Psychological Perspectives on Identity, Religion and Well-Being: Empirical Findings from India 9811928436, 9789811928437

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Preeti Kapur Girishwar Misra Nitin K. Verma

Psychological Perspectives on Identity, Religion and Well-Being Empirical Findings from India

Psychological Perspectives on Identity, Religion and Well-Being

Preeti Kapur · Girishwar Misra · Nitin K. Verma

Psychological Perspectives on Identity, Religion and Well-Being Empirical Findings from India

Preeti Kapur Daulat Ram College University of Delhi New Delhi, Delhi, India

Girishwar Misra Department of Psychology University of Delhi New Delhi, India

Nitin K. Verma Bharati College University of Delhi New Delhi, Delhi, India

ISBN 978-981-19-2843-7 ISBN 978-981-19-2844-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2844-4 © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Preface

Our aim in writing this book is to draw attention to the prominent place of religion in contemporary life and social discourse. The media reports, multiple incidents, and research continue to furnish evidence of the powerful and decisive role religion/faith plays in the personal and social lives of people across the globe. Indeed, human lives in the twenty-first century are being critically shaped by religious engagements in diverse ways. Our choice to study the complex and at times contested field of religion was made in light of the increasing significance it is assuming in the political and cultural arena and configuring the flow of personal and social lives. The role of religion in the social, personal, economic, legal, and psychological spheres of life is becoming more salient. Here, it would be pertinent to point out that the Indian thought has given the extraordinary emphasis on the related concept of Dharma which is broader than faith or worship as found in the context of religion. While the literal meaning of Dharma is the natural or intrinsic quality of objects and person, it also connotes duty, justice, virtue, morality, and prescribed conduct. It seems that moral considerations and duties constitute the core of Dharma. The same concern is expressed in the idea of Dharma as one of the four Purusharthas or life goals. In the scholarly analyses in the Indian tradition, more nuanced treatment of dharma and its types are available. For instance, the Indian school of Nyaya Vaisheshik proposes that it is through dharma that one ensures the attainment of prosperity (Abhyudaya) as well as liberation or the highest good (Nihshreyas). Dharma is also connected with the duties related to Ashramas and Varnas. Thus, Dharma appears as a set of duties to hold the society together. In contrast, the term religion refers to the belief in and worship of superhuman controlling power, especially a personal God or Gods. Attitudes, beliefs, and practices seem important. These features are shared by Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. It may be noted that Dharma and religion do share some common features. Thus, belief in some form of divine and prayer or worship is present in both, but Dharma is broader and avoids being tied to specific belief systems and theological doctrines. At the same time, the textual treatment of Dharma and its actual practice do differ. The social lives of respective communities are significantly influenced by other coexisting groups. Keeping the overlaps and differences between the concepts of religion and Dharma, v

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this study opted for a strategy that respected their diverse attitudinal and behavioral manifestations for the participants from the different religious following. Thus, we included domains such as daily spiritual experience, values and beliefs, forgiveness, private religious practices, organizational religiousness, religious/spiritual coping, religious support, and commitment to faith which allowed scope for appreciating the different religious groups in terms of how they engage with their beliefs and practices. In other words, it gave us the opportunity to note the translation of thoughts, notions, and philosophies into social action. This kind of compromise in our approach was also necessitated to bring religion/faith to a common denominator and then note the variations across different religious groups. The basic meaning of everyday religion/faith is to live a life of duty and responsibility. In the spirit of secularism that emphasizes treating all religions on the same footing (sarva dharm sam bhav) enshrined in the Constitution of India, such an approach appeared desirable. The advances in the various fields of social sciences, particularly cross-cultural psychology and cultural studies, indicate how the meanings and practices of a given culture influence self and identity which in turn affect personal and social well-being. This study has tried to address this issue. It acknowledges the theoretical underpinnings of past research in the area of religion and tries to capture the nuances of religious engagements of the people in modernizing Indian society. The approach adopted in this study was to contextualize the relevant psychological variables and processes and exploring the close relationships among them and appreciate their contribution to the shaping of religious and social lives of the people. In particular, the study attempted to grasp the association between religion, as represented in the thoughts and behaviors of four groups, i.e., Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians, and the formation of personal and social identity. The second concern of this study dealt with the relationship of self and identity with personal and social health and well-being. Religion in this study is not an abstract concept; rather, it is an active behavioral process and a key component of social capital. It may be noted that each religion also involves social networks and social support. As a social network, religion enables people to experience belongingness, reciprocity, and trust. The different religions, however, vary in terms of openness and express different degrees of tolerance for heterogeneity. Religion also provides social support by offering various types of assistance that might be instrumental, psychological, emotional, or informational. This aspect of religious identity and social capital lays the foundation of being looked after and cared for by the collective. The self and the collective interact continuously to create a strong bond, milieu of sharing, and impact the social well-being of people. Social capital acts as a social loop towards maintenance and sustenance at both individual and group levels. Finally, the association among identity, religious practices and beliefs, and well-being unfolds in different forms across life stages. The process of socialization modifies their interconnections. Following a life-span approach, to human development, this study adopted a developmental stance and explored the pattern of change in the processes under investigation across life stages from youth to adulthood. It may be noted that diversity and plurality in terms of wide-ranging worldviews, beliefs, and practices are a hallmark of Indian society. Each religion/faith imparts

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and communicates its scheme for the growth and development of its followers. This scheme spells out how personal and social life is to be shaped and organized. People do ponder over questions such as who is a genuine and faithful follower. How do I become a true adherent of my faith? How does the person or the family socialize the child and build an identity? How the religious beliefs and practices relate to well-being? Indeed, the attempts to address such questions constitute the core concerns of all cultures. Also, these attempts have implications for both the individual and the collective, as both grow in a given milieu. The individual self needs multiple engagements with the outer world (socio-cultural environment), and during those engagements, the inner psychological world is also constructed. There is a bidirectional movement between the individual and the collective which has massive consequences for both. The present study emphasizes the multiple processes and conditions involved in ways a group or collective comes to inhabit the individual being, and the individual the collective. Significantly, the bonding or connection between the collective and the individual is for the latter to build stable and productive structures of self and identity. It gives rise to self-knowledge of who I am and who I am expected to be. Here, it may be noted that the acceptance of collective norms gives rise to self-esteem and self-confidence, and fosters bonding and connectivity with the group, contributing to personal and group achievement. In short, it is critical to the overall growth and development of an individual. By adhering to the collective norms and standards, the individual starts seeking help and support from its group for its growth and well-being. On another level, the person’s growth and enrichment add to the collective strength and morale. Thus, collectives are more than social networks; they bring in the feeling of bonding and foster belongingness. What we note is a sense of intentionality in both structures. The members of the collective share beliefs, values, and perceptions and show a certain degree of convergence in their thoughts, feelings, and actions. While the individual draws upon the group for its existence and sustenance, health, and well-being, the collective seeks adherence to its norms and regulations. Hence, there is a dialectical and reciprocal relationship between the collective and the individual. They both constitute each other. Let us not forget a person’s self and identity are realized within its socio-cultural ambit; therefore, a dialogue between the individual and the social environment continues. The present work does not seek to indulge in any debate or theoretical discourse on religion. Our interest is more in appreciating the lived reality of religion in the life world. We proceed with this awareness and attempt to explore the role and function of religion/faith as it contributes towards engagement with the social world from a psychological lens. We hope that such an endeavor would help approximate the complexity of the interplay of religion with other processes. Our effort is to offer an empirical understanding of the issues related to religion within the disciplinary framework of social and cultural psychology. We hope that the study reported in this book would encourage readers to think and reflect on how social life is built from the several socio-cultural and psychological processes that may seem fixed and immutable but are flexible and open to change. It is hoped that this work would appeal to a wide audience as it has implications for anthropology, cultural studies, self and identity formation, and its interaction with religion/faith,

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gender studies, health psychology, counseling, and therapy. The study adds to the discourse about the ways psychosocial variables collaborate to form new avenues for how others (in this case, religion) influence self and well-being. The present work celebrates the religious diversity in the Indian context and highlights how people draw upon their religion to paint a colorful canvas for their social life. The individual and collective have to negotiate spaces amidst increasingly complex and dynamic relationships. The journey of the study from ideation to its culmination in communicating the findings in written form has been an exciting one. We have experienced and learned, and it has made us reflect further about the notion of ‘religion/faith.’ Religion in its myriad manifestations emerges to be a complex concept. The people and collective often want to see, feel, and think about it as a clear and concrete notion. One that is fixed and immutable. The findings of the study reveal on the contrary—religion is neither black nor white in color, it has many shades of colors and grays in its wide canvas. At times, our understanding of religion/faith is so smoothly enmeshed in our mundane and religious/spiritual life that we are possibly not even conscious of its subtle and gross influence on our personal and social life world. Religion appears to be like a stream, one that continues to flow, and then, it seems to be stopped by a boulder or a tree branch, and yet the undercurrents are swirling and churning (Manthan) creating a narrative, a new experience for the religious adherent! At times, religion appears as a wave waxing and waning in its effect. On a lighter note, at times we may have to zoom in to note its contours and boundaries. And, perhaps at other times zoom out to note the interplay of other components of human life. The personal and social worlds make and transform each other. In the course of our study, we learned about the complexity of various facets of social reality. Whether personal or religious identity, gender, stage of life, social well-being, or meaning of life, a change in one aspect does not have a similar and proportionate change in the other. Personal and social lives and their interaction with the environment are organic, nonlinear, and alive. Therein lie the beauty, complexity, and intricacy of our human life world! We are aware of the limitations and shortcomings of this work. We cannot claim that the domain of identity, religion, and well-being has been comprehensibly explored, but at the same time, we do maintain that a beginning in the direction of the study of this phenomenon in the Indian context has been made. Though we don’t claim any innovation, it is submitted that a sincere attempt has been made at integrating aspects of social and psychological facets of religion. The completion of this work has raised several issues that may be investigated by future researchers. It is our earnest hope that this volume will generate sufficient interest in the community of social scientists for further meaningful dialogue and research. The present work was supported by a grant from the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), New Delhi. The support from the college administration of Daulat Ram College, Delhi University, and Department of Psychology, University of Delhi, facilitated the project work. We express gratitude to the participants of the study. Our words are not enough to express our sense of indebtedness to them. They cooperated with researchers in the most selfless manner and volunteered the

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most truthful responses they were capable of. The credit for the successful completion of the project goes to them. While working on the project, we have received help from several colleagues and friends who contributed to the completion of the work. Inputs were received in the form of workshops, consultations, formal and informal discussions. The help rendered by Prof. Anand Prakash (Department of Psychology, University of Delhi), Prof. Nandita Babu (Department of Psychology, University of Delhi), Prof. Gopa Bhardwaj (Department of Psychology, University of Delhi), Prof. Nazrul Hasnain Jamia Islamia University), Prof. Purnima Singh (IIT, Delhi), Prof Romana Siddique (Aligarh University), Dr. Bindu Nair, Prof. Surendra Kumar Sia (Puducherry University), Dr. Sunil Verma (Vivekanand College, Delhi), Dr. Surbhi Kumar (IP College for Women, Delhi), Dr. Rishab Rai (IIT, Kharagpur) (Mr. Rahimmuddeen (Department of Psychology, University of Delhi), Dr. Sujeet Ram Tripathi (Sri Aurobindo College, Delhi), Dr. Indiwar Misra (Dr. Bhim Rao Ambdekar College, Delhi), Dr. Arun Pratap Singh (Sri Sri Ravi Shankar University, Odisha), Dr. Virendra Pratap Yadav (Shayama Prasad Mukherjee College, Delhi), and Dr. Dharmendra Nath Tiwari (Ramanujan College, Delhi University) during various phases of research deserves special thanks. The consistent support and motivation by Dr. Mukti Sanyal (Ex-Principal, Bharti College, University of Delhi) and Prof. Rekha Sapra (Principal, Bharti College, University of Delhi) Our thanks also to Ms. Vijaya Shukla for her consistent support for secretarial assistance. New Delhi, India

Preeti Kapur Girishwar Misra Nitin K. Verma

Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Religion as Performance: Making of a Shared Public Domain . . . . 1.2 Being Religious in the Indian Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Religion in the Life-World: Individual and Collective Facets . . . . . 1.4 Religion in the Context of Psychology and Social Sciences . . . . . . 1.5 The Complexity of Social Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.6 Societal Context of Identity: The Indian Experience . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.7 Religion and the Formation of Social Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.8 Social and Psychological Functions of Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.9 Religious Behavior: A Key Habit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.10 Social Identity and Religion: An overview of Indian Research . . . 1.11 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 3 5 8 9 11 13 17 19 21 21 24 24

2 Religion, Identity, Socialization, and Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Religious Concerns Across Developmental Stages . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Theoretical Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Religious Identity and Well-being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Relationship of Religiosity with Search for Meaning in Life and Achieve Subjective Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 Religion, Health, and Healing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6 Faith and Pilgrimage: From Traditional Sacred Spaces to Exterior Channels of Personal Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.7 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

33 33 34 35

3 The Challenge of Understanding Religious Diversity in India . . . . . . . 3.1 Multiple Faiths and Different Worldviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Religious Profile of the Indian Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 The Four Major Religious Traditions and Worldviews . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.1 Hinduism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.2 Christianity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

47 48 49 50 50 54

35 37 40 42 43

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3.3.3 Sikhism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3.4 Islam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4 Comments: Implications of Religion for Social Life . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

55 56 57 59 60

4 Methodological Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 The Present Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 The Strategy of Present Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3.1 Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 Locale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5 Measures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.1 Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5.2 Religiousness and Spirituality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.6 Well-Being: Social and Personal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7 Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7.1 Preparation of Tools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.8 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

61 61 62 63 65 66 68 68 68 69 71 71 72 72

5 Religion and Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Identity Formation Across Religions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Identity Across Developmental Stages and Genders . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 Identity Across Developmental Stages in Different Religious Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 Commitment to Others . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5 Uniqueness Across Developmental Stage and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . 5.6 Harmony Across Developmental Stages and Genders . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7 Self-Direction Across Developmental Stage and Gender . . . . . . . . 5.8 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73 73 74 76 80 81 82 84 86 87

6 Religious Beliefs and Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 6.1 Developmental Stage and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 6.2 Values and Beliefs Across Religion and Developmental Stage . . . . 95 6.3 Private Religious Practices Across Religion and Developmental Stages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 6.4 Private Religious Practices Across Religion and Gender . . . . . . . . . 97 6.5 Private Religious Practices Across Developmental Stages and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 6.6 Religious and Spiritual Coping Across Religion and Gender . . . . . 99 6.7 Religious Support Across Religion, Developmental Stage, and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 6.8 Organizational Religiousness Across Religious Groups and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

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Organizational Religiousness Across Developmental Stages and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 6.10 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 7 Religion and Well-being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Social Well-being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.1 Social Acceptance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1.2 Social Coherence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Personal Well-being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.1 Health Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.2 Agency Thinking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.3 Pathways Thinking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

107 107 109 110 113 113 116 117 119 119

8 Identity, Religious Beliefs, and Social Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Pattern of Relationship Among Hindu Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.1 Identity, Religious Beliefs, and Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.2 Identity and Social Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.3 Social Well-Being, Religious Beliefs, and Practices . . . . . . 8.2 Muslim Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.1 Identity and Religious Beliefs and Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.2 Identity and Social Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.3 Social Well-Being and Religious Beliefs and Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3 Christian Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.1 Identity and Religious Beliefs and Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.4 Sikh Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.5 Prediction of Social and Personal Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.5.1 Social Well-Being Among Hindus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.5.2 Well-Being Among Muslims . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.5.3 Well-Being Among Sikhs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.6 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

121 121 121 124 124 130 130 132

9 Religion, Identity, and Well-Being: Dynamic Aspects of Socio-Psychological Reality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1 Religious Beliefs and Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.1 Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2 Patterns of Relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.1 Patterns of Relationships in Diverse Religious Groups . . . . 9.2.2 Religiosity and Identity as Predictors of Well-Being . . . . . . 9.2.3 Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.4 Developmental Stages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2.5 Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

135 139 139 145 152 152 155 158 159 160 163 164 165 166 168 170 171 171 172

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Contents

9.2.6 9.2.7 9.2.8 9.2.9

Religious Beliefs and Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Personal Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Identity, Religious Beliefs and Practices, and Well-Being: Patterns of Relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.3 Prediction of Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4 Implications of the Study and Future Directions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.5 Need of the Hour: An Interdisciplinary Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.6 Health, Mental Health, Counseling, and Therapy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.7 Need for Religious Literacy in Multi-faith Societies . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.8 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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About the Authors

Preeti Kapur, Ph.D. served as an Associate Professor of Psychology at Daulat Ram College, University of Delhi, for over four decades. She has taught at undergraduate classes in social psychology, statistics, research methodology, community psychology, and educational psychology. Her interest areas include cultural studies, religious studies, gender, and health and well-being. She has published papers in these areas in both national and international journals. Currently, she is spending her time and energies on community out-reach programs in the areas of mental health awareness, safety, and protection for youth in COVID-19 times, health and hygiene and disability. Girishwar Misra, Ph.D. served as Professor of Psychology at the University of Delhi, for two decades. He also served as Vice Chancellor of Mahatma Gandhi Antarrashtriya Hindi Vishavavidyalaya, Wardha. His research is focused on social, developmental, health, and cultural psychology. He has published journal articles on these topics, many in top-tier peer-reviewed journals such as American Psychologist, International Journal of Psychology, Psychology and Developing Societies, and International Journal of Behavioral Development. He has served as the President of the National Academy of Psychology (NAOP), India, and edited the journal Psychological Studies (Springer) for 16 years. He was Fulbright Senior Scholar at Swarthmore College and Michigan University, An Arbor. He is a recipient of the Jawaharlal Nehru National Award by the Government of Madhya Pradesh, National Fellowship of the Indian Council of Social Science Research, Fellowship of the NAOP, India, Fulbright Nehru Fellowship, and S.C. Mitra Memorial Award by Asiatic Society. His recent works include Psychosocial Interventions of Health and Well-being (Springer, 2018) and Surveys and Explorations in Psychology (Oxford, 2019). Nitin K. Verma, Ph.D. is working as an Assistant Professor at Bharati College of University of Delhi and as a Postdoctoral Fellow of Department of Psychology, University of Delhi, funded by Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), New Delhi. His areas of interest are social issues, religion, positive psychology, health

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and well-being, and social change. He has published papers in both national and international journals. He has worked in multiple projects ranging from religious studies to Central for Policy Research in Higher Education National University of Education Planning and Administration, New Delhi, and notably on a UK-India collaborative project on ‘The psychological experience and consequences of collective participation’ in Prayag Magh Mela, Allahabad.

Chapter 1

Introduction

It has been often stated that modernization and the emergence of science would greatly reduce the role of religion at both the individual and societal levels of functioning. Yet we note that even in the current era of globalization and proliferation of information and communication technology the role of religion continues to be salient across all the important spheres of life—personal, social, cultural, intellectual, political, and economic. The renewed vitality of religion as a force in human lives and its diverse repercussions are being witnessed worldwide. This has made it an intriguing issue for the students of social science (Clarke, 2009; Geertz, 1993). Undoubtedly, religion not only plays a key role as a set of beliefs and practices for pursuing a life in this world and connecting to the supernatural, but it also yields a host of socio-psychological gains for the individual during moments of uncertainty and tension. It offers individual rays of hope, optimism, agency, sense of inner control, and coping (Deiner & Clifton, 2002; Heelas & Woodhead, 2005; Hood et al., 2009; Jodhka, 2012; Paloutzian & Park, 2005; Pargament, 1997; Pargament & Mahoney, 2005; Park, 2005; Ysseldyk et al. 2011). At the group level, religious identity forms an important aspect of social identity, collective self-esteem, and morale (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992). The situation becomes more complex in plural societies like India in which diverse ethnic groups are intermingled and coexist and pursue life goals in disparate ways. Past research and analysis have indicated that religious, beliefs, and practices have implications for both the individual and society (Dutta, 2010; Kakar, 1982, 2003; Madan, 2006; Sen & Wagner, 2009; Sengupta, 2007; Sharma, 2005). These include the issues of coexistence and conflict, gender and class relationships, economic growth, and inclusion–exclusion to name a few. These issues are a matter of concern as religion, region, gender, caste, class, politics, and language are intricately interwoven in Indian society. Turning our attention towards the worldwide history from the mid- to late twentieth century to the current twenty-first century, the opening up of nations, widespread migrations, accompanied by capitalism and democratization, and religious communities have been provided with a voice to put forth their views and perspective towards their own traditions and customs, formulating, establishing, and contesting as to © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 P. Kapur et al., Psychological Perspectives on Identity, Religion and Well-Being, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2844-4_1

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how their religion, religious identity, and accompanied aspects were to be defined and understood by the nation-state and the others in the socio-political milieu. The initial scholarly approach to the study of religion turned towards the impact of globalization and emerging socio-political contexts on groups, communities, the intersectionality of religion with other domains of social living, the rise of technology provided virtual spaces for exploring groups/communities worldwide, and public religion. Such an approach allows the identification of another layer to be added to the existing modalities of understanding religion. Worldwide the notion of religion and its nature has been viewed from various perspectives. To date, the discourse on what defines the term ‘religion’ remains a perennial debate. Yet, an important point is that religion is a belief system, a state of the mind that is enduring, unquestionable, has emotional consequences, and is dynamic, complex, and multifaceted. Each person has beliefs in the form of philosophies, values, ideas, attitudes about life, and the world that they experience through various modes. A set of beliefs form a system that each person, group, community supports and this creates a foundation of how a particular worldview is to be followed and imbibed. It provides each person with cognitive structures to perceive and understand the world around us, and as social structures, it provides a support system and a sense of identity and belonging. This acts as a blueprint for the individual and community to live according to the expectations of society. Across social science, one notes the use of terms such as faith, spirituality, dharm, mazab, great and little traditions, panth, doctrine, creed, denomination, sect, order, and cult, among many other terms. We believe that the term ‘religion’ does not do justice when applied to many Asian religions/faith or emerging religion/s where its adherents consider themselves to be a separate group from the others in the social milieu. This holds particularly true in the Indian setting where the little traditions are likely to emerge from the great traditions, with the core remaining the same yet innovative changes are made according to the demands of the situation. The present work uses the term ‘religion’ in a broad and wide-ranging sense which recognizes and appreciates all possible forms of diverse conceptions of life. The authors strongly believe that there are multiple ways and examples of believing and practicing. Against this backdrop, the present study explores the relationship between religion, identity, and personal and social well-being in the Indian context. In particular, it attempts to understand the mechanisms through which religious engagement assumes the potential to augment people’s health and well-being. In order to build a conceptual framework for this study, the following section of this chapter provides a conceptual and empirical overview of the current developments in this field of inquiry. It begins with the elaboration of performative aspects of religion which gives it a strong public presence in the context of social reality and renders it as a constituent feature of the experiential life world of the people. It is followed by a critical appraisal of the social scientific stance towards religion and delineating the psychological functions of religion. Finally, the facets of identity and the relationship of religion with identity formation in the Indian context are examined.

