spurred by our complementary interests in the American, Dutch, German, Syrian, Turkish, and Venezuelan contexts. We thus grew to see the opportunity for a collaborative work, building upon the debate initiated in a 2015 commentary by Philip Altbach and Hans de Wit in University World News regarding the importance of action by higher education in response to the Syrian refugee crisis, as well as subsequent research and publications by Hans de Wit, doctoral candidate Lisa Unangst, and visiting scholar Hakan Ergin on the topic. This resulted in the construction of a co-developed graduate level class on Refugees, Migrants, and Higher Education organized through the Center for International Higher Education of the Boston College Lynch School of Education and Human Development. In addition to the above, Hakan Ergin, Hans de Wit and Betty Leask introduced the term “Forced Internationalization of Higher Education” in the © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_001

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Spring 2019 issue of International Higher Education. With this, they have made an attempt to conceptualize refugees’ access to higher education. Focusing on Turkey, which is host to the largest refugee population in the world, the piece discussed how policy makers of higher education in Turkey were “forced” to provide Syrian refugees with access to higher education due to their unexpected and lengthy stay and unceasing conflict in Syria. In the Fall 2019 issue of the same journal, Hakan Ergin and Hans de Wit introduced another article discussing religious drivers of forced internationalization, which foster Syrian refugees’ access to higher education in Turkey. Aiming to draw from the depth and breadth of scholarship and practical experience located in the Boston College network, we outlined a plan for an edited volume covering major world regions and addressing a handful of trans-national issues and innovations. This book, the realization of those plans sketched out in Chestnut Hill, and including the expertise and experience of graduate assistants Araz Khajarian and Tessa DeLaquil, features Boston College affiliates including professors, graduate students, visiting scholars, alumni, advisory board members, partner scholars, and staff. As indicated by this publication’s title, we consider in the pages that follow refugees and higher education broadly construed. Contributions touch on gaps in university services within and across national landscapes, and iterative policy frameworks undergirding refugee student access to higher education. In several cases, authors probe parallel discourses of internationalization (frequently though incompletely represented by high profile student and faculty mobility initiatives) and refugee support within a given national context. There is also a consistent emphasis on variable and inconsistent definitions of refugee and asylee, made problematic by legal structures that may recognize two almost identical experiences as, alternately, meriting permanent protection or deportation. Finally, there is a consideration of the overlapping systemic oppressors that may impact the life of a given refugee student. As Yao et al. (2018) have written, these may include the “layering of liminality and a subordinate social position” (p. 52). We underscore here that any discussion of a national, state-based, or institutional-level higher education strategy for internationalization is incomplete without attention to displacement. The oft-cited UNHCR statistic of 3% higher education enrollment among refugee students globally underscores the critical role of stakeholders at each of these mutually constitutive education policy tiers (UNHCR, 2019). As previous cases of forced displacement have taught us, most refugees do not return home but rather stay as a permanent part of a host society; integrating this distinct international population into higher education is of vital importance.

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As noted, we have structured the contributions to this volume by geographic region, though parallels are observed across these zones of interest. The section on Latin America includes entries discussing the crisis unfolding in Venezuela from the perspective of Colombia, Brazil, and regional agreements supporting refugees. It also considers the case of Dominicans in New York City, some of whom identify as refugees and others who have very similar experiences but are not classified as such. In approaching North America, authors consider the elementary and secondary school pipeline to higher education, what institutions in two rural states are doing to give voice to refugee students and concurrently ensure quality education for that population, as well as how Syrian students encounter the U.S. legal and educational systems. The section on Africa and the Middle East takes two countries as focal points, Ethiopia and Turkey, and offers two reflections on each. These include historically situated policy analyses and new qualitative research. The European section sheds light on legal supports for refugee students in Ireland, vocational programs aimed at refugees in Sweden and Germany, and regional innovations serving this marginalized group. In the two chapters that address Asia & Oceania, we consider recent refugee policy changes in the Australian case and how the theories of Arendt apply to the Asian refugee sphere. Finally, a trans-national section discusses capacity building in secondary schools to support refugee communities, new higher education programs serving refugees in camps and in urban settings, and initiatives associated with the Boston College School of Theology and Ministry. A common bias of current refugee studies is that most of them focus too much on refugees in developed countries and make an overgeneralization about their experiences in higher education based upon the findings of smallscale studies. As the above-given overview of the contents indicates, this book takes both a global perspective towards the issue (thereby situating forced displacement as a problem of the world, not a specific country or region) and respects local features that inevitably affect refugees’ relations with national higher education systems (Ergin, 2019). Moving forward, we urge our colleagues at Boston College and elsewhere to pursue grey literature and scholarly research in this vital area. Key topics for study include, among others, the trajectories of refugees identifying as religious minorities (discussed as a concern in the European context, for example) (Benton & Ahad, 2019; Schmid, 2019); the racialization of refugees (Immigrant and Refugee Integration and Policy Development Working Group, 2017; McEachrane, 2018); and attention to the particular experiences of refugee women (Gregoriou & Christou, 2011; Ramsay & Baker, 2019) as well as academics in exile (Parkinson, Zoubir, & Abdullateef et al., 2018). We use these

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coarse generalizations provisionally, acknowledging that each of these categories is essentialist and by no means representative of, for example, all “refugee women” (McCall, 2005). In sum, a vast range of pressing, educationally-focused human rights research is called for. We thank our authors for their willingness to share their expertise and scholarly work, reflecting the broad interest and commitment of the Boston College community for this important theme.

References Arvey, S., & Leutert, S. (2019, June 17). Thousands of asylum-seekers left waiting at the US-Mexico border. Public Radio International, 1. Retrieved from https://www.pri.org/ stories/2019-06-17/thousands-asylum-seekers-left-waiting-us-mexico-border Benton, M., & Ahad, A. (2019). Breaking new ground: Ten ideas to revamp integration policy in Europe. Migration Policy Institute Europe. Ergin, H. (2019). Refugee studies are too focused on developed countries. University World News. Retrieved from https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story= 20190717102317676 Ergin, H., & de Wit, H. (2019). Religion, a major driver for forced internationalization. International Higher Education, 99, 9–10. Ergin, H., de Wit, H., & Leask, B. (2019). Forced internationalization: An emerging phenomenon. International Higher Education, 97, 9–10. Gregoriou, Z., & Christou, G. (2011). The dubious gift/debt of integration: Patriarchal regimes, ethnicity and sexuality in the school lives of migrant girls in Cyprus. In Mediterranean Institute of Gender Studies (MIGS) (Ed.), Young migrant women in secondary education: Promoting integration and mutual understanding through dialogue and exchange (pp. 21–57). University of Nicosia Press. Immigrant and Refugee Integration and Policy Development Working Group. (2017). Immigrant and refugee integration and policy development working group: Final report. Lewiston. Retrieved from https://www.lewistonmaine.gov/ DocumentCenter/View/8885/REPORT---ImmigrantandRefugeeIntegrationand PolicyDevelopmentWorkingGroupFinalReport?bidId= Kanstroom, D. (2019, April 11–12). Evolving international approaches to migration control. Paper presented at Global Migration Conference, Chestnut Hill. McCall, L. (2005). The complexity of intersectionality. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 30(3), 1771–1800. McEachrane, M. (2018). Universal human rights and the coloniality of race in Sweden. Human Rights Review, 19, 471–493. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12142-018-0510-x

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Parkinson, T., Zoubir, T., Abdullateef, S., Abedtalas, M., Alyamani, G., Al Ibrahim, Z., Al Husni, M., Omar, F., Hajhamoud, H., Iboor, F., Allito, H., Jenkins, M., Rashwani, A., Sennou, A., & Shaban, F. (2018). ‘We are still here’: The stories of Syrian academics in exile. International Journal of Comparative Education and Development, 20(3–4), 132–147. Ramsay, G., & Baker, S. (2019). Higher education and students from refugee backgrounds: A meta-scoping study. Refugee Survey Quarterly, 1–28. https://doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdy018 Schmid, S. (2019). Taking care of the other: Visions of a caring integration in female refugee support work. Social Inclusion, 7(2), 118–127. https://doi.org/10.17645/ si.v7i2.1964 UNHCR. (2019). Stepping up: Refugee education in crisis. UNHCR. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/steppingup/ Yao, C. W., George Mwangi, C. A., & Malaney Brown, V. K. (2018). Exploring the intersection of transnationalism and critical race theory: A critical race analysis of international student experiences in the United States. Race Ethnicity and Education, 22(1), 38–58. https://doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2018.1497968

chapter 2

Refugee Higher Education in Contexts of Displacement: Educational Approaches and Programmatic Initiatives Thomas M. Crea and David A. Holdcroft, S.J.

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Introduction

The rapid increase of refugees worldwide in recent years (UNHCR, 2019b), and the significant decrease in refugees resettled to host countries (Connor & Krogstad, 2018), are shifting the focus from emergency service provision to longer-term development in contexts of displacement. Lengths of displacement for refugees average 10–15 years (Devictor & Do, 2016) so that, for young people, being displaced accounts for a significant amount of their lives. Unfortunately, education remains out of reach for many children and youth: only 61% of children who are refugees attend primary school, compared to 91% of the world’s population (UNHCR, 2019a), and those in refugee camps face further obstacles to education such as extremely high teacher-student ratios and lack of teacher qualifications and training (Bellino & Dryden-Peterson, 2019; Wright & Plasterer, 2010). Humanitarian donors tend to prioritize basic needs over educational needs, such that secondary and tertiary education receive even less attention than primary education, particularly in camps (Wright & Plasterer, 2010). Higher education in particular is sometimes seen as elitist and only serving the most privileged in spite of the many benefits such opportunities offer (Dryden-Peterson, 2010). Given the length of displacement, however (Devictor & Do, 2016), provision of higher education along with primary and secondary education need not be a zero sum game but part of a larger systemsbuilding approach that provides benefits across a wide variety of needs and contexts (Crea, 2016; Dryden-Peterson, 2010). Furthermore, restricting educational access harms the ability of refugees to shape their futures now and in the future (Baker et al., 2019). Providing opportunities for refugees to advance their education serves the fundamental human right to education (UN General Assembly, 1966). Existing research suggests that advanced education provides skills that are transferable across contexts (Taylor & Sidhu, 2012), empowers refugees to become © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2020 | doi: 10.1163/9789004435841_002

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leaders in their communities (Dryden-Peterson & Giles, 2010), helps preserve cultural traditions (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2011), encourages social inclusion (Oh & van der Stouwe, 2008), and offers a sense of hope for the future (Crea, 2016; Crea & McFarland, 2015). For resettled refugees, research suggests that greater educational access is associated with improved quality of life and livelihoods (Crondahl & Eklund, 2012) and mental health (Mitschke et al., 2013). When asked, refugee students in higher education are grateful for their opportunities but wish for further educational opportunities or linkages to future vocational goals (Crea, 2016; Crea & McFarland, 2015). Higher education opportunities for refugees can also help build skills and confidence that help to empower them and the communities in which they live (Crea & Sparnon, 2017). The purpose of this chapter is to review current literature on higher educational opportunities for refugees, primarily during the contexts of their displacement but also after resettlement in host countries. We first examine barriers and strategies to higher education for resettled refugees, and then explore similar themes for refugees still in exile with a focus on key initiatives that exist to provide higher education during displacement. We then introduce an initiative currently being developed by Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) that focuses on building educational opportunities by clearly linking them to pipelines of possible employment.

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Higher Education in Host Countries for Refugees

Developed nations account for only 15% of the world’s population of refugees (UNHCR, 2018). Most of the limited existing literature on higher education for refugees in developed nations is focused on Germany as a receiving country, with some attention paid to France, Switzerland, and Canada. The German government has responded positively to the influx of refugees, according to Streitwieser and colleagues (2019), by using the influx “as an opportunity to implement reforms and to strengthen the system for all students” (p. 1). Over half of all German institutions of higher education now have dedicated tracks to support enrolled refugee students (Streitwieser et al., 2019). Integrating refugees in these institutions is not achieved without challenges, however – universities must balance standardized curricula with the unique learning needs of refugee students (Streitwieser & Brück, 2018) such that strong community partnerships outside the university are necessary to support these students properly (Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018). For the most competitive programs in German universities, such as medical programs, the steep competition precludes even qualified refugees from being admitted (Unangst & Streitwieser,

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2018). An ethnographic study completed in Germany, Switzerland and France found that student refugees faced a dilemma in terms of funding their education. As students they do not qualify for social assistance but also have limited access to other sources of funding. Therefore, these students either take on financial risk during their studies or must find work to balance their need for income and education (Sontag, 2019), a common challenge for resettled refugees (Makwarimba et al., 2013). Many refugee students face additional barriers to post-secondary education in host countries. These students often face informational barriers that make it difficult to access educational opportunities (Bajwa et al., 2017). Language barriers also often preclude access to education (Purkey, 2010). Difficulties navigating these barriers may introduce or exacerbate issues related to mental health and trauma (Bajwa et al., 2017), that may additionally delay or slow educational progress (Kirmayer et al., 2011). Developing nations host 85% of the world’s refugees (UNHCR, 2018). With 3.7 million refugees, Turkey hosts the highest number of refugees in the world, followed by Pakistan (1.4 million), Uganda (1.2 million), and Sudan (1.1 million) (UNHCR, 2019b). Turkey, for example, recently instituted reforms in higher education that allow Syrian refugees to enroll in university as special students without documentation of prior education, and provide tuition exemptions and scholarships that have substantially increased the number of refugees enrolled in higher education in Turkey (Ergin et al., 2019).

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Higher Education in Humanitarian Settings

Refugees who are awaiting resettlement or repatriation in contexts of displacement often face even greater challenges to higher education, including lack of economic resources and documentation (Dryden-Peterson & Giles, 2010), and lack of language proficiency (Watkins et al., 2012). Some educational programs in refugee camps lack accreditation or recognition by other institutions, making it difficult to continue education once leaving the camp (Zeus, 2011). Even for those that are accredited, university credits are often limited and not recognized in host countries so that the likelihood of receiving a college degree is remote, and employment prospects after their education are dim or non-existent (Crea, 2016). Some refugee students are able to obtain limited scholarship opportunities (Anselme & Hands, 2012) that usually require the student to travel to another country to complete their degree. These programs include the Student Refugee Program at World University Service of Canada,1 the Albert Einstein German Academic Refugee

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Initiative (DAFI) (Morlang & Watson, 2007), and Windle Trust International (Dryden-Peterson & Giles, 2010). Over the past several years, a growing number of initiatives have emerged to provide tertiary education in refugees’ current contexts of displacement, whether in refugee camps or urban areas. Some provide strictly online education (Zlatkin-Troitschanskaia et al., 2018) while others provide a hybrid model of online modules with on-site instruction (Abdi, 2016; Crea & McFarland, 2015; Crea & Sparnon, 2017; Russell & Weaver, 2019). These programs, both historical and current, were identified for inclusion in this chapter through reviewing peer-reviewed and gray literature, and from conversations with staff from UNHCR who are informed about most recent developments in the area of refugee higher education. Each of these programs is outlined below. Australia Catholic University (ACU) Refugee Program. In 2003, Australia Catholic University (ACU) initiated a pilot program that provides tertiary education to camp-based refugees on Thai-Burma border. This program provided a diploma in liberal studies and the course was a combination of face-to-face teaching (by ACU) as well as online teaching (by four Jesuit universities from U.S. and Canada). Students reported benefits from the program in terms of improved English and technology skills, broadened horizons and critical thinking about armed struggle (MacLaren, 2010). The successful implementation of ACU program sparked an international collaboration on refugee education that resulted in the Jesuit Commons: Higher Education at the Margins (JC:HEM) pilot program (2010–2014) that evolved into Jesuit Worldwide Learning (JWL) working in collaboration with JRS as on-the-ground partner. Borderless Higher Education to Refugees (BHER) is a project designed to provide both online and on-site higher education courses for refugees in Dadaab camp, Kenya (BHER, n.d.). York University, as one of the four participating universities in ACU program, is actively engaged in the research and implementation of BHER, which emphasizes a sustainable model to improve secondary education as a pathway to tertiary education (Dippo et al., 2013). BHER also allows participants to earn certificates or diplomas, including: University Preparation Program, Certificate of Completion in Education Studies (Elementary), Diploma in Early Childhood Education, Diploma in Teacher Education Secondary, and two year and four year Bachelor degrees (Dippo et al., 2013). Courses are delivered on-site and online through coordination of their partners. In addition, BHER is establishing a mentorship program that pairs local women with other international scholars and students. After extensive research, the program began in summer of 2013 with 200 students enrolled and beginning instruction (BHER, 2013). Existing research shows that teachers

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may benefit from increased engagement with curriculum development (Abdi, 2016). Education for Humanity is an initiative through Arizona State University (ASU), partnering with EdPlus, to provide on-site learning and online education to refugees, with current pilot sites in Lebanon, Jordan, Uganda, and Rwanda (ASU, 2019). This initiative uses a “1+3” model, where one year is spent with on-site facilitation of online credit-bearing content from ASU, leading to three years of undergraduate study at either a local university or at ASU Online (ASU, 2019). Limited information is available on this program and no research appears to have addressed its effectiveness. Kiron Open Higher Education for refugees offers online education that combines self-paced online courses, online and offline student support services, and live online collaboration, in coordination with multiple MOOC providers (Kiron, 2019). Kiron is headquartered in Berlin and primarily serves refugees resettled in Germany, but also offers study tracks in Business & Economics or Computer Science for refugees and disadvantaged youth in Jordan and Lebanon. A group of German researchers collaborate on the Success and Opportunities for Refugees in Higher Education (SUCCESS) research project, designed to test the effectiveness of higher education offered through Kiron. This study is in its early stages, but preliminary findings show wide variation in the preparation of students at enrollment that may require more individualized supports (Zlatkin-Troitschanskaia et al., 2018). Southern New Hampshire University (SNHU) received an anonymous donation of $10 million in 2017 to develop and implement higher education programs for refugees in the U.S. and around the world, with the goal of enrolling 50,000 students across 20 locations by 2022 (Keane, 2017). Currently, the Global Education Movement (GEM) through SNHU serves refugee students in five sites: Lebanon, Kakuma, Dzaleka, Rwanda, South Africa, and offers bachelor’s degrees in Communications, Management, Healthcare Management, and an associate’s degree in General Studies (Business). The academic model is based on gaining competencies (knowledge and skills) rather than on accruing hours, so that the curriculum is flexible based on the needs of each student (SNHU, 2019). GEM is characterized by three principles: (1) a flexible mode of degree delivery and assessment; (2) a blended learning model with online coursework and in-person academic support; and (3) provision of adaptive and context-specific interventions and resources to support students (Russell & Weaver, 2019). Importantly, GEM offers internships as part of the curriculum, as well as a jobs portal, and opportunities for remote online employment (Russell & Weaver, 2019), such that refugee higher education is linked with pathways for future success and employment (Crea, 2016). Little research has been

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published to date on the success of the GEM model. Brown and colleagues (2017) published a case study of GEM in Kiziba refugee camp in Rwanda, and found significant challenges to operating a higher education program related to internet infrastructure, security issues, and barriers related to language proficiency and academic preparation (Brown et al., 2017). Jesuit Worldwide Learning (JWL) began in 2010 as Jesuit Commons: Higher Education at the Margins (JC:HEM), with two program areas: (1) an accredited program of study via the internet leading to a diploma with an official transcript through Regis University (45 credits); and (2) Community Leadership Tracks to enhance NGO provision and community life, in areas such as Counseling, Community Health and Education, English as a Second Language, Special Needs Education, and Teacher In-Service (Crea & McFarland, 2015). A third area, the Global English Language Program, was added later using the Common European Framework of References for Languages (CEFR) (JWL, 2018). The initial program began in Kakuma Camp in Kenya, Dzaleka Camp in Malawi, and to urban refugees in Amman, Jordan, and has since expanded to sites in Afghanistan, Chad, Iraq, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, India, Nepal, and Haiti (JWL, 2018). Existing research on JWL shows that students felt empowered through participation that expanded their worldviews, but were also uncertain about their futures after their studies ended (Crea, 2016; Crea & McFarland, 2015; Crea & Sparnon, 2017). JWL is now a provider of Southern New Hampshire University’s Global Education Movement (GEM) program in Kakuma camp, Kenya, and Dzaleka camp, Malawi.

4

Professional and Post-Secondary Education for Refugees: A Contextualized Approach

Students from the JC-HEM program provided feedback to Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) that helped prompt a review of JRS’s goals for higher education and its role as an on-the-ground partner assisting the delivery of higher education to refugees. This process ultimately resulted in the development of an interdisciplinary program named Pathfinder that links professional education to employment outcomes, while also attempting to broaden the pool of potential entrants and decrease dropout rates. The program design and theory of change are largely based on the recommendations of an eighteen-month, five country, ten site study of market needs and behaviors, and population profiling in refugee situations. As well as identifying needed skills at each site, the study identified a series of demand side and supply side barriers to skilled employment and business take-up (Samuel Hall, 2019).

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Demand side barriers included the overall small size of labor markets, the isolation of markets from economic centers, and limited opportunities. Added to these barriers is a mismatch between existing opportunities and the skills that many refugees bring, coupled with poor employer knowledge concerning refugees’ situations and rights. The policy environment in host countries also typically privileges the rights of citizens over those of refugees and may actively limit their rights to movement or work. This dynamic limits employment opportunities to the informal sector and the micro economies of camps (Samuel Hall, 2019). Supply side barriers include the poor overall levels of education already cited in this chapter, as well as limited skills and occupational choices. In addition, the lack of family or extended networks constrain the ability of young refugees to access the labor market in all but the very limited immediate camp or settlement situation. Research by Laterite (2019) for the Mastercard Foundation also cites the lack of a link between education and potential jobs, both through the lack of training in hard skills and in the soft skills needed to manage the transition to employment. While the Laterite report focused on secondary education and argued for closer alignment with students’ likely post education pathways, the same can be said for post-secondary training. Indeed Samuel Hall (2019) also cited the need to work as the principal reason for early school dropout and low education-attainment levels in some contexts. A further supply side barrier is the exclusion of minority groups and the large gender skew that prevents, in different contexts, women or men participating in the upper levels of secondary education, and therefore the supply of candidates to post-secondary training and subsequently skilled employment. 4.1 JRS Pathfinder Programme Although in its very early stages, the JRS Pathfinder Programme seeks systematically, though not sequentially, to address these barriers. The programme is based on three steps preceded by an intensive preparation phase, involving a comprehensive market and situational analysis cross-referencing refugee desires with market skills gaps. This information leads to decisions around the choice of courses to be offered in a given context. These courses can be sourced in local or international educational institutions ideally working in collaboration, but also in other groups offering technical training particularly in digital skills and electrical engineering. Unlike other models of post-secondary education, it is the on-the-ground partner that retains project control and contracts the educational institute, with modes of delivery of blended online or face-to-face instruction, depending on the context. Candidates for the courses are assessed by a career guidance counsellor and have access to developmental coaching throughout the training period. JRS is

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exploring methods of competency-based assessment recognizing that refugees often possess competencies and experience gained outside the formal education system: it is hoped that this type of assessment will enable the project to include, and indeed focus on, people without formal secondary completion, who constitute the vast majority of refugees (up to 95% in low income countries) (Laterite, 2019). The skill needs identified in the market assessments (Samuel Hall, 2019) exhibited strong commonality across the different sites with teacher training, basic health care such as nursing and midwifery, digital skills, commercial languages, management and entrepreneurship scoring highly in all the sites surveyed. Electrical wiring/repair and agricultural management also were popular and in need. These disciplines range from vocational categories through short cycle tertiary to longer professional courses: it is envisaged that they be offered, if necessary, under one project “roof” in a manner that can adapt to changes in skill requirements. The final step of the project entails purposeful support of students for placement in internships and jobs, training and preparation for interviews, and in the building of social media and online profiles, keeping in mind the need for refugees to protect their public identity in many cases. Pathfinder has begun piloting in Malawi, working in collaboration with the French digital training start-up Konexio, training students in a broad range of digital skills and preparing them to take up freelance and platform work. A larger multi-faceted pilot is scheduled to begin in Nairobi and Kakuma refugee camp with digital training, small business development and early childhood education offered at certificate levels, and management and communications at a degree level. The small business development course is being offered in collaboration with an entrepreneurship incubator, the African Entrepreneurship Collective, which will mentor small businesses as they grow and then provide additional training in strategic leadership and management to enable businesses to plan their growth after the initial start-up phase. Other sites are planned for Pathfinder implementation building on the learning from the two pilots.

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Conclusion

Higher education programs are now proliferating both in host countries and in humanitarian aid contexts. In the contexts of protracted refugee displacement, increased attention is being paid to providing higher and post-secondary education opportunities in refugee camps and urban areas where refugees live. These programs differ in the extent to which they provide educational content specific to the contexts of displacement, as well as whether and how they

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identify and create linkages to existing employment opportunities post-education. In spite of the proliferation of these programs, however, little research exists that identifies the effectiveness of various program components, or even that articulates program goals so that effectiveness can be measured. With the increasing demand for post-secondary education within refugee populations, a fundamental step is to work with refugees to identify their goals within existing opportunities – and accompany them to realize these goals within a thoughtful framework of context-specific education.

Note 1 See https://wusc.ca

References Abdi, F. A. (2016). Behind barbed wire fences – Higher education and twenty-first century teaching in Dadaab, Kenya. Bildhaan – An International Journal of Somali Studies, 16(1), Article 8. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/ bildhaan/vol16/iss1/8 Anselme, M. L., & Hands, C. (2010). Access to secondary and tertiary education for all refugees: Steps and challenges to overcome. Refuge, 27(2), 3–7. Arizona State University. (2019). Education for humanity: Asu’s rapidly deployable education solution for refugee, displaced and marginalized learners. Retrieved from https://edplus.asu.edu/what-we-do/education-humanity Bajwa, J., Couto, S., Kidd, S., Markoulakis, R., Abai, M., & McKenzie, K. (2017). Refugees, higher education, and informational barriers. Refuge, 33(2), 56–65. https://doi.org/ 10.7202/1043063ar Baker, S., Ramsey, G., & Lenette, C. (2019). Students from refugee and asylum seeker backgrounds and meaningful participation in higher education: From peripheral to fundamental concern. Widening Participation and Lifelong Learning, 21(2), 4–19. Bellino, M. J., & Dryden-Peterson, S. (2019) Inclusion and exclusion within a policy of national integration: Refugee education in Kenya’s Kakuma Refugee Camp. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 40(2), 222–238. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 01425692.2018.1523707 Borderless Higher Education for Refugees. (2019). Borderless Higher Education for Refugees. Retrieved from https://www.bher.org/ Brown, S., Saint, M., & Russell, C. (2017, October 19–22). Education in an extreme environment: A university in a refugee camp. 2017 IEEE Global Humanitarian Technology Conference (GHTC), San Jose, CA. https://doi.org/10.1109/GHTC.2017.8239270

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Connor, P., & Krogstad, J. M. (2018). For the first time, U.S. resettles fewer refugees than the rest of the world. Pew Research Center. Retrieved from https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/07/05/for-the-first-time-u-sresettles-fewer-refugees-than-the-rest-of-the-world/ Crea, T. M. (2016). Refugee higher education: Contextual challenges and implications for program design, delivery, and accompaniment. International Journal of Educational Development, 46, 12–22. Crea, T. M., & McFarland, M. (2015). Higher education for refugees: Lessons from a 4-year pilot study. International Review of Education, 61(2), 235–245. https://doi.org/ 10.1007/s11159-015-9484-y Crea, T. M., & Sparnon, N. (2017). Democratizing education at the margins: Faculty and practitioner perspectives on delivering online tertiary education for refugees. International Journal of Educational Technology in Higher Education, 14(43). https://doi.org/10.1186/s41239-017-0081-y Crondahl, K., & Eklund, L. (2012). Perceptions on health, well-being, and quality of life of Balkan Roma adolescents in West Sweden. Romani Studies, 22(2), 153–173. Devictor, X., & Do, Q. T. (2016). How many years do refugees stay in exile? Retrieved from https://blogs.worldbank.org/dev4peace/how-many-years-do-refugees-stay-exile Dippo, D., Orgocka, A., & Giles W. (2013). Reaching Higher: The provision of higher education for long-term refugees in the Dadaab Camps, Kenya. York University. Retrieved from http://bher.eecs.yorku.ca/knowledgebase/feasibility-study-reportreaching-higher-the-provision-of-higher-education-for-long-%C2%ADtermrefugees-in-the-dadaab-camps-kenya/ Dryden-Peterson, S. (2010). The politics of higher education for refugees in a global movement for primary education. Refuge, 27(2), 10–18. Dryden-Peterson, S., & Giles, W. (2010). Introduction: Higher education for refugees. Refuge, 27(2), 3–9. Ergin, H., de Wit, H., & Leask, B. (2019). Forced internationalization of higher education: An emerging phenomenon. International Higher Education, 97, 9–10. Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, E. (2011). Paradoxes of Shrawi refugees’ educational migration: Promoting self-sufficiency of renewing dependency? Comparative Education, 47(4), 433–447. Jesuit Worldwide Learning. (2018). Jesuit worldwide learning: Higher education at the margins. Learning Together to Transform the World. Retrieved from https://www.jwl.org/en/home Keane, L. (2017). Southern New Hampshire University launches major refugee education initiative. Retrieved from https://www.snhu.edu/about-us/newsroom/2017/07/ snhu-launches-major-refugee-education-initiative Kirmayer, L., Narasiah, L., Munoz, M., Rashid, M., Ryder, A., Guzder, J., Hassan, G., Rousseau, C., & Pottie, K. (2011). Common mental health problems in immigrants and refugees: General approach in primary care: Canadian guidelines for immigrant health. Canadian Medical Association Journal, 183(12), 959–966.

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Kiron. (2019). Open higher education for refugees. Retrieved from https://kiron.ngo/ Laterite. (2019). Preparing youth for the transition to work. Mastercard Foundation. MacLaren, D. (2012). Tertiary education for refugees: A case study from the Thai-Burma border. Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees, 27(2), 103–110. Makwarimba, E., Stewart, M., Simich, L., Makumbe, K., Shizha, E., & Anderson, S. (2013). Sudanese and Somali refugees in Canada: Social support needs and preferences. International Migration, 51(5), 106–19. Mitschke, D. B., Aguirre, R. T. P., & Sharma, B. (2013). Common threads: Improving the mental health of Bhutanese refugee women through shared learning. Social Work in Mental Health, 11(3), 249–266. Morlang, C., & Watson, S. (2007). Tertiary refugee education impact and achievements: 15 years of DAFI. UNHCR Division of Operation Services, Technical Support Section. Retrieved from http://www.unhcr.org/47b4083d2.html Oh, S. A., & van der Stouwe, M. (2008). Education, diversity, and inclusion in Burmese refugee camps in Thailand. Comparative Education Review, 52(4), 589–617. Purkey, M. (2010). Protracted refugee situations: A view from the Thai Burmese border. Refuge, 27(2), 97–102. Russell, C., & Weaver, N. (2019). Reaching refugees: Southern New Hampshire University’s project-based degree model for refugee higher education. Language, Teaching and Pedagogy for Refugee Education, 15, 157–180. Samuel, H. (2019). International needs assessment of professional and postsecondary education – Synthesis report. Samuel Hall. Sontag, K. (2019). Refugee students’ access to three European universities: An ethnographic study. Social Inclusion, 7(1), 71–79. https://doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i1.1622 Southern New Hampshire University (SNHU). (2019). Global education movement: Empowering people to transform lives. Retrieved from https://gem.snhu.edu/ Streitwieser, B., & Brück, L. (2018). Competing motivations in Germany’s higher education response to the “refugee crisis”. Refuge, 34(2), 38–51. https://doi.org/ 10.7202/1055575ar Streitwieser, B., Schmidt, M. A., Brück, L., & Gläsener, K. M. (2019). Not quite a crisis but a coping challenge: How Berlin universities responded to the 15–16 refugee influx. In K. Arar, K. Haj-Yehia, D. Ross, & Y. Kondakci (Eds.), Higher education challenges for migrant and refugee students in a global world, in the series, equity in higher education theory, policy, and praxis (pp. 131–150). Peter Lang. Taylor, S., & Sidhu, R. K. (2012). Supporting refugee students in schools: What constitutes inclusive education? International Journal of Inclusive Education, 16(1), 39–56. Unangst, L., & Streitwieser, B. (2018). Inclusive practices in response to the German refugee influx: Support structures and rationales described by university administrators. In A. Curaj, L. Deca, & R. Pricopie (Eds.), European higher education area: The impact of past and future policies. Springer.

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UN General Assembly. (1966). International covenant on economic, social and cultural rights, 16 December 1966. United Nations, Treaty Series, 993, 3. Retrieved from https://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b36c0.html UNHCR. (2018). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2017. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/5b27be547.pdf UNHCR. (2019a). Education. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/education.html UNHCR. (2019b). Figures at a glance. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/figuresat-a-glance.html Watkins, P., Razee, H., & Richters, J. (2012). ‘I’m telling you … the language barrier is the most, the biggest challenge’: Barriers to education among Karen refugee women in Australia. Australian Journal of Education, 56(2), 126–141. Wright, L., & Plasterer, W. (2010). Beyond basic education: Exploring opportunities for higher learning in Kenyan refugee camps. Refuge, 27(2), 42–57. Zeus, B. (2011). Exploring barriers to higher education in protracted refugee situations: The case of Burmese refugees in Thailand. Journal of Refugee Studies, 24(2), 256–276. Zlatkin-Troitschanskaia, O., Happ, R., Nell-Müller, S., Deribo, T., Reinhardt, F., & Toepper, M. (2018). Successful integration of refugee students in higher education: Insights from entry diagnostics in an online study program. Global Education Review, 5(4), 158–181.

chapter 3

Questioning the Ethics and Rationale of Refugee Research Hakan Ergin

The refugee crisis, which is discussed in the context of higher education in this book, is not a new one. It is as old as humanity. Throughout history, human beings have been forced to move from one place to another due to persecution, wars, economic issues and other reasons. In today’s world, such movement is reaching historic proportions. As the statistics of the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) indicate, 37,000 people a day are forced to leave their homes due to conflicts and persecution (UNHCR, 2019). The huge refugee crisis has had inevitable political, economic, social and educational impacts at the national and international levels. These impacts have provided scholars in various academic disciplines with a study topic that includes rich data, endless controversial discussions and humanitarian drama. This has resulted in an enormous amount of research activity. It is possible to come across a call for a special issue on refugees by academic journals that have never included an article on this topic before, as well as high-fee conferences asking for abstract submissions on refugee research and certificateor degree-awarding study programs on refugees in a broad range of academic departments. An increasing scholarly interest is visible in the field of higher education studies as well, with refugees’ access to higher education a trendy research topic. Needless to say, increasing academic focus on refugees in general and their access to higher education specifically is a good thing since the more research there is, the more refugee voices will be heard. Nevertheless, as it is an emerging and evolving field, scholarly discussions about the philosophy, rationale and ethics of refugee research are essential for its healthy development. As an attempt to fill this gap, this study provides several perspectives towards the way refugee research in higher education is inclined to be understood, rationalized and conducted.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2020 | doi: 10.1163/9789004435841_003

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Refugee Research Is Not an Exercise of Orientation

When some Western scholars compare refugees’ access to higher education in Western countries to that of refugees in developing countries, they intentionally or unintentionally build an image that the West does it better. They present developed countries as life-savers and the refugees who access higher education there as fortunate individuals who cannot get a similar opportunity elsewhere. This, as a result, leads to the inevitable inference that refugees who access higher education in developing countries are not very well served. This reminds me of Edward Said’s description of the “modern orientalist” who says to the non-Western world: “You have failed, you have gone wrong” (The Guardian, 2003). We should be fair and state that the real refugee burden is carried on the shoulders of developing countries. As the Global Trends Report of the UNHCR indicates, 84% of refugees are hosted in developing regions, and a third of these are hosted by the least developed economies (UNHCR, 2018a). Nonetheless, some developing and emerging countries are already making strides by enhancing refugees’ access to higher education, something which is not done by most developed countries (Ergin, 2019). For example, Turkey, Lebanon and Ethiopia have provided respectively 27,000, 7,000 and 2,300 refugees with access to higher education (Council of Turkish Higher Education, 2019; El-Gahali et al., 2019; UNHCR, 2018b). Rather than donning an orientalist hat, it would be fairer if we appreciated the sacrifice of developing and emerging countries despite their quite limited resources.

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Refugee Research Is a Humanitarian Act

People do research for various reasons, but is the increase in refugee studies today in large part the result of it being a ‘trendy’ topic? There are, for instance, academic departments at universities that have opened degree-awarding programs with the expectation of increasing enrolments, even though they do not have professors with a refugee research background. It is even possible to encounter scholars who have begun doing refugee research just because they think that there are more grants and funded project options in it. I respect individual and institutional academic motives. However, I suggest we should always bear in mind that refugees leave their homes due to factors that are out of their control and they have very bad experiences because most of the world does not listen to what they have to say. The short life of Alan Kurdi, a Syrian refugee who died at the age of three while crossing the Aegean

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Sea for a better life, is not only a mark of shame for the whole world but a lesson for us to remember that we need to ensure more refugees’ voices are heard (Demir, 2015). We should work for other Alan Kurdis to live longer and study at a university.

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Forced Displacement Is a Global Issue with Local Features

Some studies focus on refugees’ access to higher education in a particular country – usually a developed one – and make universal inferences based upon findings in that country only. There is no doubt that forced displacement is a global problem, although its burden is not shared equally. Nevertheless, it should be noted that refugees’ access to higher education is highly dependent on the political, economic, academic, social and bureaucratic procedures of the country they are in. For example, a refugee in one country might be given the status of “a guest under temporary protection,” while another might be provided with a “refugee status” or even “citizenship” in another country. The status they have and other local features of refugee life may enhance or hinder their access to higher education. Therefore, rather than overgeneralizing the refugee experience, we need to keep specific contexts in mind.

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Refugee Students and Scholars Are Not Traditional International Students and Scholars

It is very common for universities to apply the same admission and recruitment requirements to refugee students and scholars as they do to other international students and scholars. As Hans de Wit, Betty Leask and I discussed in our previous work in which we introduced the concept of ‘forced internationalization,’ refugee students and scholars are not typical international students and scholars who have well-documented academic credentials, funding or foreign language proficiency (Ergin, de Wit, & Leask, 2019). When they access universities, providing them with traditional counselling and psychological services may not be enough, as they may have experienced serious psycho-social difficulties as a result of fleeing conflict in their home countries. Similarly, when they get a degree from a university, they might need special career and alumni support to be able to stand on their own feet as they may not be able to go back to their home countries due to ongoing conflict and they may not have a social environment where they can get the support they need.

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Refugee Research Needs More in Situ Study

While some scholars in developed countries focus too much on refugee students and scholars in developed countries, where a minority of refugees are hosted, some other Western scholars do online research about refugees in developing regions. In this way, they make inferences about what is going on in refugees’ lives in developing countries. No research regarding refugees should be discouraged as the findings of any research study are valuable. However, as the vast majority of refugees are hosted in developing regions and are likely to continue to be hosted there since most developed countries do not seem willing to accept them, it is time to develop refugee research in developing regions. For instance, as the statistics of the UNHCR reveal, 80% of refugees live in countries neighboring their home countries (UNHCR, 2019). Focusing on those countries with the least developed economies, establishing migration research centers and conducting on-site research to explore refugees’ experiences there would guard against the risks of focusing solely on an elite minority in developed countries.

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Refugees’ Access to Higher Education Is Not the Ultimate Goal

It could be inferred from some studies that when refugees access higher education, their problems will be solved. That is not the case. The real problem is forced displacement. In today’s post-modern world, people somewhere around the world are forced to leave their homes. If we imply or state that our goal is to enhance refugees’ access to higher education, we may ignore the real problem and normalize forced displacement. Thus our ultimate goal should be the end of forced displacement and absolute freedom for every person so they can enjoy access to higher education in their home countries or anywhere else.

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Forced Displacement Ends Where It Starts

Some scholars unrealistically think that enrolling refugee students and hiring refugee academics will end forced displacement. There is no doubt that this helps refugee students and scholars start a new life and settle down somewhere, but this scenario applies to very few of the total refugee population. For example, Turkey hosts 3.8 million Syrian refugees and has given more than 27,000 Syrians access to higher education (Council of Turkish Higher Education, 2019;

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UNHCR, 2019). However, due to the ongoing war in Syria, the refugee influx to Turkey from Syria is continuous. Moreover, there are currently more than two million Syrian teenagers under the age of 18 in Turkey, which will lead to more demand for higher education soon. It does not seem possible to provide every refugee with access to higher education, due to this dramatic increase in the numbers. The enrolment of a small number of refugees in universities in other countries is not a permanent solution to forced displacement. The real issue is to end displacement in the origin country by stopping the conflict which causes people to flee. The above points reflect my perception of the current trend of refugee research in higher education. My objective is not to persuade or dissuade anyone about how to do or not do refugee research. Rather, I would like to start a constructive discussion to ensure the healthy development of this emerging field’s identity.

Acknowledgement This is an edited and updated version of my article with the same title, published in University World News, September 30, 2019.

References Council of Turkish Higher Education. (2019). Yuksekogretim istatistikleri. Retrieved from https://istatistik.yok.gov.tr Demir, N. (2015). Alan Kurdi. Retrieved from http://100photos.time.com/photos/ nilufer-demir-alan-kurdi El-Gahali, H. A., DeKnight, J., Latif, S. A., & Alameddine, F. (2019). Tertiary education for Syrian refugees in Lebanon. Retrieved from https://www.aub.edu.lb/ifi/Documents/ publications/policy_briefs/2018-2019/20190402_tertiary_education_syrian_ refugees_lebanon.pdf Ergin, H. (2019). Refugee studies are too focused on developed countries. University World News. Retrieved from https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php? story=20190717102317676 Ergin, H., de Wit, H., & Leask, B. (2019). Forced internationalization of higher education: An emerging phenomenon. International Higher Education, 97, 9–10. The Guardian. (2003). A window on the world. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/books/2003/aug/02/alqaida.highereducation

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UNHCR. (2018a). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2018. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/5d08d7ee7.pdf UNHCR. (2018b). Education fact sheet: Ethiopia. Retrieved from https://reliefweb.int/ sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/68090.pdf UNHCR. (2019). Figures at a glance. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/figures-ata-glance.html

PART 2 Regional and National Perspectives

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section 1 Latin America

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chapter 4

Higher Education’s Response to Refugee Crises: Applying Lessons from the Syrian Conflict to the Venezuelan Context Natalie Borg

Since 2014, Venezuela has been in a “political, economic, social and humanitarian crisis that seriously affects” the human rights of those in Venezuela (Response for Venezuelans, 2018; United Nations, 2018). As Mr. Eduardo Stein, Joint Special Representative for Venezuelan refugees and migrants in the region, stated in the Regional Refugee and Migrant Response Plan for Refugees and Migrants from Venezuela (RMRP), these refugees and migrants are solo female travellers, families, and children, “all in conditions of extreme vulnerability,” who, “saw no other option than to leave their country – sometimes walking for days – seeking to live in dignity and to build a future” (“Response for Venezuelans,” 2018, p. 5). Although this crisis has been described as “one of the largest and swiftest mass migrations in Latin America’s history” (Labrador & Marrow, 2019), regional governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have developed collaborative response plans to support migrants and refugees from Venezuela, as well as their receiving countries (Response for Venezuelans, 2019a; Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, 2018b; Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, 2018c; Response for Venezuelans, 2018). As of September 2019, 4.3 million displaced persons have fled from Venezuela (Portal Operacional, n.d.). Although not all of these displaced individuals are classified as refugees by their receiving governments, according to general views on refugees they join a global refugee community that includes 6 million Syrians (Cazzetta, 2019; Portal Operacional, n.d.; Rasheed & Munoz, 2016). The UNHCR has identified higher education as a need for the global refugee population, of whom only 1% have access to higher education (“Tertiary education,” n.d.). While higher education has not been prioritized in previous responses to humanitarian crises, scholars and policymakers increasingly recognize the important role higher education plays in both restoring the dignity of refugees and migrants and assuring a better future for these individuals and their communities (Moutsios, 2009; “Submission Call,” 2016, p. 201). Acknowledging the important role higher education can play in responding to a refugee crisis, as well as the U.N.’s global call for increased refugee participation in © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_004

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higher education, this chapter will explore how governments and NGOs can learn from the Syrian crisis and utilize higher education as a tool to accomplish their goals and restore dignity and livelihood to the millions of refugees and migrants from Venezuela in the region. In doing so, this chapter will give a brief introduction to the Venezuelan higher education context before 2014. After this, the voices of migrants and refugees from Venezuela will be introduced, as well as a summary of their current geographic distribution and some of the challenges they face. Upon establishing the context of the crisis, two regional response initiatives, the aforementioned RMRP, as well as the Declaration of Quito on Human Mobility of Venezuelan Citizens in the Region (Quito I) (Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, 2018b), will be discussed, highlighting their organizational goals as they relate to higher education. Lastly, the chapter will introduce how regional actors can learn from the Syrian context and mobilize higher education in support of refugees and migrants from Venezuela (Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, 2018b).

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Higher Education in Venezuela before the Crisis

Before the present conflict erupted in 2014, Venezuela had an active higher education system in which the federal government was significantly involved. The Consejo Nacional de Universidades (Universities National Council) coordinated the university sector under the joint leadership of the Higher Education minister, the rectors of national, experimental, and private universities, and an assortment of teacher and student representatives (Pineda, 2013, p. 341). As of 2011, there were 170 institutions, approximately half of which were public, which served 2,340,000 students. Students were required to take an admissions exam and a vocational test during their final years of secondary school, an initiative from the Sistema Nacional de Ingreso a la Educación Universitaria (National System for Admission to University Education) (Pineda, 2013). Venezuelan higher education institutions were divided among two sectors, one which consisted of “experimental autonomous national and private universities,” and the other which consisted of “official institutions of teacher education, polytechnics, technical institutes, colleges, Armed Forces training institutes, religious training colleges, fine arts colleges and research institutes” (Pineda, 2013, p. 341). Additionally, there were alternative educational programs “such as the misiones (missions) educational programs designed to enhance the training of students willing to enter higher education, as well as the aldeas universitarias (university villages) to reach rural areas lacking higher

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education. These programs were subsidized by the government through modest but highly popular scholarship programs” (Albornoz, 2015, p. 18). As Venezuela’s economy worsened with the global decline of oil prices in 2014 higher education institutions suffered financially, as 95% of their funding came from the federal government (Pineda, 2013; Rennhack & Valencia, 2015). As Albornoz wrote in 2013, the future of the Venezuelan “higher education system depends on the political as well as economic situation,” a future which, we now know, has been increasingly shaped by political and economic chaos (p. 4).

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The Lives and Voices of Venezuelans during the Crisis

Daily life in Venezuela has transformed as the crisis has persisted, and the “country went from being one of Latin America’s richest societies to one of its poorest” in “a disaster of bewildering proportions, one that defies easy explanation” (Anderson, 2019). This crisis has reached every aspect of society, including the most fundamental human rights as inflation rises, food becomes increasingly scarce, medical care becomes inaccessible and inadequate, and the education system crumbles (Anderson, 2019). The U.N. reports that enrollment rates have dropped for children and adolescents in pre-K, primary, and secondary education from 2014 to 2017 (UNESCO, 2017). Since the onset of the conflict in 2014, university campuses have become the site of daily protests where “capuchas, masked politically motivated gang members, violently disrupt university campuses” (Cazzetta, 2019). Regardless of the potential danger, some university faculty have attempted to continue their work, even as they experience continuous attacks from the Venezuelan state as well as situations that undermine academic freedom, autonomy, and their livelihood, such as inadequate compensation and healthcare (Derechos, 2018; “Profesores,” 2018). As the crisis continues, faculty and students have left universities en masse, many seeking opportunities to work and study outside of Venezuela, joining the millions of refugees and migrants who have left their positions, homes, and, sometimes, families, in search of survival (Hernáiz & Smilde, 2018). Those who leave Venezuela come from every walk of life. In 2018, approximately 5,000 people fled Venezuela every day given “insecurity and violence, persecution and threats, food and medicine shortages, lack of access to social services, as well as loss of income” (UNHCR, 2019b, p. 1; Miller & Panayotatos, 2019). Women, frequently mothers to young children, are particularly vulnerable to the crisis, the effects of which have been described as “like 15 tsunamis hit the same person” (Ozug, Cala, & Shapiro, 2019). Some of these mothers are among the myriad university employees who have chosen to undertake the

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perilous journey: “‘I had to cross the border to find food for my children,’ said 31-year-old Maria Materano, who is traveling with four of her kids. ‘I used to have a job running a small cafeteria at the university, but all of that ended when the economy in Venezuela collapsed’” (Kennedy, 2019). Maria and her children have joined the sprawling web of Venezuelans who have become known as los caminantes, “the walkers,” because they are limited to travelling by foot due to lack of resources or documentation. The first thing you notice are the feet. They are gnarled, calloused and blistered. Most wear plastic Crocs or flip-flops. The more fortunate have dusty tennis shoes, most with holes and improvised laces. Hardly the appropriate footgear for people planning to walk long distances. (Feeley, 2019) Regardless of the challenges they encounter along the route, which has been described as almost a walk of death, their numbers are expected to increase as “‘everyone who can walk leaves’…anyone who has feet leaves” (Abramovits, 2018; Ozug et al., 2019, para. 44).

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Geographic Distribution of Venezuelans since the Conflict

As of September 2019, 4.3 million refugees and migrants from Venezuela have fled to Latin American and the Caribbean, and the U.N. projects that this number will increase to 5.3 million by the end of 2019, a more than fortyfold increase from 2015 (Labrador & Marrow, 2019; Response for Venezuelans, 2018). As of March 2019, fewer than half a million of those fleeing Venezuela have filed asylum claims since 2014, and approximately 7 thousand have been officially recognized as refugees, a troubling trend that leaves those without regular status “more vulnerable to exploitation, abuse, violence, trafficking and discrimination” (UNHCR, 2019b, p. 1). Approximately 80% of refugees and migrants from Venezuela remain in Latin America and the Caribbean, while a smaller number travelled to the United States and southern Europe (Labrador & Marrow, 2019). As the conflict progresses, the socio-economic profile of those fleeing Venezuela has drastically changed. For example, most who arrived in Argentina and Chile between 2016 and 2018 were young individuals with university degrees, while those who left Venezuela after 2018 “represent a lower income background, different educational assets and limited family/ social networks” (Response for Venezuelans, 2018, p. 105) and are “increasingly desperate” (Miller & Panayotatos, 2019).

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The majority of refugees and migrants from Venezuela journeyed west in pursuit of safety and opportunity. Neighboring Colombia has received the greatest number of refugees and migrants from Venezuela and served as a gateway to the west and north. Those who continued westward from Colombia mostly settled in Peru, although both Ecuador and Chile have received more refugees and immigrants from Venezuela than the remaining nations in Latin America and the Caribbean (Labrador & Marrow, 2019). Among those who turned northward from Colombia, many settled in neighboring Panama and Costa Rica, while some travelled as far as Mexico (Labrador & Marrow, 2019). Fewer refugees and migrants from Venezuela turned east to Brazil, which is unsurprising given the language gaps between nations and that Amazonas and Roraima, the Brazilian states bordering Venezuela, are both sparsely populated and densely forested (CIA, 2018). table 4.1  Number of refugees and migrants from Venezuela by country, according to participation in RMRP

Country Colombia Peru United States Chile Ecuador Brazil Argentina Panama Spain Italya Mexico Trinidad and Tobago Guyana Costa Rica Dominican Republic Costa Rica Portugala

Refugees and migrants from Venezuela 1,408,055 860,871 351,144 288,233 330,414 178,557 145,000 94,596 58,597 50,000 46,072 40,000 36,400 29,500 28,500 29,500 25,000

RMRP participant? Yes Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No

Note: Data regarding the distribution of refugees and migrants is from “Portal Operacional” (n.d.), unless otherwise noted. Data regarding participation in the RMRP is from Gobierno de la República del Ecuador (2018b). a Count as of 2017 (Labrador & Marrow, 2019).

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Regardless of their paths, the U.N. states that refugees and migrants from Venezuela continue to experience “significant gaps and challenges” along their journey and when they attempt to establish themselves, including inadequate or inaccessible documentation, lack of access to basic services such as education, and issues of discrimination and xenophobia (Response for Venezuelans, 2018, p. 5). Fortunately, regional actors have developed initiatives to ease the challenges experienced by refugees and migrants from Venezuela, as well as the communities that receive them.

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Regional Responses to the Needs of Venezuelan Refugees and Migrants

Since 2018, two international initiatives drew together national governments and NGOs in a commitment to pool resources and support migrants and refugees from Venezuela, as well as the communities that receive them. Regionally focused, the RMRP and Quito I (and Quito I’s subsequent conferences) have the potential to prevent the Venezuelan crisis from replicating some of the challenges that have emerged during ongoing Syrian crisis. The following sections will introduce the initiatives and connect their respective purposes with the potential benefits of higher education.

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Regional Refugee and Migrant Response Plan for Refugees and Migrants from Venezuela

The RMRP is a joint initiative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), under the direction of the aforementioned Mr. Stein, whose leadership was announced on September 19th, 2018. Three months later, the RMRP was published as an attempt to respond to the needs of refugees and migrants from Venezuela “in a holistic and comprehensive manner, in line with governments’ priorities, complementing their response plans, within the framework of regionalized response and coordination mechanisms” (Response for Venezuelans, 2018, p. 11). The RMRP is “a roadmap for action” for the 95 organizations and 16 countries (see Table 4.1) that participated in its creation (Response for Venezuelans, 2018, p. 6). The primary foci for the RMRP are threefold: responding “to the urgent humanitarian needs” of migrants and refugees from Venezuela, developing “a plan to secure their social and economic inclusion” within receiving communities, and courting international financial commitment to

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support their initiatives (Response for Venezuelans, 2018, p. 6). The RMRP provides sub-regional plans as well as country-specific plans, budgets, and recommendations for Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru, countries that receive the majority of refugees and migrants from Venezuela (see Table 4.1; Response for Venezuelans, 2018). Mr. Stein identified “significant gaps and challenges” that these response plans were created to address, including: “documentation, regularisation, capacity of asylum systems, [and] access to basic services such as health and education, shelter and protection,” in addition to more perilous challenges that have resulted from “trafficking networks, smugglers, sexual and labour exploitation,” as well as “discrimination and xenophobia” (“Response for Venezuelans,” 2018, p. 5). Centered in the “leave no one behind” ethos of the U.N.’s Sustainable Development Goals, the RMRP is structured to meet the immediate needs of its populations while simultaneously providing a “longer-term perspective to build resilience at the individual beneficiary as well as at [sic] institutional level” (Response for Venezuelans, 2018, p. 13). There are four areas of intervention identified in the RMRP including socio-economic and cultural integration, for which 30% of the projected budget of has been allotted, amounting to approximately US$220.9 million for this area of intervention (Response for Venezuelans, 2018, p. 10). As of August 2019, 49% of the funds for the overall projected budget have been earmarked (UNHCR, 2019c). The RMRP is structured with the expectation that, although Brazil will receive “a substantial number of refugees and migrants,” Colombia will continue to serve as the primary receiver of refugees and migrants from Venezuela, approximately half of whom will remain in Colombia, and half of whom will progress to Ecuador, Peru, “and to a lesser extent to countries of the Southern Cone” (Response for Venezuelans, 2018, p. 15).

6

Declaration of Quito on Human Mobility of Venezuelan Citizens in the Region

Quito I was established on September 3rd and 4th, 2018 by 11 Central and South American governments (see Table 4.2) who agreed “to exchange information and good practices with a view to articulate a regional coordination regarding the migratory crisis of Venezuelan citizens in the region” (Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, 2018a). Quito I outlines 18 points of agreement between the coordinating nations that focus on administrative processes, human rights concerns, collaborative efforts among governments and NGOs, and plans for future initiatives. Several of the agreements align with the RMRP, including the

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prioritization of socio-economic integration, the recognition of education as a basic right, the acknowledgement of challenges regarding documentation, and concerns about xenophobia and discrimination (Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, 2018b). Quito I has led to three more conferences, with another two expected before mid-year 2020 (see Table 4.2). The initial follow-up (Quito II) occurred in November 2018, resulting in an action plan detailing specific tasks and timelines. These tasks include a plan to strengthen current initiatives that connect directly with the “adequate economic and social insertion” of refugees and migrants from Venezuela (Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, 2018d). Although Quito II and its subsequent action plan are indicative of the commitment of its signatories, several of the countries that participated in Quito I chose not to participate as signatories in Quito II. Nevertheless, the UNHCR expressed pleasure with these efforts in March 2019, hailing Quito I and II as “a significant step forward in harmonizing policies and practices, scaling up and table 4.2  Evolution of Quito I–VI

Conference

Dates

Location

Participating Nations

Quito Ia

Sep. 3–4, 2018

Quito

Quito IIb

Nov. 22–23, 2018

Quito

Quito IIIc

Apr. 8–9, 2019

Quito

Quito IVd

Jul. 4–5, 2019

Buenos Aires

Quito Ve Quito VIe

Dec. 5–6, 2019 First half of 2020

Colombia Paraguay

Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela To be determined To be determined

a Data from Gobierno de la República del Ecuador (2018b). b Data from Gobierno de la República del Ecuador (2018d). c Data from Gobierno de la República del Ecuador (2019). d Data from UNHCR (2019a). e Data from Response for Venezuelans (2019b).

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coordinating the humanitarian response and improving access and enjoyment of rights to refugees and migrants” (UNHCR, 2019b). A month after the U.N.’s statement of approval, the third Quito conference (Quito III) was hosted in Quito (Response for Venezuelans, 2019b). Attendees at Quito III reflected upon their progress, shared successful practices, and identified areas in need of development and financial support (Response for Venezuelans, 2019b). One success shared at Quito III was the number of people who had received humanitarian assistance (80,143 received general assistance and 1,026 received socio-economic and cultural integration assistance) and the number of civil servants and health professionals who received training that complemented the humanitarian and administrative goals of Quito I and II (1,640) (Response for Venezuelans, 2019a). Among the 1,026 refugees and migrants from Venezuela who received socio-economic and cultural integration assistance, 499 received support to access basic needs, including education (Response for Venezuelans, 2019a). In the context of Quito III, discussions of education were primarily focused on primary and secondary education, although there was mention of the potential for public and private institutions to serve as sources of professional training programs for in the future (Response for Venezuelans, 2019a). Several months after Quito III, in July 2019, Buenos Aires served as the site for the fourth iteration of the Quito conference (Quito IV) which produced the Buenos Aires Chapter Road Map (UNHCR, 2019a) as well as a joint statement from the participating nations (see Table 4.2). The first point on the road map addresses a plan to develop a working group to “share best practices and experiences” as they relate to the “recognition and/or validation of academic qualifications” (UNHCR, 2019a). Additionally, it identifies several projects that are in development at the regional level, such as “a platform for orientation and development of human capital” (UNHCR, 2019a). The signatories celebrated their continued partnerships with UNICEF and IOM, and welcomed a proposal from the International Labour Organization to facilitate “a Technical Meeting on Labour migration, Socio-economic Integration and Job Creation in the last quarter of 2019” (Response for Venezuelans, 2019b, p. 3). Lastly, the signatories at Quito IV announced the plan for Colombia to host the next iteration of the Quito conference (Quito V), in December 2019, and the intention of Paraguay to host the sixth Quito conference (Quito VI) in the first half of 2020.

7

Learning from the Syrian Crisis

Scholars and practitioners have much to learn from the Syrian crisis regarding how higher education initiatives could be effectively implemented in another

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refugee crisis. In reviewing potentially applicable lessons across contexts, it is valuable to understand how these populations of refugees and migrants, as well as the communities that receive them, relate to one another. As the crisis in Venezuela unfolds, those fleeing the country experience many of the same challenges that Syrian refugees and migrants experienced beginning in 2011, with one significant difference. Those from Venezuela are more likely to share a home language with their host communities, unlike those Syrians who found themselves in Turkey, Germany, and other non-Arabic speaking countries. Although local dialects vary, it will be much easier for Spanish-speaking refugees and migrants from Venezuela to establish themselves across Latin American and the Caribbean, than it has been for the Syrian refugees and migrants who have had to learn another language. In the context of higher education, this common tongue can make a marked difference in administrative processes such as credential recognition, the employment of faculty and staff, welcoming refugees and migrants to existing academic programs, and the construction of new academic programs. The following sections will explore how regional actors can use higher education to achieve their goals, reflecting upon how similar issues were managed within the Syrian context. 7.1 Empower Women Crises such as those in Venezuela and Syria are particularly damaging to women, especially single mothers, whose circumstances are becoming increasingly more dangerous as crises persist. Regional and international actors are rightly concerned about the prevalence of gender-based violence and trafficking that disproportionately effects women. Higher education can be a powerful mechanism of support and empowerment for women in times of crisis. Although there is limited information about the participation of refugee and migrant women from Venezuela in higher education, one can look to the Syrian crisis as a predictor. The Syrian population participating in Turkish higher education reached 15,000 by 2015, an increase that “can be regarded as one of the significant integration policies implemented by the Turkish government” (Ergin, 2016, p. 400). Although Syrian participation in higher education has increased annually, there is an imbalance in participation by gender, as only 35% of the 15,000 students in 2017 were women (Ergin, 2016). When women are unable to enroll in higher education, they have fewer opportunities to develop financial independence, support their families, and experience the psychosocial benefits of participation in higher education. Rather than learning from a successful practice

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in this arena, regional actors in the Venezuelan context have the opportunity to establish new ways to support women in times of crisis via higher education. Regional actors can enlist local institutions and communities to support the participation of female migrants and refugees in higher education in a number of ways, including: establishing housing that accommodates women with children; intentionally recruiting female students, staff, and faculty; scheduling courses at the same time and/or location as K-12 schools; offering on-site childcare while courses are scheduled; providing safe transit to and from classes, especially after dark; and creatively considering how previous experiences can be accepted for credit towards a degree or credential. 7.2 Collaborative Efforts Productive working relationships across borders and sectors have proven invaluable during the Syrian crisis. Collaborative initiatives from the German and Turkish governments, regional and international NGOs, and faith-based organizations resulted in a number of positive interventions for Syrian refugees and migrants. As previously discussed, there are several promising initiatives in the current region of interest, including the RMRP and the Quito I-IV, although each of these initiatives would be enhanced by further integrating higher education into their priorities, partnerships, and processes. Although the priorities of the RMRP (Response for Venezuelans, 2018) include education, improved communication between communities, and enhanced self-reliance for refugees and migrants, there is no explicit mention of higher education or vocational training as a means to an end. The RMRP (Response for Venezuelans, 2018) has framed education as many others have in the past, focusing primarily on the needs of children while neglecting the potential of higher education in times of crisis. Given the involvement of the UNHCR in the generation of the RMRP, and the UNHCR’s commitment to enhance refugee participation in higher education, it is surprising that higher education has been undervalued as a resource, especially given the RMRP’s acknowledgement that refugees and migrants from Venezuela have “no prospects to return in the short-to-medium term” (Response for Venezuelans, 2018, p. 14). While the RMRP claims to be centered in the ethos of the U.N.’s Sustainable Development Goals, it could be enhanced by recommitting itself to the pursuit of “inclusive and equitable quality education at all levels” especially for “those in vulnerable situations,” such as migrants and refugees (“Transforming,” n.d., n.p.). Fortunately, Quito I-IV has incorporated several aspects of higher education in its action plans and priorities in pursuit of enhanced socio-economic

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integration. Quito I-IV centers higher education in its plans to develop programs for credential recognition and workforce preparation. While participating countries and organizations will benefit from Quito I’s agreement “to exchange information and good practices,” they can learn from the Syrian context (Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, 2018a). For example, the “Refugees Welcome Map” from the European University Association (EUA) has allowed higher education institutions to easily disseminate information about initiatives that support Syrian refugees and migrants (“Refugees,” n.d.). Further, several of the publications associated with the EUA’s refugee initiatives are published in Spanish, which can aid many practitioners and policymakers in Central and South America. Another institution that has the potential to positively impact the Venezuelan crisis is the Catholic church. As of 2018, the Church had “the highest approval rating of any institution in Venezuela” with an approval rating of 57% (Smilde, 2018). If the Church could coordinate a stronger response in support of the educational pathways of migrants and refugees, it could significantly impact the region. Additionally, the global Catholic higher education community has the capacity to support the higher education needs of refugees and migrants from Venezuela in a number of ways, including the sponsorship of scholars from Venezuela, the creation of online courses, and the support of educational initiatives hosted in local religious facilities. Lastly, the Church could provide financial support for the organizations and governments involved in the RMRP and Quito initiatives, as well as higher education institutions that support refugees and migrants from Venezuela. 7.3 Remove Bureaucratic Barriers Education systems have a number of bureaucratic barriers that determine who should be served by various institutions, as well as how (via admissions exams, application fees, academic transcripts, and the different levels of access associated with different residency statuses). While there is little research regarding the experience of Venezuelan migrants and refugees in higher education, Cazzetta (2019) found that Colombia, which is facing its own internal crisis, is struggling to adequately support its growing community of Venezuelans. One barrier for Venezuelans in Colombia is that they are not classified as refugees and do not receive the associated benefits that the status provides. Similarly to Syrian students who sought refuge, many Venezuelans lack documentation of their academic history, which prohibits them from participating in higher education. In the Syrian context, there are several local

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initiatives in Germany and Turkey that have made it easier for institutions to assess the academic credentials of a refugee or migrant (“Informationsportale,” 2018). The Council of Europe’s European Qualifications Passport for Refugees (EQPR) (European Commission, 2019) is a joint initiative from the U.N. and EU member states which involves a professional assessment that can determine a migrant or refugees highest achieved qualification, other achieved qualifications, languages (at a variety of skill levels), work experience, and membership in professional organizations.1 This passport could be used as a model for Quito VI’s goal to establish “a platform for orientation and development of human capital” by developing an international standard and streamlining processes to track the skills, education, and capabilities of refugees and migrants as they traverse international boundaries (UNHCR, 2019a). Administrators of the Turkish higher education system eased the process for some Syrians lacking documentation, allowing them apply to local institutions without documentation, instead relying upon a university-specific proficiency test (Erdoğan & Erdoğan, 2018). Regarding language barriers for those who speak indigenous languages rather than Spanish, or those who journey to Portuguese-speaking Brazil, governments and NGOs can look to intervention methods that have been used in the Syrian context. Several institutions along the Turkey-Syria border established programs in Arabic, after which students become immediately involved in coursework outside of language courses (Ergin, 2016). This practice could be useful for Venezuela-Brazil border towns in which there is a sizeable population who may not speak the local language of instruction and for communities of indigenous language-speakers. Additionally, language-learning mobile apps and computer-based learning modules could help those with varying levels of mastery of the Spanish language (or Portuguese, in the Brazilian context), but whose language skills may not be advanced enough to participate in higher education.2 Lastly, higher education institutions would benefit from the financial support of governments and NGOs. For example, the Turkish government established a fund to support institutions and offset the costs associated with the new Syrian students, allowing the number of students to grow as the conflict progresses (Erdoğan & Erdoğan, 2018; Ergin, 2016). The U.N., German, and French governments have also provided financial support for the establishment of higher education programs, the sponsorship of students in Turkey and abroad, and for the international recruitment of Syrian faculty (Hohberger, 2018; “Scholarship Programme,” 2014).

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These efforts will require coordination with local governments, especially in regards to the official status of individuals, but higher education institutions can lead the way by initiating inclusive change more quickly than the government.

8

Conclusions

The needs of migrants and refugees from Venezuela are significant, and higher education has the potential to provide hope, stimulation, and a return to normalcy for individuals whose lives have been upended by the crisis. The UNHCR has established a goal that 15% of refugees will be able to access tertiary education by 2030, and regional and global partners can help Venezuelan refugees benefit from that goal (“Tertiary education,” n.d.). This chapter is a mere introduction into some of the ways that higher education can intervene in the Venezuelan crisis by enhancing support for women, pursuing further opportunities for collaboration, and developing creative ways to remove bureaucratic barriers that inhibit access. While the Syrian crisis continues, the hope is that the global community will take what they have learned from these horrific circumstances and apply those lessons to the compounding Venezuelan crisis before xenophobia and discrimination overwhelm the potential for good.

Note 1 See https://rm.coe.int/168070016d 2 (“Ankommen,” n.d.; “What is OLS,” n.d.). See http://ankommenapp.de/APP/EN/ Startseite/startseite-node.html and https://erasmusplusols.eu/en/ols-for-refugees/

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Albornoz, O. (2015). Recent changes in Venezuelan higher education. International Higher Education, 48, 18–19. https://doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2007.48.7970 Anderson, J. L. (2019, February 24). An unflinching view of Venezuela in crisis. The New Yorker. Retrieved from https://www.newyorker.com/culture/photo-booth/anunflinching-view-of-venezuela-in-crisis Cazzetta, H. M. (2019, May 25). Challenges for Venezuelan refugee students in Colombia. Retrieved from https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story= 20190520151933871 CIA. (2018). The world Factbook: Brazil. Retrieved from https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/br.html Derechos. (2018, May 16). Comunidad universitaria alerta ante situaciones que vulneran los derechos de los profesores universitarios y la autonomía de las universidades [University community alert to situations that violate the rights of university professors and the autonomy of universities]. Retrieved from https://www.derechos.org.ve/ actualidad/comunidad-universitaria-alerta-ante-situaciones-que-vulneran-losderechos-de-los-profesores-universitarios-y-la-autonomia-de-las-universidades Erdoğan A., & Erdoğan, M. M. (2018). Access, qualifications and social dimension of Syrian refugee students in Turkish higher education. In A. Curaj, L. Deca, & R. Pricopie (Eds.), European higher education area: The impact of past and future policies. Springer. Ergin, H. (2016). Turkish university students’ perceptions towards their Syrian classmates. Education and Science, 41, 399–415. European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice. (2019). Integrating asylum seekers and refugees into higher education in Europe: National policies and measures (Eurydice report). Publications Office of the European Union. Feeley, J. (2019, June 8). Venezuela’s walkers. Retrieved from https://www.univision.com/ univision-news/opinion/venezuelas-walkers Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana. (2018a). Con 18 puntos de común acuerdo se suscribió la ‘Declaración de Quito sobre Movilidad Humana de ciudadanos venezolanos’ [The “Declaration of Quito on Human Mobility of Venezuelan Citizens” was signed with 18 points of common agreement] [Press release]. Retrieved from https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/con-18puntos-de-comun-acuerdo-se-suscribio-la-declaracion-de-quito-sobremovilidad-humana-de-ciudadanos-venezolanos/ Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana. (2018b). Declaration of Quito on Human Mobility of Venezuelan Citizens in the Region. Retrieved from https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/wp-content/ uploads/2018/09/declaracion_de_quito_en.pdf Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana. (2018c). Plan de Acción de Quito [Quito Action Plan]. Retrieved from

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https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/plan_de_accion_de_ quito.pdf Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana. (2018d). The II International Meeting of Quito Concludes with the Signing of the Action Plan on Human Mobility of Venezuelan Citizens in the Region. Retrieved from https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/en/the-ii-international-meeting-of-quitoconcludes-with-the-signing-of-the-action-plan-on-human-mobility-of-venezuelancitizens-in-the-region/ Gobierno de la República del Ecuador, Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Movilidad Humana (2019, April 10). En Quito se suscribe Declaración Conjunta de la III Reunión Técnica Internacional sobre Movilidad Humana de Ciudadanos Venezolanos en la Región y se entrega la posta a Argentina [In Quito, the Joint Declaration of the III Technical Meeting on Human Mobility of Venezuelan Citizens in the Region is signed and the post is delivered to Argentina] [Press release]. Retrieved from https://www.cancilleria.gob.ec/en-quito-se-suscribe-declaracion-conjunta-de-laiii-reunion-tecnica-internacional-sobre-movilidad-humana-de-ciudadanosvenezolanos-en-la-region-y-se-entrega-la-posta-a-argentina/ Hernáiz, H. P., & Smilde, D. (2017, November 27). Venezuela’s higher education crisis worsens. Retrieved from https://venezuelablog.org/venezuelas-higher-educationcrisis-worsens/ Hohberger, W. (2018, March). Opportunities in higher education for Syrians in Turkey: The perspective of Syrian university students on the educational conditions, needs, and possible solutions for improvement. Retrieved November 26, 2018, from http://ipc.sabanciuniv.edu/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/ OpportunitiesinHigherEducation_Hohberger_web.pdf Informationsportale zur Anerkennung [Information Portals for Recognition]. (2018). Retrieved from https://anabin.kmk.org/service/informationsportale-zuranerkennung.html Kennedy, M. (2019, June 7). U.N. says more than 4 million people have left Venezuela. Retrieved from https://www.npr.org/2019/06/07/730687807/u-n-says-more-than-4million-people-have-left-venezuela Labrador, R. C., & Marrow, W. (2019). The Venezuelan exodus. Retrieved from https://www.cfr.org/article/venezuelan-exodus Miller, S., & Panayotatos, D. (2019, April 8). Quito III: What regional governments must do to help displaced Venezuelans. Retrieved from https://www.refugeesinternational.org/reports/2019/4/5/quito-iii-whatgovernments-must-do-to-help-displaced-venezuelans Moutsios, S. (2009). International organisations and transnational education policy. Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 39(4), 469–481. doi:10.1080/03057920802156500

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Ozug, M., Cala, C., & Shapiro, A. (2019, April 4). Chronicles of a Venezuelan exodus: More families flee the crisis on foot every day. Retrieved from https://www.npr.org/ 2019/04/04/709193469/chronicles-of-a-venezuelan-exodus-more-families-flee-thecrisis-on-foot-every-da Pineda, L. (2013). Quality evaluation of Venezuelan higher education. Politeja, 2(24), 339–354. doi:10.12797/Politeja.10.2013.24.21 Portal Operacional. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://r4v.info/es/situations/platform Profesores universitarios a paro nacional el lunes. (2018, June 22). El Nacional. Retrieved from https://www.elnacional.com/sociedad/profesores-universitarios-paronacional-lunes_241051/ Rasheed, R. A., & Munoz, A. (2016). Higher education and peacebuilding – A bridge between communities? Journal of Peace Education, 13(2), 172–185. doi:10.1080/ 17400201.2016.1205003 Refugees Welcome Map. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.eua.eu/101-projects/541refugees-welcome-map.html Rennhack, R., & Valencia, F. (2015). Fiscal impact of lower oil prices on Latin America and the Caribbean [Blog post]. Retrieved from https://blogs.imf.org/2015/02/26/ fiscal-impact-of-lower-oil-prices-on-latin-america-and-the-caribbean/ Response for Venezuelans. (2018). Regional refugee and migrant response plan for refugees and migrants from Venezuela. Retrieved from http://reporting.unhcr.org/ sites/default/files/2019 RMRP Venezuela.pdf Response for Venezuelans. (2019a). Ecuador situation report. Retrieved from https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/70177.pdf Response for Venezuelans. (2019b). Joint statement by the fourth international technical meeting on human mobility of Venezuelan Nationals: Quito process – Buenos Aires Chapter. Retrieved from https://r4v.info/es/documents/download/70457 Scholarship Programme for Syrian Students Launched. (2014, October 27). Retrieved from https://www.daad.de/presse/pressemitteilungen/en/31298-scholarshipsprogramme-for-syrian-students-launched/ Smilde, D. (2018). The Catholic Church and the Venezuelan crisis, 20 years on. Retrieved from https://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/responses/the-catholic-church-andthe-venezuela-crisis-20-years-on Submission Call: Migrant Students in Exile. (2016). New research voices. Institutional Journal of Research from the Front-Line, 1(2). Retrieved November 26, 2018. Tertiary Education. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/tertiaryeducation.html Transforming Our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/post2015/ transformingourworld UNESCO Institute for Statistics. (2017, April 12). Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of ). Retrieved from http://uis.unesco.org/country/VE

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UNHCR. (2019a). IV international technical meeting on human mobility of Venezuelan Nationals – Quito process: Buenos Aires chapter road map. Retrieved from https://data2.unhcr.org/en/documents/download/70458 UNHCR. (2019b). Fact sheet. Retrieved from http://reporting.unhcr.org/sites/default/ files/UNHCRVenezuelaSituationFactsheet-March2019.pdf UNHCR. (2019c). Funding update 2019. Retrieved from http://reporting.unhcr.org/sites/ default/files/VenezuelaSituationFundingUpdate15August2019.pdf United Nations General Assembly. (2018, September). Promotion and protection of human rights in the Bolivian Republic of Venezuela (39/1). Retrieved from https://www.unwatch.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Draft-ResolutionVenezuela-HRC-39.pdf What is OLS for Refugees? (n.d.). Retrieved from https://erasmusplusols.eu/en/ ols-for-refugees/ What is the European Qualifications Passport for Refugees? (n.d.). Retrieved from https://rm.coe.int/168070016d

chapter 5

Colombian Institutional Responses to the Venezuelan Refugee Crisis Hannah Maria Cazzetta

In recent years, Venezuelans have been fleeing their country at higher rates than ever before, creating the largest migrant crisis ever seen in South America (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2018). Due to recent national economic and political crises in the country, over 4 million Venezuelans have left their country in order to access food, health services, electricity, education, and many more resources (UNHCR, 2019). The majority of this population fled to neighboring Colombia. The UNHCR estimates that by the end of 2019, there will be over 2.2 million Venezuelan refugees and migrants in Colombia (UNHCR, 2018). While many of these refugees intend only to pass through Colombia, 1,755,000 Venezuelan refugees intend to settle in Colombia. Furthermore, 519,000 are Colombian refugees who are returning to Colombia after fleeing due to the 52-year Colombian conflict (UNHCR, 2018, p. 42). This population is settling not just along the 1,300-mile Venezuelan-Colombian border, but also throughout this Andean nation (UNHCR, 2018; Ramsey & Sánchez-Garzoli, 2018). As a result of the Venezuelan crisis, Colombia is faced with the largest incoming group of migrants in the region. However, the country is also attempting to heal from its own period of instability and a history of political violence. It is grappling with a new peace deal that was intended to formally end the conflict with a left-wing guerrilla group and reintegrate the largest population of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the world (UNHCR, 2017; Carvajal, 2017). According to the UNHCR (2017), there are an estimated 7.4 million IDPs in Colombia. The United Nations (UN) has named this conflict “Colombia’s Invisible Crisis” due to the severity of this issue, which has been left unresolved for over five decades (Højen, 2015). In summary, Colombia is faced with two major issues: reintegrating the 7.4 million IDPs and welcoming over 2 million Venezuelan migrants. It is important to note that the immense migrant group coming from Venezuela includes both Venezuelans and returning Colombians of all socioeconomic backgrounds, including students, whose education has been interrupted back

© koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_005

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home. The education sector in Venezuela is crippled due to the national economic crisis, violence on campus, and the increasing instability of the nation (Kraul & Mogollon, 2015). Of the 4 million that have fled Venezuela, many of them are said to be students and early career professionals, including academics who can “no longer afford to live on what they receive from poverty-stricken universities” (Pells, 2019). Universities have a massive funding problem, which has affected the ability of scholars and students to conduct quality research or access research journals; consequently, this created the mass exodus of its scholars (Kraul & Mogollon, 2015). With the exit of professors and academic leaders, students are unable to continue their studies; thus, students are forced to forfeit their studies in Venezuela. The importance of integrating refugees and migrants into the higher education system is deeply rooted in the ability of tertiary education to influence the amelioration of the national economy and stability (World Bank, 2003). Therefore, this research is starting the conversation on how incorporating displaced communities into the Colombian higher education sector would positively influence the growth of the nation and facilitate a healing process for both countries overall. Colombia can learn from the best practices of other nations experiencing migrant crises in order to benefit from the Venezuelan migrant crisis. Existing research concludes that there are a number of challenges that prevent refugees from accessing tertiary education. Thus, it is important to understand the specific barriers and support systems for Venezuelan refugees in the Colombian context. Yet, there has not been any previously published research specifically addressing how either individual Colombian universities or the national education ministry have created frameworks or policies to address the Venezuelan refugee crisis. The majority of research and literature is related to the current political and economic instability of Venezuela. Furthermore, there does not yet exist a comprehensive study on the Colombian higher education system and its role in a migrant crisis. Additionally, research on refugee crises tends to focus on the right of refugees to access primary and secondary education. Dryden-Peterson (2010) confirms this point: “Higher education has remained largely outside of the global education movement, within which the focus has instead been on primary education” (p. 10). The limited research on the topic demonstrates a need to increase attention to the role of Colombian universities in a migrant crisis. This research focused on answering the following questions: In what ways, if any, are Colombian institutions of higher education responding to the Venezuelan refugee crisis? What are the challenges facing refugees interested in higher education matriculation in Colombia? What forms of support, if any,

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do universities provide to students from Venezuela seeking an education in Colombia? What are the policies and practices of the different international, regional, and national organizations and institutions for the provision of tertiary education for refugees? And what lessons can Colombia learn from other countries that are experiencing a refugee crisis?

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The International Mandates on the Treatment of Refugees

In 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stated that everyone has the right to an education. This educational decree is known as Article 26 and states: “Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit” (United Nations, 2015, p. 54). This declaration links the fundamental right of education to the U.N.’s value of promoting “understanding, tolerance, and friendship among all nations … for the maintenance of peace” (United Nations, 2015, p. 54). Venezuelan society has been disrupted by ongoing political, human rights, and socio-economic developments, which have consequently resulted in a mass exodus of its citizens to throughout Latin America and the world. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, also known as the U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR), hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans remain without any documentation in neighboring countries, and therefore lack their guaranteed access to basic rights, including the fundamental right to education (UNHCR, 2019). The Venezuelan exodus has reached levels comparable to the Syrian migrant and refugee crisis, and Colombia has received the largest quantity of Venezuelan refugees seeking aid and refuge (Welsh, 2018; UNHCR, 2018). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights not only founded the idea that education is a fundamental right for all, but it also recognizes the right of persons to seek asylum from persecution in other countries, found in Article 14 (UNHCR, 1966). This idea has expanded to become known as the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol (UNHCR, 1966). This convention is extremely important because it defines refugee. According to the Convention, a refugee “is someone who is unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion” (UNHCR, 1966, p. 3). As a signatory of the Convention, Colombia agrees to abide by its declarations regarding the treatment of refugees, and hence has had an open-door policy towards the incoming Venezuelans.

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Despite the U.N. convention, Colombia has not declared the current crisis to be a refugee crisis. Instead, Colombia calls it a “migrant challenge” (Teff & Panayotatos, 2019, p. 14). This is because the Venezuelan economic crisis and social strife are the leading attributing factors for forced migration to Colombia. Despite the discrepancy in the definition of refugee, Colombia is also a signatory of the Cartagena Declaration of 1984. This declaration expanded the definition of refugee to include individuals who “have fled their country because their lives, safety, or freedom have been threatened by generalized violence, foreign aggression, internal conflicts, massive violation of human rights or other circumstances which have seriously disturbed public order” (Teff & Panayotatos, 2019, p. 9; The Colloquium on the International Protection of Refugees, 1984, p. 36). Some Venezuelans have claimed they fled Venezuela due to political persecution and violent attacks by the government and military against the people. The Cartagena Declaration definition fits the current crisis in Venezuela, yet signatory nations including, Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Panama, have not honored the Cartagena Declaration definition (Teff & Panayotatos, 2019, p. 14). This further complicates access to fundamental rights in nations like Colombia. However, for the sake of this research, the crisis in Venezuela will be deemed a refugee crisis because the United Nations has recognized it as one (UNHCR, 2019).

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The Benefits of Including Refugees in Colombian Higher Education

Higher education can be a powerful tool for creating a person’s identity, contributing to the growth of a nation and post-conflict reconstruction. It has the potential to promote “social, economic, and gender equality as well as empower refugee communities” (Bendavid-Hadar, 2019, p. 23). The United Nations also affirms many benefits to including migrants in higher education, including how they can contribute to the growth of the host nation and lead to sustainable development (Bendavid-Hadar, 2019). The World Bank recently stated that the Venezuelan influx could bring long-term economic benefits: “For every half a million people of working age that migrated from Venezuela to Colombia…, the economic growth of the receiving country could accelerate by 0.2 percentage points” (World Bank, 2018; World Bank Group, 2018, p. 119). The World Bank claims that by improving the recognition of credits, titles, degrees, and diplomas, higher education is an essential step to increasing the economic growth of a nation (World Bank Group, 2018, p. 39). Incorporating refugees into the Colombian higher education system can also lead to the reduction of poverty. According to Dryden-Peterson (2010),

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education is a “central component of development strategies linked to poverty reduction, holding promises of stability, economic growth, and better lives for children, families and communities” (p. 10). Colombia has high levels of poverty and President Duque has stated that almost 50% of the economy is in the informal sector (Weymouth, 2018). In a study by Bahar, Dooley, and Huang (2018), 46.3% of [Venezuelan] migrants were engaged in some level of employment in the informal sector (p. 3). The informal sector can hinder the growth of the country and formal economy (Weymouth, 2018). Thus, the benefit of including refugees in the higher education sector can only benefit the country by having more workers contribute to the formal economy. In 2018, a study showed that the population of newly regularized Venezuelan migrants is “predominantly young, moderately educated, and ready to engage in the labor force” (Bahar, Dooley, & Huang, 2018, p. 2). Over 75% are working age, and 83% have completed at least secondary education (Bahar, Dooley, & Huang, 2018). In fact, compared to the Colombian labor force, the newly regularized migrants are younger and more educated. Bahar, Dooley, and Huang (2018) conclude that “properly integrated into the labor force, [regularized Venezuelan migrants]… represent a largely productive cohort which could contribute to economic growth and productivity gains” (p. 2). The population of regularized Venezuelans in Colombia are mostly settled along the border. The major research universities and formal sectors for jobs in innovation are not located in these regions. Therefore, Colombia is not maximizing the benefits of including this population into the formal sector or university system. By including more refugees in the university centers of the country, there is a higher potential for productivity for the country. Higher education can also be an essential tool for the reconstruction of a nation or multiple nations. Streitwieser, Miller-Idriss, and de Wit (2017) deem access to higher education to be a powerful tool that can ensure the return of political stability to countries in conflict, like Colombia and Venezuela (p. 30). Building on this, with a tertiary education, displaced citizens would be able to return with the proper skills, tools, and knowledge in certain professional careers that can contribute to national rebuilding, including in engineering, medicine, democratic governance, international law, and education. Thus, higher education is a powerful tool that can contribute to the rebuilding of nations going through crises. Overall, there is a global competition for talent due to globalization. Leading OECD nations have an urgent need for a more highly trained and skilled workforce due to falling birth rates and decreasing populations in some countries. Therefore, utilizing the new population of migrants can make up for the loss of the host country’s most educated population who chose to head to global

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centers in the north. Many refugees stay in the host country after they complete their studies, especially if the conflict is ongoing back home. Some arrive with “marketable skills, in IT or software development, which position them to meet many workforce needs” (Streitwieser et al., 2017, p. 33). Therefore, receiving nations obtain direct benefits by including refugees in the higher education sector. Despite the many benefits of including refugees in higher education, less than 1% of all refugees and displaced peoples have access to higher education, while 34% of the rest of the world’s population does (Barrons, 2018; UNHCR, 2016). Watenpaugh (2019, February 19) claims that this gap points to a “global failure to uphold the human right to education and successfully use education to address a host of issues from high-skilled refugee mobility …” (n.p.). This is due to the many challenges that refugees face when trying to access higher education in their host country. These challenges include lack of documentation and credentials, lack of access to information, difficulty with the language of academic instruction, discrimination, restrictive host country policies, and financial shortcomings (Yavcan & El-Ghali, 2017; Kochhar-Bryant, 2019).

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Methodology

This is an exploratory qualitative research study that aims to gain information on how university admissions address the incoming population of Venezuelan refugee students. This study is a combination of desk research and interviews with university officials and organizations that work in higher education in Colombia. The researcher used semi-structured virtual interviews, where specific questions were asked to each interviewee, but there was also room for the conversation to grow organically. The questions were prepared before the scheduled interview and approved by the Boston College IRB. The interviews were conducted virtually, using the virtual meeting place Zoom in combination with email and Whatsapp communication regarding this research topic. This research tool was chosen due to the researcher’s location outside of the target country, Colombia, making in-person interviews impracticable. The participants were recruited by email communication that explained the voluntary nature of the study. Some interviewees only responded to questions via email instead of through the virtual platform. Because the conversation cannot grow organically through email, this type of interview is considered a structured interview as it relied solely on the questions asked, but it limits how much information is provided by the participant. The language of the interview was

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conducted in Spanish or English, depending on the participant; the majority of interviews were done in Spanish. The interviews lasted between 7 and 48 minutes.

4

Data Collection Procedure

The main tools for data collection for this study included individual interviews as well as desk research. These interviews were specifically designed to gain insight into the academic process for admission into a higher education institution for Venezuelan refugees. It also attempted to understand the main support systems for this population of students and the barriers these students experience when attempting to enroll in a university. The interviews were held over the Zoom platform, a virtual meeting room, and through Whatsapp and email correspondence. The second tool used was desk research. Based on the research topic, the researcher examined each university’s website to learn how a refugee could find information regarding the policies for refugee admission and general admission process information. This also aimed to learn what documents and payments were required for Venezuelan refugees. Data was collected from individual interviews with representatives from individual universities found along the refugee route in Colombia; an interview with a Venezuelan refugee student; an interview with a representative of the Colombian Ministry of Education; as well as documented legal frameworks, policies and websites of individual universities.

5

Findings

The following are findings from the interviews with the participants and desk research. 5.1

Venezuelan Refugees Are Considered International Students in the Admission Process All university interviewees stated that if a Venezuelan refugee student wanted to enroll in the university, they would be treated as a typical international student. Participants stated that there is no exception for Venezuelan citizens; they must comply with the requirements for all foreigners. Therefore, there is no unique status for refugees; thus, there are no separate admissions policies for them.

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5.2

The Universities and the Ministry of Education Are Playing a Blame-Game The Ministry of Education claims that universities are autonomous and do not need permission to create admissions guidelines for Venezuelan migrants. The Ministry of Education has not created any policy or framework regarding the refugee crisis. Despite this, it claims that through the Autonomy law of 1992, universities do not need to rely on the Ministry of Education in order to be proactive in the creation of admissions policies catered towards this migrant crisis. Therefore, the Ministry of Education is asserting that it is the responsibility of the universities to decide their role in the refugee crisis. This directly clashes with the claims from the eight universities representatives in the interviews. On the other hand, universities claim that the application process is standardized by the national regulations in Colombia. Universities in this study claim that a tertiary institution is not independent in decision making around the admissions process, because the university has to follow the national policy for admitting students. Participants reiterated that the law obligates them to request that foreign degrees and transcripts are legally certified and validated by the Ministry of Education, and that state examinations should be authorized by the same Ministry of Education in the registration process. Therefore, the universities are directly pointing to the national policymakers as the reason for their inability to be more welcoming to refugees in the admissions process. 5.3 Venezuelan Refugees Need the Proper Documentation to Apply The interviews and desk research revealed that Venezuelan students need the proper documentation in order to apply. There is a national legal policy and university policies that require international students to submit forms before being admitted into a university. There is no separate legal policy for Venezuelans entering Colombia due to the crisis at this time. The national legal policy to study in Colombia is defined by Migración Colombia. According to them, any foreigner who is interested in studying in Colombia must obtain a temporary visa (TP-3) that is either Type M or V (Migración Colombia, n.d.). In order to apply for a visa, the foreigner must have a valid passport or travel document, completed online visa application, bank statements, a clean criminal record with legal certification by the consulate in Colombia, and all foreign documents must have an official apostille. The university policies dictate that a student must have the proper legal documents in order to matriculate. Universities across Colombia usually require the following items from international students. First, an international student must submit their results from the Saber 11-ICFES exam. This is the

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national standardized exam for college qualifications that domestic and international students must take. Some universities allow the foreign equivalent to this exam, but each foreign exam must be assessed by the Ministry of Education. Secondly, universities require a copy of a high school degree certificate and transcript or proof that it is in process. All universities require that these documents are apostillados, or officially certified and validated by the legal body governing education in the home country or in Colombia. Additionally, it is required for university credits or transcripts to be officially recognized by the Colombian Ministry of Education. A third document that universities require is a copy of an Identifying Document that must either be a passport, cédula de extranjería [foreigner ID] and/or a student visa. In order to get a cédula, a student must already have the student visa (Migración Colombia, n.d.). Hence, all universities require the student to show proof of legal status relating to studying in Colombia. Some universities require students to show proof of health insurance, either international or Colombian. Furthermore, all applications have a fee associated with admissions. International students are not exempt from paying this fee. Participants concluded that if any student or person who wishes to be admitted into a university does not have the documentation that formally accredits him or her, or the prerequisites from training in secondary education, he or she cannot access a Colombian university. One participant was a Venezuelan refugee who had Colombian citizenship. She left Venezuela due to the crisis and enrolled in a university in Colombia. Even for dual citizens, it is challenging to get all the documents needed for the application to the universities. She had already left Venezuela before she realized that she needed to prove her education at the primary level and have an apostille. She had to ask extended family members in Venezuela to obtain the documents for her and pay for the apostille. This is a clear barrier for students needing to prove official documentation and it can risk the safety of the applicants if they are required to go back to Venezuela for documents. 5.4 There Is No On-Campus Support for Refugees No forms of support were reported in this study. Venezuelan students are treated as international students, and they are required to submit the same qualifications as domestic and international students. If a Venezuelan student is admitted as an international student, s/he will receive the same support as any international student. Therefore, there is no known policy to support refugee students in the Colombian higher education system. There are some cases of students with a shared nationality, which makes things easier because they can access Colombian funding means.

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No interviews mentioned any known financial support for Venezuelan refugees. Resources like ICETEX create national scholarship opportunities for exchange, but there were no scholarships found for Venezuelan refugees in particular. The UNHCR has been a leading driver in aiding refugees in Colombia, but has yet to address the lack of initiatives towards accessing higher education. Colombia has been accused by Refugees International and the UNHCR as lacking a comprehensive plan for refugees (Teff & Panayotatos, 2019, p. 14). There needs to be an introduction of policy changes by which Colombia can use best practices as exemplified in the cases of Turkey, Lebanon, and Germany as discussed in a later section in this chapter. 5.5

Public Institutions Have Specific Support Services for Marginalized Communities At tertiary public schools in Colombia, there are specific resources for indigenous communities, the Afro-Colombian community, students with disabilities, and displaced populations (Pacheco & Johnson, 2014). Each public university website specifically states that these groups have special admission processes. This does not include Venezuelan migrants. However, it is important to note that displaced communities are included. Therefore, public universities have a greater mission or obligation towards inclusion at their institutions. This is an area that could be further addressed with future research. 5.6

Technology Has an Essential Role in a Refugee Crisis, But Many Barriers Remain Technology has an important role in improving access to refugees. The internet, online courses, online degree programs, and virtual academic institutions have formulated and provided access to refugees who would otherwise not be able to study at an institution due to war or other political disruption reasons. With a large population entering Colombia, institutions may face problems helping the new students due to resource limitations. Because of massification, higher education is constantly battling how to accommodate more learners at lower costs. One way to do this is through MOOCs, Massive Open Online Courses. MOOCs are one way to strategize offering education to learners from far away and to improve refugees’ chances of accessing education. Access to technology is a large barrier that refugees face when fleeing a nation. Many who fled Venezuela and crossed the border may not have access to a computer, internet, or proper technology in order to complete applications or learn about the opportunities available for them. Research on the Venezuelan crisis states that there is a shortage of access to the proper websites that inform refugees of their rights and their opportunities. Therefore, technology can be a large setback to the refugee crisis. For example, the student

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visa application requires access to an online website and the internet. With the regular nationwide electrical outages in Venezuela, this can be a difficult process for those planning to arrive in Colombia. Many Venezuelan migrants are living on the streets in Colombia (Rampietti, 2019). Therefore, access to wifi and internet is limited. None of the participants mentioned the role of MOOCs in educating refugee populations. However, some of the universities in this study have free MOOCs open to their students and the general population. This is an area where universities can promote free online courses to refugees if the refugees are not able to enroll in the university due to a lack of the proper legal status or documents. 5.7 Degree Recognition Policies Are Vague and Appear to Be Ineffective The interviews did not reveal any clear information regarding the degree recognition processes between Colombian institutions and Venezuelan universities. Therefore, it is unclear whether any degree recognition framework has been helpful in aiding refugees continue their education in Colombia. Many frameworks appear to benefit study abroad and student exchange between universities. However, for long-term, degree-seeking refugees, it is unclear if these recognition policies have aided their application process.

6

Lessons from Other Countries

The Venezuelan crisis has crippled national stability and caused the largest exodus South America has ever experienced. Colombia has an open-door policy for migrants, but a migrant crisis can stretch the resources available because an increasing amount of vulnerable Venezuelans flee each day. Colombia recently signed a peace deal with the FARC, and is attempting to reintegrate the displaced community back into Colombian society. However, it is unclear what the government is doing under President Duque to facilitate the reintegration process. Even so, Colombia is facing two crises: the Venezuelan migrant crisis and the reintegration of the 7.5 million internally displaced Colombians. It is essential that Colombia uses other national examples of best practices for incorporating refugees into the national plan for growth and development. Colombia can learn from different refugee policies in Germany, Lebanon and Turkey. Germany is a strong example of a leading European response to the Syrian refugee crisis. Yet, Germany’s free, public higher education system is drastically different from Colombia’s largely privatized university system. Also, Germany has more resources and support to help refugees. Germany is not an entry point for Syrian refugees, so Germany has the benefit of selecting which

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refugees to accept in its asylum system instead of being forced to deal with arriving migrants at the border each day. Lebanon has a very similar past to Colombia, so it is an important region for Colombia to consider. For example, Colombia is recovering from a 52-year conflict, while Lebanon has been trying to rebuild from a fifteen-year civil war. Furthermore, Lebanon has a large amount of its own citizens living below the poverty line; this is comparable to the Colombian situation as well. In addition to this, Lebanon faces threats to its security and stability due to regional conflicts, like the neighboring civil war in Syria (El-Ghali, Berjaoui, & DeKnight, 2017). Attacks from ISIS and other terrorist organizations along the Lebanese border have been an issue for the stability of the nation much like the ELN, an armed guerrilla group, along the Colombian-Venezuelan border. Due to the Syrian crisis, refugees have fled into Lebanon. Yet, Lebanon has not considered Syrian migrants as refugees, also similar to Colombia. A main difference between Colombia and Lebanon is that Lebanon is not a signatory of the U.N. Convention, while Colombia is. Therefore, Colombia has more responsibility as a signatory toward the treatment of displaced people and forced migrants. Turkey is an excellent and unique example of how regions can follow the U.N.’s recommendations for breaking down barriers for highly-educated refugees. Turkey has created a system that has addressed regularization of refugees and language, documentation, and other barriers facing refugees. Therefore, a set of recommendations for Colombia is based on the many steps Turkey has implemented in its refugee policies regarding higher education. Overall, Colombia has the potential to grow as a country and become a leading powerhouse for Latin America. This can only happen if Colombia incorporates refugees into its higher education system and breaks down barriers in the admissions process at the national and institutional levels. As the World Bank has declared, human capital contributes to a nation’s growth through institutional strengthening and social development (World Bank, 2003). Because higher education has a direct role in improving a nation’s economic development and stabilization, the policies preventing refugees from participating in the tertiary level of education are inefficient and wasteful. Colombia is attempting to rebound from a 52-year long civil war and this new population has the potential to help rebuild the nation and create a peaceful future and mutual relationship between Colombia and Venezuela.

7 1.

Recommendations for Colombia First and foremost, Colombia needs to abide by the Cartagena Convention and recognize the Venezuelan crisis as more than a migrant crisis

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3.

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and officially recognize it as a refugee crisis. This way, Colombia can start to create policies for refugees, like in the case of Turkey. This is an essential step in responding to a refugee crisis. Knowing that the Venezuelan political climate is growing worse each day, more Venezuelans are going to continue to arrive in Colombia. Therefore, Colombia needs a proactive approach to dealing with the crisis. Colombia needs to implement a continuous and formal registration and regularization process for all Venezuelans entering the country. The government should provide clear information to Venezuelans on how to register and how host communities can benefit from the refugee population. The regularization process should also provide refugees with the right to higher education. Regularizing migrants will break down the major barrier, requiring a student visa, to accessing higher education in Colombia. Colombia needs to create a policy regarding documents for refugees. In Article 22 of the U.N. Convention, nations are called to “accord to refugees treatment as favourable as possible … with respect to education other than elementary education and, in particular, as regards to access to studies, the recognition of foreign school certificates, diplomas, and degrees, the remission of fees and charges and the award of scholarships (UNHCR, 1966, p. 24). The United Nations demands that nations recognize the refugee crisis as one that affects their access to the proper documents needed for university admission. Additionally, Colombia should eliminate fees in the application process. Colombia can learn from the case of Turkey by implementing some best practices. For example, Turkey accepts copies of any refugee’s high school degree as a way to establish degree equivalency, offers a standard exam in place of missing documents, passed laws that allows refugees to access universities free of charge at public institutions, eliminated the requirement to take the national exam, recognizes their foreign credits, and provides refugees with specific scholarships to increase their chances of affording a university education (Yavcan & El-Ghali, 2017). Colombia could incorporate Germany’s auditing policy for refugees. A number of German tertiary institutions allow refugees to attend university lectures and register for audited non-degree courses outside of the standard admission procedures (Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018). The Colombian Ministry of Education needs to clearly communicate that universities are autonomous and can change the application process for refugees if need be. Additionally, the Ministry, itself, can create a national policy that requires universities to include this population of students. This would greatly help the crisis and would only benefit the nation’s economy.

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Colombian institutions should open their online classrooms to refugees who are not matriculated in the system. Universities also need to promote their online academic space to refugees so students know of this option. Online learning has many benefits for a migrant crisis. Due to the technology barriers, universities should open up their libraries to refugees or allow students to take online courses on their property when the regular classes are not using the technology. This would allow refugees who lack access to the internet or a computer to participate in an online classroom. This is essential for using the refugee crisis as a way to promote economic and social growth and stability in Colombia. Universities should reexamine their bilateral and multilateral degree recognition agreements to see if they can help admit students through this alley. By strengthening these convenios, the universities could potentially create a smoother transfer process for the most skilled migrants fleeing Colombia. This could also limit the documentation barrier if students would be able to transfer their academic history through the multilateral and bilateral agreements with Venezuelan universities. Universities should use the refugee crisis as a way to work towards internationalizing their campuses. There are many benefits to having students from diverse backgrounds in a classroom., however, this could potentially strain university resources. Thus, the Ministry of Education should help fund this process, so the university can sufficiently prepare the universities for a larger population of students with a diverse set of needs.

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Carvajal, D. (2017, April 13). As Colombia emerges from decades of war, migration challenges mount. Migration Information Source. Retrieved from https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/colombia-emerges-decades-warmigration-challenges-mount Dryden-Peterson, S. (2010). The politics of higher education for refugees in a global movement for primary education. Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees, 27(2), 10–18. Retrieved from https://refuge.journals.yorku.ca/index.php/refuge/article/view/ 34718/31548 El-Ghali, H. A., Berjaoui, R., & DeKnight, J. (2017). Higher education and Syrian refugee students: The case of Lebanon. UNESCO Regional Bureau for Education in the Arab States-Beirut and American University of Beirut. Retrieved from https://www.aub.edu.lb/ifi/Documents/publications/research_reports/2016-2017/ 20170702_refugee_education.pdf Højen, L. (2015, February 2). Colombia’s “invisible crisis”: Internally displaced persons. Council on Hemispheric Affairs. Retrieved from http://www.coha.org/colombiasinvisible-crisis-internally-displaced-persons/ Kochhar-Bryant, C. (2019). Higher education as an instrument of social inclusion for displaced students and refugees. In K. Arar, K. Haj-Yehia, D. Ross, & Y. Kondakci (Eds.), Higher education challenges for migrant and refugee students in a global world, in the series, equity in higher education theory, policy, and praxis (pp. 41–58). Peter Lang. Kraul, C., & Mogollon, M. (2015, November 17). In Venezuela, students and faculty caught in budget-driven university closures. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved from https://www.latimes.com/world/mexico-americas/la-fg-venezuela-professors20151117-story.html Migración Colombia. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://migracioncolombia.gov.co/ index.php/es/ Pacheco, I., & Johnson, A. T. (2014). Higher education conflict and post conflict conditions: Colombia and Kenya. International Higher Education, 74, 8–10. Retrieved from https://ejournals.bc.edu/index.php/ihe/article/view/5463/4880 Pells, R. (2019, February 3). Venezuelan universities ‘approaching point of no return’. Times Higher Education. Retrieved from https://www.timeshighereducation.com/ news/venezuelan-universities-approaching-point-no-return Rampietti, A. (2019). Colombia dismantles first tent camp for Venezuelan migrants. Al Jazeera. Retrieved from https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/01/colombiadismantles-tent-camp-venezuelan-migrants-190116044925991.html Ramsey, G., & Sánchez-Garzoli, G. (2018, July). Responding to an exodus: Venezuela’s migration and refugee crisis as seen from the Colombian and Brazilian borders (Research report). WOLA. Retrieved from https://www.wola.org/wp-content/ uploads/2018/07/Final-VZ-Migration-Report-Final.pdf

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Streitwieser, B., Miller-Idriss, C., & de Wit, J. (2017). Higher education’s response to the European refugee crisis. In J. de Wit, J. Gacel-Ávila, E. Jones, & N. Jooste (Eds.), The globalization of internationalization (pp. 29–39). Routledge. Teff, M., & Panayotatos, D. (2019, January). Crises colliding: The mass influx of Venezuelans into the dangerous fragility of post-peace agreement Colombia (Field report). Refugees International. Retrieved from https://static1.squarespace.com/static/ 506c8ea1e4b01d9450dd53f5/t/5c5da213652deab29333e4eb/1549640213352/ Colombia+Report+-+January+2019+-+2.0.pdf The Colloquium on the International Protection of Refugees. (1984). Cartagena declaration on refugees. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/about-us/ background/45dc19084/cartagena-declaration-refugees-adopted-colloquiuminternational-protection.html Unangst, L., & Streitwieser, B. (2018). Inclusive practices in response to the German refugee influx: Support structures and rationales described by university administrators. In A. Curaj, L. Deca, & R. Pricopie (Eds.), European higher education area: The impact of past and future policies (pp. 277–292). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77407-7_17 UNHCR. (1966). Convention and protocol relating to the status of refugees. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/3b66c2aa10 UNHCR. (2016). Aiming higher – The other one per cent (Report). Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/aiming-higher.html UNHCR. (2017, March 10). Forced displacement growing in Colombia despite peace agreement. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/news/briefing/2017/3/ 58c26e114/forced-displacement-growing-colombia-despite-peace-agreement.html UNHCR. (2018, December). 2019 regional refugee and migrant response plan for refugees and migrants from Venezuela. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/partners/ donors/5c330bc74/2019-regional-refugee-migrant-response-plan-refugeesmigrants-venezuela.html UNHCR. (2019). Emergencies: Venezuela situation. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/venezuela-emergency.html United Nations. (2015). Universal declaration of human rights. Retrieved from http://www.un.org/en/udhrbook/pdf/udhr_booklet_en_web.pdf Watenpaugh, K. D. (2019, February 19). The global challenge of failing to protect the human right to education. Presented at IIE Summit 2019, New York, NY. Welsh, T. (2018, September 19). Venezuela crisis is ‘on the scale of Syria,’ UNHCR says. Devex. Retrieved from https://www.devex.com/news/venezuela-crisis-is-on-thescale-of-syria-unhcr-says-93465 Weymouth, L. (2018, September 27). Colombia’s president on a wobbly peace with the FARC. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/ outlook/colombias-president-on-a-wobbly-peace-with-the-farc/2018/09/27/ d501197e-c1f9-11e8-a1f0-a4051b6ad114_story.html?utm_term=.09dbac95db5c

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World Bank. (2003). Economic issues and perspectives. In Tertiary education in Colombia: Paving the way for reform (pp. 35–58). World Bank. Retrieved from http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EDUCATION/Resources/2782001099079877269/547664-1099079956815/ColombiaLoRes.pdf World Bank. (2018, November 6). Despite challenges, Venezuelan migration into colombia can boost its growth. The World Bank. Retrieved from https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2018/11/06/despite-challengesvenezuelan-migration-into-colombia-can-boost-its-growth World Bank Group. (2018). Migración desde Venezuela a Colombia: Impactos y estrategia de respuesta en el corto y mediano plazo. World Bank. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10986/30651 Yavcan, B., & El-Ghali, H. A. (2017). Higher education and Syrian refugee students: The case of Turkey (Report). Retrieved from http://www.aub.edu.lb/ifi/Documents/ publications/research_reports/2016-2017/20170703_turkey_syrian_ refugee.pdf#search=Yavcan%2C%20B%2E%20

chapter 6

Going above and beyond Access to Higher Education: The Brazilian Case Kelber Tozini

In 2018, 80,057 people applied for refugee status in Brazil, with Venezuelans leading the list (61,681 applicants), followed by Haitians (over 7,000), Cubans (2,479), Chinese (1,450) and Bengalese, with 947 applicants (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2019). However, the report written by the Ministry of Justice and Public Security (n.d.) shows other important data for 2018: only 777 people were recognized as refugees, with 61.3% being from Syria, 6.7% from Palestine, and 6.5% from Congo. Venezuelans comprised 0.6% of the requests approved and 53.7% of the requests canceled by the National Commission for Refugees. Of those who were recognized as refugees, 38.58% were of college age (Ministry of Justice and Public Security, n.d.). Roraima, one of the states which borders Venezuela, received 63% of the applications for refugee status (Ministry of Justice and Public Security, 2019). Nonetheless, because the state is not prepared to serve a high number of refugees (lack of jobs and/or the incompatibility between diplomas), the government initiated an internal placement process, moving them to other states with more opportunities (Costa, 2018), while those who have not been successful have returned to their country of origin. To assist the increasing refugee population in the country, the federal government adjusted their agenda to include joining the global pact for refugees at the U.N., as such: Expansion and simplification of the migratory regularization; implementation of an online system for the application of refugee status; and implementation of temporary documentation for those seeking refugee status (Ministry of Justice, n.d.). With the increasing number of refugees in the country, and among them a great percentage of college-age ones, policymakers must identify possibilities for them to access higher education. Given that Brazil has a rather unique higher education system with an affirmative action policy in place, it is important to understand its characteristics first. The Brazilian higher education system, the largest in Latin America, is formed by 2,448 institutions with 87.9% being private and 12.1% public (Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira, 2018). Public higher education institutions in Brazil are research based, which contributes to © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2020 | doi: 10.1163/9789004435841_006

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their quality and top positions in regional rankings. Public tertiary institutions are tuition-free yet highly selective. The public university is based on three dimensions – teaching, research, and extension – extension being an “articulation of the scientific knowledge originated from teaching and research with the needs of the community in which the university is inserted, interacting and transforming the social reality” (Federal University of Espirito Santo, n.d., n.p.). Extension is one of the key social functions of the public university in Brazil, whose objective is to promote social development and guarantee equal rights to all at public universities (Federal University of Espirito Santo, n.d.). Since the admission process is more competitive at public universities, most students (75.4%) end up studying in private ones (Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira, 2019). Because the demographics of the student body in public universities at the undergraduate level was highly dominated by white middle and higher-class students who attended private high schools (Tessler, 2011), President Dilma Rousseff signed a quota system into law in 2012, which dedicates half of the vacancies in undergraduate programs in all federal universities to students of racial minorities and/or public high school graduates (Rogers, 2012). Affirmative action in Brazil is not a new trend, having been implemented in the beginning of the 21st century, with the State University of Rio de Janeiro and the University of Brasilia being pioneers in this process. Despite some criticism towards reserving quotas for the underprivileged, there is evidence that indicates that students admitted through affirmative action perform at the same level as students admitted through the universal system (Tessler, 2011).

1

Beyond Refugee Access to Higher Education

Cátedras Sérgio Vieira de Mello, or CSVM, is a series of cooperation agreements created by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (ACNUR) and a group of Brazilian universities aimed at guaranteeing that refugees and those applying for refugee status have access and rights to services in Brazil, by offering support in the integration process (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, n.d.). It was named in tribute to Sérgio Vieira de Mello, a U.N. employee who worked for ACNUR and refugee causes and was killed in a U.N. office in Baghdad during a terrorist attack in 2003 (Rodrigues, 2014). In the CSVM agreement, ACNUR established a reference term with objectives, responsibilities and criteria for institutions to join the group within three dimensions: teaching, research and extension. In addition to offering courses on topics related to refugees, CSVM also seeks to promote the academic formation and

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student and faculty development on these issues. Institutions work with refugees through community projects as well as offering opportunities to promote access and permanence in school, including at the higher education level. The first CSVM agreements were signed in 2003 and followed the trends of refugees entering the country. For instance, the Catholic University of Santos signed the agreement after the influx of ships containing African refugees arrived at the Port of Santos, which generated interest from the university community (Rodrigues, 2014). Now, according to ACNUR’s report, CSVM comprises 22 universities, with 82% of them located in the Southeast and South Brazil, regions that also have the highest concentration of university students. Moreover, 76% of the institutions are federal ones, which in Brazil are characterized as being tuition-free at the undergraduate, masters and doctoral levels. According to a report released in 2018, 52.3% of these institutions offered facilitated access, with spots being offered to refugee students (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2019). The document does not state how access is facilitated in these universities. For those holding higher education degrees, CSVM has established initiatives to evaluate their credentials in order to assist them in searching for jobs and/or allowing them to seek further education. In 2016, CSVM partnered up with Compassiva, a non-profit organization that assists refugees in the diploma revalidation process. Refugees may also receive financial assistance to cover the translation of documents and revalidation fees. Between 2016 and 2018, 89 refugees applied for revalidation, with 29 of them obtaining approval, 49 still in the process and the remaining 9 not obtaining approval (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2018). The States of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro created laws that allow refugees living in these states not to pay for any fees in the revalidation process. Besides offering spots and facilitating access to higher education, the refugee theme has also been included in the curricula of 18 of these institutions, with 16 at the undergraduate level and 17 at the graduate level. ACNUR estimates that over 1,200 students have taken courses on the topic, mostly offered in the following programs: International Relations, Law, Psychology, Social Work, Sociology, Political Science, Geography, Architecture, Engineering, Medicine, among others. Research on the topic has become a priority for 17 of these schools, with special research groups being formed (14 of these have been registered in one of the two national research funding agencies) (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2019). ACNUR and CSVM are currently developing a study on the socioeconomic profile of the refugees living in the country.

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Going Above and Beyond Access to Higher Education table 6.1  Initiatives offfered through extension programs

Initiative Access to health services Mental Health and psychosocial support programs Portuguese language teaching Legal services Integration to the job market services Permanence in higher education support program

Number of universities 9 11 15 11 9 11

Source: Adapted from United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (2018)

As for extension, several initiatives have been created to support refugees in their transition and permanence in the country (Table 6.1), and ACNUR declares extension may be the main means to promote impact on refugees, which relates to its society-changing role (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2018). It is noteworthy that the average number of people assisted monthly in legal services is 870, and in the integration to the job market is 444. Among the benefits offered in the Permanence in Brazil support program are scholarships (offered by 8 schools), traditional housing (4), student housing (5), and food assistance (6).

2

Facilitated Admission Process: For Whom?

To learn more about the requirements for refugees to obtain admission to Brazilian universities, I conducted a study to understand how the admission process works. Through a Google search utilizing the keywords “universities” and “refugees” in Portuguese, a list of 13 different institutions was identified, but only 12 of them created special calls for applications (CFAs) detailing the entire process. Calls for applications are official documents written by public universities which list the programs and vacancies available, the requirements to apply, the selection criteria and other relevant information. Not following these requirements may eliminate applicants from the process. Of these, three universities created one special call for applications, totaling a number of 10 CFAs. It is important to note that half of these schools are not part of the CSVM group, which shows that there are individual efforts taking place to benefit the refugee population and that the number of universities committed to increase access is actually higher.

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However, in comparison to the CSVM list, 11 of the 12 universities which created CFAs dedicated vacancies to refugees. All CFAs offer vacancies in undergraduate programs, with the exception of the joint program offered by the State University of São Paulo, the State University of Campinas and Pontifical University of São Paulo, a private Catholic institution. This is a graduate program in international relations (master and doctoral), in which refugees may be admitted to the program under a special status – besides the program requirements in the first year, they must work alongside current students to develop their proficiency in Portuguese as well as research skills. Refugees are then later encouraged to reapply for the program as regular applicants to become official students. It must be highlighted that in some of these cases refugees are competing for spots with other groups and/or not all refugees are welcome to apply. For instance, the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR) created a CFA for refugees who began their studies in other institutions and wish to transfer to their institution. The reason for UFPR to accept transfer students is because these vacancies were once occupied by domestic students (Bazzo & Fajardo, 2018). In addition, the same vacancies are available for migrants. The International Rescue Committee makes an important distinction between refugees and migrants: while migrants opt to move to a new country and usually have the financial resources to do so, refugees are forced to flee their country of origin, and tend to lack finances (International Rescue Committee, 2018). Another example comes from the Federal University of Pelotas, whose CFA was directed to Senegalese refugees, excluding others from applying for these vacancies. The number of vacancies available vary greatly between different institutions. While the Federal University of ABC, located in the Greater São Paulo, offers four spots for their interdisciplinary programs, the Federal University of Mato Grosso do Sul made 2,468 vacancies available. Refugees must compete for these positions with domestic diploma holders and transfer applicants, but the preference is given to transfer ones. The Federal University of Santa Maria does not list how many spots are offered to each program, but mentions that they may offer up to 5% of the spots of admitted students annually to refugee students – it is conditioned to the department to approve how many refugees will be admitted. Another positive aspect refers to the three vacancies offered for applicants interested in studying medicine. Medicine is the most competitive program in Brazil, with the number of applicants per vacancy reaching 266.2 (Monzillo, 2017). Thus, refugees have the advantage of only competing among themselves for these three spots (one in each school). The selection process across institutions also varies. Four of the universities require the Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio, a national examination offered to domestic students which comprises of questions in multiple areas, including

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Brazilian history, geography and literature. For students who attended high school in other countries, this exam may become a challenge, as the curricula may differ drastically. The selection process may also differ within the same institution. The Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) offers different options according to the program and they may include one or a combination of the following: written exam, multiple choice exam, interview and/ or letter of intent. The admission exams for UFRGS are discipline specific. For example, engineering students must take a mathematics, chemistry and physics exam. However, some institutions have facilitated the admission process. Two important cases are the Federal University of Santa Maria, which only requires applicants to open an administrative process, and the Federal University of Pelotas, whose admission process requires an essay and a descriptive memorial, two documents that refugee applicants can use to describe their personal trajectories and motivations to pursue higher education. According to the university’s CFA, the descriptive memorial is a: … report on the applicant’s life story which contains elements such as the school trajectory, the refugee process, living in community and his/ her expectations to begin studying at this university, and also, about the choice of undergraduate program and its importance for their formation given their reality. (Federal University of Pelotas, 2018, p. 3) In addition to including how students are selected, the CFA also contains a series of penalties which may eliminate applicants from the selection process. Among these are test-related issues (lateness, cheating, failing an exam, no show, etc.); incomplete and/or illegible documents; missing application deadlines; not obtaining proof of refugee status; and having completed a four-year degree at a different institution. Those who have already been admitted may still lose their spot when failing to meet the requirements. In some cases, the university may abstain itself from any mistakes made by applicants throughout the process. In summary, it is clear that these calls for applications are vital initiatives created by HEIs showing an interest in diversifying their population, and in meeting the needs of a growing, vulnerable population (Dryden-Peterson & Giles, 2010; Wright & Plasterer, 2010). It is also worth highlighting that in the Brazilian public higher education context tuition is free, therefore allowing more students to apply for admission. Nevertheless, none of the universities surveyed underscore free tuition in their CFAs, possibly making an assumption that refugees know the costs associated with their education. Those who overestimate their costs and underestimate the benefits (Usher, 2005) may not consider applying.

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One must note that some of these calls, despite being directed to refugees, also offer places for migrants. As a result, both groups are viewed similarly, despite the significant difference – while migrants opt to move to a foreign country and have the financial resources for this, refugees are forced to do so, not usually counting on finances (International Rescue Committee, 2018; Jamil et al., 2012). Regardless, having CFAs can reduce the chances of refugees feeling disappointed, frustrated and anxious, as they may access essential information to participate in the process (Bajwa et al., 2017). Moreover, some universities recognize that refugees need flexible treatment, such as facilitated admission, language courses and other support systems that might require an ad hoc basis approach (Morrice, 2013). Even though these institutions have created special quotas for refugees, the number of those in higher education is still low. According to ACNUR, the number of refugees enrolled in universities was 86 in 2018, corresponding to 23% of the total spots offered by the HEIs that reported offering spots to refugees and a 22% increase in comparison to 2017 (Bazzo & Fajardo, 2018). The Federal University of Paraná, which only accepts transfer students, in 2018 had 49 migrant and refugee students, and anticipated 25 incoming students for the 2019 year. Those who will begin their study must attend a preparatory course that presents “university terms” and the institution (Bazzo & Fajardo, 2018).

3

How Long Will It Last?

The future of refugees accessing Brazilian higher education is uncertain for several reasons. Under the new President, Jair Bolsonaro, higher education may suffer drastically. In addition to thinking of actions to withdraw funding for programs in the humanities (G1, 2019), overseeing the content of the national high school examination in order to eliminate questions of ideological nature (Saldana, 2019), and threatening academic freedom in schools (Moreno, 2019), the President is also against the quota system in public universities. When speaking to an audience at a TV show about the quota for Afro-Brazilians before getting elected in 2018, he said the following: “Why this policy to divide the country between whites and blacks? I have never enslaved anyone. Are we going to create quotas for people from the Northeast? Is this a matter of merit? Why don’t they study?” (Ferraz, 2018). Thus, not only refugees but also all other minorities interested in attending may be affected if he cancels the quota system. This is also aggravated by the fact that Bolsonaro closed the border with Venezuela in February 2019 and removed Brazil from the United Nations’ pact that protects migrants (Londono, 2019).

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The Brazilian case provides an understanding of how public organizations and HEIs in developing countries can work together to achieve several goals which go beyond access to higher education, being a reference of refugee inclusion with limited resources. It may benefit this population as well as the local communities. It allows domestic students to learn more about the refugee theme in classes and research groups as well as applicable opportunities to put the knowledge acquired in class into the workplace such as legal services, health services, etc. It contributes to refugee families as they settle in the country. Nevertheless, the permanence of this system will only continue if the authorities keep encouraging institutions to work together. As the country approaches new negative directions, the future is unknown.

References Bajwa, J. K., Couto, S., Kidd, S., Markoulakis, R., Abai, M., & McKenzie, K. (2017). Refugees, higher education, and informational barriers. Refuge, 33(2), 56–65. Bazzo, G., & Fajardo, V. (2018, September 14). Só 2 de cada 10 vagas para refugiados em universidades no Brasil são preenchidas. Retrieved April 29, 2019 from https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/mundo/2018/09/refugiados-ocupam-23-de-vagasreservadas-a-eles-em-universidades-no-brasil.shtml?loggedpaywall#_=_ Costa, E. (2018, December 24). Após a crise migratória em Roraima, venezuelanos contam como é a vida em outros estados. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from https://g1.globo.com/rr/roraima/noticia/2018/12/24/apos-a-crise-migratoria-emroraima-venezuelanos-contam-como-e-a-vida-em-outros-estados.ghtml Dryden-Peterson, S., & Giles, W. (2010). Introduction: Higher education for refugees. Refuge, 27(2), 3–10. Federal University of Espirito Santo. (n.d.). O que e extensao universitaria. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from http://www.proex.ufes.br/o-que-%C3%A9-extens%C3%A3ouniversit%C3%A1ria Federal University of Pelotas. (2018). Processo Seletivo Especial para Refugiados Senegaleses. Retrieved December 1, 2019, from https://wp.ufpel.edu.br/cid/files/2018/03/ Edital-006-Senegaleses.pdf Ferraz, I. (2018, July 30). Por que não estudam? diz Bolsonaro sobre cotas para negros. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from https://www.metropoles.com/brasil/eleicoes-2018/ por-que-nao-estudam-diz-bolsonaro-sobre-cotas-para-negros G1. (2019, April 16). Bolsonaro diz que MEC estuda ‘descentralizar’ investimento em cursos de filosofia e sociologia. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from https://g1.globo.com/ educacao/noticia/2019/04/26/bolsonaro-diz-que-mec-estuda-descentralizarinvestimento-em-cursos-de-filosofia-e-sociologia.ghtml

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Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira. (2018, October 3). Dados do Censo da Educação Superior. As universidades brasileiras representam 8% da rede, mas concentram 53% das matrículas. Retrieved November 10, 2018, from http://portal.inep.gov.br/artigo/-/asset_publisher/B4AQV9zFY7Bv/content/ dados-do-censo-da-educacao-superior-as-universidades-brasileiras-representam8-da-rede-mas-concentram-53-das-matriculas/21206 Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira. (2019, September 19). Censo da Educação Superior 2018. Retrieved October 25, 2019, from http://download.inep.gov.br/educacao_superior/censo_superior/documentos/ 2019/apresentacao_censo_superior2018.pdf International Rescue Committee. (2018, June 22). Migrants, asylum seekers, refugees and immigrants: What’s the difference? Retrieved October 21, 2018, from https://www.rescue.org/article/migrants-asylum-seekers-refugees-andimmigrants-whats-difference Jamil, H., Kanno, S. S., Abo-Shasha, R., AlSaqa, M. M., Fakhouri, M., & Arnetz, B. B. (2012). Promoters and barriers to work: A comparative study of refugees versus immigrants in the United States. The New Iraqi Journal of Medicine, 8(2), 19. Joyce, A., Earnest, J., De Mori, G., & Silvagni, G. (2010). The experiences of students from refugee backgrounds at universities in Australia: Reflections on the social, emotional and practical challenges. Journal of Refugee Studies, 23(1), 82–97. Londono, E. (2019, January 10). Far-right president Jair Bolsonaro pulls Brazil from United Nations pact designed to protect migrants. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/jair-bolsonaro-brazilmigration-accOrd-united-nations-venezuela-refugee-crisis-a8721461.html Ministry of Justice. (n.d.). Refúgio em Números, Terceira Edição. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from https://www.acnur.org/portugues/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/refugio-emnumeros_1104.pdf Ministry of Justice and Public Security. (n.d.). Refúgio em Números, Quarta Edição. Retrieved October 25, 2019, from https://www.acnur.org/portugues/wp-content/ uploads/2019/07/Refugio-em-nu%CC%81meros_versa%CC%83o-23-de-julho002.pdf Monzillo, M. (2017, October 30). Os cursos mais concorridos nas melhores públicas do Brasil. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from https://veja.abril.com.br/educacao/oscursos-mais-concorridos-nas-melhores-publicas-do-brasil/ Moreno, S. S. (2019, April 3). Fears for academic freedom as Brazil’s political climate deteriorates. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from https://www.chemistryworld.com/ news/fears-for-academic-freedom-as-brazils-political-climate-deteriorates/ 3010315.article Morrice, L. (2009). Journeys into higher education: The case of refugees in the UK. Teaching in Higher Education, 14(6), 661–672. https://doi.org/10.1080/13562510903315282

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Morrice, L. (2013). Refugees in higher education: Boundaries of belonging and recognition, stigma and exclusion. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 32(5), 652–668. Rogers, I. H. (2012, November 5). Brazil’s affirmative-action quotas: Progress? The Chronicle. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from https://www.chronicle.com/blogs/ conversation/2012/11/05/brazils-affirmative-action-quotas-progress/ Rodrigues, G. M. (2014). ACNUR e Universidades: a Cátedra Sergio Vieira de Mello (CSVM) no Brasil. Refúgio, Migrações e Cidadania, 13–30. Saldana, P. (2019, March 20). Governo Bolsonaro cria comissão para analisar questões do Enem. Retrieved April 29, 2019, from https://gauchazh.clicrbs.com.br/ educacao-e-emprego/noticia/2019/03/governo-bolsonaro-cria-comissao-paraanalisar-questoes-do-enem-cjth6sGxw00do01qkekxdbs2j.html Stevenson, J., & Willott, J. (2007). The aspiration and access to higher education of teenage refugees in the UK. Compare, 37(5), 671–687. Tessler, L. (2011). The pursuit of equity in Brazilian higher education. International Higher Education, 63. https://doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2011.63.8541 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2018). Relatório Cátedra Sérgio Vieira de Mello 2017. Retrieved October 25, 2019, from https://www.acnur.org/portugues/ wp-content/uploads/2018/02/C%C3%A1tedra-S%C3%A9rgio-Vieira-De-Mello_ Relat%C3%B3rio-Anual_ACNUR-2017.pdf United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2019). Dados sobre refúgio no Brasil. Retrieved October 25, 2019, from https://www.acnur.org/portugues/dados-sobrerefugio/dados-sobre-refugio-no-brasil/United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (n.d.). Cátedra Sérgio Vieira de Mello. Retrieved November 1, 2018, from https://www.acnur.org/portugues/catedra-sergio-vieira-de-mello/ Usher, A. (2005). A little knowledge is a dangerous thing: How perceptions of costs and benefits affect access to education. Canadian Education Report Series. Educational Policy Institute, Toronto. Wright, L., & Plasterer, W. (2010). Beyond basic education: Exploring opportunities for higher learning in Kenyan refugee camps. Refuge, 27(2), 42–57.

section 2 North America

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chapter 7

The Staying Dynamic among Syrian Students in the U.S. Araz Khajarian

1

Introduction

This chapter introduces The Staying Dynamic as a contemporary phenomenon among Syrian students in the United States. The staying dynamic arose out of necessity and due to the lack of other options, as a tool, for Syrian students to reach a humanly-needed state of stability and security. Stability and security have been stripped from the population of Syrian students in the U.S. due to a state of limbo that they have been thrust into. The chapter argues that the staying dynamic, which could be perceived as unlawful or negative, is, in fact, neither. Through a thorough explanation of refugee and asylee law, temporary protected status, and F-1 visa status, this chapter elaborates the lawfulness of the different pathways that Syrian students could use to stay in the United States. Additionally, it argues that this dynamic is a “win-win-win” formula; for the individuals themselves, the host societies, as well as the origin country.