1.1 Religion as Performance: Making of a Shared Public Domain

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1.1 Religion as Performance: Making of a Shared Public Domain Religion is a social phenomenon, and therefore, when considered at the collective level, it pulls together people around a set of established practices and ideas, passed down from one generation to another, requiring a public component. The focus on ‘public religion’ has been another way to deconstruct religion and hence the category of religion itself. The attempt has been to go beyond the Western approach to religion and enter into an understanding of religion and its facets from a different perspective which has largely focused on the normative or on the private individual. The term ‘public’ was to underline a vital marker in the study of religion, which is while admitting that the well-established traditions and customs are present and continue to shape the public sphere, but scholars need to open to newer ways of conceptualizing religion. Particularly, how communities in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries go ‘public’ and ‘make things public’ in several ways. In this way, a re-thinking of religion is urgently required to go beyond the usual ways of understanding religion and its components and how its qualities enrich human life. Only then will new vistas open up in the study of religion and public life. The critical role is played by mass media in shaping the public spaces for any religious community. Articulation of ‘who they are’ and ‘how they’ are to be perceived, comprehended, and recognized, by the world, is openly and vigorously challenged and questioned. The presence of wide diversity present in the Indian context, in terms of religions, languages, and customs, makes it imperative that we understand how and why it is a necessity for religious communities to go public. The prevalence of diverse religious groups and further many sub-groups indicates that they have to function and exist in multiple plural settings, along with majority-minority relations, each competing for religious spaces. The changing political and power relations further compound the public performance. For example, the Friday offering of prayer (namaz) and the use of public spaces (roads, public parks, and fields) have been an issue for the Muslim community. In a similar vein, the use of loudspeakers for azan, the Muslim call to ritual prayer/worship, has been charged with ‘noise’ pollution. On the other hand, both Hindu and Muslim communities take out well-publicized religious processions to assert their right to certain parts of the city or to convey to the others in the social environment their presence via a religious performance. Religious communities use commercial global channels like YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, and similar social media to reach out to their followers as well as mark their public presence. The marked use of technology for religious purposes is well documented. The performative aspects of religion oftentimes transcend the boundaries of formal and written modes of communication and work as building blocks of religious attitude and knowledge. The oral traditions of worship and religious communication as well as other performances like taking bath in a pond or river and performing parikrama (circumambulation or going around a person or idol as an indication of reverence),

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offering salutations to deity, receiving prasada (offering to an idol, meant for distribution), doing kirtan and japa (singing songs and repeating the name of God), and listening to katha (stories) pull down the age, class, or caste-like social boundaries that separate groups. They bring people of various backgrounds to the same level and ask to join on a single platform. Also, such performances serve as a very powerful measure for confidence building and solidarity within the group. The performances being concrete, transparent, and easily accessible ranging from simple to sophisticate invoke some kind of action/behavior sequences. They are often repetitive in nature which makes the whole sequence of performance over learned, assimilated, and easily retrievable by everybody. Thus, religious communities bring to our attention that they use different modes of going public as they strive and toil to locate and hold a position in a heterogeneous and plural society. The use of publicity is to enable them to claim and have the power to define and construct themselves and their community. Drawing out attention towards innumerable instances of such public protests, debates in media, and outpourings includes the personal law regarding ‘Triple Talaq’ also known as talaqe-biddat or instant divorce that has been used by Muslim men in India (interestingly, this type of divorce has been revoked in many Islamic countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, and Pakistan). The use of public media to specify their community’s religious orientation has become a norm and common mode of contestation. The struggles and negotiations to coexist in a heterogeneous society have been noted in the marginalized communities, such as the Dalits, Scheduled Tribes and Castes, and sexual minorities. The need to dominate the social milieu takes on another form is by bringing to the attention of its followers as to who is, for example, a ‘true’ ‘pious’ Hindu or Muslim. The attempt is to draw the followers closer into the fold and not let them go astray, or to put it more clearly, there should be no dilution of one’s religious identity and modes of behavior. Public scrutiny of how you dress, what type of a beard you keep, what you eat, or how you conduct yourself in the presence of the other, active participation in religious events and festivals, and how and where you pray are a few ways to reign in the followers. Claiming the public spaces has become a popular way to ‘perform’ (Goffman, 1956) religion and its facets. Thus, how any religious community—Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, or Christian—makes use of songs, hymns, rituals, monuments, processions, and images of deities to convey that ‘religion matters.’ And, in the process each individual enacts their religious identity. It indicates a keen interest in how religion continues to shape human life and emphasizes how the various communities in the past and in the present religions ‘go public’ and make things public in multiple ways. Hence, religion/faith includes the private and personal experience along with its performative social representation that has a historical, political, and cultural component. The performative practices are critical for constructing a psych-social identity for a community.

1.2 Being Religious in the Indian Context

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1.2 Being Religious in the Indian Context Undoubtedly, we note a wide variation present in the way people are religious, and they hold fervent views and opinions about their own and others’ religion, thereby giving rise to resilient religious cultures. It was thought that industrialization and modernization would bring forth economic stability and growth interactions with other religions and the world would become a secular place (Berger, 2011; Inglehart & Baker, 2000). Yet, we note that in the Eastern worldview religion has not only played a vital role in everyday life but continues to be a lived religion. Let us appreciate this notion of ‘lived religion’ especially in the Indian context. Living religion crafts and creates ways and means to provide the individual with meaning and, thereby, integrate the self with his/her environment. One particular aspect of religion is the dimension of ‘action’ or the act of ‘doing’. In a broader sense, the way religion is ‘lived’ in terms of ‘what people do’ in everday living, rather than focussing on the institutionalised or official religion. When we focus on the everyday actions, it turns into social and cultural practices of the people. It recognizes human agency—to think, feel, and act or behave in a sociocultural context. It helps in configuring the action/s, provides personal experiences, and finally, allows the creation of meaning—meaning of and for human the life world. In the Indian context, even the mundane and everyday life activities provide immense satisfaction. They are meaningful ways of being and becoming in the world. Let us view a salient example. For example, as a young man, Mahatma Gandhi trained as a barrister. He traveled to South Africa bought land to build an ashram, learned to live with the bare minimum of possessions, and understand how much is required to live a life (food, clothing); this approach includes social, spiritual modes of living. His autobiography, The Story of My Experiments with Truth (Gandhi, 1927), communicates how Gandhi experienced and made meaning of human life and implemented those learnings in his life world. Further, we note the relevance of Indian religious texts over the centuries and in the twenty-first century too. Religious texts also known as scriptures are texts which each religion considers to be central to their practice and belief formation. It stipulates the basic principles and traditions that provide guidance towards the physical, mental social, spiritual, and historical elements important to each religion. In this way, the Bhagavad Gita has implications for the personal, social, and political spheres of human life. It has implications at the individual and collective levels. A person facing everyday stresses and strains would and still seeks answers to his/her queries by, for example, taking any religious text that is of utmost importance to the person. It could be the Bhagavad Gita, or Ramayana or Mahabharata. Orsi (2003) states that lived religion is situated in the person’s interpretation of their experiences and the story/narrative becomes experiential in nature; that is, lived religion is centered on the actions and interpretations of the religious person. The focus on lived religion uses a complex lens that considers almost anything and everything to be of relevance and to hold various religious meanings to the individual or to the community and hence is of significance to the layperson. The study of lived

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religion covers a large subject matter of the human life world—ranging from how family life is organized, how are dead is to be buried, how the new born is to be named when the first morsel of solid food is to be given, what food is sacred or not to partake, setting of moral boundaries, along with its establishment and contestations, worshipping of the diverse world of gods and goddesses and spirits, which to be worshipped at what time and in what manner, and so forth. The Indian world of religious life is replete with innumerable examples of how even the mere act of bathing involves singing hymns or even while cooking the lady of the house will pray to the agnidevta (fire god) or even sing hymns while preparing food for the family. The person is singing praises of the Divine and beseeching the Divine to cleanse his/her body and mind. The housewife, while cooking, sings hymns to praise the Lord. The meal, thereby, cooked by her is imbibed with the Grace and Blessings of the Divine. Thus, the act of bathing, cooking, gardening, or any mundane activity another meaning of the ‘sacred’ emerges. ‘Action’ and ‘meaning’ are two powerful twin aspects of lived religion. Using the social constructivist view (Gergen, 2001), we see how mundane action comes to construct the ‘sacred.’ The sacred is deposited in the surroundings. Thus, up in the mountain a stone, a tree, and a river will be considered sacred and be revered. The last few examples include myriad ways of how nature becomes sacred. The Indian person on arrival at his workplace will often be seen to touch the marble or concrete steps of his/her workplace with his/her fingers, and touch it to his/her forehead, as a mark of respect thereby, signifying the sacredness of the workplace. The workplace becomes a sacred place as it provides him with sustenance for his family and himself. Similarly, a dancer or any artist will be seen to touch the stage with her fingers and then touch her forehead before starting her dance performance. The stage is her sacred space and possibly her life world. Finally, a person may be noted standing outside the temple, possibly on a street or roadside, in a position of folded hands, eyes closed, and head bowed in reverence. He/she need not go inside the temple, and a short prayer is his/her way of remembering the Supreme Being or the local God every time he/she passes by the temple in the course of being engaged in daily activities. Hall (1997) states that the study of lived religion as an approach to study religion allows for a wider interpretation of the meaning and allows the researcher to judge and assess the gradual development and the changes that occur across time. Thereby, lived religion ‘does not depend upon any single method of discipline.’ Undoubtedly, lived religion is fluid and is often unstructured as the person makes/creates his/her own meaning. The listing of the major religious systems only states the obvious and distinctive religious following in India. The major religions include Hinduism, Islamic, Christians, Sikhism, along with Jains and Buddhists. Stating the obvious in terms of predominant religious groups in fact masks the remarkable diversity found in Indian religious life. What one notes is that religious principles/doctrines come from, on the one hand, a multifaceted and versatile set of great traditions. Yet, this very system is characterized by fluidity, flexibility, and adaptability. From the great traditions come forth the little traditions in the form of numerous schools of thought, sects, and paths

1.2 Being Religious in the Indian Context

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of belief and devotion. In many cases, these divisions stem from the teachings of great masters (at national and regional levels), who evolve and develop continually to lead followers with a new blueprint for personal well-being. This has been a hallmark of religions in the Indian setting and continues to be so. Two significant points need to be considered: first, in the historical past as well as in contemporary India, resurgence and social reforms have led to the emergence of new religions, often termed as New Age Religions or New Religious Movements, within the great traditions that created original bodies of teaching. Second, diversity may also come up due to the integration or acculturation of entire social groups—each with its own vision of the divine—within the world of small communities that base their culture on literary and ritual traditions preserved in Sanskrit or in other Indian languages. The local interactions between great and little traditions (local forms of worship and belief, based on village, caste, tribal, and linguistic differences) create a rich and wide range of ritual forms and mythology that vary widely throughout the country. Thus, we often find some commonalities and also the presence of differences among different religious groups and communities. It thereby reveals the newer forms of orientation along with continuity of tradition, as well as the departures from traditional thinking and action. Let us view some of the noteworthy New Religious Movements (NRM) in India from the fifteenth century to the late nineteenth century and on to contemporary times. This is not to state that new religious movements did not arise before this time period. The idea is to provide the reader with three salient aspects of how religion/faith needs to be captured and understood. A suitable input of the continuous emergence of new movements in the Indian setting lays the foundation for the fact that religion continues to be fluid and flexible, and, more importantly, addresses the needs and demands of the context in which a new movement becomes a reality. And, third, perhaps the most significant of all, the human discourse on the institutionalized and organized religion along with the advent of newer movements clearly testifies that the continuous pursuit for the divine, sacred, spiritual, the surfacing of personal experiences, the quest for individual essence and meaning in life, centered on inner perfection (salvation, moksha). It is evident that the interpretation of elucidation of life’s meaning and the search and journey of self-awareness, formation, and transformation have not been satisfactorily answered by the existing sources. And, the need for syncretic and individual forms of expression comes up and takes on the possibility of forming a movement—a movement that attracts individuals such that a community arises and takes the shape of yet another ‘new’ religious movement. The exploration and pursuit of alternative ways of relating to self and the world have been a continuous process. It may be worthwhile to note that several socio-religious movements took place in India during the nineteenth century. Interestingly, most of them aimed at establishing just social order and curbing the social evils. They started in Bengal but soon spread to other parts of the country. The leaders of these movements included Raja Ram Mohan Roy (Brahmo Samaj), Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Swami Dayanand Saraswati (Arya Samaj), and Madhava Govind Ranade (Prarthana Samaj) added the dimension of social service to Hinduism. The Ramakrishna mission led by Swami Vivekananda, the renowned disciple of Swami Ram Krishna Paramhans, invited

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people to serve others by taking care of the needy, hungry, and poor. Experiencing God as expressed in the form of human beings provided not only a firm basis but also paved the way to combat social disparities and enjoy self-liberation and contribute to the well-being of the entire world (Atmanah Mokshartham Jagad Hitaya). With these efforts, the self-other dichotomy was transcended. Swami Vivekananda laid stress on the essential oneness of all religions. He promoted the perspective of Vedanta. He was keen to uplift the masses. To him, service to the poor and downtrodden was the highest religion. Ram Krishna Mission started in 1887 played important role in providing social service. Theosophical Society led by Annie Besant also worked to fight against many social evils and improve the state of education in India. It may be noted that religious reforms took place in other religions too. In this regard, the Aligarh Movement and contributions of Sir Syed Ahmad for Muslims are noteworthy. He wanted to get rid of isolation and promote links of the Muslim community with the progressive cultural forces and get exposure to modern education. He started Muhammad Anglo-Oriental College in 1887 in Aligarh which subsequently took the shape of Aligarh Muslim University. In particular, he wanted women to be educated. In Sikhism, religious reforms started at the end of the nineteenth century with the starting of Khalsa College at Amritsar in 1892. Singh Subhash played a key role in it. The Akali Movement gained momentum in 1920. In 1925, the management of Gurudwaras was handed over to Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC). Thus, it is clear that religious reforms had a human sensibility and aimed at improving the conditions of the masses in India during the colonial period. Within a range of differences, Indian religions have expounded and established a considerable degree of open-mindedness for alternate visions of a good life, of the divine, and of salvation (moksha).

1.3 Religion in the Life-World: Individual and Collective Facets Given the significant role, religious faith plays in human life world appraisal of how faith influences thinking, affect, and behavioral aspects across developmental stages and gender have wide-ranging implications for social living. People learn about their faith through religious socialization which involves both informal and organized aspects. The family is the primary group that teaches a young child about the beliefs, values, customs, and traditions of its faith and helps the child to become an acceptable and responsible person in society. With time, the socio-cultural environment provides enriching inputs and experiences to the growing child. The faith a person follows impacts his/her personal and socio-psychological life world. At the personal level, faith provides a nurturing environment that makes the growing child mindful about self-ways, how to grow and develop the self into an acceptable and responsible member of his/her faith group. The socialization process lays down the foundation

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for the individual to make meaning of the social world around him. It provides inputs to the question of purpose in life and its journey, thereby shaping his/her personality and character. Socialization progression helps towards self-expansion and finally makes the individual work towards the path of self-realization and self-fulfillment. At the social level, faith knits people together into a group/community. No person can live alone nor fulfill his/her needs by themselves. Social living brings in a host of interrelated aspects. First, shared beliefs, values, customs, and traditions bring in social cohesion. Collective sharing of faith brings in feelings of unity and interconnection and leads to feelings of attachment and belongingness; it leads to identity formation; and attempts are made to sustain and uphold this identity. This aspect of social sharing has consequences as beliefs, values, and traditions set the foundation for regulating and monitoring the individual’s thoughts, feelings, and actions. Faith thereby plays a two-way role—it shapes the individual into who it should become and makes the individual dependent upon it to sustain and exist in the social world. Faith then emerges and works as an agency of social control. In this way, each faith acts as a social and moral compass. It socializes each member according to its norms, beliefs, and traditions. It, thereby, plays a vital role in organizing, planning, and directing social life. Faith thus promotes personal and collective social welfare. It bestows personal and social identity to the individual and its community of followers. Importantly, the aspects of identity create and sustain a psychosocial climate that is rich in emotional content. Affect and its accompanying feelings play a dual role—it helps create a sense of belongingness, cohesiveness, and solidarity, as well as often makes the followers become dogmatic and divide society into distinct categories. Once faith is viewed as a closed, distinctive entity, various issues come into play. It is the negative form it brings forth feelings of hatred, jealousy, mistrust, fear, and intolerance and is noted in terms of behavioral manifestations of violence and strife, stereotyping and discrimination, exclusion, and marginalization. On a positive note, faith does offer meaning in life, modes for self-control as well as self-expansion, strategies for coping and facing challenges of social life, identity and belongingness, security, and self-confidence.

1.4 Religion in the Context of Psychology and Social Sciences Indeed, religion is a theme of perennial interest. However, the conflict between the institutions of science and the church in the West made the acknowledgment of religion by the community of social scientists in shaping the human experience quite problematic. It was often marginalized in the (secular) scientific discourse. It is only recently that the investigators have started empirically investigating the implications of religion for well-being. The findings in Western societies have been not so consistent, with some studies indicating that religion is detrimental to individuals’

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well-being and other studies indicating no association at all (Koenig & Larson, 2001; Miller & Kelley, 2005). There are also works that suggest that a higher level of religious involvement is associated with better physical and mental health status (Levin, 1994; Levin & Tobin, 1995). The reasons for diverse findings partly lie in the different ways of conceptualizing the variables and hence identifying as to what constitutes ‘religion’ and or ‘spirituality. Understandably, the notion of religion is difficult to capture and pin down as a tangible concept. In fact, the gap between the textbook academic definition of religion and its practices and consequent connotations shared by the people are quite varied and depend upon the field of study and choice of researchers. Religion consists of personal/individual and social-/community-level conceptualizations. Finally, the target group with its attributes puts forth its own meaning and interpretations as it pans out in the everyday life world. Religion continues to play a prominent role in people’s lives, yet it remains a neglected domain of study in mainstream psychology. In fact, it occupies a central and influential place in personal and social lives as reflected in everyday behavior, thought, and emotions. Religion is virtually associated with almost every aspect of society and culture. It has the potential to offer meaning to our experiences in wide-ranging every life situations. The sacred is invoked at all significant major life events. Despite the overarching influence of religion in everyday life, one notes the conspicuous absence of the study of religion in the field of psychology. It can be a mutually rewarding and productive relationship between psychology and religion, as the latter operates in a pervasive way encompassing human living conditions and welfare. Psychologists have usually maintained a neutral stance or have maintained a silent posture towards the study of religion as a significant or worth pursuing aspect of psychology as a legitimate domain of exploration. The main reasons for adopting such a position include the following. First, the earlier stance of incompatibility of science and religion has been adopted and the study of religion has been rejected. Second, the thrust provided by positivism has consolidated a commitment to objective, homothetic, and reductionist accounts. The focus on tangible aspects of an individual’s behavior became critical in shaping research priorities. The scope of religion is rather broad and its range all-encompassing that is is nearly impossible to study it from a positivistic perspective. Third, the idea of value-neutrality nurtured a secular view of doing science. Fifth, religion was considered as a matter more pertinent to other disciplines like sociology and anthropology who deal with macro-level realities. The academic curiosity about religion in scholarship in various disciplines of social sciences and humanities has taken many forms which are reflected in various research traditions. They differ in conceptualization, level of analysis, and implications. While the field can benefit immensely from inter-/multi-/trans-disciplinary approaches, the same has not received much favor from the scholars. The anthropologists have been pursuing the study of religion at the level of community, and the rituals, myths, and other practices are attended to. Sociologists are interested in traditions, ethnic diversity, and the interface of religion with other social systems. In psychological research, religion has been used as a demographic variable, as a

1.5 The Complexity of Social Identity

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belief/attitude, as an aspect of identity or social category, and as a social phenomenon. It has rarely been approached as a process. Within the discipline of psychology, religion has been approached as a part of an individual’s experience and several perspectives have been put forward (see Fuller, 1994). It seems to be in order to briefly present some of the key perspectives. Thus, William James emphasized the feelings and gave priority to first-hand personal religious experiences (William James, 1890). However, Freud viewed religion as primarily related to wish fulfillment. Garden Allport (1950/1969) drew attention to the distinction between mature and immature religions. The former is conscious, individualized, and healthy. Maslow (1943/2000) saw the possibilities of human fulfillment through fusion with the cosmos. Erick Fromm (1950) stated that humans have the ability to develop the powers of reason and love through humanistic alternatives. Frankel (2006) looked at human existence as a search for meaning. Empirical research on religion got impetus with the development of the Religious Orientation Scale by Allport and Ross (1967). They distinguished between intrinsic and extrinsic religiousness. Similarly, Allen and Spilka (1967) proposed a distinction between consensual and committed religiousness. Diverse lines of research followed these initial attempts. Religion and its relationship with various aspects of life including identity and well-being have been explored (Erikson, 1968; Paloutzian & Park, 2005). In social-psychological terms, religions provide cultural models, which inform a set of assumptions, to carry out life activities. These models exist not only in the minds of people but are also embodied through artifacts, institutions, and practices. They reproduce themselves and perpetuate the cultural meanings and practices. Thus, people who share a given religious identity also share a worldview. The importance of culture lies in its capacity to serve as a source for the conceptions of the world, the self, and the relations between them. It is from these that the functions of culture permeate the social and psychological domains of thinking, feeling, beliefs, and behavior. They provide a framework in which a wide range of experiences—cognitive, emotional, and moral—become meaningful. Religious beliefs help make sense of the mundane social relationships and psychological processes in cosmic terms (Geertz, 1993). The study of religion comprises of two stages: first, the system of meanings embodied in the symbols that make up the religion and, second, the creation of linkages of these systems with socio-structural and psychological processes. The intertwining of these two is pivotal as together they help understand the social and psychological lives holistically (Geertz, 1993).

1.5 The Complexity of Social Identity The discourse around the notion of ‘identity’ is replete with multiple explanations and definitions in the various streams of social scientific inquiry. Naturally, each discipline attempts to provide its own description and definition of identity. Social scientists have been fascinated and engaged by the nature of identity by both its nuances and paradoxes embedded in it. The oft-asked question often revolves around—what

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constitutes a person, how is it constructed, and how does it maintain continuity and stability over time? For the present study, our interest is in defining identity as a particular kind of person that is influenced by its socio-cultural political milieu. Any identity, like personal identity, is a combination of three interacting elements— its biological characteristics, its unique psychological needs, interests, and this is embedded in a particular cultural milieu. The socio-cultural milieu provides the person with instances where the individual learns and imbibes ways and means to satisfy his/her biological, social-emotional needs. Each person gets and finds opportunities to express himself/herself and it can achieve this by developing social identity—an identity that allows him/her to grow and develop to his/her potential. In this way, the ‘personal’ is ‘social.’ Second, identity has a core feature, that is, continuity and contrast. Identity is essentially and inevitably about sameness and difference; it is deeply personal as it is necessarily social. Social identity has its core elements of identification— group/s we identify with and belong to (religious), psychological distinctiveness— the need to identify with a community/group and for it to be distinct from the other communities/groups in the environment, and categorization and labeling of self and others (Hindu, Muslim, girl, cricket captain, mother, professor, sexual orientation). Social identity aids in telling yourself and the world as to who you are; it is revealed and disclosed to other people. There are many ways by which we publicize identity including gender, age, religion, language, ethnicity, caste, education, and socioeconomic status, among others. Hence, identity is constructed, maintained, and contested in the social context. The social context provides social roles, positions, and responsibilities to the individual at the micro (e.g., family) and macro (e.g., religion) that provide an acceptable and appropriate way to fulfill one’s biological and psychological capacities. Identity has multiple layers where the personal, relational, and group/communal coalesce to form the person. These three layers are critical to the present study. It is the relational identity that integrates the personal and role-based identities, and thereby the individual to interpersonal and collective levels of the self. Given the importance of religiosity in fostering self-conception/identity (Freeman, 2003; Kinnvall, 2004; Verkuyten & Yildiz, 2007) coupled with a culture where individuals and groups are subjected to diverse kinds of treatment on the basis of religious beliefs and affiliations (Kakar, 1982, 2003; Wellman & Tokuno, 2004), it seems that the ways in which religious identity shapes psychosocial functioning are of considerable significance. Grounded within a social identity framework (Hogg & Abrams, 1988), we propose that the unique characteristics of group membership are closely linked to the preferred religious beliefs of the people. This may be essential to explain why religiosity is often embraced with such tenacity. This study aims to furnish a better understanding of the association between religious beliefs and practices with social well-being by examining religious identity for four major religious communities in the Indian setting. Importantly, the religious groups provide welfare gains and are called welfare providers (Gill & Lundsgaarde, 2004). Religious identity serves as a vehicle to express social grievances, as a means to claim and protect group identity, as means of cultural defense, and significantly as a form of cultural capital. By

1.6 Societal Context of Identity: The Indian Experience

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enabling members of the religious group to have a blueprint, religion fashions their inner and outer selves and facilitates the development of a cultural system for each religious group/community.