2

Background on Refugee and Asylee Law, Temporary Protected Status, and F-1 Student Visas

In the past eight years, “refugee” has become a nomothetic term used to describe all persons associated with a developing country going through some type of conflict and who might be migrants. This conception, however, lacks discernment. Asylees, individuals under Temporary Protected Status (TPS), those on pending status and others are commonly abbreviated as refugees despite different circumstances and routes of migration. Recent numbers from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reveal 5.7 million displaced Syrians who have fled the country seeking refuge elsewhere (UNHCR, n.d.). Families and individuals were subject to various requirements, processes, and challenges depending on their specific case, destination, paperwork (or lack thereof). © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_007

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Due to the overall narrative and common challenges connected to “regular” Syrian refugees residing mostly in Europe, as contrasted with Syrians residing in neighboring countries who do not have many resources, the limited pool of literature on the topic of refugees and higher education has been overwhelmingly (though logically) focused on access issues (Unangst, 2019; Streitwieser et al., 2018). For instance, 99% of refugees and displaced people are not reached by international organizations that try to extend humanitarian assistance, including help with accessing education (Streitwieser & Unangst, 2018). This fixation on access, while necessary, has left populations that do not follow regular procedures –but suffer similar consequences – largely out of the literature. This section describes some of the legal differences between different populations. 2.1 Refugee and Asylee Law The United States of America provides refuge to people who are found to have been persecuted or have a well-founded fear of persecution through two different programs: a refugee program and an asylum program. The refugee program serves those who are outside the United States and outside their country of nationality at the time of application (if a person has no nationality, they must be outside of their last habitually resided country). The asylum program, on the other hand, is aimed toward those who are already in the United States or arriving at a U.S. port of entry (USCIS, 2013; Mossad & Baugh, 2018). Under the Refugee Act of 1980, the President of the United States, after consulting Congress, established an overall refugee admission ceiling and a regional allocation before each fiscal year (Mossad & Baugh, 2018; Cepla, 2019). Unlike this refugee law, there is no numerical limitation on asylum grants; and similarly to the refugee law, once asylum is granted it has no expiration date, although both may be terminated under certain circumstances (Bruno, 2019). “Asylum is a complex area of immigration law and policy” (Bruno, 2019, p. i). Doris Meissner, a former Commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), included her thoughts on the handling of the asylum process in a written testimony at a 1981 Senate hearing “the asylum process was looked upon as a separate and considerably less significant subject (Bruno, 2019, p. 9). The importance and significance of asylum had not yet made itself clear at the time. Currently, due to backlog and severe pressure in light of displacement crisis worldwide, it is being given more attention. Any foreign national in the United States or arriving at a U.S. port of entry may seek asylum regardless of their immigration status (Bruno, 2019). Generally, those seeking asylum must apply within one year from the date of their last arrival to the U.S., or otherwise must present a case of exceptional change in circumstances (Mossad & Baugh, 2018). A free application process can grant asylum in one of two ways: affirmatively or defensively. An affirmative asylum

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is obtained through a USCIS asylum officer, whereas a defensive asylum would be obtained through an Executive Officer of Immigration Review (EOIR) immigration judge, generally to request defense against removal proceedings (Bruno, 2019; Mossad & Baugh, 2018; Ostrand, 2015). If USCIS denies an asylum application, the applicant remains in his or her valid immigrant, nonimmigrant or temporary status (e.g. a foreign student on an F-1 visa or an individual on Temporary Protected Status (TPS)). If an applicant does not hold a valid status at the time of denial, the applicant is placed in removal proceedings by USCIS before an EOIR judge (USCIS, 2013). Applicants who are applying for asylum for the first time may apply defensively after being placed in removal proceedings (Mossad & Baugh, 2018). During removal proceedings, the immigration judge may evaluate the asylum claim independently as a defensive asylum application against removal (Bruno, 2019). After going through different stages, a defensive asylum application filed directly with the EOIR could eventually reach the Supreme Court after denial (Mossad & Baugh, 2018). The withholding of removal provision (INA §241(b)(3)) was added by the Illegal Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act of 1996 to replace the concept of deportation with removal (Bruno, 2019). The withholding of removal provision states that: … the Attorney General may not remove an alien to a country if the Attorney General decides that the alien’s life or freedom would be threatened in that country because of the alien’s race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion. (Immigration and Nationality Act §241(b)(3)(A) (8 U.S.C. §1231(b)(3)(A), 2013) In 1995, Meissner helped develop a system for asylum applications, which, she believes, worked very well until just a few years ago. The system trained asylum interviewers and immigration judges to make sure that people whose asylum case was denied were given a chance to appeal the decision. While the asylum application process at the time was well developed and precise, it was noticed that some applicants were abusing the system (CBS News, 2018). In the 90s, Meissner and her team addressed the issue by implementing a six-month waiting period after an asylum application was filed, during which officials investigated the validity of the case. If the decision to grant asylum was still not made after six months, the applicants would be granted work authorization in the meantime until his or her asylum application was adjudicated. Based on the 1990 overhaul of the 1980 interim regulations of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), the asylum policy established by the rule reflected two core principles:

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A fundamental belief that the granting of asylum is inherently a humanitarian act distinct from the normal operation and administration of the immigration process; and a recognition of the essential need for an orderly and fair system for the adjudication of asylum claims (Bruno, 2019, p. 11). Granting protection to those who do not have it is a fundamental value of the U.S. thus, “it is extremely important to make those decisions in a timely fashion,” says Meissner (CBS News, 2018). 2.2 Temporary Protected Status Temporary Protected Status (TPS) is a U.S. Homeland Security program, which allows individuals from designated countries (where there is an armed conflict, a natural disaster, or other extraordinary conditions) to stay and work in the United States for renewable periods (Ostrand, 2015; USCIS, 2013). Syria was originally included in the TPS program on March 29, 2012 (Yee, 2018) by former Secretary of Homeland Security, Janet Napolitano (USCIS, 2013). During the Obama administration, TPS was extended for Syrians three times (Yee, 2018). 2.3 F-1 Student Visas International students are non-U.S. citizens who reside in the U.S. for the duration of their studies (as long as they are enrolled in an academic program at an accredited educational institution), on F-1 student visas. Student visas are obtained at a U.S. embassy in the country of nationality or permanent residency of the application. At the time of a student visa interview, applicants have to provide evidence of an offer of admission from a U.S. university or college. The student visa application process is thus entirely different from the previously outlined refugee and asylum process, which does not always require a previously filed application. However, international students who come from Syria are commonly mistaken for Syrian refugees. For example, Monmouth College in Illinois has accommodated many Syrian students since 2011, and supported them through different kinds of partial scholarships. In writing about Monmouth College’s experience as a member of the International Institute of Education (IIE) Syria Consortium for Higher Education, Brenda Tooley (2016), the former Associate Dean and Director of International Recruitment observed, “none of our Syrian students to date have been, technically, refugees (that is, registered with UNHCR)” (p. 42). According to IIE Open Doors data, in the 2017/18 academic year, the U.S. was home to 1,094,792 international students from around the world including those in Optional Practical Training (OPT) (IIE, 2019). According to Homeland

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The Staying Dynamic among Syrian Students in the U.S. table 7.1  SEVIS active Syrian student numbers in addition to gender distribution from December 2015 to March 2019

Date

# Active students

Male

Female

808 773 722 750 712 690 621 605 560 533 479 450

178 600 551 564 537 517 460 441 411 386 343 319

630 173 171 186 175 173 161 164 149 147 136 131

December 2015 March 2016 July 2016 November 2016 March 2017 May 2017 December 2017 March 2018 July 2018 August 2018 December 2018 March 2019

Source: SEVIS by the Numbers Data (2019)

Security’s SEVIS (Student and Exchange Visitor Information System), there were a total of 450 Syrian students in the U.S. in March 2019, all registered as active F-1 students (SEVIS by the Numbers Data, 2019). This is a significant decrease from 808 active students in December, 2015. Open Doors data reports different numbers, as it is based on institutional surveys; IIE data reflects 726 Syrian students in the U.S. in the 2017/18 academic year, compared to 783 in 2015/16. Table 7.1 lists SEVIS active Syrian student numbers and their gender from December 2015 to March 2019. Similarly, Table 7.2 reflects the number of Syrian students in the U.S. based on Open Doors survey results.

3

The Changing Scheme

3.1 The Conflict at Home Syria’s higher education system and institutions have been “highly fractured and diminished” by the war of the past eight years (Wheeler, 2019). While the system did not entirely shut down, none of the universities in Syria have been operating normally since 2011 (EducationUSA, 2015). With little to no safe higher education options of quality at home, Syrian students have sought alternatives to their right to education through attempting to study abroad.

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table 7.2  Number of Syrian students at American colleges and universities in the academic years 2005/06 through 2017/18 (IIE, 2019)

Academic year 2005/06 2006/07 2007/08 2008/09 2009/10 2010/11 2011/12 2012/13 2013/14 2014/15 2015/16 2016/17 2017/18

# of students 498 446 462 517 424 526 458 505 693 792 783 827

Aside from those who left as refugees and later sought education in their host countries, accessing higher education opportunities abroad as international students from Syria is accompanied with inevitable legal, financial and humanitarian challenges. 3.1.1 Legal Challenges Obtaining any type of visa to the U.S. has always been notoriously difficult among nationals of developing countries. An F-1 student visa is classified as a non-immigrant visa, therefore, in order to qualify for it, an applicant has to demonstrate ties to their home country; meaning they need to convince the interviewing officer at a U.S. embassy that they do not intend to stay in the United States upon the completion of their academic program. Evidently, due to the conflicted and unsafe situation in Syria since 2011, applicants lack the ability to demonstrate convincing strong ties to their country even if they do intend to go back (EducationUSA, 2015, 2016). F-1 visa applicants also need, not only to provide evidence of an offer of admission from a U.S. university, but also proof of having the estimate total liquid money for their first year of residing in the U.S. as students. This total includes tuition and fees, as well as housing and living costs. Despite the challenge of limited financial access by Syrian students or their families (which the

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upcoming section explains), bank sanctions prevent Syrian nationals to obtain international credit cards or open bank accounts in other countries, especially in Lebanon. This is an important step in the process, as the reputation of Syrian banks, which have provided fraudulent statements for a small fee, could cause a rejection in the visa application. 3.1.2 Financial and Pecuniary Challenges Since the U.S. Embassy in Damascus suspended operations in February 2012, Syrian students have been required to apply for visas outside of Syria (Education-USA, 2014). Neighboring countries, such as Lebanon or Jordan, are common destinations for Syrian students to apply for their F-1 visas. The application process includes a fee and an in-person interview in addition to the travel costs incurred (U.S. Embassy in Lebanon, 2013). Financial challenges of studying in “Western” countries – the U.S. in particular, due to the extremely high cost of higher education (EducationUSA, 2014, 2018; Streitwieser et al., 2018)– have been present for most Syrian nationals before and during the current conflict. Due to significant wartime losses that many families have faced, even the small percentage of those who might have been able and willing to afford an American education are less able to do so. The World Bank estimated US$226 billion in gross domestic product (GDP) losses to the Syrian system overall between 2011 and 2017 (The World Bank, 2017). In addition to the financial losses that the crisis caused, by damaging assets, property and real estate, liquid assets and lives, the Syrian Pound was significantly devaluated over the past eight years, leaving Syrians with very low purchasing power. 3.1.3 Humanitarian Challenges Given the lack of security and pervasive instability of Syrian schools and higher education institutions since 2011, students seeking to study internationally have often been hard-pressed to access their study records, degrees, or diplomas, which are required for admission to American colleges and universities. Obtaining these documents, however, has in many cases been impossible. The population being studied in this chapter has already been through this challenge, however, those who are trying to gain admission to study in the U.S. currently are still to overcome it. Thus, with the existence of legal, financial, as well as humanitarian challenges, one might expect that the number of visas issued to Syrian nationals might have dramatically decreased. Indeed, according to the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of Consular Affairs (2019) in 2017/18 there were 68 F-1 visas issued to Syrian nationals, and in 2018/19, only 13 visas were issued.

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3.2 Game-Changing Policies On January 27, 2017, Trump issued Executive Order 13769, seeking to impose a 90-day “travel ban” on foreign-born nationals from seven predominantly Muslim countries, Syria included. This order suspended the entry of Syrian refugees indefinitely (Wu, 2019). Although the initial order did not pass scrutiny from federal courts, the revised version did, which dropped Iraq from the list, but added restrictions on foreign-born nationals from Venezuela, Chad, and North Korea (Executive Order, 2017). The Supreme Court eventually upheld the “Muslim ban” on June 26, 2018 (Streitwieser et al., 2019). These executive orders were all passed in the name of national security (Streitwieser et al., 2019). “Today, Islamophobia coded as ‘national security’ serves as policy makers’ compass” (Wu, 2019, p. 5). Most Syrians residing in the U.S. on student visas do not enjoy a freedom in terms of mobility. U.S. student visas, if issued to Syrian nationals, are usually valid only for a short time; expiring commonly after three months of the start date of the applicant’s academic program. This means that while students are still in status as long as they are enrolled in an academic program for the entirety of their degree, they are unable to travel outside the country because a lack of a valid visa means that they cannot re-enter. Before the Executive Order, students would have had the possibility to travel outside the country, apply for another visa and come back. While theoretically a possibility, no one would have done that due to the high stakes, risk, and extremely low chance that they would be granted a renewal visa. However, after the Executive Order, assessing likelihood of obtaining a visa became obsolete. Moreover, with the suspension of the Syrian Embassy operations in Washington D.C. in 2014 and the irregular services of the Syrian embassy in Canada, renewing passports and visas is an extremely challenging task for Syrian nationals on all types of visas in the U.S. Without a valid visa or passport, individuals are stripped of their freedom of movement and face many daily challenges in terms of residency, employment, and much more. 3.3 Socio-Political and Psychological Issues While tangible political steps were (and still are) indeed being taken that encumbered Syrian nationals of many humanitarian rights and freedoms, a big part of the negative effect was social and psychological, fueled by media. Many of the mentioned challenges mentioned have been available and came with the historical, evolutionary and political powers distribution in the world. However, the ominous political climate that started around November 8, 2016, amplified and dramatized those issues.

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As President Elect, Donald Trump induced an extremely negative political climate globally, even prior to taking any tangible legal actions. The topic of secure residency for Syrian students attending U.S. colleges and universities, thus, became increasingly daunting. In one case, a Syrian student in Indiana, who had a job secured after graduation, was unsure of whether he would be able to stay as the governor of Indiana at the time, Mike Pence, threatened to end refugee resettlement in his state (Fischer, 2017). This action by Pence was a reaction to the 2016 admission of 12,486 Syrians refugees and asylees by President Obama’s administration. Following this, thirty state governors including Pence countered by attempting to “thwart resettlement in their jurisdictions” (Wu, 2019, p. 5). The divergence between the level of liable and exempt/social levels of fear thus became vast. The overall political environment remains negative although baseless deportation of Syrians with valid documentation and in legal status is not likely to happen. Robert S. Ford, an American ambassador to Syria during the Obama administration and senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, explained that “there is no direct air service between the two countries, and neither country maintains an official diplomatic presence in the other, which may complicate any effort to obtain the documentation required before anyone can be deported” (Yee, 2018). However, despite this, many Syrian nationals who have entered the country on student visas and have found legal ways to remain in the U.S., have been avoiding leaving the country with their Syrian passports in liable fear of not being let back in. Syrian students, and young professionals in the U.S. are not impervious to this ominous social global climate. Constant worrying and social stigma cause severe anxiety and can adverse their psychological wellbeing. 3.4 Support Lastly, alongside the challenges in Syria that manifest themselves in legal, financial and humanitarian ways, political changes that have resulted in game-changing situations for the population of Syrian students in the U.S., and the socio-political and psychological issues, there are systems of support to address these challenges. For example, in order to address financial challenges due, in part, to the conflict at home, scholarship programs for Syrian students in the U.S. have commenced. In 2012, IIE, in partnership with Jusoor (a U.S. 501c3 that supports Syrian youth), the Illinois Institute of Technology, and the U.S. State Department, launched the Syria Consortium at the Clinton Global Initiative. The consortium of colleges and universities established to admit and support Syrians

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started with a contribution of US$250,000 from the Department of State and US$500,000 from Carnegie Corporation of New York. With some additional fundraising and partnerships with the American Association of State Colleges and Universities (AASCU), the Richard Lounsbury Foundation and others, the consortium has been able to assist slightly over 500 Syrian students to date (IIE, n.d.). When the consortium originally launched, the member institutions were exclusively U.S.-based. However, the consortium expanded in 2013, adding international members, though the focus is still heavily American with 68 out of a total 82 participating colleges and universities in that setting. Further, most of the 500 students that were assisted were studying in the U.S. (IIE, n.d.). Member institutions of the IIE Syria consortium are committed to assisting Syrian students who apply to their institutions in different ways depending on the institution’s capacity. For example, Monmouth College has assisted a high number of Syrian students with mostly partial scholarships (Tooley, 2016), while Salve Regina University dedicates a single full tuition scholarship each year. Assistance also includes the awareness of the challenges for Syrian students to obtain documentation from their high schools, or previous institutions. Additionally, in order to address the humanitarian challenges in Syria, which have put many students in serious danger while trying to obtain documentation from conflict zones, organizations such as World Education Services (wes) and enic-naric networks have taken action. WES has been investigating best practices for credential assessment since 2015, and similarly, ENIC-NARIC Networks have developed alternative assessment methods in Europe (ENIC-NARIC, 2019). The process of credential assessment and recognition is relatively easy for U.S. colleges and universities, as they have immense experience with international students and therefore regularly encounter international documentation (Loo, 2016). Additionally, due to the decentralized nature of American higher education, these functions are also decentralized, and therefore, possible. While many universities take on evaluation themselves, others use external evaluation services such as WES (Loo, 2016). Addressing game-changing policies is much more difficult for obvious hierarchal reasons. However, many U.S. colleges and universities hosting Syrian students took measures including offering pro bono legal support (Streitwieser et al., 2019). As for support regarding the socio-political and psychological issue, further research must be conducted to learn whether or how U.S. colleges and universities are utilizing their resources to support Syrian students in such situations on their campuses.

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89

The Limbo Situation & The Staying Dynamic

Due to the previously mentioned game-changing policies, which prevent the right to mobility, in addition to esoteric current and possible future policies advertised widely in the media, which in turn effect the general socio-political atmosphere and therefore affect the psychology of individuals related to the situation, Syrian students in the United States have been left perplexed and irresolute. This state, in which Syrian students have been thrust, can be understood with the term limbo. Limbo is the conundrum that Syrian students in the U.S. are facing, which strips them of a sense of stability and security. This state is caused by a change in the overall scheme, which is caused by an untraceable number of circumstances and is uncontrollable by the individuals affected by it (Figure 7.1).

figure 7.1 An illustration of the “limbo” phenomenon that Syrian students in the U.S. experience due to the changing scheme

Stability is important because it provides meaning and predictability, which have always been human needs (Schein, 2017). In turn, these provide a sense of security. Without security, anxiety prevails. UNHCR recognizes this troubling state of being in refugees and calls it “Protracted Refugee Situations,” in which “refugees from the same nationality have been in exile for five or more years in a given asylum country” (United States Department of State, n.d.). Although Syrian students in the U.S. are not technically refugees - as explained previously in this chapter - they suffer similar consequences. Their lives may not be at risk by fleeing conflict, yet their basic human rights, especially social and psychological needs, remain unfulfilled after years in exile (UNHCR, n.d.). The U.S. Department of State (USDS) also recognizes this situation and has made tackling it a foreign policy goal (U.S. Department of State, n.d.), however, their focus still remains exclusively on refugees. Therefore, as human beings who need stability and safety, Syrian students in the U.S. do not have many options. The ongoing conflict at home

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leaves them with no work opportunities in Syria that complement their U.S. education and puts their lives in danger. Additionally, other countries (in Europe, Australia or even the Middle East) similarly have strict immigration regulations; since Syrian students are not refugees, they would need a visa to enter a third country. Granting any type of visa to most countries to a Syrian national is today incredibly unfeasible. Thus, Syrian are unable to travel to a third country. Additionally, in order to gain refugee or asylee status in most countries, similarly to the U.S., one needs to first find their way there. Thus, the most logical (and only) option for Syrian students in the U.S. would be to stay. Many international students earning a degree in the U.S. express their hope or intent to stay in the country upon graduation (Han et al., 2015; de Wit & Altbach, 2016). However, for Syrian students in the U.S., this has become a necessity due to their lack of other options. This situation can be understood as the staying dynamic; recognizing the current inflamed challenges that Syrians who have been trying to study in the U.S. are facing since 2016, those who are currently here realize that it is a privilege. After overcoming all the legal, financial and pecuniary, and humanitarian challenges, apprehending that the changing political scheme will not allow them to re-enter the U.S. if they leave, and that there are enormous challenges associated with migrating to a third country, Syrian students in the U.S. arrive at a subconscious decision to stay in order to reach stability and security (Figure 7.2).

figure 7.2 An illustration of how the staying dynamic arises

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4.1 Pathways to the Staying Dynamic With the strict rules and regulations related to non-immigrants in the U.S., transferring from an F-1 student visa to an immigrant one is highly demeaning and time consuming. Therefore, Syrian students in the U.S. only have a few options. 4.1.1 Extending Their Student Status Even with an expired U.S. visa, being enrolled at a U.S. higher education institution keeps Syrian students in the U.S. under valid status. With some support available through such programs as the IIE consortium, this has been possible, but an evanescent solution. A similarly ephemeral solution is pursuing Optional Practical Training (OPT), which allows all international students who graduate from U.S. institutions to stay and work in the country for an extra year, with the option to extend it to three years total for those in STEM fields. 4.1.1.1 Temporary Protected Status According to Pew Research Center, as of 2018, there were 5,800 Syrian nationals under TPS in the U.S. (Krogstad & Gonzalez-Barrera, 2019). Due to the renewable nature of the program, TPS holders face uncertainty and insecurity. This was especially a challenge in 2018, when there was no guarantee that the Trump Administration would agree to renew the program for Syrian nationals. Luckily for 5,800 individuals, the Homeland Security secretary, Kirstjen M. Nielsen, acknowledged that the ongoing situation in Syria was still unsafe for TPS holders in the U.S. to go back, and a renewal was made until September 30, 2019. However, despite the extension, eligibility restrictions were applied to those who entered the country after August 1, 2016. Many of those whose TPS status was renewed were previous student visa holders (Yee, 2018). While many Syrian students in the U.S. are temporarily benefiting from the TPS program, their need for permanent protection has not been met, as TPS does not lead to lawful permanent residency. It remains unclear what will happen to those under TPS after this term’s expiration in September, 2019. If the Secretary of Homeland Security decides not to extend the TPS designation, those individuals will remain unlawful (USCIS, 2013). 4.1.1.2 Asylum Asylum is the most desired method, through which long-lasting stability and security could be realized. However, challenges in obtaining asylum for Syrian students in the U.S. are present. The Trump administration has been taking small but effective steps to tighten the asylum system by limiting eligibility

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table 7.3  Asylum grants to Syrian nationals in the U.S. (modifijied from Ostrand, 2015 and Mossad, 2019)

# of asylum grants to Syrians in the U.S.

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

811

811

868

654

673

(Bruno, 2019). Table 7.3 shows the decline in the numbers of asylum grants to Syrian nationals in the U.S. after 2016. Increasing levels of asylum-seeking are seen as critically challenging to homeland issues and elicit a variety of policy responses (Bruno, 2019). As of January 29, 2018, USCIS decided to address affirmative asylum backlog by giving priority to the most recently filed affirmative asylum applications when scheduling asylum interviews (USCIS, 2013). Through this procedure, USCIS hopes to place individuals who file for asylum solely to obtain employment authorization in removal proceedings sooner rather than later, setting standards that makes applicants who are not facing persecution hesitant to take chances in applying (Bruno, 2019). The effectiveness of this decision is a point of debate.

5

Discussion

Therefore, the staying dynamic exerts influence on Syrian students in the U.S. due to their lack of other options to escape the limbo state in which they were thrust, and achieve a state of stability and security. While many could perceive such a dynamic as unlawful and negative, its lawfulness is thoroughly explained in this chapter through the three lawful ways that the dynamic is undertaking. Extending student status, or following other pathways such as OPT, TPS and asylum are all legal pathways enacted by the government of the United States. Moreover, Bahar (2018) explains that accepting asylees is a “winwin-win” formula, for the asylees themselves, the host societies, and the origin country, defying the negative perception of the staying dynamic. Since asylum is the only sustainable solution through which Syrian students in the U.S. could reach stability and security, the rest of this discussion will focus on that. 5.1 The Asylees Themselves As U.S. educated individuals, being able to apply their knowledge and education in a safe, stable society, in which their efforts can be utilized is important. Working and living in the U.S. allows them to be in a familiar place, where

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they are already integrated, and enjoy the stability and safety that the country provides. 5.2 Host Societies Natives and asylees often have very different skill sets, and the latter often complements the former in terms of enhancing overall performance (Bahar, 2018). Additionally, migrants were found to engage in entrepreneurship at much higher rates than natives; a finding that is not surprising, as fleeing to a foreign country is often a characteristic of risk-taking individuals, and that is a main requirement for most businesses. Migrants in the U.S. create around 1.5 million jobs yearly (Bahar, 2018). Asylee integration can be extremely beneficial to host societies, especially if asylees are educated (European University Association & International Organization for Migration, 2019). Syrian students in the U.S. do not only have these overall skills, they are also educated in the U.S. in addition to Syria, where there was free, accessible and relatively good basic education (Immerstein & Al-Shaikhly, 2016). This gives them a flexible mindset, which can harvest the benefits of offering diversity of thought, in addition to their familiarity with the U.S. culture. Thus, they are more likely to benefit their host communities in terms of labor market, economy, and knowledge economy (Bahar, 2018; Streitwieser et al., 2018). 5.3 The Origin Country In addition to entrepreneurship and the flow of investment that origin countries benefit from (Bahar, 2018), educated diaspora groups are found to have an increasingly important role in international affairs; specifically, an influence over events in their countries of origin through strategic collaboration and brain circulation (Roth, 2015; Shain, 2002; Patterson, 2006). Diaspora networks and groups have been continuously observed to use their own global networks to help build establishments in their home countries (Kuznetsov & Sabel, 2006). Moreover, research has shown the potential of diaspora groups to positively impact conflict in their home countries, and their potential for peace-building (Roth, 2015; Shain, 2002). Syrian students in the U.S. who are given asylum to remain in the country have the potential to collectively influence events in Syria.

6

Conclusion

The catalyst of the staying dynamic was the conflict in Syria, which led to legal, financial and pecuniary, and humanitarian challenges for those who wanted to study in the U.S. due to the lack of educational opportunities at

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home. Somewhat simultaneously, the overall political and socio-political atmosphere in the U.S. has changed, leaving Syrian students who are already in the U.S. in a state of limbo, where esoteric current and possible future policies were game-changing, and the media had a negative socio-political effect on the overall global atmosphere when it came to Syrians abroad. Therefore, Syrian students in the U.S., who were stripped of their right to stability and security, evaluated their situation; after overcoming the three types of challenges associated with the conflict at home, the support systems available to them in the U.S., and their lack of ability to travel to a third country, the only option, which could potentially lead them to stability and security, seemed to be staying in the U.S., where they are already integrated; thus, the staying dynamic. While some view this dynamic as unlawful and negative, this chapter argues that it is neither. A thorough explanation of refugee and asylee law, TPS, and F-1 student visas, discloses that the three pathways (extending their students status, TPS, and asylum), which Syrian students attempt to take in contribution to the staying dynamic are lawful and enacted by the government of the United States. Additionally, this dynamic is, in fact, beneficial to the individuals engaging in it themselves, the host societies, in addition to the origin country (Syria).

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Jusoor. (2012). About our organization. Retrieved June 20, 2019, from https://jusoorsyria.com/about-us/team/ Krogstad, J. M., & Gonzalez-Barrera, A. (2019, May). Key facts about U.S. immigration policies and proposed changes. Pew Research Center. Retrieved from https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/05/17/key-facts-about-u-simmigration-policies-and-proposed-changes/ Kuznetsov, Y., & Sabel, C. (2006). International migration of talent, diaspora networks, and development: Overview of main issues. Diaspora Networks and the International Migration of Skills, 3–20. Loo, B. (2016, May). Recognizing refugee qualifications: Practical tips for credential assessment. A special report by World Education Services (WES). Mossaad, N. (2019, March). Refugees and asylees: 2017. Annual flow report of the office of immigration statistics, office of strategy, policy & plans. U.S. Homeland Security. Retrieved from https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/Refugees_ Asylees_2017.pdf Mossaad, N., & Baugh, R. (2018, January). Refugees and asylees: 2016. Annual flow report of the Office of Immigration Statistics, Office of Strategy, Policy & Plans. U.S. Homeland Security. Retrieved from https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/ Refugees_Asylees_2016.pdf Ostrand, N. (2015). The Syrian refugee crisis: A comparison of responses by Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Journal on Migration and Human Security, 3(3), 255–279. Patterson, R. (2006). Transnationalism: Diaspora-homeland development. Social Forces, 84(4), 1891–1907. Roth, A. (2015). The role of diasporas in conflict. Journal of International Affairs, 68(2), 289. Schein, E. H. (2017). Organizational culture and leadership. John Wiley & Sons. SEVIS by the numbers data. (2015, March 24). Retrieved October 4, 2019, from Study in the States website: https://studyinthestates.dhs.gov/sevis-by-the-numbers/ sevis-by-the-numbers-data Shain, Y. (2002). The role of diasporas in conflict perpetuation or resolution. Sais Review, 22(2), 115–144. Streitwieser, B., Loo, B., Ohorodnik, M., & Jeong, J. (2018). Access for refugees into higher education: A review of interventions in North America and Europe. Journal of Studies in International Education. https://doi.org/10.1177/1028315318813201 Streitwieser, B., Roche, J., Duffy-Jaeger, K., & Douman, B. (2019). Universities as global advocates: Empowering educators to help refugees and migrants. A Mapping of the Landscape Report by the University Alliance for Refugees and At-Risk Migrants (UARRM). Retrieved from http://files.constantcontact.com/162c245a601/ca46d3f7af31-4b21-8c17-ee67afd2b1ea.pdf

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Streitwieser, B., & Unangst, L. (2018). Access for refugees into higher education: Paving pathways to integration. International Higher Education, 95, 16–18. https://doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2018.95.10723 The World Bank. (2017, July 10). The toll of war: The economic and social consequences of the conflict in Syria. Retrieved July 7, 2019, from https://www.worldbank.org/en/ country/syria/publication/the-toll-of-war-the-economic-and-socialconsequences-of-the-conflict-in-syria Tooley, B. (2016). Transforming lives, building community: Active engagement in the IIE consortium addressing the crisis in Syria. In Supporting displaces and refugee students in higher education: Principles and best practices (pp. 41–51). IIE. Unangst, L. (2019). Human rights discourse and refugee higher education [Blog post]. Inside Higher Ed, The World View. Retrieved from https://www.insidehighered.com/ blogs/world-view/human-rights-discourse-and-refugee-higher-education UNHCR. (n.d.). Figures at a glance. Retrieved June 13, 2019, from https://www.unhcr.org/ en-us/figures-at-a-glance.html U.S. Department of State. (n.d.). Protracted refugee situations. Retrieved June 20, 2019, from https://www.state.gov/other-policy-issues/protracted-refugee-situations/ U.S. Department of State – Bureau of Consular Affairs. (2019). Monthly nonimmigrant visa issuance statistics. Retrieved June 20, 2019, from https://travel.state.gov/ content/travel/en/legal/visa-law0/visa-statistics/nonimmigrant-visa-statistics/ monthly-nonimmigrant-visa-issuances.html U.S. Embassy in Lebanon. (2013, September 16). Affirmative asylum interview scheduling. Retrieved June 9, 2019, from https://www.uscis.gov/affirmative-asylum-scheduling USCIS. (2013, September 16). U.S. citizenship and immigration services. Retrieved 15, 2019, from https://www.uscis.gov/ Watenpaugh, K. D. (2016). Principles for the protection and support of refugee university students: A global imperative and the definitive challenge to the human right to education. In Supporting displaces and refugee students in higher education: Principles and best practices (pp. 14–16). IIE. Wheeler, D. (2019). Syrian higher education ‘highly fractured and diminished’ report says. Al-Fanar Media. https://www.al-fanarmedia.org/2019/06/syrian-highereducation-highly-fractured-and-diminished-report-says/ The Wu, E. D. (2019). It’s time to center war in U.S. immigration history. Modern American History, 1–21. doi: 10.1017/mah.2019.6 Yee, V. (2018, January). 6,900 Syrians win permission to stay in the U.S. for now. The New York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/31/us/syrianstps-extended.html

chapter 8

Latin Americans in the United States: Considerations on Immigrant and Refugee Access to Higher Education Gabrielle Oliveira and Corinne Kentor

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Introduction

The refugee category is simultaneously fluid, shaped by the political priorities of different nation-states, and bounded, distinguishing the migrants who fall under its label from their “putative other[s]” (Feldman, 2018, p. 37). Refugees and asylum applicants are both considered humanitarian migrants under international law, and they are afforded certain services and protections based on the trauma they have endured. These protections distinguish them from “immigrants” who, at least in theory, are not imminently threatened by the conditions in their country of origin. However, closer examination of the experiences of immigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers reveals the limitations of these legislative distinctions, indicating that greater attention must be paid to the intersectional experiences of im/migrant and refugee youth. In this chapter our goal is twofold. First, we provide review of the literature regarding legal status and access to education as it relates to Latin American migration. Second, we provide qualitative data on a particular population of immigrants in the U.S. to illustrate the fluidity of categories that distinguish immigrants from refugees. We thus explore how legal categories are troubled and contested by the individuals who occupy them. 1.1 Unpacking Im/Migration Categories Refugee status is reserved for migrants who “are of special humanitarian concern to the United States,” and who are able to “demonstrate that they were persecuted or fear persecution due to race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group” (USCIS, 2017). Similarly, political asylum is awarded to migrants who are able to prove that they have experienced place-based violence. Both petitions index a series of discourses that tie instances of oppression and persecution to the migrant’s country of origin, asking applicants to show that they have experienced intense forms of discrimination that threaten their physical and emotional safety. More importantly, the © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2020 | doi: 10.1163/9789004435841_008

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format of the application itself (i.e. how questions are phrased and interviews are conducted) encourages migrants to portray their experiences as evidence of structural flaws endemic to the country from which they are seeking refuge. Though they experience comparable forms of trauma and undergo similar application processes, refugees and asylum seekers cannot be collapsed into a single unit of analysis. While some scholars have argued that the terms “refugee” and “asylum seeker” should be used interchangeably (Bradby et al., 2015), we maintain that the designations index divergent experiences that shape migrants’ preliminary months in the United States, and which can have a drastic impact on their ability to access linguistic, social, and educational supports. To begin with, refugee status is limited to persons “located outside of the United States” who are “not firmly resettled in another county” (USCIS, 2017). In comparison, asylum seekers must “be physically present in the U.S. or seeking entry into the U.S. at a point of entry” (USCIS, 2019). According to the UNHCR, “refugees do not choose the country in which they would like to live” (UNHCR, 2018). Rather, “the UN Refugee Agency identifies the most vulnerable refugees for resettlement and then makes recommendations to select countries” (UNHCR, 2018). This process unravels over an extended period of time, during which applicants are subjected to investigation under the purview of multiple domestic and international agencies. Asylum applicants, meanwhile, organize, fund, and undertake their own migratory journeys. Once they arrive in the United States, they present themselves to immigration authorities and begin the application process. Consequently, asylum applicants enter the United States with an increased level of legal precarity, because, unlike refugees, who have already completed the arduous screening process, they do not know if their case will ultimately be successful and they will be able to remain in the United States. Because they live in “legal limbo,” (Chávez, Monforti, & Michelson, 2015; Mountz et al., 2002; Enchautegui & Menjívar, 2015) asylum applicants are constantly at risk and, furthermore, are not able to access the support services designed to help refugees acclimate to their new communities. These distinctions alone make it clear that refugees and asylum applicants undertake distinctly different pathways to U.S. residency, even if they are ultimately assigned similar legislative labels. Immigrants, meanwhile, exist in an entirely different bureaucratic and ideological sphere. The term “immigrant” can index a variety of experiences and designations, most of which are tied to the position one occupies in the global economy. Immigrants are categorized in accordance with (1) the resources they might bring to a country; (2) the support or services they might demand; (3) their connection to other residents who are already embedded in the

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social and economic life of the nation; and (4) when and how they crossed the border. Immigration policy in many respects erases the interconnection between the economy and its sociopolitical effects, fracturing the identities and experiences of so-called “economic migrants” and reconfiguring them purely as laborers and consumers. This bifurcation discursively distinguishes “opportunistic” immigrants who actively seek out the (largely economic) benefits of life in the United States from refugees who, so the narrative goes, are not actively choosing to leave their countries of origin, but are instead forced to flee. While these distinctions are written into law, they reveal more about the history of U.S. immigration policy than they do about the actual lived experiences of migrants. As Ruth Gomberg-Muñoz (2017) writes in Becoming Legal: Immigration Law and Mixed-Status Families, U.S. immigration law, since its inception, has “been shaped by dominant ideas about race, class, gender, and sexuality,” resulting in a snarl of policies that make it disproportionately difficult for people with less money and darker skin to immigrate legally (p. 19, p. 21). Like refugee and asylum policies, immigration procedures work to uphold “the prevailing ideologies and political economy of the nation-state” through strategic practices of inclusion and exclusion (Gomberg-Muñoz, 2017, p. 146). In this way, pathways that are designed to shape, constrain, and illegalize some forms of migration contribute to dichotomized understandings of the relationship between “sending” and “receiving” countries, foregrounding a series of social, economic, and punitive statutes that incorporate immigrants into U.S. homes, communities, and workforces while denying them (and their loved ones) the rights that attend institutional recognition. Immigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers all move through a period of “statelessness” in which their political rights and identities are suspended. The different processes to which they are subjected can, in this way, end up having a similar effect on their sense of belonging and personhood while differentially shaping their institutional access. As Ilana Feldman (2018) explains, Whenever people are displaced...they quickly encounter a system that seeks to determine what sort of displaced person they are: internally displaced person or border-crossing refugee? “Genuine refugee” or “economic migrant”? Innocent victim or potential terrorist? The answers to these and other questions shape how and whether a given person can receive the assistance and protection the international refugee regime offers. Displaced people live their lives in part through the categories into which they are determined to fall. And as those categories shift, so too do the possibilities in their lives. (p. 36)

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Receiving refugee status can mitigate some of the effects of legal liminality, endowing migrants with the right to access select forms of social assistance. At the same time, refugee status leaves migrants vulnerable to the shifting whims of the host country. Like unauthorized immigrants and asylum seekers, refugees are barred from the full privileges of citizenship, and the support they receive is linked to precarious forms of government funding. In addition, refugee status is often configured as a temporary response to a moment of emergency, in spite of the fact that migrants might live with this designation for decades. As a result, long-term refugees live in a state of protracted “displacement,” establishing semi-permanent lives under the purview of a “temporary” status. Over time, their experiences can converge with those of unauthorized migrants living “in the shadows” of the nation state: both groups are in one way or another denied the rights and privileges that attend full bureaucratic citizenship. 1.2 Status, Education, and Access The processes described in the previous section, which shape immigrants’ and refugees’ arrival in the United States, serve as a way in to understanding how the North American immigration infrastructure produces and polices pathways to belonging. Examining the experiences of young immigrants and refugees, who live on the edge of “social inclusion and legal exclusion,” further breaks open the black box of 21st century migration, demonstrating how policies designed as a form of transnational triage erase the experiences of people who are born in one country but grow up and go to school in another (Gomberg-Muñoz, 2017, p. 4). Education can simultaneously offer young migrants a way in to the social and cultural life of the United States while underscoring the structural barriers that preclude them from taking advantage of the opportunities afforded to their peers. As other studies have shown, school often becomes “a site of belonging and conflict” for immigrant and refugee students, consistently producing narratives of assimilation while “reinforcing and widening society’s inequalities” in ways that are especially impactful for young migrants (Gonzales, 2015, p. 73). These divisions are compounded by the citizenship pathways made available to people who arrive with different levels of racial, social, and economic capital. As Taylor and Sidhu (2012) point out, while “liberal democratic governments” like the United States “[accept] a quota of refugees for resettlement, their settlement policies and practices create the conditions for the marginalisation of refugees and, in the worst-case scenarios, facilitate their slide into an underclass” (p. 41). Taylor and Sidhu focus explicitly on the Australian context,

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but their analysis is grounded in a general understanding of the relationship between neoliberal welfare policies and ideologies of incorporation, which directly affects the social and structural supports afforded to refugee and immigrant students. They remind readers that, while researchers have focused more heavily on the psycho-social needs of the “medicali[zed] refugee subject,” providing comprehensive support to refugees and other migrants means revisiting general welfare policies with an eye toward “good practice” as it relates to the social, economic, and linguistic needs of recent arrivals (p. 44). Even when students are technically provided with a pathway to education (i.e. in the legislative protections that ensure their right to registration), their experiences in school and their ability to access the benefits of education are differentially shaped by localized policy frameworks. In the United States, different districts offer different levels of support to refugees, asylum seekers, green card holders, and unauthorized immigrants, meaning that a student’s ability to access targeted language instruction, financial aid, medical resources, housing support, and general social services depends on the intersection of their immigration status and their current place of residence. In spite of the fact that residents of the United States are legally entitled to education, residence, origin, and patterns of mobility continue to shape day-to-day experiences of access. As a result, where students reside and what statuses they occupy impact how they are realistically able to engage with the opportunity to attend institutions of public education. These disparities are increasingly impactful in the context of higher education, where the right of access is further suspended for students with less economic and political capital. 1.3

Latin American Immigrants and Refugees in the U.S. Higher Education System The lines drawn around refugees, asylum seekers, and immigrants are constantly shifting, reflecting changing ideas of what constitutes a “political” or “humanitarian” migrant as opposed to an economic one. In the Americas, in particular, distinctions among immigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers reflect the “contradictions of U.S. policies and politics,” where “victims of the disorder and violence” incurred by North American “geopolitics” are “received as depoliticized labor migrants, rarely granted the status of political refugees” (Rodríguez, 2001, pp. 387–388). While substantial media attention has focused on the “flood” of refugees and asylum seekers journeying northward from Central America, the reality is that Latin American emigration has plateaued in recent years, and that these populations have been substantially underrepresented in global refugee statistics since the UNHCR began gathering data on “populations of concern” in 1951.

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Latin American migrants are rarely granted refugee status, comprising less than 3% of the world’s 25.4 million refugees. Furthermore, “Latin America” is itself a controversial category, collapsing together migrants from 20 countries (33 if including the Caribbean) who come to the United States from a variety of cultural and linguistic contexts. The UNHCR refers to refugees in higher education as “the other one percent” (Welters, 2016) indicating that, in spite of the large number of displaced people living and learning around the world, these populations remain underrepresented in colleges and universities, even in countries, like the United States, where postsecondary matriculation has been on the rise. Several institutions have begun to devote attention to providing support for refugees interested in pursuing higher education, indicating that there is a need for further targeted research exploring the challenges facing this student population. However, obtaining exact statistical information on the number of Latin American immigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers enrolled in institutions of higher education in the United States is difficult, in part because these populations are often miscategorized as “foreign” or “international” students, based either on data derived from financial aid applications or incoming student surveys conducted on a campus by campus basis. According to data released by the National Center for Education Statistics, though postsecondary enrollment among Hispanic students has increased over time, the representation of students born in Latin America in U.S. colleges and universities has been on the decline, dropping from 16% in 1980–81 to 7.3% in 2017–18 (Musu-Gillette et al., 2016; U.S. Department of Education, 2018). However, it is not clear which students fall into this category, nor is there any distinct statistical information available regarding the postsecondary matriculation of refugee students, in particular. In addition, research on the needs of college-age refugees rarely distinguishes among students who were displaced as young adults and those who “aged in” to the college and university bracket experiencing displacement earlier on in life. We do know that the foreign-born Hispanic population in the United States remains underrepresented in higher education, with 27% completing some college or a Bachelor’s degree or more, as compared with 59.7% of the U.S. population overall (Flores, López, & Radford, 2017). However, flawed and incomplete datasets make it difficult to render a nuanced portrait of the Latin American refugee student population in the U.S., making a comprehensive quantitative study of the educational trajectories of Latin American immigrants and refugees impractical. Understanding the challenges facing immigrant and refugee students as they approach college requires a different methodological approach that combines insights derived from qualitative

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research on (im)migration and socioeconomic incorporation in the United States with an analysis of the different mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion latent in the American education system. .

2

Research Questions

In this chapter, we focus attention on the higher education landscape and its relationship to immigrant and refugee experiences in the United States. We provide an overview of some of the central concerns relevant to these populations of students, guided by the following research questions: – What factors are shaping Latin American refugee and immigrant students’ ability to access higher education in the United States? – How does considering refugee and immigrant pathways to and through college inform our understanding of the construct of (im)migrant education? – What can be learned from qualitatively studying immigrant and refugee students’ experiences as they pursue educational opportunities? We focus on legal permanent residents from the Dominican Republic living in New York City, whose migration experiences underscore the ways in which status can simultaneously elide similarities among Latin American migrants belonging to different legislative categories while substantially shaping their ability to pursue educational opportunities.

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Dominican Immigration to the United States

A quick glance at migration patterns from the Dominican Republic to the United States over the course of the 20th and early 21st centuries encapsulates the point we make above regarding the relationship between “economic” and “political” migration. Between 1930 and 1961, Rafael Leónidas Trujillo Molina ruled over the Dominican Republic. Trujillo was an infamous dictator, “known for his lasciviousness, vanity, and larger-than-life theatricality” (Derby, 2009, p. 1). While in power, Trujillo centralized the island’s primary modes of production to direct national capital so that “the state became an instrument that guaranteed flows of profit to [him] and his inner circle,” reconfiguring the structure of the Dominican economy so that “there was no effective distinction between the national treasury and the dictator’s own purse” (Derby, 2009, p. 4). At the same time, he instigated strict controls over various aspects of social life, perpetuating intense violence against his enemies and reconstructing

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relationships among different branches of the state to serve his regime. He also imposed heavy restrictions on immigration and emigration, welcoming white European refugees while imposing regulations that limited the ability of Dominican nationals suffering under his rule from fleeing to other countries. Following Trujillo’s assassination in 1961, scores of immigrants left the Dominican Republic for the United States. These immigrants arrived in the U.S. following an extended period of social and political oppression that had dismantled their national economy, disrupted social ties, and suppressed free political expression. Dominican immigrants were categorized as economic migrants, since they primarily journeyed to the United States as part of the transnational remittance economy. However, it is important to understand that when, how, and why they decided to move was inherently shaped by the effects of the Trujillo regime. In addition, policymakers in the Dominican Republic and in the United States collaborated to encourage transnational movement (Hernández, 2002). Dominican “economic” migration is in this way emblematic of a larger network of social and political disruptions that trouble the distinction between different categories of transnational movement (Grasmuck & Pessar, 1991). Dominican migrants entering the U.S. labor market in the late 20th century arrived in the midst of a period of economic transformation, coinciding with a shift away from “unskilled” labor that made it more difficult for recent arrivals to enter the workforce (Hernández, 2002), in spite of the fact that U.S. employers actively recruited Dominican labor (Portes & Rumbaut, 2006). Despite the economic difficulties they have faced, Dominican migrants in New York have been able to establish comprehensive transnational communities, in which people and capital “flow” across national borders (Levitt, 1998; Grasmuck & Pessar, 1991; Guarnizo, 1997). A large percentage of the Dominican migrant community settled in the Northeastern United States, and migration from the island has continued to concentrate in identifiable northeastern enclaves in succeeding years (Portes & Rumbaut, 2006; Anzures Tapia et al., 2017). Between 1990 and 2013, the Dominican population in the United States tripled. More than half of the Dominicans included in the most recent data released by the Pew Research Center were born outside of the United States, and the median age of Dominicans (28) was substantially younger than that of the general U.S. population (37), indicating that young Dominicans continue to migrate in notable numbers, in spite of the overall decline in migration from Latin America and the Caribbean (López, 2015). Dominicans in the United States continue to cluster in the Northeast, with 79% living in the region and nearly half residing in New York (López, 2015).

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Methodology

Data for this chapter were collected as part of larger ethnographic research project on transnational Dominican migration to the United States. Over the course of eight months, the research team conducted interviews and participant observation in the language of the participant’s choice with twenty-one students enrolled in the General Education Development program (GED). Researchers also conducted interviews with four guidance counselors, and three teachers in New York City. All participating students were Dominican born; they ranged in age from 17–21 years and had been in New York City between 3 months and 6 years at the time of the research. Eleven female students and ten male students participated in the research. Interviews were conducted at the schools where the alternative education program took place as well as at parks, participants’ homes, and restaurants. The interviews consisted of questions about participants’ life histories, migration processes, and education. Taped interviews were transcribed verbatim in the language of the interview. All interviewees spoke with the understanding of confidentiality; as such, all the names used in this chapter are pseudonyms. Each interview and observation was documented through intensive field notes completed on the same day as the research. Observation data were also collected. We observed classes, meetings with guidance counselors, meetings with other school administrators, and interactions with family members. To analyze data, we read through every interview and regularly reviewed the data, using first open or inductive coding, and then closed or deductive coding, followed by a codebook and coded data. We then wrote thematic memos, checking for inconsistent data. Throughout the project, we embraced an iterative approach to qualitative research and data analysis (Maxwell, 2005). The goal of this study was not to arrive at a set of universal generalizations, predictions, or propositions regarding education and migration, but rather to elucidate the dynamics of a neglected thematic in migration – immigrant Dominican youth and their access to higher education.

5

Education and Immigration: Dominican Immigrant Young Adults in the U.S.

In this section of the chapter we aim to show through data collected in New York City how a group of young adults from the Dominican Republic understood their own educational trajectories. We have elected to discuss the experiences of these participants because their journeys through the U.S. legal and

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educational systems demonstrate how people who move from one country to another can simultaneously occupy the position of a refugee, an immigrant, an asylum seeker, and a green card holder, even though these identities are legislatively different. The young adults discussed in this chapter are both placed and place themselves at the intersection of different immigration statuses, making their experiences especially pertinent to the arguments we make regarding the protracted effect of transnational movement on educational opportunity and individual identity. Our data illustrates that these young adults felt pressure to navigate the U.S. education system seamlessly, but that their own expectations with regards to their education were not necessarily met. Participants in this study described their complex education experience starting from when they arrived in the United States as teenagers. Most of the participants (22 out of the 25) were Legal Permanent Residents (LPR) or green card holders by the time they migrated to the United States. Although they were not considered refugees upon arrival, they understood their status as vulnerable. As one of the participants, Paola (19), explained, “I’m a Dominicana, but I don’t belong here like as a citizen that has rights, you know?” Paola was in her first year at a community college in New York City. She had arrived in the U.S. at the age of 16 and had gotten her GED through the department of education in New York City. Paola continued, I have a friend from Somalia in my building and he is a, how do you say, a refugiado. I don’t want to be. There are many people from the government checking up on him, keeping their eyes on him, knowing his business. In comparing herself to her Somali friend, a documented refugee, Paola describes her desire to avoid the constant surveillance that accompanies refugee status. At the same time, she underscores the fact that as an immigrant green card holder she does not feel that she belongs in the United States “as a citizen that has rights.” When asked if she didn’t feel under surveillance, Paola replied, “Always I guess … I’m in this situation that isn’t mine … a place that isn’t mine.” The liminal space Paola describes situates her between categories of surveillance (refugee) and belonging (citizen), affecting her sense of deservingness in the context of the U.S. education system, an anxiety that was compounded by the expectations that accompanied her migration to the United States. Paola’s parents had petitioned for her while she was in the Dominican Republic, and she was away from her parents for several years until the petition came through. The effort her parents put into her coming to the United States did not come without a price. Paola was expected to take that opportunity of

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being in the United States to excel in school and get an education. In this way, her legal status and her path to her legal status were closely attached to expectations regarding her academic performance. This contributed to a relentless sense of self-doubt and persistent concerns about when and how to demonstrate her worthiness through academic achievement. While participants like Paola felt immense pressure to succeed in school, many indicated that they felt they lacked the knowledge and understanding they needed to effectively navigate the U.S. education system (Bartlett, Oliveira & Ungemah, 2018). Cesar, 20 years old, was about to receive his GED certificate. He described his ambivalence toward the completion of this degree: if you are brought into this country … there are so many people that want to be here. So if you are taken here, if your parents bring you here, you have to go school and learn English. My grandma in the D.R. told me ‘son, you will be visado (with a visa) so that means you can do a lot’ … but I don’t think she understood. When asked what he meant by this, Cesar explained, “there is an idea that if we have the visa or the papers we can do everything here … but it’s not like that. There is no help when everyone thinks you have to do it on your own. Like Paola, Cesar places himself outside and between categories of belonging. As a person with a visa, Cesar was expected (and expected himself) to “do a lot” and achieve academically. At the same time, as a young immigrant charged with immense filial responsibilities, Cesar described feeling lost and isolated, hindered in his schoolwork by concerns about his immigration status and by a sense of imposed self-reliance. At age 16, Cesar arrived in the United States with a Lawful Permanent Residency (LPR) under the family reunification auspices. However, shortly after his arrival his father was arrested and placed in deportation proceedings. Cesar’s father was accused of committing aggravated felonies. His alleged crime had to do with conspiracy to traffic illegal substances. This particular event deeply influenced Cesar’s ability to concentrate and do well in school. After two years of constant struggle he left school to work full time since his father, once the breadwinner, was no longer able to provide for the family. Cesar’s educational trajectories were thus affected by the immigration policies that shaped his family’s arrival in the United States, in spite of the fact that they all held LPR status at one point in time. Cesar later decided to get his GED, hoping eventually to enroll in community college. However, he was still discouraged and felt constrained by his circumstances. Despite his legal identity as a visado, he

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still felt vulnerable, a sentiment that was underscored by his father’s arrest and imminent deportation. Auri, 21, a community college student in her first year, had yet a different story than her peers. Auri had a difficult upbringing in the Dominican Republic. As a child she witnessed domestic violence from her alcoholic father to her mother, Cecilia. She went to live with her grandmother in another city in the Dominican Republic when multiple people in her family thought her life could be in danger. Her mother asked for asylum in the United States on the premise of violence as a life threatening matter. Like many Dominican asylum seekers, her claim was denied. Cecilia eventually was able to legally divorce her husband, and Auri went back to living with her. Cecilia remarried, this time with a man who had U.S. legal permanent status. She obtained her status and soon after petitioned for Auri. While Cecilia was in New York living with her new husband (Auri’s stepfather), Auri started to receive threats from her father who still had anger toward his past relationship. Like her mom, Auri tried to apply for asylum in the United States with no luck. When she was finally able to migrate to the United States with permanent legal status, she was already 17. At this point, she was too old to complete high school in the U.S. and decided to get her GED instead. She did not fully understand that a GED differs substantially from a traditional high school diploma and was disheartened by the ways it ended up affecting her educational trajectory. She explained, why does it matter how good of a student I was in the Dominican Republic … The United States erased my past and it looked like I was like someone who didn’t care about education … because I couldn’t complete my normal high school. It doesn’t matter that I have papers. There are marked differences between being a refugee or a legal permanent resident in the United States. However, the experiences of the young adults recounted in this chapter show how the lived experiences of migrants can blur and complicate these labels. Paola’s testimony shows how family sacrifices can place additional academic stress on immigrant youth, who may feel pressure to succeed in “a place that isn’t mine.” Cesar’s disillusionment underscores how immigration and deportation policies can leave entire kinship groups, including young adults with LPR status, vulnerable, affecting their ability to succeed in school and work. Meanwhile, Auri’s story shows that migrants who do not hold the status of a refugee or asylum seeker may very well have experienced the same kind of trauma and violence that accompanies the designation and may be further marginalized upon their arrival in the United States. The important point here is not to compare how more or less difficult the lives of

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designated immigrants or refugees are, but rather to address how legal labels may miss the contradictions and obstacles that shape education trajectories once people move. All three narratives recounted in this chapter provide evidence of the ways in which the intersection of U.S. immigration and education policies can erase the accomplishments and ambitions of young migrants, no matter what official status they hold.

6

Conclusion

In 2006–2007, the number of Latin American refugees rose sharply. In the last decade, however, the number has declined, and in 2020 the Trump administration plans to admit no more than 18,000 refugees of all national origins – the lowest number in years (Krogstad, 2019). This has made it increasingly difficult for people in Latin America to achieve refugee status. According to official statistics, therefore, most Latin Americans who arrive in the United States are “immigrants,” even if their stories and life trajectories fit the international criteria qualifying one as a refugee. As a result, Latin American migrants who arrive in the United States enter into a complex relationship with various institutional structures, including the education system. Our data shows that Latin American immigrants, like refugees, experience simultaneous surveillance and erasure, as they are removed from one citizenship category without fully entering another. Rather than reifying legislative distinctions and using them as a barometer for experience, it is important that we recall that labels like “immigrant,” “refugee,” “green card holder,” and “asylum seeker” often fail to capture the full scope of an individual’s experiences. When it comes to higher education, we believe it is critical that we continue to trouble the categories enumerated at the beginning of this chapter. Stakeholders in the higher education system have an opportunity to respond expansively and empathetically to students’ trajectories, regardless of whether or not they align with normative visions of success. If we take education to be a lifelong endeavor, then we cannot constrain our admissions, teaching, advising, and certification protocol to those experiences that took place on one side of a shifting national border. We hold that reforming the higher education system in the United State to respond to the needs and experiences of transnational young adults begins with the kind of deep qualitative inquiry we model in this chapter. By engaging in conversation with students, learning about their trajectories, and opening up more opportunities for them to pursue education in and beyond high school, educators and policymakers can pave the way for a more equitable college and university system.

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References Anzures Tapia, A., Mayorga, R., Oliveira, G., Bartlett, L., Kallery, C., Carvajal, C. N., & Martinez-Martinez, V. (2017). Negotiating contradictions: Educación among Dominican transnational mothers in New York City. Ethnography and Education, 12(3), 347–366. Bartlett, L., Oliveira, G., & Ungemah, L. (2018). Cruel optimism: Migration and schooling for Dominican newcomer immigrant youth. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 49(4), 444–461. Bradby, H., Humphris, R., Newall, D., et al. (2015). Public health aspects of migrant health: A review of the Evidence on health status for refugees and asylum seekers in the European region. WHO Regional Office for Europe (Health Evidence Network Synthesis Report, No. 44). Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK379418/ Chávez, M., Monforti, J. L. L., & Michelson, M. R. (2015). Living the dream: New immigration policies and the lives of undocumented Latino youth. Routledge. Derby, L. H. (2009). The dictator’s seduction: Politics and the popular imagination in the era of Trujillo. Duke University Press. Enchautegui, M. E., & Menjívar, C. (2015). Paradoxes of family immigration policy: Separation, reorganization, and reunification of families under current immigration laws. Law & Policy, 37(1–2), 32–60. Feldman, I. (2018). Life lived in relief: Humanitarian predicaments and Palestinian refugee politics. University of California Press. Flores, A., López, G., & Radford, J. (2017). Facts on US Latinos, 2015: Statistical portrait of Hispanics in the United States. Pew Research Center. Gomberg-Muñoz, R. (2017). Becoming legal: Immigration law and mixed status families. Oxford University Press. Gonzales, R. (2015). Lives in limbo: Undocumented and coming of age in America. University of California Press. Grasmuck, S., & Pessar, P. R. (1991). Between two Islands: Dominican international migration. University of California Press. Guarnizo, L. E. (1997). The emergence of a transnational social formation and the mirage of return migration among Dominican transmigrants. Identities Global Studies in Culture and Power, 4(2), 281–322. Hernández, R. (2002). The mobility of workers under advanced capitalism: Dominican migration to the United States. Columbia University Press. Krogstad, J. M. (2019). Key facts about refugees to the U.S. Pew Research Center. Retrieved October 29, 2019, from https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/10/07/keyfacts-about-refugees-to-the-u-s/ Levitt, P. (1998). Local-level global religion: The case of US-Dominican migration. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 74–89.

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López, G. (2015). Hispanics of Dominican origin in the United States, 2013: Statistical profile. Pew Research Center: Hispanic Trends. Retrieved June 18, 2019, from https://www.pewhispanic.org/2015/09/15/hispanics-of-dominican-origin-in-theunited-states-2013/ Maxwell, J. (2005). Qualitative research design: An interactive approach. Sage. Mountz, A., Wright, R., Miyares, I., & Bailey, A. J. (2002). Lives in limbo: Temporary protected status and immigrant identities. Global Networks, 2(4), 335–356. Musu-Gillette, L., Robinson, J., McFarland, J., KewalRamani, A., Zhang, A., & WilkinsonFlicker, S. (2016). Status and trends in the education of racial and ethnic groups 2016 (NCES 2016–007). U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch Portes, A., & Rumbaut, R. G. (2006). Immigrant America: A portrait. University of California Press. Rodríguez, A. P. (2001). Refugees of the south: Central Americans in the US Latino imaginary. American Literature, 73(2), 387–412. Taylor, S., & Sidhu, R. K. (2012). Supporting refugee students in schools: What constitutes inclusive education? International Journal of Inclusive Education, 16(1), 39–56. UNHCR. (2018). Refugee facts: Refugees in America. Retrieved June 16, 2019, from https://www.unrefugees.org/refugee-facts/usa/ USCIS. (2017). Refugees. Retrieved June 16, 2019, from https://www.uscis.gov/ humanitarian/refugees-asylum/refugees USCIS. (2019). Asylum. Retrieved June 16, 2019, from https://www.uscis.gov/ humanitarian/refugees-asylum/asylum U.S. Department of Education. Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Statistics. (2018). Table 310.20. Foreign students enrolled in institutions of higher education in the United States, by continent, region, and selected country of origin. Selected years, 1980–81 through 2017–18. Retrieved October 29, 2019, from https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d18/tables/dt18_310.20.asp?current=yes Welters, G. (2016). Aiming higher – The other one per cent. UNHCR. Retrieved June 16, 2019, from https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/aiming-higher.html

chapter 9

Human Rights Discourse and the U.S. Education Landscape: Refugee-Specific Activity at Colleges and Universities in Idaho and Maine Lisa Unangst

1

Introduction

Writing on contemporary displacement crises and related questions of higher education for refugees often refers to international frameworks situating education as a human right. However, the specific documents in question and their guidelines are rarely explored. This piece seeks to briefly outline the relevant content of human rights agreements and compare them to contemporary institutional supports. I make this comparison using the example of the United States – more specifically accredited higher education institutions (HEIs) in Maine and Idaho – to probe how United Nations discourses around refugee education are or are not made explicit. I begin by elucidating the gap between discourse and practice in summarizing key human rights frameworks supporting higher education as a fundamental right. Next, I present the findings of an analysis of publicly available information on refugee student supports at HEIs in Maine and Idaho. Finally, I discuss the implications of the differential approaches enacted by these HEIs to educational supports for refugees more broadly.

2

Human Rights Discourse on Higher Education

The human rights discourse relates to migrant populations in several ways, but broadly most of the relevant protections address equal access to educational institutions rather than experience in higher education once enrolled. The right to higher education is enshrined in Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which states that “higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit” (United Nations, 1963). This clear and aspirational statement is remarkable in the sense that it has yet to

© koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_009

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be achieved 45 years on, though certainly progress has been made through the massification of higher education or rapid expansion of tertiary enrollment in the traditional age cohort (Trow, 2007). High tuition costs and insufficient supply of higher education are some of the barriers preventing equal access in the contemporary tertiary landscape. Second, Article 13 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights is frequently referenced in a discussion of higher education as a human right. Article 13 reads (in part): education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and the sense of its dignity, and shall strengthen the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms … education shall enable all persons to participate effectively in a free society, promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations and all racial, ethnic or religious groups, and further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. (United Nations General Assembly, 1966) This clearly references the quality of education, and thus relates to the issue of concern here: supports for tertiary-level students that enhance educational experience and attainment. Article 13 does not prescribe quality assurance mechanisms, but indeed points toward the promotion of intercultural dialogue and participation (presumably at the highest levels) in free societies and the U.N. mission, all of which are facilitated by higher education. Third, the 1960 UNESCO Convention Against Discrimination in Education states, among other things, that the organization “while respecting the diversity of national educational systems, has the duty not only to proscribe any form of discrimination in education but also to promote equality of opportunity and treatment for all in education” (UNESCO General Conference, 1960). Again, this emphasis on equal treatment may be seen as necessitating equal supports for enrolled students. Finally, the Global Compact on Migration directly addresses the obligations of host or receiving countries to provide skills training and education in their own national settings to all migrants in the context of short, medium and long-term plans for migration policy and integration (United Nations General Assembly, 2018). Achieving long term migrant integration within this framework is therefore facilitated by the higher education enrollment and attainment of this same population, which institutionalized supports make possible. Importantly, scholars including Schinkel have noted that “integration” conceptualized in this way implies a shift from integration as a “system state” to a “state of being” of a single person, which portends “integration” as a trait

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situated within neo-liberal frameworks of individual responsibility (Schinkel, 2018). 3

Equal Treatment, Not Just Equal Access

As noted, the existing supranational human rights framework provides strong support for equal higher education access and – less frequently discussed –equal treatment while enrolled in higher education. However, while much of the contemporary literature on refugees and higher education (admittedly a limited pool) has logically focused on access as a vital first intervention for state and national actors, equal treatment in support of educational attainment has received much less attention. Definitional questions abound: what do we mean by equal treatment, and how is that similar to and different from scaffolding (a series of stage-appropriate supports that undergird student development moving toward independence, for instance a spectrum of writing support services from intensive individual tutoring to informal peer writing groups)? Are specific “accommodations” needed for refugee students who may speak multiple languages but are newly skilled in the language of instruction in a given context? Do the affinity centers (such as women’s centers, Latinx student centers, etc.) increasingly familiar on college and university campuses worldwide need to include “migrant centers”? And similarly, are tailored orientation and mentorship programs called for? Existing human rights frameworks are reinforced by foundational documents of national law. However, contradictions in the practice of equal treatment in higher education are evident in every national case. While the U.S., for example, offers TRiO programs (federally funded student support and outreach programs targeting marginalized groups including first generation students) there is no comprehensive support model specifically aimed at refugee students at the post-secondary level. Although refugee numbers vary widely among nation-states, 3% of students with a refugee background currently access higher education worldwide (UNHCR, 2019), suggesting action in this area is urgently called for on a humanitarian basis (as elaborated here). Further, argumentation around refugee higher education as an economic or labor market advantage for the host country has been made by the Brookings Institution and many other organizations (Bahar, 2018). While comprehensive action at the national level is needed to address the gap between human rights commitments and higher education practice, individual colleges and universities have vital roles to play. Though efforts at online higher education are expanding, educational attainment through those initiatives remains marginal and thus brick and mortar colleges and universities must move towards more robust engagement.

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U.S. HEIs as Exploratory Case Study

4.1 Case Selection In order to probe how HEIs are currently enacting supports for refugee students, this exploratory study highlights two relatively rural states in the U.S. setting, Maine and Idaho, with populations of roughly 1.3 million and 1.7 million residents respectively (U.S. Census Bureau Population Division, 2018). The emphasis here was on selecting states of comparable size hosting substantial refugee populations and manifesting distinct higher education policy contexts in different areas of the country, with the varied demographic profiles and political affiliations that inform the higher education sphere (Jones, 2019). Indeed, in fiscal year 2016, Idaho and Maine were both among the top ten U.S. states resettling the highest number of refugees on a per capita basis, accepting 69 and 46 refugees per 100,000 residents respectively (Radford & Connor, 2016). From 2009–2019, the largest grouping of refugees in Maine was from Somalia, while the largest grouping in Idaho was from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Blizzard & Batalova, 2019). I select as sample for this exploratory case study the HEIs accredited by the regional bodies New England Commission of Higher Education (NECHE) and Northwest Commission on Colleges and Universities (NWCCU) comprising 26 institutions in Maine and 11 in Idaho (New England Commission of Higher Education, 2019; Northwest Commission on Colleges and Universities, 2019). Other HEIs excluded from this sample are present in the states, for example religious training institutions such as Boise Bible College, accredited by the Association for Biblical Higher Education (Boise Bible College, 2019). The HEI landscape in Idaho and Maine is varied, with the former hosting three private HEIs (two of which are religiously affiliated, and one of which is a branch campus) as well as eight state colleges and universities (Northwest Commission on Colleges and Universities, 2019). Maine’s 26 HEIs comprise three elite liberal arts colleges, seven community colleges, four specialty institutions (for the arts, maritime study, and health professions), six state teaching colleges and universities, and six additional private institutions including one Catholic college (New England Commission of Higher Education, 2019). In 2006, 57% of high school graduates in the state of Maine enrolled at an HEI, whereas Idaho in 2017 saw 45% of high school graduates attend college or university (Clark, 2018; Plimpton Freeman, & Roy, 2014). 4.2 Methods This inquiry employs as a point of departure the Website Content Analysis Framework developed by Scott Olivieri, based on elements of McGregor and

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Fairclough and aimed at supporting an analysis of how diversity is presented on Jesuit University websites (Olivieri, 2018). While as noted previously the scope of the research at hand extends beyond religiously affiliated HEIs, the framework remains pertinent. I underscore three elements of Olivieri’s framework in this chapter: intended audience and objectives (who is the page intended for and what are the assumed page goals?); voice and tone of content (is the tone friendly, academic, formal or blended?); and omissions in the text (what is mentioned, missing, and which individual groups are referenced) (Olivieri, 2018, p. 68). These seem most significant in an exploratory comparison of university language, programs, and goals in that they explicate university operations; there is less subjective interpretation required in these categories of document analysis suggested by Olivieri than in, for instance, “phony register.” The technique used here is a basic search query for “refugee” on the institutional websites themselves. This represents a blunt instrument seeking to answer the primary research question: how do American HEIs in two states, across institutional type, currently support refugees and thereby reflect the human rights discourse? I acknowledge that the search functions of individual HEI websites vary considerably and so particularly the raw numbers of “refugee” mentions cannot be seen as comparable data (Reid, 2017).

5

Results

Occurrences of “refugee” vary widely across the webpages of the institutions surveyed, though importantly the type (community college, teaching college, research university) of the HEI does not seem to be the primary variable indicating the number of mentions. However, there are important distinctions between regions that seem to have a higher concentration of refugees as well as religious institutions, which tend to discuss mission work and call explicitly for donations. Further, the three elite liberal arts colleges in Maine clearly display robust funding opportunities for students pursuing research and work around refugee issues. 5.1 Most Common Areas of “Refugee” Programming Four emergent categories were reflected by ten or more HEI websites across Idaho and Maine, including: faculty member profiles indicating research interest in refugees, profiles of enrolled refugee students, alumni profiles highlighting refugee support activities (whether vocational or avocational), and mention of a conference or other substantive campus event focused on

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table 9.1  Categories of “refugee” mentions at HEIs in Idaho (ID) and Maine (ME) grouped by 10 or more occurrences, 5–9 occurrences, or 1–4 occurrences

Category

No. Category occurrences across HEIs

Faculty profijile mentions interest in refugees Refugee student profijile

10 or more (ID and ME) 10 or more (ID and ME) Alumni activity around 10 or more refugee support (ID and ME) Conference/substantive 10 or more event focused on refugees (ID and ME) External media coverage of 5–9 faculty work on refugees (ID and ME) Course description 5–9 (ID and ME) 5–9 Prize (both for refugee students and recognizing (ID and ME) work on refugees) Art exhibitions with 5–9 refugee theme (ID and ME) One-offf academic projects 5–9 with refugee focus (ID and ME) Student group initiatives 5–9 (incl. fundraisers) (ID and ME) Student newspaper article/featured poetry/ performance/literary magazine Service learning/ community based research Press release: faculty experts on refugees

Former faculty leading refugee non-profijit Refugee focused orientation/ winter break program Defijinition of resident status (public HEIs only) Listing of Ph.D. programs in Human Rights Summer student project on refugees (funded) Honorary doctorate recipient work on refugees Refugee garden/farming partnership

No. occurrences across HEIs 1–4 (ME) 1–4 (ME) 1–4 (ID) 1–4 (ME) 1–4 (ME) 1–4 (ME) 1–4 (ID and ME)

HEI grant to local community for refugee work University led fundraising for refugees Refugees included in overall HEI description of campus and region 5–9 Tailored admissions event (ID and ME) for refugees

1–4 (ID)

5–9 (ID and ME) 5–9 (ID and ME)

1–4 (ID and ME) 1–4 (ID)

Stafff/faculty presentation at external conference Brainstorm among refugees and student services stafff to improve offferings

1–4 (ME) 1–4 (ID)

1–4 (ID and ME)

(cont.)

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table 9.1  Categories of “refugee” mentions at HEIs in Idaho (ID) and Maine (ME) grouped by 10 or more occurrences, 5–9 occurrences, or 1–4 occurrences (cont.)

Category

No. Category occurrences across HEIs

No. occurrences across HEIs

Grant received by university faculty/center for refugee work

5–9 Celebration of World (ID and ME) Refugee Day

1–4 (ID and ME)

Board of Trustees meeting minutes HEI self-evaluation report Comprehensive refugee center Academic major/minor Post-election Q/A aimed at refugees Study abroad program specifijically focused on refugees Presidential communique Counseling service aimed at refugees Centralized university-wide information for refugee applicants Post graduate training or certifijicate (about or for refugees) Student protest regarding refugee policy Opening convocation mention of refugees Stafff/religious order member activity profijile

1–4 (ID) 1–4 (ID) 1–4 (ID) 1–4 (ID) 1–4 (ID) 1–4 (ME)

1–4 (ME) 1–4 (ME) 1–4 (ID)

1–4 (ID and ME) 1–4 (ME) 1–4 (ME) 1–4 (ID and ME) (cont.)

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table 9.1  Categories of “refugee” mentions at HEIs in Idaho (ID) and Maine (ME) grouped by 10 or more occurrences, 5–9 occurrences, or 1–4 occurrences (cont.)

Category

No. Category occurrences across HEIs

No. occurrences across HEIs

Social work student 1–4 (ME) exchange focused on trans-national refugee work Religiously-oriented call for 1–4 (ID) donations to refugee causes Legal advice 1–4 (ID and ME) Financial aid requirements/ 1–4 specifijic funding source (ID and ME) requirements Alumni reunion event 1–4 (ME) focused on refugees Faculty fijilm or book focused 1–4 (ME) on refugees Career center activity/ 1–4 (ME) clinical offferings for students 1–4 (ME) Listing of community resources for refugee students 1–4 (ME) Campus celebration for swearing in of naturalized U.S. citizens (including refugees) Performance of refugee choir 1–4 (ME)

refugees. Of these four groupings, it is important to note that none require a comprehensive HEI strategy or policy regarding refugee student support. That is to say, it is possible for faculty members to have independently held an interest in refugee studies (broadly construed) at the time of their hiring, or developed that interest subsequently, without this having been a key element of the hiring decision. Similarly, students of a refugee background may have enrolled

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independent of any cohesive HEI admissions strategy to facilitate refugee student enrollment, and alumni to independently seek out activities related to fundraising, advocacy, or policy work related to refugee support. Finally, single events or conferences focused on displacement are by no means reflective of overall institutional focus. Thus we observe among the most frequent occurrences of “refugee” on HEI websites what may be characterized as incidental activity, and activity that – in the case of alumni and student profiles – is largely reflected in the pages of HEI periodicals including alumni magazines. In a sense, these profiles are promotional, selectively highlighting people and activity related to an en vogue human rights topic. With respect to faculty research interest and individual conferences on refugee issues (typically organized by one or more faculty members), we observe established areas of focus that in many cases likely predate the current displacement crises in Venezuela and elsewhere. 5.2

Occurrences of Recent, Responsive Programs and Activities around Displacement In the middle category of five to nine occurrences among the HEIs surveyed, search results seem to indicate a more coordinated response to the various refugee crises since 2011, though that coordination is not necessarily institution-wide. However, that activity is not present at all colleges and universities surveyed, and therefore may be seen as inconsistent or scattered. For example, prizes available either to refugee students or students working on refugee issues seem to represent semi-cohesive institutional responses. At Idaho State University, two history professors instituted a new scholarship program in 2017 funding students of refugee background, and with a preference for female applicants; they are described in an Idaho State news piece as responding “to the nationalistic sentiment surrounding refugees in politics today. They wanted to do something they thought would give a message of inclusivity, not exclusivity” (Idaho State University, 2019). In other cases, existing institutional mechanisms for financial aid or visiting fellowships take on new resonance in the context of the current refugee crisis. For example, the Colby College Oak Institute for Human Rights was established in 1997 through a targeted donation to the college, and reflects an opportunity for “a front-line human rights activist operating in difficult or dangerous circumstances to come to Colby for respite and reflection as the Oak Human Rights Fellow” (Colby College, 2019). Beyond support of the selected fellow’s work, the Oak Institute offers “public lectures, classes, and other events, [to] the campus and extended community about the work being done by our Fellow” (Colby College, 2019). Here, we observe a direct connection between the enterprise of higher education and

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the human rights discourse, facilitated by the gift of an external funder twenty years prior. Importantly, coordinated student group response to contemporary refugee issues is evidenced by the exploratory research conducted here. This includes fundraisers familiar in other national contexts (Welsh Refugee Council, 2015), though the examples identified in Idaho and Maine reflect fundraising for local refugee populations (Hubley, 2014; Willis, 2018). In the case of a gospel music group fundraiser at Bates College, funds were targeted for “the All Nations Church of Lewiston … gathering resources to provide basic needs for incoming refugee families” (Hubley, 2014). At Brigham Young University’s branch campus in Idaho, a road race was organized by a student who had previously worked at a refugee camp in Twin Falls, Idaho; the goal of the fundraiser was to provide “gas, fuel, [and] transportation means” for camp residents to access free English language classes provided off-site (Willis, 2018). Faculty-led initiatives in this middle grouping of “refugee” occurrences on HEI websites in Idaho and Maine include both the incorporation of refugee topics in course syllabi as well as service learning and community research initiatives, and span disciplinary fields. At Northwest Nazarene University, a course titled “Art Capstone: Engaging Art and Faith” that has included refugee engagement is described as follows: “the nature of the fine arts disciplines lends itself to servant leadership, therefore servanthood through the visual arts will be a component in this course” (Northwest Nazarene University, 2019a). Several faculty members at the University of New England focused on allied health fields are engaged in various service learning activities with community partners (University of New England, 2014); the health fields tend to be common areas for student volunteer activity in trans-national context (Oldfield, 2017). Finally, most refugee-focused grants received by the HEIs surveyed seem to have been proposed by faculty members pursuing academic inquiry of displacement; these include a grant from the German embassy to Bowdoin College (Porter, 2016b) and a grant by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services to the University of Southern Maine (University of Southern Maine, 2012). An exception seems to be a grant by Bank of America to the College of Western Idaho’s Multicultural Healthcare Program (part of its Workforce Development Education program) (College of Western Idaho, 2011). 5.3 Less Frequent Instances of Refugee-Related Activity Among the HEIs surveyed in Idaho and Maine, there are 37 categories of “refugee” work or activity that are observed at between one to four institutions. Perhaps predictably, these vary widely in terms of organizing body and likely number of students or community members engaged, among other features.

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Importantly, three admissions offices at the selected colleges and universities have offered tailored admissions events for refugees, and three institutions also offer legal advice to refugee populations. These initiatives are both common in other national settings (European Commission, 2016). Bowdoin College alone offers an orientation program for incoming students that focuses on refugee experience (Porter, 2016a), and Northwest Nazarene University mentions refugee communities near campus in its description of the region, rich with “vibrant culture” (Northwest Nazarene University, 2019b). These examples of refugee activity are both oriented towards prospective students and parents – though not necessarily refugee communities themselves – pointing towards refugee activity constructed as an asset. In contrast, customized application events for refugee students are meant to directly serve refugee populations in the local area. Further, two of the three application events represent institutional collaborations, one between the College of Western Idaho, Boise State, and the TRiO Educational Opportunity Center (College of Western Idaho, 2017), and one between the University of New England and the nonprofit New Mainers Public Health Initiative (University of New England, 2016).

6

Discussion

The overall impression in reviewing occurrences of “refugee” on Idaho and Maine HEI websites is that a cohesive response to the current refugee crises is lacking across these state education landscapes, as well as within individual HEIs. In short, the HEIs surveyed do not appear to comprehensively address either equal access or equal treatment of refugees. What is missing (or omitted, to use Olivieri’s term) from the body of text is a clear suite of informational tools and support programs for prospective and enrolled students (Olivieri, 2018). A high school student from a refugee background in Boise or Augusta perusing the websites of HEIs in their state is not able to clearly discern how many spaces (if any) are allocated for refugee students with free tuition or with full funding (including room, board, and incidental expenses such as books), what sorts of tailored orientation or ongoing mentorship opportunities might be available, and how family and support networks might become familiar with the campus and community. To be clear, these are pervasive challenges outside of the Idaho and Maine settings, though bright spots emerge across the higher education landscape trans-nationally. For instance, the University of Buffalo makes available fact sheets to share with applicant family and friends in 16 languages including Burmese and Vietnamese (University of Buffalo, 2019). Additionally, Macquarie

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University (Australia) operates the LEAP UP Macquarie Mentoring program, which seeks to match current university students with refugee students at the secondary level to help them transition to higher education (Macquarie University, 2019). A clear result of the present inquiry is that specific institutional efforts at supporting refugee access or experience are related to HEI characteristics and strengths. In the case of the University of Maine at Orono (the state’s flagship university), there is an emphasis on climate refugees, which is logical given the distinguished activity of campus researchers under the auspices of the internationally-known Climate Change Institute. Further, the Maine-based Institute for Doctoral Studies in the Visual Arts facilitated an arts-based symposium in Greece focused on migration issues (Kellerby, 2017), and Southern Maine Community College offers an “English as a Second Language to Emergency Medical Technician” course for immigrants and refugees, building upon existing strengths in allied health and public safety fields (Southern Maine Community College, 2017). This diversity of activity around refugee issues reflects the differentiated landscape of American HEIs, and, in this sample, the larger range of institutions present in Maine. It also seems to point towards the need for a larger, more comprehensive typology of existing refugee support activities across the national stage, which may indicate areas for program impact research. Finally, the number of relevant efforts vary widely across HEIs: six institutions in Maine returned zero results in website queries for “refugee,” while 1780 was the highest number of results overall (seen at Idaho State University and Colby College). This polarization of refugee engagement indeed reflects the available national data: there are 77 institutions currently affiliated with the IIE’s Syria Consortium supporting refugee student enrollment (Institute of International Education, 2019), and 111 HEIs listed as member institutions of Scholars at Risk as of August 2019 (Scholars at Risk, 2019). Given that there are nearly 4000 accredited institutions of higher education in the U.S. setting (National Center for Education Statistics, 2018), these membership pools represent a tiny fraction of possible HEI engagement.

7

Conclusion

Existing supranational human rights frameworks provide strong support for equal higher education access and – less frequently discussed – equal treatment while enrolled in a higher education. A two-pronged approach at the HEI level incorporating both access and support programs serving refugees

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would further the meaningful implementation of human rights discourse; refugee community engagement is within reach and requires the investment of leaders. A legacy of inclusion and translation of the U.N. discourse to practice would be a testament to any college or university president in this sphere. Certainly, distinct HEI contexts must be taken into account in any consideration of future program development. As one example, open access institutions such as community colleges commit to very low tuition rates that facilitate higher education access among lower socio-economic strata. However, that same low tuition model has resulted in a lean student support staff at those same HEIs. It is therefore vital to consider innovative solutions in these contexts using community resources, for instance, to develop the types of multilingual family and application resources mentioned previously. At present, there is a clear de facto gap in the implementation of both equal access for and equal treatment of refugees in the U.S. tertiary sphere, or more specifically among the HEIs accredited by major bodies in Idaho and Maine. A comparison of occurrences of “refugee” on HEI websites makes the need for intervention clear: additional federal, state, and institutional investment is called for to address this compelling issue.

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European Commission. (2016). Inspiring practices – January 2016 : Higher education helping newly arrived refugees. Hubley, D. (2014, March 25). Gospelaires concert to support refugee resettlement efforts. Bates College News, Retrieved from https://www.bates.edu/news/2014/03/25/ gospelaires-concert-to-support-refugee-resettlement-efforts/ Idaho State University. (2019). ISU history professors start scholarship for refugees. Retrieved May 24, 2019, from https://www.isu.edu/news/2017-spring/isu-historyprofessors-start-scholarship-for-refugees.html Institute of International Education. (2019). IIE Syria consortium for higher education in crisis. Retrieved April 12, 2017, from https://www.iie.org/Programs/SyriaScholarships Jones, J. M. (2019, February 22). Democratic states exceed Republican states by four in 2018. Gallup. Retrieved from https://news.gallup.com/poll/247025/democraticstates-exceed-republican-states-four-2018.aspx Kellerby, C. (2017). Navigating the free thinking zone: A symposium in Athens. Retrieved May 20, 2019, from https://www.idsva.edu/newsletter-fall-2017/2017/11/16/ navigating-the-free-thinking-zone-a-symposium-in-athens?rq=refugee Macquarie University. (2019). LEAP – Macquarie mentoring. Retrieved May 20, 2019, from https://www.mq.edu.au/about/about-the-university/offices-and-units/ wideningparticipation/the-leap-program/leap-macquarie-mentoring National Center for Education Statistics. (2018). Characteristics of degree-granting postsecondary institutions. The Condition of Education 2018. Retrieved from https://nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/pdf/coe_csa.pdf%5Cnhttp://nces.ed.gov/ pubsearch New England Commission of Higher Education. (2019). Roster of institutions. Retrieved June 20, 2019, from https://www.neche.org/about-neche/roster-of-institutions/ Northwest Commission on Colleges and Universities. (2019). Directory. Retrieved June 20, 2019, from https://www.nwccu.org/member-institutions/directory/ Northwest Nazarene University. (2019a). Art and design course description(s). Retrieved May 29, 2019, from https://catalog.nnu.edu/cas/course-descriptions/arde Northwest Nazarene University. (2019b). Location. Retrieved May 20, 2019, from https://location.nnu.edu/ Oldfield, J. (2017). U of T student helps arrange free eye exams for Syrian refugees. Retrieved November 16, 2017, from https://www.utoronto.ca/news/u-t-student-helps-arrangefree-eye-exams-syrian-refugees%0A Olivieri, S. (2018). Diversity on Jesuit higher education websites. Boston College. Plimpton, L., Freeman, K., & Roy, A. (2014). College-going in Maine: Data brief. Portland. Porter, T. (2016a, August 24). McKeen center orientation trips learn about immigrants and refugees, other social issues archives. Bowdoin College News. Retrieved from http://community.bowdoin.edu/news/2016/08/mckeen-center-orientation-tripslearn-about-immigrants-and-refugees-other-social-issues/

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Porter, T. (2016b, October 20). Refugees, xenophobia, and modern Germany are focus of Bowdoin Embassy grant archives. Bowdoin College News. Retrieved from http://community.bowdoin.edu/news/2016/10/refugees-xenophobia-and-moderngermany-are-focus-of-bowdoin-embassy-grant/ Radford, J., & Connor, P. (2016, December 6). Just 10 states resettled more than half of recent refugees to U.S. Pew Research Center. Retrieved from https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/12/06/just-10-states-resettled-morethan-half-of-recent-refugees-to-u-s/ Reid, S. (2017, October 16). How site search makes higher education websites more accessible. Retrieved June 29, 2019, from https://blog.swiftype.com/2017/10/16/ higher-education-site-search/ Schinkel, W. (2018). Against ‘immigrant integration’: For an end to neocolonial knowledge production. Comparative Migration Studies, 6(1), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1186/ s40878-018-0095-1 Scholars at Risk. (2019). Membership directory. Retrieved from https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/SAR-USAMembership-Directory-August-2019.pdf Southern Maine Community College. (2017). ESOL to EMT. Retrieved May 20, 2019, from https://www.smccme.edu/top-stories-jan-30-campus-connections/ Trow, M. (2007). Reflections on the transition from elite to mass to universal access: Forms and phases of higher education in modern societies since WWII. In J. J. F. Forest & P. G. Altbach (Eds.), International handbook of higher education (pp. 243–280). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-4012-2_13 UNESCO General Conference. (1960). Convention against discrimination in education. United Nations. UNHCR. (2019). Refugee education 2030. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/ 5d651da88d7.pdf United Nations. (1963). The universal declaration of human rights: A standard of achievement. Retrieved September 25, 2016, from http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.b4178245 United Nations General Assembly. (1966). The international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights. In Resolution 2200A (XXI). United Nations. https://doi.org/ 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217908.003.0001 United Nations General Assembly. (2018). Outcome of the conference. In Intergovernmental Conference to adopt the global compact for safe, orderly and regular migration. United Nations. Retrieved from https://undocs.org/en/A/CONF.231/3 University of Buffalo. (2019). Learn about UB – Print materials. Retrieved May 15, 2019, from http://www.buffalo.edu/internationaladmissions/reference/ub-fact-sheets--other-languages.html University of New England. (2014). Addressing health disparities: Orientation to health promotion and outreach for immigrant/refugee community. Retrieved May 29, 2019,

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from https://www.une.edu/calendar/2014/addressing-health-disparitiesorientation-health-promotion-and-outreach-immigrantrefugee-community University of New England. (2016). UNE and Maine area health education center network welcome new Mainers. Retrieved May 28, 2019, from https://www.une.edu/ news/2016/une-and-maine-area-health-education-center-network-welcome-newmainers University of Southern Maine. (2012). New Americans project final report finished. Retrieved May 29, 2019, from https://usm.maine.edu/research/new-americansproject U.S. Census Bureau Population Division. (2018). Annual estimates of the resident population for the United States, Regions, States, and Puerto Rico: April 1, 2010 to July 1, 2018. Retrieved from https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/ popest/2010s-state-total.html Welsh Refugee Council. (2015). Bake sale – Cardiff University. Retrieved January 16, 2017, from https://welshrefugeecouncil.org.uk/news/03122015-1355/bake-salecardiff-university Willis, B. (2018, October 10). Support refugees, go on a run. BYU-Idaho Radio. Retrieved from http://www.byui.edu/radio/support-refugees-go-on-a-run

section 3 Europe

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Higher Education Innovations in Response to the Needs of Syrian Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Germany and Elsewhere Natalie Borg

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Introduction

Since the Syrian conflict erupted in 2011, more than six million people have fled Syria in search of safety and opportunity. Syrian refugees and asylum seekers often have very few personal resources as they attempt to build new lives in foreign lands. While many needs of Syrian refugees and asylum seekers are humanitarian in nature, such as the need for housing, food, and health care, they also need access to education so they may experience the associated socioemotional and economic benefits. Although primary education has previously been the priority of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and governments in supporting refugees, higher education is a facet of support that has historically been undervalued as a method of support for communities in need (Rasheed & Munoz, 2016; de Wit, 2016). Fortunately, higher education is increasingly “being recognized as one of the best opportunities to assist integration and equip migrants with the skills they need for successful lives” (“Submission Call,” 2016, p. 201; Moutsios, 2009; Yavcan & El-Ghali, 2017). In 2012, Filippo Grandi of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), implored the international community to enhance support for those impacted by the Syrian crisis, stating: “Syria is the biggest humanitarian and refugee crisis of our time, a continuing cause of suffering for millions which should be garnering a groundswell of support around the world” (United Nations, 2016, n.p.). The European Union (EU) heeded that call to action and committed to dedicate 10% of its humanitarian assistance in 2019 to the education of those in emergencies and remains “a leading humanitarian donor in the area of education in emergencies, one of the most underfunded areas of humanitarian aid” (“Education,” 2019, n.p.). This chapter will explore the following question: in light of the call for access to quality education in support of Syrian refugees (“Higher Education,” 2018), how have higher education systems responded? In particular, this chapter focuses on Germany,

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though attention is also paid to other developments in the European Union (EU). This chapter will begin with a description of the geographic distribution of Syrian refugees and asylum seekers within the EU, followed by a short description of the Syrian higher education system before and after the conflict. Secondly, innovations within Germany will be featured, including those related to language skills, finances, and academic credentials. After that, innovations from EU member states other than Germany will be featured. Lastly, this chapter will conclude with recommendations for further areas of inquiry and considerations of potential upcoming challenges.

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Geographic Distribution of Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Europe

As of April 2019, it has been over eight years since the war in Syria began, and the impacts of the conflict have left over 13 million people, almost half of whom are children, in dangerous, uncertain circumstances (“Syrien,” 2018). More than six million Syrians have fled their homeland in search of refuge in the Middle East, North Africa, Europe, and North America (Connor, 2018; “Syria,” n.d.; “Syrien,” 2018). By 2018, Europe had received approximately one million Syrian asylum seekers or refugees since the conflict began (Connor, 2018). From 2013–2018, asylum seekers from Syria were more common in the 28 EU member states than asylum seekers from any other nation (“Asylum,” n.d.; “EASO,” 2019). When reviewing the citizenship status of first-time applicants for asylum in 2018, Syria was among the five-most common countries of citizenship in 17 member states (“Asylum,” n.d.). Among those 17 member states, Syrian citizens were the most common asylum seekers in Belgium, Germany, Cyprus, Malta, Netherlands, Sweden, Greece, and Austria (“Asylum,” n.d.). Germany received the greatest number of new applicants in 2018, (44,165) which accounted for 57% of all new Syrian asylum applicants, while Greece received the second greatest number (13,145), which accounted for 17% of all new Syrian asylum applicants (“Asylum,” n.d.). Approximately half of all asylum seekers within the EU are of traditional college age, between the ages of 18–34 (European Commission, 2019). Given the age range of this population, it is likely they could fit into any of the following categories: they have a degree that needs verification, they were enrolled in higher education in their previous country but did not complete, or they intended to enroll in higher education before they sought asylum (European Commission, 2019). As such, it is likely that a great number of Syrian refugee

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and asylum seekers have or will be seeking support from higher education systems across the EU as they attempt to build lives for themselves and their families. A review of the various national policy contexts within the EU found “that the majority of countries have no specific approach to integrate asylum seekers and refugees into higher education” (European Commission, 2019, p. 24). When EU member states were found to have broad-reaching initiatives to address the integration of asylum seekers and refugees, “they most frequently focus[ed] on linguistic support, financial support and guidance services” (European Commission, 2019, p. 24). This same review of national policy contexts found that Germany has been the most responsive member state of the EU, as it has integrated the higher education needs of refugees and asylum seekers in policies at the federal, regional, and institutional levels (European Commission, 2019).

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Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Germany

In 2015, German Chancellor Angela Merkel famously said, “wir schaffen das” (“we can manage”), in response to the rising refugee crisis, pledging €6 billion in support (Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018). Chancellor Merkel’s assumption of responsibility aligns with a statement from Frank-Walter Steinmeier in 2014 while he served as the German Foreign Minister, and who began serving as the President of Germany in 2017: We cannot allow the Syrian conflict to engender a lost generation. It is particularly young Syrians that will play a crucial role in rebuilding their country and deciding its future as soon as this terrible conflict is over. We want to help give this young generation a future perspective. (“Scholarship,” 2014, n.p.) As of March 2019, Syrians accounted for the largest group of people seeking protection in Germany, amounting to 515,235 individuals, 50% of whom were younger than 25 years old (“Migration Structure,” 2018; “Aktuelle Zahlen,” 2019; “Asylgeschaftsbericht,” 2018). In 2017 alone, the EU granted protection status to 175,800 Syrians, more than 70% of whom were received in Germany (Eurostat, 2018, p. 1). Over the course of the conflict, Germany’s growing population of Syrian refugees and asylum seekers has become the largest population of displaced Syrians in Europe, and the fifth-largest in the world (Connor, 2018).

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Syrian Higher Education before and during the Conflict

In the 15 years leading up to the conflict, there was a period of improvement within higher education in Syria “after decades of dictatorship and the absence of a culture of free speech and thinking” (Amiri, 2016, p. 20). During this time, the higher education system in Syria was “quite strong and accessible,” achieving gender parity and a rate of about 25% of Syrian young people participating in higher education during the 2010–2011 school year (King, 2016, pp. 10–11). However, the number of out-of-school adolescents ballooned in the first few years after the conflict erupted, increasing from 216,765 in 2011 to 979,378 in 2013 (Al Hessan, Bengtsson, & Kohlenberger, 2016, p. 4). Regardless of the declining participation rates, Syria’s young people were among the best educated in the Middle East, with a literacy rate of 86.4% in 2015, as the country had “achieved near universal primary education enrolment and a high rate of completed secondary education” prior to the conflict (Al Hessan et al., 2016, p. 1). At the time that the conflict erupted, Syria had an extensive network of higher education institutions, at which admission to an undergraduate program was dependent upon performance on a national exam. This network included 20 public and seven private universities, 200 technical/intermediate schools, and six higher institutes which were elite public universities that issued degrees up to the doctoral level, all of which were overseen by the Ministry of Higher Education (Al Hessan et al., 2016). Most higher education programs were administered in Arabic, but a number were administered in English and French and all instructors were required to hold a master’s degree or a Ph.D. (Al Hessan et al., 2016). Across the different higher education institutions, the public universities alone employed 7,500 Syrian academics (Al Hessan et al., 2016). Although the higher education system in Syria experienced a pre-conflict resurgence, the conflict has severely limited opportunities for students and academics in higher education. As of 2016, most of Syria’s private universities were closed, several of the five major universities were operating at a limited capacity, residence halls were being used to house internally displaced persons, approximately 100,000 Syrians were missing out on the opportunity to enroll in higher education, and approximately 20% of Syrian academics had left their positions (Alkoussa, 2017; King, 2016). Paul O’Keefe and Zsuzsanna Pásztor, editors of New Research Voices: International Journal of Research from the Front-line, which published a special edition in 2012 entitled “Syrian Academics in Exile,” lamented the loss of Syrian academia as a result of the conflict:

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Syrian academia is just one of the many casualties of the Syrian crisis. As the country slips further into chaos, a whole generation of education is in danger of being lost as hundreds of thousands of students and teachers flee the country and hundreds of thousands more lose out on the opportunity to avail of higher education. (p. 7)

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German Higher Education and Syrian Refugees and Asylum Seekers

The German higher education system has served as a model for scholars and policymakers for centuries, and it continues to serve as a model in regards to the integration of asylum seekers and refugees (European Commission, 2019; Perkin, 2007). The Federal Ministry of Education and Research oversees Germany’s higher education system, wherein Higher Education, Vocational Training, and Lifelong Learning have equal and separate branches within the organizational structure (Federal Ministry of Education and Research, n.d.). Although the German higher education system has its own challenges, one of its strengths is its investment in organizations and partnerships that serve to meet the needs of students who are refugees and asylum seekers, such as the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst or the “German Academic Exchange Service” (DAAD) and the UNHCR’s Deutsche Akademische Flüchtlingsinitiative Albert Einstein or the “Albert Einstein German Refugee Initiative” (DAFI), both of which have contributed innovations that will be featured later in this chapter. One challenge for those that wish to better understand the experiences of Syrian students in Germany, is Datenschutz, “Germany’s very strict data protection laws … which are even more restrictive than the Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) regulations in the United States” (Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018). While Datenschutz serves as a limitation to the thorough study of this population, DAAD was able to identify approximately 366,000 Syrian refugees living in Germany as of 2015/2016, half of whom were younger than 25 years old (Geist, 2017). Additionally, the German Rectors Conference was able to identify 1,140 refugees who were officially enrolled in German higher education as of 2017, a figure that constituted “a fivefold jump over six months earlier” (Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018, p. 285). In 2016, Dorothea Rüland, the secretary general of DAAD, estimated that approximately 30,000 to 50,000 refugees would be prepared to access German higher education within the next few years, thus it is imperative that German policymakers and practitioners identify how they can enhance the inclusion of Syrian students and

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how they can improve their practices and systems (Geist, 2017; Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018).

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Innovations in Germany

6.1 Academic Credentials Higher education institutions, academics, and students in Germany have several different mechanisms through which academic credentials can be verified, including Anabin, and the BQ Portal (“Informationsportale,” 2018). The websites for these resources have varying degrees of linguistic accessibility: the BQ portal is only available in German and the Anabin website is available in German and English (“Qualifikationen,” 2018). The BQ Portal has a page dedicated to helping employers assess the qualifications of refugees and includes resources to help employers understand that academic experiences of Syrian refugees, which could help connect Syrians mitigate the financial strain of their migration (“Qualifikationen,” 2018). Anabin caters to those who hold academic credentials that need verification, and includes country-specific instructions based on where credentials are earned, including for Syria (“Schulabschlüsse,” n.d.). If a student cannot access their academic credentials, as is the case for many Syrians who fled the conflict, Anabin can be used to verify their qualifications, after which universities can process them via “Uni-assist e.V. organisation, which is the credential service provider to universities” (Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018, p. 279). In addition to the verification process, these students take the TestAS, a scholastic aptitude test, and a German language proficiency exam (Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018). At the institutional level, several higher education institutions have adapted to enhance access for this population, including: offering on-site credential validation without original documents, offering open admission to refugees who meet specific qualifications, and opening access to online education platforms to eligible refugees (“Study in Germany,” n.d.; Unangst, 2017; Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018). Apolinarski and Poskosky (2013, as cited in Berg, 2018) stated that approximately one third of international students, a group that includes Syrian refugees and asylum seekers, arrive in Germany with a high school diploma and approximately one fifth of international students had to attend preparatory programs. These preparatory programs are a stepping stone to a non-credit earning pathway program, which require a B1 level of language proficiency, and provide students with further German language instruction and some

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subject-specific coursework. The trajectory from preparatory programs to pathway programs in pursuit of university admission is one example of the confusing bureaucratic process that Syrian refugees and asylum seekers have to navigate on their path to higher education enrollment in Germany (Berg, 2018). As of 2018, there were more than 6,000 refugees enrolled in “first-cycle” programs, and an additional 10,400 refugees enrolled in preparatory programs, a trend that supports Rüland’s projections regarding refugee enrollment in higher education (European Commission, 2019, p. 23). 6.2 Language Skills Syrian refugees and asylum seekers may seek to enter a variety of preparatory language courses, some of which may not be acknowledged by higher education institutions (Berg, 2018). Most Syrians who wish to enroll in a bachelor’s degree program must obtain a C1 level of proficiency in German, a process that can take several years (Hohberger, 2018). There is an enhanced, seemingly insurmountable expectation for those who wish to enroll in teacher training programs, who must earn a C2, which is the highest level of language proficiency as assessed by the Council of Europe (Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018; Berg, 2018; “Course Levels,” 2018). The German government and higher education system have recognized that language skills are a significant barrier for the mobility of Syrians and have invested in German-language learning initiatives such as Integra, onSET, and “Ankommen” (Arrival), which have been found to ease one’s transition into the German higher education system (Geist, 2017; Unangst, 2017; “Integrating Refugees in Higher Education,” n.d.; Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018). Integra, a DAAD program, was federally funded until 2019 with the goal of enhancing the integration of refugee students by providing German-language training for academically qualified refugees to expedite their path to applying for university (“Integrating Refugees,” n.d.). An additional language preparatory program is the online program onSET, which provides a “benchmark of a learner’s language skills and the corresponding level” for a fee of €25 (“onSET Deutsch,” n.d.). Although this test does not meet the standards required for entry to Germany universities, it can serve as a benchmark for those who have the funds to cover the cost as they attempt to meet the high standards of the German system (“onSET Deutsch,” n.d.). Lastly, the German government released an app in 2015 called “Ankommen” (Arrival) which is meant to smooth the transition process for asylum seekers and refugees as they enter the country and provide them with free individual language lessons and conversation partners.1

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6.3 Finances Germany’s higher education system is anomalous in that it remains largely free, with no tuition and limited administrative fees, but even seemingly nominal costs can serve as obstacles to Syrian students (Unangst & Streitwieser, 2018; Berg, 2018; Unangst, 2017; Altbach, Reisberg, & Rumbly, 2010). Although federal financial supports for Syrian refugees and asylum seekers are helpful, they do not remove all barriers to inclusion in higher education. Identifying this financial need, DAAD funded a regional initiative in an attempt to bridge that gap for those who wished to participate in higher education. This initiative served Syrian refugees in the North Rhine-Westphalia region of Germany, which welcomed more refugees than any other state from 2017–2018 (“Information,” n.d.). DAAD supported a unique funding program for many of the region’s universities that provided for study guidance, language preparation courses, and support during enrollment (“Information,” n.d.). In addition to national and regional funding schemes, several organizations provide scholarships that are accessible to Syrian refugees and asylum seekers who wish to study in Germany. DAAD operates a scholarship portal for Syrian students in Germany and provided scholarships to 5,542 Syrians in 2016 (“Syrien,” n.d.). However, these scholarships are not specific to Syrian students or other students with refugee backgrounds (“Information,” n.d.). DAFI, a joint initiative of the UNHCR and the German government, provides specific funding support to encourage the inclusion of refugees within higher education in their country of asylum (“The Other One Per Cent,” 2018). From 2014–2017, the DAFI program tripled in size, a phenomenon that is partly due to the Syrian conflict, providing scholarships to 2,528 Syrians across all countries of asylum in 2017 (“The Other One Per Cent,” 2018, p. 5). There is also a funding opportunity available to Syrian academics who wish to continue their academic work in Germany. Syrian academics can receive financial support from the Philipp Schwartz Initiative of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, which provides qualifying academics with a fully funded, two-year research fellowship, with the potential for a third year (“Philipp Schwartz,” n.d.). 6.4 Other Noteworthy Innovations DAAD’s “Welcome – Students Helping Refugees” program funds student assistants at various universities to facilitate the integration of refugees and asylum seekers (“Welcome,” n.d.). The students who are employed through this program provide a spectrum of support mechanisms for refugees and asylum seekers depending upon their experience and expertise, ranging from general language courses and mentoring, to legal counseling from law students and psychological services (“Welcome,” n.d.).

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Innovations across Europe

7.1 Academic Credentials One innovation that has the potential to make a significant difference across for refugees and asylum seekers across the EU who may have incomplete or limited access to their academic credentials is The Council of Europe’s European Qualifications Passport for Refugees (EQPR) (European Commission, 2019). The EQPR, which was first piloted in March 2017 and later recognized by the Lisbon Recognition Convention in November of the same year, is a twopart certification process that includes a self-assessment questionnaire and an interview with two of the 25 “qualified credential evaluators” (European Commission, 2019, p. 20; “What is the European Qualifications Passport for Refugees?” n.d.). The team of evaluators come from Armenia, Canada, Germany, Greece, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Norway and speak six languages: Arabic, Dari/Farsi, English, French, Italian, and Russian. As of 2019, the program had conducted 287 interviews and issued 281 EQPRS (European Commission, 2019). An issued EQPR includes several pieces of information that can help remove barriers for Syrian asylum seekers and refugees who wish to participate in higher education: highest achieved qualification, other achieved qualifications, languages (at a variety of skill levels), work experience, and membership in professional organizations (“What is the European Qualifications Passport for Refugees?” n.d.). Although the EQPR does not serve as a substitute for identification or educational documentation, nor does it guarantee admission to institutions of higher education, numerous EU member states have invested in the project, which has the support of the UNHCR. The program’s methodology has proven effective in the U.K. and Norway, so there is significant promise in the potential for this program to enhance the inclusion of Syrian refugees and asylum seekers in higher education across the EU. 7.2 Language Skills Erasmus+ offers free access to OLS (Online Linguistic Support) for Refugees, a language course for 100,000 refugees and migrants who wish to study their local language (“What is OLS,” n.d.). The 13-month long online program is hosted by higher education institutions across the EU and is scheduled to end in 2019. Similar to the onSET assessment in Germany, this program offers participants the opportunity to assess their abilities in the local language, although these assessments are free.

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7.3 Finances Another source of innovation befitting of the EU and its rich history of student unions is the European Student Union (ESU), which has funded initiatives in support of refugee students. The ESU is the umbrella organization for 45 National Unions of Students from 39 countries and, similar to the European University Association (EUA), represents the interests of their members to the EU. Since 2016, the ESU has run an annual small grants program called “Together, Moving Forward: Students and refugees uniting for integration in society and education.” Applicants are encouraged to “get the system ‘unstuck’” in the face of government inaction in support of refugees (“Together,” n.d.). The organization provides funds of €10,000 for student-led initiatives such as – France: Universités & Réfugié/Personal Academic Support and Orientation for Refugees – “advocates for the integration of refugees and asylum seekers into the formal higher education system through sustainable solutions” such as French language learning programs. (“UniR,” n.d.; “UniR Universités,” n.d.) – Germany: Nandu Trägerverein/Cast your voice – “The project aims to co-develop pathways and tools with newcomers studying in German Universities in order to better raise their voice in public discourses and reach civically relevant participation” (“Nandu,” n.d.). This initiative resulted in a handbook that can help others host political participation workshops for Syrian refugees and asylum seekers (“Cast,” n.d.). – Denmark: Foreningen Studenterhuset/Student Refugees: “working to further the access and success in higher education for refugees in Denmark” (“Foreningen,” n.d.). The organization operates two programs that serve to enhance the inclusion of Syrian refugees and asylum seekers in Danish higher education: the Application Café and BUDDIES program, both of which are student-driven (“Application Café,” n.d.) 7.4 Other Noteworthy Innovations One broad-reaching innovation that has the potential to enhance the support of refugees in higher education across the EU is the interactive “Refugees Welcome Map” from the European University Association (EUA) (“Refugees,” n.d.). The EUA represents more than 800 universities and rectors’ conferences that serve more than 17 million students, and serves as a voice to the EU in matters of higher education policy. Visitors to the EUA website can explore the interactive map or search by country, type of organization, type of initiative, and category. This initiative influenced the development of inHERE, a two-year project funded by Erasmus+ which used that data to develop four outputs: a catalog

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of good practices, recommendations, a series of webinars from October 2017June 2018, and guidelines for university staff. The “inHere Good Practice Catalog,” which is available in English, Italian, French, and Spanish, identified nine best practices in the service of refugees in higher education, including the provision of financial support for refugee students, language and bridging courses, and recognition of credentials (“Good Practice,” n.d.). At the time of this writing, the EUA is working with the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and COREIS Italiana on a project called “TandEM” (Towards Empowered Migrant Youth in Southern Europe) (“TandEM,” n.d.). EUA’s contribution to the project will be a comparative study of the needs of refugee students and barriers to their integration and success in higher education in the participating countries (Croatia, Cyprus, Greece, Italy, Malta, and Spain). Given that Syrians were the most common applicants for asylum in Cyprus, Greece, and Malta in 2017, TandEM is an opportunity to introduce innovations that could enhance the inclusion of Syrian refugees in countries where there is an identified need. In April 2019, the ESU accepted applications for members to participate in a task force to develop the “Together Moving Forward – Good Practices and Recommendations handbook” over the course of 2019 (“Task,” n.d.). The task force will be divided into four clusters: access to education/buddy programme, advocacy strategies and awareness-raising campaigns, inclusive practices in the community, and bridging education and work. It appears that the handbook will serve as an accountability measure for the projects funded by the “Together, Moving Forward” grants and as a method of identifying best practices from the work so that future applicants and interested parties may be able to benefit from ESU’s investments. As of the time of this writing, there was no anticipated release date for this handbook, but it will be interesting to compare the best practices identified by this student-led organization to the best practices identified by the professionals associated with the EUA in the inHERE program.

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Conclusion

The Syrian conflict has led to an unnaturally high rate of forced international mobility for Syrian students and academics, leading to enhanced levels of forced internationalization in the higher education systems that receive and support them (Ergin, de Wit, & Leask, 2019). Higher education has a unique opportunity to provide a positive intervention in an otherwise devastating time for Syria and its people. National systems, individual higher education

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institutions, and NGOs should utilize their power and resources to enhance opportunities for the inclusion of students that may otherwise have limited opportunities. Europe is uniquely poised to reap the benefits of a mass influx of academic and human capital. If the 28 member states could honor the U.N.’s call to action, they could become standard-bearers for how higher education can support the inclusion of students who are refugees and asylum seekers, and stymie the loss of a wealth of knowledge and skills in times of crisis. The results will likely be similar to those witnessed by Hohberger (2018) when visiting with Syrian students in Turkey: “the moment in which these students no longer felt stuck and became enrolled at a university was a moment that had changed their lives. It gave them hope, motivation, and optimism for their future” (p. 8).

Note 1 See http://ankommenapp.de/APP/EN/Startseite/startseite-node.html

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Asylum statistics. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statisticsexplained/index.php/Asylum_statistics#Citizenship_of_first-time_applicants:_ largest_shares_from_Syria.2C_Afghanistan_and_Iraq Asylgeschaftsbericht. (2018). Retrieved from http://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/ Anlagen/DE/Downloads/Infothek/Statistik/Asyl/201812-statistik-anlage-asylgeschaeftsbericht.pdf?__blob=publicationFile Berg, J. (2018). A New Aspect of internationalisation? Specific challenges and support structures for refugees on their way to German higher education. European Higher Education Area: The Impact of Past and Future Policies, 219–235. https://doi.org/ 10.1007/978-3-319-77407-7_15 Cast Your Voice: Fostering Civic Participation in Newcomers. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://cast-your-voice.de/handbook/ Connor, P. (2018, January 29). Where Syrian refugees have resettled worldwide. Retrieved November 26, 2018, from http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/01/29/wheredisplaced-syrians-have-resettled/ Course levels A1–C2 German Courses and German exams. (2018). Retrieved November 26, 2018, from https://www.goethe.de/ins/us/en/spr/kon/stu.html de Wit, H. (2016, March 11). Beyond the Syrian refugee crisis. University World News. Retrieved November 26, 2018, from http://www.universityworldnews.com/ article.php?story=20160309195957988 EASO: EU+ Asylum Trends 2018 Overview. (2019). Retrieved from https://www.easo.europa.eu/sites/default/files/EASO-2018-EU-Asylum-TrendsOverview.pdf Education in Emergencies (EiE). (2019, April 26). Retrieved from https://ec.europa.eu/ echo/what/humanitarian-aid/education-emergencies_en Ergin, H., de Wit, H., & Leask, B. (2019). Forced internationalization of higher education: An emerging phenomenon. International Higher Education, 97, 9–10. Eurostat, Eurostat Press Office. (2018, April 19). Asylum decisions in the EU [Press release]. Retrieved November 26, 2018, from https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/ documents/2995521/8817675/3-19042018-AP-EN.pdf/748e8fae-2cfb-4e75-a388f06f6ce8ff58 European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice. (2019). Integrating asylum seekers and refugees into higher education in Europe: National policies and measures (Eurydice report). Publications Office of the European Union. Federal Ministry of Education and Research. (n.d.). Organizational chart. Retrieved November 26, 2018 from https://www.bmbf.de/upload_filestore/pub/orgplan_eng. pdf Foreningen Studenterhuset/Refugee Students. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.esuonline.org/?project=foreningen-studenterhuset-refugee-students

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Perkin, H. (2007). History of universities. In J. J. F. Forest & P. G. Altbach (Eds.), International handbook of higher education (pp. 159–205, Vol. 18, Springer International Handbooks of Education). Springer. doi: 10.1007/978-1-4020-4012-2_10 Philipp Schwartz Initiative of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation. (n.d.). Retrieved November 26, 2018, from https://www.humboldt-foundation.de/web/philippschwartz-initiative-en.html Qualifikationen von Flüchtlingen [Qualifications of Refugees]. (2018). Retrieved November 26, 2018, from https://www.bq-portal.de/Anerkennung-für-Betriebe/ Qualifikationen-von-Flüchtlingen Rasheed, R. A., & Munoz, A. (2016). Higher education and peacebuilding – A bridge between communities? Journal of Peace Education, 13(2), 172–185. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/17400201.2016.1205003 Refugees Welcome Map. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.eua.eu/101-projects/541refugees-welcome-map.html Scholarship Programme for Syrian Students Launched. (2014, October 27). Retrieved from https://www.daad.de/presse/pressemitteilungen/en/31298-scholarshipsprogramme-for-syrian-students-launched/ Schulabschlüsse in Serbien [Graduation in Serbia]. (n.d.). Retrieved November 26, 2018, from https://anabin.kmk.org/no_cache/filter/schulabschluesse-mithochschulzugang.html#land_gewaehlt Study in Germany – Land of Ideas. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.study-in.de/ refugees/studying/requirements/missing-or-incomplete-documents_53732.php Submission Call: Migrant Students in Exile. (2016). New research voices. Institutional Journal of Research from the Front-Line, 1(2). Retrieved November 26, 2018, from https://newresearchvoicesdotorg.files.wordpress.com/2016/04/def-volume-ii-1604-2016-3.pdf Syrien [Syria]. (n.d.). Retrieved November 26, 2018, from https://www.daad.de/ laenderinformationen/syrien/en/ TandEM: Towards Empowered Migrant Youth in Southern Europe. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.eua.eu/101-projects/733-tandem.html Task Force: Together, Moving Forward Handbook. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.esu-online.org/?news=together-moving-forward-taskforce The Other One Per Cent – Refugee Students in Higher Education. (2018). Report. Retrieved https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/5bc4affc4.pdf#zoom=95 Together, Moving Forward. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.esu-online.org/wpcontent/uploads/2016/11/Call-for-projects_Final-1.pdf Unangst, L. (2017, January 18). Germany’s innovative strategies to enroll refugees. Inside Higher Ed. Retrieved November 26, 2018, from https://www.insidehighered.com/ blogs/world-view/germanys-innovative-strategies-enroll-refugees

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Unangst, L., & Streitwieser, B. (2018). Inclusive practices in response to the German refugee influx: Support structures and rationales described by university administrators. European Higher Education Area: The Impact of Past and Future Policies, 277–292. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77407-7_18 UniR (Universités et Réfugiés)/Personal Academic Support and Orientation for Refugees. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.esu-online.org/?project=unir-universites-etrefugies-personal-academic-support-and-orientation-for-refugees UniR Universités & Réfugié.e.s. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.uni-r.org/copy-ofaccueil United Nations, UNHCR. (2016, March 15). Syria conflict at 5 years: The biggest refugee and displacement crisis of our time demands a huge surge in solidarity [Press release]. Retrieved November 26, 2018, from https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/news/ press/2016/3/56e6e3249/syria-conflict-5-years-biggest-refugee-displacement-crisistime-demands.html Welcome – Students Helping Refugees. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.daad.de/ der-daad/fluechtlinge/infos/en/41993-welcome-students-helping-refugees/ What is OLS for Refugees? (n.d.). Retrieved from https://erasmusplusols.eu/en/ ols-for-refugees/ What is the European Qualifications Passport for Refugees? (n.d.). Retrieved from https://rm.coe.int/168070016d Yavcan, B., & El-Ghali, H. A. (2017). Higher education and Syrian refugee students: The case of Turkey (Report). UNESCO Regional Bureau for Education in the Arab States. Retrieved November 26, 2018, from https://website.aub.edu.lb/ifi/publications/ Documents/research_reports/20170703_turkey_syrian_refugee.pdf

chapter 11

Vocational Training, “Upskilling,” and Paths to Higher Education for Refugees: Insights from Germany and Sweden Narintohn Luangrath

1

Introduction

The inability to locate work is often identified as the most significant barrier to the social inclusion of refugees. Being low-income and without opportunities to interact with the native-born population can undermine newcomers’ integration (Phillimore & Goodson, 2006). Those touting the success of the U.S. refugee resettlement program, for example, often point to its emphasis on rapid employment and economic “self-sufficiency.” But can optimal economic integration be defined as new arrivals entering the labor market as quickly as possible – in any kind of work or sector – regardless of their education or experience levels? Others ask whether governments should prioritize re-certifying refugees’ qualifications, providing training and “upskilling” opportunities, and placing them in work closely commensurate to their education and experience levels, even at the cost of severely delaying their entry into the labor market. While this option may provide the benefit of a higher starting salary, could severely delayed labor market entry, and subsequent long-term unemployment, lead to deskilling and social exclusion? These are pressing questions in the context of current displacement crises worldwide, but they are particularly salient in EU Member States, which have seen over 1.8 million refugee arrivals since 2014 (Henley, 2018). A longstanding failure to answer these questions is partly attributable to the lack of intervention logic or “theory of change” in program designs: policymakers sometimes fail to articulate why they believe particular program components will improve refugees’ economic outcomes, instead opting for solutions that may be politically expedient, but not necessarily evidence-based (Ott, 2013, p. 24). Fundamental disagreements surrounding refugees’ impacts on host communities’ employment rates, GDP, and other economic indicators, combined with disagreements over the definition of “self-sufficiency,” muddle our understanding of the combination of services and educational opportunities needed © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_011

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to facilitate refugees’ labor market inclusion. It is this latter issue – educational opportunities – upon which this chapter will focus. Drawing upon a few of the nearly 70 interviews I conducted as a Fulbright-Schuman grantee during the 2016–2017 academic year, I will examine select vocational education, job training, and higher education initiatives designed to accommodate the education and training needs of refugees in Germany and Sweden. In particular, I will discuss Germany’s long-standing and well-regarded Vocational Education and Training (VET) program. I will also discuss recent initiatives from the tech sector in the country, including the emergence of coding schools like the ReDI School of Digital Integration, and Kiron, an online pathway to higher education for refugees. In Sweden, I will discuss the newly emergent Fast Track program, which combines “bridging” or upskilling courses with temporary work placements for refugees possessing skills in industries facing chronic labor shortages. The education and vocational training programs discussed in this chapter aim to facilitate refugees’ job readiness and labor market integration. Thus, in assessing these initiatives, I also problematize concepts like “economic self-sufficiency” and “self-reliance,” and detail the methodological challenges involved in interpreting causal links between refugees’ economic outcomes and the education and training programs discussed in this chapter. I conclude by arguing that while we should recognize and celebrate refugees’ educational and economic achievements, we should also critique the respectability politics that so often governs mainstream conversations surrounding refugee integration policies (Luangrath, 2019). Of course, educational initiatives like the ones discussed in this chapter can benefit refugee livelihoods, as early investment in vocational and higher education initiatives can better prepare and position refugees for jobs more closely commensurate to their experience. However, as researchers and advocates push back against claims that refugees are a drain on a host country’s economy, it is crucial to frame investments in education and training programs beyond purely economic calculations. Indeed, they are part of national governments’ humanitarian duties to assist refugees (Luangrath, 2019).

2 2.1

Germany

Vocational Education and Training (VET) Program and the Role of Small – and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs) While numerous education and job readiness programs for refugees have emerged in Europe in response to the 2015 “refugee crisis,” I will first turn my

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attention to refugees’ inclusion in Germany’s longstanding and well-regarded “dual-track” vocational education and training (VET) program. The VET program typically lasts three years and involves on-the-job training by mostly small—and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the skilled trades sector, spanning industries as diverse as engineering, information technology, manufacturing, construction, carpentry, and metalwork. Job training at local companies is supplemented by coursework and language training at a vocational school, hence the “dual” nature of the VET system. In a February 2017 interview at the Expert Council of German Foundations on Integration and Migration (Sachverständigenrat deutscher Stiftungen für Integration und Migration), a staff member noted that many young, recent refugee arrivals in particular may be good candidates for an education in the skilled trades that the VET system can provide (personal correspondence, 2017). Depending upon a trainee’s chosen occupation and region of employment, a typical starting salary in the VET program is around 450 to 800 Euros per month (Doughty, 2018), an unsustainably low salary for a refugee looking to support a family or to send remittances to relatives back home. Moreover, because the program takes around three years to complete, staff members interviewed at the German Economic Institute (Institut der deutschen Wirtschaft) in Cologne noted that it can be challenging to convince refugees to enroll in the VET system (personal correspondence, 2017). The skills developed and the certifications earned after completing the program can make refugees more “hireable” and attractive to employers in the future. However, interviewees at the Agency for Work, Social Welfare, Family and Integration (Behörde für Arbeit, Soziales, Familie und Integration (BASFI)) in Hamburg acknowledged that refugees may have immediate financial demands that make it challenging or even impractical to devote time to lengthy apprenticeship and coursework requirements (personal correspondence, 2016). Moreover, despite the technical skills developed during on-the-job training, difficulties surrounding language acquisition often still persist, delaying job placement and broader social integration (Davis, 2017). Referring refugees to the VET system can facilitate entry into steady, well-paying employment in the long-term. However, as vocational training is celebrated as a potential pathway for refugees to gain skills and credentials (Ehrhardt, 2018; Davis, 2017), and for employers to fill chronic labor shortages, we should remember to assess this option against the backdrop of existing institutional biases within the German education system. Persistent racial and ethnic disparities in the German education system, namely, in secondary school referrals1 among second-generation youth (Worbs, 2003; Fernandez-Kelly, 2012),

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and in vocational degree attainment (Schuller, 2018; Chadderton & Edmonds, 2015; Fernandez-Kelly, 2012), should compel researchers and policymakers to critically assess whether program referral and enrollment decisions are aligned with refugees’ academic interests and desires. Efforts should be taken to avoid further entrenching institutional discrimination, disadvantaging students from historically underrepresented groups trying to access a wide range of educational pathways. 2.2 Educational Pathways Emerging from the Tech and Startup Sector A thematic content analysis of interviews with government officials, representatives from private industry, and employment service providers about vocational training revealed how a strong emphasis on formal qualifications in Germany presented challenges for refugees seeking skilled employment. Some refugees possessed university degrees or undertook vocational training before arriving in Europe, for example, but lacked the documentation to certify their qualifications (Luangrath, 2019). Thus, discussions often centered around “traditional” education and training pathways, and the complexities involved in recertifying or “translating” refugees’ previous qualifications to their equivalents in the German system. While examining how refugees adapt to existing education and training pathways in Germany is important (Erhardt, 2018), I will now turn to examining educational initiatives emerging from the tech sector that seek to provide alternative credentialing pathways. In doing so, some of these initiatives have the potential to challenge rigid notions of what being “educated” or “qualified” look like in the German context (Luangrath, 2019). A recent Migration Policy Institute Europe (MPI Europe) report assessed the potential of coding schools across Europe and the United States, including the ReDI School of Digital Integration in Germany, to prepare refugees for software development jobs. The report noted that coding schools can provide a pathway for refugees to gain in-demand skills in the IT sector in a relatively short period of time, while bypassing some of the formal qualification barriers that often prohibit refugees from entering other occupations (Mason, 2018). Moreover, coding schools tend to suit a variety of learning styles: some programs are selfguided, while some are more structured and feature substantial contact hours between students and teachers (Mason, 2018). ReDI School in particular offers additional networking and mentorship opportunities for students in their coding program (Glennie & Benton 2016b). Online learning platforms not only facilitate pathways for non-degree credentials, but can also provide avenues for refugees to earn “traditional” university qualifications. For example, Kiron, a non-profit platform launched in

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Germany in 2015 provides free online courses in business, economics, computer science, mechanical engineering, social work, and political science (Gallico, 2017). After two years of online study, refugees can transfer to one of Kiron’s partner universities to continue studying towards a bachelor’s degree (Gallico, 2017). Thus, online learning programs like those offered by Kiron can prove crucial to “upskilling” refugees and familiarizing them with aspects of German higher education. New initiatives emerging from the tech and startup worlds can help mitigate barriers to education and work for refugees, especially those who are young and tech literate. The ones mentioned above are just a few of the many programs that have emerged in recent years in Germany and elsewhere. However, these initiatives are not without potential drawbacks. In a February 2017 interview at betterplace lab in Berlin, a staff member noted that the social tech community in Germany sometimes overestimated refugees’ digital literacy levels and underestimated the need to develop robust outreach strategies to reach refugees (personal correspondence, 2017). While there was a common understanding that refugees were frequent users of smart phones and were active on social media and communication platforms like WhatsApp and Viber, only a minority of refugees were actually going beyond these platforms in their dayto-day internet usage; most were not, for example, downloading other apps beyond the ones mentioned, or extensively searching the web for information (personal correspondence, 2017). Moreover, some programs, including coding schools, use English as their operating language. Thus, involvement in these programs may further entrench existing education and language inequities within refugee populations, as the young, highly educated, and English proficient will be advantaged (Glennie & Benton 2016b). Lastly, other new initiatives by the tech sector – including mobile phone apps intended to support job search activities or language acquisition, among other services – are sometimes developed without input from refugees, and consequently, do not meet their needs (Glennie & Benton, 2016a). Moreover, given concurrent concerns surrounding the “innovation turn” in the humanitarian industry (Scott-Smith, 2016), we should be similarly wary of viewing tech initiatives and the market as potential sources of economic “liberation” for refugees. While such initiatives can help some refugees earn degrees or relevant skills, we should scrutinize efforts that, as Scott-Smith puts it, “‘understates the state’ and ‘overstates the object’, promoting a vision of self-reliant subjects,” rather than focusing on how governments should promote more “substantive socioeconomic rights” for refugees (Scott-Smith, 2016, p. 2229).

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Sweden

3.1 Fast Track Program and Upskilling (Bridging) Courses Fast Track was introduced in 2015 to better match newly arrived refugees possessing in-demand skills with Swedish employers facing chronic labor shortages. Fast Track schemes currently exist for refugees seeking work in certain understaffed sectors, including the restaurant industry, early education, health, medicine, and social work, among other professions (Swedish Ministry of Employment, 2016). Fast Track is available to refugees granted residence permits, and who possess skills or qualifications deemed relevant to the aforementioned industries. Program qualification is determined prior to enrolment and is based on previous formal qualifications and/or skills tests, the latter of which are used to assess the skills of refugees arriving without formal documentation of their qualifications. An interviewee working at the Swedish Public Employment Service (PES) noted that Fast Track developed as a coordinated effort by the PES, relevant education and training agencies, trade unions and employer confederations, and private industry (personal correspondence, 2017). Program participants are provided with paid internships or temporary work placements commensurate with their qualifications or skills. For participants requiring additional education to close skills or knowledge gaps, PES offers “bridging” courses, in addition to opportunities for occupation-specific Swedish language study. Upon completion of the program, participants may be hired full-time by a company or organization within their chosen Fast Track sector. The PES invested 43.2 million Euros in Fast Track in 2018, up from 38.5 million Euros in 2016 (European Commission, 2018). More generally, the Swedish government has made refugees’ swift labor market entry a priority in its broader refugee integration policy agenda by investing more than 180 million Euros during the 2016–2019 period to support various resource-intensive, employment-focused education and training schemes for refugees and other new arrivals (European Commission, 2018). Given increased expenditures devoted to the Fast Track program, along with growing interest and enrolment, it is crucial to better understand the degree to which Fast Track’s various program components – especially its educational “bridging” courses – are facilitating employment opportunities for refugees and supporting their integration more broadly. However, given that the program has existed for a relatively short period of time (about four years, as of this writing), and only serves a limited set of industries (i.e., “skilled trades” industries with labor shortages), it is challenging to determine at this point the long-term impact of this combination

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of training, “bridging courses,” and work placements. Moreover, the PES staff member interviewed noted that Swedish employers – like employers elsewhere – depend upon references from previous employers or recommendations from current employees when evaluating prospective job applicants (personal correspondence, 2017). While Fast Track can potentially “level the playing field” for refugees who lack the industry contacts necessary to obtain employment, to what degree can Fast Track mitigate the social capital-rated challenges that refugees face navigating the Swedish labor market? What about refugees who possess skills or educational backgrounds that are not considered “in-demand”? Given a wide range of factors that affect refugees’ education and employment acquisition, the following section will detail some of the difficulties involved in assessing the degree to which the education and training programs discussed above serve refugees’ needs, as well as those of their host countries.