1.6 Societal Context of Identity: The Indian Experience Identity plays a salient role in social life as it is important to know how individuals and groups perceive and value themselves. It is indeed a challenge to study the role of identity in the Indian social context given its scale and intensity of diversity. With a population of over a billion people, where over twenty-three official languages and several dialects are spoken and it follows six of the eight major religions of the world. Landscapes, customs, castes, clothing, language, cuisine, and religions change every 200 km. Taking the Partition of 1947 as one critical time period, we note a multiplicity of identities that rests upon nation, religion, region, class, gender, language, and citizenship. Social identities especially in India are negotiated and renegotiated across time periods embedded within multiple socio-cultural and political influences. An instance of a radical shift came in due to the politics of the Partition of 1947. The identity of an Indian gave way to sectarian identification—Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims. These discoveries of their new identities lead similar people to be different (A. Sen, 2006). Instances like the Partition set the climate for the construction of extensive and wide-ranging views of identity, where group/communal identities become decisive categories in the construction of identities. The relevance of being counted in a group/community started a number game, where having a socio-religious identity allowed everyone to partake in the advantages of holding such an identity. The existence of one’s self was at stake. Identities then become inscribed and set the tone and tenor of within and between-group/community relationships. Hence, the notion of identity in the Indian context shifted from the traditional socio-psychological moorings particularly after the independence of 1947. The emergence of social and nationalist movements in Indian contexts shifted towards group agency. Hence, the study of identity from the social/collective perspective is required to understand the constitution of social identity and the implications that result thereof. Second, self-definition and its development are shifting towards how the mechanics of social identity are created, maintained, and contested. Further, the juxtaposition of diverse socio-religious identities with national identity poses another challenge. Each nation has a social-psychological dimension—a ‘need for community’ as being integral to identity (Chakrabarty, 2003). A distinctive Indian nationalist historic narrative enters the discourse where despite social heterogeneity the formation of national unity and the need to transform the historic past in collective consciousness are paramount. A historical narrative of continuity sets the national culture, in this case, India. To the question of what constitutes Indian identity, social scientists have emphasized its composite character and put forward a framework of pluralism (Chandra & Mahajan, 2007). Kakar and Kakar (2007) concede that Indianness emerges as a portrait and not as a photograph. They make the point

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that an obstruction to an assertion of identity is the real source of violence and friction among groups. A singular Indianness is possible because common features that are integral to making the Indian identity and personae can be identified. Kakar and Kakar (2007) make the point that an obstruction to an assertion of identity is the real source of violence and friction among groups. The rise in regional social consciousness indicates the presence of distinctive shades of culture in different regions of India (Mukerji, 1978). Regional demands have been viewed as threats to Indian unity. It also provides indications towards the existence of cultural and social communities, which have now woken up to assert political presence. Madan (2006) quotes three instances, one each of the Muslims in Bengal, Sikhs, and Kashmiri Muslims, where the use of ethnicity as an identity game is well illustrated. Kapur and Misra (2003, 2004, 2011) have extensively written on the making of the Sikh identity in India. Construction and articulation of Indian identity in the twenty-first century indicate some salient changes. Kapur et al. (2011) studied the representation of Indianness among the Indian youth. Indian identity has a core consisting of religion, culture, and tradition. Indians are also reported to be rigid in terms of customs and rituals, prejudiced, and despite education observe the caste system. Indians are given to orthodoxy, tradition, and the patriarchal system. Varma (2004) maintains that Indians have evolved from a common civilization and have thus come to acquire distinctive traits. The notion of pan-Indianness arises with economic opportunities, education avenues, consumerism, and tourism and has come to reflect Indianness as a whole. No doubt Indian identity has its roots in tradition, but it also looks forward to new notions of self. We note that in the twenty-first century India is finding new ways to assert its Self. The new Indian identity is woven with some strands from the past traditions and construction of other identity strands as demanded by modernity and globalization giving rise to new social identities. Another body of research, while critiquing the preoccupation with conflict and violence, looks into the coexistence and peaceful interactions between Hindus and Muslims (Chakrabarty, 2003; Hasan, 1996, 2003, 2005; Khilani, 1997; Madan, 2006; Meeto, 2007; Sen, 1999; Varshney, 2002). There is a ‘taken for granted’ opposition of the Hindu and Muslim as separate and cohesive categories. Coexistence is often thought of as deviant or even described as indications of tolerance. The nature of group identifications and the coexistence of diverse groups come from the voices of the ordinary man (Chakraborty, 2003; Meeto, 2007). Hasan (1996) reports that during the late nineteenth-century Uttar Pradesh, Muslims indicated assimilation with regard to externals. They not only understood each other’s systems, but the systems often even overlapped. The Hindu-Muslim social interaction, mutual dependence, and observance of mutual festivals have been documented. Meeto (2007) explored the shared cultural and religious practices of pre-Partition Punjab which, in the twentieth century, was marked by community boundaries and a strict division between religious communities. Socio-religious reformers of the nineteenth-twentieth century, along with the colonial rulers, played a significant role in constructing rigid boundaries. Stricter boundary articulation and policing of the Sikh community boundaries became the order of the day. Partition

1.6 Societal Context of Identity: The Indian Experience

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only further destroyed the shared world of Hindus, Sikhs, and Muslims, indicated by the term ‘Sanjhi Punjabiyat’ or the shared social world of Punjabis. Dress, food, festivals, music, leisure, literary pursuits, and entertainment, along with shared attitudes, were commonalities that were noticeable. Despite attempts at bringing in fractures in the social world, social identity has had a multi-layered and plural existence. Everyday forms of sociality indicate that coexistence between communities has existed for a long time and still continues to exist. A study of the census revealed that as colonial rule progressed, the census became increasingly more racial, with the creation of linguistic and religious identities. New definitions of what it meant to be Hindu, Muslim, or Sikh emerged due to the efforts of the reformers, political leaders, and colonial rule. Nandy explains that for the common man, the narrative of the Partition of 1947 is rooted in senseless violence. Yet, it also has a story of inter-community love and sacrifice. Once the madness of the Partition was over, the two communities continued to resume the status of coexistence again. According to Nandy, the cultural and moral resilience of traditional societies like India and ‘glimpses of humanity and compassion’ hold the key to future relationships and the realization of a humane society. A view of the shaping of modern India from a psychoanalytic perspective is provided by the works of Kakar (1995) and Nandy (1994, 1995). In his classic ‘Colours of Violence,’ Kakar (1995) adopts a social-psychological approach to intergroup conflict. According to him, ‘the representation of collective pasts’ and the way ‘collective memories are transmitted through generations’ are important in explaining the persistence of communal violence in India (Kakar, 1995, pp. 12–13). The representation or images of the collective past are psychic and not logical in nature. They do not merely justify the collective violence but help to explain why it took place (Kakar, 1995, p. 16). Thus, Hindu-Muslim conflicts persist because both groups have the memory of how each side had shown prejudices, hatred, destruction, and mayhem. A brief look at the history textbooks in schools indicates that the division of historical periods into ‘Hindu rule or era’ and ‘Muslim rule or era’ demarcates for the young readers a distinction between the two groups. Such information becomes part of the social memory and is likely to work at both the conscious and the subconscious levels. Nandy’s (1994, 1995) most important contribution as a political psychologist has been the exploration of social and political phenomena in terms of personal and group significance. The interreligious and communal violence is partly due to the century-long efforts of converting the ‘Hindus’ into a modern nation as well as an ethnic majority group. The attempt by nationalist forces to transform other faiths into civil society and a nation has resulted in a split and exiled selves. More importantly, Indian nationhood is built on the ruins of one’s civilizational selfhood. Hence, the Indian nation can be built only by reconnecting to the inner strengths of its pluralist traditions and modes of living. Sikand (2003) reports that the motives for religions or faiths as ‘free flowing’ in that everyone ‘dips into’ in search for peace, solace, self-actualization; seeking divine intervention for health, wealth, peace; or a purely functional reason—visiting the

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dargahs, temples, churches—for ‘shakti’ or power to help cure physical and mental problems. Today, overlapping identities are considered threatening and weakening to the community and hence must be dealt with as soon as possible. Groups need to be neat, with fixed boundaries, not only to keep each other apart but actually to set against each other. This to-and-fro process of overlapping identities and the need to create rigid boundaries is the narrative of the Indian context. Though it can be stated that with the passage of time, flexibility and fluidity of identity are fast becoming lost. Evidently, the need of the hour is to close ranks and maintain one’s identity and live within the security and shelter of the group. In fact, the notion of identity is fast becoming a paranoia. Sharing and connectedness in the Indian context are also transposed with the presence of apprehension, panic, and alarm. There were and still remain, in the current context, threads of fear and anxiety which go on to construct the difference between the self and the Other. Dalmia and Faruqui (2014) and Sikand (2003) draw our attention towards the fault lines dividing culturally and theologically aligned traditions. Religious proximity not only provided comfort and succor but also fostered suspicion and competition. Religious groups worked to emphasize differences rather than similarities. A mixture of faith, differences with competition for followers, keeping hold of key pilgrimage sites and temples, material wealth, and power became important forces that drove them away from the shared worldview. These tensions were present both within the religious groups (Shia vs Sunni) and between the religious groups (Muslims and Hindus). Both groups policed their internal boundaries and defined themselves in relation to the Other (Hindu/Muslim as the Other), with each faith/group fighting for its territory in the changing Indian religious scenario. With time, distinctions between the big and little traditions also came to the fore (Madan, 1997). The rivalry and opposition towards other faith or religion must be acknowledged in order to understand that hostility within and between groups has existed for a long time. Yet, in the public memory, it seems to have consolidated as a HinduMuslim polarization. The divergence between Hindu-Sikh and Hindu-Christians is well documented. Polarization set in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries has had an influence on both the Hindu and the Muslim community. Hardening of attitudes, identity construction, and contestation along with its maintenance is felt even in the twenty-first century. The presence of significant continuities, riots, and violence marked the early twenty-first century. This coexistence of both bonding and strife seems to be the hallmark of the Indian life world. Social scientists report that Hindu-Muslim interactions are increasingly in a state of instability and unrest (Alam & Subhramanyam, 2007; Dalmia & Faruqui, 2014; Kakar, 1996; Madan, 2006/2008; Malik, 2008; Rai, 2004). Media reports bring out both coexistence and strife, though with greater stress upon negative instances of fear and angst among the communities. During times of peace, harmony and coexistence are witnessed among the citizens, while at times of violence and strife, the same locale can be characterized by terror, panic, and dread.

1.7 Religion and the Formation of Social Identity

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1.7 Religion and the Formation of Social Identity As a matter of record, we must note that conflicts and the feeling of ‘we/us’ and ‘them’ occur with other communities as well. According to Pandey (1990), India defined as comprised of opposing religions began as a colonial idea and then became an institutional reality. During colonial rule, census used religion as a category, providing a new conceptualization of religion as a community (Meeto, 2007). Mapping communities on the basis of religion brought in comparison among groups thereby increasing rivalry and competition. Communities started fighting for political representativeness and economic opportunities. Socio-religious reforms of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century further added substance to identity formulations and lay the foundations of community boundaries and hence communal conflicts. The passage of time and unfolding of events and experiences demanded an inspection and assessment of the question of inter-relationship between religious groups’ relations. Further, the Indian political territorial division (28 states and 8 union territories) has gradually indicated an increased sense of regionalism. Every Indian state has its own cultural identity, lifestyle, language, religion, and historicity within the Indian culture. Couple this with the rise of political dynamics in the country and aspirations of power and control are ever-present on a daily and long-term basis. We note the rise of left-wing extremism and Hindu Right nationalism and regionalism; reclaiming religious spaces (Babri Masjid) debate over uniform Civil Code, we see increased communal incidents and violence, and more—all have further added to the crisis of Hindu, Sikh, Christian, and Muslim identity. Even in contemporary period a cricket match between India and Pakistan and its outcome are evidence for a call towards the notion of nationalism across the country. The question as to who is an Indian is often governed by religious divisions as they are considered as natural and pre-given, and then, the ensuing violence is often viewed as a historic clash, one which has been and will continue. Such a view is problematic as such violence is treated as routine (Pandey, 1990). However, violence is also an exercise for the construction of communities through mobilization (of the self) and definition of both the self and the Other. For there is a need to create a bounded community and communalism operates at both the individual and collective levels. For when people are divided into different categories—Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Muslims— then other identities do not matter. This reduction to a single common representation of the minorities indicates the fundamental attributional error that the majority, as ‘we’ can take on various identities, whereas, the minority/ethnic group, ‘they’ can be represented only by a single name or category. Hindus are viewed as having multiple layers, whereas minority groups are viewed as and by their Muslimness or Sikhness or Christians (Pandey, 1990). The way we understand issues of social identity and group conflict depends upon the conceptions of self and how these conceptions are related to the issues of security. For example, the study on Sikh and Hindu nationalism reveals a need of both communities to select traumas, so as to characterize and stereotype the other. Hindus have been successful in fusing nationalist and religious concerns in their attempts

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to monopolize both sources of self and identity, while the Sikhs have been less successful (Kinvall & Jonsson, 2002). Despite the critique, Hindus, Muslims, and the Sikhs are viewed as universal monolithic religious groups. Evidence of pluralism with regard to religious traditions and members in the communities is an established fact and is discussed in detail in the section below. Even today essentialization of both individuals and groups remains a common practice. This is accomplished by the reduction of identity to a number of cultural characteristics. As a psychological phenomenon, essentialization of self and the other is important as one has to continuously tune in one’s behavior in relation to the other. In this identity process, the self and other both have to be essentialized as a singular integral entity (Kinnvall & Jonsson, 2002). We must recall that in contrast to the other religious groups such as the Jains, Buddhists, and Christians, the Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh communities have made claims to nationhood and autonomy. Hindu-Christian conflicts were rare yet the recent past has witnessed conflicts in these two communities. How we define ourselves depends upon how we represent others. This representation is closely linked with how we ‘secure’ ourselves against the Other. Representation of the Other as a source of danger to the security of the Self is accompanied by dehumanization, depersonalization, and stereotyping of the Other (Anand, 2005; Kakar, 1995; R. Sen & Wagner, 2005). A Pew Research Center report (Evans & Sahgal, 2021) based on a face-to-face survey of 29,999 Indian adults, in 17 languages, held between late 2019 and early 2020 has provided insight into the contemporary world of religion, identity, nationalism, and tolerance. Ninety-seven percent of Indians reported that they believe in God. Hindus report that there is one God with many manifestations, while Muslims and Christians are more likely to say that ‘there is only one God.’ Despite this difference, all major faiths report the importance of religion in their lives, and they pray daily and observe various rituals. The Pew Research Center report 2021 provides evidence that various religious groups, particularly minority groups often engage in practices or hold beliefs that are closely associated with Hindu traditions than their own. For example, Sikh (29%), Muslim (18%), and Christians (22%) women report wearing a bindi (a mark on the forehead) usually worn by married ladies, though it has Hindu origins. Significantly, Muslims in India are as likely as Hindus to believe in karma (77% each) as well as 54% of the Christians. Regarding the celebration of major festivals, 7% of Hindus celebrate the Muslim festival of Eid and 17% celebrate Christmas. Interestingly, Evans and Sahgal (2021) report that Indians of all faiths support religious tolerance and religious segregation. Further, 84% of participants report that ‘respect’ for other religions is a salient part of their identity and to be truly Indian, yet it is important to be a member of their own religious community (80%). We find that tolerance goes hand in hand with a strong inclination for keeping religious communities segregated. Thus, close friends are mainly or entirely from one’s own religious community. This finding holds true not only for the Hindu population but also for smaller groups, such as Sikhs (80%) and Jains (72%). Roughly two-thirds of Hindus report that is very important to stop both Hindu men (65%) and women (67%)

1.8 Social and Psychological Functions of Religion

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from marrying into other religious communities. Muslims (80%) too are opposed to marrying outside their religious communities. As expected, dietary laws are central to Indians. For Hindus, partaking beef, and, for Muslims, eating pork are equal to the perception that such people do not belong to their respective religious communities. After seven decades of independence, the impact of the 1947 Partition Muslims are more likely than Hindus to say that this event harmed Hindu-Muslim relations (48%). Hindus (43%), however, opine that the Partition was beneficial for Hindu-Muslim relations, and 37% say it was harmful. Sixty-six percent of Sikhs, whose homeland Punjab was divided between the two countries, are more likely than Muslims to state that the event was detrimental for Hindu-Muslim relations. In summary, the Pew Research Center report findings present a complex image of the Indian population. The Constitution declares an Indian society where the national identity is recognized and it must include and respect diverse religious communities. Can we then say that somewhere parallel beliefs and customs are embedded among stark and absolute differences? Indian religious communities are the same and different, at the same time? Perhaps we need to closely look at these findings along with beliefs about nationalism, national identity, and politics. Members of each religious community are influenced by these aspects and that helps form stronger attitudes, and, hence, behavioral actions. Discrimination, including religious discrimination reports in the media, is becoming common. Both Hindus and Muslims report that communal violence was ‘a big problem.’ We are perhaps back to capturing the essence of India where the salient aspects of diversity and its acceptance, democracy along with exclusionary practices, and a democratic setup with constraints on individual freedom are noticeable.

1.8 Social and Psychological Functions of Religion Recent reviews of studies in the Western world indicate (Marcinkowski & Wnuk, 2012) that faith and religio-spiritual commitment are positively associated with hope (Wnuk, 2009, 2010; Wnuk et al., 2009), optimism (French & Joseph, 1999; Park, 2007; Wnuk et al., 2009; Steger & Frazier, 2005), high self-assessment (Steger & Frazier, 2005), the meaning of life (Jones, 2004; Park, 2007; Steger & Frazier, 2005; Vilchensky & Kravetz, 2005; Wnuk, 2009, 2010; Wnuk et al., 2009; Zika & Chamberlain, 1988), social support (Jones, 2004; Vilchensky & Kravetz, 2005), a sense of inner control (Fiori et al., 2006), subjective sense of health (Zullig et al., 2006), and coping (Nooney & Woodrum, 2002; Roesch & Ano, 2003; Schaefer & Gorsuch, 1991) which, in consequence, foster well-being. Thus far, a strongest empirical foundation has been formed to support the view that religio-spiritual functions are the source of the meaning of life, resulting in improvement of psychological well-being (Steger & Frazier, 2005; Vilchensky & Kravetz, 2005; Wnuk, 2009, 2010; Wnuk et al., 2009; Zika & Chamberlain, 1988). In the study by Steger and Frazier (2005), the meaning of life mediated the relationship between religious involvement and life

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satisfaction. Also, mediating role of the meaning of life between religious faith and degree of psychological well-being (Vilchensky & Kravetz, 2005) has been reported. Apart from the meaning of life, a religious-spiritual area of functionality seems to be an additional source of hope (Craig et al., 1999; Frey et, al. 2005; Gibson, 2003). Among chronically ill inhabitants of rural areas, a moderately strong positive correlation has been observed between spirituality and hope (Craig et al., 1999). In HIV-infected individuals, hope correlated positively with spiritual well-being (Abdel-Khalek, 2006). For women with cancer, hope correlated with the individual awareness of inner ego and the sense of connection with some higher power (Gibson, 2003). Among students, hope positively correlated with life satisfaction (Abdel-Khalek, 2006; Chang, 1988; Gilman et al., 2006) and positive affect (Michael & Snyder, 2005; Snyder et al., 1998). Previous studies suggest that an increase in hope induced by religious-spiritual involvement is manifested in terms of a better quality of life and well-being. **Among the Alcoholics Anonymous (AAA), spiritual experiences are mediated by hope. A lower level of hopelessness measured with Beck’s Hopelessness Scale (Wnuk, 2009) was noted. Findings by Wnuk on the same population showed that hope played a mediating role between the frequency of prayer and positive affect (Wnuk, 2010). Also, among the group-supported addicts, spiritual experiences, coupled with a high level of hope, indirectly influenced satisfaction with life and distress levels (Wnuk et al., 2009). Regardless of the approach adopted, the studies on hope highlight its multidimensional character. It reflects spheres of thought, feelings, behaviors, and relationships with other people. It consists of an element of predictability and future orientation (Stephenson, 1991). It is connected with the past sense of hope. The feeling of connection with oneself and others refers both to oneself and to God and other people. It is realized due to the conviction of not being alone, comfort, giving faith, deep inner strength, and the ability to give and receive love (Herth, 1992). It is highly probable that hope is positively influenced by the spiritual experiences manifested by the feeling of the presence of God, being the main source of joy, strength, peace, and balance the feeling of God’s help and guidance, experiencing God’s love directly or via other persons, acceptance of other people regardless of their activities, feeling of integrity with own life, identity with the beauty of the surrounding world, and selfless care for others. Hope, in turn, is reflected in positive goals, positive perception of the world, positive thinking, appreciating the value of life, ability to recall happy memories, inner strength, and ability to give and receive love. These factors influence well-being, which is indicated by life satisfaction and positive affect. Previous studies indicated that hope was the predictor of satisfaction with life (Abdel-Khalek, 2006; Chang, 1988; Gilman et al., 2006) and positive affect among the students, which indicates its crucial role in determining the quality of life. Also, the strength of hope was negatively related to negative affect.

1.10 Social Identity and Religion: An overview of Indian Research

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1.9 Religious Behavior: A Key Habit Paloutzian (1996) offers a conceptual map relating religion with psychological wellbeing. The following four points of reference define his framework: (1) unconscious mental processes; (2) behaviors shaped by conditioning; (3) the human need for meaning and growth; and (4) social influences, cognitive processes, and interaction between these influences and processes. They attribute religious behavior to the principles of habit formation and are too general to provide putative descriptions of the specific processes underlying religious conduct and experience. Researchers have also indicated the need for meaning and growth as moderators of the influence of religion. Paloutzian (1996) holds that human beings have a need for those activities and experiences that produce growth, meaning in life, and selfactualization. The humanistic and existential thinkers such as Rogers, Maslow, May, and Frankl emphasize the centrality of the self and that individuals perceive the world according to their experiences; this, in turn, shapes them and leads them to direct their behavior to reach their potential, satisfy their making meaning, and attempt to reach their potential. Recent investigations have uncovered a positive association among various aspects of religious conduct and meaning in life (Chamberlaine & Zika, 1988; Pargament, 1997; Poloma & Pendelton, 1990; Tomer & Eliason, 2000). Davis and Robinson (2007) report that in Islamic societies the poorer strata of society prefer religious value systems as they are more egalitarian and promote redistribution of resources. The rational choice framework (Stark & Bainbridge, 1980) considers religion as a set of ‘goods’ traded in religious markets. The demand for religious goods is stable, as each person wants an afterlife. Societies that cannot offer their people a minimal level of existential security are those societies where the demand for religious values is highest (Muller, 2009). Individuals use religious values and beliefs as a means to cope with fear and uncertainty. This allows people to reduce stress and focus on coping with life and its problems (Norris & Inglehart, 2004). Loewenthal et al. (2001) in a study in the United Kingdom had participants from Christian, Hindu, Jewish, Muslim, other religions, or no religion categories (mean age 25 years). Among religious activities, faith and prayer were seen as most helpful in dealing with the challenges of life. Muslims believed more strongly than other groups in the use of religious coping for depression.

1.10 Social Identity and Religion: An overview of Indian Research The social and intergroup context of religion has been explored by psychologists from different perspectives (see Ahmad, 2000; Akoijam, 1999, 2001; Hutnik, 2004; Kakar, 1995; Kapur & Misra, 2003; Mishra et al., 2009; Sen, 2006; Tripathi, 2005). These studies indicate a complex relationship of religion with identity and indicate that the socio-historical conditions, cognitive factors, socialization practices, and economic

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processes are critically involved in determining the nature of the relationship between religion and quality of life. In recent years, several attempts have been made to map religiosity in different Indian groups and relate it to demographic, social, and psychosocial variables (Deka & Broota, 1988; Verma, 1978). Also, religion and spirituality are increasingly being taken seriously in health psychology. An impressive array of research has documented the role of religion and spirituality in enduring suffering (Anand et al., 2001; Balodhi, 1991) and coping with trauma, chronic illness, and disaster (Dalal, 1999, 2000; Kohli, & Dalal, 1998; Priya, 2002). There have been some analyses of the role of religion and spirituality in coping and therapy (Gaur, 2004; Naidu, 2001; Ram, 1998). Religiosity has emerged to be significantly related to the meaning of life among the elderly (Banerjee, 2000; Chakrabarti, 2008; Jain & Purohit, 2006; Pandya, 2010; Ramamurti, 2004). It is also related to wisdom, maturity, and wellbeing (Sinha, 1996; Thomas, 1991). Many religious traditions, such as Buddhism and Jainism, contend that spiritual growth occurs during the time of suffering (Vahali, 2013). Several interesting studies have been undertaken on the Kumbh Mela at Allahabad (Chauhan, 2011; Prayag Magh Mela Group, 2007a, 2007b; Stevenson; Tewari et al., 2012). The Prayag Magh Mela research group (2007a, 2007b) has studied social relations among social groups as collective phenomena. They report that a sense of shared identity with others at the mela leads to intimate relations (relationality) and a higher level of well-being at the gathering. The collective gathering gives rise to collective self-realization that is the capability to live the spiritual life of a true pilgrim. Pilgrimage is an important aspect of Indian life and has social, economic, religious, as well as spiritual significance. Maheswari and Singh (2009) examined the relationship of religiosity, happiness, and satisfaction with life in the case of pilgrims in the cultural context of Ardh-Kumbh Mela (held in Prayag, Allahabad, India). Their sample consisted of kalpvasis (pilgrims who stay at the banks of the Sangam for a month in the holy city of Prayag during the Mela period). The results showed a positive association between religiosity, happiness, and life satisfaction. Sociologists have explored how religious identity is determined by the factors of time and space and is socially learned (Zuckerman, 2003). The political context and experience of communal tension have attracted many scholars to examine the linkages between identity and religion (Alter, 2008; Bidwai et al., 1996; Chandra, 1984; Chatterjee, 1993; Engineer, 1995; Kaviraj, 1997; Sen, 1995). Borooah et al. (2005) have looked at the influence of religion and caste in rural India while Kumar (2003) investigated the role of religion in economic development. Religion provides a distinct setting for the exploration of identity and commitment to it (King, 2003). It emerges as a resource for personal meaning. Indeed, religion is all-pervasive in its influence. Research indicates the effect of religio-spiritual behavior and beliefs on well-being (Saxena, 2006), religious coping (Rammohan et. al., 2002), faith in the notion of karma (Anand, 2009), religiosity among early freedom fighters (Nandi, 2000), and the role of religious commercialization and globalization (Nanda, 2009). The social dimensions of health and well-being also indicate the role of religion (Dalal, 2000; Dalal & Ray, 2005).

1.10 Social Identity and Religion: An overview of Indian Research

23

The influence of religion on the diverse aspects of public life is significant (Philpott, 2009). As Madan (2004) has argued, there is a discourse present in each major Indian religion about human beings in a holistic framework. Such discourses have implications for social welfare and well-being. Further, there is considerable evidence that irrespective of individual religious identity Indians are comfortable with a sense of religious plurality. Social harmony is built on the basis of distinctive features (see Madan, 1997). It can also be stated that there are various religious paths, emphasizing one dominant aspect or the other. Yet each path leads to the same Supreme Being. In this sense, religion is often identified as the organized religion where customs, rituals, and practices are established and followed by the adherents. On the other hand, spirituality in some sense can be said to characterize the non-body/non-materialist existence. Jodhka (2012) has studied the notion of religion for people on the margins of Indian society. His query was focused on how their perception of religion as a resource was mobilized for their well-being, or whether it was a cause of their exclusion from the social mainstream. Research on faith-based organizations produced mixed results. In most cases, ‘faith affiliation’ emerged as only one aspect of identity. Gupta (2002), on the other hand, tried to locate religious identity for the group of young children. Hindu and Muslim children of 4 to 8 years of age recognized the symbols used by Hindus and Muslims and famous tales of both religions. The Muslim children expressed their faith in the family’s religion in a pronounced manner. They spoke about incidents when they were cured of an illness by wearing amulets, which are believed to have the power to fight bad omen. While responding to the cards showing Mecca, Madinah, and verses of the Koran, Muslim children’s hands rose in a spontaneous manner as if they were offering prayers. Both groups of children indicated some prejudice, ignorance, and stereotyping (see A. K. Singh, 1988 for review of early studies on religious identity formation). Large communities exist that still blur the boundaries of Hinduism and Islam. As K. S. Singh (1992) has stated in People of India that many communities still lie between religions. No doubt with time these communities have been marginalized and exist in small numbers, indicating that we need to move away from a singular identity and incorporate layers and the plural character of lived reality and cultural practices of the community. Religious values such as the deeds of the past, attributing to sins committed by people, and wraths of gods and goddesses and treatment sought through magicoreligious practices are indicators of the influence of tradition and culture. With the spread of education, exposure to mass media, urbanization, and industrialization, there has been increased occupational and spatial mobility. Also, materialism and consumerism are changing people’s perspectives on life. The choice of people to accept modern medicine over folk medicine has also increased. As Srinivasan and Sharan (2005) have shown religious practices and rituals, aspects of religiosity do influence the health of the people in rural areas. The rural people are still very much influenced by religious beliefs. Further, the cultural formation of individuals was linked with performance observed in everyday life. The minority religious groups

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like Muslims show insecurity (Kirmani, 2008). It was noticed alongside the insecurities related to increasing urbanization and the development of the neighborhood and the fears generated by the migration of different groups. The insecurities people faced were not only affected by their religious identity, but were also structured by their age, class, and gender. The middle-class people often prioritized identity along religious lines.

1.11 Conclusion Indeed, religion influences human lives at micro- as well as macro-levels. At the micro-level, religion in terms of a pool of immense resources (e.g., beliefs and world views, coping strategies, and appraisal systems) prepares people to make sense of reality and act in this world. This becomes possible because religion empowers by enabling a comprehensive perspective on reality and through roles and responsibilities provides an individual’s place in it. In some way, religion as a heuristic makes grasping and deciphering the dynamic nature of reality convenient, accessible, and controllable. It acts as a strong buffer and mitigates the influences of stressors. At the same time, religious practices validate an individual’s sense of selfhood and offer insights into life engagements. The way we understand issues of social identity depends upon the conceptions of self, and how these conceptions are related to the issues of, security, health and well-being. The Indian context exemplifies plurality in religious traditions and membership to social communities. Various religious groups, particularly minority groups, often engage in practices or hold beliefs that are closely associated with Hindu traditions than their own. Indians of all faiths support religious tolerance and religious segregation. Tolerance goes hand in hand with a strong inclination for keeping religious communities segregated. Being similar in some respect and not in other personal and social domains remains a paradox for researchers and society alike. At a macro-level, religion goes beyond the given and offers formulations of reality itself. Of course, the impact of religion on life depends on several contextual and personal factors which will be discussed later.

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Saxena, S. (2006). A cross-cultural study of spirituality, religion, and personal beliefs as components of quality of life. Social Science and Medicine, 62, 1486–1497. Schaefer, C. H. A., & Gorsuch, R. L. (1991). Psychological adjustment and religiousness: The multivariate belief-motivation theory of religiousness. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 30, 448–461. Sen, A. (1999). Freedom as development. Oxford University Press. Sen, A. (2005). The argumentative Indian: Writings on the Indian culture, history and identity. Penguin. Sen, A. (2006). Identity and violence: The illusion of destiny. Allen Lane. Sen, A. K. (1995). Rationality and social choice. American Economic Review, 85, 1–24. Sen, R., & Wagner, W. (2005). History, emotions and hetereo-referential representations in inter-group conflict: The example of Hindu-Mulsim Relations in India. Papers on Social Representations, 14, 2.1–2.23. Sen, R., & Wagner, W. (2009). Cultural mechanics of fundamentalism: Religion as ideology, divided identities and violence in Post-Gandhi India. Culture and Psychology, 15, 299–326. Sengupta, S. (2007). Integrating spirituality and organizational leadership: Towards an integrative human framework for organizations. In S. Singh-Sengupta & D. Fields (Eds.), Integrating spirituality and organizational leadership (pp. 3–21). Macmillan India. Sharma, S. (2005). Quantum states of mind: Ordinary perception to extraordinary perception. Psychological Studies, 50, 9–15. Sikand, Y. (2003). Sacred spaces: exploring traditions of shared faith in India. Penguin India. Singh, K. S. (1992). The people of India: An introduction. Anthropological Survey of India. Singh, A. K. (1988). Inter group relations and social tensions. In J. Pandey (Ed.), Psychology of India: The state-of-the Art (Vol. 2, pp. 159–224). Sage. Sinha, D. (1996). Culture as the target and culture as the source: A review of cross-cultural psychology in Asia. Psychology and Developing Societies, 8, 83–105. Snyder, C. R., LaPointe, A. B., Crowson, J. J., & Early, S. (1998). Preferences of high- and low-hope people for self-referential input. Cognition and Emotions, 12, 807–823. Srinivasan, K., & Sharan, R. (2005). Religiosity and health. Review of Social Sciences, 6, 2. Stark, R., & Bainbridge, W. S. (1980). Towards a theory of religion: Religious commitment. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 19, 114–128. Steger, M. F., & Frazier, P. (2005). Meaning in life: One link in the chain from religiousness to well-being. Journal of Counselling Psychology, 52, 574–582. Stephenson, C. (1991). The concept of hope revisited for nursing. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 16, 1456–1461. Tewari, S., Khan, S., Hopkins, N., & Srinivasan, N. (2012). Participation in mass gatherings can benefit well-being: Longitudinal and control data from a north Indian Hindu pilgrimage event. Journal of PLoS ONE, 7(10), 1–5. Thomas, L. E. (1991). Dialogue with three religious and reflections on wisdom and maturity. International Journal of Aging and Medicine, 34, 499–502. Tomer, A., & Eliason, G. (2000). Beliefs about self, life, and death: Testing aspects of a comprehensive model of death anxiety and death attitudes. In A. Tomer (Ed.), Death attitudes and the older adult: Theories, concepts, and applications (pp. 137–153). Brunner-Routledge. Tripathi, R. C. (2005). Hindu social identity and imagined past: The faceoff between Ram temple and “Martyred” mosque at Ayodha. Psychological Studies, 50(2–3), 102–110. Vahali, H. O. (2013). From wild grasslands to nurtured gardens: The inward journey in Buddhism, Psychoanalysis and engaged social activism. In G. Misra (Ed.), Psychology and psychoanalysis (pp. 343–370). Centre for Studies in Civilizations. Varma, P. K. (2004). Being Indian. Viking Penguin Books. Varshney, A. (2002). Ethnic conflict and civic life: Hindus and Muslims in India. Yale University Press.

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Chapter 2

Religion, Identity, Socialization, and Well-Being

People, in general, become religious through organized practices of socialization which start from birth. Human development is in fact punctuated by a series of religious engagements. In different societies, life rituals/ceremonies are prescribed and enacted according to broadly accepted religious guidelines that follow an agerelated schedule. In fact, traditional societies like Hindus in India organize the life span within the prescribed set of religious practices called Sanskaras. The sixteen Sanskaras ranging from conception (Garbhadhan) to last rites (Antyeshti) are socioreligious in nature. Today, many changes have taken place, but the scheme is still operative in a modified form. As a blueprint for life progression, these sanskaras initiate a growing child into a series of activities. It is in performing these activities that a child develops a sense of self and identity. Kakar (1978) has described the implications of these changes in his book, Inner World. In contemporary discourse, the notion and experience of well-being tend to include not only health but a sense of positive affect and life satisfaction. However, in everyday life, the same is colored by personal experience and shared beliefs. This chapter endeavors to examine how identity and well-being are related to religion in a developmental context.

2.1 Religious Concerns Across Developmental Stages The spectrum of beliefs and practices pertaining to religion and spirituality influence life pursuits across the entire lifespan. In particular, the period of transition from adolescence to young adulthood is viewed as very critical in many religions. The traditional system of four Ashramas is clearly linked with the life stages with distinct sets of duties and obligations. As the individual cognitively matures the transmission of religious values, customs and traditions become salient. Once the foundation is laid down, maintaining the religious practices continues during the subsequent phases of life. Contemporary life is filled with difficult choices, demands on time, handling of relationships, and moral issues. They need to be negotiated. Each religion has its © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 P. Kapur et al., Psychological Perspectives on Identity, Religion and Well-Being, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2844-4_2

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specific ways and means of socialization that nurture the growth and development of an individual. Religion is unique among human institutions in that it provides explanations of the key questions and offers meanings to our lives (Levenson et al., 2005). As such, it has a pervasive impact on all aspects of human life including emotions, cognitions, and motives. Human history provides numerous instances in which religion has been used for human welfare as well as human destruction. Yet, research does not clearly indicate the relationships mainly due to variations in the scope of the constructs used and diversity in the methodology adopted.

2.2 Theoretical Perspectives In the existing literature of psychology, there are two basic models of the development of religious beliefs and practices: socialization based and cognition based. A brief description of these models is as follows: Socialization-based theories: Socialization is an important contributor towards adaptation and adjustment to the social norms and roles in a given culture. The agents of socialization like parents, peers, neighborhood, educational institutions, and the religious community play a crucial role in the acquisition and maintenance of religious beliefs and behaviors. Spiritual development often takes place by exemplary behavior by the role models and can be a source of positive human development (Oman & Thoreson, 2003). This is evident in the case of great leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi, Mother Teresa, and Martin Luther King. However, the reverse may also be true, where religio-political role modeling results in discrimination and conflict (Kakar, 1978). Importantly, positive modeling and negative modeling are two critical aspects of religion. Social participation and a sense of community among people are gaining increasing attention as it contributes to the psychological wellbeing of the people. These two concepts have implications for group membership. Membership involves being part of a community and identification with it. Integration and fulfillment of needs related to the community are beneficial to the community members. Shared history brings in shared emotional connections and bonds that develop through positive relationships with other members. Cognition-based theories: Theories of development propose universal and sequential stages of development (Levenson et al., 2005). The available research indicates that religion and spirituality are of major concern during young adulthood (Levenson et al., 2005). Spirituality often dominates in the later phase of life particularly for the people who are introspective, insightful, religious, and unconventional during young and middle adulthood stages (Wink & Dillion, 2002). Women share these qualities if they had faced negative life events during young to middle adulthood stages (Aldwin & Levenson, 2001). Religious meaning enables the elderly to cope with stress and suffering (Krause, 2003), brings in self-confidence, and allows for intellectual engagement and dependability during youth, and continuity of religious involvement among adults and the elderly (McFadden, 1999). Religious coping offers protective covering through a secure relationship with the divine (McFadden &

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Levine, 1996). Finally, the pattern of social interaction available through involvement in religious communities contributes towards physical and mental health (Nooney & Woodrum, 2002). In view of the preceding discussion, it can reasonably be said that religiousness is closely tied to multiple aspects of socialization (see also Mahoney & Tarakeshwar, 2005). Religion is unique as it imparts perceptions of daily life pregnant with religious significance (Pargament & Mahoney, 2005). Through socialization, an individual gets guidance to lead a life by adopting an appropriate worldview and action orientation.

2.3 Religious Identity and Well-being According to Erikson (1959, 1968, 1974), identity is a characteristic defining one’s sense of self. A stable identity is a must to ensure one’s psychological well-being. In Erikson’s theory, identity is an intra-psychic phenomenon reflecting uniqueness, a sense of continuity over time, and experience of ego completeness. Identification with a group demands identification with the ideals of the group and affirms a sense of healthy self. Memberships to collectives serve as reference groups and become an integral part of identity as they are potential sources of identity. Religion often serves as a key reference group and provides a claim to a single (religious) and the most salient identity for the person. Religious identity, therefore, provides a personal and collective identity and sets the tone for achieving one’s true identity. Religious identity often becomes a crucial concept that links individuals for the maintenance and transmission of beliefs and practices, as these aspects are socially handed down to the younger generation and sustained. It has been found that religious identity predicts various aspects of social interaction. A person’s identity is linked to his/her group identity. It may be noted that ‘we’ feeling is inherent in groupings or categories such as nation, peer group, family, culture, and religion. Groups, however, do represent safety, strength, harmony, familiarity, and most importantly ‘sameness’ (within the group) as well as ‘uniqueness’ (between groups). They fulfill the needs for bonding, identity, cohesiveness, integrity, recognition, security, and survival.

2.4 Relationship of Religiosity with Search for Meaning in Life and Achieve Subjective Well-Being Religiosity has usually been seen as the performative, the formal and organized way where customs, traditions, and rituals play a prominent part. Yet, religiosity also can be conceptualized as the search for meaning in life, to have a personal and collective connectedness with the Supreme. The latter refers to the need to reflect and introspect, for interconnectedness, and develop a quest for life.

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One of the primary functions of religion involves nurturing beliefs, goals, and a subjective sense of meaning. As Baumeister (1991) aptly states, ‘meaning is a tool for adaptation, for controlling the world, for self-regulation, and belongingness. Indeed it is the best all-purpose tool on the planet’ (pp. 357–358). It is often remarked that basic human motive is not pleasure or power but to find meaning and value in life. Religion often works as a source providing the basic pattern or rationale for order and purpose in life. Having stated these aspects of meaning-making, when an individual faces trauma or a crisis, he or she is likely to face a sense of meaninglessness. Meaningmaking becomes a process to restore meaning in life once again. People use religion as a resource for it as it is very comprehensive (Spilka et al., 2003) and existentially satisfactory (Pargament, Ano & Wachholtz, 2005). It must be noted that in general the language of religion marked by faith, hope, surrender, and meaning points towards the vagaries of life and its limitations and inadequacies. When everything else fails, then it is beliefs and practices that help to restore order and security by providing emotional and psychological comfort by assuring us that there is meaning in life. Religion provides an overarching framework of meaning that explains the events in our lives. The close connection between religiosity/spirituality with physical and mental well-being is well recognized in the Eastern religions/faiths. Research work in the Western world too reports that religiosity can be a positive predictor of well-being (Kim-Prieto & Miller, 2018; Villani et al., 2019). In short, religious people tend to report a positive appraisal of their life (Ramsay et al., 2019). This finding conveys another salient way of coping with life’s challenges and stresses through personal (self-worth) and social (sense of belonging) processes. Further, research indicates the predictive power of religiosity on well-being in high religious cultures. Contrary findings have also been obtained (Deiner et al., 2011; Lun & Bond, 2013; Mak et al., 2011). Current research on the pandemic starting from 2019 onwards indicates the use of religious and social contact online and through digital technologies (online classes, virtual workplaces) and religious beliefs have been used as a coping strategy to manage the complexities and pressures of life. Social distancing has brought in alienation, stress, fear, uncertainty in planning for future goals, hopelessness, excessive worry, and the like. Religiosity could be a significant way of enhancing mental and physical health and well-being (Galea et al., 2020; Koenig, 2020). Research indicates a low positive relationship between religiosity and general well-being (Diener & Clifton, 2002) particularly for the older adults (Chamberlain & Zika, 1988; Willits & Crider, 1988). This could be due to several reasons—religion’s association with life satisfaction may be mediated by a sense of meaning in life (Ardelt, 2003); religion may on a continual basis lead to rendering the daily events more and more meaningful (Geyer & Baumeister, 2005), which in turn lead to positive emotions of joy, hope, and security (Fredrickson, 2002). Following religious goals does lead to feelings of satisfaction and fulfillment (Emmons, 1999) and offers a sense of control and well-being, and fosters the development of coping strategies (Baumeister, 1991). Khan et al. (2014) in their study on 400 Indian (Hindus and Muslims) students and Sreekumar (2008) found religiosity to be significantly influencing well-being.

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2.5 Religion, Health, and Healing The concerns for religion, spirituality, health, and medicine have common roots in the way human beings, nature, and God are conceptualized. Recent interest in understanding the interplay of religion, spirituality, health, and medicine, in both popular and scientific literature, needs to be noted. Religious involvement is deeply associated with outcomes in physical and mental health. Religion is linked with health beliefs and God is considered as a subject protecting an individual’s health and believes it to be a gift or blessing from God. One is protected from harmful sources such as evil spirits, stress, fate, and sin by being close to God. Illness is perceived to be alleviated through a healer and with the power of prayer. The culture and belief system of society are critically linked with the practices connected with health. Often the fate of the individual and the community depends on their relationship with the unseen forces, which intervene in human affairs (Nicholas, 2003). If someone offends them, the mystical powers punish the person and society by causing sickness, death, or other natural calamities (drought, flood, disease). In the Indian context, various communities have developed ideas and rituals for specific gods for health, disease, and calamities. There is a strong belief in the existence of a benevolent God of the community/village which protects the person/village from the malevolent spirits and wants the people to live in harmony and in equal status. With this in mind, most of the ceremonies start with worship and offerings to that local God or deity. Most of the ailments are thought to be due to sins anddisobedience of natural and religious laws; the cure prescribed for such types of ailments as reparation is by appeasing the gods by prayers, vows, incantations, and sacrifices, etc. Needless to note that popular beliefs in luck, charms, talisman, and horoscopes still persist and guide a large section of the population. Marriages are based on the matching of horoscopes that have planets or grahas who are amenable to influence by worship (Misra, 2004). Disease, disability, and mental illness are often attributed to supernatural causes as being a divine punishment for the sins committed by people. Beliefs in spirits are still prevalent and different kinds of medical practitioners abound, priests, magicians, exorcists, and quacks. Based on a review of related research, Dalal and Misra (2006) opine that in the traditional Indian society metaphysical beliefs, i.e., beliefs in Karma, God, and spirits, importantly shape the appreciation or understanding of the happenings in one’s life, including illness and suffering. The theory of Karma is invoked as an explanation for an array of undesirable happenings in life. This theory holds that good and bad deeds accumulate over all previous lives, and if people have done some wrong in this or previous births, then they have to suffer the consequences. The present suffering is frequently attributed to one’s own misdeeds of the present and previous lives. God’s will is also frequently cited as an explanation for the various happenings in life. Anand (2009) has reported that belief in the theory of karma facilitates acceptance of tragic life events and in retaining hope that things will improve with their positive actions (good karmas). The doctrine of Karma is

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nothing less than a complete doctrine of psychological functioning, including human thinking, motivation, and action (Kapur & Misra, 2011). A series of studies conducted by Dalal and his colleagues (Agrawal & Dalal, 1993; Dalal & Pande, 1988; Dalal & Singh, 1992) have shown that patients were actively involved in construing meaning and appraising the causes of health problems. The specific causes to which these hospital patients attributed their problems were God’s will and Karmaphala. It has also been noted by researchers (e.g., Anand, 2005; Dalal, 2000; Joshi, 1995) who have shown that belief in Karma positively correlates with the psychological recovery of the patients. These studies were, however, done in the health/illness context drawing from the causal attribution perspective and did not elaborate on how people employ the doctrine of Karma to explain a wide range of personal crises in their endeavors to come out of it. Nanda (2009) has pointed out that 30% of Indians had faith in divine and spirituality, and it has rather increased in the last five years. She has further reported that there are about 2.5 lakh of places of worship in India, and a large number of them double up as healing centers. These healing centers cover a whole range of practices, varying from faith healing to herbal and medicinal systems. Despite the fact that many indigenous beliefs are antithetical to scientific theories and thus problematic for Western medicine and modern psychotherapies, they shape the health behavior of the masses. People experience no dissonance in accepting Western medicine and traditional practices (called alternative therapies) at the same time (Joshi, 2000). For example, people consult a medical doctor for medicine and a priest for Ganga (holy) water, prasada, and blessings. This mass base of indigenous religious beliefs communicates the beneficial, constructive, and powerful nature of religion/faith. It contributes towards personal, social, and spiritual functions for individual and community life. Religious well-being refers to an individual’s sense of well-being in relation to God. It denotes the sense of well-being experienced because of the closeness with God. Research into the effectiveness of interventions/training programs has yielded positive results. Sharma and Sharma (2006) report the increased realization of people regarding adopting the role of spiritual and religious interventions in health and well-being. They have examined the relevance and efficacy of meditation, prayer, and service-volunteering as a holistic approach that has implications for well-being. Elizabeth and Scarlett (2006) emphasize upon positive developmental change, in the form of intervention that at any point in life tends to have an impact on the spiritual life of young females. The intervention program in the form of written experiential exercises about God emerged as the guiding force in day-to-day activities (see also Yust et al., 2006). Classical work by Kakar (1982) has provided an analysis of the indigenous healing tradition in his book, Shamans, Mystics, and Doctors. There are a host of indigenous faith healers in the form of s.hamans, gurus, ojhas, t¯antrics, and priests who specialize in dealing with a variety of physical, social, and personal problems. The rapid progress in modern medicine has had little affect on the popularity of traditional systems. Indians frequently visit these services at some point in time, validating the prevalence of such healers and their services. Thriving on folk knowledge

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and insight, these traditional healing practices are still an enigma for health scientists. Kakar (1982) has concluded that the healing powers reside primarily within the patient’s mind rather than in the tenets of their faiths and ideologies. It is the tremendous outpouring and channeling of patients’ emotions and faith, rather than any specific aspect of the healer’s personality or methods, which seem responsible for dramatic cures which affect the healing process. According to Kakar (1982), one of the distinguishing characteristics of Indian healing practices is the role of the sacred: ‘The whole weight of the community’s religion, myths and history enter sacred therapy as the therapist proceeds to mobilize strong psychic energies inside and outside the patient’ (p. 5). Further, Kakar (2003) states that it is the unquestioned faith in the paranormal powers of the healer, which is at the core of positive outcomes. It is belief in the person of the healer, not his or her conceptual system or a specific technique, which is of decisive importance in the healing process. Kakar (1982) visited a number of shrines and healers and observed what transpires in the healing sessions. The suffering person often does not understand the rituals in which the healer engages it is the atmosphere and mood created that possibly transports her/him into an altered state. What is of prime importance is the faith, conviction, and confidence that a healer is capable of instilling in the minds of its clientele. The aura and authority of a healer are carefully cultivated through the stories of miraculous healing. The recourse to such healings holds good even in the twenty-first century. Empirical studies of psychological and socio-cultural variables have been undertaken to understand spirit possession at healing centers (Davar & Lohokare, 2009; Jadhav, 1996). Common healing rituals are intrinsically popular among various religions. Healing rituals are to be found among Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists, and Christians (e.g., worship of pox goddess Sitala). Thus, the importance of health cuts across religious barriers. Geaves (2010) draws attention towards the Sikh community where beliefs in miracles, magic, and spirit possession are against the norms set by their Gurus, and hence forbidden. Yet, the state of Punjab has numerous sites that have Hindu, Muslim, and Sufi healing sites which are frequented by Sikhs and Sikh diaspora. Tibetan medicine is becoming a global healing system, in India and worldwide. The religious aspect of the medical model is central to the overall healing process. Religion is often considered as an anchor in moments of distress and disease. Research in the field of medicine has also established the positive role of religious faith in coping with disease and illness. While some researchers note that faith in God and religion allows people to make sense of their suffering and pain in the face of illnesses and injury, others point that religion allows people to place all their fears and apprehensions in case of traumatic life events in God. Contemporary understanding of disease and illness, however, has removed religion from the picture (even if now acknowledging some role for spirituality), in contrast to earlier views. Even if a cure is not possible, a religious or spiritual interpretation provides a meaningful and comprehensive framework for pain and suffering and extends support to healing (Norris, 2009). Another direction of work in the domain of religion and healing is highlighted by Singh (1992). It is critical to note here that the followers of such doctors, priests, and saints who offer cures for illnesses are not always believers in

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the same faith. The promise of respite from illness, trauma, and distress often allows people to transcend the boundaries created by social class, caste, and religion (Raj & Dempsey, 2002). Literature suggests that people often turn to religion while coping with stressful events. However, the efficacy of religious coping has been reported to yield mixed results. A meta-analysis by Ano and Vasconcelles (2005) of 49 relevant studies with a total of 105 effect sizes generally supported the hypotheses that positive and negative forms of religious coping are related to positive and negative psychological adjustment to stress, respectively. The positive strategies included (1) religious purification/ forgiveness; (2) religious direction/conversion; (3) religious helping; (4) seeking support from clergy/members; (5) collaborative religious coping; (6) religious focus; (7) active religious surrender; (8) benevolent religious reappraisal; (9) spiritual connection; and (10) marking religious boundaries. The negative strategies included (1) spiritual discontent; (2) demonic reappraisal; (3) passive religious deferral; (4) interpersonal religious discontent; (5) reappraisal of God’s powers; (6) punishing God reappraisal; and (7) pleading for direct intercession (for detail see Pargament et al., 1998, 2000). Harrison, Koenig, Hays, Eme-Akwari, and Pargament (2000) have reported that positive religious coping strategies are consistently associated with self-esteem, life satisfaction, and quality of life.