4

How Should We Assess Educational and Vocational Training Programs for Refugees? Difficulties measuring the benefits and drawbacks of educational or vocational training programs for refugees can be partly rooted in methodological and epistemological challenges involved in conceptualizing “success.” Is a program “successful” because the refugee participant gains employment and earns enough money after their program to no longer qualify for public benefits? After all, there are countless examples in Europe and elsewhere of refugees earning just enough to be deemed economically “self-reliant,” but still struggling to cover rent, food, and other household expenses. Of course, program evaluation challenges and questions about “success” are not unique to vocational training and education programs; notably, they also entrap aid programs operated by humanitarian agencies working in refugee camp settings (Jacobsen, 2002; Omata & Weaver, 2015). But when policymakers and program administrators lack clear definitions for what constitutes “successful” program results, such confusion also impacts how clearly we can draw links between the goals of an education or training program and refugees’ economic outcomes.

5

Cost, Methodological Confusion, and Data Availability Challenges

A lack of longitudinal data – including data capturing refugees’ pre-migration conditions – also undermine efforts to study the efficacy of social interventions

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(Bevelander, 2016). Other dynamics, including a refugee family’s intactness upon arrival, may also reveal the extent to which the strain of family separation can impact subsequent educational attainment and economic integration (Connor, 2010). Even when longitudinal data are available, government agencies often neglect to disaggregate their data, complicating attempts to discern how time in-country, gender identity, family size, age, country of origin, and other factors impact economic mobility (Bevelander, 2011). Most educational and economic livelihood programs were not developed with the expectation that evaluations would be conducted in the future, let alone take into account the data availability and psychosocial challenges mentioned above. Moreover, missing critical information – like clearly defined research questions or established outcome variables – further compound evaluation challenges (Bilgili, 2015). Additionally, programs that have emerged in recent years are usually too “green” for researchers to confidently assess their outcomes or enroll too few participants to generalize their findings. Adding to confusion, studies billed as program evaluations sometimes use qualitative methods, small sample sizes, and desk reviews (Jacobsen, 2014). Although these methods can help researchers identify promising practices (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh et al., 2012), or set the groundwork for future studies, the findings are largely descriptive (Ott, 2013). The prevalence of so-called “soft evaluations” makes it difficult to apply a methodological framework for assessing causality between an education or training program and labor market outcomes (Bilgili, 2015). At the same time, longitudinal studies and impact evaluations can be costly and time consuming. Amid a dramatic increase in refugee arrivals, program managers are often understandably reluctant to divert resources from program delivery to evaluation (Roob, 2014). Even when evaluations are performed, their results are often context-specific. After all, refugees’ outcomes “vary drastically across socio-economic class, gender, age, and geographic location on the baseline conditions of both the host and refugee communities” (Omata & Weaver, 2015, p. 3).

6

Ethical and Methodological Concerns Surrounding Evaluation Designs

In addition to the logistical, environmental, and program design challenges that complicate efforts to evaluate the effectiveness of educational or vocational training programs for refugees, I also argue that certain evaluation designs raise potential ethical concerns. Impact evaluations, for example, require a “counterfactual,” a control group that does not receive the “treatment” (i.e.,

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the program being evaluated) (OECD, 2006). In particular, randomized control trials (RCTs) – the “gold standard” for evaluating the effectiveness of interventions – require random participant assignment into treatment and control groups, and blindedness in experiments. Certainly, rigorous evaluations can provide insight into how well program components function and assist policymakers deciding whether or not to scale it up. However, it is often difficult to perform randomized experiments or establish a counterfactual in social science research settings involving refugees. There are also ethical issues to consider when setting up counterfactuals in refugee research contexts. Whereas biomedical researchers can develop and distribute a placebo to a control group that appears identical to the treatment group, this gets more complicated when studying the impact of, say, an educational or vocational training program on a refugee population. I would add that it may be unethical to deny or delay delivery of a service – the “treatment” – to a vulnerable population that is not only legally eligible for it, but if denied or delayed, may face severe adverse consequences. In the case of RCTs specifically, the potential harm involved in sacrificing participants’ rights to informed consent in an experiment is further heightened given the vulnerability of the subjects involved (Barrett & Carter, 2010). Qualitative information, including interviews and focus groups, can help inform both evaluation design and interpretation of quantitative data. Whether or not evaluations of education initiatives for refugees are conducted, researchers must be wary not to facilitate the creation of hierarchies of “good” or “bad” refugees based on those programs’ outputs (i.e., employment outcomes). While it is important to better understand how well a program or new initiative is serving refugees’ needs, performing cost-benefit analyses on refugee acceptance can focus policy conversations around refugees’ potential economic outputs, rather than on host countries’ humanitarian obligations to offer protection and to foster the social conditions under which refugees can thrive (Omata & Weaver, 2015). Investing in quality education and training programs for refugees can help facilitate long-term socioeconomic mobility and integration in a host society. However, overemphasizing the potential “payoffs” of those investments runs the risk of demonizing those refugees who “fail” to deliver the economic outputs expected. Certain experimental designs are invaluable tools for scientists working in environments they can control through their research design (Barrett & Carter, 2010). However, for those working in the social sciences or in government program offices, the complexities involved in human decision-making about enrolment in education or training programs requires contextualizing studies within the larger universe of constraints refugees face. Evaluation findings

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influence decisions to fund or cut aid programs and employment support services for refugees. Thus, carefully considering how control groups (if any) are developed, how affected behaviors are measured, and how to construct follow-up studies to evaluate long-term program effectiveness, are crucial to ethical research and policymaking (Jachimowicz, 2015).

7

Conclusion

This chapter explored the potential benefits of employment-related education initiatives for refugees by examining Germany’s longstanding VET program – which serves native-born Germans and immigrants alike – as well as new developments, such as coding schools and online pathways to higher education. This chapter also discussed Sweden’s Fast Track program, designed specifically for refugees possessing skills or qualifications in industries facing chronic labor shortages. In discussing these programs, however, we would be remiss to neglect scrutinizing their potential drawbacks. For example, some of the programs mentioned are targeted towards relatively advantaged groups of refugees, including those who are young, tech literate, or English proficient, as well as those already possessing skills or degrees “in-demand” in Swedish or German labor markets. Moreover, as national governments become increasingly interested in evaluating programs developed for refugees, it is important for researchers to scrutinize evaluation methods, “theories of change” underlying program development, and structural factors that can affect the causal relationship between education and employment outcomes. The creative education and training initiatives developed in Germany and Sweden, while commendable, will not completely resolve these countries’ labor shortages. Refugees often arrive without pre-existing professional or personal contacts and limited knowledge of the host country’s language (Luangrath, 2018). Long, dangerous migration journeys or prolonged stays in refugee camps can result in trauma, physical health problems, deskilling, and challenges adapting to host countries’ formal economies (Luangrath, 2018). More fundamentally, for refugees, concepts like “self-reliance” and social inclusion encompass much more than economic security (Luangrath, 2019). While we should certainly support education, skill-acquisition programs, or vocational training schemes developed in partnership with the private sector, we should not let national and local governments off the hook in addressing issues of broader social concern for refugees. After all, even the best educational programs or the most innovative private sector initiatives cannot eliminate systemic racial and ethnic discrimination in the labor market or replace

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the importance of supporting refugees as they learn the language of their host country (Luangrath, 2019).

Note 1 Worbs (2003) details the three school types or “streams” in the German education system: First, the Hauptschule, which imparts “a general education at the basis for practical vocational training”; second, the Realschule, “a secondary school leading to intermediary qualifications. It also prepares [students] for vocational training but, compared to the Hauptschule, with a broader spectrum of professions”; and third, the Gymnasium (grammar school), is “the most demanding form of secondary education. It usually lasts nine years and is simultaneously a qualification allowing pupils to take up studies at universities or Fachhochschulen, a type of higher technical college.” When comparing between autochthonous German students and students with immigrant backgrounds (e.g., second-generation Turkish youth), there are significant differences in referral and enrollment rates for the Gymnasium (Worbs, 2003).

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Jacobsen, K. (2002). Can refugees benefit the state? Refugee resources and African statebuilding. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 40(4), 577–596. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022278X02004081 Jacobsen, K. (2014). Livelihoods and forced migration. In F. Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, G. Loescher, K. Long, & N. Signona (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of refugee and forced migration studies (pp. 99–111). Oxford University Press. Luangrath, N. (2018, January 28). Hail the (refugee) maintainers: Economic inclusion and the refugee admissions program [Blog post]. Retrieved May 7, 2019, from https://www.law.upenn.edu/live/news/7782-hail-the-refugee-maintainerseconomic-inclusion/journals/jlasc/blog/post/index.php Luangrath, N. (2019, January 16). Redefining qualified: Education in the migration debate. Retrieved May 7, 2019, from https://www.ourworld.co/redefining-qualifiededucation-in-the-migration-debate/ Mason, B. (2018). Tech jobs for refugees: Assessing the potential of coding schools for refugee integration in Germany. Retrieved from https://www.migrationpolicy.org/ research/tech-jobs-coding-schools-refugee-integration-germany OECD. (2006, November). Outline of principles of impact evaluation. In International Workshop on Impact Evaluation for Development (Hosted by the World Bank and the DAC Evaluation Network). Retrieved from http://www.oecd.org/dac/evaluation/ dcdndep/37671602.pdf Omata, N., & Weaver, N. (2015). Assessing economic impacts of hosting refugees: Conceptual, methodological and ethical gaps. Retrieved from https://www.rsc.ox.ac.uk/publications/assessing-economic-impacts-of-hostingrefugees-conceptual-methodological-and-ethical-gaps Ott, E. (2013). The labour market integration of resettled refugees. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/5273a9e89.pdf Phillimore, J., & Goodson, L. (2006). Problem or opportunity? Asylum seekers, refugees, employment and social exclusion in deprived urban areas. Urban Studies, 43(10), 1715–1736. https://doi.org/10.1080/00420980600838606 Roob, N. (2014, June 2). The value of rigorous evaluation. Retrieved from https://ssir.org/ articles/entry/the_value_of_rigorous_evaluation Schuller, K. (2018). Trends in ethnic inequality in the attainment of vocational degrees: A cohort study in Germany. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 39(4), 483–500. https://doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2017.1375399 Scott-Smith, T. (2016). Humanitarian Neophilia: The ‘innovation turn’ and its implications. Third World Quarterly, 37(12), 2229–2251. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 01436597.2016.1176856 Swedish Migration Agency (Migrationsverket). (2018). The Swedish resettlement programme. Retrieved from https://www.migrationsverket.se/English/About-theMigration-Agency/Our-mission/The-Swedish-resettlement-programme.html

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chapter 12

Refugees’ Access to Higher Education in Ireland Michael Cronin, Clíodhna Murphy, David M. Doyle, Delma Byrne and Muiread Murphy

1

Introduction

This chapter sets out the situation with regard to refugees and higher education in Ireland. In doing so, it first provides an overview of migration patterns in Ireland, paying particular attention to the flow of refugees and asylum-seeking migrants. The chapter then moves on to consider the Irish legal framework for international protection, which sets out the conditions and entitlements (including education) that govern the international protection regime. We then consider the right to higher education in Ireland, focussing on the limited rights of refugees to higher education while highlighting recent developments and challenges. Finally, the chapter argues that the limitations placed on access to higher education for this cohort of potential students are highly problematic, particularly when viewed in terms of the need to facilitate refugees’ social and labour market integration.

2

Migration Patterns in Ireland

Ireland has historically been a nation of emigration. From the seventeenth century when large numbers of Irish Protestants emigrated to the United States, the numbers until the late twentieth century swelled. In the wake of the Irish famine (1845–1851) it is estimated that as many as one million Irish Catholics emigrated to the United States followed by a further six million before the end of the nineteenth century. In addition to the United States, Irish emigrants also found new homes across the British Empire. In the twentieth century, due to the lack of industrial modernisation in Ireland and the associated high levels of unemployment, there was constant outward emigration averaging at 20,000 per year with high peaks during the 1950s and 1980s. The Irish Republic remained an economically stagnant nation until the 1990s. From that point, a mix of government policy, a low corporate tax rate and a range of incentives brought many U.S. and European firms into the country. With the advent of booming information technology and pharmaceutical sectors, the Irish © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_012

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economy grew rapidly and, in 1996, Ireland ceased to be a nation of outward migration (Bielenberg, 2013; Glynn, Kelly, & MacÉinrí, 2013). Given the traditionally poor performance of the Irish economy, its isolationist view of the world and apparent mono-culture (its population was white, Catholic and Irish), there is little evidence that Ireland, despite its historic support of charities in the developing world, was a welcoming recipient of refugees. Indeed, Ireland has been criticised for its poor response to the plight of European Jews during the years of Nazi genocide. The Irish Embassy in Berlin stated, in 1936, that: “As far as possible the legation has discouraged such persons [Jews] from going to Ireland, as they are really only refugees: and it assumes that this line of action would be in accordance with the Department’s policy” (Scally, 2017, n.p.). There was little shift in this attitude towards refugees throughout the twentieth century and refugee status determination procedures were only put in place in the latter part of the twentieth century (Thornton, 2014). After the communist takeover of Vietnam in 1975, and the ensuing refugee crisis symbolised by the boat people, for instance, Ireland agreed with the United Nations Commissioner of Human Rights to accept only 212 of those displaced from Vietnam. One of the main arguments used by the Irish government to justify the small number of Vietnamese refugees it was prepared to house was that the national economy was stagnant (Maguire, 2004, pp. 41–46). At the time, Vietnamese children were educated in mainstream schools without additional educational support. In the 1990s, with the rise of the Irish economy (christened by economists as the Celtic Tiger), the wealth of the nation grew dramatically until the financial collapse of 2008. During that period of boom the Irish State became, for the first time in its history, attractive to economic migrants in response to widespread skill shortages in the Irish economy. From the mid-1990s until 2004, the majority of immigrants into Ireland came from European Union (EU) nations (approximately 204,000 people arriving in a decade) with 2% of immigrants arriving from the United States (Central Statistics Office, 2009). With the enlargement of the EU in 2004, Ireland was a favoured destination for many people choosing to leave Poland, Lithuania and Latvia in particular. The numbers that entered the State were nothing that Ireland had seen before. Following the 2001 Census, when less than 2% of the population was defined as non-Irish, the picture changed dramatically. By 2006, 420,000 people or 10% of the population was non-Irish. By 2016, despite the economic downturn and the contraction of the Irish economy, the numbers of non-Irish stood at 535,475 people. The largest groups were the Polish (211,515), U.K. (103,113), Lithuanian (36,552) and Romanian (29,186) nationals (Gilmartin, 2012, p. 4; Central Statistics Office, 2016). Due to EU law, all these individuals were legally entitled

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to enter Ireland and avail of the rights held by Irish citizens. The rise in immigration was largely drawn from EU countries, but over the period there was a significant increase in non-EU immigrants, including workers on short-term permits, asylum seekers and students. The modest immigration flow from outside the EU accounted for only 15% of the gross flow in 2006 (Smyth, Darmody, McGinnity & Byrne, 2009). The inflow of displaced persons into Ireland has been much lower than in many EU member states – regularly less than 1% of all first instance asylum applications across the EU, and until recently the nationality of asylum applicants to Ireland has differed compared to the rest of the EU (Arnold, Ryan & Quinn, 2018). The number of applications for asylum made in Ireland increased from just over 39 in the early 1990s to a high of almost 12,000 in 2002 to over 3500 in 2018 (Eurostat, 2019) . Prior to 2004, all non-EU citizens required work permits to work in Ireland. Given the large changes in the numbers of non-Irish nationals living in Ireland over time, it is notable that this has not resulted in the rise of an anti-immigrant political party as elsewhere in Europe (Loxbo, 2014). Yet, there have been well documented cases of racism aimed at immigrants (including school children) recorded in the national press such as the Irish Examiner (Hough, 2009) and The Irish Independent (Donnelly, 2019). In Ireland during this period, policy areas, such as education, have struggled to adapt given the historic tradition of Church control of schools. That said, the greatest change in the conception of what it meant to be an Irish national came in 2004. Prior to that date, any child born on the island of Ireland, irrespective of the status of their parents as citizens or otherwise, had an automatic right to Irish citizenship. In 2004, a referendum was held that asked people to vote on whether or not that rule could continue) (Ní Mhurchú, 2011). In the event, 79% of voters decided that the law must be changed and, from 2004, citizenship was restricted to only those children born in Ireland who had at least one parent who had a legal right to Irish citizenship (Referendum Commission, 2004). Ireland had, because of the transformation of its economy and the enlarged membership of the EU, become very open to economic migrants. However, the Irish State has pursued policies which, many argue, have made life incredibly difficult for refugees arriving in the country. In 2000, Ireland introduced a system called direct provision as a means to deal with reception conditions for asylum seekers. What this meant in practice was that individuals and families entering Ireland as refugees would be placed in state provided centres where they would live while awaiting a decision on their status. The direct provision system has been regularly criticised (Loyal & Quilley, 2016; O’Reilly, 2018). In October 2018, 5,928 people were housed in 38 centres across the country and

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by the end of January 2019, 6,355 people were in direct provision (Irish Refugee Council, 2019). Rather than their cases being dealt with efficiently, and within the government’s target of six months, the average stay of a refugee in direct provision, before a decision was made on their case, was 23 months. Prior to a decision in 2017, those living under direct provision were not allowed to work but were paid an allowance by the state of €21.60 per week on which they had to live (Pollak, 2018). Research conducted on the educational opportunities of children and young people living in direct provision highlights that “life in Direct Provision is not conducive to active participation in education and limits children from taking full advantage of their school experiences to reach the full potential as prescribed by The Convention on the Rights of the Child” (Arnold, 2012, p. 26). That is, life in direct provision limits full engagement with schools and local communities, given that parents do not have the economic means for full participation in community life. Research conducted in schools in 2007 found that one-third of schools with migrant students also had some refugee children in attendance and approximately one-fifth had children who were seeking asylum (Smyth, Darmody, McGinnity & Byrne, 2009). In the study, principals in these schools had a heightened awareness of the inadequacies of the education system in meeting the needs of a diverse body of students. When compared to principals of schools that did not have refugee or asylum seeking students, they expressed greater concern regarding limited access to language services, to pre-service education for teachers, the suitability of the curriculum, textbooks and teaching materials, and they were less likely to consider the Irish education system as sufficient preparation for living in a multicultural society. Furthermore, difficulties have been documented regarding accessing schools, accessing transportation to school services, limited space for children to do homework and the cost of textbooks, associated materials and uniforms in Ireland (Doyle, Muldoon, & Murphy, forthcoming).

3

The Irish Legal Framework for International Protection

Ireland’s domestic legal framework for international protection has been shaped by international and European Union (EU) law obligations. Irish refugee law is based on the 1951 U.N. Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, to which the State acceded in 1956. The refugee protection regime was initially implemented on a relatively ad hoc basis through administrative procedures (Fraser & Harvey, 2003) but was put on a legislative footing through

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the Refugee Act in 1996, reflecting the increase in asylum applications from the early 1990s onwards (Gilmartin, 2015). Ireland has also opted into binding EU instruments on international protection, notably the Qualification Directive 2004; the Asylum Procedures Directive 2005; and, most recently, the Reception Conditions Directive 2013. The Qualification Directive, in particular, necessitated significant changes in Irish law, with its establishment of ‘subsidiary protection’ status to supplement traditional refugee protection under the 1951 Convention (McAdam, 2007). The current framework is governed by the International Protection Act 2015 (‘2015 Act’). ‘International protection’ is the umbrella term for the statuses of refugee and beneficiary of subsidiary protection. This Act provides for a single procedure, whereby individuals apply at the outset for ‘international protection,’ and eligibility for refugee protection and subsidiary protection are considered at the same time. Applications are examined, at first instance, by the International Protection Office (IPO, within the Department of Justice and Equality), with the possibility of appeal to the International Protection Appeals Tribunal (IPAT, an independent body). The final determination is handed down by the Minister for Justice and Equality, who is constrained by the statute to implement the decision of the IPO and the IPAT in relation to international protection (except in certain limited circumstances). An applicant who is unsuccessful in their claim for international protection may nonetheless be granted ‘permission to remain’ by the Minister on the basis of factors such as, the applicant’s family and personal circumstances and his or her right to respect for private and family life. The determination of the Minister may only be challenged by way of judicial review in the High Court, which is a process review of the decision rather than a review of the merits. Judicial review in international protection cases is subject to strict time limits and an enhanced threshold test for leave to have the case heard in court as outlined in the Illegal Immigrants (Trafficking) Act of 2000 (Irish Statute Book, 2015). Current mechanisms for relocation and resettlement – designed to respond to the ‘refugee crisis’ of recent years – sit alongside and feed off the main protection framework. The Irish Refugee Protection Programme (IRPP) was established by Government decision in 2015 and provided that Ireland would receive up to 4,000 persons through a combination of relocation and resettlement. Under relocation, Ireland accepts the transfer of asylum seekers from another EU member state (Italy or Greece) and examines their protection application under domestic rules once the relocation has taken place. In contrast, ‘resettled’ refugees come to Ireland with their status already determined, as ‘programme refugees.’ This continues the long-established (although

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relatively small) refugee resettlement programme which has been in place in Ireland since Hungarian refugees arrived in 1956. Finally, the State is currently operating a ‘humanitarian admissions programme’ which allows family members of beneficiaries of international protection to apply to join their relatives in Ireland (with a cap of 530 admissions under the scheme) (Department of Justice and Equality, 2019).

4

Who Qualifies as a Beneficiary of International Protection?

The 2015 Act confirms that a person at the frontier of the State, or who is in the State, may apply for international protection, regardless of whether they are unlawfully present in the territory (Irish Statute Book, 2015). In line with the 1951 Convention, a refugee is defined as a person, who is not excluded from benefiting from refugee protection, and who: … owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership of a particular social group, is outside his or her country of nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself or herself of the protection of that country, or a stateless person, who, being outside of the country of former habitual residence for the same reasons as mentioned above, is unable or, owing to such fear, unwilling to return to it. (Irish Statute Book, 2015, p. s. 2) Importantly, EU citizens are not excluded in principle from refugee status in Ireland. The decision-making authorities, the appeals tribunal and the courts draw on a wide variety of sources in interpreting the refugee definition, including the Refugee Convention; outputs of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR); jurisprudence of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR); and EU Law (Brazil, 2009). Subsidiary protection is secondary to refugee protection and assists those who fear serious harm but cannot show a nexus between this harm and a Convention reason. The status reflects developments in the concept of non refoulement in international human rights law, and in particular, under Article 3 of the ECHR. Under Irish law, a person entitled to subsidiary protection is a non-EU citizen, who does not qualify for refugee protection, and who can demonstrate ‘substantial grounds’ for believing that they would face ‘serious harm’ if returned to their country of origin. Section 2 of the 2015 Act defines ‘serious harm’ as:

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death penalty or execution, torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment of a person in his or her country of origin, or serious and individual threat to a civilian’s life or person by reason of indiscriminate violence in a situation of international or internal armed conflict … (Institute of Public Administration, 2015, p. s. 2).

Entitlements of Beneficiaries of International Protection

Section 53 of the 2015 Act provides for an identical set of rights for those with refugee and subsidiary protection status. Beneficiaries of international protection are afforded broadly equal treatment with Irish citizens in respect of the right to seek and enter employment in the State; the right to carry on any business, trade or profession in the State; access to education and training; access to medical care and social welfare benefits; and the right to travel. They will be granted residence in the State for at least 3 years which is renewable, unless there are compelling reasons of national security or public order not to do so, or if the person ceases to qualify for protection (Irish Statute Book, 2015, s. 54). Beneficiaries may apply to the Minister for Justice and Equality for permission for certain members of their family to enter and reside in the State. The entitlement to family reunification has caused some controversy in recent years, as the 2015 Act narrowed the statutory eligibility to immediate family members and provided that applications must be made within 12 months of the grant of protection (Institute of Public Affairs, 2015). The Court of Appeal recently found that refugees who subsequently become Irish citizens lose the statutory entitlement to reunification and are subject to the same discretionary administrative regime as other Irish citizens (O’Loughlin, 2019).

6

Reception Conditions

Much legal and political debate has centred around reception conditions for applicants for international protection. The system of direct provision is based on administrative arrangements and is not provided for in legislation. In CA and TA v Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, the system of direct provision as a whole survived the scrutiny of the High Court when Mac Eochaidh J concluded that there was not enough evidence that the conditions and duration of asylum seekers’ stay in the system breached human rights

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(Thornton, 2014). Nonetheless, some aspects of the rules for running accommodation centres were struck down by the Court. The right to seek work for international protection applicants has been a key contentious issue. Prior to 2017, Ireland was out of step with its EU member state neighbours in imposing a complete prohibition on asylum seekers working. In a landmark judgment in NHV v Minister for Justice and Equality, however, the Supreme Court struck down this longstanding legislative prohibition. The Court, in a judgment delivered by O’Donnell J, found that non-citizens had a constitutional freedom to seek employment in Ireland (although that could be limited), and that the complete legislative ban was incompatible with the Constitution (Thornton, 2014). This decision is significant because it found that non-citizens (including asylum seekers) are covered by constitutional rights, where it can be said that a particular right ‘goes to the essence of human personality.’ As a consequence of this judgment, the Government opted into the Reception Conditions Directive (which is transposed by way of European Communities Reception Regulations in 2018), thereby bringing the reception system in Ireland under statutory regulation for the first time. Finally, the denial of child benefit to those living in direct provision was contested through litigation in 2017. Agha and Osinuga v Minister for Justice and Equality (NHV v Minister for Justice [2017] IESC 35, para 13) concerned two joined appeals from High Court decisions relating to the refusal of child benefit for the children of asylum seekers living in direct provision. The child applicant in Osinuga was an Irish citizen from birth, but lived in a direct provision centre with her mother, who was an asylum seeker. The appeal in Agha centred around a child who had been recognised as a refugee but lived with his parents in direct provision. The Court of Appeal found that the parent of the Irish citizen child was entitled to receive child benefit from birth, on the basis of the equality guarantee in Article 40.1. Victoria Osinuga was treated differently to all other Irish citizen children in respect of access to child benefit, in a manner that could not be objectively justified. However, the Agha family were not entitled to receive child benefit in respect of their non-citizen refugee child. Hogan J, delivering the judgment of the Court of Appeal, observed: The difference, therefore, between the position of Victoria on the one hand and Daniel on the other so far as the constitutional issue is concerned can be summed up by one word, namely, citizenship …. [S]ubject only to the EU law point, the Oireachtas is generally free to condition the making of social security payments to non-citizen residents which would not be constitutionally acceptable in the case of residents who are also citizens. (NHV v Minister for Justice [2017] IESC 35, para. 13)

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The Right to Higher Education in Domestic and International Law

Various human rights instruments address the right to higher education (Ssenyonjo, 2009, p. 384). Article 28 of Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights refer to the right to higher education (van Dijk, van Hoof, van Rjin, & Swaak, 2006, pp. 897–905), while Article 13(2)(c) of the ICSECR establishes “the right to higher education as a legally binding norm, obligating parties to make higher education ‘equally accessible to all, on the basis of capacity’” (Kotzmann, 2017, p. 20). The capacity requirement is also present in the CRC and Article 4(a) of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) Convention against Discrimination in Education, but the obligations under the former are “less strong than the ones under the equivalent article in the CESCR, which imposes an obligation on States Parties to take steps in order to make higher education free of charge” (Verheyde, 2006, pp. 22–23). According to Beiter (2006), these “instruments have been adopted to address the specific needs, including those of an educational nature, of refugee and stateless persons, of internally displaced persons, and of persons caught up in armed conflict” (p. 88). The improvement of access to higher education for refugee young people was also a key facet of the UNHCR’s Education Strategy 2012–2016, while higher education featured as an important topic in thematic discussions in Geneva (October 2017) in the lead up to the drafting of a Program for Action to implement a Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) from 2018 onwards, which is argued to be a positive step towards ensuring better access. This process strengthens the UNHCR’s existing efforts to make higher education an attainable goal for people with lived experiences. The (non-binding) Global Compact on Refugees – which Ireland, along with 179 other countries, signed in 2018 – expressly deals with the issue of education, stating: States and relevant stakeholders will contribute resources and expertise to expand and enhance the quality and inclusiveness of national education systems to facilitate access by refugee and host community children (both boys and girls), adolescents and youth to primary, secondary and tertiary education. (Global Compact on Refugees, 2018, para. 68) Higher education is “unique in that there is no general consensus that all individuals are entitled to higher education” (Kotzmann, 2017, p. xx). Article 42 of the Irish Constitution (1937), in contrast to the abovementioned international provisions, does not provide for a specific right to higher or further education (Glendenning, 2012), but the Irish courts have recently grappled with the

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question of whether there is an unenumerated Constitutional right of access to higher education. In the landmark case of Carter v The Minister for Education and Skills & Ors, the applicant sought to review Leaving Certificate Examination scripts after she had been short points for admission to a veterinary medicine course in University College Dublin (UCD) (Carter v The Minister for Education and Skills & Ors [2018] IEHC 539). The Court made an order on 26 September 2018 that required the applicant’s appeal to be determined by 28 September 2018. That order was complied with and as a result the applicant’s business paper was upgraded to a H1. That, in turn, resulted in an offer of a place in veterinary medicine in UCD for 2018–2019 being made, which the applicant accepted. Thus, she was able to join her chosen class, a month late. In the High Court, Humphreys J held that: … most fundamentally in this context, the right to access higher education is provided for in international law, and there is no compelling reason to acknowledge only some scaled-down, bonsai version of rights for Irish citizens. If a right to access to higher education and training is recognised as a separate right both in International and European law, there does not seem to be a compelling need to conceptualise it differently for the purposes of the doctrine of unenumerated rights under the Irish Constitution. (Carter v The Minister for Education and Skills & Ors [2018] IEHC 539) The Court concluded that any procedure for admission to higher education or vocational training must not unfairly interfere with the substance of the applicant’s rights. An appeal was brought which challenged the findings of the High Court of a constitutional right of access to higher education, which they argued were made in error and have significant implications for the system of admission to third level education, the rights of students and the obligations of the appellants. The Court of Appeal held that the judge had “at the very least created an ambiguity as to whether he made a finding of a stand-alone constitutional right of access to higher education” and concluded that he had in fact made “a finding that there exists a constitutional right of access to higher education either as a stand-alone right or one flowing from the right to earn a livelihood” (Carter v The Minister for Education and Skills & Ors [2019] IECA 162. The Court of Appeal held that the trial judge was in error in making a finding that there exists an unenumerated constitutional right of access to higher or vocational education when such relief was never claimed. However, the Court of Appeal declined to express any view on whether such a right exists as it

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was not claimed by the respondent nor were the parties who were necessary to be heard on such an issue before the court and as such, it should not have formed any part of the High Court judge’s decision. If a constitutional right to higher education were to exist in Ireland, its extension in principle to non-citizens (including applicants for and beneficiaries of international protection) would depend on whether it is considered to be essential to the development of human personality, as outlined above.

8

Refugees and Higher Education in Ireland

As briefly mentioned above, the wake of the refugee crisis that stemmed from instability in Syria and the Middle East, the Irish State agreed, in 2016, to accept 4,000 people under the EU’s Relocation and Resettlement Programme (Pestova, 2017, pp. 45–47). By March 2018, according to figures reported to the Dáil on 24 April 2018, 1,022 people had entered Ireland under this scheme, moving directly from refugee camps in Greece (Dail Debates, 2018). These people were not housed under direct provision but instead in Emergency Reception and Orientation Centres (EROCs) from which they could either apply for refugee status and therefore enter direct provision, or else if they had refugee status before arriving in Ireland, would be assisted to find a home and employment. For children (i.e. those under 18) in direct provision or in EROCs, education is compulsory and free primary and secondary education is provided. Yet, it is clear that Irish government policies on settlement, coupled with limits around financial and language learning resources, reduce the possibilities for students from refugee and asylum-seeking backgrounds to participate in higher education. As in other institutional contexts, the scope for educational development is limited by the long-term uncertainty about visa/residential status for extended periods of time, as well as limiting exposure to English language support (which was reduced during the recessionary years) and economic poverty. Further stratifying the social rights of ‘citizens’ and ‘non-citizens,’ as non-citizens are in an effective status limbo, it was decided by the government that from 2000 asylum seekers and some refugees or their children could not access ‘free’ or ‘supported’ higher education. Currently, only refugees with a Stamp 4 visa and resident in Ireland for at least three of the last five years can apply for a grant to cover the costs of higher education. Yet despite the positive participation of schools and the motivation of many of these pupils to succeed academically, the most significant barrier of access to higher education is financial. Until recently, legislative prohibition on asylum-seekers seeking or entering employment meant that most were also excluded from the majority

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of further education and training options (Ní Raghallaigh & Thornton, 2017). In a poignant submission to Joint Committee on Public Service Oversight and Petitions on 22 October 2014, Pako Mokoba highlighted this situation: Children after completing their, after completing their secondary schools, they live in limbo. They are not allowed to process to, to proceed to third level. And it frustrates them because some of the kids are “A” students. They are doctors. They are engineers, who are not given opportunity and Ireland will bring somebody from outside to take those position while the people who qualify for those position are there and are in the system and are not doing anything. Not because of their choice. Because they are not allowed to do anything. (Joint Committee on Public Service Oversight and Petitions, 2014, p. 14) The Irish Times “Lives in Limbo” series (2014) also addressed this frustration, pointing out that the only alternative for these children is to pay the prohibitively high fees charged to international students. In 2015, the Minister for Education, Jan O’Sulllivan, addressed this problem at the Teacher’s Union of Ireland annual congress where she acknowledged that the high fees faced by asylum-seeker pupils effectively excluded them from third level education (O’Brien, 2015). She indicated that from September 2015, school leavers from direct provision centres who have been in the Irish education system for five years and met certain criteria, were allowed to apply for a grant to continue their studies under the Pilot Support Scheme. In 2019, this was changed to allow for international protection applicants (who have been in the asylum system for at least three years) to apply for the grant after three years in the education system. The Scheme provides for fee grants and maintenance grants under certain specified conditions. However, children in the protection process are still not automatically entitled to free third-level education and it has been argued that the scheme, because it expected such an extensive engagement with the school system, was restrictive and that the majority of those who might apply, in fact, failed to meet the criteria. By 2018, only 5 out of 59 applications for support under the Pilot Support Scheme had been successful (O’Brien, 2015). In an attempt to block the logjam of asylum seekers and refugees who wished, but were unable, to access higher education, a number of Irish third level institutions have recently been designated as Universities of Sanctuary, which offer scholarships to asylum seeker students as part of the Universities of Sanctuary Ireland initiative. National University of Ireland (NUI) Galway and Maynooth University are also seeking similar status and Trinity College Dublin had begun its own system of entry allowing four scholarships for

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refugees and asylum seekers. Essentially what the Universities in Ireland have achieved is to stop classifying refugees living in Ireland as overseas or international students, and instead charge no fees and offer additional supports. Yet, as discussed below, research has begun to emerge which documents the struggles of those attending higher education. This is compounded by the lack of attention to refugees in policy documents and commitments to education in the Irish context. Thus, compared to other European countries, there is very little signposting from policy regarding the role of higher education in facilitating the broader social integration of refugees and asylum-seekers living in Ireland (Brooks, 2018). Furthermore, there is little research, perhaps because of the small numbers involved, in the Irish context on the experiences of refugees or asylum seekers in the Irish higher education system. The Higher Education Authority’s National Plan for Equity of Access to Higher Education 2015–2019 states that “access to higher education should be available to individuals independent of socio-economic disadvantage, gender, geographical location, disability or other circumstances” (p. 34.) but early accounts from research in the field suggest that the experience of refugees is economically precarious given that State supports for higher education do not meet the full costs of attending such institutions. Furthermore, for lone parent refugees or asylum-seekers, the experience is full of uncertainty because of limits in higher education and childcare policy (Byrne & Murray, 2017). The importance of education in protecting the physical and cognitive well-being of refugees has been well documented (Jack, Chase, & Warwick, 2019), but “refugee students must overcome enormous barriers to get to university, with just 1% of refugee youth achieving this goal, compared to 36% of young people globally” (UNHCR, 2018, p. 3). Ireland, nonetheless, has experienced complex legal, historical and policy challenges when grappling with the requirement to provide services for refugees, including access to higher education. Recent jurisprudence – not to mention the introduction of governmental and university schemes in this area – are welcome developments, but they have failed to clarify the rights of refugees to access higher education or the corresponding duties owed by the State in this regard. These issues must be addressed as refugees “hold strong aspirations” for higher education (Mangan & Winter, 2017, p. 490).

9

Conclusion

In a country which sends more school leavers to third-level education than many of its European neighbours (Central Statistics Office, 2018), the constraints on meaningful access to higher education for asylum seekers and

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refugees have serious implications both in terms of social integration and access to the labour market. As this chapter has shown, the higher education prospects of those seeking refuge and asylum in Ireland are limited by both the Irish solution to applications for international protection (direct provision), and the conditions of eligibility for support for those seeking to access higher education. The analysis has highlighted the starkly treatment of asylum seekers and refugees, which is especially problematic in the context of increasing waiting times for a decision on protection applications (Arnold, Ryan & Quinn, 2018). In recent years, while the Pilot Support Scheme has widened access in theory for asylum seekers, a very small number of people have managed to qualify for these supports to date. Those who have spent time in the direct provision system face challenges within the primary and secondary education systems, despite the fact that free education is provided at these levels. These economic, social and cultural challenges are exacerbated by a national higher education framework that does not explicitly acknowledge the role of higher education in facilitating the broader integration of those seeking refuge in Ireland.

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Central Statistics Office. (2016). Census 2016: Summary results, Part I. Central Statistics Office. Central Statistics Office. (2018). Educational attainment thematic report. Central Statistics Office. Dail, D. (2018). 24 April 2018, vol 967, no 7. House of the Oireachtas. Department of Justice and Equality. (2019). Irish refugee protection programme humanitarian admission. Retrieved from http://www.inis.gov.ie/en/INIS/Pages/ irish-refugee-protection-programme-humanitarian-admission-programme-2(ihap) Donnelly, K. (2019, June 4). We must double out efforts to tackle identity bullying in schools as more migrants arrive. Irish Independent. Retrieved from https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/education/we-must-double-our-effortsto-tackle-identity-bullying-in-schools-as-more-migrants-arrive38176972.html?utm_source=headtopics&utm_medium=news&utm_campaign= 2019-06-04 Doyle, D., Muldoon, M., & Murphy, C. (forthcoming). ‘Education in Ireland: Accessible without discrimination for all?’ Eurostat. (2019). Asylum applications (non-EU) in the EU-28 Member States, 2008–2019. Retrieved July, 2019, from https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/ index.php?title=Asylum_statistics#Number_of_asylum_applicants:_drop_in_2018 Fraser, U., & Harvey, C. (2003). Sanctuary in Ireland? perspectives on Asylum law and policy. Institute of Public Administration. Gilmartin, M. (2012). The changing landscape of Irish migration, 2002–12. NIRSA, 69, 1–19. Gilmartin, M. (2015). Ireland and migration in the 21st century. Manchester University Press. Glendenning, D. (2012). Education and the law. Bloomsbury Professional. Global Compact on Refugees (General Assembly Official Records Seventy-third Session Supplement No. 12 (A/73/12 (Part II)). Glynn, I., Kelly, T., & MacÉinrí. (2013). Irish emigration in an age of austerity. Émigré. Higher Education Authority. (2015). National plan for equity of access to higher education 2015–2019. Higher Education Authority. Hough, J. (2009, September 30). Migrant children “suffer bullying and racist abuse.” Irish Examiner. Retrieved from https://www.irishexaminer.com/ireland/migrantchildren-suffer-bullying-and-racist-abuse-102175.html Immigrant Council of Ireland. (2016). Islamophobia in Dublin: Experiences and how to respond. Immigrant Council of Ireland. Irish Refugee Council. (2019). Types of accommodation: Republic of Ireland (Asylum information database and European Council on Refugees and Exiles, 2019). Retrieved from http://www.asylumineurope.org/reports/country/republic-ireland/receptionconditions/housing/types-accommodation

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section 4 Asia and Oceania

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chapter 13

Towards Human Rights and Human Dignity for the Stateless in Higher Education: Denied Access to Higher Education for Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh Tessa DeLaquil

1

Introduction

As higher education in the 21st century strives to achieve access, equity, and inclusion in the fulfilment of its mission to promote the common good locally, nationally, and internationally, the global refugee crisis presents barriers that have proven increasingly difficult to overcome at the institutional and/or systemic level in various national contexts. The scale of forced displacement in this day and age is hitherto unseen; both the international political community as well as individual nation-states have been found severely lacking in appropriate policy and adequate infrastructure to receive the millions of displaced persons seeking refuge with hope of a better life. Whence, then, does this deficiency stem in our global political community? Hannah Arendt (2016) proposes a compelling argument in her criticism of international human rights in relation to what it means to be a refugee in our time, in terms of human dignity, legal personhood, and participation in political speech and action. This chapter examines Arendt’s argument in order to realign the role of higher education towards the restoration of human rights to refugees in the political community in a renewed response to the global refugee crisis. In this chapter, I present a case-study of the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh in order to understand the barriers that exist to the application of such a response by higher education towards the restoration of human rights to refugees.

2

From Stateless to Rightlessness: Hannah Arendt on Refugees’ Loss of Human Dignity

To properly understand the role of higher education in moving towards the restoration of human rights to refugees, this section outlines how statelessness, © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_013

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that is the loss of citizenship (Arendt, 2016, p. 253), has led to rightlessness, that is the effective loss of human rights of refugees (Gündoğdu, 2015, p. 2), as well as the resulting loss of human dignity. The concept of a refugee has developed over time from a traditional understanding of a person who must seek refuge due to “some act committed or some political opinion held,” to a modern definition of one who has “committed no acts … [and] never dreamt of having any radical political opinion” (Arendt, 2016, p. 253), but has been rendered stateless nonetheless. The modern conception of what it means to be a refugee is far more representative of the bulk of those identified as refugees, forced migrants, asylum seekers, and other such politically-defined categories of displaced persons (Gündoğdu, 2015, p. 2). Arendt (2016), writing after World War II, recognises her Jewish identity as the essence of her refugee status: “If we should start telling the truth that we are nothing but Jews, it would mean that we expose ourselves to the fate of human beings, who unprotected by any specific law or political convention, are nothing but human beings” (p. 261). If the traditional refugee becomes a refugee as a result of some act committed or political opinion held by himself or herself, perhaps we may say that the modern refugee becomes a refugee either owing to his or her identity or resulting from some external action or situation or due to some intersection thereof. Gündoğdu (2015) applies Arendt’s concept of statelessness to understand the contemporary issues faced by migrants. Gündoğdu (2015) defines statelessness to include “not only those who formally [lose] their nationality but also those who [can] no longer benefit from their citizenship rights: refugees, asylum seekers, economic immigrants, even naturalized citizens,” threatened by denaturalization during political emergencies (p. 2). It is this loss of citizenship rights that she underscores – as defined by Arendt – an inevitable consequence of expulsion from “the old trinity of state-people-territory” (Arendt, 1968, p. 282, as cited in Gündoğdu, 2015, p. 2), leaving these persons in a condition of rightlessness. Rightlessness is defined as a deprivation of legal personhood and of the right to action and speech, such that the loss of citizenship rights due to “expulsion from … political communities,” is equated with the loss of human rights, or “an expulsion from humanity” (Gündoğdu, 2015, p. 2). This brings to the forefront the concept of personhood, or what it means to participate in humanity, beyond merely legal personhood and participation in the public political forum. Gündoğdu (2015) argues that beyond the deprivation of the right to action and to speech which excludes the stateless from the public space and the political community, the deprivation of the right to work and to labour further prevents the stateless from experiencing independence, regularity, and permanence (p. 20).

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Menke (2014) presents Arendt’s critique of several iterations of international declarations of human rights as the grounds upon which Arendt defines human dignity. According to Arendt, the rights with which such declarations are concerned are not reliant on the humanity of the individual, but rather upon membership within a political community or citizenship (Menke, 2014, p. 335). It is this fundamental presumption of citizenship that cripples the efficacy of international human rights in the case of refugees and other stateless groups, leaving such displaced persons without a guarantee of human rights. In response to the exclusion of stateless non-members from the human rights of citizens, Arendt offers this concept of human dignity: the “right to have rights,” or the “right to belong to some kind of organized community” (Arendt, 1949, p. 30, as cited in Menke, 2014, p. 337). She proposes two ways by which to approach this concept: firstly, as a right that could be guaranteed by international law, or secondly, as fundamental to human dignity or the essence of the human person as a “political animal” (Menke, 2014, pp. 338–339). Thus, through the expulsion from a nation-state, the stateless individual loses human relationship in a political community and as a result the power of speech, which requires being in relationship with others. Reflecting on Arendt’s work regarding the relationship between rightlessness and statelessness, it is possible to identify distinct dimensions of her conception of human dignity, that is, a primary overarching right to have rights, which is interpreted as a right to belong to a community and subsequent rights to speech, action, and work. Considering the role of higher education in international society as purposed towards the common good, one may ask whether higher education can contribute specifically to these dimensions of human dignity in the case of the stateless, and if so, in what way.

3

Refugees and Higher Education: Policy, Programming, and Barriers

Dryden-Peterson (2010) examines the global movement for education as a human right, concentrating on the place of refugees in that movement, and in particular on the access of refugees to higher education. Indeed, for decades, the focus of the global movement for education has been primary education rather than tertiary education: the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) claimed education as a universal right, the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child held primary education as a child’s right, and the 2000 Millennium Development Goals aimed to ensure access to education for all by 2015 (Dryden-Peterson, 2010, p. 10). None of these documents contained language specific to higher education.

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The 2015 Sustainable Development Goals explicitly mention of higher education with the intention to secure access to higher education for all by 2030 (United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization [UNESCO], 2019, n.p.). Global higher education trends demonstrate massification of higher education towards universal access in some countries, however, Dryden-Peterson (2010) highlights that this is often not the case in less resourced, frequently conflict-ridden countries, largely located in the so-called global South. This may be despite educational policies and investments in favour of national higher education. Article 22 of the 1951 Refugee Convention requires that signatories provide elementary education to refugees, but only “treatment as favourable as possible,” to refugees in terms of further education (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2010, p. 24). More recently, the UNHCR has emphasised the value of education in enhancing security in refugee situations, by “meeting psychosocial needs, … conveying survival messages, and developing skills for conflict resolution and peacebuilding” (Dryden-Peterson, 2010, p. 12). Nonetheless, there may not be access to primary education, let alone higher education in many situations, as demonstrated by far lower gross enrolment ratios for refugee students in comparison to national numbers (Dryden-Peterson, 2010, p. 12). This is especially detrimental for those in protracted refugee settings, which are defined as living situations for refugees that extend “5 years or more after their initial displacement, without immediate prospects for implementation of durable solutions” (UNHCR, 2009, p. 3). Refugees in such protracted situations accounted for 15.9 million persons or 78% of all refugees in 2018 (UNHCR, 2019a, p. 22). For as many as 5.8 million refugees, these situations have lasted over 20 years; Afghani refugees in Iran and Pakistan represent the majority of this sub-group, having been in a displacement situation for 40 years (UNHCR, 2019a, pp. 22–23). Thus, refugee populations in protracted situations such as these may live displaced from their country of origin from birth through typical school-ages. Annually, tens of thousands of refugees in protracted situations are resettled in wealthy nation-states, however, the great majority remaining in less-resourced neighbouring countries face multiple challenges in accessing education primarily offered by non-governmental organisations in refugee camps. Challenges include a limited supply of teachers and administrators, an immobile student body, limited funding and other resources, and limited innovation or curricular reform (Banki, 2013, p. 136). As of 2017, the global rate of primary school enrolment of refugee children increased to 61% compared to 91% of children worldwide, and the global rate of secondary school enrolment of refugee children was 23% compared to 84% of children worldwide

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(UNHCR, 2017, pp. 222–223). However, this count may exclude those children who may be stateless, but are either not registered as refugees or not living in camps, given that as of 2018, 60% of refugees live in out-of-camp individual private accommodations (UNHCR, 2019a, p. 62). Although UNHCR policy and programming around tertiary education for refugees have evolved over the past few decades, access is still extremely constrained for general education and higher education. Systemic issues include the denial of access or the fear of deportation for unofficial status refugees, safety concerns, as well as mental health issues which negatively affect academic achievement as a result of parental detention or deportation, economic strain, housing instability, and segregation during detention (Sengupta & Blessinger, 2018, p. 7). School-level obstacles include low school quality, a lack of curricular responsiveness, cultural diversity, language learning support, infrastructure, resources, and qualified teachers and administrators (Sengupta & Blessinger, 2018, pp. 7–10). For higher education access, funding is certainly a central barrier, however documentary barriers also persist including access to academic transcripts, letters of recommendation, test results, curricula vitae, and personal statements, as well as psychosocial barriers such as a lack of clarity regarding program information, access to applications being only online, and a need to understand academic department structures and hierarchy (Roque, Aiazzi, Smart, Topouzova, & Touzet, in Sengupta & Blessinger, 2018, pp. 224–227). Access to higher education remains extremely narrow, with only 1% of refugees enrolled compared 36% enrolment worldwide (UNHCR, 2017, p. 224). The DAFI program (Deutsche Akademische Flüchtlinginitiative Albert Einstein – Albert Einstein German Academic Refugee Initiative) is the formal global support system for higher education for refugees administered by the UNHCR through a restricted number of scholarships to higher education institutions in as many as 70 countries; there were 1779 DAFI scholars in 2008 which increased to only 6600 DAFI scholars in 2018 (Dryden-Peterson, 2010, p. 13; UNHCR, 2019b, p. 236). Additional programs offered through the Connected Learning in Crisis Consortium – which includes founding members such as Jesuit Commons: Higher Education at the Margins, Australian Catholic University, and the African Virtual University which were pioneers in distance and online programs for refugees – supported 3500 refugee students in 2017 (Bailey & İnanç, 2019, p. 9; UNHCR, 2017, p. 226). Research from the World Bank among other institutions and scholars show that like primary education, higher education also results in both private and community returns (Dryden-Peterson, 2010, p. 14), which aligns with the purpose of higher education for the common good as well as to its commitment to equity and access. Furthermore, higher education is increasingly recognised

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and used as a tool in counter-terrorism, moving from a mind-set of survival to growth and development for refugees to rebuild their lives and work towards more durable solutions offering an alternative to the labour market, which is largely inaccessible, or on the other hand, as encouragement to settle and join the labour market (Streitwieser, Loo, Ohorodnik, & Jeong, 2018, p. 15). Finally, higher education is also viewed as a tool for reconstruction should refugees return to their countries of origin, both in terms of individual goods and economic development for the community (Dryden-Peterson, 2010, pp. 14–15).

4

Stateless and Rightlessness in Asia: The Rohingya Refugees

As a region, Asia-Pacific, excluding the Middle East, represents 21% of the global refugee population (UNHCR, 2019b, p. 4). Afghanistan and Myanmar are the second and fourth-largest countries of origin, respectively, accounting for 2.6 million Afghani refugees and 1.2 million Burmese refugees out of the total 25.4 million global refugees (UNHCR, 2017, pp. 13–14). The primary countries of asylum for Afghani refugees are Pakistan and Iran and the primary countries of asylum for Burmese refugees are Bangladesh, Thailand, and Malaysia (UNHCR, 2017, p. 14). As demonstrated, asylum countries hosting the majority of the global refugee population are developing or less-resourced countries that present barriers to citizens related to sustainability and economic development: nine of the top ten countries of asylum were in developing regions hosting 84% of refugees (UNCHR, 2019a, p. 18). This is a serious challenge when called to mobilize already scarce resources to respond to the massive influx of refugees from neighbouring countries. Given the emphasis of this chapter on statelessness as defined by Arendt to include the explicitly stateless and others in refugee-like conditions that render them stateless and consequently rightless, this section focuses on the Rohingya refugee crisis in the Rakhine state of Myanmar to examine the consequences of statelessness in its particular political definition as well as the more general consequences of rightlessness that apply to most refugees. One way to understand how the Rohingya refugee crisis began is through the idea of statelessness, or a loss of citizenship. In 1982, the military rulers of Myanmar rescinded the citizenship rights of the Rohingya people through a Citizenship Law excluding the Rohingya by describing the population as economic refugees and thus began a state policy of repression in various forms (Ghosh, 2016, p. 26; Uddin, 2019, p. 73). As early as 1978, Rohingya refugees were forced to migrate to Bangladesh, where their official status is “forcibly displaced Myanmar nationals,” rather than refugees, and also to other countries including Thailand and Malaysia (Uddin, 2019, p. 77). In the Rakhine state, in response

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to a policy of racial segregation, authorities banned Rohingya students from returning to Sittwe University, the only government-owned university in the state; meanwhile, Rohingya children struggled to attend school due to travel restrictions against Rohingya people (Carroll, 2014, n.p.). To properly analyse the condition of statelessness in the case of the Rohingya refugees and its relationship to Arendt’s definition of human dignity, the situation of Rohingya refugees is explored in more depth in one country of asylum: Bangladesh.

5

Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh: Denied Access to Higher Education

While there was a significant movement of Burmese refugees to Bangladesh in the early 1990s and again from the mid-2000s onwards, the counts have exceeded 25,000 refugees annually since 2006 (UNHCR, 2019a, pp. 22–23). Starting in August 2017, over a period of six months, approximately 671,000 stateless refugees escaped into Bangladesh from a situation of “severe violence, rape, and psychological trauma,” in the Rakhine state of Myanmar (UNHCR, 2018, p. 2). Over 75% of the total 900,000 refugees are women and children, with 55% of the total under 18 years of age (UNHCR, 2018, pp. 2–4). Other estimates suggest that approximately 1.3 million Rohingya refugees live in Bangladesh, with some registered officially and living in UNHCR-sanctioned camps, while others remain undocumented and live in makeshift camps (Uddin, 2019, p. 78). In terms of official response by the UNHCR and the Bangladeshi government, challenges have been identified including acute malnutrition, single mothers, unaccompanied minors, overcrowded settlements, limited basic resources and infrastructure, visible trauma from violence, sexual abuse, loss of family and property, and the displacement journey, and tension within the camps (UNHCR, 2018, p. 4). The services offered by the UNHCR and the Government of Bangladesh seem paltry against the vast numbers of refugees, however, in terms of education, there are approximately 14,027 refugees enrolled in primary education and 569 refugees enrolled in junior secondary education (UNHCR, 2018, p. 6). The UNHCR intends to scale up education provision to 120,000 refugee children, however no mention is made with regards to higher education. A needs assessment suggests 453,000 refugees qualify for Education in Emergencies assistance, however, there are apparently no services planned for high school or college-aged refugees or for children with disabilities (Begum, Perveen, Chakma, Dewan, Afroze, & Targen, 2019, p. 9). A 2016 ethnographic study by Farzana (2016) of Rohingya refugees in Bangladeshi refugee camps gives a sense of the lives of young Rohingya refugees

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prior to the mass influx of August 2017. In her study, Farzana (2016) shares a phrase which aptly demonstrates the experience of statelessness, rightlessness, and the loss of human dignity in the refugee experience: Maybe the situation is a little better here, as the military is not coming to kill us, but here our life is like birds in a cage. They do not allow us to move freely. What future can we hold here, without work, and education for the children? (p. 136) Farzana (2016) divides young refugees into three categories: (i) the unemployed who spent time aimlessly; (ii) those who joined activities or found work in the camps; and (iii) seasonal workers who illegally leave the camp for various jobs (pp. 136–137). The unemployed refugees seemed to become depressed and participated in risky behaviour and activities (Farzana, 2016, p. 138). Other young refugees hoped for government-sponsored third country resettlement in developed countries, “where they will have legal rights and be recognised and respected as citizens,” though some attempted illegal third country resettlement via risky sea routes (Farzana, 2016, p. 138). Farzana (2016) underscores that young refugees are aware of the drastic life change caused by their change in status from citizen to refugee as well as the deep fear for the future tied to illiteracy and the inability to find suitable jobs (p. 147). A new response plan published in February 2019 by the UNCHR identifies education as a sector that requires additional funding (UNHCR, 2019, p. 35). Within the needs analysis, the UNCHR (2019) explicitly recognises that 97% of Rohingya refugee adolescents aged 15 to 24 years of age have no access to education in Bangladesh (p. 35). This report also classifies the region in which the majority of the refugees are encamped, Cox’s Bazar, as having performed poorly in terms of education prior to the refugee influx (UNHCR, 2019, p. 35). The strategies suggested to counter this issue are limited to programming for transferable skills, basic literacy, basic numeracy, and vocational training, and do not mention scholarships or access to higher education beyond these areas of study (UNHCR, 2019, p. 36).

6

The Loss of Human Dignity in Statelessness: The Potential for Restoration

Returning to Arendt’s dimensions of human dignity (the right to have rights, the right to belong to a community, and subsequent rights to speech, action, and work) it is clear that the condition of statelessness experienced by many

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modern refugees reflects a lack of human dignity by Arendt’s definition, given the lack of access to human rights provided by citizenship. The mere scale of forced displacement of the past decade in comparison to the severely restricted services that the UNHCR is able to offer, whether or not signatories choose to participate in service provision, demonstrates the extreme limitations of the 1951 Refugee Convention. Arendt’s critique of human rights-driven refugee protection certainly seems to apply in this case, as the stateless, writ large, are indeed subject to a citizenship gap and are not adequately represented or assisted. One flaw in international refugee policy could indeed be the tension between the definition of a traditional refugee and a modern refugee. Another is the inability to cope with the sheer scale of forced displacement. Furthermore, given the underlying causes of modern forced displacement, that is, identity or external actions such as war, famine, economic crisis etc., are the solutions currently common within the policy appropriate? For example, is voluntary repatriation an appropriate solution for a victim of genocide? An additional question is regarding the states that are not signatories to the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention which do not “feel obligated” to host refugees (Uddin, 2019, p. 79). One might also question those states, which are often wealthier countries, that are signatories to the Refugee Convention, but are not willing to receive refugees or heavily restrict eligibility of those who seek refuge. Consider again Arendt’s conception of human dignity: what role does higher education have to play in the restoration of human dignity to the stateless? Within the role of academia as a voice for injustice in society, is there sufficient scholarship in the area of refugee rights? How is the curriculum in higher education being adjusted to ensure awareness of refugee conditions? How is higher education administration supporting those few refugees who receive scholarships to institutions? If national policy is restrictive to refugees, is higher education holding accountable those who can change national policy? It is imperative that higher education institutions exert efforts to provide access to young refugees, whether it is at the institutional level through scholarships and student services, at the national level through political campaigning, or at the international level through scholarship and providing a voice to the voiceless. This advocacy for refugees on the part of higher education institutions is crucial given the few numbers of refugees who have themselves received tertiary education. Without higher education, the majority of refugees are unable to advocate for themselves and their communities in this way. The UNHCR is campaigning to end statelessness by 2024 by revisiting the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness (UNHCR, 2017, pp. 172–174).

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The organisation suggests that by adopting laws and procedures to permit de jure and de facto stateless persons the ability to acquire citizenship, access to human rights may be restored for these refugees. This campaign also aims to increase awareness of the problem of statelessness and provided some training to government officials in several countries in 2017 (UNHCR, 2017, p. 175). The aim of ensuring a legal identity for all by 2030 is listed within the Sustainable Development Goals, and in 2017, 56,500 stateless persons acquired or confirmed nationality (UNHCR, 2017, p. 175). In terms of restoring human dignity to refugees, the relationship between the rights to speech, action, and labour to higher education is clear. For the modern refugee, access to the rights to speech, action, and labour are certainly primarily dependent on the right to have rights and to belong to a community. However, higher education is intimately connected to developing individuals and communities to enable access the power of speech, political action, and appropriate labour. Beyond national legislation and policy around refugees, higher education offers to refugees the tools and necessary preparation to access the power of speech, political action, and labour once refugees are given the basic right to have rights and to belong to a community. In the case of the Rohingya refugees who are rendered stateless and thus rightless, by Arendt’s definition, they have certainly lost their human dignity. Without citizenship, they are not able to represent themselves in speech or political action. Within the camps, they cannot find appropriate labour. Farzana’s (2016) ethnographic study demonstrates the lived experience of young Rohingya refugees without rights, without speech, without action, without labour. In a country like Bangladesh, which is less developed and resourcepoor, it is not surprising that there is a local struggle to cope with the influx of hundreds of thousands of refugees. Nonetheless, without current access to higher education, whether these young refugees are repatriated, locally integrated, or illegally or legally resettled, they remain without hope for a better future. Without hope for the future, these young refugees remain without human dignity. It goes against the very purpose of higher education to permit this injustice; until human dignity is restored, higher education must be a voice for the stateless and ensure they regain their right to have rights.

References Arendt, H. (2016). We refugees. In H. Lambert (Ed.), International refugee law (pp. 253– 262). Routledge.

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Bailey, L., & İnanç, G. (2019). Access to higher education: Refugees’ stories from Malaysia. Routledge. Banki, S. (2013). Refugee camp education: Populations left behind. In L. Bartlett & A. Ghaffar-Kucher (Ed.), Refugees, immigrants, and education in the global South: Lives in motion (pp. 133–148). Routledge. Begum, H. A., Perveen, R., Chakma, E., Dewan, L., Afroze, R. S., & Tangen, D. (2019). The challenges of geographical inclusive education in Rural Bangladesh. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 23(1), 7–22. Carroll, J. (2014, August 2). Myanmar’s Rohingya deprived of education. Al Jazeera. Retrieved from https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/08/myanmarrohingya-deprived-education-201484105134827695.html Dryden-Peterson, S. (2010). The politics of higher education for refugees in a global movement. Refuge, 27(2), 10–18. Farzana, K. F. (2016). Voices of Burmese Rohingya refugees: Everyday politics of survival in refugee camps in Bangladesh. Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities, 24(1), 131–150. Ghosh, P. S. (2016). Migrants, refugees and the stateless in South Asia. Sage Publications India. Gündoğdu, A. (2015). Rightlessness in an age of rights: Hannah Arendt and the contemporary struggles of migrants. Oxford University Press. Menke, C. (2014). Dignity as the right to have rights: Human dignity in Hannah Arendt. In M. Düwell, J. Braarvig, R. Brownsword, & D. Mieth (Eds.), The Cambridge handbook of human dignity: Interdisciplinary perspectives (pp. 332–342). Cambridge University Press. Sengupta, E., & Blessinger, P. (Eds.). (2018). Strategies, policies, and directions for refugee education. Emerald Publishing Limited. Streitwieser, B., Loo, B., Ohorodnik, M., & Leong, J. (2018). Access for refugees into higher education: A review of interventions in North America and Europe. Journal of Studies in International Education. Retrieved from https://journals.sagepub.com/ doi/full/10.1177/1028315318813201 Uddin, N. (2019). The state, vulnerability, and transborder movements: The Rohingya people in Myanmar and Bangladesh. In N. Uddin & N. Chowdhory (Eds.), Deterritorialized identity and transborder movement in South Asia (pp. 73–90). Springer Nature Singapore. United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. (2019). Higher education and the sustainable development goals. Retrieved from https://en.unesco.org/ themes/higher-education/sdgs United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2009). Conclusion on protracted refugee situations. No. 109 (LXI). Executive Committee of the High Commissioner’s Programme.

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United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2010). Convention and protocol relating to the status of refugees. UNHCR Communications and Public Information Service. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2017). UNHCR global report 2017. UNHCR. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2018). Myanmar refugee emergency response in Bangladesh. Retrieved from http://reporting.unhcr.org/node/20411 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2019). Joint response plan for Rohingya humanitarian crisis. Retrieved from http://reporting.unhcr.org/sites/ default/files/2019%20JRP%20for%20Rohingya%20Humanitarian%20Crisis% 20%28February%202019%29.compressed.pdf United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2019a). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2018. UNHCR. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2019b). UNHCR global report 2018. UNHCR.

chapter 14

At the Policy Margins: People from Refugee Backgrounds in Australian Higher Education Andrew Harvey and Betty Leask

1

Introduction

Much is documented on the broad experiences of refugees globally, including their marginalization, ‘vagabond’ status (Bauman, 1996), and subjection to systemic discrimination and racism. This chapter explores policy issues around the access of refugees to higher education in Australia. We have situated this analysis within the policy literature, and a small but growing body of work focused on important philosophical and ethical aspects of the international issue of access to higher education for refugees. In Australia, policy confusion has left people seeking asylum to be considered as international students required to pay full university tuition fees, while others from refugee backgrounds are considered simply as part of a broader non-English speaking background (NESB) cohort. In neither case are the needs of students effectively acknowledged and met. Adding to this specific policy weakness is a broader issue of invisibility within the international higher education discourse. To the extent that people from refugee backgrounds are discussed, such analysis occurs within the access and equity literature rather than the internationalization research. This focus is perhaps because the approach to international higher education in Australia has been dominated by national Government agendas focused on international education as an industry, and Australian policy-makers and university leaders have been more focused on the marketability of Australian educational ‘products’ than on the transformative power of higher education for those suffering oppression and disadvantage. The combined result of this focus on marketability and inadequate policy settings is that those seeking asylum or refuge in Australian higher education are typically treated at best as liminal beings, at worst as ‘vagabonds,’ disenfranchised as individuals and a community with little hope of liberation from their current state. They have ‘left’ one national HE education system behind (albeit unwillingly) and are barely visible in the national policy settings of Australian higher education. The barriers to their university access are significant and the likelihood of their subsequent success is low. It is not surprising therefore that the participation © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_014

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and outcomes of people from refugee backgrounds in Australian higher education are relatively poor. In this chapter we argue that relative under-performance is due at least in part to policy incoherence and opacity at the national level in both the access and equity and international education areas. We propose the need for a shift in thinking towards a more inclusive notion of internationalization, and an adoption of more coherent higher education policies in which those seeking asylum are afforded both the opportunity and support to succeed. We begin by summarizing the policy landscape, follow this with a discussion of the ethical issues around the current situation and conclude with some suggestions for the future.