2.6 Faith and Pilgrimage: From Traditional Sacred Spaces to Exterior Channels of Personal Growth Every religion has its sacred places which attract the masses. Indeed, the institution of pilgrimage to sacred places is an ancient yet enduring tradition. The rich spread of sacred and religious spaces in India allows the believers to face the gamut of life issues from the sacred, earning religious merit, to the mundane, such as the observance of rites and rituals. In some sense, the sacred places become bridges between the material and spiritual and offer anchors to the believers (Shinde, 2011). Nonetheless, there is a growing trend of commodification and commercialization of the sacred places which is caused by the changes in the value system and pressures from the consumerist culture. The change in the nature of pilgrimage is visible. Earlier each community tended to visit their designated sacred places. However, with the ease of travel, modernization, and organized tours, people from various faiths visit far-flung places which do not belong to their specific faith. Pilgrimage serves several functions including formation of national identity, social integration, and enhancement of well-being (Dutta, 2010; S. Singh, 2009). Religion has been gainfully employed to foster bonding among people of all faiths as well as has created differences among the communities with a history of coexistence. Changing times no doubt have reduced the detailed practices to symbolic rituals. The original purpose and approach of pilgrimage have changed. It, however, remains an integral part of religion for the masses. Undoubtedly, they often adopt the ‘package

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tour’ model for convenience and recreational purposes and include the religious aspects too. People visit sacred places yet keep a distance from the performance and observance of the ritual practices. Shinde (2011) studied pilgrimages among Hindus and highlighted how the different spatial modes of engagement with pilgrimage rituals and mediation of religious specialists help create situations that foster identification with communities. This takes place during an emotionally charged spiritual experience where a heightened sense of solidarity, joy, well-being, and belongingness generate social bonding, and divisions of class, status, and caste are transcended. Among the Hindus, the iconic pilgrimages include Char Dham (which includes four holy sites of Puri, Rameshwaram, Dwarka, and Badrinath), KumbhMela (held every 12 years at Allahabad), and major temple cities (e.g., Puri, Varanasi, Dwarka, Ayodhya, Ujjain, Mathura). Of late pilgrimages to Shirdi, Tirupati, Vaishnodevi, and Sabrimala have become attractive. In addition, many Hindus also worship their family deity (kuldevta) and village (gram devta, village deity). Hajj, among the Muslims, shows us an important dimension of Islam as a modern religion. It is seen as a morality of self-presentation and inner purification. The annual pilgrimage to Hajj includes more than 2 million people. Visitors to the holy place of Mecca and Madina for Hajj, as a ritual, are seen not only as ethical duty or piety but also as an exploration and quest. Hajj emerges as a communal or collective ritual; the motive to go for Hajj is to test themselves, to experience faith vicariously, and to become part of the age-old tradition—of involving in a process of discovering one’s true self (Metcalf, 2004). In addition, there are several mosques all over India that are regularly visited by Muslims and followers of other religions as well. The important mosques of India include Jama Masjid (Delhi), Ajmer Sharif, and Taj-ul-Masjid (Bhopal). Ajmer houses Dargah of a Sufi saint, Khwaja Moinuddin Chisti. Muslim saint Haji Ali’s mosque in Mumbai other important places is Adhai-din-ka-jhonpra, Moti Masjid, and Jamia Masjid of Gujarat. Pilgrimage is an important part of spiritual life for Christians too. Goa has the Basilica of Bom Jesus, Church of St. Cajetan, and Church of St Francis of Assisi. However, Christ Church and St. Michael’s Cathedral, in Himachal Pradesh, Church of the Sacred Heart, Delhi, Santa Cruz Basilica, Kerala, and Cathedral Church of St. Thomas at Mumbai are well known. The famous places of pilgrimage for Sikhs include Golden Temple at Amritsar, Paonta Sahib (Himachal Pradesh), Anandpur Sahib, Baba Bakala, Gobindwal Sahib, TaranTaran, and Sirhind at Punjab, and Hemkunt Sahib in Uttarakhand. Jain and Buddhist places of pilgrimage include Mt Abu in Rajasthan, Ujjain, Gaya, Bodhgaya, Kushinagar, Sarnath, and Lumbini. The above places do not complete the list; they are examples of relatively more popular religious places in the Indian context. Not to be ignored are the local and smaller places of worship for each religion/faith in India located in every state, town, village, and by the roadside. What is interesting to note is that these abovementioned pilgrimages are but a small well-known sample among other places that are regularly visited by people of all faiths. It is accepted that these places are known as major Hindu, Muslim, Christian, or Sikh places of pilgrimage, yet people from various walks of life and faiths visit these places (Oberoi, 1994; A. Sen, 2006; K. S.

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Singh, 1992; Pandey, Kumar, & Thapa, 2019). This informs us about the religious diversity and the innumerable places of worship and pilgrimage across the length and breadth of India. The meaning of life is often derived from the religious framework or orientation of the people. The expressions of religion are quite varied depending on the ecological, social, and cultural setting, but it has indisputably retained its significance from time immemorial. In this context, some additional observations are as follows: 1. 2. 3.

4.

Religious places attract people as religion continues to envelop the personal, social, economic, and political domains of life. The emergence of new institutions is currently laying down a system of blending conventional with the modern to meet the demands placed on the individuals. The blending of yoga and health, search for personal spirituality through media channels, and tourism, along with the pursuit of personal peace, serenity, and calmness is on the increase. This bi-directional approach reflects the search of self and personal identity through exterior channels. Transformation, the experience of the mind, and body relationship are explored and expressed in innovative and additional ways. Commercialization of some aspects of religion is becoming increasingly evident. There is an ever-growing need for personal growth, where modules of well-being (physical, religious, spiritual, psychological) are developed to be fed to the restless masses. There is an immense market for self-help books. The masses are reaching out to them for personal growth and development.

The places of worship attract visitors, and in the proximity of these religious places, many social and economic activities take place. Some of these religious complexes are huge and include not only the place of worship but also hotels, residences, shops, and other places for trade and commerce. These places thus generate income and they support many activities; the Tirupati complex, for example, is not only a place of worship but includes educational institutions (schools, colleges, and universities), hospitals, and clinics for the welfare of the residents and tourists alike. It is a township where all and sundry cater to the religious needs of the residents, pilgrims, and tourists. Similarly, the popular and well-known Sikh places of worship include the gurudwara, residence for the pilgrims, offices and administrative support staff, volunteers, huge kitchens to serve food (langar), shops selling memorabilia (calendars, photographs of Sikh Gurus, and famous Sikh leaders, Sikh scriptures and readings), and religious texts for young and old. Outside the gurudwara complex, one notes the presence of more shops, residences, hotels, and the like where trade and commerce flourish. In this way, each religious place of worship thrives and prospers.

2.7 Conclusion Each religion has its specific ways and means of socialization that nurtures the growth and development of an individual and has established norms and principles

References

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for community life. Its impact on emotions, cognitions, and motives has been documented at the personal level. Also, it has been shown that it is through socialization, an individual gets guidance to lead a life by adopting a pertinent worldview and action orientation. The overlapping and close relationship between the person and community/group goes on to construct, change, and maintain each other. Social participation and a sense of identity, and a ‘we’ feeling among people across diverse communities contribute to the psychological well-being of the people. While membership involves being part of a community and identification with it, integration and fulfillment of needs related to the community bring several benefits to the members. Identification with a group demands identification with the ideals of the group and affirms a sense of healthy self.

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Chapter 3

The Challenge of Understanding Religious Diversity in India

India is characterized by different and distinct cultures; this is noted across religion, language, ethnicity, region, and lifestyle. Indian society is multi-religious. Capturing the salient threads of religion in terms of its power over thought, affect, and behavior and weaving its influence on the people of India is an enormous task. Significant points to be noted are that India has no official or state religion. In fact, the Indian Constitution treats all religions as equal, thereby protecting religious faith for all its citizens. Religious freedom for all communities is a vital aspect of Indian democracy and has implications for the welfare of society. Further, religion, as manifested in everyday living, is noted across India, thereby indicating that religion continues to be an important part of the Indian life world. In the Indian context, the complexity and interdependence of religion, identity, and well-being are to be recognized and grasped from various vantage points. First, the formation and outcome of religious groups have to be understood across historical time periods. The diversity of religion as noted today is different from earlier times. Significantly, religious diversity has been constructed according to the demands and challenges of the situation. This process of construction and reconstruction has resulted in negotiations over time and is noted on both the part of the state and the people and communities involved. The diversity in religious communities that we see today has undergone a repeated process of description, enumeration, and categorization. For example, colonial codification was required to bring in social order and identification of social groups. It made existing that social groups become aware of the need to be counted by the authorities to avail resources; post-independence, the state too made it imperative for religious groups to be identified and acknowledged. Second, this process prompted changes in the fluidity of religious faith and following. In order to be identified as a group/community, it became important to have some fixity and boundedness for each community. Hence, the religious groups in contemporary India as we know them are influenced as a result of this process. Third, despite the effect of enumeration by state authorities, religious groups still show fluidity and flexibility in personal faith. The twin existence of the influence of being identified as distinct religious groups by the state, as well as the presence © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 P. Kapur et al., Psychological Perspectives on Identity, Religion and Well-Being, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2844-4_3

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3 The Challenge of Understanding Religious Diversity in India

of malleability in religious practices and following, presents evidence for change and continuity of Indian religious experiences. Evidence for openness and fluidity of religious experiences is provided by social thinkers and researchers (Sikand, 2003). Fourth, diversity in the religious belief systems of India today is a result of both the existence of many indigenous and local religions and also, the assimilation and social integration of religions and faith brought to the region by travelers, immigrants, traders, and even invaders and conquerors such as the Mughal and colonial rulers. What we note today as religion or faith has a long socio-historical-cultural and political influence on religious beliefs and practices. Hence, we note festivals and celebrations, customs and traditions have resemblances and parallels along with modifications and distinctions. Fifth, another aspect that complicates the religious narrative is that despite the existence and acceptance of fluidity and plurality attempts are made to Sanskritize these places of worship. Communities of local regions that have been places of overlapping religious fluidity and worship with a following are noted pan-India. Once established, there are attempts to Hinduize these places of worship (Sikand, 2003). This brings in another salient factor in understanding religion and acts as an important phase in the religious experience narrative.

3.1 Multiple Faiths and Different Worldviews In a multi-religious society like India, it is significant to understand the different worldviews that create the foundation for the organization of social life. Presenting the Indian scenario on religious life becomes a daunting task as India is a home for many religions/faiths. India presents a kaleidoscope—a matrix where many faiths are alive and thriving. As noted by Bhatt (2006), the follower of a particular faith in the Indian setting is quite different from the follower of the same faith but living in a different part of the country and even the world. India has the distinct feature of being the birth place from where various religions, namely Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism, and Jainism, have had its roots. These faiths and their offshoots have sustained their presence in India and have also spread to the global level. Further, India also has several indigenous faiths and tribal religions, which have existed for centuries and keep changing and yet sustain themselves in the twenty-first century. In addition, Islam and Christianity subsequently came to the Indian sub-continent and are considered ‘minority’ religions in the Indian Constitution. The presence and continuation of multiple diverse religious groups in the country make it a distinctive social phenomenon worthy of research and understanding. Hence, we find that at the mundane level of everyday living people often engage in practices and traditions that are drawn from a diverse pool of religious systems that were established eons ago, but are, even today, constantly evolving so as to meet the needs of the time. Religion/faith emerges to be one such critical facet of Indian people (Census of India, 2011).

3.2 Religious Profile of the Indian Population

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3.2 Religious Profile of the Indian Population Religious profiling of the Indian people provides insight into the socio-cultural and demographic feature noticeable from the first census in 1872 till date. According to the Census of 2011, we note the following of six major religions and others clubbed together, Hindu 79.80%, Muslim 14.23%, Christian 2.30%, Sikh 1.72, Buddhist 0.70%, Jain, 0.37%, Other religions 0.66%, and religion not stated as 0.24%. Since independence, by and large the figures have remained similar in nature (Table 3.1). Thus, out of 1210.2 million population, little over 966.3 million (79.80%) have identified themselves as followers of Hindu religion, 172.2 million (14.23%) as Muslims or the followers of Islam, 27.8 million (2.3%) as Christians, 20.8 million (1.7%) as Sikhs, 8.4 million (0.70%) as Buddhists, and 4.5 million (0.4%) as Jains. In addition, over 6 million have reported professing other religions and faiths including tribal religions, different from the six main religions. Further, the diversity of the country is enriched by the having the majority of the world’s Zoroastrians, Sikhs, Jains, and Bahai. Other religious groups include Jews. Religious majorities vary greatly by state. Thus, Jammu and Kashmir and Lakshadweep are Muslim majority states; Nagaland, Mizoram, and Meghalaya are Christian majority; Punjab is mostly Sikh; while Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim are mainly Buddhist states (see Census of India, 2011). The listing of major belief systems only scratches the surface of the remarkable diversity in the Indian religious life. The complex doctrines and institutions of great traditions, preserved through written documents, are divided into innumerable schools of thought, sects, and paths of faith. They vary in the strength of appeal at local, regional, and national levels, as many gurus and masters have continuously contributed their individual understanding and experiences towards new ways and means of achieving salvation and well-being, indicating and further validating the notion that religion/faith has evolved and continues to flourish and develop over time. Table 3.1 Religious distribution of the indian population

Religion

%

All religious communities

100.0

Hindus

79.80

Muslims

14.23

Christians

2.30

Sikhs

1.72

Buddhists

0.70

Janis

0.4

Others

0.6

Religion not stated

0.1

Source Religion, Census of India (2011)

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3 The Challenge of Understanding Religious Diversity in India

Study of the religious diversity in the Indian setting makes us recognize and appreciate the similarities and differences in religious belief and practices. The intermingling between the great and little traditions helps the construction of local forms of rituals, customs, and beliefs, thereby producing a collection of different and at times overlapping forms of worship. These variations clearly indicate that there are alternate ways of living and attaining salvation. In order to understand the religious complexity, four major religious groups were selected for the study.

3.3 The Four Major Religious Traditions and Worldviews This section provides glimpses of the four religions in India—Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, and Sikhism, which were included in this study. In the Indian context, self-construal of an individual grows and transforms depending upon the sociocultural ways of socialization. The blueprint of expected ways of lifestyle, norms, moral values, beliefs, customs, and rituals is embedded in each religion/faith. It lays down the foundation of eating habits, mode of dressing, worshipping, with whom to interact or not intermingle, and gender norms are established. In short, it provides direction, focus, and clarity for each follower while the community/group provides the checks and balances for everyday living. Thus, it may seem to the outsider that the core belief system is open and flexible, yet the mundane. While the philosophy of religious beliefs is often freedom-oriented, the social norms are often restrictive in nature. Thus, a dichotomy exists between the facets of belief systems and lifeways and practices in society. This situation creates conflicting situations in the sociocultural environment and within the individual. India is one of the most religiously diverse countries and religion has and still continues to play a distinct and decisive role in the Indian life world. Interestingly, it does not matter which faith one belongs to religion is a common and vital denominator across people. The implications of these situations are vast for the well-being of the individual and society. Let us briefly examine the basic premises of the four religions under study.

3.3.1 Hinduism Origins of Hinduism lie in the ancient past of India. The word ‘Hindu’ has become a generic category meaning the people living near the Sindhu River. It, therefore, denotes geographical or territorial demarcation. In its several thousand years of history, India has been a cradle for a gamut of many endogenous and exogenous ideas, practices, and traditions from the Aryans to the Muslim settlers and then Christianity. The processes of Westernization and globalization have also left their mark on Hinduism. Hinduism has developed over the centuries harvesting from a variety of sources, such as sacred texts, cultural practices, and religious and philosophical movements along with local beliefs. The fusion of these aspects had led to

3.3 The Four Major Religious Traditions and Worldviews

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a wide-ranging belief systems along with their practices. The religious texts (Vedas, Upanishads) and epics (Ramayana and Mahabharata) and texts in various fields of knowledge, and literary writings in different languages provide a rich textual foundation for Hinduism. The various reform movements, ranging from Raja Ram Mohan Roy in the seventeenth century to Swami Vivekananda, Mahatma Gandhi, B. G. Tilak to Aurobindo, Tagore, and Sri Sri Ravi Shankar in the twenty-first century, have further added many hues to our understanding of Hinduism. Hinduism is largely a religion of mythos, a religion without a historical founder or a central text, and has accepted its established and traditional Itihas (history) and Purana as a category of knowledge. Therefore, the oft-stated transformation of Hinduism into a religion of history is contested in its continuing evolution as a living faith responsive to one-eighth of humanity (Lal, 2009). It may be noted that in addition to the indigenous religions, Islam and Christianity, as non-Hindu religions, too have left indelible marks on its cultural history, art, architecture, and music. India has experienced and endured two major foreign rules, Muslim and British, yet the Hindus are a major religious denomination. However, each Hindu defines his/her religious self-construal on his/her own terms and ways. Conventionally, some Hindus (e.g., Arya Samaj) follow the teachings of the four Vedic texts and their supplements. However, still others may recognize ‘Sanatana Dharma’ as their sacred literature. Nor can we define Hinduism purely in terms of beliefs in concepts and principles such as karma and samsara because generally Jains, Sikhs, and Buddhists also share belief in these writings. Most Hindus draw on a common system of values constituting dharma and believe that existence is a cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. The chief Hindu texts elaborate upon dharma, which can be rendered as ‘code of conduct,’ ‘law,’ or ‘duty..’ A central aspect of the Hindu view of life is the importance of the Guru or teacher. The Guru plays a critical role in the formation and maintenance of self-construal, in providing self-ways to harness and bring forth the true/full potential of the individual. The guru imparts knowledge and furnishes strategies for health and well-being. Belief systems and practices endow the individual and the community with ways to cope up with the challenges of everyday living and at times of stress and strain. The followers form a group/community and provide the individual with the notion of identity, belongingness, interdependence, and necessary support. Each faith accepts the sacredness of specific texts and rituals but emphasizes interpretation by a Guru who is a master and can authentically pass on the knowledge and show the path to the followers. In fact, no conscious attempt is made to unite all people in India under one concept of (Hindu) orthodoxy with a single authority that could be presented to everyone. Instead, there exists a tendency to accept religious innovation and diversity as the natural result of personal experience by the successive generations of gurus, who have modified and customized their messages to particular times, places, and people, and then passed down their knowledge to lines of disciples. As a result, Hinduism is a reservoir of ancient and modern traditions and beliefs. Their core is preserved and some aspects have been constantly changing or evolving, and the individual is relatively free to stress in his or her life the beliefs and religious practices that seem most effective on the path to deliverance. For the vast majority of Hindus,

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the most important religious path is bhakti (devotion) to personal gods (ishta devata). There are a wide variety of gods to choose from, and although sectarian adherence to particular deities is often strong, there exists a wide range of choices in the chosen god (ishta devata) as an appropriate focus. Most devotees are therefore polytheists, worshiping all or part of the vast pantheon of deities, and some of whom worship Shiva have come down from the Vedic times or even prior to that. In practice, a devotee concentrates prayers on one deity or on a small group of deities with whom he/she develops a close personal relationship (e.g., Ganesh, Vishnu, Shiva, Hanuman, Ram, Krishna, Durga). Thus, socialization process plays a vital role in the identification of and devotion to personal gods. Often this is witnessed in homes where the puja room or place of worship has an array of pictures of diverse gods and goddesses along with the photograph of the past/present Guru. Some homes believe in the notion of plurality and may have images of Gods, goddesses, and deities from Hindu and Christian faith, or a combination of any other two or more faiths. Puja (worship) of the gods consists of a range of ritual offerings and prayers usually performed either daily or on special days with a deity in mind. Visits to temples and places of worship are also the norm that could be every day or on special festivals and occasions. Each sub-religious group or community has its set beliefs and practices, customs and rituals, rites of passage, and festivals. Yet we note an overlap of these aspects across the Indian context. It adds to the diverse hues of religious beliefs and practices and enhances the nature of religious plurality. The Hindu lifestyle involves various practices that engage with personal and social well-being. A person is viewed as an entity with several sheaths involving physical, social, mental, and spiritual levels of existence. The Upanishadic doctrine of Panch Koshas (i.e., Annamaya, Pranamaya, Vijnanamaya, Manomaya, Anandmaya) is presented in a nested fashion, thereby, implying its interconnectedness and the need to examine the body in a unified manner. Similarly, the notion of four Purusharthas or life goals (i.e., Dharma, Artha, Kama, and Moksha) brings in an emphasis on the diverse goals to be pursued by every individual during various phases or Ashramas in one’s life. The entire life span is organized into four Ashramas, i.e., Brahmcharya, Grihastha, Vanaprastha, and Sanyas. In the course of time, these ideas have been subjected to diverse interpretations and modifications and in some appropriated fashion continue to inform the worldview of Indians even today. In the contemporary world, the blending of these Indian concepts and their influence on the international scene is also remarkable. The popularity of Indian philosophy, thoughts, and ideas along with its beliefs, practices, customs, and traditions that have a holistic approach for the sustenance of human life has been accepted the world over. The transportation/transmission of Indian thought and concepts to another social world has generated its own faiths, communities, and followers. Possibly, the fluidity and openness one notes in the Indian context can also be noted in the Western world. Just as a Hindu would visit a temple and a Sufi shrine and then a church, a Westerner can follow an Indian thought system (Hindu, Sikh, or Buddhist) and follow his/her beliefs as a Christian. The influence of Hindu thought and practices is noted across the globe.

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Various regions in India have their own unique bhakti traditions and poets who are by caste part of the folk tradition and social memory studied and revered. One of the greatest North Indian saints was Kabir (1440–1518) a weaver who emphasized the belief of trust and commitment in God devoid of images, rituals, or religious texts. Among female poets, Princess Mirabai (ca. 1498–1546) from Rajasthan stands out as one who was devoted to Lord Krishna. Generally, the main theme of their hymns, poetry, and biographies stressed upon the parity of men and women, and further, there was no categorization on the basis of castes, creeds, and occupations. Conviction, trust, belief, and allegiance were the only ways to be one with the Almighty. Thus, the bhakti tradition attempted to bring in the notion of equality within the community. The central in the personality pattern, in the Hindu sense, is the concept of self and has about himself, his capacities, his characteristics, his worth, and his abilities in relation to the ‘universal self’ (atman). According to Hinduism, just as the identification of the self (atman) with reality is a delusion, the emotions are a consequence of the delusion and perpetuate this delusion. The bhakti mode of devotion is still popular in the form of, for example, the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISCKON) also known as the Hare Krishna movement. In addition to the universal self, the factors of karma, caste, etc., the Hindus also contend with gender strictures and stereotypes that influence self-construal. The consistent dichotomy of Hindu thought, between the essential philosophy and the social laws, is glaring in the Manu-Smriti. To the present day, these laws govern the Hindus. Although the shade of the law may have changed a bit, the color continues to be the same. It is deeply entrenched within the socializing system and derives its self-construal from it. Hence, we note that even today Hinduism is remarkably similar and yet in many ways distinct and multifaceted. The worship of major and minor deities has endured over time. They may take on human attributes birth or witness some rejuvenation. Hinduism in the contemporary world is being adopted through the lens of Yoga, Ayurveda, vegetarianism, and even Vastu Shastra, the science that claims that buildings and architecture need to be grounded in certain laws to bring forth happiness, well-being, and good fortune for its residents. Indeed, the ways and means by which Hindu adherents make sense of life conditions and challenges are complex and an outsider many feel perplexed (Lal, 2009). The need to create and maintain a distinct Hindu self-construal, as for other religious groups/sects in India, has been an ongoing continuously evolving process. In the contemporary period, religious identity has become an aspect on which communities fight for their social, cultural, and political existence. History has brought in the teachings of many renowned people who have propounded different worldviews and through their writings provided various interpretation and perspectives to human living. Hinduism is often referred to as ‘a way of life’ (Radhakrishnan, 1950).

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3.3.2 Christianity Christianity is founded on the life and teachings of Jesus Christ as depicted in the Holy Book, Bible. As found in other religions and faith as Christianity spread to other parts of the world, it developed many divisions and subdivisions with its specific customs, traditions, and belief system. The three major branches of Christianity are Roman Catholicism, Eastern Orthodoxy, and Protestantism. It is now the major religion in the world with over two billion followers worldwide. Christianity is noted for its faith in Christ as the primary component of religion. Christian practices include at visits to churches for worship, prayer, confession, and study of the scriptures. Christianity traces its history in India back to the time when the Portuguese came to Kerala in the sixteenth century and with the onset of British rule missionary movements spread to all parts of the country. The largest Protestant denomination in the country is the Church of South India, with approximately two million members. Christian churches have found expansion among Dalit, Scheduled Caste, and Scheduled Tribe groups through conversion. Christianity offers an alternative mode of religious engagement for the people of India. They have been instrumental in establishing and running convent schools that have proliferated throughout the country and have provided an alternative model of education that has attracted the people. The notion of identity among Christians becomes complex due to two different aspects of religious and national identity. They do feel the contradiction between being a Christian and an Indian, basically due to Western tradition or way of being a Christian. The Indian Christians have been greatly influenced by both the social milieu in which they are embedded and the Western Christian worldview. One can note that the Indian Christians have assimilated and adopted various Indian religious rituals and social customs in everyday life. Thus, Christians in India believe and follow a blended approach of Indian and European philosophies, values, and beliefs. Further, the extent of integration of Christian beliefs, customs, and traditions is likely to vary from one region of the country to another subject to the local Indian context and the years for which Christianity has existed in those regions. Hence, it is very difficult to talk about a dominant Christian identity. Further, as a minority community together with widespread physical locations across the country, their socio-cultural and political presence is limited to some parts of the country. Religion plays a significant role in the daily life of Indian Christians. In modern India, they are mainly concentrated in the southern coastal states of Kerala, Tamil Naidu, and Goa. India ranks 15 among countries with the highest church attendance. Religious processions and carnivals are often celebrated by Catholics. Many towns and cities with major Christian followings celebrate patron saint days. Easter week and Christmas are the most important festival for Indian Christians. AngloIndian Christmas balls held in most major cities form a distinctive part of Indian Christian culture. Good Friday is a national holiday. All Souls Day is another Christian holiday that is observed by most Christians in India. Most Protestant churches celebrate harvest festivals, usually in late October or early November.

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The colonial British rule had considerable influence on the psyche of the Indian people (Nandy, 1983). In fact, it has led to the transformation of the ‘way of life’ in all regions of India. These changes have touched all significant spheres of life: administrative, political, educational, economic, socio-cultural, and legal. Admittedly, Christianity influenced the overall modernization of the infrastructure in the Indian setting (roads, railways, educational institutions, justice) yet it greatly influenced the outlook or worldview of the Indians. Attempts were made to replace the old and traditional systems of philosophy, education, morality, and ethics with the ‘acceptable’ and ‘modern’ ways of thinking and behaving. The modes of living significantly changed with the introduction of English as a language for economic progress and development. The challenge before the Indians was to retain a dialogue with the colonizers and still maintain a conversation with their own roots and Itihas (history). The multiplicity of voices to maintain Indian self/identity can be noted in the reform movements in the early nineteenth century.

3.3.3 Sikhism Sikhism as one of the youngest religions in the world with its origin in Punjab in the fifteenth century had its beginning as a local religion in the state of Punjab, in India. Its following is still predominantly to be found in Punjab yet its followers are found within the country and the world since the mid-nineteenth century. With nearly 16.3 million adherents, Sikhs represent 1.9% of India’s population. Despite its lower percentage in terms of population figures, it is a highly visible community nationally and globally. Sikhism began with Guru Nanak (1469–1539). The word ‘Sikh’ comes from the Sanskrit word ‘shishya’ meaning disciple and a learner. Sikhism, initially known as Nanak Panth, emerged not as a synthesis with Hinduism, the uniqueness of Guru Nanak’s message provided a new depth and dimension to concepts, while disapproving the outer manifestations of faith towards the Almighty. Guru Nanak proclaimed not only one God (Ek Onkar), but also the concept of one man; further, he did not denounce any faith or path, he preached that all paths were sanctified and worthy of attention. No matter which path was followed, it would lead to the same salvation and that was the Truth (Sach). His insistence on equality between people brought in new dimensions of belonging to one community. He set up free communal kitchens (langar) in an overt attempt to break down caste boundaries based on food prohibitions. His message of welfare of both the individual and community (sangat) emphasized on a socially responsible living. It provided guidance to how both the person and society could grow and develop in a complimentary fashion. The belief system promoted by the ten Sikh Gurus and their message continued through the Adi Granth (Original Book), which dates from 1604 and later came to be known as the Sri Guru Granth Sahib (SGGS, The Holy Book of the Gurus). The Sri Guru Granth Sahib contains the teachings from the Gurus and is revered and respected as a living Guru. Most of the Sikh Gurus composed songs that conveyed their message to the masses in combined variants of Punjabi with Hindi and Braj and

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also contained Arabic and Persian words. Written in Gurmukhi script, there are 5,894 hymns in all. An interesting feature of this text is that it contains varied songs and poems by well-known saints who were not members of the lineage of Sikh Gurus. For the Sikh community identity and ways to maintain it in the multi-religious Indian scenario have been a contentious issue. This can be noted from the sixteenth century onwards when the tenth and last Guru of the Sikh, Gobind Singh, founded the Khalsa Panth (pure community) of Sikhs who took vows of loyalty and use of arms to defend others and self. The process to differentiate the followers he initiated the symbols, popularly known as the ‘Five Ks’ to be observed at all times: uncut hair (kesh), a long knife (kirpan), a comb (kangha), a steel bangle (kara), and a special kind of breeches not reaching below the knee (kachha). Male Sikhs were to take on the surname Singh (meaning lion), and women took the surname Kaur (princess). We find that male Sikhs do not cut their beards and their long hair is tied up under turbans. This distinguishing feature of the male Sikhs not only upholds the teachings of the Gurus but makes their appearance to stand out in any context. From a historical perspective, we note a prominent focus among Sikhs on identity formation and its maintenance. The Sikhs often refer to the struggles they faced and their responses to the religio-political conditions in the nation-state starting from the late seventeenth century to the contemporary period. The contentious issue of who is a Sikh and its specific definition has generated considerable debate. Even today, the Sikh identity remains a concern as it has been debated by both Sikhs and nonSikhs to keep the young generation informed about its culture and the importance of maintaining a distinct identity. The Sikh community draws upon its historical, religious, and cultural resources to organize its religious practices. It emphasizes their social practices (Sikh Rehyat Maryada, or Sikh code of conduct) and authority institutions (e.g., Akal Takht, Sikh seat of authority, Amritsar; Sikh Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee, SGPC). The socio-cultural practices are found in the form of symbols, markers, rituals, myths, a specific naming system, and belief systems that are manifested in their thoughts, beliefs, and formation of identity.

3.3.4 Islam Islam a religious tradition matured in the Middle East in the seventh century C.E. Islam, which literally means ‘surrender’ or ‘submission,’ was founded on the teachings of the Prophet Mohammad as an expression of surrender to the Will of Allah, the creator and sustainer of the world. The Quran written in Arabic the sacred text of Islam contains the teachings of the Prophet. Essential to Islam is the belief that Allah is the one and true God. Islam has several distinct branches and diversity in beliefs and customs is to be found in these divisions. The two divisions within the tradition are the Sunni and Shia, each of which claims different means of maintaining religious authority. One of the unifying characteristics of Islam is the Five Pillars, the fundamental practice of Islam. These five practices include profession of faith,

3.4 Comments: Implications of Religion for Social Life

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prayer, charity, fasting, and the hajj (a pilgrimage to Mecca). Muslims are characterized by their commitment to praying to Allah five times a day. Muslims gather at mosques to worship, pray, and study scripture. All aspects of a Muslim’s life are to be oriented to serving Allah. The Muslim laws are found in its sacred texts and its official interpreters, the Ulemas. Islam has expanded beyond its birthplace and now has significant influence in other continents including Africa, Asia, Europe, and America. The Muslims of India constitute the second-largest religious community in the country. They are about 10% of the total Muslim population of the world and are nearly one-third of the total Muslim minority population in the world. India has the third largest Muslim population in the world. Historically, traders and the Muslim rule in various parts of India brought in Islam. In addition, Sufi Islam also has its presence in different parts of India. Further, the Sufi movement has played a crucial role in bridging the distance between Islam and indigenous traditions. The contribution of Muslim revolutionaries, leaders, and writers is well documented. Muslims have coexisted with other religious communities. Yet one also notes communal disharmony at periodic intervals (Varshney, 2003). The Partition of India in 1947 provides a significant point in the Hindu-Muslim relationship. The Partition with its violence, destruction, and mayhem has left behind cultural memories that still influence both communities. Continued conflict disrupts the coexistence of communities. Islam has influenced India in terms of philosophy, beliefs and practices, music, art, and cuisine. Muslim masses, particularly those settled in North India, have a distinct style of living patterns in terms of their dietary practices, dress, and physical appearance of men with beard trimmed in a particular way, purdah by women, postulated ways of worship, marriage practices and ceremonies, customs, and celebrations which make them a distinctive socio-cultural community. Geographically, Muslims reside in large numbers in the state of Uttar Pradesh as well as in the two union territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Laccadive and Minicoy Islands. The community also resides in the states of Assam, Bihar, and Kerala. As noted, Islam is not a unified community as it is divided into the Shias and Sunnis. This holds true globally, and conflicts between the two sects are well documented and are also noted in the Indian context. Yet, it must be remarked that just as each religious community in the Indian setting has adapted and assimilated various customs and traditions within its fold, the Muslim community too has modified and tailored to the need of the evolving cultural mores.

3.4 Comments: Implications of Religion for Social Life The preceding discussion illustrates that religion is a social institution operating at both micro- and macro-levels. Each religion does have some universal content, such as belief in a Supreme Being, set of beliefs, values, norms, traditions, and practices. It is an integrated system of beliefs and practices, related to the sacred, and unifies all those who share those beliefs into a single moral community. It helps focus on the

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role of religion in maintaining solidarity (Madan, 2006). The social group provides its followers with an identity by believing and behaving in a given way. Yet it varies in its content. Hence, each religion has its diverse doctrines, practices, beliefs, special festivals, and places of worship and imparts diverse shades of meaning to social life. Religion has played hide and seek in the twin domains of private and public life. Historically, it can be noted that the emphasis has shifted from one domain to the other. In recent years, the return of religion to the public domain is noticeably stated. Private faith continues and we find the existence of both religious violence and peaceful endeavors and that is what makes religion and its influence on social life a fascinating case for study. Religion when viewed from the psychological lens is almost certainly the strongest belief system that influences our thoughts, feelings, and actions. Salient beliefs become a part of our culture and shape us into who we are. Cohesion links to bonding and a sense of belongingness, there is a shared sense of space through tradition, customs, and rituals. Social cohesion or group cohesion is multifaceted. It acts as the glue to maintain collective unity and stability, emotional support in the community/group through the process of social relations and emotions. Religion as solace and comfort to the individual during times of personal and social challenges is a known fact. The person faces life with strength and resilience. Group cohesion provides opportunities for its members to grow and flourish, for both their individual self and the others. From a socio-psychological viewpoint, religion facilitates both social cohesion and social control, to the personal and social wellbeing, as there is likely to be increased morale and reduced conflict and differences between members. Further, it helps build trust, faith, and loyalty within the community members. Belonging to a religious community is closely related to satisfaction and well-being. Religion also acts as an effective mode of social control, whereby each individual is expected to imbibe values and beliefs and be regulated by the same. Religion as social control shapes and directs the thinking and behavior of its adherents in specific ways. It has a protective function to secure and maintain a social life. Sanctions are put in place to advance expected and appropriate patterns of behavior. Yet, when we turn the coin to the other side, we note that religion also harbors differences and segregation among religious communities. Clear-cut social boundaries are fast becoming the norm. This is noted in little or no preference for interreligious marriages, restriction in terms of open familial or friend relationships, residential neighborhoods of a given religious community, festival celebrations slowly being restricted to specific communities, and the specter of nationalism. Social exclusion in the Indian context is an issue where the inability of individuals and groups to participate in the social-economic, political, and cultural lives has brought alienation, distrust, and psychosocial distance among communities. The Sachar Committee Report (2006), Sachar among other studies, emphasizes the discrimination, backwardness, and marginalization of the socio-religious groups. Minority groups in India present a stark picture where we find representation in administrative and decisionmaking bodies; for example, the Muslims have held the positions of President, Vice President, and Chief Justice of the Indian nation. They have excelled in the field of

3.5 Conclusion

59

sports and visual media and as businessmen. Yet, one also has evidence of poverty, deprivation, stereotyping, and exclusion from resources that are crucial for progress and development. Since political independence, India has been engaged in adopting and practicing secularism and still bestowing religious freedom and identity to the diverse religious communities. The contact with other cultures and diaspora in the different cultures has also given shape to the cultural life in unique ways. Contemporary incidents, in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, amply demonstrate the formation and attempt to maintain rigid boundaries by the major religious groups. Construction and reconstruction of contemporary religious boundaries have their roots in the historical conditions (Kapur & Misra, 2004; Madan, 2004, 2006; Nandy, 1983; Oberoi, 1994; Pandey et al., 2019). According to Nandy (1983), preservation of Indian identity was difficult during and after the colonial régime. In fact, colonialism became so deep-rooted that another form of colonization took place after gaining independence in 1947, where the colonized are now using the same conditions of ‘development’ to colonize the people of India. A constant concern has been to bring plurality in certain spheres of life and not so in others. Nandy (1983) argues that the ‘Enlightenment vision and secular ideologies allow one to pluralize the domains of spirituality and religion,’ but that a ‘plurality of knowledge, particularly that of science, is seen as dangerous, subversive, and a challenge to the intellectual and moral status of the most deeply entrenched elites of our times’ (p. 58). Thus, participation in various festivals and visiting places of worship is in fact the norm among religious groups of India, but fractures in the social fabric continue in modern India. The rise of linguistic and religious identities across the nation has contributed to the identity politics of India. The challenges faced by India are the increased intensity and efforts by each community to consolidate individual and categorical identities and maintain self-sameness. This is primarily a modern phenomenon where emphasis on identity is based on a central organizing principle of ethnicity, religion, language, gender, sexual preferences, caste, etc. There is a need to belong, to be secure, a search for comfort, within the confines of a well-marked community.

3.5 Conclusion The Indian context engages in diversity at various levels, and post-independence religious identities are fast becoming a prominent point of discussion and debate. There is an attempt to create and maintain differences between different communities but maintain sameness with the group. Thus, the need to have selfhood by determining characteristics of gender, religion, language, caste, etc., is to create in-group vs outgroup, or setting the basis for inclusion or exclusion of people in the social world. The challenge is to attempt to attain empowerment, representation, and recognition of social groups by asserting the markers that distinguish them from others. Thus, emphasis is upon difference and how to maintain that distinction rather than the principle of equality.

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Further, in the contemporary times, there is the need to fix identities of self and others on the basis of religion, region, gender, caste, language, etc. These attributes then become a given attribute of identity. This leads to the creation of cultural symbols, myths, and kinship which keeps the individual members within its folds. For example, who is a true and pure Hindu or Muslim? There is a need to politicize and claim recognition to particular identities.

References Bhatt, C. (2006). The fetish of the margins: Religious absolutism, anti-racism and postcolonial silence. New Formations, 59, 98–115. Census of India. (2011). http://censusindia.gov.in/ Kapur, P., & Misra, G. (2004). The social construction of Sikh identity: Lessons for Intergroup behaviour. Contemporary India, 3, 1–25. Lal, V. (2009). Political Hinduism: The religious imagination in public spheres. Oxford University Press. Madan, T. N. (2004). India’s religions: Perspectives from sociology and history. Oxford University Press. Madan, T. N. (2006). Images of the world: Essays on religion, secularism and culture. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Nandy, A. (1983). The intimate enemy: Loss and recovery of self under colonialism. Oxford University Press. Oberoi, H. S. (1994). The construction of religious boundaries: Culture, identity and diversity in Sikh tradition. Oxford University Press. Pandey, J., Kumar, R., & Thapa, K. ( Eds.) (2019). Psychological perspectives on diversity and social development. Springer. Radhakrishnan, S. (1950). The dhammapada. Oxford University Press. Sachar Committee Report. (2006). http://ncm.nic.in/pdf/compilation.pdf Sikand, Y. (2003). Sacred spaces: Exploring traditions of shared faith in India. New Delhi: Penguin Books. Varshney, A. (2003). Ethnic conflict and civic life: Hindus and Muslims in India. Yale University Press.

Chapter 4

Methodological Approach

4.1 The Present Study Notwithstanding the fact that religion has a strong and pervasive presence in the lives of people across the globe, its systematic study as a theme in psychology has been very limited. The main reasons for this neglect include (a) the opposition between religion and science in the received view, (b) adoption of a reductionist, objectivist, and materialist epistemology and ontology, and (c) misuse of religion to the extent of religious fanaticism and fundamentalism for violence. However, it’s undeniable that some form of religion has always been present in all societies. In modern times, the presence of religion is salient in developed as well as developing countries and in person as well as social collective lives of the people. As noted earlier, it is a source of peoples’ identity, a theme that penetrates the rituals, ceremonies, and involvements during all the stages of life spanning from conception to death. India is a multi-religious country in which almost all major religions in all their diverse manifestations are followed by people. They include Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Sikhism, Jainism, Zoroastrianism, and Buddhism. The Indian Constitution has adopted secularism and has committed itself to the idea of peaceful coexistence of different religions. Yet, history shows that this objective has been rather difficult to accomplish as religion plays acritical role in the political and socio-cultural milieu. As a result, clashes between religious groups have happened, and at times, religion has been used as a mask and instrument for other purposes and secondary gains. In neglecting its role as a legitimate theme, we are making the mistake of ignoring the obvious and failing to account for a major component of psychological and social reality. Undoubtedly, religion continues to be a basic need of human beings and binds people into a group/community. Religion/faith provides the socio-cultural blueprint to construct oneself in accordance with the ideals of its religion. It helps humans find meaning in their life world and binds the inner and outer worlds of humans. Religion involves symbols, practices, customs, rituals, beliefs, and worldviews. These offer

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4 Methodological Approach

diverse vantage points to view the reality and organize behavior (e.g., taking decisions, defining morality, right and wrong, does and don’ts) of the people. In this way, religion works as an enabler, as well as a constraint. Religion has a pervasive effect on the economy, politics, and quality of life of the people. We suspect that it is through construction and distortion of people’s identities and making those aspects of identity salient that religion facilitates/inhibits the personal and social well-being of the people. Social identity is a socially constructed process that is continuously open to dialogues that evolve under certain socio-historical circumstances (see Baumeister, 1987; Billig, 1995; Leary & Tangney, 2003; Tajfel, 1978). Religion has increasingly begun to be seen as a social phenomenon with its influence and resultant consequences for the individual and society becoming ethnically and culturally diverse. In the contemporary context, societies are with this view. The present study sought to address certain research issues.

4.2 Research Questions In view of past research and reflection, the present study was planned to investigate the following propositions pertaining to religion, identity, religious beliefs and practices, and well-being and relationships among them. 1.

2.

3.

Religion works as a major source of identity, the part of social identity that comes from the membership of a religious group, and informs the people as to who they are. Thus, it is expected that people belonging to the four religious groups, i.e., Hindu, Muslim, Christian, and Sikh, would differ in terms of personal and social aspects of identity, religious beliefs and practices, and well-being. Although the membership of religion is often ascribed from birth and therefore in some sense, one’s identity appears as fixed or static, in real life people’s experiences greatly vary. They do not remain invariant throughout the life span. Accordingly, the identities do evolve and include and exclude various elements and the existing elements show varying degrees of emphasis. It is quite obvious that the societal influences vary not only across developmental stages but also across genders. It is also expected that there would be developmental changes in identity, religious beliefs and practices, and well-being across different stages (i.e., young adult, adult, and middle adult stages) and gender groups. Admittedly, there is a common core of beliefs to be found in each religion. 1999/2003 has provided a useful multidimensional conceptualization of such beliefs in terms of the following components: beliefs, religio-spiritual experience, mysticism, morality, forgiveness, compassion, prayer, rituals, illness, coping, and death. Yet, each religion emphasizes its own set of beliefs and practices that are expected to be followed by its adherents. Religious beliefs and practices are imbibed and practiced by the followers through the process of socialization and enculturation. However, all the members belonging to any religion are not homogenous in terms of their religious beliefs and practices as they

4.3 The Strategy of Present Study

4.

63

do not undergo an identical set of experiences and interactions with other religions. Hence, it was expected that the emphases on various religious beliefs and practices would differ across different religious groups, developmental stages, and gender groups. Religion provides its followers with a blueprint of life ways and acts as a powerful vehicle that has the potential to influence the welfare and well-being of the people. The construct of well-being, being subjective, is conceptualized in several ways. It includes personal aspects of life satisfaction, happiness, physical and mental health, coping during trauma, optimism, and meaning in life as well as social well-being. Accepting the fact that well-being is expressed through various interlinked domains, this study aimed at investigating the dimensions of social and personal well-being across different religious groups, developmental stages, and gender groups. It was expected that the measures of personal and social well-being would evince significant differences across religious groups, developmental stages, and gender groups.

The above propositions draw attention to the impact of religion in diverse ways. Religion provides the fundamental design of human life in the form of identity, beliefs, and practices, and culminating in effects on well-being. These three aspects of human life, i.e., identity, beliefs, and well-being, encompass critical aspects of life for survival and growth. These three domains are often regarded as distinct concepts, yet are closely interrelated. Therefore, the present study investigated the relationship between these three domains separately in the four religious groups under study.

4.3 The Strategy of Present Study This study adopts a social-psychological approach to explore the linkages between religion, identity, and well-being in the Indian cultural context. The related issues, as mentioned earlier, were further detailed in terms of religious identity and selfconstrual, religious beliefs and practices, social well-being, and personal well-being. The study maintained a two-pronged approach. First, it examined how the variables of concern operate across four major religious groups, namely Hindu, Muslim, Christian, and Sikh. While doing this, variation across three developmental stages (i.e., young adult, adult, and middle adulthood) and two gender groups (i.e., males and females) was examined. Each variable was assessed with the help of a set of measures. The specific variables included in the study are depicted in Fig. 4.1. The first major variable, religion, is defined in terms of membership of a particular religion. The study included four major religions practiced in the Indian context, namely Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, and Sikhism. These four religions account for a little over 98% of the population of India. Hindus make up about three-fourths of India’s population. Muslims are the largest single minority faith followed by the Christians and finally the Sikhs (see Table 3.1 for details).

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Well-Being Social:

Context

Integration,

Religion:Hindu, Muslim,

Religious Beliefs and

Acceptance,

Christian, Sikh

Practices

Integration,

DevelopmentalSt

Daily Spiritual Experience;

ages:Young

Values and Beliefs;

Adult, Adult,

Forgiveness; Private

Middle Adult

Religious Practices;

Actualization,

Organizational Religiousness;Religious/Spiri tual Coping; Religious Identity Personal: Self-reliance,

Support; Commitment to

Coherence Personal Health Status, Optimism, Meaning of Life, Hope: Agency and Pathways Thinking.

Faith

Self-direction, Consistency, Uniqueness. Social:Inclusion of others in self, Harmony, Commitment to others. Fig. 4.1 A schematic outline of the conceptual framework of the study

Identity was studied through a multifaceted measure developed by Vignoles (2011). It helped to assess the following components of identity: inclusion of others in self, commitment to others, harmony and self-direction, uniqueness, selfreliance, and consistency. As can be seen, the first three refer to aspects of social identity, and the remaining deal with personal identity. The religious beliefs and practices were evaluated with respect to behavioral, social, and psychological components. To this end, Fetzer’s measure Brief Multidimensional Measure of Religiosity/Spirituality (BMMR) (Fetzer, 1999) was used. It defined eight domains that explain the multifaceted nature of religion and spirituality. It was adapted to Indian conditions and included the components of daily spiritual experience, values and beliefs, forgiveness, private religious practices, organizational religiousness, religious/spiritual coping, religious support, and commitment to faith.