2

The Policy Landscape

Student equity in Australian higher education is governed by a framework first established in the late 1980s, A Fair Chance for All (Harvey, Burnheim, & Brett, 2016a). The framework led to the Australian Government adopting six equity groups for whom universities were required to report access, participation, success and retention rates. The groups included: people from low socio-economic status (SES) backgrounds, defined as those in the lowest quartile of socio-economic advantage; regional and rural Australians (approximately 28% of the population); Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander people, collectively known as Indigenous Australians; women in non-traditional areas (e.g. IT, Engineering); people with a disability; and people from non-English speaking backgrounds (NESB). This latter category included Australians who had been in the country for less than ten years, and who spoke a language other than English at home. Unlike many other nations, there was no formal disaggregation of the NESB category, and people seeking asylum or from refugee backgrounds are subsumed within this broad category for Government reporting purposes. The categories continue to be employed by Government and have delivered rich longitudinal data on the six equity groups. Moreover, the categories remain linked to specific funding pools and to adjustment factors at admission. Harvey, Burnheim and Brett (2016b) outline the importance of the categories to funding: The Indigenous Support Program, the Higher Education Disability Support Programme, and the Higher Education Participation and Partnerships Programme (HEPPP) were all subsequently established to support

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students within these longstanding equity groups, and funding is distributed to institutions according to enrolment data. A separate regional loading fund ($67 million [aus] in 2014–2015) supports regional campuses, thus indirectly supporting students from rural and isolated areas (see Australian Government, 2012). In total, at least $250 million [AUS] per year is currently allocated to support the identified equity groups. These funds are distinct from student income support measures for which many equity students are eligible. (p. 5) Beyond these targeted financial measures, most universities use equity group status in development of adjustment factors at admissions. State-based tertiary admissions centres, through which students can apply simultaneously to multiple universities, typically include an educational access scheme where students can document any disadvantage that may have affected their grades. For example, regional and rural applicants, and those with a disability, usually receive ‘adjustment points’ that increase their aggregate secondary school score on which university admissions are typically based. At some universities, students from non-English speaking backgrounds also receive a small number of adjustment points. However, these adjustments are usually minimal because institutions assume that NESB status is not a major barrier to entry, based on the aggregated categorical data. Domestic students from refugee backgrounds, who are simply subsumed within this category, are often therefore forced to explain their backgrounds in detailed text responses in order to be awarded further compensation, which can be both a traumatic experience and an opaque one in terms of university appraisal. For people seeking asylum or from refugee backgrounds in Australia, there are then at least three significant problems with the current definition of non-English speaking background, all of which impede progress in university participation. This chapter will explore these policy challenges to highlight the importance of language, conceptions of citizenship, and government policy to higher education participation, success, and graduate outcomes.

3

People Seeking Asylum as ‘International’ Students? A Policy Paradox

First, the higher education student equity framework applies only to domestic students. While Australia enrolls one of the highest proportions of international students in the world, such students are assumed to be self-sufficient and are required to demonstrate financial viability before being allowed entry

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to an Australian university. Evidence suggests that many international students are in fact financially struggling (Universities Australia, 2018), but these issues currently lie outside the existing student equity framework. Most troublingly, however, people who are seeking asylum on a range of bridging visas are not considered eligible to be domestic university students, and are therefore considered international students and required to pay extremely high upfront fees to access higher education. Many universities have developed a small number of support scholarships and packages but the binary system of classification essentially excludes those seeking asylum from enrolling in a university, in the absence of a full scholarship plus cost of living support. An extraordinary number of visa types exist under Australian immigration law. Many of those who are seeking asylum or have been accepted as refugees are on bridging visas such as safe haven entry visas, orphan visas, and temporary protection visas. People seeking asylum are provided free secondary education within the public school system and are often encouraged to transition to higher education. However, they can only enroll in higher education as international students, facing minimum upfront fees of around $16,000 AUS per annum (Norton & Cherastidtham, 2015) and average undergraduate fees of $30,840 AUS (Study Move, 2018). University is an essentially impossible aspiration for such people in the absence of generous institutional support. Their status as ‘international’ students reflects a policy failure and creates extreme barriers to the education and employment pathways advocated by Government. Indeed, in many ways the status of people seeking asylum in Australia reflects their societal positioning as vagabonds living among tourists: the vagabonds “know that they won’t stay for long, however strongly they wished to, since nowhere they stop they are welcome” (Bauman, 1996, p. 15). Without access to the income-contingent loans scheme by which fees can be deferred, and by being subject to full international fees rather than the lower domestic rates, people seeking asylum are denied access to essential provisions of the state and remain trapped in a marginalized and unwelcome space. Universities have adopted a range of scholarship strategies to support refugees and those seeking asylum. At the time of writing, 21 universities provided full tuition scholarships for some refugees (Refugee Council of Australia, 2018a). However, legislative changes in 2018 further marginalized people seeking asylum by ensuring that those studying full time at university are considered ‘work-ready’ and thereby lose access to the Status Resolution Support Service (SRSS) program. The program provides a basic living allowance, casework support and access to counselling (Refugee Council of Australia, 2018b). While the provision of full scholarships represents an admirable response from universities, such scholarships are expensive, necessarily limited, and an

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inefficient use of university resources. A more durable solution would create a new category for people seeking asylum, or simply treat them as domestic students with access to income contingent loans for the purposes of higher education. This latter approach would be consistent with the schooling approach under which people seeking asylum are entitled to free public education alongside confirmed citizens. Given the relatively small number of people on the relevant bridging visas, the cost to Government of extending income contingent loans would be negligible. Many people seeking asylum ultimately stay in the country and those who subsequently move overseas are now required to pay back their income contingent loans in any case. At the least, the Government could move beyond a binary system of domestic and international students. Indeed, the fluidity of identity is already reflected in the treatment of New Zealand citizens, who enjoy special privileges in Australian higher education (and broader society). Within higher education, New Zealand citizens are eligible for Commonwealth Supported Places and thus face only domestic student fees (typically less than half of international fees), although they lack access to the income contingent loans. This situation is also sub-optimal but it highlights a capacity for policy flexibility which has hitherto been lacking for prospective students on bridging and other temporary visas.

4

People from Refugee or Non-English Speaking Backgrounds? A Policy without Subtlety

In addition to excluding those seeking asylum on a range of bridging visas, the current equity category of non-English speaking background also subsumes people from refugee backgrounds within a broader group of migrants, many of whom are significantly over-represented in higher education. Consequently, it is difficult to isolate higher education access patterns for people from refugee background, and under-representation is masked by the relatively strong participation rate of the category overall (Mestan & Harvey, 2015). Migrants typically embrace higher education as a pathway to opportunity and NESB Australians are over-represented in universities on average. In recent years though, researchers have examined the specific access patterns of those on humanitarian visas, which is a proxy for refugee background. Findings reveal relatively low participation rates for many groups, including females from some backgrounds, and a tendency for students on humanitarian visas to be relatively over-represented in sub-degree courses and under-represented in higher level, postgraduate courses (Terry, Naylor, Nguyen, & Rizzo, 2016, p. 37).

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Existing policy settings therefore conceal the under-representation of students from refugee backgrounds in Australian higher education. Domestic students from refugee backgrounds, including those on humanitarian visas, remain largely invisible in higher education. Because data are collected for those on humanitarian visas, however, we can approximate the extent of under-representation. Using these data, Terry et al. (2016) note that, according to the Department of Social Services, in the period 2008–2009 to 2012–2013, 74,834 visas were granted under the provisions made within Australia’s Refugee and Humanitarian Programme (p. 11). The authors then highlight the substantial under-representation of that group within higher education, revealing the inadequacy of the NESB category: In general, the higher education participation ratio for refugee background communities appears to be approximately 2–3% (based on total numbers of humanitarian visas awarded for each country of origin), which it is acknowledged shows a significant under-representation of refugee background students’, even compared to other formal and informal higher education equity groups, although the rate of participation varies marginally across refugee background communities. (Terry et al., 2016, p. 22) As Mestan and Harvey (2015) note, a previous survey for the Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DiAC) found that only about 4.9 per cent of humanitarian entrants obtained a university degree five years after arriving in Australia (p. 67; Australian Survey Research Group, 2011, p. 18). There is a significant problem of access and participation, but it is disguised by the aggregated data. A challenge for the sector is thus to develop disaggregated data and to develop university outreach, adjustment factors at admissions, and other access and admissions pathways to encourage particular groups of prospective students from refugee backgrounds.

5

Student Equity beyond Participation? A Policy Challenge

The third issue with the equity category of non-English speaking background is more around its application, and is a problem attributable to the student equity framework more broadly. The categories were originally developed primarily on the basis of under-representation (Harvey, Brett, & Burnheim, 2016a). This focus on access and participation, while understandable, has served to obfuscate broader issues faced by some student groups further along the student life

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cycle. For NESB students, for example, over-representation in higher education has seen some commentators call for abolition of the group altogether as an equity category (James et al., 2004, p. 42). However, NESB students typically record relatively low graduate employment outcomes, as do students with a disability. Sub-optimal outcomes are attributed to a range of factors such as limited networks and social capital, English accent and proficiency issues, and conscious and unconscious bias in the workforce. These factors are often referred to as an ethnic penalty (Hasmath, 2012). Most strikingly, the issue can be seen in groups such as Somali-Australians, who enrol in higher education at higher rates than other Australians but whose graduate unemployment rate remains more than three times higher than other university graduates. While some universities continue to support students from refugee backgrounds and provide adjustment factors through education access schemes, other commentators maintain the need to abolish any compensation for NESB students. In 2019, an analysis by Norton revealed that even African-Australian migrants, a group with a high proportion of humanitarian visas who record relatively low employment outcomes, still attend university at higher rates than other Australians (as cited in Sonnad, 2018). As the previous section highlighted, notwithstanding the relative over-representation of migrant groups in general, those from refugee backgrounds still remain under-represented. Equally importantly, however, new migrants from most backgrounds record relatively low graduate outcomes on average, regardless of access and participation levels. The ongoing equation of low access and participation to equity group status within Australian higher education fails to account for broader employment and graduate outcomes, which clearly highlight disadvantage despite strong participation rates of (non-refugee background) migrants. A recent study by Li and Carroll (2019), for example, found that NESB graduates were significantly less likely than other graduates to be employed (p. 12). While some of this gap is attributable to further study rates, the further study rates themselves of NESB graduates suggest difficulties in obtaining post-graduation employment (Li & Carroll, 2019) and in any case do not close the gap between English and non-English speaking graduate outcomes. NESB students are the most likely equity group to be engaged in neither study nor employment and are at the greatest earnings disadvantage relative to their peers (Li & Carroll, 2019, p. 23). Indeed, in our recent research on African-Australians, we have found quite dramatic differences in university participation and outcomes. While African-Australians still see relative benefits of higher education within their communities, the unemployment rate of those with bachelor degrees remains more than three times the rate of unemployment of other bachelor degree holders (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2019).

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Outcomes

While this chapter has focused thus far on Government policy, there are manifest challenges for institutions to improve the outcomes of students from disadvantaged backgrounds. People from refugee backgrounds in particular are highly disadvantaged (Ben-Moshe et al., 2008; Hannah, 1999). A large-scale survey for the Department of Immigration and Citizenship found that only about 4.9% of humanitarian entrants obtained a university degree five years after arriving in Australia (Australian Survey Research Group, 2011, p. 18). The reasons for relatively poor outcomes are well-documented, and extend beyond migrants from humanitarian backgrounds (though challenges for such students are likely to be exacerbated). People from refugee backgrounds in particular are highly disadvantaged (Ben-Moshe et al., 2008; Hannah, 1999), and almost all people who enter the country on the refugee or humanitarian visas are from non-English speaking countries (DiAC, 2011). As Mestan and Harvey (2015) note, it is often the delivery rather than proficiency of language that impedes migrant prospects, and cultural barriers and discrimination remain strong (p. 75). A wealth of research suggests that discrimination toward recently arrived communities, and those with stronger foreign accents, impedes migrant employment outcomes (Hasmath, 2012; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007) and that people with foreign accents are often interpreted as less credible (Lev-Ari & Keysar, 2010). Even on university campuses, research suggests common evidence of unconscious bias in daily interactions, with many new migrants feeling silenced or marginalized by their interactions with other students and staff (Harvey & Mallman, 2019). There is much that institutions can do to improve their understandings of and responses to diversity. Discourse can, however, easily degenerate into deficit language and it is important for universities not only to compensate refugee background students for prior disadvantage, but to understand the strengths that they bring to classroom and campus. As Harvey and Mallman (2019) argue, “particularly important is the need to consider how the diverse experiences, cultures and languages of new migrants can be harnessed by institutions to improve teaching quality and richness of the student experience, especially on regional campuses where student cohorts can be otherwise relatively homogeneous” (p. 669). Here there are obvious connections with the internationalization of curriculum, teaching and learning and the development of students as responsible social and human beings, able to contribute positively to national and international communities. In summary, beyond formal legislation and policy, there remain cultural challenges outside the scope of this chapter, in which universities need to reconsider whose cultural capital is valued (Yosso, 2005) and to understand the community, familial, resistant

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and linguistic forms of capital that new migrants can bring (Yosso, 2005; Harvey & Mallman, 2019).

7

The Broader Context

While the above discussion has focused on the issue of access to higher education for refugees in Australia as a national policy issue, we suggest that it should also be considered within Australia in its broader global context as a form of ‘forced internationalization’ (Ergin, de Wit, & Leask, 2018). As the number of refugees grows, and increasing numbers of these people are trapped in Protracted Refugee Situations of increasing concern globally, there is a need for universities across the world to increase their efforts to provide these forced migrants access to higher education while they are in the process of migration. However, in Australia, universities’ responses are in large part determined by Government policy and strategy in international education as well as higher education access, neither of which currently support this approach. Policies and strategies that facilitate the access and success of international disadvantaged groups into higher education in Australia are important for two reasons. First, they are important for humanitarian reasons. Education has been increasingly recognized as the ‘fourth pillar’ of humanitarian response to refugees (alongside food, shelter and health) since the World Declaration on Education for All was adopted in 1990 (Machel et al., 2001, as cited in Zeus, 2011, p. 257). Article 26 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognizes access to education as a right “accessible to all on the basis of merit” (UN, 1948, Art. 26(1), as cited in Zeus, 2011, p. 259). The access of refugees to higher education has been included as a fundamental operational aspect of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) since the 1960s. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) in Australia states publicly on its website that it works with the UNHCR to safeguard the rights and well-being of refugees, asylum seekers, stateless and internally displaced persons globally. Providing policy settings and support to HEIs to improve access to and outcomes of refugees in higher education is consistent with supporting rights and well-being. Second, it is important for very practical social and academic reasons. Many refugees bring with them talents, knowledge, skills and the potential to contribute positively to classrooms, campuses and the broader society; access to higher education offers them the opportunity to convert that potential into reality. Einstein and Freud are memorable examples of refugees in the past who have made outstanding contributions to research and innovation. While this new phenomenon of “forced internationalization” creates uncommon challenges for nations and their HEIs on a scale never seen before,

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it also creates opportunities for institutions and national systems seeking to internationalize. Taking the above into consideration, the matter of attending to the issue of refugees seeking access to higher education in Australia is both an international education issue as well as a national education issue, requiring national policies and strategies to ensure appropriate levels of access and achievement for this international group of disenfranchised people. In this broader context the narrow focus of the Australian National Strategy for International Education 2025 released in 2016 by the Australian Government is inadequate and will be increasingly so in the future. It is an international education strategy that focuses primarily on Australia’s engagement in international education as an economic enterprise. This is somewhat surprising given that in the last decade there has been a growing understanding of the need for Australian university education, training, research and service to be more deeply and effectively engaged on a global scale (Murray & Leask, 2015). No consideration is given in the strategy to matters related to the development of all students’ intercultural knowledge, skills and dispositions, of increasing importance to individuals, their local communities and ultimately, the nation. This is despite the fact that according to Universities Australia (UA), the peak body representing Australian universities, a driving principle behind the global engagement of Australian universities was the development of “informed, engaged, global citizens” (Universities Australia, 2013, p. 25). In fact, from 2005 to 2015, universities across Australia enthusiastically promoted the importance of developing all students as global citizens and professionals able to work in a globalized world in their strategic plans and on their websites. Australian universities and scholars contributed significantly to the growing body of conceptual, theoretical and practical literature on how to do this through engaging with diverse ideas, people and perspectives in the classroom and the community and developing an advanced and nuanced understanding of global issues (Whitsed, Green, & Cassol, 2018). These matters are still central to an internationalized curriculum and international higher education in many Australian HEIs. Improving the access of refugees to higher education creates unique opportunities to expand the horizons of thought and action for all Australian students.

8

Conclusion

The Australian context highlights the importance of government higher education policy to student access and institutional practice. Both equity policy and international education strategy have driven the Australian response to the provision of

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higher education to refugees. Equity policy remains focused on access, which has served to obfuscate the challenges of students from refugee background and has limited university commitment to work with employers to address discrimination, develop peer networks, and provide tailored careers assistance. The subsuming of refugee background students within NESB has hidden their under-representation and inequitable outcomes, which itself then marginalizes the issues of unconscious bias and racism. The classification in Australian policy of people seeking asylum as international students, and of international education as being primarily concerned with revenue generation, have further exacerbated disenfranchisement. Improving access and opportunity for those seeking asylum and refuge requires more inclusive and tailored policies within higher education, and a more sophisticated, multi-faceted approach to internationalization.

References Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2019). Australian census of population and housing. Retrieved from http://www.abs.gov.au Australian Government. (2012a). Commonwealth grant scheme guidelines 2012. Retrieved July 31, 2015, from http://www.comlaw.gov.au/Details/F2014C00829 Australian Survey Research Group. (2011). Settlement outcomes of new arrivals: Report of findings, study for Department of Immigration and Citizenship. DIaC. Bauman, Z. (1996). Tourists and vagabonds: Heroes and victims of postmodernity (Reihe Politikwissenschaft/Institut für Höhere Studien, Abt. Politikwissenschaft, 30). Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien. Retrieved from https://nbnresolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-266870 Ben-Moshe D., Bertone S., & Grossman M. (2008). Refugee access and participation in tertiary education and training. Institute for Community Ethnicity and Policy Alternatives (ICEPA) Victoria University. Retrieved October 27, 2017, from latrobe.edu.au/cheedr60https://researchbank.swinburne.edu.au/file/ 5d0866f8-8893-4eb6-9f98-40b54bf28fe1/1/PDF%20%2870%20pages%29.pdf Colic-Peisker, V., & Tilbury, F. (2006). Employment niches for recent refugees: Segmented labour market in 21st-century Australia. Journal of Refugee Studies, 19(2), 203–229. Colic-Peisker, V., & Tilbury, F. (2007). Integration into the Australian labour market: The experience of three ‘visibly different’ groups of recently arrived refugees. International Migration Review, 45(1), 59–85. DiAC. (2011). Humanitarian program outcomes for 2010–11 Australian Government. DiAC. Ergin, H., de Wit, H., & Leask, B. (2019). Forced internationalization of higher education: An emerging phenomenon. International Higher Education, 97, 9–10. https://doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2019.97.10939

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Hannah, J. (1999). Refugee students at college and university: Improving access and support. International Review of Education, 45(2), 153–166. Harvey, A., Burnheim, C., & Brett, M. (Eds.). (2016a). Student equity in Australian higher education: Twenty-five years of a fair chance for all. Springer. Harvey, A., Burnheim, C., & Brett, M. (2016b). Towards a fairer chance for all: Revising the Australian student equity framework. In A. Harvey, C. Burnheim, & M. Brett (Eds.), Student equity in Australian higher education: Twenty-five years of a fair chance for all (pp. 3–20). Springer Publishing. Harvey, A., & Mallman, M. (2019). Beyond cultural capital: Understanding the strengths of new migrants within higher education. Policy Futures in Education, 17(5), 657–673. Hasmath, R. (2012). The ethnic penalty: Immigration, education and the labour market. Ashgate. James, R., Baldwin, G., Coates, H., Krause, K. L., & McInnis, C. (2004). Analysis of equity groups in higher education 1991−2002. Centre for the Study of Higher Education, The University of Melbourne. Lev-Ari, S., & Keysar, B. (2010). Why don’t we believe non-native speakers? The influence of accent on credibility. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 46, 10093– 11096. Li, I. W., & Carroll, D. R. (2019). Employment and study outcomes after graduation: An Australian higher education equity perspective. National Centre for Student Equity in Higher Education (NCSEHE). Mestan, K., & Harvey, A. (2014). The higher education continuum: Access, achievement and outcomes among students from non-English speaking backgrounds. Higher Education Review, 46(2), 61–80. Murray, D., & Leask, B. (2015). Australia. In H. de Wit, F. Hunter, L. Howard, & E. Egron-Polak (Eds.), Internationalisation of higher education (pp. 191–204). European Parliament. Norton, A., & Cherastidtham, I. (2015). University fees: What students pay in deregulated markets. Grattan Institute Background Paper. Retrieved from https://grattan.edu.au/ wp-content/uploads/2015/08/830-University-Fees.pdf Refugee Council of Australia. (2018a). Scholarships for people seeking asylum and refugees on temporary visas. Retrieved from https://www.refugeecouncil.org.au/ scholarships-people-seeking-asylum-refugees/ Refugee Council of Australia. (2018b). Briefing note: Drastic reductions to income support for people seeking asylum. Retrieved from https://www.ruralaustraliansforrefugees.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/ Drastic-Reductions-to-Income-Support-for-People-Seeking-Asylum-24-April2018.pdf Sonnad, N. (2018, July 24). Australia’s immigrants are defying stereotypes by going to

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college way more than locals. Quartz. Retrieved from https://qz.com/1334230/ australias-migrants-are-going-to-college-at-much-higher-rates-than-locals/ Study Move. (2018). 2018 international tuition fees in Australia. Retrieved from https://www.studymove.com/index.php/news/46-2018-international-tuition-feesin-australia-3 Terry, L., Naylor, R., Nguyen, N., & Rizzo, A. (2016). Not there yet: An investigation into the access and participation of students from humanitarian refugee backgrounds in the Australian higher education system [Report]. National Centre for Student Equity in Higher Education (NCSEHE), Curtin University. Whitsed, C., Green, W., & Cassol, C. C. (2018, July 27). What happened to internationalisation of the curriculum? University World News. Retrieved from https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20180725092142237 Universities Australia. (2013). A smarter Australia – An agenda for Australian higher education 2013–2016. Universities Australia. Retrieved from https://apo.org.au/ node/32987 Universities Australia. (2018). Student finances survey. Universities Australia, Canberra. Retrieved from https://www.universitiesaustralia.edu.au/policy-submissions/ teaching-learning-funding/student-finances-survey/ Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91. Zeus, B. (2011). Exploring barriers to higher education in protracted refugee situations: The case of Burmese refugees in Thailand. Journal of Refugee Studies, 24(2), 256–276.

section 5 Ethiopia

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chapter 15

Higher Education for Refugees in Ethiopia Ayenachew A. Woldegiyorgis

In recent years, the world has seen an unprecedented number of refugees. In its 2018 Global Trends report, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) indicated that by the end of 2017 there were 68.5 million individuals worldwide who were forcibly displaced as a result of conflict, persecution, violence or natural disasters. In 2017 alone the number of refugees globally has increased by nearly 3 million, reaching yet another record high (UNHCR, 2018a). To make matters worse, a large majority of the global refugee population (85%) are hosted in developing regions, in countries that have the least economic and institutional capacities to provide them with reasonable level of services and protection. Ethiopia is one of those countries hosting a large number of refugees while struggling to support its own citizens. Due to the apparent urgency and intensity of interventions around indispensable services, such as food, shelter, sanitation and health, the emphasis on human development, specifically on education for refugees, has, for a long time, been negligible (Dryden-Peterson, 2015). While the situation is slowly improving at lower levels, higher education remains excessively inaccessible for refugees. As of 2014, less than one per cent of global refugee youth had access to higher education (UNHCR, 2014). This is extremely low even compared with countries that have been suffering long term conflict – such as Afghanistan which has an enrollment rate of about 9% – let alone the global average, which is in excess of 30% (Tamrat & Dermas, 2018). According to Gladwell et al. (2016), the persistent inaccessibility of higher education to refugees is mainly due to “lack of recognition of higher education as a humanitarian priority … despite [its] benefits at both the individual and community levels” (p. ii). In the past years, however, there has been a gradually increasing acknowledgement of the benefits of education in general and higher education in particular, for refugee populations as well as for host countries. Consequently, a growing number of national and international initiatives are being deployed to help refugees pursue their higher education dreams. Ethiopia, one of the top refugee hosting countries in the world, has been for years offering refugees from its neighboring countries the opportunity to study in its universities. Aligned with its overall commitment to refugee education, © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_015

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in recent years the country has embarked on a significant expansion of those opportunities, although it still has a long way to go to meet demand. There is only little we know about these programs as there is almost no body of academic literature that deals with education for refugees in Ethiopia, much less on higher education. Hence, this chapter is an attempt to lay out the landscape of refugee education in Ethiopia, with particular emphasis on higher education. It is a policy review that mainly depends on reports and policy documents from relevant sources. The chapter begins with general information on refugees and the overall legal and policy environment before it delves into general and higher education.

1

Refugees in Ethiopia

Ethiopia has a long history of hosting refugees. As Assefa (1992) noted, historically, Ethiopia has hosted Jews in the 2nd century B.C., followers of Islam in the 7th century A.D., and Armenian Christians in the 19th century, among others. Since the 1950s it has also become a party to major international conventions and protocols pertinent to the protection of and the provision of basic services to refugees. Today, with a refugee population of 905,831, as of January 2019, Ethiopia is among the top hosting countries world-wide (UNHCR, 2019). While refugees come to Ethiopia from at least 24 different countries (UNHCR, 2018b), the overwhelming majority are from four of its neighboring countries: South Sudan, Somalia, Eritrea and Sudan. table 15.1  Refugees in Ethiopia by country of origin

Country

Eritrea Sudan South Sudan Somalia Others Total

Population, end of 2018

% of total

Projected population, end of 2019

% of total

173,879 44,620 422,240 257,283 7,809 905,831

19.20% 4.93% 46.61% 28.40% 0.86% 100%

123,841 65,000 525,000 220,653 30,304 964,798

12.84% 6.74% 54.42% 22.87% 3.14% 100%

Source: Modified from UNHCR (2019, p. 5)

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The refugee situation in Ethiopia is peculiarly precarious for at least three reasons. First, the neighboring countries producing the majority of refugees remain vulnerable. Conflict (e.g. in South Sudan and Somalia), repressive political environments (e.g. Eritrea and Sudan) and drought (e.g. Somalia) remain the primary push factors. Despite all efforts underway – for prevention and resettlement – UNHCR estimates that the number of refugees by the end of 2019 will rise to 964,798 (UNHCR, 2019). Second, Ethiopia is dealing with its own internal vulnerability. According to the 2019 report by the United Nations Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), there are an estimated 8.86 million people in need of humanitarian assistance, with about half of them having acute need. Besides the recurring food insecurity caused by drought, inter-communal conflicts have produced 3.19 million internally displaced people, almost doubling from the previous year (UNOCHA, 2019). Third, the overwhelming majority of refugees in Ethiopia are located in camps in Tigray Regional State and four other emerging regions: Afar, Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambella, and the Somali Regional States. These emerging regions, sharing borders with Ethiopia’s neighboring countries, have poor infrastructure (such as poor or no road access) and low administrative capacity coupled with high level of poverty and harsh natural conditions (UNHCR, 2018b, 2019). These circumstances make it difficult to provide services to refugees.

2

Overall Policy Environment

Over the ages, across different regimes, and even in times of its own difficulties, Ethiopia has always maintained an open door policy to refugees. This openness emanates not only from principles and tenets of the various international conventions and treaties Ethiopia is a party to, but also from its own historical and traditional values (Assefa, 1992). Recently, in its roadmap for the implementation of Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF), the Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA) noted that Ethiopia’s refugee policies are driven by three key principles: to maintain its longstanding history of hospitality in hosting refugees, to meet its international obligations as a signatory to both the UN and OAU refugee conventions and to materialize its foreign policy goal of building sustainable peace with all of its neighbors through strengthening people to people relations. (ARRA, 2017, p. 3)

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The 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, along with its 1967 protocol, to which Ethiopia acceded in 1969, lay the foundation for Ethiopia’s international commitment to refugees. Another major regional legal instrument is the Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, enacted by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1969 and ratified by Ethiopia in 1973 (Assefa, 1992). There was since persistent push, particularly from the Assembly of Heads of States and Governments of OAU (later African Union [AU]), for African states to introduce national laws aligned with the convention. In 2004 Ethiopia promulgated a national refugee law under Proclamation No. 409/2004, which in its preamble stated its purpose as … to enact national legislation for the effective implementation of the […] international legal instruments, establish a legislative and management framework for the reception of refugees, ensure their protection, and promote durable solutions whenever conditions permit. (Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia [FDRE], 2004, p. 2660) Recently this law was replaced by Proclamation No. 1110/2019 to make it detailed enough and to “reflect the current overall developments and progresses made in refugee protection” (FDRE, 2019, p. 11075). The proclamation gives the overall responsibility of managing refugee affairs to ARRA, a government agency within the security apparatus. ARRA is responsible to oversee the security and camp management, as well as the registration of and the provision of basic services to refugees. It also serves as a liaison with ministries and international and non-government organizations that administer different refugee-focused programs (UNHCR, 2018b). The introduction of the Out of Camp Policy, in 2010, in collaboration with UNHCR, was another important reform which targeted the integration of Eritrean refugees with Ethiopian communities. The scheme allows refugees to live among host communities, in non-camp locations that are often in urban areas including the capital, Addis Ababa. Refugees are eligible to participate in the scheme if they can demonstrate financial means to support themselves – commonly in the form of commitment from family, relatives or friends – and have no criminal record (UNHCR, 2017). Another major point of departure in Ethiopia’s refugee policy came in 2016 when, following the New York Leaders’ Summit on Refugees, the Government of Ethiopia made nine pledges committing to increase protection and services. The pledges are aligned with Ethiopia’s Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP II) and the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals (UNHCR, 2018b). Consequently,

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in 2017 Ethiopia introduced its Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF) which identified key focus areas and priorities along with strategies to achieve them (ARRA, 2017). The same year Ethiopia also expanded its 2012 legislation for registration of vital events and national identity card (Proclamation No. 760/2012) to allow civil documentation for refugees. The nine pledges made by the government of Ethiopia in 2016 include (ARRA, 2017, p. 7): – Out of camp pledge; expansion of the “Out of Camp” policy to benefit 10% of the current total refugee population. – Education pledge; increase of enrollment in primary, secondary, and tertiary education to all qualified refugees without discrimination and within the available resources. – Work and livelihoods pledges; provision of work permits to refugees and those with permanent residence ID, within the bounds of domestic law; provision of work permits to refugees in the areas permitted for foreign workers, by giving priority to qualified refugees; making available irrigable land to 100,000 people (amongst them refugees and local communities) to engage in crop production. – Documentation pledges; provision of other benefits such as issuance of birth certificates to refugee children born in Ethiopia, possibility of opening bank accounts and obtaining driving licenses. – Social and basic services pledge; enhance the provision of basic and essential social services. – Local integration pledge; allowing for local integration for those protracted refugees who have lived for 20 years or more in Ethiopia. The nine pledges by the Government of Ethiopia, grouped into six thematic areas, are meant to be implemented through a wide participation of stakeholders to facilitate sustainable solutions in a more effective and responsive manner. Education is one of the thematic areas where considerable progress has been made in the past years.

3

Refugee Education

Haybano (2016), who recognizes the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC) as the forerunner of refugee education beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, has, through investigation of records, documented the milestone events and government decisions which shaped the provision of education to refugees in Ethiopia. Regarding the admission and integration of refugee students into the Ethiopian education system, Haybano noted, the first decision came in 1970.

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In December of 1970 the relief and development wing of EOC (Ethiopian Orthodox Church Development and Inter-Church Aid Commission [EOC-DICAC], in its current name), wrote a letter to the Ministry of Education (MoE) requesting explanation on how refugee students might be admitted into Ethiopian schools, and the requirements for sitting national exams. In a response letter to all administrative regions, the Ministry instructed that, as much as possible refugee students should be placed in the grade level that matched their competency, despite not having the appropriate academic certificates from their country of origin. However, the letter did not give details on the procedure for assessing and recognizing prior learning. In the letter, the Ministry also specified that to sit for the grade twelve national examination, refugee students, like their Ethiopian counterparts, were required to produce the appropriate documents starting from the grade level they joined the Ethiopian education system. Decades later, the EOC-DICAC is once again credited for raising the issue with the government. Citing the lack of clarity on how prior learning is to be recognized, and the growing resistance by Ethiopian schools to admit refugees, EOC-DICAC lobbied the MoE for an updated guideline. In response, in 2009 the MoE issued a directive according to which, to be directly admitted to a government school, refugees are required to produce documents that attest to their refugee status having been granted by the appropriate authority in Ethiopia, and a certificate that shows their prior learning in their country of origin (or other third country). When these conditions are met, students may be admitted directly and placed in the grade level indicated in their documents. Those who cannot produce the appropriate credentials showing their prior learning, are required to apply to the regional education bureau indicating the grade level they have previously achieved, and detailing the reason they could not present the appropriate documents. The regional education bureaus prepare and administer placement examinations based on Ethiopian curriculum. Based on test results the bureau gives the students a letter indicating at which grade level they qualify to be admitted, which may be different from the initial request by the student. This process is mainly required for secondary schools. Primary schools have the prerogative to administer their own placement exams, while this responsibility is reserved for the MoE at tertiary level (UNHCR, 2017). Meanwhile, ARRA plays a key facilitating role at all levels. 3.1 Recent Developments In 2013, upon the request of ARRA, MoE issued an instruction to mainstream refugee education into the major educational plan of the country – the Education Sector Development Program. This decision had wide implications that

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were specified in a circular written by the MoE identifying five major areas of collaboration between ARRA, and the different divisions of the ministry and regional education bureaus. These are: (1) the use of the national curriculum and supply of textbooks in refugee schools; (2) ensuring teacher training both in service and pre-service training; (3) allowing for supervision and inspection of refugee schools; (4) including refugees in the education sector development plan; and (5) ensuring that the learning assessments done by the National Education and Learning Agency under the Ministry are carried out in refugee schools as well (UNHCR, 2017, p. 30). Refugee schools, however, are administered by ARRA – not by regional education bureaus as in the case of government schools. For students of refugee schools to sit for the grade 10 national exam, their school has to be certified by the regional education bureau. In line with the global Refugee Education Strategy 2012–2016, the government of Ethiopia issued a National Refugee Education Strategy aligned with the overall education sector development program. One of the noticeable outcomes of this new direction was the adaptation and implementation of Education Management Information System (EMIS) for refugee education since 2016. This is meant to record key educational indicators at all levels for the purposes of monitoring progress and effective planning (MoE, 2018). Consequently, for the first time in 2018, MoE, in coordination with ARRA and UNHCR, has included refugee education in its annual statistical abstract for the academic year 2016/17. Efforts continue to expand and integrate refugee education into the national education system. The impetus to expand access to education for refugees has been furthered by the commitments made by the Ethiopian government in 2016, among other things, to expand enrollment at all levels. Between the academic years 2016/17 and 2017/18, the gross enrollment of primary schools increased from 54% to 72%, falling a little short of the 75% target. In a similar period, gross enrollment in secondary schools grew from 9% to 12%, compared to the target 25% (ARRA, 2017; UNHCR, 2018c). A major challenge here is that a considerable majority of the secondary school aged population are either still attending primary school, they have dropped out of school at primary level, or they have never been to school at all (MoE, 2018). There are some challenges to this otherwise promising effort. First, the question of whether to teach refugees the curriculum of their country of origin, or that of the host country has been a subject of debate, as it is on the global stage. Differences in language, ethnicity, culture and history between the sending and receiving countries are central to any decision related to this question (Winthrop & Matsui, 2013). Responding to the debate, UNHCR (2015a) demonstrates how the advantages of using the curriculum of host country outweigh

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the drawbacks. While there were schools that offered curriculum contextualized to the country of origin of the refugees, since 2016 all refugee schools in Ethiopia have started using the Ethiopian curriculum (UNHCR, 2017). The second challenge was a legal predicament. According to article 41(3) of the Ethiopian constitution access to publicly funded social services is reserved for Ethiopian citizens (FDRE, 1995). Meanwhile, the 2004 refugee proclamation in article 21(3) states that with respect to education refugees shall “be entitled to the same rights and be subjected to the same restrictions as are conferred or imposed generally by the relevant laws on persons who are not citizens of Ethiopia” (FDRE, 2004, p. 2671). Read in combination these provisions could mean that refugees are not entitled to access to the Ethiopian public education system. However, in practice and by the different directives of the MoE, refugees do access Ethiopian public education both in camps and in host communities (UNHCR, 2017). Another major challenge is the quality of refugee schools. In the 2017/18 academic year the student to teacher ratio in primary schools stood at 80:1. The students per classroom ratio is also severe with 103 at primary level and 63 in secondary schools. On top of this, only 55.6% of teachers meet the minimum qualification requirements (MoE, 2018). Moreover, more than half of the schools do not meet standards for safe learning (UNHCR, 2019). 3.2 Refugee Higher Education Broadly speaking, efforts to provide higher education to refugees can be justified in terms of benefits that accrue to the individual and to the larger society. As a marginalized group of society who lose much of their assets through displacement, educational attainment and skills set development would be the resources to create agency for refugees to tap into opportunities for a better life (Brown et al., 2018; Buscher, 2013). Higher education gives refugees the confidence of building an asset that shall not be lost or taken away from them, should they go through chaotic displacement again (Talbot, 2013). By giving hope of a better future and a life of self-reliance, higher education also helps with the mental health of refugees by preventing depression and low self-esteem, among other things. By keeping them focused on striving for a positive achievement, it serves a therapeutic purpose and keeps youth from being drawn into violent and sectarian ideologies (El Jack, 2010). In line with this idea, Gebreiyosus (2018) has documented responses from Somali refugees in Ethiopia who said engagement in higher education keeps them focused on their studies instead of contemplating the tormenting experiences they have gone through.

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Some also attend higher education in the hope of migrating to more affluent countries, thinking that their training not only increases their chance of migration but also affords them better employment opportunities in their new country of settlement (Tamrat & Dermas, 2018). The popularity of medical science fields among refugee students attending private institutions in Ethiopia is explained by the same logic (Tamrat & Habtemariam, 2019). On the other hand, the argument that higher education does not only impact the life of the individual but also has overflowing positive effect on the wider society, holds true in the case of refugee communities as well. In this sense, it is possible to see higher education as an area of long term investment, the benefits of which would be realized by both host country and country of origin. Refugees with advanced training skills can economically contribute to host countries through employment. By generating income, they become self-reliant and can support the needs of their families (Raudel & Morrison-Metois, 2017), in effect reducing the socio-economic burden on host countries. Besides encouraging children at lower levels of education by giving them role models, higher education contributes to the overall betterment of refugee communities through accumulated human capital and positive leadership. It empowers communities to make meaningful contributions in the future reconstruction and development of their home countries (El Jack, 2010; Dryden-Peterson, 2011); essentially it bridges between humanitarian response and sustainable development. This has been demonstrated in the case of Afghanistan. Morlang and Stolte (2008) observed that Afghan refugees who had access to higher education were not only more eager to return home but also made considerable contribution in the reconstruction of the country, a majority of them taking up important positions in the government and non-government sectors. Above all, higher education is crucial to address the root of the problems that produce refugees in the first place. Various documents, including the national refugee education strategy of Ethiopia, acknowledge these overflowing benefits of education (UNHCR, 2015b). Better trained refugees volunteer to participate in different development-oriented activities in their camps, including teaching at lower levels and supporting health and sanitation efforts. This is also one of the reasons underpinning provision of scholarship programs for refugee students (UNHCR, 2018d): a much larger number of refugees benefit from the higher level training of one. 3.3 Access to Higher Education As stated above the 2004 refugee proclamation had a narrow definition of educational opportunities for refugees whereby they are treated in the same

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vein as any foreigner. The 2019 revised proclamation rectified this situation by providing a broader scope of treatment for refugees. Accordingly, for pre-primary and primary education, recognized refugees are to be treated the same way as Ethiopian citizens. However, as stated in article 24, for other levels of education, including higher education, access shall be bound by availability of resources and subject to the education policy of the country. Despite not being considered on the same footing as Ethiopian citizens, refugees are to be given a more favorable treatment than foreign nationals with respect to access, recognition of foreign academic credentials, remission of fees and charges, and the awarding of scholarships (FDRE, 2019). In 2018, UNHCR reported that the number of refugees enrolled in tertiary education reached 2,300 which leaped by more than 43% from the previous academic year – 2016/17 (UNHCR, 2018c). This is in part the result of the commitment of the Ethiopian government. Expanding access to education for refugees at all levels was one of the nine pledges made by the Ethiopian government. To that effect, the roadmap for its implementation has emphasized support for public higher education institutions to strengthen their capacity to admit more refugee students, and the commitment of more resources to offer allowances for students in the form of scholarship programs (ARRA, 2017). Similarly, the national refugee education strategy, which recognizes the critical role of higher education has set out the following four major strategies (UNHCR, 2015b, p. 30): – Expansion of the number of scholarships for tertiary education in Ethiopia through partnerships with government, academic institutions, donors and foundations. – Harmonized approaches to and implementation of tertiary education scholarship programs in Ethiopia, so that young refugees have equitable services and entitlements. – Broadened access to professional and paraprofessional training courses in refugee camps/setting as well as through scholarship opportunities outside of the camp. – Support access to certified higher education courses through open and distance learning using Information and Communication Technology (ICT). Further, scholarships are meant to be specifically targeting increasing the number of female beneficiaries. As of 2014, only 16.9% of refugee students in public institutions were female. The strategic document aimed to increase this to 35% by the academic year 2018/19 (UNHCR, 2015b). Data is not yet available to see if this target has been achieved. Similarly, disparity in country of origin

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has also been reported in the access to higher education, where those from Eritrea constituted an overwhelming majority. While it requires a closer study to fully explain these differences, the strong socio-political relationship between Ethiopia and Eritrea hints as to why there is a high number of Eritrean refugees in Ethiopian universities. The 2010 out of camp policy, for instance, was specifically focused on Eritrean refugees. In the same year, the government of Ethiopia designed a scholarship program exclusively for Eritrean refugees (Gebreiyosus, 2018), although later the program opened a small number of places for refugees from other countries (UNHCR, 2015b). On the other hand, it can be conjectured that a substantial number of Eritrean refugees leave their country escaping mandatory military services after completing secondary school, or dropping out of college. Therefore, there might be sizably more Eritrean refugees ready for higher education, than there are from other neighboring countries. Prior to 2010 passage to post-secondary education for refugees required the same academic qualification as for Ethiopian students. Entrance into Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) required taking the national grade ten examination, formally known as Ethiopian General Secondary Education Certificate Examination (EGSECE). Similarly, according to the higher education proclamation, “admissions to undergraduate programs of any institution shall be based on completion of the [college] preparatory program and obtaining the necessary pass marks in the university entrance examination” (FDRE, 2009, p. 5003). In other words, refugees could not have claimed recognition of their prior learning beyond grade ten which they have completed in their country of origin or elsewhere outside Ethiopia (Haybano, 2016). It has to be noted that the proclamation also opens another path for those who completed their secondary school outside Ethiopia based on equivalence assessment of academic achievements by the ministry of education (FDRE, 2009). This option, however, requires that refugees present their official academic records from wherever they completed their secondary school. It does not offer alternatives for those who, for different reasons, cannot present their academic credentials. Since the launch of the Ethiopian Government scholarship program in 2010, a placement examination has been put in place to give equal opportunity of access to refugees who cannot provide their educational records but might qualify for university education. The MoE has delegated Addis Ababa University to undertake the administration and assessment of the placement examination on its behalf (UNHCR, 2015b). The placement examination is set to be equivalent to the Ethiopian Higher Education Entrance Certificate

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Examination (EHEECE), based on which the Ministry determines the minimum passing marks to be admitted by universities. 3.3.1 Modes of Entry Generally, there are three ways refugee students in Ethiopia enter higher education: through scholarship programs, self-sponsored study in private institutions, and teacher training programs. In Ethiopia, there are two scholarship programs available for refugees. The first one is the Albert Einstein Academic Refugee Initiative – better known in its German abbreviation as DAFI. Having started in 1993 – one year after it was established – the program, as of 2017, supported 729 refugee students, putting Ethiopia among the top five countries in the world with the highest number of DAFI scholarship holders (UNHCR, 2018d). Consistent with global trends, in the past few years the number of DAFI scholarship holders in Ethiopia has increased (from 297 in 2015 to 512 in 2016 and 729 in 2017). Association of Ethiopians Educated in Germany (AEEG) is the partner of the initiative which, in collaboration with UNHCR and different Ethiopian institutions, administers the scholarship program and coordinates different activities. According to its website, AEEG not only conducts frequent visits to universities where scholarship holders study, it also offers different resources within the universities and conducts community centered activities, focusing on networking, life skills, counseling, etc. (AEEG, n.d.). The other type of scholarship is organized by the Government of Ethiopia, through ARRA. Started in 2010 in connection with the ‘Out of Camp’ policy, this scholarship initially targeted Eritrean refugees. In 2013 it was opened for refugees from other countries as well. Through the placement exam described above, this program specifically caters for those applicants who cannot present their academic records (UNHCR, 2015b). The other way refugee students access higher education is through self-sponsored studies in private institutions. Once again, the ‘Out of Camp’ policy of the government of Ethiopia has opened opportunities for refugees to enroll in higher education, often through financial support from family members and relatives based abroad, more commonly in Europe and North America (Tamrat & Dermas, 2018). Those who have the financial means but not the required academic records, may take the placement exam the result of which ARRA will send in a letter of cooperation for the private institution of their choice. ARRA also urges the institutions to treat refugee students in the same way they treat Ethiopian students, with respect to charging them tuition and fees in local currencies, as well as other measures that promote more integration (Tamrat & Habtemariam, 2019).

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Teacher training, primarily focusing on improving teacher qualifications in refugee schools, presents the other opportunity for refugees to enter higher education. MoE (2018) reported that a majority of teachers (62%) in primary (refugee) schools were refugees themselves. The Ministry acknowledges that although a significant majority of these teachers did not meet the minimum qualifications, they have immensely helped the implementation of mother-tongue as medium of instruction. The effort to improve quality of education, particularly in camp schools and refugee education centers, has rolled out, among other things, in providing trainings in regional teacher training colleges (UNHCR, 2017). 3.4 Challenges While commendable efforts have been made by the government of Ethiopia and its partners to provide more opportunities of higher education for refugees, there are some challenges inhibiting further progress. First is the obvious resource constraint. Ethiopia has one of the lowest average cost of scholarship (UNHCR, 2018d), thanks to a substantial support from the government in the form of subsidies to public universities which goes as high as 75% of the total cost of educating a refugee student (UNHCR, 2015b). Yet more resource commitment is needed to expand access to refugees. Second, Ethiopian universities having no internationalization strategy, international student services, or international students for that matter, means that refugee students are faced with an unaccommodating environment leading to feelings of isolation. Gebreiyosus (2018) and Tamrat and Habtemariam (2019) have documented the various forms in which socio-cultural challenges jeopardize the academic success of refugee students. Language barriers both inside and outside the classroom, both for academic and non-academic matters, are among the main ones. Although officially English is the language of instruction in Ethiopian higher education, local students more often than not prefer class discussions to be in Amharic. The same is the case for outside the classroom engagements in doing assignments and group work projects. Injera, the staple Ethiopian food regularly served in public universities represents another layer of cultural difficulty for most refugee students. Refugee students say they find it very difficult to get used to the peculiar taste of injera while they can hardly find any food they are familiar with. These challenges are added on top of the various traumatic and stressful experiences the students go through, without deliberate efforts toward counseling and improved mental health. There are, however, efforts specifically aimed at organizing orientation programs by ARRA to introduce refugee

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students to the Ethiopian higher education system, manners of communication with classmates and professors, and so on. Limitation in systematic data collection, maintenance and reporting is another level of challenge. Absence of well-organized data for strategic and policy decisions as well as lack of information for refugees with regard to different opportunities available to them are commonly cited problems (UNHCR, 2017; Gebreiyosus, 2018). UNHCR produces different reports related to its main activities. In addition, through collaboration between UNHCR, ARRA and MoE, the latest edition of the annual educational abstract has included a section on refugee education. However, this is far from sufficient. As ARRA, the main government body concerned with refugee affairs is part of the national security apparatus, it is inherently very difficult to get data from them. Lastly, current security issues in and around universities pose a threat to the wellbeing of students. UNHCR (2018c) reported that students assigned to universities located in areas prone to security issues had requested to be reassigned to other universities. Such an example was the request of 38 refugee students who were studying in Wollega University in Western Oromia region.

4

Concluding Remarks

In the past years Ethiopia has made some concrete strides in improving educational and other opportunities for refugees within its boundaries, more so at lower levels than in higher education. Refugees have three pathways to higher education: going through the Ethiopian education system; presenting their academic credentials and getting them evaluated by the MoE; or sitting for a placement exam, for those who do not have their documents with them. Two scholarship programs sponsor students in public universities, while those who have their own financial means can join private institutions. Nonetheless, there remains much to be done in expanding access to higher education and in providing services that ensure the academic and personal wellbeing of refugee students to succeed in their endeavors. This requires availing robust data that can help understand current circumstances and determine future directions.

References Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA). (2017). Road map for the implementation of federal democratic republic of Ethiopia Government pledges and the practical application of the CRRF in Ethiopia. ARRA.

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Assefa, E. (1992). Migration and health: Refugees and returnees in Ethiopia. Ethiopian Journal of Health Development, 6(1), 63–77. Association of Ethiopians Educated in Germany (AEEG). (n.d.). Projects. Retrieved from https://aeeg-ethiopia.org/projects/ Brown, A., Mackie, P., Dickenson, K., & Gebre-Egziabher, T. (2018). Urban refugee economies: Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (Working Paper). International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED). Buscher, D. (2013). New approaches to urban refugee livelihoods. Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees, 28(2), 17–29. Dryden-Peterson, S. (2011). Refugee education: A global review. UNHCR. Dryden-Peterson, S. (2015). Refugee education in countries of first asylum: Breaking open the Black box of pre-resettlement experiences. Theory and Research in Education, 14(2), 131–148. El Jack, A. (2010). “Education is my mother and father”: The “invisible” women of Sudan. Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees, 27(2), 19–31. Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE). (1995). Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia proclamation No. 1/1995. Federal Negarit Gazeta, 1(1), 1–38. Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE). (2004). Refugee proclamation No. 409/2004. Federal Negarit Gazeta, 10(54), 2660–2672. Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE). (2009). Higher education proclamation No. 650/2009. Federal Negarit Gazeta, 15(64), 4976–5044. Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE). (2019). Refugee proclamation No. 1110/2019. Federal Negarit Gazette, 25(38), 11075–11098. Gebreiyosus, Y. B. (2018). Being a refugee student in higher education: Exploring the challenges and coping strategies: A case study of Mekelle University, Ethiopia (Master’s thesis). University of Oslo, Norway. Gladwell, C., Hollow, D., Robinson, A., Norman, B., Bowerman, E., Mitchell, J., Floremont, F., & Hutchinson, P. (2016). Higher education for refugees in low-resource environments (Research study). Jigsaw Consult. Haybano, A. K. (2016). Integration and identity among refugee children in Ethiopia: Dilemmas of Eritrean and Somali students in selected primary schools of Addis Ababa (Doctoral dissertation). Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia. Ministry of Education (MoE). (2018). Education statistics annual abstract 2009 E.C. (2016/17). MoE. Morlang, C., & Stolte, C. (2008). Tertiary refugee education in Afghanistan: Vital for reconstruction. Forced Migration Review, 30, 62–63. Raudel, H., & Morrison-Metois, S. (2017). Responding to refugee crises: Lessons from evaluations in Ethiopia and Uganda as countries of destination. OECD.

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Talbot, C. (2013). Education in conflict emergencies in light of the post-2015 MDGs and EFA agendas (Working Paper No. 3). Network for International Policies and Cooperation in Education and Training. Retrieved from http://www.norrag.org/ fileadmin/Working_Papers/Education_in_conflict_emergencies_Talbot.pdf Tamrat, W., & Dermas, S. (2018, January 21). Responding to the needs of Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia. Inside Higher Ed. Retrieved from https://www.insidehighered.com/ blogs/world-view/responding-needs-eritrean-refugees-ethiopia Tamrat, W., & Habtemariam, S. D. (2019). The quest for refugee higher education in Ethiopia: The case of self-financing Eritreans. Widening Participation and Lifelong Learning, 21(2), 120–140. UNHCR. (2014). Global child protection, education and SGBV strategy implementation report. UNHCR. UNHCR. (2015a). Curriculum choice in refugee settings (Education: Issue Brief 3). Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/publications/education/560be1209/ education-brief-3-curriculum-choices-refugee-settings.html UNHCR. (2015b). Ethiopia national refugee education strategy 2015–2018. Retrieved from https://data2.unhcr.org/en/documents/download/62627 UNHCR. (2017). Working towards inclusion: Refugees within the national system of Ethiopia. UNHCR. UNHCR. (2018a). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2017. UNHCR. Retrieved from https://www.unhcr.org/5b27be547.pdf UNHCR. (2018b). Comprehensive refugee response framework: The Ethiopia model. Retrieved from http://www.globalcrrf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/UNHCRCS-Ethiopia-screen.pdf UNHCR. (2018c). Ethiopia: Education fact sheet. Retrieved from https://reliefweb.int/ sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/68090.pdf UNHCR. (2018d). The other one percent – Refugee students in higher education (DAFI annual report 2017). UNHCR. UNHCR. (2019). Ethiopia country refugee response plan: The integrated response plan for refugees from Eritrea, Sudan, South Sudan and Somalia: January 2019–December 2020. Retrieved from https://data2.unhcr.org/en/documents/download/67744 United Nations Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA). (2019). Ethiopia: Humanitarian needs overview 2019. Retrieved from https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/www.humanitarianresponse.info/ files/2019/03/02_HNO_Summary_030619.pdf Winthrop, R., & Matsui, E. (2013). A new agenda for education in Fragile States (Center for Universal Education Working Paper 10). Retrieved from Center for Universal Education at Brookings. https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/ 08-education-agenda-fragile-states-winthrop.pdf

chapter 16

Self-Financing as a New Stream of Refugee Higher Education: The Case of Eritreans in Ethiopia Wondwosen Tamrat and Samuel Dermas Habtemariam

1

Introduction

Eritrea was part of Ethiopia before it became an independent country in 1993. Despite popular wishes for an ideal state of prosperity and peace, the country took a completely different course after its independence. Triggered by various challenges such as forced military conscription and political repression, Eritreans have been compelled to flee their country exposing themselves to the horrible experiences of kidnapping, torture, ransom and death on their way to refugee destinations (Connel, 2016; Roseberg & Tronvoll, 2017). Eritrea is now identified as one of the largest per capita producers of asylum seekers in the world (United Nations High Commission for Refugees [UNHCR], 2015; Roseberg & Tronvoll, 2017). Ethiopia currently hosts 164,600 Eritreans, who represent 19 % of the total refugee population in the country (UNHCR, 2018a). Over the past decade, Ethiopia – in collaboration with international organizations like the UNHCR – has embarked on different schemes to help refugees cope with their situation. Eritrean refugees are often considered the most favored group in terms of the schemes introduced though this has not always been perceived in the same way by the refugees themselves, who consider their treatment politically motivated and temporary (Mena, 2017). The Out-of-Camp Scheme which Ethiopia adopted in 2010 allows refugees to live and move freely across the country if they can demonstrate that they have a means of support to live outside the refugee camps (UNHCR, 2015; Connel, 2016). Among other benefits, the scheme has created an opportunity for self-sponsored refugees among the 20,000 Eritreans who live in Addis Ababa to attend local private higher education institutions (PHEIs) on fee-paying basis. Little is known about this scheme which is a relatively new development in Ethiopian higher education and perhaps globally as well. This study seeks to bridge the existing gap by examining the nature of self-financed refugee higher education through the challenges and support schemes available to

© koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_016

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Eritrean refugees pursuing their education at Ethiopian universities. The first part of the chapter offers a brief overview of the literature on the various forms of access to refugee higher education followed by the design, findings and conclusions of the study. 1.1

Access to Higher Education in Ethiopia and Opportunities for Eritrean Refugees Higher education in Ethiopia is predominantly provided by the government through its 50 public universities that accommodate 86% of total enrollment at a national level (Ministry of Education (MoE), 2018). The remaining percentage is covered by more than 170 private higher education institutions that have sprouted over the last two decades. Despite various efforts made in expanding higher education across the country, the sector currently accommodates only 12% of the relevant age cohort which is far below what the government wishes to achieve (MoE, 2018). The government intends to augment the rate of participation to 22% by 2025 (Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia National Planning Commission, 2016). While public universities enroll students centrally placed by the government, private institutions recruit students who can fulfil admission requirements set at a national level and pay tuition and fees. Ethiopia’s commitment to refugee education is guided by its National Refugee Education Strategy 2015–2018 that has adopted the Global Refugee Education Strategy 2012–2016 of the UNHCR, and is aligned with its successive five-year education sector development plans (MoE, 2018). Gladwell and others (2016) classify the available forms of support to refugees seeking higher education into five major types: learning centers opened for refugees in refugee camps or host communities; host-country scholarship programs; international scholarship programs; international online learning platforms; and information-sharing platforms. The two major forms of support available to refugees in Ethiopia are the international scholarship provided by the UNHCR and local scholarships given by the Ethiopian government. 1.2 International Scholarship Programs The UNHCR plays a dominant role in offering international scholarships for refugees in Ethiopia. Since 1992, the UNHCR has been running the Albert Einstein German Academic Refugee Initiative Fund (DAFI) across the globe, which remains the most popular initiative worldwide (UNHCR, 2018b). The initiative has been implemented in 41 countries, the top beneficiaries being Chad, Ethiopia, Iran, Jordan, Kenya, Pakistan, Uganda and Yemen. In fact, Sub-Saharan Africa is the biggest recipient of the DAFI scholarship program

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with 2732 (41%) of the total opportunities provided in 2017 (UNHCR, 2018b). This share is mainly divided among Ethiopia (729 students), Uganda (438) and Kenya (370). The DAFI scholarship has been running in Ethiopia since 2000 (UNHCR, 2015). 28 public higher education institutions in Ethiopia host DAFI scholarship students with an annual budget of $ 499,096, the average scholarship cost standing at $ 685 (UNHCR, 2019). Among the 729 students enrolled in 2017 in the DAFI scholarship 388 came from Somalia, 169 from Sudan, 88 from South Sudan, 63 from Eritrea, 13 from Yemen, 7 from Congo Brazzaville, and 1 from Burundi (UNHCR, 2018b). 1.3 Host-Country Scholarships The Ethiopian Government has also been involved in the provision of free local scholarship that include food and accommodation to refugees in the past decade. Free university scholarships provided for refugees at the various Ethiopian public universities have so far enabled more than 1,500 Eritrean refugees to pursue their studies across the country, though this is far below the actual demand for such opportunities (Habtemariam, 2017; UNHCR, 2015, 2018b). The targets set by government are planned to increase from the current figure to 2,500 students in the near future. So far UNHCR provides only 25% of the total cost of education for refugees attending their higher education in Ethiopian universities while the Government covers the remaining 75% through its subsidies to public universities (UNHCR, 2015). Availing more opportunities for refugees in a country that provides access to higher education only to a limited portion of its own eligible student population cannot be an easy task in the absence of additional resources about which no clear direction seems to exist. 1.4 Self-Financing as a New Scheme of Refugee Higher Education The third and least studied scheme through which refugees access higher education is self-financing. This is a scheme in which refugees finance their education mainly through the remittance they receive from fellow refugees, migrants and relatives who have previously settled in other countries. The literature on remittances to and from refugees remains scarce owing to the limited attention the subject has so far drawn from researchers (Vargas-Silva, 2016) and due to the particular dearth of research on motives of remittance and the diaspora giving back (Plasterer, 2011; Copeland-Corson, 2007). The motives for remittance of money can be dictated by altruism, self-interest, and immediate motivations that represent contractual agreements between the migrant and family of origin (Carling, 2008; Vargas-Silva, 2016).

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The altruistic motive, which is more pertinent to this study, is about settled refugees sending money to their relatives with the purpose of improving the latter’s well-being (Vargas-Silva, 2016). The levels of individual remittances in support of family members left behind is dictated by the types and characteristics of personal or family events and obligations (Ghosh, 2006). In addition to facilitating the refugees’ escape from persecution this form of assistance is considered to be a symbol of strong transnational social bond and critical in improving the lives of people left behind (De Haas, 2010; Ghosh, 2006). This feeling is more pronounced in Africa where most cultures espouse the value of interdependence and mutual responsibility for others (Copeland-Carson, 2007; Johnson, 2007). Experiences from Somalia, for instance, show that migrant remittances are used for development purposes including education and as mechanisms of rebuilding Somalia anew (Copeland-Carson, 2007; Plasterer, 2011). The situation in Eritrea is quite similar. Eritrea has a large number of migrants who have moved to the Middle East, Europe and North America since the 1970s (Tewolde, 2005). The Eritrean economy is significantly dependent on remittance from these migrants whose contribution amounts to nearly one third of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) (Kifle, 2007). More than 97 % of the 20,000 Eritreans who live in Addis Ababa are assumed to depend on the remittances they receive from abroad (Mena, 2017). The average migrant in Eritrea remits around USD 300–400 per year, and the contribution is mainly aimed at improving social services like women’s empowerment, the building of schools and the improvement of health care (Tewolde, 2005). Although there are no clear figures to date as to the number of refugees who attend their higher education through self-financing, this modality could be no less significant than those who access higher education opportunities through international and host-country scholarships discussed earlier. Against the above background, this study examines the experiences and challenges of self-financing Eritrean refugees attending their higher education in Ethiopia.

2

Research Objective

This study sought to investigate the experiences of Eritrean refugee students while attending tertiary level education in Ethiopia. The specific research questions addressed are: – What are the challenges of self-financing Eritrean refugees who attend private higher education institutions (PHEIs) in Ethiopia?

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– What are the policies and support schemes (if any) put in place to mitigate the challenges of Eritrean refugees in Ethiopian HEIs?

3

Research Methodology

The study used a qualitative research methodology. Focus group discussion (FGD) and semi-structured interview were chosen as principal data collection tools to gauge the various experiences and challenges of the Eritrean refugee students. The study participants were Eritrean refugees who lived out of refugee camps and pursued their college education at two private colleges in Addis Ababa: Africa and Medco-Bio Medical colleges. The choice for medical colleges was made based on an earlier scoping exercise which indicated that most self-sponsored Eritrean refugees prefer to study medical subjects due to the anticipation that such programs will earn them better job opportunities in the countries where they wish to settle at the end of their studies. The two colleges were selected based on their willingness to participate in the study, on the relative presence of more Eritrean students, and after obtaining permission from the college deans. Out of the 200 refugee students who attended the colleges, 40 (20%) were voluntarily chosen for focus group discussion using a simple random sampling technique. Additionally, the Education Officer and Head of the Program Implementation and Coordination Office at the Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA) participated in the study. Half of the refugee interviewees were females, whereas both participants from ARRA were males. Consents were obtained from all participants before the interview and FGDs were conducted. The FGDs were conducted in four sessions, involving ten volunteer refugee students during each session. Interviews were also conducted with ten volunteer Eritrean refugee students. The Education Officer and Head of the Program Implementation and Coordination Office at the ARRA were similarly interviewed to gauge the challenges the refugee students faced and strategies used by ARRA (if any) to integrate the refugee students into the Ethiopian higher education system. Both the FGD and interviews were audiotaped, recorded and transcribed. After the transcription and coding of the records, draft transcriptions were sent to the interviewees in order to ascertain the reliability of the data. Using content analysis as a major analytical tool, the textual data obtained were categorized into clusters of similar entities, or conceptual categories, to identify consistent patterns and relationships between themes identified (Given, 2008).

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Findings of the Study

The challenges refugee students face can vary depending on the context in which they find themselves. The findings of this particular study are representative of challenges in the context of ‘countries of first asylum’ as contrasted with ‘countries of resettlement’ (Dryden-Peterson, 2015). The data analyses about the Eritrean refugees indicated that their challenges could fall into three major categories: academic, emotional/psychological and sociocultural. 4.1 Academic Challenges Refugee students encounter a multitude of academic challenges that can hamper their success. Challenges related to the medium of instruction, social integration, the nature of curriculum or learning outcomes used, availability of proper documents and credentials, differing institutional requirements and environments, tuition fees and teacher preparation can hinder the opportunities and academic progress of refugee students (Al-Hawamdeh & El-Ghali, 2017; Institute of International Education [IIE], 2016). The Eritrean refugee students acknowledged the tremendous opportunity they were given to pursue their tertiary education as self-sponsored students in Ethiopia. They also justified their choice of medical studies for its value in resettlement situations when the opportunity arises. The research subjects noted that despite following programs of their own choice, their academic pursuits are hindered by a plethora of challenges that impede their progress. To begin with, the refugee students cited disrupted schooling as one obstacle that affected their academic career. Most of them stayed in refugee camps in Ethiopia for two to three years before joining the private medical colleges – an academic gap that they said affected them in terms of attending their classes smoothly. One of the refugee students described the situation as follows: I stayed in Adi-Harush refugee camp for three years. Later, I came to Addis Ababa because my brother who lives in the USA promised to send me two hundred dollars monthly and cover my college fees. At the college, things became so difficult for me because I could not sit and learn for hours patiently, and could not be motivated to read because I understood nothing. I think this has happened because I was away from school for some years. Lack of academic skills and different school ethos were also cited as part of the learning challenges the Eritrean refugee students encountered. The refugee

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students identified their specific deficiencies in academic skills as note-taking, reading strategies, study skills, time management and programming. They further contended that the academic environment in Ethiopia is a bit different from Eritrea with its own impact in terms of their academic progress and adaptation. In Eritrea, they were obligated to go to Sawa – a military training center established for compulsory and basic military training – during their last year of high school where they were treated as military trainees. Timetables were set for them to specify when to go to the library, how long to stay there, when to have their meal, and when to study. The refugees admitted that they found coping with the new environment difficult as this kind of military demand and dependence on orders coming from higher officials does not exist. The refugee students further noted that it is only after a semester or more when they are acclimated to their new situation and the system in the colleges that their academic achievements begin to improve. 4.2 Linguistic Challenges Concurrent with studies in other contexts and in Eritrea itself (e.g. Jungblut et al., 2018; Gebreiyosus, 2018), this study identified language barriers as one of the most prominent challenges encountered by Eritrean refugees. The refugee students mentioned their lack of proficiency both in Amharic – the official working language of Ethiopia – and that of English – the medium of instruction at tertiary level – as linguistic challenges. Amharic is widely used in the institutions despite the fact that English was stipulated to be a medium of instruction (Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia [FDRE], 2009). One of the refugee students intimated the following: My teachers use Amharic a lot in class to explain concepts and give relevant examples to the students. I understand my Ethiopian classmates like it a lot because it helps them to grasp the complex concepts discussed, but because my Amharic proficiency is poor it discourages me to ask follow up questions and understand the major concepts just like my Ethiopian classmates. So, I leave the classroom without understanding the complex theories and examples given by the teacher in Amharic. Despite their love for the language, communicating in Amharic was very difficult for most of the Eritrean refugee students, except for those who stayed longer in Ethiopia, or those who were born and raised in Ethiopia but were deported to Eritrea during the 1998 border clash and came back as refugees. The latter two groups provide translation assistance for those who do not know Amharic both in and out of colleges. Refugee students also use Tigrinya,

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a language spoken in Ethiopia, with those who have knowledge of the language. There are also some refugee students who use English to communicate with others when they are left with no other option. Refugee students who are gaining proficiency in Amharic asserted that their teachers’ frequent use of the language made the task of understanding lessons daunting. Since class participation, discussing academic issues like grades and asking for clarification of unclear concepts or questions outside the classroom required knowledge of Amharic, the refugee students felt hindered from active participation and putting forward their queries. The refugee students also disclosed that the teachers do not know that there are Eritreans in the class because the Eritreans look like Ethiopians, and the teachers have no means to identify them. The refugee students do not also talk about their background unless asked and admitted that they have not complained to anyone, but rather try to solve the problems on their own. Among the academic challenges identified, the refugee students frequently mentioned the lack of Amharic proficiency and different school ethos as the most prominent ones, suggesting the level of importance they attached to these specific problems. These were in line with the findings of Kanu (2008). 4.3 Emotional/Psychological Challenges The academic success of refugee students can be affected by their past traumatic experiences, psychological stress, and social complexities that require special treatment as these experiences can impede their ability to learn (McBrien, 2005; Dryden-Peterson, 2015). The Eritrean refugee students identified emotional/psychological problems, which included traumatic experiences of crossing the Eritrea–Ethiopia border and the negative effects they are facing as a result of their horrible experiences. A few disclosed their experiences of being caught by bandits in the Sahara Desert while trying to cross to Egypt from Sudan, the traumatic experiences of being tortured, and witnessing women being raped. Others related stories about people travelling with them being killed and captured by the Eritrean security forces while crossing the border to Ethiopia; and the experiences of seeing people being eaten by wild animals in the jungle. A refugee student recounts his personal experience: We were about ten crossing the border to Ethiopia being led by one smuggler. Some of them were women with their children. So, while crossing the Mereb river after midnight, Eritrean security forces started shooting towards us. We could not even see which direction they were shooting from, and we ran to different directions to save our lives. I saw one of the women being killed in front of me and lying on the ground. I cannot for-

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get that woman. She keeps coming to my mind at night, during the daytime and even when I am in class. Then I cannot concentrate, you know. It makes me emotional, and though physically I am in class, my mind is out of the class wondering why they shot at us. I cannot help it, you know. The Eritrean refugees asserted that despite their expectations, they did not receive any therapeutic or psychiatric treatment after their arrival in Ethiopia which would have lessened their psychological stress. They asserted that their psychological stress is sometimes a source of isolation from the college community, even though their interaction with other refugee students was relatively warm. Their situation appears to indicate a gap in the support system of Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA) and the colleges in addressing the bigger needs of integrating the Eritrean refugee students into the new environment. Furthermore, the refugee students also noted that their failure to possess their original academic credentials had contributed to their psychological stress. Most of them were unable to do this for two reasons. Firstly, they were victims of the policy in Eritrea that bars school certificates or university diplomas from being issued to any citizen without presenting evidence of completion of national service or exemption from this requirement. Secondly, even for those who had a college diploma, colleges and universities in Ethiopia require authentication from the Higher Education Relevance and Quality Agency (HERQA) before enrolling them in their programs. It was only through the assistance and intervention of ARRA that problems related to their credentials were usually solved. The refugee students also described their uncertain future as the other source of emotional/psychological stress. Since they do not plan to settle in Ethiopia the interviewed refugees hope for the UNHCR or their family members to assist them to move to other affluent nations. In fact, resettlement is regarded as the only viable solution for most refugees in Ethiopia as local integration and voluntary repatriation to countries of origin remain elusive goals (UNHCR, 2016a). However, as the resettlement process arranged by the UNHCR appears to be precarious and lengthy (taking on average 4–10 years), very few of the refugee students put much hope on it. Refugee students admitted that they even entertain the idea of using the financial assistance they get from family members living abroad to pay smugglers to help them reach their final destinations through a perilous journey, if that is absolutely necessary. They further explained that they feel a sense of guilt for not having done so already – a thought that contributes to their psychological stress and interferes in their academic pursuit.

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4.4 Socio-Cultural Challenges In most cases, socializing outside the colleges does not appear to be a substantial problem among the Eritrean refugees. The refugees rent houses together and share their expenses. They frequent specific places in Addis where there is a big community of Eritrean refugees living and running businesses like bars, internet cafes, etc. However, to most of the refugee students, the use of Amharic has not only created a substantial communication barrier inside the colleges, but has also become a source of sociocultural challenges by creating unnecessary misunderstanding when they try to mingle with others. Being Amharic language learners they are sometimes considered to be rude, domineering and impolite by their classmates and teachers. The following two comments from the refugee students explain the situation better: Of course, I am not fluent in Amharic but when I try to communicate using the language, I am misunderstood. In fact, some think that I am rude and disrespectful because of the way I use Amharic. They do not try to understand me. As a result, it frustrates me a lot when the reaction is negative because they think I am impolite. In the library, I usually fight with the librarians because they think I am shouting at them when I request for a reserved book in Amharic. When I try to explain to them that I do not mean to be impolite, it gets worse because my Amharic is very poor. I think I am better in listening than speaking Amharic. On the positive side, the refugee students expressed the advantages of having similar cultural practices and sharing the same religion, food and dressing style with Ethiopia that make them feel at home compared to other countries like Sudan and Egypt where there could be significant differences in cultural values, religion and costumes. Little is known about the fate of Eritrean refugees who have successfully graduated from Ethiopian higher institutions of learning. However, it can be safely assumed that their training cannot be used for employment purposes within Ethiopia as the Ethiopian refugee law (FDRE, 2004) until very recently did not permit wage-earning employment for refugees. Given the unchanging political situation in Eritrea, most Eritrean refugees do not intend to return to their country either. In fact, the Eritrean refugees interviewed said they plan to use their training to improve their life and that of their families’ situation when they hopefully resettle in countries in the West. The refugee students’ choice of medical programs over other social science subjects was dictated by

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the anticipation that the field can have better employment prospect in places where they wish to resettle (Habtemariam, 2017; Tamrat & Habtemariam, 2018).

5

Support Provided to Eritrean Refugee Students

5.1 Government Support The Ethiopian Government accommodates the various needs of its large refugee population through a division called Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA). By virtue of the power it is given from the government, ARRA serves as the UNHCR’s main counterpart and implementing partner in Ethiopia (UNHCR, 2016b). According to the information obtained from its website, ARRA’s mandates for coordinating refugee programs and activities are to: – serve as a key government agency and representative on all matters of refugees and asylum seekers; – conduct refugee status determination exercises and decide on refugee status; – establish refugee camps and manage the overall coordination of camp activities; – provide physical protection and maintain the well-being of all people of concern; – provide and coordinate basic and social service delivery to refugees and coordinate country-level refugee assistance programs; – assist and facilitate NGO partners and other stakeholder interventions in the discharge of their activities; and – facilitate and undertake repatriation movements when the causes of refugee displacement are solved (ARRA, n.d.). The Ethiopian refugee law (FDRE, 2004) until it was changed in January, 2019 catered only for basic protection and social services with little room for the types of help Eritrean refugees were provided. However, this has not deterred the Ethiopian Government from creating various beneficial opportunities for the refugees. Aside from issuing identity cards to those who are allowed to live legally in Ethiopia, ARRA assists in various tasks that would help integrate the Eritrean refugee students into the higher education system. According to the Head of Program Implementation and Coordination and Education Officer at ARRA, the self-sponsored Eritrean refugee students require various types of critical assistance in order to pursue their studies at Ethiopian HEIs. ARRA provides special assistance to students who are unable to produce their authentic

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educational records by arranging placement exams. Based on their results, ARRA sends a letter of cooperation to the HEIs where the refugee students prefer to study. As a matter of practice, tertiary education in Ethiopia is accessed by the refugees under the same conditions as Ethiopian nationals (UNHCR, 2018b). According to the interview with the Education Officer, ARRA further urges the colleges to treat the refugee students like other Ethiopians, to charge school fees in local currency rather than in dollars, so that the refugee students do not feel any sense of isolation or segregation. According to the information obtained from respondents, ARRA arranges orientation sessions for the Eritrean refugee students before they start their studies. The orientation sessions focus on the Ethiopian education system, grading standards and mechanisms, and the kind of communication refugee students should maintain with their classmates, teachers and college administrators. ARRA further coordinates and assists in specific needs that the refugee students might have such as departmental change, grading, and other particular grievances they might harbor. 5.2 Institutional Support The capacities of institutions where refugees are studying can play a significant part in enhancing the academic progress of refugee students (Al-Hawamdeh & El-Ghali, 2017). Although the Eritrean refugee students acknowledged the role of institutional support towards alleviating their challenges, they found their institutions deficient in many respects. Particular areas of need such as the provision of tutorials, guidance and counselling services, as well as teacher empathy were raised as possible interventions that could have contributed to the success of the refugees but were inadvertently missing. According to the refugee students, their respective institutions made no special arrangements to accommodate their particular needs related to the facilitation of their studies both within and outside classrooms. The programmatic supports provided within their institutions reflected plans set for local students rather than anything especially targeted to meet the needs of refugees. This may not be surprising given the limited knowledge, capacity and readiness Ethiopian PHEIs have in order to cater to such special needs. The lack of understanding and support from teachers at the sample PHEIs were similarly expected in an environment where institutions have no policies and preparations to accommodate such distinct needs (Stevenson & Baker, 2018). The management at private institutions and especially teachers exhibit limitations in addressing the concerns of refugee students, fail to distinguish refugees and locals due to their similarity and as a result have little knowledge of their background and needs. This situation is partly indicative of the huge gap that can exist between government policies that promote refugee interests

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and institutional policies and practices that are most often characterized by passive roles (Jungblut et al., 2018).

6

Conclusion

This study highlights the various challenges that self-financing Eritrean refugee students face while attending Ethiopian PHEIs. The findings reveal that Eritrean refugee students in Ethiopia face a variety of challenges identified as academic, linguistic, emotional/psychological and sociocultural with limited forms of support offered at governmental and institutional levels. The study is a clear indication of the resolve and cooperative efforts of refugees to improve their status and future through higher education in the absence of substantial support from international organizations like the UNHCR and national governments. Refugee students’ motivations and choices of their particular subjects of study are further indicative of their long-term orientation as their preferences appear to be affected by the broader goals about their onward migration. However, more research needs to be done to determine whether such aspirations are later met and the skills and educational qualifications of refugees are recognized on resettlement. Notwithstanding the presence of other accompanying motives like politics (Mena, 2017) and people-to-people interaction that drive current level of engagements, Ethiopia’s commitment to refugees showcases what can be done to alleviate not only a growing global humanitarian crisis, but also the needs of refugees seeking higher education in the context of countries that have meagre resources and deficient systems of support. That may also partly explain why Ethiopia has recently become a chosen transit destination by refugees and acclaimed for what it is doing to address the needs of its refugee population (Connel, 2016; UNESCO, 2019). However, the challenges of maintaining such assistance cannot be easy in a country that has its own burgeoning youth population demanding similar or better benefits (Tamrat & Habtemariam, 2018). The study also highlights that the pedagogical implications of providing higher education to refugees demand not only creating opportunities but also providing various forms of academic and non-academic support to help them realize their aspirations which appear to be lacking (Nakash et al., 2014; Arega, 2017; Gebreiyosus, 2018). Focused interventions such as therapeutic and psychiatric treatments, guidance and counselling services, tutorial classes, creating awareness among the college community about the particular needs of refugee students, and offering targeted pedagogic training for teachers remain critical areas that can enhance refugee students’ academic success; help them

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overcome their academic, emotional/psychological and sociocultural challenges; and assist in integrating them into the local context. As noted earlier, this study was conducted against the backdrop of little available research addressing the various dimensions of refugee higher education in general and that of self-financing refugees in particular, both of which are new and evolving phenomena in the Ethiopian and global context. Although exploratory in nature, the study provides empirical evidence about Eritrean refugee students that may help address their challenges and facilitate their study at Ethiopian institutions of higher learning. Notwithstanding its policy and institutional implications, the relative absence of similar studies into the various aspects of refugee education in general and that of self-financed refugee higher education in particular strongly warrants future research in the same area.

Acknowledgement This chapter is a modified version of an earlier work published in Widening Participation and Life Long Learning (Vol. 21, No. 2; May 2019) under the title “The quest for higher education in Ethiopia: The case of self-financing Eritreans.”

References Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affair (ARRA). (n.d.). Retrieved from http://arra.et Al-Hawamdeh, A., & El-Ghali, H. A. (2017). Higher education and Syrian refugee students: The case of Jordan. UNESCO Regional Bureau for Education in the Arab World. Arega, N. T. (2017). The plights of Eritrean refugees in the Shimelba refugee camp, Ethiopia. International Journal of Migration, Health, and Social Care, 13(1), 93–105. Carling, J. (2008). The determinants of migrant remittances. Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 24(3), 581–598. Connel, D. (2016). Refugees, migration, and gated nations: The Eritrean experience. African Studies Review, 59(3), 217–225. Copeland-Carson, J. (2007). Kenyan diaspora philanthropy: Key practices, trends, and issues. The Philanthropic Initiative. De Haas, H. (2010). Migration and development: A theoretical perspective. International Migration Review, 44(1), 227–264. Dryden-Peterson, S. (2015).Refugee education in countries of first asylum: Breaking open the Black box of pre-resettlement experiences. Theory and Research in Education, 14(2), 131–148.

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Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE). (2004). Refugee proclamation No. 409/2004. FDRE. Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE). (2009). Higher education proclamation No. 650/2009. FDRE. Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia National Planning Commission. (2016). Growth and Transformation Plan II (GTP II). (2015/16-2019/20). National Planning Commission. Gebreiyosus, Y. B. (2018). Being a refugee student in higher education: Exploring the challenges and coping strategies – A case study of Mekelle University, Ethiopia (MA thesis). Faculty of Education, University of Oslo. Ghosh, B. (2006). Migrants’ remittances and development: Myths, rhetoric and realities. International Organization for Migration. Given, L. M. (Ed.). (2008). The Sage encyclopedia of qualitative research methods. Sage. Gladwell, C., Hollow, D., Robinson, A., Norman, B., Bowerman, E., Mitchell, J., Floremont, F., & Hutchinson, P. (2016). Higher education for refugees in low-resource environments: Research study. Jigsaw Consult. Retrieved from https://ardd-jo.org/ access-higher-education-refugees-jordan-protection-and-sustainable Growth and Transformation Plan II (GTP II). (2015/16–2019/20). Addis Ababa: National Planning Commission. Habtemariam, S. D. (2017). Challenges of attending private higher education for African refugees: The case of Eritrean refugee medical college students in Ethiopia. Proceedings of 15th International Conference on Private Higher Education in Africa, St. Mary’s University. Institute of International Education (IIE). (2016). Supporting displaced refugee students in higher education: Principles and best practices. IIE. Johnson, P. D. (2007). Diaspora philanthropy: Influences, initiatives and issues. The Philanthropic Initiative and the Global Equity Initiative, Howard University. Jungblut, J., Vukasovic, M., & Steinhardt, I. (2018). Higher education policy dynamics in turbulent times – Access to higher education for refugees in Europe. Studies in Higher Education, 1–12. Kanu, Y. (2008). Educational needs and barriers for African refugee students in Manitoba. Canadian Journal of Education, 31(4), 915–940. Kifle, T. (2007). Do remittances encourage investment in education? Evidence from Eritrea. GEFAME Journal of African Studies, 4(1). McBrien, J. L. (2005). Educational needs and barriers for refugee students in the United States: A review of literature. Review of Educational Research, 75(3), 329–364. Mena, W. B. (2017). Assessing the local integration of urban refugees: A comparative study of Eritrean and Somali refugees in Addis Ababa (Master’s thesis). School of Graduate Studies, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia. Ministry of Education (MoE). (2018). Education statistics annual abstract 2017/18. MoE.

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Nakash, O., Langer, B., Nagar, M., Shoham, S., Lurie, I., & Davidovitch, N. (2014). Exposure to traumatic experiences among asylum seekers from Eritrea and Sudan during migration to Israel. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health, 17(4), 1280–1286. Plasterer, R. (2011).Transnational philanthropy: Somali youth in Canada and Kenya. New Issues in Refugee Research, Research Paper No. 22. The UN Refugee Agency [Online]. Retrieved May 7, 2019, from https://www.unhcr.org/research/working/4e8f08c29/ transnational-philanthropy-somali-youth-canada-kenya-robyn-plasterer.html Roseberg, A. H., & Tronvoll, K. (2017). Migrants or refugees? The internal and external drivers of migration from Eritrea. International Law and Policy Institute (ILPI). Stevenson, J., & Baker, S. (2018). Refugees in higher education: Debate, discourse and practice. Emerald Publishing. Tamrat, W., & Habtemariam, S. D. (2018, January 21). Responding to the needs of Eritrean refugees. Inside Higher Education. Tewolde, B. (2005). Remittances as a tool for development and reconstruction in Eritrea: An economic analysis. Journal of Middle Eastern Politics, 1(2), 21–32. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). (2019). Global education monitoring report 2019, migration, displacement and education: Building bridges, not walls. UNESCO. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2015a). Ethiopia refugee education strategy 2015–2018. UNHCR. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2015b). UNICEF/UNHCR Ethiopia education situation overview of refugee and host communities. UNHCR. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2016a). Education for refugees: Priority activities and requirements supporting enrolment and retention in 2016. UNHCR. United Nations High Commissioner for refugees (UNHCR). (2016b). Statistical report of refugees. UNHCR. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2018a). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2017 [Online]. Retrieved May 3, 2019, from https://www.unhcr.org/dach/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2018/06/ GlobalTrends2017.pdf United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2018b). The other one per cent – Refugee students in higher education. DAFI Annual Report 2017 [Online]. Retrieved May 3, 2019, from https://www.unhcr.org/uk/publications/education/ 5bc4affc4/other-percent-refugee-students-higher-education-dafi-annual-report2017.html United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2019). Global trends forced displacement in 2018. UNESCO. Vargas-Silva, C. (2016). Remittances sent to and from refugees and internally displaced persons (Knomad Working Paper 12). World Bank.

section 6 Turkey

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chapter 17

Struggles and Assets of Syrian University Students in Turkey Özgür Erdur-Baker, Onur Özmen, İdil Aksöz-Efe, Tamer Aker and M. Brinton Lykes

1

Introduction

According to UNHCR (2019) only 1% of the more than 65.5 million refugees worldwide have access to higher education. Included among the many challenges facing those few who are fortunate enough to have access to higher education are discrimination, legal problems, and mental health issues. Despite this, higher education signifies hope for refugee students as university environments can promote refugees’ coping with immigration related difficulties, while also promoting personal growth and fostering resilience (e.g., Crea, 2016; Shakya et al., 2012). Moreover, higher education cultivates a sense of a secure future not only for refugee students but also for the communities in which they live. As Ramsay and Baker (2019) emphasized, refugees with higher education degrees contribute to the development and wealth of both their country of origin and their host country. Moreover, some studies have found that refugees pursue higher education to escape discrimination and many attendant financial problems (Stevenson & Willot, 2007). Similarly, Lee (1997) reported that refugee students sought security and independence as well as the multiple additional opportunities available in institutions of higher education. Lee (1997) also reported that female college students expected that higher education would contribute to their contesting multiple ethnic, gendered, national, and/or religious barriers to their professional aspirations encountered within their countries of origin; they also found that studying de facto postpones marriage. Higher education is challenged to respond to the multiple needs and issues of refugee students in order to facilitate their integration into the educational system towards realizing their life goals. Moreover, it is also vital to monitor these needs and problems during their years in higher education to prevent dropouts as well as other unanticipated consequences of higher education including unrequited or misguided investments. Within this context, Bajwa, Couto, Kidd, Markoulakis, Abai, and McKenzie (2017) confirm that there is © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_017

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limited research that might shed light on how higher education institutions have met these needs or on how refugee students in higher education have negotiated these experiences or achieved their goals. Such research is essential to develop better prevention and intervention models that would facilitate the creation and maintenance of nurturing university campuses for refugees. This chapter reviews existing literature and contributes to filling its identified gaps “from the bottom up,” that is, through documenting the challenges and coping strategies of a small group of Syrian university students living in Turkey today.

2

Needs and Issues of Refugee Students in Higher Education

As suggested above, higher education and refugee literatures confirm that refugee students in higher education struggle with many challenges and unfulfilled expectations at personal, community, and institutional levels. These multilevel issues are interactive and negatively affect refugee students’ adaptation to their new environment (Crea, 2016; Shakya et al., 2010). Ecologically oriented models have been helpful in formulating the needs and challenges facing many refugees in higher education. Bronfenbrenner (1979) noted that human development occurs in multiply embedded contexts including family, school, and society that overlap and affect the individual’s growth and well-being. Stewart (2011) stated that the ecological model along with the literature on refugee adaptation and development, provide a helpful framework to explain refugees’ multiple-layered risks and protective factors. Similarly, Suárez-Orozco, Motti-Stefanidi, Marks, and Katsiaficas (2018) argued that the ecological framework can be integrated with the risk and resilience framework to understand the adaptation of immigrant students. Their model combines developmental and acculturative tasks as well as psychological adjustment. These integrative frameworks provide an important resource for clarifying a web of issues and needs that impact refugee students’ psychosocial well-being. In this context, (a) individual level issues, (b) societal and institutional level issues, and (c) legal problems and needs will be discussed accordingly. 2.1 Individual Level Issues University life is challenging for all students but more particularly for those with limited resources and/or life challenges beyond those typically associated with young adulthood. For example, it is widely recognized that the developmental tasks facing young adults, such as forming an identity and becoming civically engaged, often contribute to their being troubled about their sense of self, their emotional well-being, and their interpersonal relationships

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(DeAnnah, Byrd, & McKinney, 2012). Moreover, many common psychosocial problems, particularly mood, anxiety, and substance use disorders (Kessler et al., 2007) are observed among the college age population. Environmental issues, such as reduced or lack of social and familial support, and financial difficulties may exacerbate such issues. Refugee college students confront these developmental challenges as well as their past traumatic experiences, many of which are consistent with exposure to different forms of violence including discrimination, physical abuse, harassment, broken families, and the loss of loved ones (Morrice, 2013; Stevenson & Willot, 2007). The majority of refugees have also experienced stressors during migration and asylum-seeking processes including missing family members, a lack of food and shelter, and physical and sexual assaults (Fortuna, Porche, & Alegria, 2008). Therefore, in addition to the normative developmental tasks that all college students face, refugee students confront other multilevel challenges. Nevertheless, the most widely reported needs appear to be those associated with belonging, a sense of security, emotional well-being, and personal development (Edge, Newbold, & McKeary, 2014). Compared to other immigrant students, refugee students were found to be more likely to be psychologically affected by unresolved traumatic histories, including grief issues due to losses of financial security and loved ones (Burnett & Peel, 2001; Porter & Haslam, 2005). Moreover, refugee students face various academic problems leading to academic failure and, frequently, to dropping out of the university altogether. Language barriers can result in multiple academic problems. For example, while some refugees speak the language of their host country, their language skills are not sufficient to be successful in higher education. Moreover, higher education faculty and staff frequently misinterpret a lack of language proficiency as an indicator of a lack of potential, motivation, or capacity to do the required work (Stevenson & Willot, 2007), contributing further to refugee students’ marginalization. 2.2 Societal and Institutional Level Issues Marginalization, discrimination, insufficient economic resources, and poor living conditions are the most common sources of distress for refugees. University environments are often assumed to be more accommodating to refugees than other environments in receiving countries. However, the limited extant research with this population confirms that refugees in higher education face multiple challenges. University campuses can be culturally alienating places where discriminatory treatment by faculty and other university personnel is common (Earnest, Joyce, Mori, & Silvagni, 2010). Refugee students have been marginalized and labeled as “burdens” on the system (Maringe, Ojo, & Chiramba, 2017). Thomas (2014) reported that labeling and racism were major

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barriers for immigrant students on college campuses. Many refugees describe feeling inferior to others due to being humiliated and embarrassed in campus settings because of their limited language skills (Morrice, 2011). Financial problems, commonly reported by many refugees (Kanno & Varghese, 2010; Opoku-Dapaah, 1992), are further exacerbated by a lack of knowledge about available financial aid and scholarships (Bajwa et al., 2017). Also, according to Dryden-Peterson (2010), the majority of refugee grantors do not support higher education, claiming that this level of education is very costly and unnecessary for refugees. Thus, refugees who are motivated to pursue higher education with the aim of financial stability, social integration (Dryden-Peterson, 2010) and re-gaining a professional role (Morrice, 2013), frequently lack such financial resources to achieve their goals. In some cases, it is precisely these financial challenges that limit refugees’ prioritizing higher education or dropping out of school (Opoku-Dapaah, 1992). Others who need to work while studying may experience academic failure (Essak, 2012). 2.3 Legal Problems and Needs Refugees have diverse and changing legal statuses (e.g., as asylum seekers, refugees, temporarily protected or detained), with different rights and limitations for each status. Due to doubts about their legal status, many refugees refrain from taking up higher education for fear that they will be forced to depart the host country mid-program (Stevenson & Willot, 2007). Others cannot invest in their education due to lengthy and aversive detention processes that may extend for years (Opoku-Dapaah, 1992; von Werthern, et al., 2018); but, completing the settlement process and getting the residency permits are important steps towards accessing higher education for many immigrants (van Tubergen & van De Werfhorst, 2007). It should be noted that despite all these and other difficulties most refugee students who undertake higher education are successful. The so-called immigrant paradox has demonstrated that immigrant students, even those from lower socioeconomic statuses, not only achieve better academic outcomes (e.g. higher grades, test scores, and educational attainments) than non-immigrant students but they also have better health profiles and fewer problems with substance use (Alegria et al., 2007). Similarly, Hofferth and Moon (2016) reported that children of immigrants are more likely than natives to have a college degree and employment and less likely to have criminal records as young adults. The authors explained that while children’s own accomplishments and patterns of activities (both academic and extracurricular) significantly contributed to their later accomplishments, parental educational expectations appear to be the major reason for this outcome. Although, the nature of related

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variables contributing to the immigrant paradox are yet to be fully understood, such research findings indicate that higher education can represent a hope for a better future when refugee students’ existing strengths and assets are fostered therein. The literature review reveals that (a) a majority of the studies’ discussions rely on data obtained from immigrant and international students but rarely focuses on refugee students in higher education per se (Ramsay & Baker, 2019); (b) a majority of the studies reflect experiences of immigrant students (sometimes refugees are discussed as a sub group) who settled in wealthy countries such as Canada and the U.S.; and (c) very few studies focused on the strengths and assets of refugee students. Therefore, this study contributes to the literature by reflecting voices of the Syrian students in higher education in Turkey whose number is as large as the total numbers of refugees in some European countries. Syrian students are considered as international students in Turkish Higher Education System (for further discussion about their status, see Erdoğan & Erdoğan, 2018; Hohberger, 2018). According to the latest numbers 20,701 Syrians (12,980 males and 7,721 females) are registered in Turkish Universities (Council of Higher Education of Turkey (CoHE), 2019). The Turkish higher education system struggles to meet the demand of this number of Syrians given insufficient infrastructure, not to mention the fragile economy of the country. Under normal circumstances, most of these students would have preferred to be in wealthier countries. Nevertheless, it is assumed that these students would have the strengths and assets which help them to cope with their challenges. Therefore, their strengths and assets are also explored in the study presented here.

3

Method

This phenomenological study documented the common migration experiences of Syrian immigrant and refugee students attending higher education institutes in Ankara, Turkey, in their own words. Through an in-depth exploration of participants’ descriptions via semi-structured focus groups, the researchers sought to understand not only their experiences but the multilayered contexts in which they unfolded. The researchers explored refugee students’ previous experiences in Syria, their journeys to and residence in Turkey, as well as issues of adaptation and future aspirations. We sought answer to the following questions: – What are the challenges Syrian students face in higher education in Turkey today?

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– What are the assets these students bring with them that help them cope with the challenges? 3.1 Participant Characteristics The data were collected in Ankara, the capital city of the Turkish Republic, which has 11 public universities that hosted approximately 501 Syrian students (347 male and 154 female) as of April 2019. In total, 60 Syrian undergraduate and graduate students, ranging in ages from 17 to 27 and enrolled in one of these 11 universities, participated in the study. The 40 male and 20 female participants had varying levels of fluency in Turkish and English and their length of residency in Turkey varied from 1.5 to 8 years. Thus, not all the participants had initially migrated to Turkey due to the conflict in their country of origin. The majority lived in university dormitories in Ankara, while several rented their own apartments with friends. Their majors varied and included engineering, literature, education, medicine, pharmacy, dentistry, and economics. Some of the participants attended universities in Syria prior to their migration and continued their academic careers in the same or similar majors. A purposeful sampling method was used to recruit participants from several associations (similar to an NGO) which defend Syrian rights. We thought that Syrian students who are linked to such associations would be more willing to take part in the study due to the common trust observed among refugee populations associated with such groups. Sixty refugee students responded positively to an invitation to participate in a focus group. As Patton (2014) suggested, we aimed to have “information-rich” cases; therefore, we recruited participants who were varied in terms of their characteristics such as educational level (graduate, undergraduate), legal status (citizenship, residency), age, university at which they were registered, gender, length of residency in Turkey, and majors. 3.2 Data Collection Procedure and Focus Group Protocol A semi-structured protocol was designed to understand the Syrian students’ past and present experiences in countries of origin, residence and including their immigration journeys. We conducted steps for peer review in designing the semi-structured data collection instrument that was used in the focus groups (Patton, 2002), that is, all researchers reviewed and agreed on the proposed questions. Questions included “why did you choose to study in Turkey?”; “what kind of problems do you have to deal with as a college student in Turkey?”; “could you tell us some details about your academic and personal life in Turkey?” In order to obtain rich data about the participants’ experiences, three simultaneous focus groups were conducted with twenty

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participants in each session. Due to the varying rates of language proficiency in Turkish and English, bilingual sessions were conducted and the participants were invited to use their language of choice (i.e., Turkish, English or Arabic). In this way, language limitations were eliminated. Focus group participants who were fluent in Turkish, Arabic or English helped others in translating from Arabic to English or Turkish. Researchers occupied roles as facilitators as well as moderators of the focus groups. Participants were asked to describe their own contexts, and were encouraged to help each other when they had language limitations. One researcher (facilitating the focus groups) and two research assistants (taking detailed notes) were present in each group. At the end of the session, notes taken during the focus groups were summarized to the participants for their confirmation. All facilitators and research assistants were Turkish citizens, fluent in both Turkish and English. The research team included two males and seven females. All notes and written responses were reviewed later in order to achieve as thick a description of refugee students’ experiences as possible and to avoid misunderstandings. During the focus groups, we benefited from the observations of the research assistants in each of the group sessions; we combined these notes following the sessions. 3.3 Data Analysis Data were analyzed through inductive content analysis (Seggie & Bayyurt, 2018). In the first step, the data were organized and reviewed. Data from each of the three focus groups were combined and coded independently by each of the researchers. Each researcher used open coding in analyzing the data. Then we generated higher order categories that we identified through grouping codes that were similar. These higher order categories reflect researchers’ interpretations of the phenomena we elicited via questions used in the focus groups and included additional observations during the group discussions (Cavanagh, 1997). We used purposive maximum variation for sampling to enhance credibility (Miles & Huberman, 1994). We conducted steps for peer review in the analysis process of the focus group data, as suggested by Patton (2002).

4

Findings

Inductive content analysis yielded three main categories with several sub categories. Below each of the identified problems as well as their ways of coping and assets are introduced.

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figure 17.1 Main categories and related sub-categories emerging from focus group data

The findings suggest that Syrian university students in Turkey experience many interrelated academic and psychosocial problems, some of which have been previously identified in the literature and others of which are more specific to this context. However, despite these difficulties, students report being able to cope with their problems by drawing on assets including hope and strong social networks. Most spoke of being highly motivated to finish their higher education so that they could contribute to reconstructing Syria after the civil war. 4.1 Problems in Academic Life 4.1.1 Language Issues Some Turkish universities are English medium universities but the majority offer instruction in Turkish. Most participants noted that their weak language proficiency in English and Turkish negatively affected their academic success, especially in the all-English programs. These same participants expressed concern about their developing English and Turkish proficiency. Some described feelings of inadequacy in expressing themselves either in their classes or in academic dialogues with instructors, professors, and Turkish classmates. Some participants repeatedly mentioned difficulties in spoken communication and multiple challenges in participating in class discussions due to a lack of encouragement of the use of foreign languages (both English and Turkish), or the use of Turkish in English classes, or high expectations for English proficiency. For example, one participant in an engineering program specified,

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“we are supposed to discuss in English because our program is one-hundred percent English, but our Turkish classmates do not care about that and ask their questions in Turkish, and our instructors are not sensitive enough to use English when they are answering those questions as well, so I feel isolated.” Overall, Syrian students reported that language limitations are their biggest problem as these issues exacerbate all other challenges that they experience. For example, complicated legal as well as bureaucratic procedures become even more difficult with limited language skills. 4.1.2 Problems with Legal and Bureaucratic Procedures Participants described uncertainty and confusion vis-à-vis university regulations and conflicting practices for Syrian versus Turkish university students. A majority of students noted that they were not treated equally in diploma equivalency procedures. Moreover, participants argued that they should not have been asked to pay tuition and fees according to Turkish regulations, but that some universities still required them to pay. For example, a participant from the school of medicine argued: there is no certain standard for tuition fees, we have to pay high amounts of fees for our program, even if a regulation has been made on the cancellation of tuition payment for Syrian students … University administration asks for it. We do not understand why there is no standard among the universities. Others mentioned that there were limited quotas for Syrian student placements, constraining options for the increasing number of Syrian applicants. Most participants shared their feelings of insecurity vis-à-vis such uncertainties, adding that there was no platform for negotiating solutions to such issues. For example, a student said, “I presented a petition for tuition exemption, but they did not reply; they did not even tell me about anything. I wish I could have a platform to make my voice heard by the officers.” Students commonly noted multiple negative effects of unclear procedures about diploma recognition, tuition and fees, placement quotas, and registration procedures. They also commonly mentioned confusing legal issues that contributed to uncertainty. Problems around residency, visas, health insurance, work permits, living expenses, and legal status, as well as the conflicting practices of the institutions, were mentioned. Most participants agreed about the issues that they experienced and perceived them as being due to the conflicting government policies and practices that made their legal (and social) adaptation more difficult.

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4.1.3 Isolation and Unsupportive Campus Atmosphere The majority of participants reported being discriminated against by local students and faculty. Syrians who had been placed in the universities before 2011 emphasized how attitudes were increasingly negative after the conflict began in Syria. The participants testified that prejudices and stigmatization among Turkish people had increased over time, contributing to Syrians’ feelings of isolation. Examples included phrases or statements referencing Turks’ unwillingness to welcome Syrians, reflected in their asking “why are you here?” or in stigmatized addresses such as “you Arab” or “you Arabs,” spoken with judgmental tones. We inferred that people made inappropriate attributions to Syrians since the majority of the participants complained about how disappointing it was to deal with such hostility while they needed support. As an example, a graduate student from the department of economics said, they do not know the facts, they just judge us in an offending way. They believe we did not take a university placement exam and universities just accepted us without looking at any criteria. Even if I say the facts, they are resisting to hear me and keep believing in the gossip about us. Along with these stereotypical and mistaken assumptions, the majority of the participants argued that they confronted misbeliefs about payments they made to the university. In other words, even if they paid the tuition fees, Turkish classmates believed that they did not pay fees to stay in their program. An engineering graduate student said, “I know we had a right for tuition fee exemption but we pay for it and people believe that we do not pay anything.” Moreover, according to some of the participants, even if they had Turkish citizenship, they were still treated as having a foreign status in the university. One participant exemplified this: I had Turkish citizenship but I had to keep my origin secret not to be treated as a foreigner. This is a thing especially the Syrians face, if they know I am originally Syrian they are treating me like a foreign student and they do not care about my Turkish citizenship. 4.2 Psychosocial Problems In addition to their experiences in the university, participants described psychosocial problems precipitated by everyday life in Turkey. Three categories were identified including concerns about Syria that included uncertainty about the future; prejudice and discrimination; and spiritual and existential issues. Each was deeply contextual as noted in the descriptions below.

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4.2.1 Concerns about Syria and Uncertainty about the Future This category includes participants’ descriptions of the then current situation in Syria as well as their concerns in relation to their particular uncertainties due to that conflict. Participants commonly noted their lack of any option other than migrating to Turkey. It was easier, closer, and they thought that there was no other way of escaping the war. Some said that the only option for them in the absence of a visa had been seeking refuge in Turkey, adding that they had become accustomed to life in Turkey, so they had to remain even if they did not want to think about whether they wanted to stay here or not. Yet, the majority of the participants reported being anxious about an unknown future. 4.2.2 Prejudice and Discrimination Prejudice and stigmatization in the context of social adaptation was coded from the participants’ descriptions of their exposure to discriminatory behaviors of others outside of academic life. Similar to stakeholders in educational settings, the participants described negative treatment that they faced off-campus in their daily lives. The diverse situations they described reflected others’ similar erroneous or prejudicial beliefs about them. For example, some of the participants reported that they faced responses such as “why are you here?”; “aren’t you patriotic? Why did you escape from the war?”; “you [should] go home and defend your country.” Almost all of the participants confirmed that they had encountered such responses at least once in Turkey. Others shared similar reflections in their descriptions of experiences of inappropriate attributions and negative attitudes. They noted pervasive stereotypes including that “Syrians are poor” and “Syrians are unreliable.” The majority of the participants specified that Turkish people believed Syrians had not been affected by the war, and that this was the reason why they looked healthy and had a chance to make it to Turkey. A few participants emphasized that some Turkish people approached them from another, different angle; namely, they reported that some Turkish people showed “exaggerated mercy and sympathy” which they also found irritating. In addition, they believed that, as the Syrians were people from the same region, they are similar in terms of appearance. Given this information, several participants noted that they felt safer when they hid their identity, explaining that they would then not encounter unwanted situations. Thus, there were both a variety of experiences of discrimination as well as coping strategies. 4.2.3 Spiritual and Existential Issues This category is related to personal difficulties of belongingness, of feeling distant from both Syrian and Turkish societies, and of feelings of being “in

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between.” As with the previous category it also anticipates efforts to cope with these experiences, an area to be discussed in more detail below. Several participants specified that they questioned the meaning of everything because they could not make sense of their experiences. They reported that they felt “in-between,” neither Syrian nor Turkish, contributing to feelings of isolation. 4.3 Assets and Coping 4.3.1 Social Network Participants commonly described coping with the feelings of isolation through social networking, noting that it was easier than other strategies and that they thought that there was no other way. Given their perception that Turkey was their only option in the absence of having a visa to travel elsewhere, they stayed, often adding that they had gotten used to life in Turkey. They frequently mentioned a local Turkish community as a gathering spot, one in which they could support each other in their academic and/or social life. They commonly described their satisfaction with how they supported each other in coping with language difficulties and legal issues. 4.3.2 Hope for the Future Participants also remarked on the future of their motherland and possible contributions they felt that they could make moving forward. For example, a participant from the school of medicine said, “I would work in Syria because I know my country is in need of medical doctors a lot.” Some of the participants noted that they thought of moving back to Syria since they thought they would find positions more easily there. Several of them added that “Turkish diplomas would be considered prestigious, and Syria needs qualified people”; therefore, they would be delighted to give service in their motherland. 4.3.3

Geographic Locations and Socio-Cultural Commonalities with the Host Country This category reflects participants’ perceptions of being in Turkey, of Turkish culture, of educational, social, and cultural reasons for choosing Turkey, and of the positive aspects of living in Turkey. Despite many challenges described above, participants identified many reasons for living in Turkey. These included: cultural and geographical closeness to their homeland; the political stance of the Turkish Republic and its hospitable manner; the quality of life as compared to life in Syria; closeness to Turkish culture in contrast to that of their Arabic neighbors; the quality of the higher education system; relatives in Turkey; friendly and helpful people; commonalities in religious beliefs; and, citizenship opportunities.

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4.3.4 Personal Strength In addition to some of the coping strategies mentioned above in the context of the discussion of problems and challenges they encountered in Turkey, many participants noted how they used the local community, keeping busy, and communicating with friends or instructors as resources for coping with the above challenges. Some of them reported that they received peer support through course partnerships and academic peer support services provided in their universities. Several of the participants also noted that they met with their instructors for support.

5

Discussion

According to UNHCR (2019), Turkey hosts 3.7 million Syrians with the average age of 22.7. About 45.7% of these Syrians are younger than 18. That is, Turkish universities will continue to have increasing numbers of refugee students and/ or children of refugees. Therefore, Turkey, with its already overstretched education systems and its less than stable economy, needs to develop additional well-functioning, inclusive intervention and prevention programs addressing the multilevel challenges of refugee students. Being familiar with the specific needs, issues, and assets of refugee students can help to develop better working and inclusive models in university settings. The present study revealed that refugee students in higher education face a web of challenges that impact their well-being. However, they also have assets that nurture their resilience and sustain their positive engagement with Turkish society. Consistent with the literature, personal characteristics such as legal status, coping skills, social resources, and traumatic histories, as well as the sociocultural atmosphere, resources, and policies of the host country can hinder or foster their adaptation processes in higher education. The results of this study are consistent with the literature which highlights the universal nature of human responses to adverse life events. However, how these responses manifest themselves and which factors hinder or facilitate their coping are contextually specific. For example, lack of good enough resources in a host country which is the case in Turkey may contribute to discriminatory attitudes towards refugees. Therefore, context specific needs analyses and the regular monitoring of these needs are prerequisites for the success of any intervention or prevention effort supporting refugees. The identified issues and needs are overlapping and mostly intertwined. For example, language problems seem to negatively impact academic performance and help seeking behaviors, and further complicate students’ struggles with legal

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and regulatory systems. Currently, only European descended individuals can be given refugee status in Turkey despite its open-door policy vis-à-vis refugees (Law on Foreigners and International Protection, 2013). Syrians in Turkey are limited to temporary protected status. However, the Turkish government constantly adjusts refugee related laws and regulations to accommodate emerging needs. It is therefore difficult to understand and follow the complex legal procedures, particularly if one has limited language skills, which, in turn, intensifies both academic and psychosocial challenges. Soria and Stebleton (2013) also reported that poor language skills along with poor study environments, lack of time management, and technological skills resulted in academic problems. As substantial sources of stress and anxiety, limited language skills and complex legal procedures exacerbate the level of perceived discrimination which leads to difficulties in interpersonal relationships and to a sense of isolation. Syrian students’ narratives of perceived discrimination and marginalization are consistent with the majority of previous studies (Crea, 2016; Maringe, Ojo, & Chirambe, 2017). Cultural alienation and difficulties forming interpersonal relationships were reported as being a major source of distress for refugee students (Earnest, Joyce, Mori, & Silvagni, 2010). In fact, xenophobic attitudes are more likely to be observed in a country with limited resources as refugees are perceived to be a threat in such contexts (e.g., Stephan, Renfro, Esses, Stephan, & Martin, 2005); access to higher education represents a real challenge for Turkish youth. These Turkish students see their families making substantial economic and emotional investments to prepare for a nationwide university entrance exam, following which only 36 % of are able to enroll (CoHE, 2019). Therefore, Syrian students are exposed to Turkish anger and frustration when citizens confront the idea that already-limited higher education quotas have to be shared. The findings from this study also revealed that Syrian students are aware of their personal strengths and are able to seek help and social support from their friends, academic advisors, and other instructors. They are hopeful for a better future and highly motivated to contribute to the rebuilding of their country of origin. Consistent with the literature (Crea, 2016; Shakya et al., 2010), higher education does provide a sense of empowerment, pride and accomplishment, as well as nurturing refugee students’ hopes for the future. Although the majority of participants stated their plan to go back to Syria and contribute to its development after the war, the literature indicates otherwise: typically, very few refugee students go back to their country of origin (de Wit & Altbach, 2016). Perhaps, attainment of higher education buffers symptoms of distress as it is associated with more hope for the future. In light of the pre-migration experiences of refugee students, as well as the findings of this and other similar studies, university campuses are encouraged to develop robust prevention and intervention programs to contribute to the

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psychological and sociocultural adaptation processes of refugee students. The psychosocial well-being of these students will also foster their academic achievements. University counseling centers should be empowered to meet the needs of refugee students as well. The counseling centers along with the university administration should find strategies for refugee students to easily reach clear information and guidance about legal rights and limitations and available financial resources, and work with other offices that offer various services and information to support career opportunities. Also, finding ways to improve refugee students’ social networks and social support systems on the campus such as by developing social support groups for refugees would be very helpful. Most importantly, university counseling centers need to consider providing low, medium, and high intensity interventions for refugee populations. It can be inferred that such efforts should target both strengthening the individual well-being of students as well as creating more inclusive campus environments through the creation of new teaching modes by integrating different learning styles to overcome both personal and structural barriers as well as developing need-based training or courses such as language development and communication skills. Refugee students may need individualized assistance about the requirements of the programs, including guidance in the selection of appropriate classes and in locating additional facilities and opportunities offered by the college in which they have enrolled (Bajwa et al., 2017; Opoku-Dapaah, 1992). Also, developing campus-wide training and education programs for university teaching and support staff to help them to overcome their own xenophobic attitudes and develop strategies for how to create a more inclusive atmosphere for refugee students are crucial to create an inclusive campus atmosphere. University personnel would also benefit from training on trauma, acculturative stress, impacts of discrimination, and other related issues that would help them to communicate better with and assist refugee students. Trainings on self-care skills and strategies for the university personnel and faculty appears to be vital considering not only their own concerns but also the traumatic histories that refugee students may have. In short, creating trauma sensitive campuses should be beneficial for both refugee students as well as the university personnel and faculties who serves them.

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chapter 18

Integrating Syrian Refugees into Turkish Higher Education: Successes, Challenges, and Future Implications Armağan Erdoğan and Hakan Ergin

1

Introduction

Turkey has always been a safe destination for forced migrants. Since it was founded in 1923, the country has welcomed refugees leaving their home countries for various reasons (Erdoğan, 2014). In the pre-World War II era, it accepted almost one and half a million refugees who fled countries such as Bulgaria, Greece, Romania and Yugoslavia. This tolerant policy continued in the postWorld War II era, as it admitted masses of forced migrants who escaped from the conflicts in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Iraq, and Iran (İçduygu & Sirkeci, 1999). Today, Turkey is responding in the same humanitarian way to the Syrian conflict which “poses an unprecedented challenge for neighboring countries” (Balsari et al., 2015, p. 942). Nevertheless, while the country was regarded as a transit destination and host to 58 thousand refugees prior to the Syrian refugees’ arrival in 2011, it now hosts 4.1 million refugees in total, equivalent to 5% of its entire population (Erdoğan, 2018). The Syrian conflict has already entered its ninth year. It started with revolutionary demonstrations of a small pro-democracy group, continued with their fight against the local security forces and turned into a civil war (Erdoğan, 2015; Cousins, 2015). Nevertheless, it is no longer possible to call it simply a “civil war” as it has actually turned into a long-lasting and complicated conflict with external interferences of Iran, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) nations, Russia, Saudi Arabia and the U.S. (Ghaddar, 2016). The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reports that this tragic conflict has led to the internal displacement of over six million people in Syria (UNHCR, 2018). Furthermore, it forced more than 5.6 million people to move to another country (UNHCR, 2019). This figure has made the Syrian conflict “the largest displacement crisis in the world” since the World War II (UNHCR, 2018, p. 3). Of the 5.6 million people fleeing Syria, 64.1% have taken refuge in the neighboring countries including Turkey. This means that Turkey is currently host to more than 3.6 million Syrian refugees © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_018

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in addition to five hundred thousand refugees from other countries, which has made it host to the highest number of refugees since 2014 (UNHCR, 2019). The relevant policy responses to this large influx of refugees into Turkey have been grouped into three periods; further, K.O. Unutulmaz (2019) defines three approaches to education policy around Syrian refugees as laissez-faire attitude (1), mixed education model (2), and strategy to full integration (3). In the first period covering 2011–2015, the open door policy began and tent cities were constructed in the south of Turkey. The ceasefire plan by Kofi Annan, the United Nations and Arab League Envoy to Syria at that time, failed, refugee arrivals from Syria to Turkey increased dramatically. As the governmental assumption was that the Syrians’ stay in Turkey would be a short-lasting one, so they were called “guests” rather than “refugees” or “immigrants” with legal rights (Erdogan, 2014; Kirisci, 2014). In fact, international liabilities of Turkey around asylum seekers are determined under “The 1951 Refugee Convention” and “The 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees.” Turkey was one of the first countries to sign the Geneva Refugee Convention, but stated “geographical limitations” when doing so, meaning that whatever the reason for displacement, Turkey shall not accept people coming from outside of Europe as “refugees.” Therefore, the arrivals from Syria, Iraq, and other countries did not have any legal status until 2013 and were named informally as “guests” as mentioned earlier (Erdogan, 2015). Similarly, the 2013 “Law on Foreigners and International Protection” (which constitutes Turkey’s legal infrastructure on migration and refugees) and the secondary legislation, Temporary Protection Regulation (2014) both adopted this same geographical limitation principle and defined Syrians as under “temporary protection” status. The second period can be classified as beginning in summer 2015 when thousands of Syrian refugees knocked on the doors of Europe. As the number of Syrian arrivals in Europe reached almost half a million towards the end of 2015, the European Union (EU) needed to control the irregular migration into the continent. Therefore, the EU and Turkey signed a Joint Action Plan in November 2015. While Turkey committed to foster cooperation with the European countries to limit irregular migration into Europe, the EU committed to provide humanitarian and financial assistance for refugees in Turkey, thereby enhancing EU-Turkey relations. This period saw the Syrian refugee crisis become increasingly present on the international agenda and the Turkish response became more regulated, even though some major shortcomings existed (Erdoğan, 2018). The third period can be defined as 2016 onwards, when Syrian refugees began to be issued work permits in Turkey, were ever more involved in society,

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and gained more integrated services. This may be regarded as a change in the direction of the Turkish government’s recognition of the Syrians from temporality to integration, even though these changes in approach were not explicitly publicized (European Commission, 2016; Erdoğan & Ünver, 2015; Erdoğan 2016; İçduygu & Şimşek, 2016). The semi-permanent hosting of over 4.1 million refugees, who have arrived unexpectedly, is not easy for any government to accommodate. Indeed, this requires countless sacrifices in different areas. Beyond any doubt, both the Turkish State and people have been doing their best to help Syrian refugees in their emergency needs such as food, clothes, shelter and public services such as healthcare, education, financial aid (Erdoğan, 2015). For example, more than 645,000 refugee children were enrolled in public schools in Turkey at the end of 2018 (UNICEFTurk, 2018). At the beginning of 2019, it was stated that Turkey had spent 35 billion United States Dollars on public services for the refugees (Euronews, 2019). According to the Global Humanitarian Assistance Report, this generosity has made Turkey the lead donor for humanitarian assistance across the world (Development Initiatives, 2018).

2

Research Focus

One of the Turkish State’s benevolent policies for Syrian refugees is to help them access higher education, allowing an increasing number of Syrian refugees to study at Turkish universities. This chapter will discuss Turkey’s response to Syrian refugees’ need for accessing higher education focusing on the brief historical background, successful policies, challenges faced and lessons learned so far. In the end, it attempts to make recommendations for future policies based on the Turkish experience. It will draw on review of the secondary sources such as articles, reports, and policy papers to analyze the conceptual and historical framework. Additionally, it will be based on the data collected in the 2017–18 Elite Dialogue (ED) I and II projects conducted by a research team guided by the lead author. That work involved surveys with Syrian university students and thematic workshops with the Syrian academics working in Turkish universities and funding was provided by the British Embassy in Ankara and the Hopes-Madad Fund. ED I survey was completed by 497 undergraduate students and ED II survey was completed by 747 students (associate, bachelor, masters and Ph.D.) from universities in 46 different cities in Turkey. Quantitative data collected by two surveys were supported by the qualitative data obtained from thematic workshops with the academics. They

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refer to the current status, needs, challenges and expectations of Syrian students in Turkish higher education.

3

Successes of the Policy

Public institutions in Turkey, such as the Council of Higher Education (CoHE), the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB), universities, international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and the UNHCR have been putting intensive efforts into helping more Syrians access higher education (Erdoğan & Erdoğan, 2018). These efforts have not remained limited to Turkey but have extended to the Northern Syria (Ergin, 2018). Article 28 of the Temporary Protection Regulation (2014) previously mentioned states that temporary protection status holders have the “right to educational access from preschool all the way to the level of a doctoral degree.” The Ministry of National Education designed and organized primary and secondary education services in line with this regulation. For higher education, the CoHE, the government body responsible for planning, coordination and supervision of higher education in Turkey, introduced new policies in order to respond to the urgent needs of Syrian refugees’ access to universities (Yıldız, 2019; Ergin, in press; Erdogan & Erdogan, 2018). The responding processes of Turkish higher education to Syrian crisis can be classified in academic, financial and legislative areas. The first academic response was in September 2012, when the CoHE asked seven universities in the south of Turkey to admit Syrian refugees as special students (CoHE, 2012). The status provided for Syrian refugees was not a full-time studentship; however, it gave them the first chance of reaching universities without any documents. The next step opened the doors of universities to refugees as full-time students. Accordingly, the CoHE announced in October 2013 that Syrian refugees having proof of earned academic qualifications in Syria or elsewhere would be able to apply to all universities across Turkey. Although the quota for Syrian refugees was restricted to 10% of that of the local students, this allowed many eligible refugees to enroll in universities as degree-seeking students (The Official Gazette, 2013). The third academic response regarding Syrian refugees came from the CoHE with a decision in January 2015. This made the opening of Arabic-taught programs possible in eight universities in the south of Turkey (CoHE, 2015). Different from the previous ones, this innovation can be regarded as more inclusive in the sense that it enabled the Syrian refugees without an adequate level of proficiency in Turkish to enroll in universities.

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As refugee students are not typical international students, whose higher education abroad is sponsored by their families or home countries, they are mostly in an urgent need of financial assistance to continue higher education in a host country (Ergin et al., 2019). Therefore, the Turkish State subsidized the above academic endeavors to foster Syrian refugees’ access into higher education. In September 2014, the Council of Ministers decided that Syrian students would not be charged the tuition fees paid by other international students in Turkey. Instead, YTB was assigned to pay Syrian students’ tuition fees to universities (The Official Gazette, 2014). In addition to the exemption from tuition fees, Syrian students were provided scholarships by YTB to cover their educational and living costs (YTB, 2016). International donors, INGOs and the UNHCR supported these national resources and policies, particularly to find funds and facilitate language learning before applying to universities. The academic and financial efforts of Turkey resulted in a significant increase in the number of Syrian refugees who have accessed higher education. In the last nine years that number has risen from 608 to 27,000. At present, 87% of students are enrolled in public universities and the rest are enrolled in private foundation universities. 63% of them are male and 37% are female. While 91% are enrolled in a vocational associate and/or undergraduate program, 9% of these students pursue a graduate degree. Out of 148,000 international students in Turkey, Syrian students comprise the largest group (CoHE, 2019). In addition to enhancing Syrian refugees’ access to universities in Turkey, the Turkish State has taken steps to help the local Syrian people access higher education in Syria. In June 2018, the Council of Ministers cooperated with Gaziantep University to establish a branch campus in Jarabulus where humanitarian assistance was already made available by Turkey under the protection of the Turkish army. In summer 2018, Gaziantep University renovated a building in Jarabulus, which was once an ISIS (The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) base, and made it ready for educational use. In the meantime, applicants sat for an entrance test across four locations in Syria. The top one hundred and forty-five candidates began studying on this branch campus in fall 2018. Currently, the associate degrees offered by this branch campus include private security, patient care, first and emergency aid, office management, and divinity (Ergin, 2018). The above illustrates that the Turkish State has been determined to enhance Syrian refugees’ access to higher education. Nevertheless, it should be noted that “higher education is highly competitive in Turkey due to the large young population and the imbalance between supply and demand in the system” (Erdoğan & Erdoğan, 2018, p. 274). That is why the well-intentioned governmental steps

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for Syrian refugees’ wider access to higher education might be challenged by several factors. The next section will discuss these challenges.

4

Challenges Faced during the Process

Having a young population, Turkey has a large higher education system in the European Higher Education Area. Of 207 higher education institutions in Turkey, 129 are public universities, 73 are private foundation universities and five are private foundation vocational schools. Access to higher education for Turkish students has been a top agenda item for decades as there is a supply and demand imbalance. 2.4 million students took the nationwide exam in 2019 and only 1.2 million accessed a program (ÖSYM, 2019). Moreover, out of 7.7 million higher education students, 3.8 million are in open education programs (CoHE, 2019). Turkey has implemented a very positive approach and tools in order to ensure a large number of refugee students’ access to higher education since 2011. However, during the process there have been challenges faced by the government, the universities and also by the students. These challenges can be categorized as structural challenges, financial challenges, socio-cultural challenges, recognition of qualifications and diverse vulnerabilities. Recent research results on refugees in Turkish higher education reveal different perspectives on the challenging issues. In summary, there are both challenges faced during the recognition process (Yıldız, 2019), as well as overall challenges encountered throughout the refugees’ access to higher education. This latter point is clearly made in the Elite Dialogue II, which incorporated a survey of Syrian students and workshops with Syrian academics (Erdoğan, 2019, p. 39). Structural challenges refer to the fact that the Turkish higher education system is centrally coordinated by the CoHE, which means that decisions on the refugees’ access to higher education have been made by a national authority, but implemented by the universities. Furthermore, the coordination of refugees’ enrollment and scholarships funded by governmental and international donors is made by YTB in collaboration with the administrative body of each university. Refugee students face great financial challenges, as they have had to leave their sources of income back in their home countries. At the international level, the UNHCR Turkey collaborates with its national and international counterparts and donors to draw attention to this. At the national level, Türkiye Bursları [Turkey Scholarships], introduced in the 1990s for international students,

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has begun to support refugees who seek financial aid to access higher education in Turkey. Nevertheless, the number of students in need of financial support is much higher than the quota of the scholarships and only one-quarter of all applicants can be financially supported. A very high percentage (40%) of the refugee students who participated in Elite Dialogue II stated that they have had to work full-time during their studies. This inevitably affects both their academic success and the dropout rates. A social tension occurs around the new policies regarding Syrian refugees in general and Syrian university students in particular. Turkey has a young population and admission to universities is through a highly competitive nation-wide exam. There is always a higher demand than supply in higher education. This inevitably creates a tension, given that refugee students are being admitted to universities through a special policy, quotas and without a central exam. This tension can be observed both in public and inside classrooms (Ergin, 2016). Significantly in Elite Dialogue II, it was explored that there is a wide social distance between the Syrian university students and both domestic students and local people, which seems to remain even after a refugee becomes a Turkish citizen. In short, Syrian university students who participated in the Elite Dialogue II kept a wide social distance from Turkish residents. They preferred not to get married, have a love affair, or share a room with Turkish people. However, being business partners, close friends, co-workers, schoolmates, or neighbors with Turkish residents was considered more acceptable. Another challenge Syrian refugees face is the lack of certificates or documents to prove previous credentials. Several universities have adopted policies to recognize their prior learning and qualifications while others assessed students before their placement into the correct level of the study programs (Yıldız, 2019). Fraud or diplomas from non-recognized higher education institutions are common challenges Turkish universities encounter with refugee students and there is no systematic measure to avoid them. Turkey did not take part in the European qualifications passport developed by the Council of Europe, meaning that its recognition process is not comparable with other members of the European Higher Education Area. Since the recognition applications are processed by the commissions established at each university, standardization is not present across the higher education landscape and diverse decisions and implementations have been observed (Yıldız, 2019). Lastly, as Elite Dialogue I and II Projects reveal, more than half of the participant Syrian refugee students have experienced interruption with schooling, rapid poverty, forced relocation, and direct psychological trauma after leaving their home country. This requires more attention regarding diverse vulnerability refugee students might have. The participants state that their access to

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higher education is a “miracle” in such a deep vulnerability. Moreover, the legal status of being under “temporary protection” intensifies their feeling of temporariness and results with unclear plans for their future.

5

Future Implications and Recommendations

In the ninth year of the ongoing Syrian war, Turkey remains the most affected country by hosting more than 3.6 million Syrians and refugees from 400 other nationalities due to its open-door policy on its south-eastern borderline. The number of Syrians has now reached 5% of the Turkish population. In spite of the constructive and inclusive approach, it cannot be said that there is a comprehensive integration policy for refugees. Having noted this, we can say that higher education is the area where integration and cohesion policies have been put into practice. Integrating a huge number of refugees in a short period of time is not easy and has potential tensions. However, higher education has a great potential both for minimizing their vulnerabilities and empowering their social ties with the local inhabitants. Although remarkable policies have been developed in this sense, some improvements and new policies are needed based upon the lessons learned so far. First of all, a comprehensive national migration strategy is needed to coordinate and plan all services including access to higher education, integration into society, and refugee youth employability. Advocacy and communication strategies need to be implemented in order to decrease the potential social tensions in the host community (Kirişci et al., 2018). Next, in order to make good policy and practices for Syrian refugees’ access to higher education more visible examples for other national contexts, both Turkey and the international stakeholders have responsibilities. This can be achieved discussing Turkey’s rich humanitarian experience in helping Syrian refugees access higher education in international publications, in a sense giving credit for the programs and achievements made. For example, in a recent report entitled Integrating Asylum Seekers and Refugees into Higher Education in Europe by Eurydice, there is no single mention of Turkey’s humanitarian response to Syrian refugees need for higher education. As a country hosting the largest group of refugees and providing thousands of refugees with an access to higher education in a short time period, Turkey has gained experience in meeting refugees’ need for higher education. This experience can be transferred to other cases and countries. Thus it is crucial to introduce good practices and share experiences at the international level.

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Even if the war ended and the conflict was resolved in Syria in the short term, a vast majority of Syrian refugees would remain in Turkey (Erdoğan, 2018). This reality makes it compulsory to intensify integration policies for the future of both Turkish society and Syrian refugees. Higher education is a humanitarian and strategic tool to create a link between communities and empower Syrian youth regardless of the various possibilities that they might remain in Turkey, resettle in a third country, or return to their home country.