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Well-being is a multidimensional concept and was appraised from personal and social perspectives. Social well-being was assessed with the help of a measure developed by Keyes (1998). It has five dimensions that indicate whether and to what extent individuals are functioning well in their social world: (a) social integration (individuals’ appraisal of the quality of their own relationship with society and community); (b) social contribution (the feeling of being a vital member of the society, with something important to offer to the world); (c) social acceptance (trusting others and having favorable opinions about human nature); (d) social actualization (the evaluation of a society’s potential to improve); and (e) social coherence (the perception that the social word is well-organized). Personal well-being was measured with the help of a measure of hope developed by using Snyder (1994, 1995, 2004). Hope is a positive motivational state that is based on an interactively derived sense of successful agency (goal-directed energy) and pathways (planning to meet goals). In addition, the components of health status, the extent of optimism, ranking of self as a religious/spiritual person, and meaning in life were also assessed.

4.3.1 Participants The sample of the present study was drawn on the basis of religion, developmental stage, and gender from community settings comprising a non-student segment of the population. A total of 1116 (586 males and 530 females) participated in the study. Out of this, there were 363 Hindus, 303 Muslims, 225 Christians, and 225 Sikhs. According to developmental stages, the distribution was as follows: 409 Young (18–30 years), 364 Adults (30–45 years), and 343 Middle Adulthood (above 45 years). Their mean age values were 24.44 years (SD = 2.21), 38.11 years (SD = 4.09), and 52.31 years (SD = 3.55), respectively. Table 4.1 presents the distribution of participants in different groups. Table 4.1 Distribution of the sample by religion, developmental stage, and gender Religion

Gender

Developmental stages Young

Adult

Middle adulthood

Hindu

Male

96

57

38

191

Female

80

45

47

172

Male

62

62

69

193

Female

30

56

24

110

Muslim Christian Sikh

Male

37

29

30

96

Female

45

44

40

129

Male

25

36

45

106

Female Total

Total

34

35

50

119

409

364

343

1116

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4 Methodological Approach

4.4 Locale Initially, the researchers had an ambitious plan to collect pan-Indian data from several places in the country. However, after considering the time, manpower resource required, and budgetary constraints, it was realized that such a large-scale work covering various regions of India was not feasible. After examining and exploring the various possibilities, the present research was delimited to the region of North India. This provided the advantage to draw the sample from a relatively homogenous cultural and climatic zone. It also allowed having a sample approximating the social configuration of the region. Accordingly, the study was planned to be conducted in Delhi and Uttar Pradesh (UP). In UP, the participants were drawn from the following/cities: Aligarh, Allahabad, Varanasi, Moradabad, and Lucknow. A brief description of the two settings is presented below. Delhi, the capital of India, is located on the banks of the Yamuna River in Northern India. Over time people have migrated from various parts of the country and now Delhi is a cosmopolitan city. Urbanization along with attraction to its educational and economic opportunities has made it a populous city. Today, Delhi thrives as a major cultural, political, and commercial center of India. According to the 2011 Census of India, the population of Delhi is 16, 753,235 (21.6%), with a sex ratio of 866 women per 1000 men and a literacy rate of 86.34%. In terms of religious distribution, it may be noted that 82% of the population is comprised of Hindus, Muslims (11.7%), Sikh (4.0%), Christian (0.94%), and others (1.1%). Hindi is the principal spoken and written language. Other languages commonly spoken in the city include Punjabi, Urdu, and English. In fact, linguistic groups from all over India are represented in the city. Among them are Maithili, Bhojpuri, Tamil, Kannada, Telugu, Bengali, and Marathi. Punjabis, Jats, and Gujjars are examples of various ethnic communities in the city. Indeed, Delhi in some ways is a mini-India. Delhi is a political power center and a leading educational and business center. Uttar Pradesh (UP) is one of the largest states of India whose capital is Lucknow. The area of Uttar Pradesh is 2, 40,928 square km, and population as per 2011 Census is 19, 95, and 81,477 where men number 10, 45, 96,415, and women 94,985,062. Of the total population of the state, 77.72% live in villages and 22.28% live in urban areas. Male literacy is 79.24% and female literacy is 59.26%. The average literacy of urban areas is 77.01%, while for rural areas, it is 67%. Hinduism is the religion of 80.5% of people in the state. There are also large communities of Muslim (18.4%), Sikh (0.02%), Christian (0.36%), and other religious categories (1.1%). Hindi is the principal spoken and written language of the state. The official languages are Hindi and Urdu. Dipawali, Holi, and Ramnavami are the popular festivals of Uttar Pradesh. It is a relatively less industrialized state of India. Religion has been an important aspect of the culture of this region. While UP has been a prime place for the emergence of many liberal religious attitudes, it has also witnessed intense communal fervor in the modern age. There are many religious festivals observed by the people of different religions. On some particular occasions, the congregation of people takes place at the banks of the river Ganga

4.4 Locale

67

known as Kumbh. Kumbh Mela is organized in the month of Magh (February– March). It is a major festival held every three years in rotation at Allahabad, Haridwar, Ujjain, and Nasik on the river of Ganga. Allahabad: Also known as Prayag, this is a district in the state of Uttar Pradesh. According to the 2011 Census, Allahabad is the seventh most populous city and district in Uttar Pradesh, with an estimated population of 1.11 million in the city and 1.21 million in its metropolitan region. The city gets its geographical position due to the union of the Ganges, Yamuna, and mythical Saraswati rivers. Allahabad hosts the Magh Mela annually and Kumbh Mela every twelve years. Allahabad has been a political, cultural, and administrative center of the region. The city is home to colleges, research institutions, and central and state government offices. The 2011 Census reported a population of 1,117,094 in Allahabad. Data suggest a density of 1,086 people per square km in 2011. The sex ratio of Allahabad is 858 females per 1000 males and the child sex ratio of girls is 876 per 1000 boys. Allahabad’s literacy rate of 86.50% is higher than the all-India average of 74% and is the highest in the region. Male literacy is 90.21% and female literacy is 82.17%. Hindi, the official state language, is the dominant language in Allahabad. English is also used, particularly by white-collar workers. The Hindi dialect spoken in Allahabad is Awadhi, although Khariboli is also common in the city. Lucknow: This city is the capital city of the state of Uttar Pradesh. It is the 8th most populous city of India and the largest in Uttar Pradesh. The city has always been known as a multicultural city that flourished as a North Indian cultural and artistic hub. It continues to be an important center of government, education, commerce, aerospace, finance, pharmaceuticals, technology, design, culture, tourism, music, and poetry. Lucknow sits on the northwestern shore of the Gomti River. Hindi is the main language of the city and Urdu is also widely spoken. Lucknow is the center of Shia Islam in India with the highest Shia Muslim population in India. It is accessible from every part of India by air, rail, and road. As reported by the Census of India 2011, Lucknow has a population of 2,815,601 of which 1,470,133 are men and 1,345,468 women. Over 36.37% of the total population resides in rural areas leaving around 63.3% composed of urbanites. The sex ratio in Lucknow city stood at 915 females per 1000 males in 2011. The city also boasts a total literacy level of 84.72%. For the district as a whole, the literacy rate was 82.56% for males and 71.54% for females. Moradabad: It is a district that lies in the western region of Uttar Pradesh. The city is known as Pital Nagri (Brass City) for its famous brass handicrafts industry. As reported by the Census of India 2011 Moradabad city had a population of 47, 72,006. Over 67.02% of the total population resides in rural areas leaving around 32.98% composed of urbanites. The sex ratio in Moradabad city stood at 916 females per 1000 males in 2011. The city has a total literacy level of 56.77%.

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4.5 Measures 4.5.1 Identity Owe and Vignoles et al. (2011)’s measure of self-identity is a multidimensional tool having seven aspects. These include as self-reliance and self-direction, in which the self does not depend on others and acts independently; close interconnectedness with other people was named inclusion of others in the self ; consistency of the self and lack of contextual influence on the self and commitment to others; the sixth dimension represents the desire for harmonious relationships, that is, harmony, and finally, the seventh dimension, uniqueness, assesses the desire for uniqueness and being different. There were 3 items in each domain. Response options range from ‘not at all’ (1) to ‘exactly’ (9). The Cronbach alpha values for the components were estimated between 0.42 and 0.49.

4.5.2 Religiousness and Spirituality After careful scrutiny, it was decided to use a multidimensional tool for assessing religiousness and spirituality. The Fetzer Institute (1999/2003) has developed a test that captures the different ways of religion. By extensive literature review, they have created a model that addresses multiple aspects of religion and connection with spirituality. In this study, the Brief Multidimensional Measure of Religiousness/Spirituality (BMMRS) developed by Fetzer Institute (1999/2003) was used. It assesses 10 domains, i.e., daily spiritual experience; values and beliefs; forgiveness; private religious practices; organizational religiousness; religious/spiritual coping; religious support; commitment; self-reported religiosity; and sense of meaning in life. There are a total of 36 items. The Cronbach alpha values ranged between 0.52 and 0.86. A brief description of each of these domains is given below. Daily Spiritual Experience: It is intended to explore the individual’s perception of the transcendent (God, the divine) in daily life. This domain is not only the perception that an individual has but also the interaction with the transcendent. It was clear that it was important to get the experience of the individual and not merely the thoughts that an individual had towards the transcendent. Values and Beliefs: These are considered as the way people’s behavior reflects religion as the ultimate value in life. Value is an enduring belief that a specific mode of conduct or end state of existence is personally or socially preferable to an opposite or converse mode of conduct or end-state of existence. Religion is a part of values and individuals of differing religions endorse different values. These beliefs are essential for religion and constitute the cognitive dimension of religion. Not all religions have the same beliefs and there is even disagreement over the beliefs of individuals within the same religious group.

4.6 Well-Being: Social and Personal

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Forgiveness: This is an important aspect of religion and spirituality. It included five components: confession, feeling forgiven by God, feeling forgiven by others, forgiving others, and forgiving oneself. It should be noted that all major religions not only value, but also encourage forgiveness. Importantly, spirituality is often viewed as private, while religion is considered the public aspect of an individual’s faith (Maselko & Kubzansky, 2006). Religious/Spiritual Coping: This domain includes not only the positive aspects of coping but maintains that religious coping can also have a negative effect on an individual. Pargament (1997) has acknowledged both the positive and negative aspects of religious coping. He stated that religion often comes to center stage in critical situations because religion is usually available to individuals and provides support when it is needed. Religious Support: It includes aspects of the social relationships between followers and others in their shared place of worship. Two different aspects of social support were explained: negative support and anticipated support. Negative support is usually not considered an important aspect of support, although it is important to consider the fact that some social relationships are defined by conflict and tension. Further, anticipated support is the belief that others are willing to assist if needed. Commitment: It assesses the degree to which a person adheres to his or her religious values, beliefs, and practices and uses them in daily living. Religious commitment is assessed through an individual’s commitment of time and money to one’s religious beliefs. Self-rated Religiosity: The self-rating of each participant in terms of how religious or spiritual they perceive themselves was measured through ranking. This allowed assessment of the magnitude of religio-spirituality of each religious group. Sense of Meaning in life: It assesses a person’s search for meaning in life as it provides a sense of coherence and is essential in life. Search for meaning is a critical function of each religion. This allowed assessment of aim and purpose in life.

4.6 Well-Being: Social and Personal Social Well-being: It was assessed on the personal and social levels. Ryff’s (1989; Ryff & Keyes, 1995) test was used to assess the meaning of psychological wellbeing and Keyes (1998)’s test on social well-being to measure social well-being. The measure developed by Keyes (1998) consists of the following five dimensions: coherence, integration, actualization, contribution, and acceptance. It has 35 items each to be rated on a 7-point scale ranging from ‘strongly disagree’ (1) to ‘strongly agree’ (7). The Cronbach alpha values for the five dimensions were in the range of 0.42–0.57. In broad terms, social well-being refers to the appraisal of one’s circumstances and functioning in society. After analyzing a variety of sources, Keyes (1998) has described five aspects of social well-being as given below.

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Social integration: It involves evaluation of the quality of one’s relationship to society and community. Healthy individuals feel that they belong to their communities and society and they feel as though they have something in common with others who make up their social reality. Social contribution: It refers to the evaluation of one’s value to society. It includes the belief that one is a vital member of society, with something of worth to give to the world. Thus, social contribution reflects the feeling that what one does is valued by society and contributes to the greater good. Social coherence: It deals with the perception of the quality, organization, and operation of the social world and includes a concern for knowing about the world. Healthier people not only care about the kind of world in which they live but also feel that they can understand what is happening around them. Social coherence is analogous to meaningfulness in life and involves appraisals that society is discernible, sensible, and predictable. Social actualization: It refers to the evaluation of the potential and the trajectory of society. This is the belief in the positive evolution of society and the sense that society has potential that is being realized through its institutions and citizens. Healthier people are hopeful about the condition and future of society, and they can recognize society’s potential. Social acceptance: It deals with the social counterpart to self-acceptance and is the construal of society through the character and qualities of other people in general. Individuals who illustrate social acceptance trust others think that others are capable of kindness, and believe that people can be industrious. Socially accepting people hold favorable views of human nature and feel comfortable with others. Personal Well-being: Personal well-being was assessed with the help of a standardized measure on hope, along with the addition of two other related aspects of well-being, namely health and level of optimism. Hope: Using Hope Theory Snyder et al. (1991) developed a 12-item trait measure in which 4 items refer to the agency, 4 items refer to pathways, and 4 items are distracters. Hope is a positive motivational state that is based on an interactively derived sense of successful (a) agency (goal-directed energy) and (b) pathways (planning to meet goals). Agency thinking refers to one’s perceived capacity to follow the pathways leading to one’s goals. So, while pathways thinking is concerned with the process of identifying pathways, agency thinking is concerned with the process of actually traveling along these pathways. Pathways thinking refers to one’s perceived capacity to identify or construct workable routes leading to one’s goals. The responses are given for each item on an 8-point Likert continuum (1 = definitely false to 8 = definitely true). The Cronbach alpha for agency and pathway measures was estimated to be 0.67 and 0.60, respectively. Self-reported health: It allowed assessment of health status as reported by the participants. It was measured on a single question using a 5-point Likert scale. Optimism: It was measured by a single question where participants rated the level of being optimistic in terms of hope, cheerfulness, and confidence on a 5-point Likert scale.

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4.7 Procedure 4.7.1 Preparation of Tools As the measures were in the English language and the sample consisted of both English- and Hindi-speaking people, each of the measures was related to the process of translation and back-translation. The aim of the process was to achieve a Hindi version of the English measures which is conceptually equivalent to the Indian setting. The processes of forward-translation and back-translation yield an acceptable form such that the meaning remains the same in both versions. We requested two experts who were equally adept at both English and Hindi languages. The aim of the translators was to keep the language simple and maintain conceptual equivalence. No jargon was used in the measures, and gender and age-sensitive issues were translated with care. Once each of the instruments was ready, a pilot study was conducted (n = 20). The aim was to check for conceptual clarity of the measures and procedural consistency. It allowed the researcher to also ensure the simplicity of the language. After the process was completed satisfactorily, the measures were organized in the form of a small booklet. It was titled ‘Beliefs, Thoughts and Feelings Questionnaire.’ This allowed the participants to get a general outlook towards all the measures of the study. Once the selected measures were finalized, data collection was undertaken in the regions of Delhi and Uttar Pradesh. Data collection was initiated through contact/s in the four religious groups. These included visits to places of worship and contacts through staff members of various colleges/schools; they could help get data from potential adult participants. Each participant was also requested to help contact other participants from their religious group. Thus, a snowballing technique was used in recruiting the participants for the study. Data were collected after obtaining prior consent from the participants. After establishing rapport, the instructions were clarified. The participants were informed that there were no right or wrong answers, and they were encouraged to share their own views. They were also told that they were free to leave the study for any reason if they wanted to. They were also told that anonymity and confidentiality would be maintained throughout the study. Any doubts or queries were clarified. The time spent with each participant ranged from one and half hours to two and half hours. The participants were helped by the researcher in responding to the items by reading out the specific instructions for each part of the questionnaire. Often the participants reported fatigue and/or had other engagements; hence, it took on average 2–3 sittings to complete the measures. The next four chapters, 5, 6, 7, and 8, detail the findings of the study. Each of the chapters presents the findings for the dimensions of religion, developmental stages (age), and gender. These three dimensions are taken as the key factors to explain variations in religious identity/self-construal, religious belief and practices, social well-being, hope, health status, optimism, and meaning in life.

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4.8 Conclusion Religion provides the fundamental design of human life in the form of identity, beliefs, and practices and has influence on well-being. These three aspects of human life, i.e., identity, beliefs, and well-being, encompass critical aspects of life for survival and growth. These three domains were investigated as distinct concepts, though they are closely interrelated. Therefore, the present study investigated the relationship between these three domains separately in the four major religious groups in the Indian setting.

References Baumeister, R. F. (1987). How the self became a problem: A psychological review of historical research. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 163–176. Billig, M. (1995). Banal nationalism. Sage. Fetzer Institute. (1999/2003). Multidimensional measurement of religiousness/spirituality for use in health research. A report of Fetzer Institute. https://backend.fetzer.org/sites/default/files/ resources/attachment/%5Bcurrent-date%3Atiny%5D/Multidimensional_Measurement_of_Reli gousness_Spirituality.pdf. Keyes, C. L. M. (1998). Social well-being. Social Psychology Quarterly, 61, 121–140. Leary, M. R., & Tangney, J. P. (2003). Handbook of self and identity. Guilford Press. Maselko, J., & Kubzansky, L. D. (2006). Gender differences in religious practices, spiritual perceptions and health: Results from the general social survey. Social Science and Medicine, 62, 2848–2860. Owe, E., Vignoles, V. L. et al. (2013). Contextualism as an important facet of individualismcollectivism: Personhood beliefs across 37 national groups. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 44(1), 24–45. Pargament, K. I. (1997). The psychology of religion and coping: Theory, research, practice. Guilford Press. Ryff, C. D. (1989). Happiness is everything, or is it? Explorations on the meaning of psychological well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 57, 1069–1081. Ryff, C. D., & Keyes, C. L. M. (1995). The structure of psychological well-being revisited. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69, 719–727. Snyder, C. R. (1994). The psychology of hope: You can get there from here. Free Press. Snyder, C. R. (1995). Conceptualizing, measuring, and nurturing hope. Journal of Counseling and Development, 73, 355–360. Snyder, C. R., Harris, C., Anderson, J. R., Holleran, S. A., Irving, L. M., Sigmon, S. T., et al. (1991). The will and the ways: Development and validation of an individual-differences measure of hope. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 60, 570–585. Snyder, C. R. (2004). Hope and the other strengths: Lessons from animal farm. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 23, 624–627. Tajfel, H. (1978). The social psychology of minorities (Report No. 38). Minority Rights Group. Vignoles, V. L. (2011). Identity motives. In S. J. Schwartz, K. Luyckx, & V. L. Vignoles (Eds.), Handbook of identity theory and research (pp. 403–432). Springer Science + Business Media.

Chapter 5

Religion and Identity

This chapter presents the findings on two aspects—religion as a major source of a person’s identity—and pattern of influences of developmental stage and gender on identity formation. In the present context, religion is referred to as acceptance and membership of a given religion by a person, and identity was measured with the help of a multidimensional self-report measure.

5.1 Identity Formation Across Religions In order to understand the pattern of identity formation, the participants were asked to state the way they articulate the notion of self-identity in its various facets. The scores of various subgroups on the seven components of the multidimensional measure of identity were examined in relation to the contextual factors. The raw scores on each dimension were subjected to separate 4 × 2x3, religious community x developmental stage x gender, and between-group factorial ANOVA. The analysis yielded important trends. They are summarized as follows. It was found that belonging to a religion had a significant main effect for five aspects of identity, i.e., inclusion of others in self (IOS), commitment to others, uniqueness, harmony, and, self-direction. Further, with regard to the developmental stage, a significant effect was noted for consistency, commitment, and self-direction. The main effect for gender was noted for the components of IOS, commitment to others, harmony, and self-direction. Significant interaction effects for religion x developmental stages were noted for IOS and harmony. No significant interaction was seen for religion x gender. A significant interaction was noted for developmental stage x gender for the components of commitment to others, harmony, uniqueness, and, selfdirection. No significant interaction was obtained for religion x developmental stage x gender. The main effects are summarized in Table 5.1. It was observed that two aspects of identity, that is, self-reliance and consistency were strong and remained almost invariant across all the four religions. © Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 P. Kapur et al., Psychological Perspectives on Identity, Religion and Well-Being, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2844-4_5

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Table 5.1 Means and F Values for the Measures of Identity by Religious Communities Components of Identity Measure

Religious Communities

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

Self-reliance

18.74

0.24

18.43

0.27

18.06

0.29

18.98

0.30

Consistency

15.79

0.22

16.07

0.25

16.30

0.27

16.23

0.27

Inclusion of Others (IOS)

20.81

0.24

19.84

0.27

18.67

0.29

19.69

0.29

10.80***

Commitment

17.74

0.25

16.70

0.28

15.83

0.30

18.21

0.31

12.57***

Uniqueness

16.65

0.24

15.80

0.27

16.09

0.29

15.87

0.29

2.46*

Harmony

17.37

0.24

16.70

0.27

15.59

0.30

18.23

0.30

14.18***

Self-direction

12.92

0.27

12.73

0.30

14.16

0.33

12.99

0.33

4.16*

Hindu (n = 363)

Muslim (n = 303)

Christian (n = 225)

Sikh (n = 225)

F (3,1092)

1.87 0.85

*** p < 0.001, * p < 0.05 Note Scores on all the components ranged between 3 and 27

However, in comparative terms, the tendencies toward inclusion of others in self and uniqueness were relatively stronger among the Hindu participants than their counterparts from other religions. It was also noted that the Sikh participants exhibited the highest values far commitment to others and harmony. Finally, selfdirection was highest among Christian participants followed by the participants from the other three religious groups. Thus, identity evinced the presence of both the relational as well as independent components of self and identity. However, in relative terms, the trend was more inclined towards the relational aspect of self and identity.

5.2 Identity Across Developmental Stages and Genders The main effects of gender and developmental stage for identity formation are summarized in Table 5.2. It was found that the dimensions of consistency, IOS, and commitment to others became increasingly salient with advancing age. Self-direction was relatively prominent in the younger than older participants. On the rest of the dimensions, there was very little change in the mean scores with the developmental stage. This indicated that the identity developed during early period was maintained. The female participants displayed a greater tendency to include self in others in self and commitment to others than their male participants. In contrast, self-direction was stronger among male than female group. The remaining aspects of identity remained invariant across developmental stages and gender groups.

0.24 0.26

17.23

13.40

Harmony

Self-direction

18.49

13.52

16.77

16.18

16.85

19.52

16.06

0.23

0.26

0.24

0.23

0.25

0.23

0.21

18.82

12.68

16.89

15.75

18.04

20.32

16.71

0.25

0.27

0.25

0.24

0.26

0.24

0.22

*** p < 0.001, * p < 0.05 IOS—Inclusion of Others in Self; CO—Commitment to Others

0.23

16.35

Uniqueness

0.24 0.25

19.43

16.50

IOS

CO

0.22

SD 1.02

2.88*

0.98

1.65

9.99**

4.10*

7.15**

13.78

16.71

15.94

16.73

19.14

15.88

18.32

Mean

0.24

18.34

15.53

Self-reliance

Mean

Mean

SD

Mean

SD

Male (n = 586)

F(2, 1092)

Adult (n = 364)

Young (n = 409)

Middle Adulthood (n = 343)

Gender

Developmental Stage

Consistency

Components Identity Measure

Table 5.2 Mean Scores on the Measure of Identity by Developmental Stage and Gender

0.21

0.19

0.19

0.20

0.19

0.18

0.19

SD

12.63

17.22

16.25

17.53

20.36

16.32

18.78

Mean

Female (n = 530)

0.22

0.20

0.19

0.20

0.19

0.18

0.19

SD

14.10***

3.35

1.22

7.74*

19.17***

3.03

2.66

F (1,1092)

5.2 Identity Across Developmental Stages and Genders 75

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5.3 Identity Across Developmental Stages in Different Religious Groups The ANOVA has shown that the main effects of religion, developmental stage, and gender were qualified by several interactions. There were significant interactions of religion x developmental stage for the dimensions of inclusion of others in the self (IOS), (F = 7.62p < 0.01) and harmony (F = 2.23, p < 0.05). These interactions are shown in Figs. 5.1 and 5.2, respectively. Figure 5.1 shows that the younger Hindus, Sikhs, and Christians expressed inclusion of other in self (IOS) to the same extent but with advancing age, marked differences emerged. The Hindu and Sikh participants showed a rise in inclusion of others in self (IOS) with advancing age, with a sharp rise among the Hindus. In the Christian participants, the strength of IOS remained invariant across the three age levels. Finally, the Muslim participants, although starting with relatively higher value of IOS at younger age level, showed a decline during subsequent developmental stages. This pointed towards shrinking social space in the formation of selfhood and identity. The present findings suggest two important trends: belonging to a religion has implications in terms of developmental trajectory for self-formation (traditional model by Bahr, 1970) and alternately a ‘life course model’ (Chaves, 1991). The attributes change not so much due to developmental changes but owing to changes in the social roles adopted during the various stages in the life span (e.g., emphasis

Fig. 5.1 Mean scores for inclusion of others in self (IOS) as a function of interaction of religion and developmental stage

5.3 Identity Across Developmental Stages …

77

Fig. 5.2 Mean scores on harmony as a function of interaction of religion and developmental stage

upon marriage, family, responsibilities, care of young children, and then later settling down at middle adulthood). It may be noted that each religion seems to shape the pattern of socialization of the individual in unique ways at different stages of social life. The role of religion and developmental stage is maximum for the Hindu participants, who show an almost linear pattern, emphasizing that with advancing age they develop an encompassing identity which is porous and easily incorporates the others in its fold. Ideally, the movement across life stages is supposed to diminish the ego-related tendencies and approach to a higher level of flow and identification with higher reality construed as divine, consciousness, or God (Paranjpe, 1998). Mascolo et al. (2004) have also pointed out the presence of an encompassing self. The present trends underscore the importance of religion and developmental stage for the formation of self and identity. The results also show a significant developmental stage x religion interaction for harmony. This interaction is shown in Fig. 5.2. Social interactions in a multi-religious society like India often involve the challenge of maintaining harmony across different groups so that accord and unity among the groups could be maintained; Fig. 5.2 shows that the participants from three religious communities, i.e., Hindu, Muslim, and Christian share almost similar level of harmony during youth. The mean scores of all the three groups are very close to 17. However, as age increases groups tend to follow different patterns. The Hindu participants displayed a steady rise in the level of harmony with advancing age, whereas Muslim participants evinced a slight dip and finally returned to the earlier position. Christians indicated a marked drop in the level of harmony. It was followed by the

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scores on the dimension of stability. The Muslim and Christian participants showed a marginal decline and an increase during the subsequent stage. Noticeably, the Hindu participants showed a consistent trend favoring rise in the tendency toward harmony. Finally, the Sikh participants showed a prominent trend favoring harmony during young and adulthood stages followed by a slight decline. It may be observed that all the four groups were above average in their scores indicating that harmony figures prominently in the structure of self and identity. Here we may take note of the four important aspects of the present results related to self and identity. First, the Sikh participants showed highest level of harmony among the four groups. This seems to indicate the significance of prevalent precepts and practices of Sikhism. It seems to affect the special emphasis on belongingness and sharing during socialization. Second, the Hindu participants reported increasing degree of harmony in comparison with other religions groups during the three developmental stages. With advancing age the Hindu participants reported increasingly greater degree of harmony. As a majority community in the Indian societal context, the Hindus, share a vital responsibility in maintaining harmony in the wider social sphere. The other three religious groups indicated relatively lower level of harmony. Third, with respect to developmental stages, the results showed relatively higher level of harmony at the younger age level. This partly reflects openness towards others and acceptance of various social groups present in the milieu. An inclusive orientation at the younger age level augurs well for promoting harmony at the later stage of development. Further, in the Indian cultural context harmony with others also acts as a powerful source of self-worth. This seems to encourage and build an all-encompassing notion of self and identity. Fourth, higher level of harmony reported by all the four religious groups of participants underlines the prevalence of coexistence in the Indian society. The participants are aware that despite religious differences it is crucial to maintain harmony, cooperate, and live together. The social life is played out within the framework of relationships where people seek inclusion and belongingness (Abrams et al., 2005). People make attempts to maintain relationships with others even at the cost of self-interest. Finally, the findings indicated the continuity of several elements of tradition in a rapidly changing society. Modernization and globalization may have their key influences on the masses, yet traditional forms of beliefs and values tend to continue. They are part of the practices and carry great significance for socialization. People create existential pathways using those beliefs. Culture is malleable in nature and retains those aspects that are required and yet it has the quality of change and transformation. As and when required culture remains stable, or, it can make the necessary adjustment and adaptation depending upon the needs of people and demands of social environment. The significant interactions for IOS and harmony refer to an overlapping domain, that is, those aspects of life which go beyond self-interest and maintain an expanded notion of self. The IOS domain referred to family members and significant others,

5.3 Identity Across Developmental Stages …

79

whereas harmony referred to cohabitation with others in the broader social environment. The scores for IOS were substantially higher in comparison with the scores on the dimension of harmony. Relatively speaking, although the scores on both the dimensions were high, family is of greater relevance and importance than maintaining social harmony. This implies that relational experience beyond the family is relatively weaker. It is true for all the four religious groups. It has been argued that there are five major tasks for a person with interdependent self-construal (Markus & Kitayama, 1991): belonging and fitting in, occupying one’s proper place, engaging in appropriate action, promoting others’ goals, and being indirect in social interactions. To perform these tasks, an individual must seek, build, and maintain harmony in interpersonal relationship. It may be noted that many Eastern cultures advocate adapting to, rather than controlling the environment. Instead of the assertion of one’s own needs and the rigorous pursuit of one’s own goals, they value interpersonal harmony and maintaining a balance between self and other is emphasized (Sinha & Naidu, 1994; Vignoles et al, 2016). They even endorse selfsacrifice for social well-being. It is likely that culture selectively activates, elaborates, organizes, strengthens, and maintains one kind of self-system over the other through socialization practices and enculturation. To undertake those tasks, an individual must build and maintain harmony in interpersonal relationships (Misra & Kapur, 2014). A state of congruence between the self and others (e.g., groups, society, and nature) is viewed as the desirable achievement in human adaptation (Chiang, 1996). Harmony implies the balance achieved in relationships. A major aspect of harmony focuses on the quality of relationship, rather than satisfaction at individual level (Ho, 1993). Clark and her associates drew a clear distinction between exchange and communal relationships (Berg & Clark, 1986; Clark & Mills, 1979). Exchange relationships are governed by the desire for and expectation of immediate, equal repayment for the benefits. Communal relationships, in contrast, are mainly governed by the desire for and expectation of mutual responsiveness to each other’s needs. Interactions among family members are usually regarded as communal, because family members, as a rule, do not keep track of rewards and costs to themselves but are more concerned with the needs of other members. In other words, family members operate in and respond to a state of interdependence (Gargen, 2009). Kelley and Thibaut (1978) as well as Clark and her colleagues (Berg & Clark, 1986; Clark & Mills, 1979) viewed independence-interdependence as embedded in the nature of social relationship—that is, whether the relationship is limited to one’s personal or individual welfare or it includes the welfare of others also. For both the younger and older participants in the present study, the traditional collectivist orientation still thrived. It may be recalled that the interdependent self-construal (Markus & Kitayama, 1991) stresses on the individual’s connectedness to and interdependence with groups and others. Indeed interdependent self-view seems to represent a psychological parallel to the sociological notion of collectivism. It may be noted that the traditional cultures of East may not simply vanish or be replaced by the Western influences. Instead, they show amazing transformative power to preserve the core indigenous traditions and, meanwhile, to absorb and

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assimilate useful and enriching elements from alien cultures. Continuance of collectivist culture and familial values along with modern developments in countries such as Japan (Iwawaki, 1986) is noteworthy. They provide evidence against the assumptions of modernization theory. The coexistence of seemingly conflicting self-views and interactive beliefs in the fast-developing Taiwanese society lend further support to Kagitcibasi’s (1990) model of dialectical synthesis. The present results illustrate that the two self-systems may coexist within an individual (Markus & Kitayama, 1991).

5.4 Commitment to Others The results yielded significant interaction of developmental stage and gender for the identity component of commitment to others (CO) F (2, 1092) 5.26, p < 0.05. Figure 5.3 shows almost same beginning point with similar strength for the male and female participants. However, with advancing age, it is women who showed a marked increase in favor of commitment to others. Interestingly, the scores of males remained stable and did not show major variation across the three developmental stages. After middle adulthood a sharp rise in the degree of commitment to others was noted among women. This pattern resonates with the shift in the life tasks (e.g., sharing the burden

Fig. 5.3 Developmental changes in commitment to others among males and females participants

5.5 Uniqueness Across Developmental Stage and Gender

81

of family and social responsibility, professional demands, and emotional closeness to others) in the life world of women. Past research indicates that self is constructed in different ways across genders (Cross & Madison, 1997). Thus, while men develop more independent attributes, women in general develop a relational view of the self (Schwartz & Rubel, 2005). They have noted that gender differences in self-construal were mediated by the tendency to ascribe in-group relevant characteristics to the self. This is consonant with the self-stereotyping hypothesis of self-categorization theory and related findings (see Onorato & Turner, 2004; Turner et al., 1987, 1994). It should be noted that social comparison does play a critical role in between-gender comparisons rather than within-gender comparisons. The self-other relationship refers to one’s perception of self as either a distinct entity or a continuous structure linking self and others. The result of present study showed that with increasing age women tend to perceive the self-more as an inclusive structure in which they construe themselves as extensions of others, and, others as extension of their own selves. For women feeling about one’s self arises from carrying out the tasks closely associated with others. An Indian woman’s self not only emerges from but also lives through a configuration of relationships. It exemplifies pursuing life in the mode of ‘self-in relation.’ The advancing age brings about expansion in the family roles. Thus, realizing a stronger relational self becomes an integral part of the life course. There is considerable evidence of strong self-family connectedness in the case of women than for men.

5.5 Uniqueness Across Developmental Stage and Gender The experience of uniqueness as a component of self-construal yielded a significant interaction of developmental stage and gender, F (2, 1092) 3.83, p < 0.05.Uniqueness as a part of one’s identity structure refers to the perception of self as a distinct entity from other persons. Figure 5.4 shows that gender difference is prominent with respect to uniqueness at the younger age level, and then it persists during adulthood and dips during middle adulthood stage. It may be noted that the contents and sources of self in the younger age group differ considerably for the two genders. The demands and pressures on them during this life stage often include fashion consciousness, desire to impress peers and others, being and presenting physically attractiveness, and the desire to be different from others. Securing and pursuing a separate identity becomes a major preoccupation for them. In particular, body image is becoming an issue of great concern. Indeed, being unique and different becomes a critical issue for a young woman. The sameness seems to be emphasized during adulthood and drops further by middle adulthood stage. For the male participants, the notion of uniqueness was relatively weak during youth and becomes strong during adulthood and diminished during middle adulthood. This tends to indicate that for Indian men an increase in preference for uniqueness during adulthood reflects the diversity and multifaceted nature of life tasks in the contemporary societal context (e.g., becoming a professional, being the primary bread earner, shouldering responsibility of a family)

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Fig. 5.4 Mean scores on uniqueness as a function of the interaction of developmental stage and gender

is at a premium. By middle adulthood both men and women share the need to deemphasize uniqueness and attach greater value to appreciate others in the immediate milieu. These trends indicate different patterns of cultural engagement for males and females across the three developmental stages.

5.6 Harmony Across Developmental Stages and Genders The experience of harmony as a component of self-construal yielded a significant interaction of development stage of gender F (2, 1092), 3.46, p < 0.05 (Fig. 5.5). Harmony, as a component of identity, happens to be a significant common concern for both the genders. Males and females start at the same level but, with advancing age a drop was noted during adulthood. Women showed a marked rise in the scores on harmony, whereas men continued to assume a lower value for harmony. In this context, it may be noted that the life tasks faced by the Indian woman significantly vary across developmental stages. They tend to assume different social roles imbibed in nuanced ways. The roles ranging from those assigned to domesticated woman to a successful professional require greater degree of harmony in comparison with men. Increasing maturity brings in greater degree of social and family responsibility. As a result, the main agenda for life becomes balancing across changing demands in the different life zones, i.e., family, work, personal, and professional. Understanding the life stages either from the Indian perspective (e.g., four Ashrams—‘Brahmacharya’ or the student stage, ‘Grihastha’ or the householder,

5.6 Harmony Across Developmental Stages and Genders

83

Fig. 5.5 Mean scores on harmony as a function of interaction of developmental stage and gender

‘Vanaprastha’ or the hermit, and ‘Sanyasa’ or the wandering ascetic stage) or those prescribed by the Western theorists (e.g., Erikson, Freud, Bronfenbrenner, Piaget, and, Vygotsky) the roles and expectations pertaining to the unfolding life stages are important. Erikson (1968) organized the life span into eight stages of development. He further divided the stages of adulthood into three sub-stages: young adult, middle age, and older adulthood. The results of this study indicate that during the young adult stage the search for relationships is primarily through marriage, peers and friends. Admittedly, in the current scenario, there is a trend of late marriage and the next stage of middle adulthood tends to overlap with professional life. Thus, the domains of relationship, work, and family tend to intersect and either one or more aspects may dominate at one-time point in the life course. By the stage of middle adulthood, the task of transmitting beliefs and values of one’s religion and culture (through the family) and working towards establishing in a stable and enduring environment assures prominence. We observe that self-construal and the feeling of self-worth are strong trends. This involves meeting the needs of significant others, caring and supporting them. At this stage, family and work settings become important for selfconstrual. Much of the active social life is played out during middle adulthood. We continue to build our lives, focusing on building a career and raising a family. This stage is also characterized by active contributions to both family and community. The duties, responsibilities, and obligations undertaken towards the end of young adulthood are carried forward and the attempt to accomplish such goals and tasks becomes

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the main concern. These bring in a sense of commitment and care in relationships. Finally, during old age the common trend is to slow down in productivity and a retired life of withdrawal starts. Reflection of one’s accomplishments and satisfaction allows the development of integrity and wisdom. By the middle adulthood, around 40–65 years of age, careers get established and a certain degree of stability in important relationships is attained. The family life settles down and the individual develops a sense of being a part of larger society. A person’s identity or sense of self is bound to the social categories to which the person belongs and gradually she/he comes to, on the one hand, identify with these the categories, and, on the other, differentiate from other categories. Thus, gender plays a prominent role in identity formation and impacts behaviors in diverse contexts. Socialization allows formation of gender identity with emphasis on adhering to socially shared gender specific roles, responsibilities, and expectations by both the significant others and the self. Indeed, adopting appropriate gender roles and commitment to them are the main normative structures or ideals of any society/culture. With regard to gender, research indicates that the differences between men and women may be explained by the gender specific aspect of self-construal. Thus, men are more likely to develop an independent self and women an interdependent self (Kashima et al., 2004; Markus & Kityama, 1991). Based on the self-categorization theory (SCT), Guimond et al. (2007) have shown as to how self-stereotyping brings about the changes in peoples’ self-construal. Thus, the differences in how men and women construct their specific notions of self-bring in gender differences. Interestingly, communities which have worked towards gender equality illustrate greater gender differences, particularly in the Western cultures (Schwartz & Rubel, 2005). In general the task of maintaining harmony (at the individual and community levels) is located in woman’s domain. This pattern indicates the basic role of women as nurturers. Attributes such as sense of duty, social relationships, obligations, cooperation, and relatedness chiefly belong to a woman’s domain. This also brings in the relational aspect of interdependence into play. Usually, women tend to enhance the welfare of those close to them (Smith & Schwartz, 1997).

5.7 Self-Direction Across Developmental Stage and Gender The interaction of developmental stage and gender was significant for self-direction, F (2, 1092) 3.74, p < 0.05. It was observed that the males displayed greater degree of self-direction at the younger stage, and a similar value during adult and middle adult stages. Whereas, in the case of women the notion of self-direction initially starts at a much lower level and reached to a higher level during adulthood and showed a sharp decline during middle adulthood. The values are much lower than the average scores of 15. This indicates that the notion of self-direction by itself is not strong among the women participants (Fig. 5.6). In a predominantly patriarchal society of India, the dependency of average Indian women is often evident in their lives from childhood onwards. It is reflected in the

5.7 Self-Direction Across Developmental Stage and Gender

85

Fig. 5.6 Mean scores on self-direction as a function of interaction of developmental stage and gender

diverse life tasks she undertakes. Patriarchy is a theoretical construct that helps understand the structure underlying the pattern of subordination, submission, and dependency. It operates at the psychological, cultural, and material levels. It is the man’s privilege to ‘look’ after the woman, meaning that she herself is incapable of doing so, and, hence remains to be dependent on others. In the twenty-first century, the Indian woman is still tied to the traditional roles. Currently, one notes about the changing and expanding roles of women, particularly in the public spheres (e.g., education and work), and its impact makes the gendered life experiences more complex. The Indian woman is now expected to grapple with the professional (public) and traditional familial roles expected from her (Mitra, 2013; Rao, 2005). Gender-based discriminations and exploitations are widespread and the socio-culturally defined personality traits, roles, and, responsibilities consolidate the behavioral patterns. They further accentuate the inequalities and hierarchies in society (Rye, 2005). Gender differences are constructed by societal practices and get legitimized in a patriarchal society (Geetha, 2007). The pattern observed in the present study hints at the power dynamics in the family setting. In contemporary India gender politics prevails where women are not often allowed to display freedom and autonomy at younger ages, yet possibly a change in the status after marriage grants certain degree of self-determination and independence, only to be once again taken away from her. Conformity to the earlier status seems to be the norm.

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5.8 Conclusion The present study showed that various components of identity formation emerged to play an important role across religious groups, developmental stages, and genders. With regard to religion the facets of inclusion of others in self (IOS), commitment to others, and harmony were significant. These three dimensions together form a coherent domain connoting interdependence and relational functions. The scores on these components are above the mean value indicating that participants from all religions tended to endorse interdependence. The Hindu participants showed the higher strength of IOS, followed by Muslims and Sikhs who showed equal strength. The Christian participants had scored the lowest. On commitment to others and harmony the Sikh participants had who scored highest followed by the Hindu, Muslim and Christian participants. Uniqueness was highest among the Hindu participants followed by the Christian participants while the Muslims and Sikhs scored similar values. Finally, differences were noted for self-direction (slightly below the average value of 15) where the Christian participants scored the highest followed by other groups. It may be noted that the components of self-reliance and consistency were shared equally by all the religious groups. In recent years, researchers have progressively begun to view self-construal as multidimensional (Owe & Vignoles, 2012; Vignoles et al, 2016) and self is formed while being in-relation with others in the social environment (Berger & Luckmann, 1989/1966; Bond & Lun, 2013, Moscovici, 1988). The findings also converge towards the notion of self-construal that forms of interdependence and independence are prevalent across different parts of the world. The two factor/dimensional theory of selfhood/construal does not hold good across various cultures of the world. Vignoles et al (2016) report that the seven dimensions of self-construal (used for the present work) are differently emphasized in different parts of the world regions, and they vary with religious heritage of that region/country/nation. The work of Vignoles et al (2016) indicates towards the possibility of prevalence of more significant dimensions of self-construal and future research to explore the interplay of religious beliefs and practices with other contextual and historical influences. Developmental stage emerged as an influential factor in identity formation. The dimensions of consistency, IOS, and commitment to others become stronger with age, while the strength of self-direction diminished with age. With respect to inclusion of others in self and commitment to others, women displayed a higher mean value while self-direction was observed to be low. The interaction effects implicate that developmental stage plays pivotal role in identity formation. In particular, it interacted with religion specifically for the factors of commitment to others, harmony, and self-direction which had significant effects. Finally, we can state that self-construal exists in relation to the eco-system that includes the interplay of material, social, cultural, and religious world. Study of religious traditions from different religions are likely to provide different responses to how the self constructs itself in relation to others. Cross-cultural psychology aims to provide insights into such queries.

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Chapter 6

Religious Beliefs and Practices

This chapter presents results pertaining to religion as a multidimensional construct, with a focus on, religious beliefs and practices. As Table 5.1 shows religion yielded a significant main effect for all the ten components of the measure of religious beliefs and practices. The main effect of the developmental stage was significant for five components, i.e., daily spiritual experiences, values and beliefs, forgiveness, private religious practices, and, religious-spiritual coping, religious support, commitment, organizational religiousness, self-ranking, and, meaning in life. Gender had a significant main effect for the component of commitment to others only. A significant interaction of developmental stages x gender was obtained for the component of organizational religiousness. Interaction of religion, developmental stage, and gender was significant for religious support. Comparisons of the mean scores on various measures yielded the following trends: First, the mean scores are generally on the higher side for all the four religious groups, indicating the salience of religious beliefs and practices irrespective of the faith of the believers. The participants’ yielded above-average scores on each aspect of the measure. However, the factors of daily spiritual experiences, private religious practices, and religious-spiritual coping yielded relatively higher scores. Thus, it is clear that religion with its beliefs, customs, and traditions plays a significant role in the life of all four religious groups. In the twenty-first century even with modernization and emphasis on secularism that often undervalues religion continues to shape the thoughts and behaviors in the daily lives of the people. It may be noted that religion is very much visible and thriving. There is the proliferation of diverse sects, religious activities, and programs in the Indian electronic media and actual life. In fact, the ease and fast travel, and easy access to information have augmented the diverse practices of religion. It is, however, mixed with other interests such as travel, recreation, search for peace, natural beauty, and sheer enjoyment (Kapur & Misra, 2019; Shinde, 2011). Perhaps other needs and drives become alive in a disguised form. Many events have been reported that indicate the dark side of the behaviors. Some religious leaders are found indicating involved with sex, money, power politics, and criminal acts.

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 P. Kapur et al., Psychological Perspectives on Identity, Religion and Well-Being, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2844-4_6

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In one of the characterizations, the word religion has also been treated as ‘leftover debris of human history’ (Madam, 2006, p. 23). It must be added that Indians are able to straddle the demands of both the modern and the traditional. The two aspects inform and maintain each other. Ideally, change and stability (Kapur & Misra, 2003) in modes of living are required to adjust with changing demands of the social context. The equilibrium between the traditional and modern mode of engagement needs to be dealt with in a balanced manner. To a large extent, this spirit is apparent in various degrees in the lives of the people in villages, as well as cities. Second, there is a common pattern present across all the aspects of the measure of religious beliefs and practices among followers of different faiths. The mean scores for all the dimensions indicate an unfailing consistency. The Christian participants scored highest followed by Muslim and Sikhs, and finally, the lowest score was obtained by the Hindu participants. To reiterate, although all groups report high scores on religious belief and practices, some between-group differences were significant. It reaffirms that in reality India’s religious identity is closely tied to specific groups, with a specific set of traditions, beliefs, customs, and practices. The results illustrate that Indians are intrinsically religious, yet each religious group expresses and voices its religious identity in ways that have unique content and forms of expression. Each group emphasizes religious beliefs and practices but their complexion differs (Table 6.1). The preceding observation leads us to the third emergent pattern, that is, the relative status of each religious group. The prevalence of religious diversity in the Indian societal context points towards the variety in the practices of major world religions. That in addition to the four major religious groups studied, the Indian society also has followers in the religions of Buddhism, Jainism, and many others. All these religious communities coexist in India. Yet, we note that in the discourse about religion in the Indian subcontinent, the majority of the believers are often identified and categorized (e.g., socially, religiously, politically, and legally) as Hindus. Consequently, Hindus constitute a majority group in comparison with other religious groups categorized as ‘minority.’ This division of majority vs. minority and the ensuing need to maintain and nurture one’s identity in myriad ways (e.g., social, religious, cultural, legal, and political) in a setting as socially diverse as India has significant repercussions. There are nuanced differences within a religion that are so vast that any enumeration will remain incomplete. Religious faiths have been flourishing and religion seems to provide ample ground for the minority groups to maintain distinct identities and seek succor and comfort which is much needed in life. Interestingly the Christian participants displayed the highest mean scores on all the ten components of the measure of religious beliefs and practices. The Muslim participants also come a close second. It may be noted that these two religions have an exogenous origin and have a single text and consider the genesis in relation to one person. Religious beliefs and practices play a critical role in the Christian and Muslim views of life. The Sikh participants scored third lowest. They also have a minority status. The religious universe of these three communities has implications not only for religious identity but also for the social and psychological domains. The minority groups need a greater degree of social connectivity than the majority group (Hindu). It

0.12

10.37

2.63

6.51

RS

Commitment

OS 0.15

0.04 7.88

3.03

11.52

20.88

27.93

8.58

6.56

29.09

0.17

0.05

0.14

0.23

0.44

0.08

0.07

0.34

SD

8.91

3.29

11.91

21.87

30.72

8.69

6.83

30.14

Mean

Christian (n = 225)

0.19

0.05

0.15

0.25

0.48

0.09

0.07

0.37

SD

7.25

2.88

11.12

19.64

23.39

8.44

6.48

27.76

Mean

Sikh (n = 225)

0.19

0.05

0.15

0.25

0.49

0.09

0.08

0.38

SD

34.19***

34.38***

24.41***

46.77***

84.10***

6.21***

9.89***

45.04***

F (3, 1092)

H