6

Conclusion

Higher education is a vital human right to enlighten, empower and support livelihood of both individuals and the society they live in. Higher education systems must be inclusive to all and responsive and resilient to the needs of society. The diversity of the population needs to be represented in all layers but particularly in higher education, as it has a leading role for the labor market. In the last decade, the world has been experiencing one of its most tremendous humanitarian disasters, the largest mass forced migration since the World War II. Hosting the largest population of refugees in the world, Turkey has been implementing new policies to include Syrian refugees into higher education. Turkey defined the policy for the refugees’ access into higher education as a part of the internationalization strategy in the CoHE’s first nation-wide internationalization strategy document, Internationalization Strategy 2018–2022. As a result of strong advocacy tools, the number of international students increased dramatically in the last decade. Currently, there are 125,030 international students enrolled in the Turkish higher education system. Refugee students from Syria and other countries such as Egypt and Yemen are classified as international students, although they are subject to different policies. Having reached 27,000 in 2019, Syrian students are the largest group in the international student population in Turkey (CoHE, 2019). The Turkish higher education system already has a large number of student population (7.7 million) in the European Higher Education Area and indeed a large young population targeting access to higher education has its own chronic challenges. In order to overcome the supply-demand imbalance in the last decade, many new universities were established and the student quotas for study programs were increased by CoHE. Quality remains one of the persistent topics on the agenda of higher education. Under these already challenging circumstances, the sacrifice and devotion of Turkey and its citizens regarding the

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refugees’ access to higher education should be noted and acknowledged. However, this does not imply that the challenges mentioned should be overlooked.

References Balsari, S., Abisaab, J., Hamill, K., & Leaning, J. (2015). Syrian refugee crisis: When aid is not enough. The Lancet, 385(9972), 942–943. CoHE. (2012). Duyurular. Retrieved from https://www.yok.gov.tr/en CoHE. (2015). Türkiye’de bulunan Suriyeli öğrencilerin üniversitelerimizde eğitim ve öğretimlerini alabilmelerine yönelik duyuru. Retrieved from https://archive.fo/ pk5Nf CoHE. (2019). Yükseköğretim bilgi yönetim sistemi. Retrieved from https://istatistik.yok.gov.tr/ Cousins, S. (2015). Syrian crisis: Health experts say more can be done. The Lancet, 385(9972), 931–934. Development Initiatives. (2018). Global humanitarian assistance report. Retrieved from http://devinit.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/GHA-Report-2018.pdf Erdoğan, A., & Erdoğan, M. M. (2018). Access, qualifications and social dimension of Syrian refugee students in Turkish higher education. In A. Curaj, L. Deca, & R. Pricopie (Eds.), European higher education area: The impact of past and future policies (pp. 259–276). Springer. Erdoğan, M. M. (2015). Türkiye’deki Suriyeliler: Toplumsal kabul ve uyum. İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları. Erdoğan, M. M. (2016). Syrians in Turkey: From emergency aid policies to integration policies. Foreign Policy, 42(2), 25–56. Erdoğan, M. M. (2018). Suriyeliler barometresi: Suriyelilerle uyum içinde yaşamın çerçevesi. İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları. Erdoğan, M. M., Erdoğan, A., & Yavcan, B. (2019). Elite Dialogue II: Dialogue with Syrian refugees in Turkey through Syrian academics and students. Unpublished Project Report, Hope Projects 2018–2019. Erdoğan, M. M., & Kaya, A. (Eds.). (2015). Türkiye’nin göç tarihi, 14. Yüzyıldan 21. Yüzyıla Türkiye’ye Göçler. İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları. Erdoğan, M. M., & Ünver, C. (2015). Perspectives, expectations and suggestions of the Turkish business sector on Syrians in Turkey. TISK. Ergin, H. (2016). Turkish university students’ perceptions towards their Syrian classmates. Education and Science, 41, 399–415. Ergin, H. (2018). Soft power through a branch campus in former ISIS base. Retrieved from https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20181214044935226

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Ergin, H. (2019). Forced migrants in higher education: Syrian students at Turkish universities. In K. A. Godwin & H. de Wit (Eds.), Intelligent internationalization: The shape of things to come. Brill Sense. Ergin, H., de Wit, H., & Leask, B. (2019). Forced internationalization of higher education: An emerging phenomenon. International Higher Education, 97, 9–10. Euronews. (2019). Erdoğan: Mültecilere 35 milyar dolar kaynak aktardık. Retrieved from https://tr.euronews.com/2019/01/28/erdogan-multecilere-35-milyar-dolar-kaynakaktardik European Commission. (2016). Managing the refugee crisis EU-Turkey joint action plan: Implementation report. Retrieved from https://ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/ sites/homeaffairs/files/what-we-do/policies/european-agenda-migration/ background-information/docs/managing_the_refugee_crisis_euturkey_joint_ action_plan_implementation_report_20160210_en.pdf Eurydice. (2019). Integrating asylum seekers and refugees in higher education. Retrieved from https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice/content/integratingasylum-seekers-and-refugees-higher-education-europe-national-policies-and_en Ghaddar, H. (2016, December 14). Stop calling the Syrian conflict a ‘civil war.’ It’s not. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/ posteverything/wp/2016/12/14/stop-calling-the-syrian-conflict-a-civil-war-its-not/ ?utm_term=.92ab05f16a6e İçduygu, A., & Sirkeci, I. (1999). Cumhuriyet dönemi Türkiye’sinde göç hareketleri. In O. Baydar (Ed.), 75 yılda köylerden şehirlere (pp. 249–268). Tarih Vakfı Yayınları. İçduygu, A., & Şimşek, D. (2016). Syrian refugees in Turkey: Towards integration policies. Turkish Policy Quarterly, 15(3), 59–69. Kirişci, K., Brandt, J., & Erdoğan, M. M. (2018, June 19). Syrian refugees in Turkey: Beyond the numbers [Blog post]. https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-fromchaos/2018/06/19/syrian-refugees-in-turkey-beyond-the-numbers/ The Official Gazette. (2013). Yükseköğretim kurumlarında önlisans ve lisans düzeyindeki programlar arasında geçiş, çift anadal, yan dal ile kurumlar arası kredi transferi yapılması esaslarına ilişkin yönetmelikte değişiklik yapılmasına dair yönetmelik. Retrieved from http://www.resmigazete.gov.tr/eskiler/2013/09/20130921-9.htm The Official Gazette. (2014). 2014–15 eğitim-öğretim yılında yükseköğretim kurumlarında cari hizmet maiyetlerine öğrenci katkısı olarak alınacak katkı payları ve öğrenim ücretlerinin tespitine dair karar. Retrieved from http://www.resmigazete.gov.tr/ eskiler/2014/09/20140927-6-1.pdf ÖSYM. (2019). Retrieved from http://www.osym.gov.tr/TR,15788/osym-baskani-profdr-aygun-yksye-toplam-2-milyon-528-bin-110-aday-katilacak-13062019.html UNHCR. (2017). Turn the tide: Refugee education in crisis report. Retrieved https://www.unhcr.org/5b852f8e4.pdf UNHCR. (2018). Comprehensive protection and solutions strategy: Protection thresholds

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and parameters for refugee return to Syria. Retrieved from https://data2.unhcr.org/ en/documents/download/63223 UNHCR. (2019). Syria regional refugee response. Retrieved from https://data2.unhcr.org/en/situations/syria UNICEFTurk. (2019). Türkiye’deki Suriyeli çocuklar. Retrieved from https://www.unicefturk.org/yazi/acil-durum-turkiyedeki-suriyeli-cocuklar Unutulmaz, K. O. (2019). International migration. International Migration, 57(2), 235–256. Yıldız, A. G. (2019). Integration of refugee students in European Higher Education: Comparative country cases. Yaşar University Publications. YTB. (2016). Suriyeli Ogrenciler Icin Destek Burslari. Retrieved from https://www.ytb.gov.tr/duyurular/suriyeli-ogrenciler-icin-destek-burslari-2

PART 3 The K-12 to University Pipeline

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chapter 19

Lessons from the Primary and Secondary School Context: Building Capacity to Support Migrant and Refugee Students Rebecca Lowenhaupt and Martin Scanlan

1

Introduction

In light of a dramatic increase in global migration over the last decade, education systems around the world have had to adapt to serve the needs of newcomers. Current migration patterns are transforming the demographics of countries worldwide, as economic and environmental issues along with political upheaval are leading to massive and increasing numbers of migrant populations (Alba & Foner, 2015). Although the immigration and education policy contexts vary greatly, the institutions serving these populations share a common set of challenges and opportunities as they adapt to support newcomers. In the U.S., education has long been viewed as a crucial institution for immigrant incorporation, serving as an initial entry for immigrant youth and their families, a bridge to other social services, and a key point of social contact for newcomers (Alba & Foner, 2015; Portes & Rumbaut, 2014). At the primary and secondary level, immigrant-origin youth1 are the fastest growing segment of the school-age population in U.S. public schools (Aud et al., 2011; Singer, 2009). At the same time, many of these students struggle on traditional measures of educational outcomes, such as achievement tests, grade retention, and secondary school graduation rates (Aud et al., 2011). Importantly, immigrant communities in the U.S. are extremely heterogeneous with some schools serving students from all over the world and speaking more than 40 distinct language groups (Singer, 2009). They arrive with various prior educational experiences, distinct cultural backgrounds and migration stories (DeCapua & Marshall, 2010). The vast majority of these students come from either Latin America or Asia, bringing cultural, racial and linguistic diversity to the schools that serve them (Hernandez, Denton, & Macartney, 2008). As English Language Learners (ELLs), students are often incorporated into schools based on perceived linguistic needs rather than various other aspects of their identities, contributing to deficit perspectives and subtractive schooling (Valenzuela, 1999). Recent initiatives to elevate and promote multilingualism © koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_019

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have led to the establishment of bilingual programs and other more inclusive forms of schooling in some contexts, but not all (Lowenhaupt, 2014; Scanlan & Lopez, 2012). Despite anti-immigrant discourses and policies that have proliferated in recent years (Costello, 2016; Hipsman & Meissner, 2017), educational institutions continue to embrace the ideals of achieving social integration and opportunity for all students, even when they fall short of meeting those goals. Indeed, federal education policy requires schools to serve all students regardless of their migratory status as ensured by the landmark 1982 Supreme Court ruling in Plyler v. Doe. Although emerging research has shown how federal support for efforts to decrease the flow of migration and increase enforcement have significantly impacted immigrant families in the U.S. (Khazan, 2017; Hipsman & Meissner, 2017), several scholars have emphasized the ongoing efforts of educators to counteract these actions to support the communities they serve (Crawford, 2017; Dorner, 2012). Indeed, a large and growing body of research has focused on educational practices to support immigrant students and their families both through classroom instruction and organizational supports. The purpose of this chapter is to consider salient themes that have emerged from research on supporting immigrant-origin students within the United States primary and secondary school system (PK-12) as they relate to the work of universities and other educational institutions across the globe. In the pages ahead, we draw out some key themes from this work to highlight the ways in which this research might support efforts to incorporate newcomers at the university level. We first provide some background about immigrant identity and incorporation, before discussing two important aspects to consider including: (1) the importance of shifting instruction to better support immigrant youth; and (2) the need to build organizational capacity. We end with a discussion of implications for higher education.

2

Background

Before we speak to each of these themes in turn, we must first consider how immigrant identities relate to the educational enterprise. A long tradition of studying immigrant education has established the important role education plays in the incorporation and acculturation of immigrant communities, both in terms of providing opportunities for social contact and as a formalized and indeed mandated opportunity for immigrant-origin youth to acquire the knowledge and skills valued by the receiving community (Portes & Rumbaut,

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2014; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001). Understanding key characteristics of immigrant identities is a crucial step in examining the organizational implications of immigration. 2.1 Immigrant Identities Although often treated as one subgroup within the formal structures of schooling, immigrant youth are actually an incredibly heterogeneous group of students. In many contexts, these students bring substantial cultural and linguistic diversity to their schools. Not only do they come from various countries around the world, they also represent distinct cultural groups even from within the same country comprising a mix of immigrant pathways and identities (Alba & Foner, 2015; Capps et al., 2005). Despite sharing the migration narrative, these students have experienced immigration in distinct ways. Some migrant families choose to relocate while others are forced to move for economic, political or environmental reasons (Alba & Foner, 2015). Some have status as refugees or asylum-seekers whereas others have no legal recourse, residing in the receiving community without documentation (Castles, Haas, & Miller, 2013). Their migration pathways also likely vary. While some arrive directly from their sending community, others navigate multiple ports of entry or wait in interim locales before settling (Alba & Foner, 2015). Although newcomers to particular schools, they may not be newcomers to the immigrant experience. Even though these distinctions have substantial implications for access to prior educational opportunities or histories of trauma, these aspects of the migration story are often invisible to receiving institutions (Waters et al., 2010). These complex and often invisible histories can lead to interruptions in formal education, socioemotional challenges, and distinct acculturation processes within the receiving country (DeCapua & Marshall, 2010). Although this mix of experiences is an inherent part of the immigrant identity (Alba & Foner, 2015), immigrant-origin youth navigate similar processes of acculturation (Gibson, 2001; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001). Most saliently, these youth are othered by their institutions and non-immigrant peers as they acculturate to new contexts (Patel, 2012; Khalifa et al., 2016). At the same time, they often experience alienation and generational differences with adult family members (Tummala-Narra et al., 2012). At least for some period of time, they experience liminal status between sending and receiving communities without full membership in either context (Gibson, 2001). As they manage this transition, immigrant-origin youth grapple with evolving identities differently than adult family members who grew up in their home communities (Tummala-Narra et al., 2012). Growing up between cultures,

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these youth often experience tensions between generations which shape family dynamics and can lead to stress for both youth and adults (TummalaNarra & Claudius, 2013). At the same time, they play central roles within their families, serving as cultural and linguistic brokers helping family members navigate social services, medical care, and even their own educational experiences, such as serving as interpreters at their own parent-teacher conferences (Orellana, 2009). These responsibilities often set them apart from their non-immigrant peers and create a different set of childhood experiences which schools are often not structured to support (Lowenhaupt & Montgomery, 2018). As they develop, their school environment plays an important role in fostering or hindering additive acculturation, a process of identity formation that incorporates aspects of the multiple cultures they navigate (Gibson, 2001). Given globalization and transmigration trends, youth are increasingly required to navigate across multiple cultures even as they settle into their receiving communities. New technologies facilitate interaction across borders, with many immigrant-origin youth engaged in ongoing relationships with family and friends in their sending country (Richardson Bruna, 2015; Villenas, 2007). Indeed, some scholars have shown how family structures often incorporate transnational roles in complex ‘constellations of care’ which incorporate parenting and support from those in both sending and receiving communities (Oliveira, 2018). In addition to these ongoing relationships across borders, the uncertainty of immigration and in some cases, the constant threat of deportation means that many immigrant-origin youth cannot count on remaining in receiving communities (Hamann & Zúñiga, 2011). In the U.S., an increasingly relevant feature of identity for many immigrant-origin youth relates to their documentation status (Gonzales, 2016). Research has shown that even from a young age, students’ own status and the status of their family members shape their identities in profound ways (Mangual Figueroa, 2017; Gonzales, 2016). In the last few years, this has only been amplified as immigrant enforcement and deportations have become a growing concern for youth without documentation or in mixed-status families and communities (Hipsman & Meissner, 2017; Mangual Figueroa, 2017) As such, federal immigration policies have become even more consequential in shaping the acculturation experiences of youth impacted by documentation concerns. Of course, identity development is a complex and multi-faceted process, and immigrant-origin youth are not only immigrants. For these youth, the acculturation process intersects with various other aspects of identity development related to race, class, gender, (dis)ability, and sexuality among others (SuárezOrozco & Qin, 2006; Waters, 2010). Multiple forms of oppression and difference shape the experiences of these newcomers, who navigate marginalization

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from various perspectives of difference. Recognizing how intersecting identities shape the experiences of immigrant-origin youth is critical for the educators who help them through the acculturation process (Theoharis & Scanlan, 2015). As schools (and universities) develop programs and services for these youth, understanding the varying and similar characteristics that are part and parcel of the immigrant experience can help organizations create responsive and meaningful support. 2.2 Schools as Contexts of Reception Understanding immigrant identities requires a shift away from focusing solely on individual characteristics of particular groups and to recognizing relevant aspects of contexts of reception, which have been defined as features of the specific contexts that immigrants enter (Marrow, 2011). Research has shown how immigrant acculturation is informed by multiple contextual characteristics, including but not limited to government policies, the reception of receiving communities, economic context, and access to support from previous waves of immigrants (Portes & Rumbaut, 2014). Conceptualizing the immigrant experience through this lens illustrates how the immigrant experience is shaped not only by the immigrants themselves, but also by the contexts they join, which includes those institutions with which they have substantial contact such as schools. Importantly, immigrants experience a set of contexts which are nested and together impact acculturation. “Nested contexts of reception” take into account different layers of context, applying an ecological perspective to the multiple ways in which the immigrant experience plays out (GolashBoza & Valdez, 2018). For example, in the U.S. public schools, immigrant-origin youth are impacted by federal, state, and local policy contexts at the same time that organizational practices within their schools and classrooms also influence their acculturation. Acknowledging that education is a key institutional context of reception, not only for many immigrant-origin youth but also for their families, draws attention to the organization of schooling, which affords or hinders social contact among immigrant and non-immigrant peers, and provides crucial access to knowledge, resources and skills in the receiving community (Hopkins & Lowenhaupt, 2016; Dabach, 2015). For many students, this is their first opportunity to learn about how others view them, negotiating expectations of both educators and peers as they relate to their own sense of identity and acculturation (Perlmann & Waldinger, 1997; Lee, 2005). At the same time, education provides opportunities for ongoing and consequential interactions for those in the receiving community as they come to know and accept newcomers.

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Despite the importance of schools as contexts of reception, unequal opportunity for immigrant-origin students has been widespread as school policies, organizational structures and educator practices tend to marginalize these students’ cultural and linguistic strengths (Gándara & Hopkins, 2010; Valenzuela, 1999). These shortcomings in schools that limit their effectiveness tend to derive from a lack of capacity within schools to support additive acculturation and promote a sense of belonging among immigrant-origin youth (Lowenhaupt & Reeves, 2015). Instructionally, a lack of expertise and experience amongst teachers who are not trained to support culturally and linguistically diverse students can hinder their effectiveness to create supportive contexts of reception (Hopkins, 2013; Dabach, 2015). Organizationally, the design of programs often minimizes opportunities for social contact and access to support (Lowenhaupt, 2014). In this regard, organizational structures to support more integrated services and opportunities for social interaction are critical (Scanlan & López, 2012). Having discussed the broader context of immigrant identity and incorporation, we now move to consider the importance of shifting instruction to better support immigrant youth.

3

Instructional Considerations

Classrooms are at the heart of schools and the instruction immigrant-origin students receive within those classrooms is a crucial aspect of their context of reception. However, prior research has demonstrated just how unprepared many teachers are to support cultural and linguistic diversity, particularly those teachers who are not specifically trained to support language learning (Hopkins, 2013; Lucas & Grinberg, 2008). Recognizing the need to develop more effective instructional models to support immigrant-origin youth, we examine a few central themes that have emerged from research about classroom practices for these students. First, we discuss the importance of integrating language instruction across content areas. Second, we consider how support for these students needs to take into account the assets they bring to their classes. Third, we discuss how schools can ensure opportunities for social integration. 3.1 Language across Content Areas One of the key instructional considerations for immigrant-origin students is how to support their language acquisition. In the U.S. context, where most immigrant communities speak languages other than English, schooling takes

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place almost exclusively in English. In fact, entering the public school system, many immigrant-origin youth are identified as “English Learners” (ELs), a designation that is intended to ensure students receive additional services. The right to these additional services can be traced back to the 1974 Supreme Court ruling of Lau v. Nichols, which held that non-English speaking students were entitled to equal educational opportunities with their native-English speaking peers. In most schools, programs for these students privilege the rapid acquisition of English as a starting point for success in school (Lowenhaupt, 2016). Despite an emphasis on providing English classes for immigrant-origin youth, many schools have yet to establish effective support for learning English in content area classes such as mathematics or science (Hopkins et al., 2015). Although a growing field of bilingual education has demonstrated how these programs can better support students’ learning of both language and content (Francis et al., 2006; Lopez & McEneaney, 2012), the majority of students in the U.S. continue to be served in schools where the primary language of instruction is English (García & Cuéllier, 2006). In many situations, this is a practical rather than ideological decision, as many schools serve numerous language groups at the same time and simply cannot sustain bilingual programming in one or two particular languages. Even within bilingual programs, the learning of language and content are often treated as distinct and separate considerations (Hopkins et al., 2015). However, researchers and practitioners alike are increasingly aware of how important it is to ensure students have opportunities to learn both a new language and content concurrently (Francis et al., 2006). In this regard, the structure of programs has been shown to be crucial for affording opportunities to learn both language and content together (De Jong, 2011; Scanlan & Lopez, 2012). Structuring push-in supports, fostering teacher collaboration and co-designed lessons, and helping content area teachers learn to integrate academic language instruction into their courses have provided opportunities for immigrant-origin youth to access both language and content learning simultaneously (Echevarria et al., 2010; Theoharis & O’Toole, 2011; Scanlan & Lopez, 2012; Hopkins et al., 2015). Although often posited as a necessarily staged process (e.g. they can learn English first and then learn content), instructional innovations continue to demonstrate the potential for instructional practices that support students learning language and content at the same time. Importantly, implementing strategies without adequate teacher training, resources, and expertise in language learning runs the risk of minimizing the effectiveness of these strategies as educators are not prepared to support the range of linguistic nuances those learning a new language encounter (De Jong &

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Harper, 2005). As such, it is important not to prioritize one form of expertise over another. As schools implement more integrated supports, they must continue to monitor and assess language learning alongside content learning, to ensure adequate access to both. 3.2 Building on Assets A common refrain for educators working with culturally and linguistically diverse students is the need to incorporate students’ learning outside of the classroom into their learning within the classroom. Educators recognize the need to build on students’ ‘funds of knowledge,’ bringing the expertise and insights from their communities to bear on academic learning (Moll et al., 1992). Although many understand the need for this, actually enacting the practice remains elusive. In a system where students are often labelled by what they cannot do, as English learners, rather than what they can do, deficit-thinking amongst educators has been well-documented (Wortham & Contreras, 2002; Valenzuela, 1999). As Palmer and Martínez (2013) state, the norm for these students is “to experience marginalization and [their] language resources… to be underutilized and misunderstood in school” (p. 271). Furthermore, addressing students’ complex academic histories presents additional challenges for educators and can contribute to deficit-thinking (DeCapua & Marshall, 2010). While formal learning may have been interrupted during the migration process, recognizing and identifying the learning that has taken place can help educators identify ways to build on what students already know. This requires an innovative, exploratory approach to instructional design dependent on two-way communication and responsive teaching based on the individual students educators serve. It is important to recognize how challenging and complex this work is and ensure educators have the training and support they need to develop this type of learning environment. Prior research on multicultural education and culturally responsive pedagogy (Banks, 2008; Ladson Billings, 2014; Paris, 2012) provides some insights into how to construct classrooms that incorporate diversity and counteract deficit-thinking. For example, identifying ways to ensure students see themselves represented in the curriculum is one concrete practice which educators might adopt (Nieto, 2004). Establishing instruction that builds on and expands existing knowledge, drawing on the cultural traditions students bring to school and incorporating their identities into classrooms not only aligns with cognitive learning theory which emphasizes the importance of prior knowledge (Bransford et al., 2000), but also ensures that students develop integrated identities as they bridge into a new culture (Scanlan & Lopez, 2012).

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3.3 Opportunities for Social Contact A related issue is the extent to which the design of instruction marginalizes students in relation to their non-immigrant peers. As discussed above, schools are powerful contexts of reception in that they provide initial points of social contact for immigrant-origin youth and their families (Portes & Rumbaut, 2014). At the same time, however, these youth often spend much of their day in substantially separate programs where opportunities for social contact are limited (Hopkins & Lowenhaupt, 2016). Prior research has shown that separate programs can compound social isolation and lead to marginalization, at least in some contexts (Brunn, 2002; Palmer & Martínez, 2013). As language is a “social and cultural practice” (Palmer & Martínez, 2013, p. 276), immigrant students benefit from learning it alongside native English-speaking peers. While some recent studies have found positive outcomes associated with schools focused solely on supporting recent immigrant adolescents, scholars have been very clear that these outcomes relate to the particular trajectory of the youth being served and the rich learning environments that have been created in these schools (Jaffe-Walter, 2008; Jaffe-Walter & Lee, 2011). In other words, separate schooling is not necessarily a promising option. Ensuring students access to integrated opportunities is one concrete way to support social interaction between immigrant and non-immigrant peers (Scanlan & Lopez, 2012). Research has shown that learning in integrated environments within classrooms leads to greater social interaction outside of classrooms (Lowenhaupt, 2014; Hopkins et al., 2015). Going hand-in-hand with the need to support access to both language and content learning, identifying ways to create instruction that brings students together across differences is another important consideration, something several scholars have worked to develop in the form of ‘integrated service delivery’ (Scanlan & Lopez, 2012). Broadly speaking, integrated service delivery is an approach to providing student support services (e.g., special education, bilingual/English as a second language services, counseling, Title services, etc.) in manners that allow students receiving services to remain integrated within the community (Frattura & Capper, 2007). Applied to immigrant populations, this means replacing structures that might remove these students from class for significant periods of time to receive special support in language development. Instead, such students might be placed in smaller classrooms with a mix of students and a teacher who has earned additional certification in bilingualism or English as a Second Language (ESL), or a classroom which is being co-taught by a general education teacher and a bilingual or ESL teacher (Theoharis & O’Toole, 2011; Frattura & Capper, 2007).

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Taken together, these instructional considerations bridge primary, secondary and higher education as they relate to incorporating and supporting learning for immigrant-origin youth. Although the ways in which educators support students’ language learning, prior experiences and knowledge, and opportunities for social contact will vary across organizations, these are three key considerations for the design of instruction. Shaping the context of reception for these students, classroom experiences can be a powerful support for their acculturation. However, focusing on the classroom alone is not sufficient. We next turn to a discussion of organizational capacity, highlighting ways in which schools as organizations can develop the capacity to support newcomers.

4

Organizational Capacity

With instruction at the core, schools as organizations need to develop the capacity to serve immigrant-origin youth. As migration patterns continue to evolve, immigrant communities have moved beyond traditional gateway destinations into new immigrant destinations with little tradition serving immigrant origin youth (Marrow, 2011). In these contexts in particular, organizational capacity must be built that supports staff development and ensures access to services beyond the classroom. Finding ways to address the organizational capacity of schools to serve as supportive contexts of reception requires educators to think at the school level and beyond as they partner with other organizations serving their students. We discuss two aspects of organizational capacity below; first focusing on building capacity amongst teachers and second attending to partnerships to develop networks of support. 4.1 Building Capacity among Staff The need for educator training to serve these students has been established across school contexts (Capps et al., 2005; Hopkins, 2013). Addressing the instructional considerations described above, schools need to ensure educators have both formal and informal learning opportunities to create meaningful classroom experiences (Lowenhaupt & Reeves, 2015). Importantly, teachers are not the only staff members who require training in this regard; administrators, guidance, and other staff are often unprepared for the work of supporting immigrant students (Brunn, 2002; Hamann, 2003). Incrementally, school reform in the U.S. has supported schools as they evolve into organizations which facilitate professional learning among staff (Kraft & Papay, 2014). Through opportunities for teacher collaboration, instructional

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coaching, and embedded, ongoing professional development, some schools have organized their work to foster professional communities (Bredeson, 2003; Desimone, 2009; Lowenhaupt et al., 2014; Kraft & Papay, 2014). Although these efforts have not always led to improvement, they have built a foundation for developing capacity that might be leveraged to support immigrant-origin students. Building capacity to serve immigrant-origin youth involves supporting adult learning that focuses on adapting the school in ways that are responsive to the cultural and linguistic diversity these students bring, something which requires more than formal training, but also incorporates fostering communication across stakeholders to learn about and with communities as they evolve (Scanlan & López, 2014). These efforts require establishing the organizational conditions for informal as well as formal learning (Kraft & Papay, 2014). Finding ways to support collaboration is vital to encourage the sharing of expertise and language support across subject areas (Hopkins et al., 2015, 2019). One frequently overlooked aspect of this work is the need to diversify staff, an ongoing challenge for most schools in the U.S. (Bartolomé, 2002). Although some districts have actively engaged in building pipelines to support members of the immigrant community as they move from classroom aides and interpreters into full-time teaching roles (Ocasio, 2014), educators in U.S. public schools continue to be comprised of an overwhelming majority of white, U.S.-born females (Darling-Hammond, 2017). Given this growing dissonance between educators and the communities they serve, some districts have established cultural liaisons who can serve as brokers between communities and schools, helping educators understand the cultures they serve (Martinez-Cosio & Iannacone, 2007; Lowenhaupt & Montgomery, 2018). Although there are limitations to this practice, it offers one possible mechanism for ensuring twoway communication between schools and communities and offers the potential to build capacity among educators.

4.2 Working in Partnership Focusing on building capacity within the organization offers one way to ensure greater support for immigrant-origin youth, but bridging outside of the organization is also important for creating a networked context of reception. Acknowledging the importance of cross-sector networks, research has established the benefits of developing inter-organizational partnerships particularly when serving traditional marginalized populations (Miller, Scanlan, & Philippo, 2017). Partnering with other organizations, as well as with immigrant communities and families, can help schools build capacity internally.

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By networking, we mean educators, families, and community members purposefully fostering relationships to help them better achieve their goals. Scanlan, Hunter, and Howard (in press) show that strategic and scaffolded networking that is grounded in an asset-based orientation is a powerful tool for advancing culturally and linguistically responsive schooling. Relationships with families are crucial and despite a large body of research emphasizing the importance of family engagement, schools continue to struggle to develop more culturally-relevant engagement practices (Chávez-Reyes, 2010; Lowenhaupt, 2014). Facing substantial barriers to partnering with families, including logistical barriers such as language differences and scheduling conflicts, schools also need to understand and work across cultural differences as well that often lead to a mismatch of expectations surrounding school-home relationships (Lowenhaupt & Montgomery, 2018). At the same time that educators seek new ways to bridge school and home, research has shown that many immigrant families rely on their relationships at school to help them navigate their receiving communities (Marrow, 2011). Regardless of whether intentional or not, schools serve as initial points of contact for immigrant communities who rely on educators to help navigate a range of resources (Bigelow, 2010; Gitlin et al., 2003; Marrow, 2011). Often in ad-hoc, unplanned ways, educators become cultural liaisons for immigrant families (Bartolome, 2002; Hopkins, 2013). In addition to partnering more effectively with families (Lowenhaupt & Montgomery, 2018), partnering with various social service agencies in ways that promote collaboration can ensure that families receive integrated, coordinated support across agencies (Scanlan & Johnson, 2015). Although schools alone cannot provide the range of services immigrant-origin youth and their families need, they can help families navigate the various services they need such as medical, mental health, housing, advocacy, among other resources (Fennelly, 2008). Cultivating individuals within the school with knowledge about a range of resources available is only part of the task. In addition, schools need to develop organizational processes so that individuals know how to access that expertise. Immigrant families tend to call on those staff they happen to know well, whether they be classroom teachers or office administrators, for support (Hopkins, 2013). Helping these individual educators access support by ensuring networks are in place and transparent is important for supporting an integrated context of reception for these families. Navigating the complexities of serving immigrant communities in an era of increased enforcement and anti-immigrant rhetoric has challenged those relationships. The chilling effect of recent anti-immigrant policies has made it even more difficult for educators to build strong

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relationships, particularly with undocumented and mixed status families, who fear that connections with any public services may lead to deportation (Gándara & Ee, 2018). Given these challenges, it is all the more important that schools establish the organizational capacity to coordinate services and provide networks of support for communities under threat.

5

Connections to Higher Education

Efforts to build both instructional and organizational capacity in some contexts have led to the development of innovative support for immigrant-origin youth and their families. Gearing instructional reform toward incorporating newcomers by providing embedded opportunities for language learning, building on the insights and assets they bring and structuring social contact can help create a supportive context of reception within the classroom. At the school level, organizing staff learning and pursuing strategic partnerships can help build organizational capacity to better serve immigrant-origin youth. Recognizing that the particularities of these efforts will vary in the higher education context, we believe a similar focus can serve immigrant-origin youth at this level as well. In terms of instructional considerations, students at all levels will likely enter with similar linguistic and academic challenges depending on their experiences with migration. While the structure of higher education may differ substantially, the primary medium for instruction remains language, and often a language other than the home language students have experienced. While universities likely address language learning in separate classes, there is a similar urgency to scaffold language use, particularly in writing, across subject areas. Although university instructors are unlikely to have expertise in language development, particularly in specialized subject areas other than language, exploring ways to embed language support across classes is crucial. Building on existing practices and programs, university instructors might consider how best to do this, whether through tutoring support outside of classrooms, adjustments to assignments, and strategies for instructors to use within class. Beyond language, instructors might explore ways to learn about and from students, drawing on the assets they bring to their classes in activities and assignments. Further, recognizing the value of social contact amongst students has pedagogical implications for the design of classroom instruction. Ensuring students have opportunities to work collaboratively, discuss content with one

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another, and share their expertise with one another will help create a supportive context of reception. For many university instructors, these forms of pedagogy differ substantially from the training they received in their specialized content areas. As such, the need to build capacity among staff is as crucial for higher education institutions as it is at the primary and secondary levels. Developing opportunities for staff to learn, as well as considering expanding staffing to incorporate more diversity, will likewise yield improvements for all educational organizations serving immigrant-origin students. Similarly, partnering across organizations will help in efforts to build capacity. Although the types of partnerships may vary by level, partnering to create more integrated, coherent support for these students across academic, medical and mental health, and social service domains is urgent. Addressing the sociocultural dimension of immigrant acculturation requires organizational capacity to support identity development as individuals bridge cultures. As scholars of primary and secondary schools, we are not in a position to identify specific practices to achieve these ends. However, we do believe that these themes hold as important areas of consideration across levels. We acknowledge the differences in mission, structure, and context, at the same time that we argue for a similar set of concerns and reforms to better craft educational opportunities to support immigrant-origin youth.

6

Conclusion

Indeed, this work has similar implications for those leading both primary/ secondary schools and higher education institutions. In both situations, the challenge for educational leadership is to identify ways to integrate newcomers into existing structures while adapting those structures in ways that honor the identities and experiences immigrant-origin youth bring to their education. Over the years, our work has established the importance of relationships among educators and immigrant-origin students and their families. The need for mutually beneficial, bidirectional communication and collaborative engagement in creating supportive contexts of reception has remained a central, often overlooked theme across all our work. As educational institutions adapt to serve a growing number of immigrant-origin youth, leaders ought to identify strategic ways to build both instructional and organizational capacity. Leveraging moments of opportunity, such as existing inter-organizational partnerships or building on expertise these students bring to their learning, can lead to powerful reforms. Attending to the opportunities, as well as the

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challenges, these students bring can help reframe deficit thinking and lead to innovations which foster contexts of reception that do not just accommodate newcomers but also expand and grow alongside them.

Note 1 For the purposes of this chapter, we use the term ‘immigrant-origin youth’ to encompass both immigrants and children of immigrants as a group of youth most closely impacted by immigrant experiences (Suárez‐Orozco & Qin, 2006; Tummala-Narra & Claudius, 2013). This inclusive term incorporates members of immigrant communities of various designations including refugees, voluntary migrants, and undocumented immigrants.

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Singer, A. (2009). The new geography of United States immigration. Brookings Institute. Retrieved April 2, 2010, from http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/rc/papers/ 2009/07_immigration_geography_singer/07immigration_geography_singer.pdf Suárez‐Orozco, C., & Qin, D. B. (2006). Gendered perspectives in psychology: Immigrant origin youth. International Migration Review, 40(1), 165–198. Suárez-Orozco, C., & Suárez-Orozco, M. (2001). Children of immigration. Harvard University Press. Theoharis, G., & O’Toole, J. (2011). Leading inclusive ELL: Social justice leadership for English language learners. Educational Administration Quarterly, 47(4), 646–688. Theoharis, G., & Scanlan, M. (2015). Leadership for increasingly diverse schools. Routledge. Tummala-Narra, P., & Claudius, M. (2013). Perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms among immigrant-origin adolescents. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 19(3), 257. Tummala-Narra, P., Alegria, M., & Chen, C. N. (2012). Perceived discrimination, acculturative stress, and depression among South Asians: Mixed findings. Asian American Journal of Psychology, 3(1), 3. Valenzuela, A. (1999). Subtractive schooling: U.S. Mexican youth and the politics of caring. State University of New York Press. Villenas, S. (2007). Diaspora and the anthropology of Latino education: Challenges, affinities, and intersections. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 38(4), 419–425. Waters, M. C., Tran, V. C., Kasinitz, P., & Mollenkopf, J. H. (2010). Segmented assimilation revisited: Types of acculturation and socioeconomic mobility in young adulthood. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 33(7), 1168–1193. Wortham, S., & Contreras, M. (2002). Struggling toward culturally relevant pedagogy in the Latino diaspora. Journal of Latinos and Education, 1(2), 133–144.

chapter 20

The K-12 to University Pipeline in the U.S. Context: Implications for Refugee Students Kerri Evans and Lisa Unangst

1

Introduction

In 1951, the U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees set forth that refugees should have equal access to education and social assistance as other residents in their country of residence. However, only 61% of refugees worldwide attend primary school, compared to 92% global average, and only 3% of refugees reach university, compared to 37% globally (UNHCR, 2019a, 2019b). The United States provides free public education for all students regardless of their national origin or refugee status at the primary (grades K-8) and secondary (9–12) levels, but tertiary education in the U.S. is among the most costly in the world. While a robust transnational literature has explored the needs of and supports for refugee students at the primary and secondary levels (Correa-Velez, Gifford, McMichael, & Sampson, 2017; Graham, Minhas, & Paxton, 2016; Rana, Qin, Bates, Luster, & Saltarelli, 2011), there is scarce research on refugees in higher education. Further, much of that limited literature addresses initiatives based in refugee camps, or is responding to a specific refugee “crisis” in a particular national context (Stevenson & Baker, 2018; Van Heelsum, 2017). This chapter seeks to fill this gap by examining in detail the disparity in access to higher education between refugee and non-refugee students in the U.S. context, with particular attention to the K-12 to university pipeline. Importantly, we view this chapter as asset-focused, emphasizing the tools, strengths, and resiliencies demonstrated by refugee students themselves as well as by supportive families and communities. This positionality contests a deficit orientation as productive, and is particularly appropriate given the institutional barriers (or debt of institutional provision referred to by Tuck and Yang (2014) at play in the K-12 to university transition (Kanno & Varghese, 2010; Willison et al., 2016). Further, we discuss this topic in the transformative mode, which is situated under the broad umbrella of critical theory. In short, we seek to offer practically-oriented solutions improving the student experience. Hurtado (2015)

© koninklijke brill nv, leideN, 2020 | DOI: 10.1163/9789004435841_020

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calls for researchers adopting the transformative paradigm to develop “an intentional plan to target an area for challenging the reproduction of inequality with a focus on social justice,” and in turn to contribute to changing the problematic paradigm or state of play (p. 286). The goal of researchers working in this vein typically involves divestment “from inequality embedded in norms and structures to devise solutions for social and institutional change” (Hurtado, 2015, p. 290). The specific recommendations at the end of this chapter are offered in concert with this approach.

2

Secondary Schools’ Role in Preparing Refugee Students for Higher Education

The barriers to full engagement in the learning process for refugee youth within U.S. schools are plentiful. However, the potential solutions for overcoming these barriers, the social benefits to school participation, and the opportunities for those who have completed an education in the U.S. are also ample. In this section we will discuss refugees’ barriers and solutions to enrollment, language acquisition, social and emotional development, and graduation with regards to U.S. secondary schools, also known as high schools. In addition to the specific solutions mentioned below, there are some overarching positives such as funding and the personal assets of refugees themselves. In order to enhance the educational outcomes of refugee students, the Division of Refugee Assistance (which falls under the Office of Refugee Resettlement and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services) offers the Refugee School Impact Grant Program as a means to provide funds to initiatives such as: English as a Second Language (ESL) instruction, after-school and summer programs, programs that assist with high school completion, parental involvement initiatives, and hiring of bilingual and bicultural counselors and interpreters (Office of Refugee Resettlement, 2018). Importantly, refugees’ personal assets also contribute to overcoming these barriers, including resiliency (Goodman, Vesely, Letiecq, & Cleaveland, 2017; Hickey, 2017), immigrant optimism (Bartlett, Mendenhall & Ghaffar-Kucher, 2017; Kao, & Tienda, 1995), social network support (Joyce, Earnest, De Mori, & Silvagni, 2010), informal prior learning (UNESCO, 2018), and the ability to enter the workforce as a dual language adult. 2.1 Enrollment Some refugees face barriers with enrolling in school, most often due to an inability to fulfill the local enrollment requirements. For example, some students must wait long periods of time to receive necessary immunizations as

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part of their refugee medical screening process, while others may have had required immunizations earlier in life yet lack proper documentation for them (Evans, Perez-Aponte, & McRoy, in press; Health and Human Services, 2016). Likewise, some schools require proof of residency to enroll in school, and if multiple families are sharing a home where only one is listed on the utilities providing such proof can be a challenge. In these cases, the McKinney Vento Act of 2001 can be used to help enroll refugee students under the auspices of a homeless student to ensure an efficient enrollment and prompt engagement in the learning process. The Department of Education has outlined alternative documents that can be used in place of birth certificates or transcripts from the home country during the enrollment process such as baptismal records, or even parent affidavit when original documents are not available (U.S. Department of Education, 2008). 2.2 Social and Emotional Well-Being For young people, school is both a place to advance oneself academically, and a place to develop social skills and decide what type of adult one will become. School participation can help refugee students to learn English, make friends, participate in U.S. society, learn cultural norms, as well as to learn the content taught through their coursework (Reynolds & Crea, 2017; Scanlan, 2011). Many authors agree that attending school in the U.S. is major facilitator of integration into U.S. society for refugee students (Birman, Weinstein, Chan, & Beehler, 2007; Reynolds & Bacon, 2018). U.S.-born students may view refugee students in different ways. One teacher commented that, “refugee children need to be accepted by their new peers without paying the price of losing their own identity” (Nwosu & Barnes, 2014, p. 444) signifying that not all students are accepting. In order to build empathy and understanding among the larger student body, contributing to a more welcoming school environment for students who are new to the country, U.S.-born students should be given information and context about refugees through their coursework (Szente, Hoot, & Taylor, 2006). Sometimes refugee students may face difficulties in building positive social connections, or developing healthy emotional well-being in school. Acclimating to the physical environment of the school, learning the customary behaviors of the classroom, meeting the expectations of teachers, arriving on time, and understanding the norms and pressure around standardized testing can be confusing for new refugees (Nwosu & Barnes, 2014; Socha, Mullooly, & Jackson, 2016; World Relief Sacramento, 2019). Immigrant students and those who have emerging English skills are often victims of bullying (Bartlett, Mendenhall, & Ghaffar-Kucher, 2017; Maynard et al., 2016). Social well-being in school is also intertwined with academic success. Olsen (2010) found that social and

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linguistic isolation can lead to lower language acquisition for students. Within the classroom, the use of nonverbal social-emotional interventions, such as peer and group learning strategies have been helpful for refugee students to learn from native-born peers and develop relationships with students while mastering content (Szente, Hoot & Taylor, 2006). The use of peer mentors for new arrivals and community building with the classroom were both found to be effective at helping refugee students acclimate and open up within the classroom space (Roxas, 2011). Some cities have specific schools dedicated to working with immigrant students who are new to the U.S., often referred to as “newcomer schools” or “international secondary schools,” which have been successful at addressing the unique social-emotional needs of refugee students. Many of these schools share common educational principles such as heterogeneous and collaborative classrooms, experiential learning, language and content integration in lessons, the development of student autonomy and responsibility, as well as mutual academic support (Internationals Network, 2018). One study found that refugee students in a newcomer school believed that the school culture helped them to adjust through its sense of safety and acceptance and its intentional focus on trust-building as well as facilitation of relationships between peers and teachers (Bartlett, Mendenhall & Ghaffar-Kucher, 2017). Students also expressed that they were more likely to find a peer who spoke their home language in a newcomer school, which was an important factor in their sense of belonging (Bartlett, Mendenhall & Ghaffar-Kucher, 2017). Another study interviewed staff at a newcomer school and found that multicultural curricula and programs in combination with ethnically diverse staff engagement helped students to combat injustices and feel comfortable (Nwosu & Barnes, 2014). The unique environment of the school also helped students to learn conflict management skills, develop emotional coping skills, become change agents in their local communities, and promoted self-efficacy (Nwosu & Barnes, 2014). 2.3 English Language Development Lack of academic proficiency in English is a common barrier for many refugees as they try to engage in school and integrate into U.S. society. The difficulty of the task of learning English is compounded for refugee students who arrive to the U.S. during their high school years as they have a finite amount of time to master both class content and academic language. In addition, some refugees arrive illiterate in their native language, and since literacy skills transfer, illiterate students will struggle more to become literate in English (Decapua & Marshall, 2010; Roy‐Campbell, 2012). Students who are not first language English speakers, and who are not familiar with U.S. culture and history, may

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struggle with standardized tests. This poses two main challenges, (1) they may understand the concepts and content and the test is a poor assessment tool (Roy‐Campbell, 2012) or (2) teachers feel pressure to focus on memorization tasks rather to help students fully develop dual language and content skills in order to meet the demands of standardized testing (Tamer, 2014). Furthermore, schools have an obligation to teach students both cognitive academic language proficiency and basic interpersonal communication skills (Roy‐ Campbell, 2012) in preparation for adulthood in the United States. The U.S. Department of Education’s Office of English Language Acquisition was created with the main goal of ensuring that English Language Learners (ELLs) “attain English proficiency and achieve academic success” while encouraging biliteracy (Office of English Language Acquisition [OELA], 2019, p. 1). This is done through administering funds to allow schools to implement ELL programming, training staff in supporting ELL students, supporting research on how to best meet ELL students’ needs, and ensuring policies are not discriminatory against ELL students (OELA, 2019). Under Title III, school districts may be eligible to receive formula subgrants or specific immigrant subgrants in order to help ELL students with academic achievement and attain English proficiency (Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965). Under Title I Part C, some states also receive funds under the Migrant Education Program which was designed to ensure that states with high numbers of immigrant students do not see disparities in graduation rates and academic achievement (Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965). 2.4 Students with Special Needs Approximately one in seven people across the globe are said to have a disability, understanding disability as an umbrella term used to describe people with various impairments, as well as those with limitations and restrictions for participating in different daily activities (World Health Organization, 2019). Kaplan (2009) cautions against the use of standardized procedures to assess learning disabilities among refugees because these measures may not be culturally relevant, and because trauma may manifest into cognitive, emotional, and behavioral functioning that appears similar to a disability but that might change over time with proper service provision. Students with disabilities and their families are indeed often frustrated by the complex system of available services in U.S. schools. When these stressors are coupled with the aforementioned barriers to adjustment for refugee students, it can be daunting to find a pathway to success. Therefore, specific attention is needed to ensure the success of refugee students with disabilities. One study found that parents of refugee students with special needs appreciated

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support with accessing the school staff, support for homework, and advice in navigating the Individualized Education Plan (IEP) process (Beatson, 2013). Bačáková and Closs (2013) find that continuing professional development seminars for teachers were effective in reducing barriers to inclusive education provision among refugee students with special needs. Importantly, teachers can aid students in learning real life skills to succeed in the community (Roxas, 2011) and can help parents to develop skills for behavior modification (Beatson, 2013). 2.5 Graduation Refugees are sometimes considered to be at-risk of leaving high school before graduation, and this is particularly the case for those who have had large gaps in education prior to arrival in the U.S. Many school districts have created credit recovery programs which are designed to help students who are at-risk of dropping out. These programs enable students to re-take tests and re-complete assignments for a class they have failed without needing to spend an additional semester in the classroom, in order to prevent them from falling farther behind (U.S. Department of Education (DOE), 2018). These programs may be offered online, in the evenings, or in alternative settings that better meet the needs of students (U.S. DOE, 2018). While refugee students may be eligible for these generalist programs due to their grades, only 19% of schools have developed a credit recovery program specifically designed for and targeted to the ELL population (U.S. DOE, 2018). These targeted programs aim to be culturally responsive and assist refugees who arrive during their high school years with a hope of graduating at or around the age of majority (18–21 in many school districts) (U.S. DOE, 2018). When targeted programs are offered through a trauma-informed lens, it can be especially helpful to refugee students as there is ample research that shows trauma can negatively impact a student’s ability to perform on tests, as well as overall academic achievement (Kaplan, 2009). 2.6

External Factors Influencing Refugee Students’ Preparation for Higher Education 2.6.1 School Administration All of the aforementioned barriers to success for refugee students can be addressed by school policies, resources, and the attitudes of teachers and administrators. Olsen (2010) asserts that it is the responsibility of the school district to ensure access to high quality research-based programs for ELLs and to implement systems to monitor ELLs’ progress. However, Bačáková and Closs (2013) note that many schools do not offer in-service training related

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to educating refugee children or inclusive pedagogical methods. Also, many teachers use a deficit-based approach, focusing on students’ needs while being less able to recognize the assets that they and their parents may proffer (Roy & Roxas, 2011). On the other hand, Kurbegovic (2016) finds that many teachers did not see refugee students as having needs unique from native-born peers, which can influence the service provision awarded to students. In short, there is a need for school administrators to create environments with processes and products that will enable effective teaching of refugee students (Scanlan & Lopez, 2014). 2.6.2 Out-of-School Time Many schools utilize after school programs as a means to help refugee students both academically and socially. A sports-based after school program was found to help refugee students have fewer peer problems, promote positive prosocial behavior, and relate to an increased number of friends (Nathan et al., 2013). Another study found that the most effective programs are those that are sequenced, active, focused, and state an explicit goal to enhance a single area of well-being and success for refugee students (Durlak, Weissberg, & Pachan, 2010). Students also accessed community programs such as soccer teams, swimming, and religious communities to meet social connections and mentors (Socha, Mullooly & Jackson, 2016) who could help navigate the U.S. school culture and college application process. 2.6.3 Parental Engagement Expectations and norms around parental engagement in school vary across the world. Refugee parents’ possible limited knowledge of the U.S. school system and its expectations, as well as a desire for their adolescents to work and help provide for the family, can also be a deterrent that prevents involvement. Other parents may be afraid of or disinterested in advocating for themselves or getting involved for cultural reasons such as the notion that teachers as authority figures are left in charge out of respect (Marshall, 2011). Parent liaisons, parent information sessions, and home visiting programs are three promising practices for increasing refugee parents’ involvement in their children’s education (Bačáková & Closs, 2013). Other ways to increase parent engagement – both concrete and more abstract – are for teachers to take a genuine interest in the parent, to learn to pronounce names correctly, to build trust, to take time to explain cultural norms in the U.S., and to increase the use of interpreters at school events (Bačáková & Closs, 2013; Hickey, 2017). Broadly speaking, the act of nurturing parent involvement can lead to enhanced cognitive competence

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among students, which in turn can help improve school achievement as well as overall well-being and mental health outcomes (Kaplan, 2009).

3

Transition to Higher Education & College and University Admission

3.1 The Role of the College/Guidance Counselor Perhaps no single role at the secondary school level is more important to a student’s potential enrollment in higher education than the college guidance counselor, as that role is often actively involved in students’ college application processes (Immigrant and Refugee Integration and Policy Development Working Group, 2017). However, the professionals filling these roles are frequently overworked, undercompensated, and also largely dependent on the information that colleges and universities themselves provide about admissions and student life (Osei-Kofi & Torres, 2015). The literature demonstrates that the net effect of these resource constraints is an empirical marginalization for students of color (some of whom may be refugees), who are not encouraged to pursue four-year institutions as strongly as their native born peers (Núñez, 2014). However, the development of supportive and trusting relationships between marginalized students and counselors may be supplemented by family and friends filling the role of an informal counselor while offering cultural understanding and respect. Workplace mentors and religious mentors, among others, may also fill similar roles. These adults may offer advice about possible institutions of interest and guide students through the steps to apply and enroll in college (Yi and Kiyama, 2018). Through their cultural understanding, values, and mutual respect, such mentors may be seen as a protective factor in helping refugee students with the college process (Yi & Kiyama, 2018). Further, mentors may be positioned to address translation or communication issues between the refugee student and counselor, as well as the family and the counselor. 3.2 The Cost of College and the FAFSA As previously noted, the U.S. is an outlier in terms of the cost of higher education. For many students, financial aid in the form of scholarships, grants, and loans is critical to accessing college, and the process of applying for those sources of funding begins early in the high school years. Students and their families are required to complete and submit the lengthy Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) in order to qualify for federal sources of funding.

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Baime & Baum (2016) observe that some high schools operate preparatory workshops for families on FAFSA, but in general these events are held in English or Spanish (the FAFSA itself is only available in these languages and Braille) and therefore may exclude other linguistic groups. Recent changes have made financial aid easier to access for refugees. FAFSA now allows families to report the estimated income that they will include on their next calendar year’s tax return. Some states offer centralized online portals for public university application and campus-specific scholarships (National College Access Network, 2017). Many families are weary of sharing their family’s financial information, however more students are starting to allow their guidance counselors, family friends, or other trusted individuals to access their financial information and help to complete the FAFSA online (Nelson, 2016). Finally, some students who choose to attend community college do not complete the FAFSA, intending to pay out-of-pocket for tuition and fees, which are much more affordable at open access institutions. 3.3 College Innovations A number of institutional changes at the college and university level have been identified as supporting access for refugee students and could be expanded in the American system. First, the “test-optional” policy adopted by many institutions allows applicants to submit their ACT or SAT scores if they believe that it will benefit their application, but does not make test scores a mandatory part of the review process. Participating higher education institutions include elite liberal arts colleges such as Bates and Bowdoin, as well as large public universities (for example, University of Hawaii and California State University – Maritime). This shift in policy acknowledges the finding that extensive “test prep” may dramatically improve test performance, and has been found to increase the number of underrepresented minority students entering a freshman class (Syverson, Franks, & Hiss, 2018). Additionally, colleges and universities have become increasingly adept in recruiting minoritized students including refugees. For example, many institutions have customized their websites, admissions advertising, and campus tours to the various student groups applying for admission. For instance, the University of Nebraska offers live campus tours in Spanish, Augsburg University in Hmong and Somali, and Columbus State University offers virtual campus tours in Mandarin (among many other examples). Importantly, some of these offerings may be incidentally beneficial, in that they may be developed for international or immigrant students more broadly but also happen to serve refugees. Finally, an increasing number of institutions conduct targeted outreach to marginalized high school students whether through college fairs or

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college student ambassador visits. Particularly at colleges and universities with a higher concentration of refugee-background students, this ever-morecommon innovation might be adapted as a tailored peer mentorship program between tertiary and secondary level students of refugee background. These types of initiatives are typically low cost and can be administered by students, staff, faculty, or community partners. 3.4 Leaving Home … Or Not Family cohesion and norms may influence the selection of college or university location and type, for instance privileging a community college setting closer to home over a distant flagship university (Baum & Flores, 2011; Hilmer, 1997). This may relate to financial pressures including the need to work and attend school part-time, to caring responsibilities for family members, and the desire to stay closely connected to the student’s support network. It may also relate to counter-narratives present in a student’s larger network of on-campus experiences of racism, religious discrimination, or exclusion. In considering programs introducing a potential or new campus community to the student and their network members, it is critically important to consider a range of support constellations: not all refugee students will be embedded in nuclear families with all members present and able to travel to a U.S.-based campus. There is a great deal of diversity within the refugee community and, for example, support networks may be comprised of members of a local mosque or siblings spread out across the country. The attendant plethora of student supporters requires innovation by institutions of higher education. Online resources geared towards friends and family may be both helpful and relatively low cost; on campus temporary housing for visiting supporters might also be made available.

4

Conclusion

The many students from a refugee background in the U.S. seek higher education for varied reasons: to gain professional qualifications; to explore new social settings; or to pursue learning of language, fields, and skills. They do so with the support of their social networks, their secondary school teachers and administrators, and the college and university staff working in admissions, outreach, and communications. This chapter seeks to probe the nexus of these groups, and conceives of the individual student as agentic, purposeful, and rich in resources. We also indicate that some of the systems and structures in place at both the secondary school and higher education levels are fundamentally misaligned

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with the experiences of marginalized students, specifically of refugees. Just as “success” in higher education for refugee students “might be conceptualized more broadly than the ways in which it is determined by policy-makers,” so too must the concept of access be expanded (Stevenson & Baker, 2018, p. 7). This, we argue, includes not only the student but their networks of teachers, counselors, mentors, friends, and family, all of whom may elucidate “standard” pathways to higher education and co-construct a tailored approach to college that meets the student’s needs.

5

Recommendations

In an effort to underscore particular innovations that would support the iterative development of refugee students along the K-12 to higher education pipeline, we identify below several recommendations for school and higher education staff and faculty. Across sites we recommend the use of in-service trainings for faculty, administrators, and school social workers (where relevant) around the histories of local refugee populations, trauma-informed care, and current pedagogical practices for refugee learners. As this content necessarily changes over time and may vary from one community to the next, offerings must be locally-situated and regularly updated by training providers. 5.1 K-12 Level – Refugee students should be enrolled in school as quickly as possible after arrival in the U.S. to decrease out of school time, and to promptly begin the integration and learning processes associated with school attendance. If they are lacking proper proof of address or age, they may be able to enroll under the McKinney Vento Act of 2001 as a homeless student until all requirements are met. – Teachers should consider the use of peer to peer group work to help refugee students feel welcomed in the classroom (Szente, Hoot, & Taylor, 2006). Refugee students should also be referred to out-of-school time activities such as after school programs, sports, and summer camps to help with social skills and adjustment to the U.S. – After school programs can be reframed to emphasize social, emotional, and academic skills within a given lesson (Reynolds & Bacon, 2018). – Teachers should tailor their teaching practices to meet refugee students where they are. This could mean explaining a concept that was reviewed in a prior grade to ensure understanding before moving on to the more complex concepts at hand.

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– If a school is self-assessed as unprepared to adequately serve enrolled immigrant students, administrators should seek additional training for staff, and outside funding to increase available services. Funding options might include those mentioned earlier in this chapter, or partnering with local refugee resettlement or immigrant organizations which have experience in these areas. – Teachers across all disciplines should learn skills to work with ELL students. When a student is struggling, they should use a strengths-based perspective to uncover the individual barriers to success rather than assuming students cannot master the content (Roy-Campbell, 2012). – Assessment of refugee students for special needs should be done in culturally sensitive and trauma informed manner. This may require identifying a colleague with the necessary skills to conduct assessments, or altering assessment practice to account for variable language skills, cultural norms, familiarity with U.S. educational system testing practice, or lack of formal school experiences. – In order to efficiently meet the special needs of refugee youth, Scanlan (2011) recommends that administrators use systemic approaches to service delivery, focusing on a dynamic and responsive environment. If all teachers and staff are trained in trauma informed methods and are knowledgeable about the various backgrounds that refugee students bring to the classroom, there is more opportunity for personnel to be responsive to individual needs and make accommodations to ensure each student has ample opportunity to learn. – Refugee students whose credit progress indicates that they are in danger of not graduating from high school should be counseled about their options to utilize credit recovery programs. – Parent engagement should be encouraged. This may involve creative outreach efforts describing in multiple modalities school culture, the desire for parents to be involved, expanded interpretation efforts, and 1:1 parent conversations to build rapport and trust. 5.2 Higher Education – To account for the learning, both formal and informal, that refugee students have completed, UNESCO (2018) has recommended that systems be put in place to evaluate learning upon higher education entry. These systems may build upon the systems already in place across U.S. states serving military veterans who have completed vocational and language training in the course of their work. In effect, these programs enable students to earn credits toward a certificate or degree before paying for new courses, and thereby shorten course completion time.

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– All states should establish centralized websites managing application and financial aid information for public higher education institutions. These portals should include as many in-state private institutions as possible in order to streamline processes for students, guidance counselors, and families and friends alike. This may be seen as an extension of the U.S. “common application” for college and university already in existence. – College recruitment and application materials should be available in key languages of immigrant and refugee groups in the given state. Those same languages should be reflected in printed campus-specific tour information as well as accessible on the institution’s website. – Primary professional associations for college and university admissions officers, notably the National Association of College Admissions Counseling, should offer frequent trainings on intercultural skills, which higher education institutions in turn should mandate that their employees participate in on a regular basis (Unangst & Choi, 2018). – Master’s programs in Higher Education preparing admissions officers, and Master’s programs in Social Work preparing high school and college mental health staff, should mandate student participation in credit-bearing coursework on cultural openness. – Family and diverse support network engagement in the university setting should be encouraged. This might include virtual “family weekend” events, printed mailings summarizing campus events at the conclusion of the semester or year, and free or low cost on campus housing and meals for brief visits. – College and university student groups might consider developing “student ambassador” or mentorship programs serving refugee background students in local high schools. These programs should provide a cohesive set of resources to early high school students, and include campus visits as well as informal Q/A sessions with prospective students. – Colleges and universities should utilize International Education Week and World Refugee Day to create and promote programs serving refugee background students and refugee communities in the local area. Celebrating and making visible these marginalized groups contributes to raising awareness of refugee student and community strengths.

References Bačáková, M., & Closs, A. (2013). Continuing Professional Development (CPD) as a means to reducing barriers to inclusive education: Research study of the education

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Index access to higher education 4, 20–24, 31, 53, 54, 66–68, 73, 98, 104, 106, 161, 169–174, 181, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190, 193, 196, 201, 202, 209, 217, 219, 222, 226, 227, 243, 256, 265–270, 295, 300 admission to higher education 69, 134, 136, 139, 170 age 21, 24, 52, 53, 66, 103, 105–108, 114, 132, 154, 181, 187, 188, 226, 245, 248, 255, 275, 278, 300, 305 application 4, 56–59, 61, 66, 69, 71, 80–82, 85, 92, 99, 103, 123, 125, 140, 141, 163, 165, 167, 172, 174, 181, 185, 198, 267, 301–303, 307 attainment 14, 114, 115, 150, 154, 216, 256

language 10, 13, 15, 22, 35, 40, 43, 54, 60, 69, 72, 102, 106, 115, 117, 122–124, 132, 136–141, 149, 151, 152, 156, 157, 164, 171, 183, 185, 194, 195, 200, 215, 221, 231, 232, 234, 245, 246, 249–251, 254–257, 265, 275, 280–287, 296, 298, 299, 306, 307 legal status 57, 59, 87, 98, 108, 109, 246, 248, 251, 255, 262, 268 mentorship 11, 115, 123, 150, 304, 307 online education 11, 12, 136, 304 pathway program 136, 137

child-care 41, 173 discrimination 34, 36–38, 44, 54, 98, 114, 150, 156, 169, 193, 200, 203, 213, 243, 245, 252, 253, 256, 257, 304 employment 9, 10, 12–14, 16, 40, 53, 86, 92, 147, 149, 150, 152, 153, 156, 167, 168, 171, 196, 199, 200, 217, 234, 235, 246 family x, 3, 14, 31, 33, 34, 40, 53, 57, 73, 79, 84, 85, 100, 106, 108, 109, 122, 123, 125, 133, 135, 149, 154, 163, 165–168, 187, 212, 217, 220, 227, 228, 233, 234, 244, 245, 256, 265, 275–279, 283, 285–288, 295, 297–299, 301–307 finances 70, 72, 132, 138, 140, 225, 227, 238 focus group 155, 229, 247–250 grant funding 194, 306

refugee camps 8, 10, 11, 13, 15, 122, 155, 156, 171, 184, 187, 218, 225, 226, 228, 230, 235, 295 secondary education 8, 10, 11, 13–16, 33, 39, 50, 53, 57, 134, 157, 171, 174, 187, 196, 219, 264, 299 survey 15, 17, 83, 103, 117, 121–123, 198, 200, 263, 266 Syria x, 4, 24, 40, 43, 60, 66, 82–89, 91, 93, 124, 131, 132, 134, 136, 141, 171, 247, 248, 250, 252–254, 256, 261, 262, 264, 265, 269 temporary status 81, 82, 101 testing 297, 299, 306 trauma 10, 98, 99, 109, 156, 187, 195, 221, 232, 245, 255, 257, 267, 277, 299, 300, 305, 306

historical context 5, 11, 20, 42, 49, 62, 71, 86, 100, 106, 121, 140, 150, 161, 162, 173, 210, 211, 263, 282, 305 human rights 6, 8, 31, 33, 37, 51, 52, 54, 89, 113–115, 117, 118, 121, 122, 124, 125, 162, 166, 167, 169, 181–183, 189, 190, 201, 269

United Nations 20, 36, 49, 51, 52, 61, 67, 72, 113, 114, 131, 162, 166, 169, 201, 209, 211, 212, 261, 262

interview 15, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 71, 82, 85, 92, 99, 106, 139, 148–151, 155, 229, 233, 234, 236, 298

women 5, 6, 11, 14, 33, 40, 41, 44, 115, 187, 194, 228, 232

Venezuela ix, 5, 31–44, 49–53, 57–60, 66, 72, 86, 121